THE‘S‘T ' This is to certify that the dissertation entitled EXPLORING THE WORK OF BLACK WOMEN MIDDLE SCHOOL PRINCIPALS presented by Sabrina Isadora Smith-Campbell has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for Ph.D. . Educational degree in Administration w».— Major professor April 22, 2002 Date MS U is an Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution 0- 12771 LIBRARY Michigan State University PLACE IN RETURN BOX to remove this checkout from your record. TO AVOID FINES return on or before date due. MAY BE RECALLED with earlier due date if requested. DATE DUE DATE DUE DATE DUE 6/01 c:/CIRC/Date0ue.p65op. 15 EXPLORING THE WORK OF BLACK WOMEN MIDDLE SCHOOL PRINCIPALS By Sabrina Isadora Smith-Campbell A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Educational Administration 2002 ABSTRACT EXPLORING THE WORK OF BLACK WOMEN MIDDLE SCHOOL PRINCIPALS By Sabrina Isadora Smith-Campbell Research on educational administrators, though extensive, has failed to include the experiences of Black women principals. These women have historically been underrepresented in educational administration. As a result, their voices are absent from the literature. Hence, researchers need to focus attention on the missing element of black women school leaders. Therefore, this study contributes to the field of research on educational administration. This study was conducted with six Black women middle school principals in urban school settings. The purpose of this study was to investigate how six Black women middle school principals defined and addressed racism, sexism, and class inequality as they worked to create socially just and equitable urban middle schools. Each vignette addressed their individual personal and professional experiences. Three conceptual lenses were employed in this study. I used a critical Black feminist postmodern model to explore and understand the professional and personal experiences of these Black women middle school principals. Literature was reviewed on the three major theories underlying this study: Black feminist theories, leadership theories, and justice theories. Each of these conceptual lenses was critical in comparing and contrasting themes from the literature and the data. I used narrative inquiry to collect data from six Black women middle school principals. Their vignettes were collected through a biographical questionnaire, a series of three interviews with each principal, one observation, a group dialogue, and document analysis of critical life maps and artifacts. The main data-analysis technique used in this study involved developing categories, themes, and patterns to synthesize the data from the interviews, observations, and group dialogues. From this process, four major themes emerged from the study: (a) strength of womanhood, (b) skin color and personal appearance, (c) power, (d) importance of home, and (e) pay it forward. Copyright by SABRINA ISADORA SMITH-CAMPBELL 2002 This dissertation is dedicated to: My past: my late father, Sabom Isadore Smith, and my late grandmother, Hattie Levert Bowden My present: my husband, .lon Maurice Campbell, Sr. My future: my son, Jon Maurice Campbell, Jr. (Jon-Jon) My inspiration: my mother, Mary Bowden Smith ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I wish to acknowledge and extend my gratitude to those who have provided encouragement, guidance, and support during my pursuit of a doctoral degree. My pursuit of a doctorate has been a long journey that I have not taken alone. Therefore, I would like to thank Dr. Maenette Benham, my dissertation director, for her continuous encouragement, support, dedication, and guidance. Her thoroughness, energy, and passion for research allowed me to blossom into a young scholar. I also express my sincerest appreciation to each member of my committee, Dr. Christopher Dunbar, Dr. Gloria Smith, and Dr. Francisco Villarruel, for compelling me to see my potential. As seen through my study of the significance of the Black family, I must thank my blood ties and extended family, especially my aunts Gilliard Bowden Sims and Carrie Cheeseboro, uncle Clarence Washington, cousin Cynthia Bowden, and best friend Shannon Shackelford, who were constant forces in my life as I pursued this goal. My dedication goes to my husband, Jon Maurice Campbell, Sr., and our first-born son, Jon Maurice Campbell, Jr. (Jon-Jon), who are my heart and soul. As a strong man who encouraged my educational pursuit and has taken a leadership role with our son, I thank you. Although Jon-Jon was born near the end of this journey, he gave me the most valuable piece of this voyage, the last push to complete this study so that I could devote every available minute just to nurturing him. I want to extend a special appreciation to my two sisters in my doctoral cohort, Dr. Thidziambi Phendla and Dr. Renee Sanders-Lawson, who are persevering in the struggle and have served as my mentors. I also would like to thank Dr. Jessie Muldrew vi for her constant encouragement and spiritual support. I am indebted to these women who went before me and provided me with examples of excellence, never forgetting to look back and pull me along. I wish to acknowledge Sue Cooley Miller, my editor, for working a miracle on this manuscript and encouraging me throughout the writing process. I have learned a lot from her suggestions and have developed better writing skills as a result. The person I would like to thank the most is my inspiration, my mother, Mary Bowden Smith, for instilling in me the value of an education. Her belief in education and her support of me serve as a constant inspiration. I thank my mother for believing in me and motivating me every step of the way. She helped to care for her first grandson, Jon- Jon, so that I could pursue my work. Her commitment, dedication, and unconditional love made this achievement possible; without her, it would not have been viable. Therefore, I dedicate this doctoral degree to her. Finally, I want to express my deepest gratitude to the phenomenal women who allowed me to serve as their voices as they “danced to a different beat.” Because they shared openly through smiles and tears and entrusted me to tell their stories, this study was made a reality. vii TABLE OF CONTENTS Page LIST OF TABLES ..................................................... xii LIST OF FIGURES .................................................... xiii Chapter I. INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY ............................ 1 Statement of the Problem ...................................... 1 Need for the Study ........................................... 2 Purpose of the Study ......................................... 3 Research Questions .......................................... 3 Importance of the Study ....................................... 4 Assumptions ................................................ 6 Analytical Lenses ............................................ 6 Overview .................................................. 9 II. REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE ........................ 11 Introduction ............................................... l 1 Black Feminist Theory ....................................... l l The Triple Jeopardy of Race, Gender, and Class ................ l3 Oppression ............................................. 15 Silenced Voices .......................................... 16 Summary ............................................... 18 Leadership Theories ......................................... 19 The Journey of the Middle School ........................... 19 Middle School Leadership—The Principal ..................... 21 Urban Schools and Leadership .............................. 23 Black Women in School Leadership ......................... 26 Justice Theories ............................................ 31 The Myth of Social Justice for Blacks ........................ 31 The Meaning of Social Justice for Blacks ..................... 32 Social Justice Defined by Black Women ...................... 38 Summary ................................................. 40 III. DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY ............................. 4] Methodology: The Narrative ................................. 41 Oral-Presentation Method: Vignettes ........................ 45 viii IV. The Study Sample .......................................... 47 Data-Collection Methods ..................................... 49 Interviews .............................................. 49 Observations ............................................ 50 Group Dialogue .......................................... 52 Critical Life Maps ........................................ 53 Artifacts and Documents .................................. 54 Data-Analysis Techniques .................................... 55 Ethical Concerns ........................................... 58 FINDINGS: DANCING TO A DIFFERENT BEAT ............... 60 Introduction ............................................... 60 The Birth of a Metaphor ..................................... 61 The Meaning of Dancing ..................................... 63 Introduction to the Principals .................................. 66 Ballet .................................................. 66 Square Dance ........................................... 68 Jazz Tap ............................................... 69 Modern ................................................ 72 Waltz .................................................. 74 Religious ............................................... 75 Summary ............................................... 77 Vignette One: Ballet ........................................ 79 Growing-Up Years ....................................... 79 Leadership .............................................. 83 Her Inspiration .......................................... 88 Defining Leadership, Power, and Social Justice ................. 90 Her Philosophy .......................................... 99 Vignette Two: Square Dance ................................ 104 Growing-Up Years ...................................... 104 Leadership ............................................. 109 Her Inspiration ......................................... l 1 1 Defining Leadership, Power, and Social Justice ................ 112 Her Philosophy ......................................... 1 17 Vignette Three: Jazz Tap ................................... 119 Growing-Up Years ...................................... 120 Leadership ............................................. 125 Her Inspiration ......................................... 130 Defining Leadership, Power, and Social Justice ................ 131 Her Philosophy ......................................... 137 Vignette Four: Modern ..................................... 140 Growing-Up Years ...................................... I40 Leadership ............................................. 145 Her Inspiration ......................................... 149 Defining Leadership, Power, and Social Justice ................ 150 Her Philosophy ......................................... 158 Vignette Five: Waltz ....................................... 161 Growing-Up Years ...................................... 161 Leadership ............................................. 166 Her Inspiration ......................................... 169 Defining Leadership, Power, and Social Justice ................ 172 Her Philosophy ......................................... 177 Vignette Six: Religious ..................................... 180 Growing-Up Years ............. . ......................... 180 Leadership ............................................. 185 Her Inspiration ......................................... 191 Defining Leadership, Power, and Social Justice ................ 192 Her Philosophy ......................................... 199 V. THEMATIC ANALYSIS, CONCLUSIONS, IMPLICATIONS, AND REFLECTIONS ...................................... 205 Introduction .............................................. 205 The Wisdom-of-Practice Model .............................. 206 Thematic Analysis ......................................... 209 Theme 1: Strength of Womanhood ......................... 209 Theme 2: Skin Color and Personal Appearance ............... 219 Theme 3: Power ........................................ 225 Theme 4: The Importance of Home ......................... 239 Theme 5: Pay It Forward ................................. 244 Summary of Thematic Analysis ............................ 250 So What Does It Mean to Lead for Social Justice? The Wisdom- of-Practice Model ....................................... 251 The Dancers (The Six Black Women Middle School Principals) . . 251 The Dance Floor (The Urban Middle School) ................. 254 The Choreography (How the Work for Social Justice Is Carried Out at the Middle School) ............................. 255 The Audience (The Most Important Component—the Children) . . . 257 Implications .............................................. 257 Preparation of School Leaders ............................. 258 Further Research on Urban K-12 Institutions .................. 258 Encore: Reflections ........................................ 259 APPENDICES A. APPROVAL LETTER FROM THE UNIVERSITY COMMITTEE ON RESEARCH INVOLVING HUMAN SUBJECTS, LETTERS OF INTRODUCTION, AND CONSENT LETTERS .............. 262 B. INTERVIEW PROTOCOLS AND GROUP DIALOGUE QUESTIONS ............................................. 269 C. EXAMPLE OF A CRITICAL LIFE MAP AND A SCHOOL ENVIRONMENTAL MAP .................................. 283 D. MATRIX: GUIDING QUESTIONS FOR STUDY WITH RELATED ANALYTICAL LENSES, DATA SOURCES, AND METHODS .......................................... 286 REFERENCES ....................................................... 308 xi LIST OF TABLES Table Page 1. Profiles ofthe Black Women Middle School Principals ................... 78 xii Figure 1. LIST OF FIGURES The Wisdom-of-Practice Model .................................... 208 xiii CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY Statement of the Problem After decades of civil rights legislation and women’s movement activities, there are fewer women and minority school administrators in schools across the United States than there were 35 years ago (Coursen, 1989). The relative scarcity of women and Blacks in educational administration is evident. According to the US. Department of Education, Office of Educational Research and Improvement (1992), two basic issues emerge when examining women and minorities as educational administrators. As stated in the US. Department of Education report, “First, both groups tend to be underrepresented and lack access to administrative positions; and second, the training they traditionally receive fails to acknowledge that they bring with them a set of unique experiences” (p. 165). Because of the low percentage of Black women in educational administration, little has been written about these women in the principalship. Allen (1995) acknowledged this in stating, “Because they have been so few in number, there is precious little research about African American women in educational administration” (p. 409). In other words, traditional educational researchers have not addressed the influences of race/ethnicity, gender, and class inequality on Black women principals. Therefore, it is important to hear the voices of Black women administrators in order to understand leadership from their different perspectives. Need for the Study Although women’s representation in educational administration, especially the principalship, has improved over the past 20 years, Black women’s representation has increased only slightly (Coursen, Mazzarella, Jeffress, & Hadderman, 1989). Because so few Black women have held these positions, little research exists on Black women in the middle school principalship; thus, their voices and experiences are not reflected in the mainstream literature in general, and in leadership literature in particular. The literature is “strangely silent” on Blacks in educational administration (Coursen et al., 1989). Dillard (1995) noted that the “experiences of African Americans and other people of color have been conspicuously absent in the literature surrounding teaching and the principalship” (p. 539). The dearth of research on Black principals weakens the body of research in educational administration because it thus fails to acknowledge the significance of gender and race in educational leadership. Dillard (1995) argued that “mainstream literature surrounding secondary school leadership has historically grounded the school principal’s work in ‘scientific’ theories of motivation and management . . . , with little emphasis on sociocultural or feminist theories of leadership” (p. 541). The absence of literature on Black women administrators confirms that these women’s voices are not being heard. Black women principals’ experiences and views need to be addressed in educational research because their experiences can contribute significantly to educational leadership. Banks (1995) explained the significance of including Black women leaders in research. She wrote, “Despite the growing number of research on and conducted by women and people of color in educational leadership, women and people of color are adding an exciting element to the study of leadership” (p. 66). According to Banks, these women make a great contribution to educational leadership because their work raises new questions . . . , challenges traditional leadership theory . . . , redefines old concepts and presents new language to describe leadership . . . , and is helping to create a new vision of leadership. . . . However, there continues to be a dearth of research on both groups. Of the research that is available, there is considerably more on women than on people of color. (p. 66) Purpose of the Study My purpose in this study was to investigate how six Black women middle school principals defined and addressed racism, sexism, and class inequality as they worked to create socially just and equitable urban middle schools. I used a critical Black feminist postmodern model to explore and understand the professional and personal experiences of these Black women middle school principals. In particular, the principals shared their professional and personal lives at the intersection of organizational differences, personal culture and history, and principalship and leadership expectations as they worked to create socially just and equitable learning environments for children. Research Questions To guide the collection of data with which to accomplish the study purpose, I posed the following overarching research question: What is the nature of school leadership for social justice as practiced by six Black women middle school principals? From this overarching question, I formulated the following subsidiary research questions: 1. How do these Black women middle school principals mediate the professional and personal tensions to create socially just schools? 2. How does each Black woman middle school principal define leadership for social justice? How has each woman practiced social justice in her urban middle school setting? 3. What implications do the study. findings have for the preparation of K- 12 school leaders? What are the implications of this study for future research on urban K-12 institutions? Importance of the Study This study is important because it gives Black women middle school principals an opportunity to be heard. Benham and Cooper (1998) acknowledged the importance of providing the voiceless an opportunity to be heard-that is, “to present often unheard stories of the lives and contributions of diverse women school leaders, in both formal and informal positions of leadership, in an effort to begin to explore the voices that have too long been silent” (p. 3). Therefore, it is imperative to hear the voices of Black women school leaders in an effort to reexamine leadership from the perspectives of these women. In addition, these Black women’s experiences with racism, sexism, and class inequality in their efforts to create a socially just environment for urban school children will contribute to the literature on educational administration. A number of researchers have acknowledged the dearth of information on Black women middle school principals. According to Coursen et a1. (1989), “Since the late seventies, it has been more and more difficult to find even the most basic data or information on blacks in educational administration” (p. 99). The literature, they contended, is “strangely silent” on this population. Moreover, despite the growing numbers of Black women in school leadership positions, their voices have been virtually absent from the literature on school leadership (Benham, 1997; Benham & Cooper, 1998; Casey, 1993; Henry, 1993). Another reason for conducting research on these women is that the findings will increase the understanding of Black women principals and add to the body of literature on leadership. Little educational administration literature has specifically addressed Black women principals. Rather, some writers continue to view all minority principals and all women principals as one group. It is important for researchers to focus on the Black woman principal separately because these women have unique informal and formal experiences. Similarly, Foster (1990) found that “studies of teacher thinking do not consider the influence of the racial identity of teachers on their belief systems and teaching practice” (p. 123). Further, the distinct experiences of this cohort of women might inspire other Black women to conduct or participate in similar research. I hope this study will stir other Black women to carry out similar research because few Black women have considered a similar topic where race, gender, and class are central to the research. In addition, this research might encourage Black women administrators to participate in other scholarly studies. In fact, the participants in Benham and Cooper’s (1998) study experienced personal grth as a result of participating in that research. Benham and Cooper wrote, “Many participants commented that, as a result of these interviews, they have grown as school leaders, becoming more confident in their thinking and actions” (p. 13). Assumptions This research was predicated on four assumptions. The first assumption was that the six Black women school leaders in this study were attempting to create socially just and equitable schools. Second, although I assumed that these women were attempting to create socially just and equitable schools, I did not assume that they had accomplished that goal. The third assumption was that these women were influenced by organizational differences, personal culture and history, and leadership expectations in working to create social change. Finally, I assumed that these Black women were attempting to uplift the life chances of Black children as they interacted with parents, teachers, and community members. Analytical Lenses As a Black woman who taught middle school for seven years, I had an opportunity to work with both a Black male principal and a Black female principal. Those experiences enabled me to recognize the vast differences in these principals’ leadership styles when interacting with their school communities and their aspirations for their schools. I noticed meaningful differences in how this woman principal approached leadership. Although her superiors constantly pressured her to make do with insufficient staff, funds, and support, she continued to find ways to fight the system. This woman had a desire for her students to be the best, and nothing could deter her quest to make that possible. She found ways to raise money to get technology in her school so that her low- income students would have the same opportunities and experiences as middle- and upper-middle-class students in other school districts. Through both observations and readings, I was influenced to use Black feminist theory, middle school leadership theories, and justice theories as the conceptual framework for this study. It was through these analytical lenses that I compared and contrasted themes from the literature. With regard to the first lens, Black feminist theory as it pertains to schools and leadership, three major themes were apparent in the literature. One of the themes is that Black feminists are in triple jeopardy. King (1988) explained that race, class, and gender have an effect on the status of Black women. She also argued that “each discrimination has a single, direct, and independent effect on status, wherein the relative contribution of each is readily apparent” (p. 297). Similarly, Omolade (1987) believed that “Black Womanist narratives are grounded in personal histories of racism, classism, and sexism, as well as experiences of marginality and alienation” (p. 43). Another theme that surfaced in the literature was the oppression that only Black women have endured. hooks (1981) argued that “no other group in America has so had their identity socialized out of existence as have black women” ( p. 20). The third prevalent theme in Black feminist literature is that Black women’s voices have been and are being silenced. Collins (1990) cautioned, “Silence is not to be interpreted as submission in this tradition of a self-defined black women’s consciousness” (p. 92). She elaborated on the issue of silence by stressing that “the overarching theme of finding a voice to express a self-defined black women’s standpoint remains a core theme in Black Feminist thought” (p. 94). Hence, Black feminist theory was helpful in understanding the Black women school leaders in this study. The next analytical lens was educational leadership theories pertaining to the middle school level, urban schools, and Black women in school leadership. Two themes are prevalent in the literature on middle school leadership. First, middle school principals seem to have a vision for their students, their school, and the community. George and Alexander (1993) noted, “Effective middle school leaders are able to translate their understanding of the commitment to the development of early adolescents into a vision of the school which grows out of an understanding of the needs of those students” (p. 500). The second theme in the writings on middle school leadership is the need for a collaborative decision-making process. McKay (1995) supported the idea that the foundation of middle-level leadership should be a shared role. Three themes emerged from the literature on Black women in school leadership. The first was that Black women’s leadership in urban school settings is transformative. As Dillard (1995) noted, “Effective leadership is transformative political work. School principals always work on behalf of particular values, projects, and peoples, those choices arising from their personal subjective understanding of the world and the work” (p. 560). Second, Black women administrators believe in empowering students and staff through collaboration. Hudson (1995) explained, “Women value the contribution which others connected with the organization have to make. They do not view soliciting assistance as a sign of weakness” 0). 108). The third theme evident in the literature was Black principals’ ability to care for their students through “mothering” and “nurturing.” Lomotey (1989) wrote, “I have also identified three qualities shared by some African American principals in predominantly African American schools. They are commitment to the education of all students; confidence in the ability of all students to do well; and compassion for, and understanding of, all students and the communities in which they live” (p. 430). Thus, educational leadership theory was important in understanding how the subjects brought about justice in their school settings. The third analytical lens that was used in this study was justice theories, which includes social, organizational, and environmental justice. Social justice can be defined in terms of class, gender, and education. For instance, Blacks face the predicament of how to uplift the Black community, given the diversity of economic classes. According to Lawson (1999), “The idea that middle-class blacks are obligated to help those less well off is not new” (p. 91). On the topic of social justice as defined by gender, Collins (1998) explained that Black women still face inequities because of their race, class, and gender. She stated that some Black women continue to struggle for justice, whereas “other Black women remain disproportionately glued to the bottom of the bag” (p. 13). The theme of social justice as defined by education was also apparent in the literature. Blacks are struggling with organizational justice in an effort to get an equal education. Rawls (1971) explained that “justice might require the maintenance of certain patterns in the distribution of basic goods (e. g., a minimum level income, education, and health), while allowing the market to determine distributions of goods beyond those which satisfy fundamental needs” (p. 241). Overview Chapter I contained a statement of the problem of concern in this study, the need for the study, the purpose of the research, and the research questions. The importance of the study was discussed, the assumptions were set forth, and the analytical lenses used in the study were explained. Chapter II is a review of literature on topics relevant to this study. The literature on the three major theories underlying this study—Black feminist theory, leadership theories, and justice theories—is discussed in this chapter. The research design and methodology are explained in Chapter III. The study sample is described, data-collection methods are delineated, and data-analysis techniques are discussed. Delimitations of the study are set forth, and issues of validity, reliability, objectivity, and generalizability are discussed. The study findings are presented in Chapter IV. First I describe each Black woman middle school principal in terms of the dance metaphor that I chose to depict her. The remainder of the chapter is devoted to the six principals’ vignettes, describing their views on their growing-up years; leadership; their inspiration; defining leadership, power, and justice; and their philosophies. Chapter V contains a thematic analysis of the vignettes, a summary of the Wisdom-of-Practice model, implications, and the researcher’s reflections. CHAPTER 11 REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE Introduction This chapter contains a review of literature pertinent to this study, in which my purpose was to investigate how six Black women middle school principals defined and addressed racism, sexism, and class inequality as they worked to create socially just and equitable urban middle schools. I used a critical Black feminist postmodern model to explore and understand the professional and personal experiences of these Black women middle school principals. The literature on the three major theories underlying this study—Black feminist theory, leadership theories, and justice theories—is discussed in this chapter. First, Black feminist theory is examined in light of the themes of triple jeopardy, oppression, and silenced voices. Next, leadership theories are explored, especially as they pertain to the journey of the middle school, middle school leadership, urban schools and leadership, and Black women in school leadership. In the third section, justice theories, I examine the myths of social justice for Blacks, as well as the meaning of social justice for Blacks as it is defined by class, gender, and education. This review of literature is designed to lay the foundation for understanding the study findings. Black Feminist Theory Black feminists have been scrutinizing feminist theory since the mid-nineteenth century because American feminists have focused exclusively on White women (Davis, 11 1981; Giddings, 1984; Guy-Sheftall, 1995; hooks, 1981; King, 1988). Black women were essentially excluded from the women’s movement. hooks acknowledged that, during the women’s movement, White women failed to acknowledge that Black women were, in fact, more victimized than Whites by the oppression of race, gender, and social class. She criticized the women’s movement by stating, “Although the women’s movement motivated hundreds of women to write on the woman question, it failed to generate in-depth critical analysis of the black female experience” (p. 12). Further, hooks argued that, although White women viewed themselves as victims, they failed to acknowledge the severity of victimization that befell women of color. She contended, “The first white women’s rights advocates were never seeking social equality for all women; they were seeking social equality for white women” (p. 124). White women refused to support the cause of all women because it would divert attention from themselves. Not only did Black feminists realize they were ignored, but they did not have much in common with White feminists. Beale (1975) noted, “The white women’s movement is far from being monolithic. Any white group that does not have an anti- imperialist and antiracist ideology has absolutely nothing in common with the black woman’s struggle” (p. 2). Within the literature on Black feminist theory, three themes were apparent: (a) the triple jeopardy of race, gender, and class; (b) oppression; and (c) silenced voices. Literature on these themes is discussed in the following paragraphs. 12 The Triple Jeopardy of Race, Gender, and Class Because they were excluded from the women’s movement and American feminism, Black feminists for the most part resisted mainstream feminists’ ideas. Nevertheless, Black feminists have acknowledged that race, gender, and class inequality are significantly related to their plight. For instance, King (1988) contended that race, gender, and class have independent effects on the status of Black women. In her eyes, the effects of these types of discrimination are not equivalent. Instead, she argued, “Each discrimination has a single, direct, and independent effect on status, wherein the relative contribution of each is readily apparent” (p. 297). As a result, Black women have found themselves “marginal to both the movements for women’s liberation and black liberation irrespective of our victimization under the dual discrimination of racism and sexism” (p. 299). That marginalization is evident in the commonalities that Black women are supposed to share with White women and Black men. For instance, Black women are supposed to share a commonality with White women because of their gender. Furthermore, Black women are supposed to identify with Black men because they both have in common the race and class issues. Hence, Black women have been asked to decide what cause they are fighting for or what interests they are advancing. Collins (1991) argued that Black women need to address race, gender, and class issues during their struggle for equality. She believed that suppression by White women and by men is a way of “maintaining the invisibility of Black women and our ideas [and] is critical in structuring patterned relations of race, gender, and class inequality that pervade the entire social structure” (p. 5). Furthermore, this Black theorist explained that, despite Black women’s experiences of oppression, each woman’s experiences may 13 vary. Such factors as ethnicity, region of the country, urbanization, and age combine to produce a web of experiences shaping diversity among Black women. Lorde (1984) illuminated how race, gender, and class separate Black women from White women, but said that Black women refuse to recognize those differences. As a result, she claimed that “we do not develop tools for using human differences as a springboard for creative change within our lives. We speak not of human difference, but of human deviance” (p. 285). Therefore, intolerance of race, gender, and class differences by both White and Black women alike has forced White women to make it difficult to acknowledge differences of race and class. In like manner, Grant (1989) identified Black women as “perhaps the most oppressed of all the oppressed” because of race, gender, and class. Even in religion, Black women are seen as oppressed and invisible. Black women are restricted from the male-dominated culture of religion. Unfortunately, Black men have believed it appropriate to speak for the entire Black community of both women and men. hooks (1989), Collins (1991), and Lorde (1984) believed that race, gender, and class are major types of discrimination and oppression endured by Black women. These Black feminists encouraged more critical thought about feminism, which would suggest the initiation of more research. The issues of race and class historically have been ignored in educational research; too often, gender has been the sole factor of concern. 14 O ression Another theme in Black feminist theory is that only Black women have critical insights into the oppression they have endured. Collins (1991) concurred; they wrote, “It is more likely for black women as members of an oppressed group to have critical insights into the condition of our own oppression than it is for those who live outside those structures” (p. 33). This Black feminist argued that the experiences of Black women provide them with a unique perspective on Black womanhood that is unavailable to other groups. It is impossible for those who are not Black women to understand race, gender, and class oppression. Collins asserted that “only African-American women occupy this center and can ‘feel the iron’ that enters Black women’s souls, because we are the only group that has experienced race, gender, and class oppression as Black women experience them” (p. 34). White feminists have attempted to group all Black women with multicultural feminists. However, this is untenable because Black women’s experiences of racism, sexism, and classsism can be understood only by other Black women. Jackson (1993) recognized that “not all women [who] share a similar position have similar experiences or similar political priorities” (p. 6). She supported her claim in addressing why the category “women” has been called into question. In her opinion, this label is an attempt to conceal the differences among women. For example, analyses of the subordination of women have been undertaken from the perspective of White middle-class women. hooks (1981) argued that Black women share a commonality. In her analysis, she explained, “No other group in America has so had their identity socialized out of existence as have black women. We are rarely recognized as a group separate and 15 distinct from black men, or as a present part of the larger group ‘women’ in this culture” (p. 7). Silenced Voices The theme of silenced voices is prevalent in the work of Black feminists. The lack of voice and exclusion of the Black woman are essential components of Black feminist theory. Sojourner Truth, one of the first Black feminists, strove for her voice to be heard. During the nineteenth century, she was one of the Black women most responsible for voicing critical issues of Black women’s gender and racial identities. White women in particular objected to Truth speaking publicly because they believed their cause would be damaged, but she continued to use her voice. Black women are still having difficulties with a lack of voice. For instance, Christian (1985) wrote that, for Black women, fully using their voice is a continuous struggle. Christian argued, “To be able to use the range of one’s voice, to attempt to express the totality of self, is a recurring struggle in the tradition of writers” (p. 172). Similarly, Lorde (1984) claimed that Black feminist thought reflects an effort to find a voice. On the basis of her observations and personal experience she wrote, “Within this country where racial difference creates a constant, if unspoken, distortion of decision, Black women have on the one hand been rendered invisible through the depersonalization of racism” (p. 42). Black feminists have acknowledged the struggle to have a voice and have attempted to find ways for Black women to have a voice. For example, despite Whites’ attempts to silence her, hooks (1989) found her voice through writing. However, she 16 questioned society’s persistence in wanting Black women to keep one voice instead of showing their versatility by speaking with many voices. hooks’s struggle for her voice involved a constant battle at the university level, where professors did not want Black students to have multiple voices. She explained, “It seemed that many black students found our situations problematic precisely because our sense of self, and by definition our voice, was not unilateral, monolinguist, or static but rather multi-dimensional” (p. 12). Black women not only want to have a voice, they want to have a voice of color. Included in Black feminist theory is this theme of a voice of color. hooks (1989) maintained that there are “women within oppressed groups who have contained so many feelings—despair, rage, anguish—who do not speak” (p. 32). As poet Lorde (1984) wrote, “For fear our words will not be heard nor welcome” (p. 12), coming to voice is an act of resistance. Speaking becomes “both a way to engage in active self-transformation and a rite of passage through which one moves from being object to being subject. As objects, we remain voiceless-our beings defined and interpreted by others” (p. 12). Excluding Black women from feminist theory has been considered a way of silencing them. Carby (1993) challenged the silencing of Black women due to racism by arguing that “most contemporary feminist theory does not begin to adequately account for the experience of black women. We . . . have to acknowledge that it is not a simple question of their absence; consequently, the task is not one of rendering their visibility” (p. 25). Carby asserted that Black women who were silenced felt excluded from White feminist theory. In fact, the women’s movement alienated Black women by not recognizing their lives and experiences. She said that, through Black feminist writings, l7 women were able to theorize about the interconnection among race, gender, and class in their lives. Cardy suggested that, by expressing these oppressions, Black women have been able to voice how they have been excluded. This writer stressed that Black feminists are still trying to get their White counterparts to realize that the present existence of racism is partly their fault because they stand in a power relation as oppressors of Black women. Having voice in their lives is significant to Black women’s self-affirmation. Lorde (1984) acknowledged that “the transformation of silence into language and action is an act of self-revelation, and that always seems fraught with danger” (p. 42). Collins (1991) offered a suggestion for how Black women can gain their voice. She said, “Persistence is a fundamental requirement of this journey from silence to language to action” (p. l 12). Sumac: Black feminists have laid the groundwork for fundamental research by acknowledging the themes of triple jeopardy, oppression, and silenced voices of Black women. Now educational researchers must begin to focus on these elements as they study Black women school leaders. Historically, educational researchers have not addressed how Black women school leaders define and address the elements of race, gender, and class as they create socially just environments. For that reason, in this study I explored these themes as I examined Black women middle school principals’ personal and professional lives as they attempted to create socially just and equitable environments for urban children. 18 Leadership Theories This section on leadership theories is organized in four parts: (a) the journey of the middle school, (b) middle school leadership—the principal, (c) urban schools and leadership, and ((1) Black women in school leadership. The first part begins by taking the reader on a journey through how middle schools emerged. It is important to explore this journey in order to understand the philosophy of middle schools and their purpose today. Next, middle school leadership is discussed in an effort to explain the characteristics of middle school principals. A general overview is given of their vision and collaborative leadership in decision making. In the section on urban school leadership, I explain what these schools are confronted with and discuss the problems urban schools continue to face. Some of these problems are poor academic achievement, discipline, and principals’ lack of power. Also considered are characteristics of effective urban schools. The final part of this section, on Black women in school leadership, focuses on three themes that emerged from the literature on this topic: Black women’s transformative. participatory, and caring leadership styles. In the summary of the section on Black women in school leadership, I describe what is missing from the literature on this topic and how the present study will make a valuable contribution to educational research. The Journey of the Middle School According to Romano and Georgiady (1994), the middle school emerged as a result of the “growing realization that the changing nature of life made it necessary to reconsider the scope of the educational ladder” (p. 3). Educators found that, instead of having eight years of elementary school and four years of high school, it would be better 19 to have six years devoted to the elementary level and six years to the secondary level. The six years of secondary education were then divided into three years at the senior high school and three years at the junior high school. Thus, the junior high school was born. Romano and Georgiady stated that, originally, “the junior high school was intended to provide the educational needs of 12-15-year-old students in grades 7, 8, and 9 or the first three years of the secondary school” (p. 3). However, they explained that, following World War 11, there was a rapid increase in the number of students in American schools that was accompanied by a gradual abandonment of the original goals and characteristics of the junior high school. Romano and Georgiady contended that “junior high schools adopted many characteristics of the senior high school that were not appropriate for the early adolescents. Dissatisfaction with these conditions increased, and the early 19608 saw the emergence of a new educational program for the early adolescent, namely, the middle school” (p. 3). According to their research, several factors motivated the movement toward middle schools. First, many school districts throughout the United States faced the problem of declining student enrollments. With fewer students, there was much empty or unused classroom space. On the other hand, some school districts were experiencing rapid grth in student populations and needed classroom space. Another reason for changing to the middle school was the problems schools faced with desegregation. Some school districts turned to the middle school as a means of providing racially mixed populations in schools. Also, there was the problem of what to do with obsolete buildings that were no longer needed when new high school facilities were built. Moreover, middle schools were considered to be in the forefront of 20 educational change, causing a “bandwagon effect.” Some communities even changed the names of their existing junior high schools to middle schools as a way to make the public think they were being innovative. In addition, schools had problems meeting the needs of preadolescent and early adolescent children. The middle school provided a means for developing a program that met the needs of this unique group of students. In summary, many factors prompted the movement toward a middle school program. Middle School LeadershitThe Principal Middle school leadership is a complex, difficult, and life-consuming professional challenge. Many practitioners have described it as a “splendid agony” (George & Alexander, 1992, p. 133). One of the characteristics of middle school leaders is their vision. In George’s (1989) study of the long-term survival of high-quality middle school programs, he found that one of the two most important factors in that longevity was a heightened sense of mission and the resulting clarity of vision about the nature of the school. George and Alexander were convinced that “effective middle school leaders are able to translate their commitment to the development of young adolescents into a vision of the school that is authentically rooted in the needs of those students” (p. 114). Similarly, after studying effective middle schools, Lipsitz (1984) concluded that the leaders of those schools had a driving vision that helped everything make sense. Lipsitz neted, “The leaders of these schools are ideologues. They have a vision of what school should be for the age group” (p. 174). Like Lipsitz, McKay (1995) argued that a compelling vision is the key factor of leadership. He stated, “A leader with a vision has the capacity to create and 21 communicate a view of the desired state of affairs” (p. 35). The middle school principal must be able to facilitate the development and communication of the school’s vision. McKay compared a vision to an idea, stating, “A vision is like an idea: It needs nurturing or it will die. It needs constant attention and must be communicated throughout the school and community” (p. 35). McKay explained how important it is to communicate the school vision through a vision statement. According to Tregoe, Zimmerman, Smith, and Tobia (1989), a clear vision statement establishes a sense of control over the school’s destiny and guides decision making. These authors believed that a clear vision will “develop a common purpose and a sense of teamwork. The vision provides the common bond that holds people together and sets the tone for collaboration and team building” (p. 36). George and Alexander (1992) believed that “the most effective school leaders in today’s schools are able to make recognizable progress toward the realization of their vision in organization and operation of the school—through the staff they select, the programs they encourage, and the scheduling they facilitate” (p. 116). These authors indicated that “many school leaders have stated that if teams are to work well in school, a principal has to be comfortable with consensus decision making” (p. 123). Moreover, the middle school principal must have the flexibility to allow decision making to be done outside the office and must be able to engage in decision making with the staff. In addition, McKay (1995) believed the foundation of middle-level leadership should be a shared role. He noted that “the middle-level school needs more leadership, not less. Along with middle-level school planning is the expectation that the leaders will lead other leaders” (p. 32). 22 Urban Schools and Leadership Urban schools are in a state of deterioration (Lomotey, in press; National Commission on Excellence in Education, 1983) and have been considered the weak link in America’s educational system. Urban schools have been under scrutiny with respect to students’ academic achievement, discipline, curriculum, teacher quality, and leadership. Student achievement has been a critical problem in urban schools. Lomotey and Swanson (1989) reported, “In a recent National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) survey, 17-year-old urban students scored 22 points below the national average. Concurrently, the urban school dropout rate is approaching 50 percent” (p. 439). They also said that the average academic achievement of urban children is well below suburban and rural norms. Lomotey and Swanson pointed out that many urban schools lack purpose and coherence and often do not have a sense of community. As a result, many students are “unable to establish meaningful relationships with teachers and are often left on their own to succeed or fail” (p. 440). The authors substantiated this claim by saying that “many teachers do not believe that inner-city youth can perform adequately. Attitudes and comments of these teachers frequently cause discomfort, fear, and confusion among the students” (p. 440). Lomotey and Swanson believed these factors contribute to the low level of academic achievement in urban schools. In contrast, Corcoran et al. (1988) found in their study that many urban teachers wanted better relations with their students. The teachers claimed that their efforts were 23 hampered by disciplinary problems, large class sizes, lack of time for individual interactions, busing policies, and lack of student participation in extracurricular activities. Curriculum and staff in urban schools also have come under scrutiny. Despite the diverse curricula in these schools, the lack of proper guidance has been found to hinder achievement. Lomotey and Swanson (1989) maintained that diversity in curricula in urban schools gave the appearance of providing enriched academic experiences that were not available in other schools, but in actuality these urban schools were not providing a quality curriculum. As a result, some urban schools have deliberately limited their curricula by focusing on the basic skills of reading, writing, and mathematics. Besides curriculum being a problem in urban schools, the Council of the Great City Schools (1987) identified staffing problems of urban schools. The Council reported that “the shortage of teachers is 2‘/2 times as great in urban districts as it is in other districts” (p. 445). According to this report, the shortage of Black and Hispanic teachers is particularly acute. Thus, the multicultural urban school population has an inadequate number of role models with racial and ethnic backgrounds similar to their own. According to Lomotey and Swanson (1989), even the leadership in urban schools is in turmoil, “partly due to the fact that principals have little control over the curriculum, the hiring of staff, and fiscal matters” (p. 442). One problem is that “most critical decisions are made at the district level, with limited input from the schools. The structure is highly bureaucratic, contributing to many of the problems that arise in these schools” (p. 442). This sense of lack of control over school matters also is experienced by the teachers, parents, and community. The Carnegie Foundation (1988) observed, “Teachers 24 in urban schools . . . have little control over their work. They are three times as likely as their counterparts in non-urban school districts to feel uninvolved in setting goals or selecting books and materials. They are twice as apt to feel they have no control over how classroom time is used or course content selected” (p. 6). In addition, parents and community members often view the neighborhood school as an “alien institution, placed there by an external power and having little to do with the neighborhood itself” (Lomotey & Swanson, 1998, p. 442). Despite the deficits found in urban schools, these institutions can be effective under the leadership of a strong principal. Lomotey and Swanson (1989) acknowledged that “effective urban schools operate within the same bureaucratic structure as do other urban schools; nevertheless, the principals and teachers, through creative insubordination, have been able to achieve meaningful changes and meet the specific needs of their students” (p. 443). According to these researchers, “Effective urban schools are characterized by strong leadership, manifested primarily by principals who have assumed control whether or not they have been granted formal authority” (p. 443). They also observed, Principals of effective urban schools are confident in the ability of their children to learn, are committed to seeing that all of their students receive the necessary tools for success, and have compassion for and understanding of their students and the communities from which they come. The principals of effective schools make an effort to participate in neighborhood affairs and encourage parents to become involved in the education of their children. (p. 443) Principals of urban schools also are able to create a nurturing school culture by having high expectations of their students, developing a sense of community, and maintaining orderly schools. Children are expected to achieve in this type of urban 25 school climate. Principals of effective urban schools also focus on developing a sense of community by nurturing and challenging the students. According to Lomotey and Swanson (1989), Effective urban schools have developed a nurturing school culture that demonstrates care and respect for the individual and sets high achievement expectations, with student progress carefully monitored. The effective urban school establishes linkages with the community surrounding the school and motivates teachers through involvement and example. Strong professional leadership appears to be key to its success. (p. 447) The principal might encounter difficulties with creating a positive school culture, depending on the size of the school. Lomotey and Swanson (1989) explained, “A nurturing school culture and community involvement seem to be achieved more easily in small schools than in large ones; however, it is easier to provide diversity in large schools than in small ones” (pp. 450-451). Black Women in School Leadership Relating more specifically to Black women middle school principals, Hudson (1995) identified one of the themes found in the literature on Black women administrators-that they are transformative in their attempt to bring about school change. Hudson observed, “Traditional hierarchical and authoritarian approaches to school reform have not succeeded in producing educational programs which decrease the gap between low and high performing students. A different leadership style is needed to effect substantive changes in our schools” (p. 107). She argued that women, more often than not, are already transformational leaders. “Collaboration, cooperation, participatory decision-making, and shared vision are some of the descriptors of transformational leadership and women’s approach to school administration,” she wrote (p. 107). 26 ('1' Natale (1994) described Lorraine Monroe, the Black principal of Harlem’s Frederick Douglass Academy, a middle school, as a transformative leader. Monroe’s perseverance was exhibited in her statement, “I think this is proving ground. When people say, ‘What can you do with “these kids,”’ I say, ‘You can do anything’” (p. 45). Although Monroe had been a principal at Frederick Douglass Academy for just three years, “something more is happening at this school that sits across the street from crack houses: Kids are responding to order and focus” (p. 45). Natale observed, “At Frederick Douglass, Lorraine Monroe is trying to create a public school that exudes private school values—hard work, discipline, and college preparation” (p. 46). According to Monroe, “If the purpose of school is, as I always say, to transform children’s lives, you absolutely cannot fool around academically. Poor kids get killed if they are not able to compete academically” (p. 46). Another theme concerning Black women school principals is their participatory style of leadership. According to Hudson (1995), “Women value the contribution which others connected with the organization have to make. They do not view themselves as being the only source of knowledge and expertise and furthermore do not view soliciting assistance as a sign of weakness” (p. 108). Similarly, Rosener (1990) acknowledged that “women are more likely to employ a collaborative approach to decision making, resulting in a sharing of power, as compared to men” (p. 18). In addition, Hudson (1996) said that women administrators share their authority and power. She explained, “Women are inclusive rather than exclusive in their approach to making decisions. More often than not, women operate as ‘decision causers’ rather than as ‘decision makers’” (p. 13). 27 Likewise, Dom, O’Rourke, and Papalewis (1997) argued that “women involve themselves with staff and students, ask for and get participation, and maintain more closely knit organizations” (pp. 18-19). Further, Carr (1995) wrote, Research is clear that communication behaviors described traditionally as “female” are most effective for working with groups and work teams. Participative leadership is being described as the most effective leadership style in schools, and the vehicle of site-based decision making is pointing toward the necessity for principals and superintendents to model this style. (p. 195) Lyman et al. (1993) studied 10 women’s approaches to change during their first years in administration and found that these women used shared decision making in their schools. They discovered that “the changes made by these women varied from school to school, but the approaches used to bring about these changes were similar. Of the women interviewed, eight said they used shared decision making to bring about change in their schools” (p. 33). Lyman et al. also reported that “all eight of the principals who used shared decision making agreed that two-way communication was critical to the effectiveness of shared decision making as a leadership technique” (p. 34). Similarly, Sanders (1999) illustrated how one Black urban middle school principal was a transformative leader through her collaboration with students, parents, and the community. Ms. Harris, the principal of Southbend Middle School (a pseudonym), was working to improve the school’s climate and reputation through a number of reforms to enhance student achievement and attendance. The principal believed in involving the parents in activities, so she had parents serve as attendance monitors to help them “carry out their parental responsibility to monitor their children’s school attendance” (Sanders, 1999, p. 36). This principal also communicated with parents through a variety of channels because Southbend was working to change its long- 28 standing negative reputation of not communicating with its students’ families. Ms. Harris decided to go to the families if they were unwilling to come to the school to meet her. Further, the school organized “Get to Know the Principal” teas to give families throughout the community an opportunity to meet and talk with her. These teas were held at health centers, recreational centers, and local churches to give parents many opportunities to get to know the principal. Another theme found in the literature on Black women school principals was their ability to care about their students through “mothering” and “nurturing.” Lomotey (1993) identified three qualities shared by some Black principals in predominantly Black schools. These qualities were commitment to the education of all students, confidence in the ability of all students to do well, and compassion for and understanding of all students and the communities in which they lived. Hudson (1996) made a similar observation: “For centuries women have been relegated to the role of caretaker of children and men. In recent years the roles of stay-at-home mom, nurse, and teacher have been counterscripted as women travel the path to school administration” (p. 12). Reitzug and Patterson’s (1998) study of urban principals revealed how a Black woman middle school principal exemplified caring in her leadership work. In observing Mrs. Pressley, a Black middle school principal, Reitzug and Patterson found that she exhibited this caring behavior. Her practice of caring was congruent with much of the literature on caring. Reitzug and Patterson noted that Mrs. Pressley’s behavior in the interaction with Cicely and Mr. Mosely focused the interaction on Cicely as a person with a problem rather than Cicely as a problem. Specifically, Mrs. Pressley’s words and actions recognized Cicely as a person who had been working diligently to be successful in school but who had a problem because she was accused of some inappropriate behavior. (p. 168) 29 Mrs. Pressley also illustrated caring by showing concern through communicating personal expectations to her students. Reitzug and Patterson found that Mrs. Pressley regulme expressed her personal concern for students through the individual expectations she articulated to them. They explained, “For example, while Tricia [a student] was present, [Mrs. Pressley] spoke to the alternative school counselor about her expectations for Tricia: ‘I want to see her walk across the stage [at graduation] in May’” (p. 171). This Black middle school principal expressed her high expectations to all of her students. Mrs. Pressley also communicated this concern to a young man by stating, “We’re losing you to the streets and I won’t permit it! . . . I love you, son, but I’m not going to keep doing it [accepting inappropriate behavior from him]!” (p. 171). Summag. In summary, three themes emerged from the literature on Black women in school leadership. The first theme was that Black women middle school principals are transformative in their work. A second theme is that these women exhibit a participatory style of leadership. These Black women middle school principals encourage teachers, students, and parents to participate in a collaborative effort to improve their school organization. A third theme of Black women principals’ caring through “mothering” and “nurturing” was also evident in the leadership literature. These principals demonstrate through their leadership that they care about their students academically as well as emotionally. However, with only a small amount of literature on Black women middle school principals, certain elements are missing from the literature. Shakeshaft (1987) noted that characteristics of women in leadership were absent from the literature. She claimed that women administrators need to be able to tell their own stories because their problems and 30 life experiences are different from those of men. Those studying leadership have not focused on Black women creating socially just environments for their students, from a Black feminist perspective. Hence, this study is valuable because it was undertaken to fill in some of the gaps in leadership theories. Justice Theories I reviewed the literature on justice theories to help me understand how the Black women middle school principals in this study worked to create socially just school environments. It is important to understand the myth of social justice for Blacks, as well as the meaning of social justice for Blacks. The meaning of social justice for Blacks can be defined by three specific themes: class, gender, and education. The literature reviewed in this section supports my study because it explains social, organizational, and environmental justice theories, which have a bearing on these Black women principals’ leadership experiences. The Mm of Social Justice for Blacks Andersen and Collins (1998) asked two questions that impel one to think about social justice. They addressed the reader’s own experiences in asking, “What in your life do you care about so much that it would spur you to work for social change? Is it your family, your children, your neighborhood, a concern for a social issue, or an ethical framework that requires not just talk but action?” (p. 507). These theorists set out to dispel the myth that those who seek social justice somehow have to be extraordinary individuals, like Martin Luther King. They argued that most people who engage in social activism are ordinary, everyday people who decide to take action about something that 31 touches their lives. Many people are not even aware of these social activists’ efforts. According to Andersen and Collins, “By making the political activism of everyday people from historically marginalized groups invisible, social institutions suppress the strength of these groups and render them more easily exploited” (p. 507). People often believe that social activists look and act a certain way. Stereotypes of activists cause people not to recognize or understand a true activist’s work. Andersen and Collins said that “often they remain invisible because we do not label their activities as activism” (p. 509). They asserted that there is not a typical kind of activist and that almost anyone can make a difference in the context of his or her everyday life. Yet, women’s activity is overlooked. Andersen and Collins recognized that, although academic credentials, positions of authority, and economic resources can do much to help individuals challenge hierarchies of race, class, and gender, it is the individual or collective actions of ordinary people that bring about these social movements. The Meaning of Social Justice for Blacks Theorists have attempted to dispel the myth of social justice, but they have confronted a challenge when examining social justice because it does not have one particular meaning. According to Rizvi (1998), “Social justice is embedded within discourses that are historically constituted and that are sites of conflicting and divergent political endeavours. Thus, social justice does not refer to a single set of primary or basic goods, conceivable across all moral and material domains” (p. 47). As Rizvi explained, social justice needs to be articulated in terms of particular values, which, although not fixed across time and space, nevertheless have to be given specific content in particular 32 struggles for reform. Therefore, social justice has been interpreted in various ways to reflect changing social and economic conditions. Although Rizvi articulated social justice to reflect inequities in social and economic conditions, he did not acknowledge the long-standing hierarchical power relations of race, economic class, gender, and education that are still prevalent today, making Black women and children lower-class citizens. For this reason, the meaning of social justice for Blacks needs to be elaborated in terms of three themes: class, gender, and education. Blacks often are confronted with how to help members of their race when a wide range of economic classes is included. For instance, affluent Blacks question how to help their “brothers and sisters,” whereas middle- and lower-class Blacks are concerned with the fate of their communities. Blacks also define social justice according to gender. Black women are struggling to overcome oppression because of their gender, whereas Black men are more accepted than their female counterparts. Moreover, Blacks define social justice according to the education their children receive. These three themes are explored in the following paragraphs to amplify the meaning of social justice for Blacks. Social justice defined by class. Blacks often face the problem of how to help one another when they come from diverse economic classes. For example, some more affluent Blacks question whether to stay in the community to help bring about social progress or to move to more affluent locales to better the lives of their families. Wilson (1987) claimed that poor urban communities are deprived of their role models, political clout, and economic base when affluent Blacks move out of those communities. He 33 thought that if some of the affluent Blacks stayed in the community, the less fortunate ones would benefit. In a similar vein, Poussaint (1987) asked, Are those more affluent blacks obligated to stay in the less-well-off community? Should those blacks who can move stay? Does staying in the community help social progress? If we take seriously the notion of blacks helping to uplift other blacks as members of a family, the answer to these questions would appear to be yes. (p. 76) Although many Blacks feel a sense of commitment to their Black communities, they do not stay in those communities because of the deterioration and crime prevalent there. Some Blacks believe they can be just as helpful and committed to their communities in other ways, such as by rethinking the institutions. Conversely, some middle-class Blacks make their own needs secondary to those of the community, believing that staying connected to the neighborhood is part of their contribution to social justice. According to Lawson (1999), “The idea that middle-class blacks are obligated to help those less well off is not new” (p. 91). Durant and Louden (1986) also believed that Blacks, middle-class ones in particular, are pressured to feel obligated to help other Blacks and are told “not to forget their brothers and sisters as they succeed” (p. 253). Poussaint (1987) also observed that “middle-class blacks have been pressured to remain concerned with the fate of the brothers and sisters they have left behind” (p. 76). This pressure stems from the belief that, because Blacks have been oppressed as a group, success also must be recognized for the group. The Black community sees progress as a sign that, if one achieves, then the entire group achieves. Social justice defined by gender. Black women also experience injustice because of their gender. Wilson (1987) wrote that “African-American women and their children remain disproportionately poor, homeless, sick, and undereducated, unemployed, and 34 discouraged” (p. 13). He said that this has led some social scientists to consider Black women part of a growing, permanent urban “underclass.” Collins (1998) concurred with Wilson’s observations on the injustice of how race, class, and gender affect Black women. She acknowledged that Black women’s experiencing “social mobility into the middle class by gaining formal entry into historically segregated residential, educational, and employment spaces represents bona fide change” (p. 13). However, Collins acknowledged that Black women are still facing inequities because of their race, class, and gender. She stated that some Black women continue to struggle for justice, whereas “other Black women remain disproportionately glued to the bottom of the bag” (p. 13). In fact, Collins explained, “Black women were taught to see their own needs as secondary to those of a collectivity of some sort, whether it be the family, church, neighborhood, race, or Black nation” (p. 27). Collins acknowledged that many people feel compelled to take action against injustice when they care deeply about searching for justice. As a result of the oppression they experience, many Black women are concerned with seeking justice. Collins argued that “even though Black women’s concern for justice is shared with many others, Afiican-American women have a group history in relationship to justice” (p. 244). In a critical analysis on why Black women are compelled to struggle for justice, Collins asserted that Black women believe “it is the right thing to do.” With a deep sense of obligation, many Black women are compelled to move people to action. Some Black women seek justice in educational and work environments through their leadership in community efforts. As they struggle for their rights, these Black women do not see themselves facing race, class, and gender oppression individually. 35 Rather, they recognize that race, class, and gender oppression are group based because they affect all Black people. Therefore, Black women reject individual strategies in seeking justice and work collectively with others. As Collins articulated, Black women believe “fighting on behalf of freedom and social justice for the entire community [is], in effect, fighting for one’s own personal freedom. . . . Therefore, Black women are taught to see their own needs as secondary to those of a collectivity of some sort, whether it be the family, church, neighborhood, race, or Black nation” (p. 27). Omolade (1994) supported Collins’s position in stating that “Even Black women professionals find ourselves doing ‘mammy work’ in our jobs, work in which we care for everyone else, often at the expense of our own careers or personal well-being” (p. 49). In short, seeing their own needs as secondary seems to be synonymous with the lives of Black women. Social justice defined by education. Blacks struggle to achieve not only social j ustice, but also other types of justice, such as organizational justice. The equity theory eOncerns distributive, procedural, and interactive justice; these types of justice are described in the following paragraphs. Distributive justice is a prevalent issue in the Black community because it DCartains to the distribution of benefits and burdens through society’s major and pervasive i Iflstitutions. In this sense, distributive justice applies to the distribution of scarce b enefits, for which there is some competition (Rawls, 1971). The principle of justice, “lat “equals ought to be treated equally, is not likely to stir disagreement. But who is §qml and who unequal? Presumably, all citizens should have equal political rights, Rliould possess equal access to public services, and should receive equal treatments under 36 the law” (p. 228). Rawls explained that justice “might require the maintenance of certain patterns in the distribution of basic goods (e.g., a minimum-level income, education, and health), while allowing the market to determine distributions of goods beyond those which satisfy fundamental needs” (p. 241 ). Zinn and Eitzen (1998) recognized the growing gap between the rich and the poor since 1970 and the decline of the middle class. They declared, “The old inequalities of class, race, and gender are thriving. New and subtle forms of discrimination are becoming prevalent throughout society as the economic base changes and settles” (p. 233). These authors cited racial as well as class inequities. According to Zinn and Eitzen, “Technology, foreign competition, and the changing distribution of jobs are having devastating effects on minority communities across the United States. Not only are minorities twice as likely as whites to be unemployed, they are more likely to work in dead-end jobs” (p. 236). Procedural justice is another aspect of organizational justice. Many writers have described the characteristics of fair procedures, either for decision making or resource allocation (Barrett-Howard & Tyler, 1986; Folger & Bies, 1989; Greenberg, 1986; Leventhal, Karuza, & Fry, 1980). Folger and Greenberg (1985) identified procedural j listice as the “perceived fairness of the procedures used in making decisions” (p. 143). Similarly, Leventhal (1985) conceived procedural justice as the fairness of procedures. He believed that fairness of procedures could be evaluated according to particular procedural rules but realized that “individuals apply the rules selectively, giving certain Ones different weights at various times” (p. 147). 37 Interactional justice also is a criterion for fairness. Bies and Moag (1986) identified different criteria people use to judge fairness in communication during the allocation of resources. They argued that “the inclusion of interactional matters such as communication might also explain why people feel unfairly treated even though they would characterize the decision-making procedures and the outcome to be fair” (p. 46). In an effort to analyze interpersonal communication in terms of fairness and justice, they had to take into consideration the requirements regarding “proper” communication. Social Justice Defined by Black Women An example of social justice defined by Black women is their environmental activism. In their work to achieve environmental justice, Black women use many strategies in attempting to make a difference. Some engage in individualistic strategies, whereas others engage in collective actions. In an essay on working-class female activists, Krauss (1998) addressed some qualities of Black female activists. She wrote, Afi'ican American women’s private work as mothers has traditionally extended to a more public role in the local community as protectors of the race. As a decade of Afiican American feminist history has shown, African American women have historically played a central role in community activism and in dealing with issues of race and economic injustice. (p. 547) These women are grass-roots activists. Through their active role in and concern for their Communities, they acknowledge the environmental injustices they face. These women have been called “race women,” responsible for the racial uplift of their communities (Gilkes, 1983, p. 547). Environmental justice is directly linked to other justice theories. Black women have participated in environmental activity as a reflection of their different experiences 38 of class, race, and ethnicity. As Krauss (1998) explained, “These women define their environmental protests as part of the work that mothers do” (p. 543). She further explained how family forces these women into action. Their activism stems from “less privatized, extended family that is Open, permeable, and attached to community” (p. 543). Unlike White working-class women, Black women recognize how environmental justice is rooted in race, class, and gender issues. In contrast to their White counterparts, Black working-class women are not traumatized when they do not see immediate changes. Krauss (1998) interviewed White women who were fighting for environmental justice and found that “their politicization is rooted in the deep sense of violation, betrayal, and hurt they feel when they find that their government will not protect their families” (p. 454). On the other hand, Black working-class women begin their involvement with environmental issues from a different perspective. Krauss (1998) found that Black Women “bring to their protests a political awareness that is grounded in race and that Shares none of the white blue-collar women’s initial trust in democratic institutions” (1:) ~ 546). Black women mistrust the government because they have been victims of racist po 1 icies throughout their lives. Thus, they see it as their duty to be protectors of the race. I(l‘zauss recognized that “Afiican American women have historically played a central role in community activism and in dealing with issues of race and economic injustice” (D s 547). For these Black women, environmental issues are also about race, class, and g§nden According to Krauss, “For female African American activists, environmental 39 issues are seen as reflecting environmental racism and linked to other social justice issues, such as jobs, housing and crime” (p. 548). Summag In summary, I utilized Black feminist theory, leadership theories, and justice theories to aid in understanding the experiences of these Black women middle school principals. The three themes that emerged from the Black feminist theory were the triple jeopardy of race, gender, and class; oppression; and silenced voices. The leadership theories section was organized in four parts: the journey of the middle school, middle school leadership-the principal, urban schools and leadership, and Black women in school leadership. The justice theories section laid the foundation for the study by explaining the myth of social justice for Blacks and the meaning of social justice for Blacks. The themes that emerged in that section Were class, gender, and education. However, there is a lack of literature in the area of the nature of school leadership for social justice as practiced by Black women middle school principals. Hence, this study is significant because it will add to the literature on Black Women who are school leaders and, more specifically, middle school principals. 4o CHAPTER III DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY Methodology: The Narrative My purpose in this study was to investigate how six Black women middle school principals defined and addressed racism, sexism, and class inequality as they worked to create socially just and equitable urban middle schools. Narrative inquiry was the most appropriate method for carrying out this study. According to Nelson (1993), the significance of a narrative is that “it is a natural medium since it deals with human actions and intentions and mediates between the cultural context and the personal perspective of possibility” (p. 2). Many educational scholars have used narrative inquiry in their work. For instance, Benham and Cooper (1998) considered narrative inquiries a valuable tool because “they allow us to understand the world in new ways and help us communicate 11 6w ideas to others” (p. 10). Benham and Cooper believed that in order to “talk meaningfully about how life experiences shape one’s work as a school leader requires a S t:Oried approach that is descriptive, personal and concrete” (p. 6). In their study of nine diverse women school leaders, Benham and Cooper’s rationale for using narrative was that “narrative methods might very well be more F§ Sponsive to the researcher’s and practitioner’s intent to bring to the surface those e3'iperiences that go beyond superficial masks and stereotypes” (p. 7). As Benham and Q()oper told the stories of these diverse women school leaders, they became aware of how the women had encountered oppression, either as children or as adults in educational 41 bureaucracies and society. As a result, they asserted that “narrative inquiry can . . . provide school leaders with tacit knowledge of the field as they navigate multiple realities” (p. 8). Henry’s (1998) analysis of African Canadian women teachers through narrative allowed her to “generate theory and raise questions about how Black women teachers’ consciousness and understandings at the intersections of race, class, gender, and culture contribute to and shape their pedagogical practice” (p. 3). She wanted each narrative to navigate its own course and explore different themes. Henry believed that each narrative illustrated “how race and racism, along with gender and class, shape one’s everyday life-her thoughts, her actions, what she can do or cannot do” (p. 5). Through narrative, Henry’s aspiration was to “focus on the voices of Black women teachers, neglected and discounted from educational literature” (p. 8). She used narrative inquiry as a vehicle to “refute commonsensical racist and sexist stereotypes of Black women” (p. 9). In the narratives, Henry used these African Canadian women teachers’ own words, not editing the transcripts but allowing their voices to be heard. As she wove herself in and out of the narratives by organizing patterns and themes to share with the reader, Henry also Provided a commentary in an effort to clarify or point out important thematic signposts. In Lawrence-Lightfoot’s (1994) two decades of research and writing about natters related to education and human experiences, she also used narrative to navigate h§r studies. She considered her participants and herself to be storytellers who were v"()rking within a powerful cultural tradition of storytelling. Lawrence-Lightfoot wrote, “The African-American legacy of storytelling infuses these narratives and serves as a S‘Qurce of deep resonance between us” (p. 606). She supported her contention that the 42 Black culture is rooted in stories by stating, “A strong and persistent African-American tradition links the process of narrative to discovering and attaining identity” (p. 606). It is through narrative that Lawrence-Lightfoot’s Black storytellers could reveal their life’s journey. She allowed her participants to be active storytellers and considered them “modern day griots, perceptive and courageous narrators of personal and cultural experience” (p. 606) who found storytelling to be a creative process. Lawrence-Lightfoot asserted that, through storytelling, “these journeyers are continually strengthened by returning to the source” (p. 606). Despite narrative inquiry’s having such a positive influence on both the researcher and participants, though, Lawrence-Lightfoot was aware of moments of silence and resistance during this process. She acknowledged that, in taking this journey of reconstructing life stories, “there are always things lefi unsaid, secrets untold or repressed, skeletons kept closeted. There is in good storytelling, then, the critical element of restraint and the discipline of disclosure” (p. 612). Casey (1993) also used narrative in exploring the life histories of women teachers C reating social justice. Her invitation to create a life history of these women was 3 i gnificant to them because they were able to talk about things that were important to th em. As a result, these women teachers “could not resist the opportunity to talk about th i ngs that were so important to them, and once again to tell their stories to a usually irl(lifferent world” (p. 13). Casey explained that, “for these women who had never emfipected to write an autobiography, the life history narrative became a task with e‘iormous personal meaning” (p. 17). As a researcher she knew that it was her duty to 43 carry their intimate meanings into the public sphere by having mutual trust and respect for one another. Researchers have described the strengths as well as the weaknesses of conducting nanative inquiry. Benham and Cooper (1998) explained that “narrative as research method provides us with glimpses of previously hidden reflections on school-life phenomena rather than the traditional quantified external views provided by earlier studies” (p. 8). They viewed their narrative text as a valuable transformative tool because it both “informs and transforms our knowledge of school leadership through the inclusion of diverse voices, those at the margins who have not been heard in the past” (p. 10). However, Tierney (1993) warned that understanding the life of an individual requires “an analysis of the multiple, sometimes opposing edges of truth; the manifold narrative voices of the person” (pp. 119-120). Bloom (1998) also identified the pros and cons of narrative. She believed that flcusing on women’s lives through their personal narratives is significant because such narratives “illuminate the course of a life over time and the relationship between the i Ildividual and society” (p. 146). However, she cautioned researchers about the I ilimitations of using personal narratives uncritically. As researchers collect and interpret WQmen’s life stories, they must recall that “people are invested in maintaining particular icl~<=3ntities and forms of cohesion of ‘the self” (p. 146). Therefore, although researchers 11 Qed to approach participants with an empathetic heart and open mind, Bloom cautioned that “we must also approach the analysis of narratives with a somewhat skeptical or, at 1east, un-idealistic eye, remembering that narratives never are able to represent either an alisolute truth or a lived experience” (p. 146). 44 A narrative approach has become prevalent in educational research. Narrative is synonymous with storytelling, which reveals life’s journey through a dynamic reinterpretation of home, a chance to reconcile roots and destinations (Lawrence- Lightfoot, 1994). Through narrative, one is able to “organize, articulate, and communicate what we believe . . . and to reveal, in narrative style, what we have become as educators” (Jalongo, 1992, p. 69). The present study contributes to the narrative works of Maenette Benham, Sara Lawrence-Lightfoot, Annette Henry, and Kathleen Casey by exploring the perspectives of Black women middle school principals in their work to create socially just and equitable learning environments for children. Because narrative encourages interacting and establishing trust between researcher and subject, themes and metaphors emerge as a result of capturing the subjects’ lives and lived experiences. Data-Presentation Method: Vignettes According to Babcock (1972), a vignette is a “short, subtle, compact literary C Otnposition” (p. 102). Babcock provided an extensive discussion of vignettes and their LlSage. He said that vignettes “are used in different ways, depending on the intended Purposes” (p. 121). The writing conventions used in educational vignettes “are typical unto themselves. . . . Paragraphs are short, sometimes consisting of only one or two S<31‘rtences. Sentences are often choppy. Occasionally, sentences are not sentences, but are capitalized phrases or single words. Sometimes items of a grammatical series appear independent of the mother sentence” (p. 102). In addition, vignettes “vary in their degree of Subtlety. The intention of the variation is to urge the reader to see only what he will in 45 each composition” (p. 102). Babcock further described the characteristics of educational vignettes. He wrote, Educational vignettes generally focus on happenings near to education. Most vignettes are about people and actual events. Names of people have been changed and made fictitious to protect the innocent. Few educational thoughts from vignettes are straight moralizing. Most educational vignettes are stories with concrete examples of people-to-people living. (p. 103). Engleman, Ellena, and Cooper (1963) provided vignettes on educational issues; their vignettes concerned the theory and practice of school administration. The writers’ intention was to “open windows at critical points in the whole process of school administration rather than to treat school administration in totality” (p. xii). In addition, the researchers’ vignettes were intended to “aid school board members, superintendents, and other educational leaders in charting a true course for the educational program for which they are responsible” (p. xii). Bumet (1986) provided readers with the tools to wend their way through vignettes on diverse women. This author gave an overview of the lives of women in migration 1“ rom a historical perspective. Each vignette took the reader on a journey, and the “skilled interweaving of family, socio-economic and cultural history show[ed] that immigrant and ctlinic women clearly possessed tactics to try to impose their work in the work place, at h‘oilne, or in outside employment” (p. x). Whereas Babcock (1972) used vignettes in his study as “a vehicle for the presentation of school-related ideas to teachers of young children,” my purpose for using Vi gllettes to portray the lived experiences, views, and philosophies of Black women mi(idle school principals was to allow the voices of these administrators to be heard. ThrOugh the use of vignettes, the voices of the Black school leaders in this study were 46 maximized. Black feminist theorists have argued that, too often, Black women’s voices have been silenced (Carby, 1993; Christian, 1985; Collins, 1990; books, 1989; Lorde, 1984) Babcock’s (1972) use of vignettes was similar in some ways to mine. The vignettes are “intended to pose generalized topics for the consideration of the reader. No specific demands are placed on the reader. The only intention is to provide a thought which each reader may use or discard at his discretion” (p. 103). In addition, the vignettes used in Babcock’s study as well as in this one varied from one another. The vignettes in this study are centered on the lives of Black women middle school principals. They encompass complex issues of race, class, gender, leadership, and social justice. Each of the vignettes provides a glimpse into the professional and personal lives of these principals. The vignettes contain the views of thesewomerr, as seen through their eyes. Further, the vignettes revolve around the nature of school leadership f0:- social justice. In this regard, Babcock (1972) described educational vignettes as ‘ ‘multifaceted, leaving the prime thrust to be judged by the reader. However, all have Something in them regarding children” (p. 103). The Stud Sam 1e Six Black women principals from urban middle schools were selected as the Sa-l‘nple for this study. The women were selected on the basis of recommendations from individuals who were familiar with their outstanding work in establishing socially just and equitable learning environments for urban children. Some of the women were rec3(3111mended by colleagues, teachers, other school community members, school district 47 officials, and school district superintendents. As I networked and shared my dissertation proposal with people in the educational sector, they recommended these women to me. I selected principals whose names were mentioned repeatedly by various people who knew of their work. This verified the significant impression they had made on the larger community. In addition, each of the women met the following criteria for inclusion in this study: I. Identified herself as African American or Black. 2. Was between 45 and 65 years of age. Black female administrators tend to be older than male administrators, and most women are in their middle 408 to middle 508 before they become administrators (Doughty, 1980). 3. Was currently a middle school principal in an urban setting. 4. Had been identified by the school community or the broader community for her educational contributions and work toward bringing about social change. I explored the life stories of these six Black women to understand how they de fined and addressed racism, sexism, and class inequality as they worked to create SO‘Dially just and equitable urban middle schools. I also investigated the organizational di fferences, personal culture and history, and leadership expectations that influenced th ese women as they worked to bring about social change. In carrying out the study, I di (1 not focus on the principals’ entire lives but rather examined specific aspects of their p1‘Ofessional and personal experiences and work as they attempted to create socially just and equitable learning environments for children. 48 I sent each of the principals selected for the study a letter introducing myself and the nature of the study. I assured the potential subjects that I would make every effort to maintain their anonymity and ensure the confidentiality of their responses. Included with the introductory letter was a consent form, which the women were asked to sign (Appendix A). Data-Collection Methods Interviews Three interviews, each of which lasted 1 to 2 hours, were conducted with each Black woman middle school principal who participated in the study. The purpose of these interviews was to gather information on the subject’s life history, experiences, and learning as an educator, as well as the connections between her work and her life. I based the interview protocol on those used by Benham (1995), Colflesh (1996), Phendla ( 1 999), and Sanders-Lawson (2000), although 1 adapted the interview questions for these Pantieular participants. (See Appendix B for the interview protocol.) Fontana and Frey C 1 994) saw interviews as “a way to reach groups and individuals who have been ignored, oppressed, and/or forgotten” (p. 368). In their interviews, feminists have been finding Oral history to be a powerful tool. As Gluck (1984) wrote, “Refusing to be rendered hi Storically voiceless any longer, women are creating a new history—using our own Voices and experiences” (p. 222). During the interviews, I became the learner as these women shared their personal and professional experiences with me. As the principals responded to questions from the m‘depth interview protocol, I took careful notes on their answers as well as their facial 49 expressions and gestures. With the subjects’ permission, I also tape recorded the interviews in case I needed to check my notes later for accuracy. The women were in control of their vignettes and could choose what they wanted to share and when they wanted to end the interview. Occasionally, someone wanted to strike a comment she had made or asked me to turn off the tape recorder so she could talk candidly about personal experiences that she did not want made public. The interviews were held in a variety of locations. I met a couple of principals at restaurants where they could give me their undivided attention. Other women felt more comfortable in their offices, where their secretaries had been instructed not to disturb them during our interviews. Still other interviews took place in secluded conference rooms and offices that were private and free of distractions. Regardless of the location of the interviews, they were learning atmospheres in which I listened intently and observed the women’s gestures as they shared their experiences and philosophies with me. Observations Data also were collected through observations of these Black women middle SC 11001 principals in their work environments. Observing these women’s interactions with teachers, parents, students, community members, and other staff members enabled the to better understand their activities in pursuit of socially just and equitable learning e1'lvironments for children. According to Adler and Adler (1994), “Qualitative observers are not bound . . . by predetermined categories of measurement or response, but are free to Search for concepts or categories that appear meaningful to subjects” (p. 378). These WI'itel's also stressed the significance of combining observation with other methods. They 50 argued that observations are valuable as an “alternate source of data for enhancing cross- checking or triangulation against information gathered through other means” (p. 382). Through observation, the researcher is able to gain information about the subjects’ environment and interactions. Collecting data through observations afforded me an opportunity to get a better perspective on each Black woman middle school principal. I was able to see the complexity and simplicity of the principals’ diverse interactions with others in their school communities and jotted down my observations in a notebook. All of the principals felt comfortable with my observing them and encouraged me to arrive before our interviews and group dialogues and to stay after these interactions to gain a better perspective on them. The women continued to carry on their daily tasks, despite my presence. On only a few occasions did the principals ask their staff members whether it was all right for me to be present during a personal conversation. None of those staff members objected to my being there. After these observations, I found a private area Without distractions so that I could add to and clarify my notes while the observations were clear in my mind. Some researchers have found field notes (researcher journals) and memoirs to be helpful during the data analysis. F ontana and Frey (1994) agreed with Lofland (1971) that “regardless of the circumstances one ought to take notes regularly and promptly, [and] write everything down, no matter how unimportant it may seem at the time” (:3 ~ 368). By taking notes throughout the data-collection phase, I captured the women’s emOtions and gestures, as well as noting my own interpretations of these actions. Barrie Th(>l‘ne (personal communication, September 2, 1992) described these notes as having “a 51 private and intimate character.” The researcher’s field notes should contain “full description, avoiding sociological jargon, staying close to what I saw, while letting my imagination roam around the event, searching for patterns and larger chains of significance” (Richardson, 1994, p. 525). Group Dialogpe Group dialogue was another component of the research process. Group dialogue allowed me to understand each participant from the perspective of other people who surrounded the principal in the school environment and her personal life. According to Fontana and Frey (1994), group dialogues are not meant to replace individual interviews, but can provide another level of data gathering. They believed that group dialogues have the advantages of being “inexpensive, data rich, flexible, stimulating to respondents, recall aiding, and cumulative and elaborative, over and beyond individual responses” (12. 365). I scheduled group dialogues with each principal’s staff to gain clarity on the Principal from outside sources. The principals assisted me in selecting group-dialogue Damicipants. After these participants were selected, the principals and I invited them to Panicipate in the group dialogues; all of them accepted. The principals did not participate in these dialogues. As a result, the more questions I asked, the more comfortable the participants became in answering my inquiries. Numerous times, the g1‘(DIJp-dialogue participants offered additional information and wanted to stay longer than our scheduled time. 52 The group dialogues were carried out in areas that were conducive to having a conversation without distractions. Some of the principals let me use their offices, whereas others arranged for me to use a conference room or an empty classroom. The selected group of participants shared with me some of their perspectives on the principals and cited examples of their work to achieve socially just and equitable learning environments. I tape recorded the dialogue as participants shared information with me; I also took notes in a journal to capture in detail the voices of the speakers and their reactions. The group dialogues reinforced the work of these Black women principals and the respect they received from the school community. Critical Life Maps Another data-collection tool that was employed in this study was critical life maps. To construct such a map, each participant was asked to think of the most Si gnificant events that had happened on her journey to her current leadership position. S cholars such as Anderson (1988) and Benham and Cooper (1998) have used critical life maps in their work. Anderson used such maps in studying narrative accounts of the M innesota Indian War of 1862. He collected accounts of significant events with the assistance of collaborators and interpreters. Similarly, Benham and Cooper asked participants in their study to “recount critical incidents in their lives that they felt framed their knowing and practice of leadership” (p. 13). Critical life maps not only provide illf‘tannation on significant events, but also encourage participants to reflect on their life jol-ll'neys. 53 The Black women middle school principals provided multiple interpretations of their critical life maps. Each map took on a story of its own, through the participant’s navigation. These principals designed their critical life maps through both written and oral communication. One principal typed her critical life map on the computer, whereas others drew a diagram incorporating pictures. Some principals wrote an outline, including in-depth details. A few principals wanted to share their critical life moments orally because they did not have time to write them down, whereas others chose to share them orally because they thought that was the best way to do justice to those critical life moments. (See Appendix C for an example of a critical life map.) A rt ifacts and Documents The final data-collection tool was analysis of artifacts, documents, personal IOU mals and diaries, and meaningful objects. Participants were asked to choose and e)(IDIain three artifacts that depicted their leadership. In addition, a variety of documents Was collected from each participant as representations of her leadership in creating SC)Qially just and equitable learning environments for children. By analyzing documents that were important in these women’s lives, I was better able to understand the participants as Black women leaders. Hodder (1994) said that document analysis is iI'T‘rportant for qualitative researchers “who wish to explore multiple and conflicting Voices, differing and interacting interpretations” (p. 394). Each of the principals shared a variety of artifacts, documents, and meaningful Objects with me. Some of the women shared artwork such as paintings and figurines as representations of their leadership, whereas others provided personal and professional 54 pictures and yearbooks to represent their work for social justice. Some of the principals enjoyed this part of the data-collection process so much that they brought in numerous artifacts and documents throughout our interactions with one another. I took notes about some of the materials that I could not take with me because of their sentimental value. Data-Analysis Techniques The main data-analysis technique used in this study involved developing categories, themes, and patterns to synthesize the data from the interviews, observations, 311d group dialogues. As a new researcher, I had to go through the data repeatedly, with an open mind, to identify themes and patterns. As the analysis continued, I reviewed the fie 1d notes (researcher journals), interview transcripts, and other sources. As patterns and themes emerged from the data, I developed a coding system and matrices to help in categorizing the data. Using codes and matrices was beneficial because it enabled me to make comparisons across interviews. I then revised and modified the emerging themes. Similarly, Benham and Cooper (1998) used narrative-type analysis to synthesize the data from a series of interviews with diverse women, observations, journals, and other sources. They then developed stories from this synthesis to “describe each woman’s understanding of her own career as an administrator, both how it unfolded within her cultural and historical context and how she understands her profession as a school leader to(iaiy” (p. 13). Many of their participants found the experience to be rewarding because they could see how they had grown as school leaders by becoming more confident in their thinking and actions. 55 In addition, I used Black feminist theory, leadership theories, and justice theories to help me understand the data. I looked through the lenses of these theories to critically analyze the principals’ work for social justice. Using each of the lenses enabled me to better understand and critically identify how the literature supported and justified their actions. Using the lenses also allowed me to be critical of and make amendments to the themes and categories that were prevalent in the literature. Through writing the narratives, I was able to see areas that were visible through the narratives that affirrned the theories and areas that opened the window to what had before been invisible. 'I‘herefore, the literature provided me the foundation for critically analyzing the data. In an effort to evaluate the trustworthiness of the data, I did three things. First, I sought the advice of an expert on the issue of skin color, which emerged as a theme in thi 5 study. Dr. Ronald Hall, assistant professor in the David Walker Research Institute at M i chigan State University, provided me with greater insight into the complex issue of Skin color. He encouraged me to consider how this issue had influenced the Black W(>n'1en principals’ work for social justice and whether it had any bearing on their style of leadership. As a result of our conversation, I was able to examine the theme more cri tically and explored publications that he recommended to assist in analyzing and corroborating the data. Second, I had an ongoing conversation with the Black women middle school principals to make sure that I had accurately interpreted what they had been expressing. These conversations offered them an opportunity to affirm or provide more information to clarify various issues. Also, this ongoing dialogue afforded me an 0pl301‘tunity to clarify certain ideas and experiences with the women. Third, I sought the adViCe of my dissertation committee members, who are experts in the field of research. 56 They suggested ways to critically analyze the data. These individuals also pointed out other resources and avenues through which to scrutinize the data. Thus, as a result of seeking an expert’s advice, having an ongoing conversation with the women, and seeking the advice of my dissertation committee members, I was able to triangulate to ensure the trustworthiness of the data. According to Fontana and Frey (1994), Many scholars are now realizing that to put one type of interviewing against another is a futile effort, a leftover from the paradigmatic quantitative/qualitative hostility of past generations. Thus, an increasing number of researchers are using multimethod approaches to achieve broader and often better results. . . . In triangulating, a researcher may use several methods in different combinations. (p. 373) Moreover, I used the interview data to develop a narrative relating each Black Woman middle school principal’s understanding of her own leadership within the contexts of gender, culture, and history. Analysis was done throughout the interview Process. According to Manning and Cullum-Swan, “The narrative analysis typically tal(es the perspective of the teller, rather than that of the society” (p. 465). These authors exIDlained that “narratives can take many forms, are told in many settings, before many a“Cliences, and with various degrees of connection to actual events or persons” (p. 465). AS a result, I used vignettes as a way to capture the essence of these women’s work. It was important for me as a researcher to use this dissertation as a vehicle for these W()Inen’s voices to be heard. Through the vignettes, the women’s voices were maintained; however, I edited the transcripts for grammar and to reduce redundancy. In addition, I employed observations and group dialogue in each participant’s Scho(>1 setting. In an effort to get a real sense of the principals’ personalities and 57 interactions, I initially scheduled two-hour observation sessions in their schools. As I followed the principals in their daily activities of meetings and interactions with staff, students, parents, and family members, I gained a better perspective on these women. All of the women felt comfortable with my shadowing them and often forgot I was present. Also, I was able to schedule group dialogues with each principal’s staff to gain clarity on the principal from outside sources. The principals assisted me in selecting group-dialogue participants. After these participants were selected, the principals and I invited them to participate in the group dialogues; all of them accepted. The group dialogues took place in private conference areas. The principals did not participate in these dialogues. As a result, the more questions I asked, the more comfortable the participants became in answering my inquiries. Numerous times, the group-dialogue Panicipants offered additional information and wanted to stay longer than our scheduled time. Ethical Concerns Some of the ethical concerns involved in conducting qualitative research include ensuring participants’ right to privacy, protection from harm, and anonymity. Fontana and Frey (1994) discussed ethical considerations when conducting interviews. They cautioned researchers, “Because the objects of inquiry in interviewing are human beings, e’CIJ-eme care must be taken to avoid any harm to them” (p. 372). These participants Sh(>uld have their identity protected from physical, emotional, or any other kind of harm. Fontana and Frey suggested that, “to learn about people we must remember to treat them 58 as people, and they will uncover their lives to us” (p. 374). In carrying out this study, I made every effort to abide by each of the abovementioned ethical concerns. Before beginning the data collection, I submitted an outline of the proposed study to the Michigan State University Committee on Research Involving Human Subjects and requested their approval to conduct the study. That approval was granted (see Appendix A). In addition, I spoke with the participants and provided them with an opportunity through the data-collection process to voice any concerns they might have. Moreover, all of the participants signed consent forms to verify their participation and understanding of anonymity in this study. Finally, the participants could turn off the tape re corded any time during the data-collection process to ensure their rights of privacy and protection from harm. 59 CHAPTER IV FINDINGS: DANCING TO A DIFFERENT BEAT When a dance performance succeeds, it can transform passive spectators into active collaborators who may actually feel their bodies moving in sympathy with the dancers onstage; at such moments, energy flows back and forth between performers and audience, and exciting, unpredictable things can happen. This transforming experience is not restricted to the theater. No stage, costumes, make—up, or music are required for what might be called the impromptu dance performances of everyday life. (Jonas, 1992, p. 25) Introduction In this chapter, I explore the principalship by presenting the vignettes of six Black women middle school principals. Each dancelike vignette entertains the reader through the woman’s performance to bring about a socially just and equitable learning en vironment. These dancelike vignettes allow the school leaders’ voices to be heard. The women share their leadership journeys in their own voices. As a researcher, I Wanted to present the data in such a way as to maintain the subjects’ voices. Collins (1 99O) explained that “the overarching theme of finding a voice to express a self-defined Black woman’s standpoint remains a core theme in Black Feminist thought” (p. 94). As a 1‘ esult, I reviewed the interview data and framed a vignette for each principal. The participants’ transcripts were edited for grammar, clarity, and brevity, but I endeavored to retain the letter and spirit of these women’s narratives. In an effort to mask the identities of the six women, I used pseudonyms related to vari Ous kinds of dance. I came up with the dance metaphor as a way to understand the “at“ re of school leadership for social justice as practiced by these Black women middle 60 school principals. In this chapter I present vignettes of the women’s growing-up years, leadership experiences, and inspiration; their ideas about the meaning of leadership, power, and social justice; and reflections on their philosophies. In addition, I infused the narrative with my own observations about the nature of these women’s work. My purpose in participating in each vignette is to provide insight into these women’s lives and to elucidate common themes that emerged from their conversations. This chapter is intended to help the reader come to know these women and the nature of their leadership for social justice. So sit back and enjoy the dance performances of these women as you read the chapter. The thematic analysis, conclusions, and recommendations and implications are presented in Chapter V. The Birth of a Metaphor As I began my dissertation journey, I thought about how I could best capture the nature of school leadership for social justice as practiced by Black women middle school principals. I thought that illuminating their work for social justice by employing a metaphor would be the best path to take. Through countless days. weeks, and months, I found myself becoming more absorbed in creating a metaphor than in letting the metaphor emerge from the women’s conversations and interactions. As my struggle to devise a metaphor continued, I found myself overlooking the richness of the data I was collecting. Although I used a biographical questionnaire, a series of interviews, an observation, 3 group dialogue, a critical life map, and a collection of artifacts and objects as data-collection tools, I was exploring each piece of information separately. 61 Unfortunately, though, I was disregarding what these women were really doing as they created socially just and equitable urban middle schools. Even so, I shall never forget the day the metaphor of dance surfaced. I was talking to my mother on the telephone, expressing my enthusiasm for collecting data and interacting with these phenomenal women who had allowed me to become part of their world. The more I told my mother about my interactions with and observations of these women, the more eager I became to capture the essence of their work. My mother was well aware of my efforts to develop a metaphor to explain these principals’ work for equitable urban middle schools. During our conversation, she continuously urged me to verbalize what I was seeing through my data. She kept asking, “What does their work for social justice look like? What do they look like as they are doing this?” In frustration, I "’ blurted out, “It looks like they’re dancing And suddenly we both became silent. I knew right then that these women’s metaphor had been born. I exclaimed, “I’m on my way over. Don’t move!” To this day, I am not sure whether my mother was silent because she was surprised at my tone of voice or at the intense delivery of this metaphor. As I grabbed my car keys and my newborn son, Jon-Jon, and drove to her house, my mind was churning with how each of these women danced and what her dance looked like. When I arrived at my mother’s house, she was waiting for us in the vestibule, eager to hear my ideas. Throughout the ensuing conversation, I explained the work of these women and the dance style I envisioned for each of them. As we talked, we danced each dance style with the baby, who was oblivious to what had just transpired but enjoyed the attention nevertheless. After our four-hour dance session, I was eager to get to the computer and continue to develop this metaphor. 62 I telephoned my husband, Jon, and screamed, “l have it! I have the metaphor! They’re dancing! They’re dancing!” Jon was just as excited as I was because he knew of my obsession with finding a metaphor. He wanted to hear more about each dance style and encouraged me to write down everything so that I would not forget a single thought. Jon pressed me to think of the dance styles in various ways. Then he asked me what the title of Chapter IV was going to be. After pondering this difficult question, I explained that each of these women was dancing to a different beat. My husband, mother, and I simultaneously exclaimed, “Dancing to a Different Beat!” I hung up the telephone, kissed my mother on the cheek, and thanked her as my son and I danced to the car and drove home. The Meaning of Dancing Jonas’s (1992) journey in search of the most appropriate meaning of dance led him to Keali’inohomoku’s definition. He explained, After careful consideration, anthropologist Joann Keali’inohomoku has proposed a somewhat more elaborate definition: “Dance is a transient mode of expression, performed in a given form and style by the human body moving through space. Dance occurs through purposefully selected and controlled rhythmic movements; the resulting phenomenon is recognized as dance both by the performer and the observing members of a given group. (p. 35) Through his book Dancing, Jonas found himself adding to the meaning of dancing. He wrote, For all its scholarly breadth and depth, the most admirable thing about this formulation is that it leaves the final decision about what is and what is not dance to the people with the most at stake: the dancers and their audiences. Even the most traditional settings, the forms and meanings of dance change when dancers feel the need to come up with something new, or to alter or adapt something old, to fit new circumstances. (p. 35) 63 One of my favorite descriptions of dancing is Jonas’s statement that dancing is “charged with power” (p. 17). He claimed that dance, like language, is found in all human societies. And, like language, dance has power. In the earliest societies, dance helped people survive—it was a way for communities to learn cooperation in working and hunting together—and, like today, dance was probably used to communicate and express feelings that are difficult to convey in any other way (Grau, 1998). Most dance styles are about the way dancers use their feet. Whether shaped by special shoes or left free, dancers’ feet determine their basic postures and the movements of a dance. According to Jonas (1992), “In order to comprehend a dance, we must open ourselves to the culture from which it springs; conversely, as we begin to gain insight into a dance, we are on a path to understanding the culture that produced it” (p. 10). Historically, Blacks have been stereotyped as being natural dancers. In T_he African American Encyclopedia (1993), it says that Althoughthe image of the African American as a natural dancer with innate rhythm is an enduring stereotype in America, blacks have not had the same access to dance as a career as have whites. . . . By the 1920's, black dancers had become familiar on the stage as they performed tap, soft-shoe, and jazz routines. These styles of dances were considered acceptable for blacks, as such dancers tended to reinforce the image of the black with natural rhythm who required little or no training. . . . Not all people of color, however, were content to limit themselves to certain styles of dance. In fact, some clearly resented the image of what was acceptable for them as dancers. The desire of blacks to enter the larger world of dance in some respects parallels the struggles of African Americans to gain entry to and recognition in other areas of American life during the twentieth century. (pp. 407-408) In this dissertation I do not want to oppress my people by reinforcing the image of the Black as having “natural rhythm.” Rather, my purpose in using the dancing metaphor is to provide the reader with a visual image of how these Black women middle school 64 principals used multiple complex movements or practices in their work to create socially just and equitable urban middle schools. The image of these Black women that I want to portray is that of successful women who challenged prevailing stereotypes as they contributed to their communities. Similarly, these school leaders performed various complex choreographed dances in their tireless efforts to achieve leadership for justice. It is through their personal and professional experiences, likened to their style of dance, that they had been able to create socially just learning environments. In this study, I viewed dancing as more than just a series of movements performed in patterns and set to an accompaniment (Grau, 1992). I perceived dancing as a form of artistic expression that is characterized by movements with a particular goal in mind. Therefore, dancing in this study symbolized the variety of movements and maneuvers the principals used in order to create socially just and equitable urban middle school settings. As a result, I decided to use the names of various kinds of dances to describe how the women went about creating the desired school settings. For instance, “Encoded in the form, technique, and structure of every dance are meanings and values of importance to the dancers and to those who share their view of the world” (Jonas, 1992, p. 17). Moreover, there are many kinds of dances in which people engage. Some of these dances may be performed as a solo, whereas others are performed in couples or groups. Dance embraces forms ranging from ballet to religion. The distinctions among these types of dances are significant in examining the characteristics of the six middle school principals in this study. 65 Introduction to the Principals When I think of ballet, I envision a graceful woman dressed in a pastel-pink leotard accented by an ornate wrap skirt and wearing satin pointe shoes with satin ribbons that encircle her feet and ankles. This dancer has an erect posture and holds her head high with confidence. Her movements convey the illusion of weightlessness as she performs. What people do not realize is that the ballerina’s techniques have been refined for decades to create an ideal of beauty. As I think of this form of dance, I immediately envision the soft-spoken, graceful principal with the most leadership experience. I named her Ballet because, “while a classical art is by definition respectful of tradition, ballet is also daring, ambitious, as restless as the culture from which it springs” (Jonas, 1992, p. 134). Like ballet, this woman, “under changing circumstances, continue[d] to find beauty in the struggle of the human body to overcome its limitations, to rise (often literally) above all constraints, and to leave a clear imprint of its improbable triumphs in the mind of the beholder (Jonas, l992,p.l34) Ballet, like the form of dance, had refined her techniques through dedicating her life to dancing, learning her skills through discipline and years of leadership training, beginning in childhood. She explained that she was a “born leader” and had always been that “leader child.” The first time I spoke with her, I recognized that she was, in fact, a born leader with confidence and strength. For instance, Ballet telephoned me an hour after someone in her school district had recommended her as a participant in my study. She assured me she wanted to help me in any way. 66 Although our first meeting was at a local mall and I had no idea what Ballet looked like, as soon as I saw her enter the mall I knew that she was the principal I was meeting. She glided through the doors and immediately greeted me. As we sat in the food court for our first interview, Ballet took her time and answered each question precisely and thoroughly. Ballet continued to be exuberant as she took me on a tour of her school and introduced me to both staff and students. The principal’s interactions with her school community were genuine and thoughtful. She spoke every word delicately and softly. She never changed her tone as she spoke with people on numerous topics. This principal astounded those who interacted with her. Several teachers confided in me during my visits that Ballet was an excellent principal who genuinely cared about her students and staff. One important characteristic that Ballet exemplified that was similar to that of the dance was her high standards. Ballet made sure that her school had the same activities and materials that an upper-class suburban school would have. Just as ballet initially was for the upper class to enjoy, Ballet had made it possible for her urban students to enjoy the same activities in which upper-class children participated. For instance, Ballet’s school had football, baseball, and soccer fields and tennis courts that were strategically placed on the well-manicured school property. In addition, her students could participate in other activities, like golf and swimming, at other sites. At the time of the study, Ballet was 63 years old and had served 30 years in the same school district. She was the youngest of seven children of Tennessee farmers. Although the entire family helped with everything that needed to be done on the farm, 67 Ballet’s parents made education the highest priority for their children. The youngsters never had to stay home from school to help harvest the crops. Ballet had dedicated her life to this dance of social justice and had learned her skills through holding such positions as a teacher in her hometown and then as a student service assistant, assistant principal, and principal, all in her current district. She was married and had two children—a 34-year-old daughter and a 31-year-old son. Square Dance The second dance that comes to mind is square dance. When I think of square dance, I envision people enthusiastically doing Do-si-do’s, Spin Chain the Gears, and Ferris Wheels as the fiddler announces the calls, directing dancers what to do next. 1 picture a single caller for an entire dance hall, giving calls to large groups of people to perform. The caller intensely watches in anticipation before giving the next directions to eager dancers who smile and continue to dance. According to Parson (1969), square dancing “is the ability of the leader. referred to as the ‘caller,’ to apply with perfect rhythmic incantation the ‘singing’ and ‘patter calls’ which provide instructions for the dancers to follow” (p. 96). The caller is a leader because “the spirit and personality injected into these calls account for much of the vigorous response on the part of the dancers, and rattling off the patters can be compared with an auctioneer’s efforts to obtain more dollars for the item up for sale” (p. 96). As I think of this style of dance, I am reminded of the second principal. From our first meeting at her school, I could tell that she was in control as I observed her giving orders to her staff. Square Dance stood tall, and people could not help but heed her every 68 comment. As I waited for her to signal me to enter her office, Square Dance told one of her two secretaries to hold her telephone calls, for the other to call a child’s parent, and for one of the assistant principals to check on a budget issue. Immediately, those three school participants began responding to her calls. Square Dance had characteristics similar to those of the dance. She performed daily rituals that were like the formal techniques and sequences of the dance. This principal awoke at the same time daily and prepared her morning coffee as she awaited her morning call from one of her sisters. The consistency of this principal’s home routine was mirrored at her school. Square Dance maintained order in her school by setting the tone. Members of the school community respected her and were eager to please her. Despite her large student population, this principal was able to maintain order and discipline throughout the school. At the time of the study, Square Dance was 54 years old and served the same school district in which she had been educated. She was born and reared in Michigan, where her father was a carpenter and her mother a secretary. This principal’s relationship with her two younger sisters was a close one. Some of her previous professional positions included teacher, unit head, and assistant principal. She was married and had a 33-year-old son. Jazz Tap Jazz tap is the dance style that comes to mind as I envision the third principal. When I reflect on jazz tap, I am mesmerized by the fancy percussive footwork of the dancer as she marks out precise rhythmic patterns on the floor. This performer wears a 69 sophisticated dress that lets the audience see her legs and feet move to the complex beats. The tap dancer’s shoes are mysterious because they resemble ordinary shoes until the dancer wants to express a dance through sound. Because metal plates, or taps, are added to the leather-soled shoes, she can be seen and heard. As I watch a tap dancer perform, I am captivated by her acrobatic moves and rhythmic patterns. I can see her using combinations of brush, flap, shuffle, ball change, and cramp roll. One of the great moves of the tap dancer is appearing to nearly trip herself up. This makes her performance exciting, as you wonder whether she will stay on her feet until the dance ends. I named the third woman Jazz Tap because this form of dance has “a long, proud tradition. It began as the voice of a people who had no other voice” (Johnson, 1999, p. 55). Johnson claimed that “Jazz tap is partly a technical skill, but it is also a form of self-expression that comes from the soul of the dancer” (p. 19). This principal made her presence known by being both seen and heard at her school, at school board meetings, in the district office, and in the community. Jazz Tap was an assertive principal who vocalized her concerns and opinions. When an issue concerned her “babies,” she made sure that everyone was well aware of her mission to do whatever she needed to do for those children. I first met Jazz Tap at a principal’s conference at which she was a speaker. In her energetic and enlightening presentation on her role as an urban principal, Ifound this woman to be very straightforward and articulate. When I conducted the study, Jazz Tap was a confident, serious-looking 59-year- old. She effectively communicated with her staff and students, whom she affectionately called her “family.” Despite her stern facial expression, everyone gravitated to this woman. The students, teachers, and parents were entranced by her musical voice as she 70 greeted each member of her school community every morning. This principal’s mission was to make her school into a family oriented organization. As she strode through the school, her footsteps echoed from the floor and walls. Whenever someone wanted to find Jazz Tap in the school, all they had to do was listen for her, regardless of whether she was in the halls, a classroom, the office, or the auditorium. In a deep, raspy voice, Jazz Tap constantly challenged her restrictive boundaries as a principal. Whenever she attended an educational workshop and disagreed with the presenter, she expressed her views directly to that person; she was not afraid to voice her opinion. Many of her colleagues in the district knew her as an articulate and confident principal with a sense of purpose. Jazz Tap had no hesitancy in articulating her concerns when she called the district office. Once I was in her office when she asked her secretary to order some resource materials for her students through the school’s computer system. The secretary informed her that the computer would not accept the school’s account number for ordering the materials. Jazz Tap immediately dialed the district’s budget department and asked to speak to Carol. When the receptionist explained that Carol was unavailable, Jazz Tap told her to find someone with whom she could discuss her budget. Another supervisor then came to the phone, and Jazz Tap explained that she needed to order some materials for her students and that she should be able to do so. After a few minutes on the telephone, she succeeded in ordering the resource materials she needed. Jazz Tap had been able to voice her opinion all of her life. The second oldest of five children, she grew up in an upper-middle-class family in Temple, Texas, where her parents owned a farm and a hotel. Both of Jazz Tap’s parents died when they were in 7] their thirties, and an aunt raised her and her siblings. Jazz Tap had held positions as a classroom teacher, math lab teacher, reading coordinator, and assistant principal, all in the same school district. She was divorced and had two sons, who were 32 and 34 years old. M0_d9r_n_ As I envision modern dance, I see an invigorated dancer who is draped with a light silk tunic gathered only at the breast and hips as her bare feet glide across the floor. When the dancer moves, the fabric flutters through the air as she twirls and leaps across the stage. Her movements, based on the natural rhythms of walking, running, and jumping, are matched to the music. This form of dance is not constricting or inhibiting, but daring. The modern dancer feels free as she runs across the stage, her upper body and head bent backward and her arms extended behind her. The audience revels in the dancer’s fluidity of movement. I named the fourth principal Modern because she is “nontraditional and is dedicated to the service of the contemporary man” (Colliers Encyclopedia, 1957, p. 265). According to this encyclopedia, “If modern dance has no set technique, it nevertheless has a clear concept of purpose and intelligently exploits—perhaps more than any other way of dance—the movement possibilities of the human body” (p. 263). This principal created a variety of movements throughout her school as she asserted herself. Similar to modern dance, she espoused “the right to follow personal inspiration without catering to the tastes of some private or institutional patron” (Jonas, 1992, p. 191). Modern resembled the women who created modern dance because they, too, “were asserting for 72 themselves something that poets and painters in the West had come to take for granted by the nineteenth century: the right to follow personal inspiration without catering to the tastes of some private or institutional patron” (Jonas, 1992, p. 191). Modern embodied the characteristics of the dance style for which I named her. Her toned, petite body resembled that of a modern dancer. Her movements were quick and precise. She was perpetually in motion as she leaped from her office, dashed through the main office for a requisition form, and skipped through the halls to meet with a teacher. I made the mistake of wearing high heels during our first meeting as Modern twirled me from conference room to classroom to office to outside. Although I had planned to stay for only two hours to conduct our first interview, I found myself part of her spiraling action of training a new secretary, informing a veteran secretary of an important call that she was expecting, scheduling a colleague to work part of summer school, introducing herself to new students who were touring the school, and dismissing youngsters after school. By the time I left her school that day, my feet were as sore as those of an untrained dancer trying to keep up with a seasoned performer. This energetic 48-year-old principal came from a middle-class background. Although her parents were never married, they respected one another. Her father made a career out of military service, and her mother was a computer analyst. Modern was born in Checotah, Oklahoma, the third of seven children. Her previous positions included teacher, alternative program teacher, and assistant principal. Although Modern began her educational career by teaching in her hometown, most of her positions had been in the current school district. This principal had been divorced twice and had no children. 73 € ‘1 o-o N As I envision a woman and a man moving as a unit, I think ofthe waltz. This couple is dressed in formal attire as they dance to the romantic music. The man is wearing a black tuxedo with tails; a white boutonniere and silk handkerchief accent his jacket. His patent leather shoes glide across the floor as he twirls his partner. The woman is wearing a formal, flowing ballgown. Her coiffure and make-up are flawless. This couple, who are attuned to each other’s every move, appear to be from society’s higher echelon. I named the fifth principal Waltz because she was a well-dressed woman who faced a partner in a formal embrace to get what she needed for her students, their parents, and her staff. Her demeanor was regal and sophisticated. As in the dance, Waltz realized that an audience was observing her every move, so she performed faultlessly. She had learned through various mentors the importance of dressing appropriately, maintaining her appearance, and observing rules of etiquette. Similarly, according to Jonas (1996), “Waltzing for the ruling classes remained embedded in a hierarchical social setting. Only one couple took the floor at a time. During their few minutes together in the limelight, the partners (who had been rigorously coached by professional dancing masters) went through the prescribed figures of a dance” (p. 168). Waltz embraced various dance partners, depending on what she was seeking to achieve. Thus, at different times she “danced” with the school superintendent, assistant principal, parents, community, teachers, and students. Reversing the characteristic roles in dance of the man leading and the woman being led, Waltz was the leader in her dance. She was able to gain her partners’ attention 74 and lead them in the direction she wanted to dance. On numerous occasions, Waltz admitted, “I am well aware of the game and I know how to play it. [As a] matter of fact, I am good at playing the game.” This leader knew how to steer a safe course around the ballroom. Regardless of her partner’s gender or part in the school system, she was able to assume a leading role without saying a word. During one of our conversations, Waltz explained that her school needed certain things in order to run effectively and efficiently, and she was determined to obtain those items. She said she was involved in numerous organizations to network and make herself visible. Waltz considered herself the best and always wanted to be the first to accomplish something. This 51-year-old principal was the eldest of seven children. Waltz was born and raised in Little Rock, Arkansas. Her working-class parents were a carpenter/custodian and a homemaker. After her mother died at a young age, Waltz helped her father raise her six siblings and another child whom they had adopted. This principal had 33 years of experience in education and 26 years in her present district, where she had been a teacher and an assistant principal. A widow, Waltz had two daughters. ages 20 and 24. Religious Another form of dance that comes to mind is religious dancing. This form of dance is a way to praise God through movement and to glorify His name. The worshipers lift up their hands, not only to express joy but also to praise and worship the Lord. As I reminisce about visiting various churches, I think of a woman wearing a flowing white dress, her bare feet twirling in spirals to spiritual hymns. Her expression of joy illuminates the church. The spontaneous movements of rhythmic stomping and 75 hopping steps continue through the worship service. Her dancing is biblically based and spirit filled. The dancer arouses the congregation to praise the Lord. As she dances, the connection between her soul and body is evident. I immediately knew that the sixth principal would be named Religious because of her strong spirituality. Our initial meeting consisted of quoting the Bible, giving praise to God, and praying together. This principal was filled with love for and devotion to Jesus Christ. I was touched by her compassion when I told her we would have to reschedule an interview because my uncle had died. She immediately came around her desk and clasped my hand and asked if we could pray for my family. Religious asked God to watch over my family during our time of mourning and to help my aunt and cousins cope with the death of their husband and father. As we held hands and prayed, a warm feeling of comfort came to rest in my heart. With tears in my eyes, I thanked Religious for her compassion. After our meeting, Religious prayed for my safe travel back home. I named this principal Religious because “the initiate (who has undergone a long period of instruction and training) dances to invite a particular god to visit the world of the living” (Jonas, 1992, p. 37). It was clear that this principal’s spirituality guided her work to achieve justice through her conversations and interactions with others. On several occasions, I observed Religious voice her love for God. This principal’s staff and students were aware of her spirituality and were used to hearing her declare, “God is good,” “Praise God,” and “Thank you, Jesus.” Religious spoke openly of her religious conviction, and she prayed and meditated before starting each day in her leadership role. Religious also extensively cited Bible passages that related to her work. 76 This 45-year-old principal was born in Michigan and grew up as the middle child in a single-parent, working-class family. After this woman’s parents divorced, her mother was able to support the family by working and going to school. The deaths of her mother and husband had greatly affected Religious’s life. She called on her strength in accepting the principalship a week after her husband died. This woman had been a teacher, social worker, assistant principal, deputy principal, and principal in the same district. Religious had two sons, who were 14 and 16 years old at the time of this study. Summag Similar to the various expressions of dancing, the six principals who participated in this study showed that “even in the most traditional settings, the forms and meanings of dance change when dancers feel the need to come up with something new or to alter or adapt something old to fit new circumstances” (Jonas, 1992, p. 35). These women represented various forms of dancing. Insights into their personal characteristics, including their ages, social background during their formative years, marital status, educational qualifications, and career experience, are furnished in Table 4.1. In the following section, vignettes are presented in the voices of the six participants. Each vignette begins with a quotation that captures the woman’s view of her work, followed by an exploration of the following aspects of her journey: (a) growing-up years; (b) leadership; (c) her inspiration; ((1) defining leadership, power, and social justice; and (e) her philosophy. The discussion of each aspect begins with my own observations. These are followed by the principal’s recounting of her journey, in her own voice. 77 Table 1: Profiles of the Black women middle school principals. Name Age Social Background Marital Educational Career During Formative Years Status Qualifications Experience Ballet 63 Working-class parents Married B.A., M.A. Taught in Father: not much formal hometown & held education; farmer all other positions Mother: not much in current district formal education; farmer Square Dance 54 Middle-class parents Married B.A., M.A., Held all positions Father: college (sopho- M.A.+3O in same district more; carpenter born & raised in Mother: college (sopho- more); secretary Jazz Tap 59 Upper-middle-class Divorced B.A., M.A. Held all positions parents in same district Father: high school; agricultural experimen- talist, entrepreneur Mother: high school; entrepreneur Modern 48 Middle-class parents Divorced B.A., M.A. Taught in Father: high school hometown & held diploma; military all other positions Mother: high school in current district (senior); computer analyst Waltz 51 Working-class parents Widowed B.A., M.A. Held all positions Father: elementary (6th in same district grade); carpenter/ custodian Mother: high school (9th grade); homemaker Religious 4S Working-class parents Widowed B.A., M.A. Held all positions Father: high school in same district diploma; industrial born & raised in fireman Mother: registered nurse; registered nurse 78 Vignette One: Ballet “As public educators we need to find out who we are and where we want to go. School systems have got to do this, or we are going to lose this battle. " Growing-Up Years Researcher’s observations. Ballet was my first participant, and my anxiety was mounting as I traveled three hours to meet with her. Before leaving on my journey, I had checked and rechecked to make sure that I had all of my data-collection materials because I did not want anything to hinder me from gathering as much information as possible. My first impression of this seasoned principal was that she was soft-spoken and reserved. As we talked, she became more comfortable with my asking such personal questions. When I asked Ballet about her growing-up years, she began to smile as she reflected on her family. One thing that stood out about her experiences was that her parents valued education and expected all of their children to get an education. Although Ballet’s parents were farmers, they know that having a good education would take their children further in life. Despite her father’s lack of formal education, he knew the importance of educating Black people to vote and strongly encouraged them to get out and vote. As Ballet spoke about her father, her eyes glistened and on several occasions she affectionately referred to him as “Daddy.” Ballet’s self-esteem was like that of a well-trained dancer. She grew up with the confidence that she could do anything, regardless of her skin color; she knew that “Black was great.” She did not allow gender or class stereotypes to keep her from excelling in school and extracurricular activities. This principal participated in various activities and 79 was the president of numerous organizations. As Ballet grew older, her parents instilled in her the value of helping others. Regardless of whether these people were family or not, she had to give something back. She even took part in political movements because she thought it was necessary to voice her concerns. In her own voice. I grew up in a rural community on a farm where my parents were farmers. We children all helped with everything that needed to be done on the farm, but education was always number one. We didn’t have to stay out of school to harvest crops or anything because my parents always worked around that. My father didn’t have much education himself, but he saw to it that all of his children received an education and went to college. We were expected to go to school and do well. There was no discussion about it. My dad was supportive and would be there when the doors opened, no matter what was going on. We didn’t have anything [material], but we had a lot. We were just always very proud as a family. Independent. I didn’t have any negative feelings. I just thought that I could do what the next person could do, and I still feel that way. I have always operated that way, having faith in myself. We grew up in church and we grew up as a strong family. There wasn’t a feeling of less. We couldn’t feel anything but good. My parents were very motivational. My father was a farmer and a great politician. He was always trying to get Black people to vote by educating them on how important it was for them to vote. I remember how hard he worked for the Gore family; they have been in Tennessee for a long time. He was very assertive at motivating Blacks to vote, much more than people are nowadays. I think he was before his time. We just don’t have those kind of people now. 80 We have the NAACP, but they so often get caught up in a different political arena by being more into their own selves. But being out there individually for their people, there are not a lot of people doing that. On the other hand, my mother was the supporter, and my father was more take care of the home and kids. My father was the voice. I had an uncle who was a CME bishop, and he just sort of took all of us under his wing. Our entire family was Methodist. As a matter of fact, there is a Methodist church in Detroit named after my uncle. He was also a very motivational person, like my father. Also, I had teachers whom I loved and idolized. I was always a very active student, more in a leadership capacity. I played a little athletics because I wanted to, but I was always that leader child. I was a leader on our school’s student government, yearbook, honor society, and those kinds of organizations all the way through school. I have been at it for a long time, and I don’t stop to think about it. Even now I am the president of some organizations. I think the most valuable lesson that I learned growing up was to recognize the work of people, to be humble, to be helpful, and to share. That is me and who I am. The work of people stands out the most in my mind, all people, regardless of situations and circumstances. I usually can find a way to help others. If nobody else can get it done, I normally can or I know who to go to, to get it done. Growing up in Tennessee helped me to know who I was. I think so often our students are thrust into certain situations and don’t have a good feeling of who they are. I have students in my school who don’t think they are as good as others. I grew up knowing that Black was great, knowing that my high school and college were great. When I stepped into the diverse world, it was not difficult because I was superior myself. 81 I’m not saying that growing up in a diverse society is bad, but I think, as Black people, we missed some basic teaching that we need to do for our children. There are groups that go to Saturday schools to make sure they know who they are. We don’t do that with Black children, to keep them truly knowing who they are. I graduated from college in 1960, and at that time we were heavily involved in political movements. There were marches and pickets; you were in it. You just did it. On the college campus, you had to be part of it. We were fighting for our community. I felt it was the thing I had to do. You didn’t sit and think about “Do I or don’t I?” You just did it. That’s the way I am now when addressing issues. If I see something that is not going to be for the betterment of people, I will address it. I think there are pros and cons, but I think we have to address issues. I don’t believe that we Blacks as a people did enough for ourselves when the change came. We fought for the change, we wanted the change, but with change there are some other processes that must take place, and not enough took place for us. We were happy about being able to go to school and about busing. Many people have fought to break down the barriers, but we didn’t as a base of people. We expected everybody to do something for us. We still are not doing enough to help our own Blacks. The perception of Black women and Blacks in general was that we were less competent, not aggressive, and more laid back. I would say less competent would be the biggest stereotype. Less accepted. That is changing, though, but I think when l was growing up we were considered less competent because Whites didn’t think we had much to offer. 82 Leadership Researcher’s observations. As Ballet discussed her views on and experiences with leadership, I envisioned her as a ballerina who had given many performances. Ballet told me about the many positions she had held in the same school district. I found it interesting that she had moved to various schools but had stayed in the same district. She had even been an assistant principal at a particular school, moved to another school, and returned to her previous school to become its principal. Her dedication to the school district as well as the school was remarkable. On numerous occasions, she stressed the point that she loved her school district, school, and students. When I asked her about retirement, she said she was not going anywhere and that she “would hurt somebody” if they attempted to remove her from her school. She said she would not even entertain the idea of retirement until she got her own grandchildren through middle school. Ballet was able to keep a watchful eye on them because they attended her school. Along with her school experience, Ballet had been able to be innovative in getting programs funded for both Black and White students. I knew from our conversations that she was proud of her work to help students. She was well aware of racial tensions and thought it was necessary to combat this problem. During our conversations, Ballet expressed her concerns about the structure of middle schools. She believed that middle schools should include ninth grade because children of that age are too immature to make the transition to high school. This principal also believed she should keep abreast of what was going on around her as she helped students and their families. She wanted to know about changes in educational laws that might affect her students. Ballet’s concern with how she could 83 assist families took precedence in her role as a principal. She provided many activities for parents and students in order for them to get the support they needed. But she did not do this alone. Ballet gave most of the credit for these activities to her staff, who worked collaboratively to make positive things happen in their school. Because of Ballet’s genuine thoughtfulness, many of her previous students enrolled their children in her school In her own voice. I would say middle school is more demanding than elementary and high school because a middle school child has to have good knowledge and a physiological base. [Middle school] is a very difficult area to put together. I have worked at the elementary, high school, and college levels. It is more difficult to work at this level, but it is what 1 want to do. My brother tells me that I am crazy, but I think it takes a special person to be in the middle school. You have to have the right skill to get the right staff to work with the middle school kids and to be patient. This is the age when they are really developing emotionally and physically. I don’t think we helped ourselves when we moved ninth graders and put them into high school. I think we lose more kids than what people think. They are not ready for a high school mind-set. The adults want them to come already mature and independent, but they are not ready. That’s why we lose them. I studied school law because, as a principal, I wanted to be knowledgeable about educational laws. You’d better know the law because, if you don’t, you can make a major mistake that you could regret or end up taking up all of your time trying to work your way out of it. In fact, I know all of the laws that are coming from the state. I don’t like them, but I know them. For instance, I had to know the recent school code because I 84 have to stay abreast in order to work with the mind-set of the law and yet realize that I am dealing with children. The one piece of the middle school program that bothers me is expulsion. Schools are expelling kids for normal situations, so I read the law and look at the situation. I assess how I can help the child or the parents and still uphold the law. It is a fine line. It is easy to kick a kid out of school, but I can’t always do that. Then, if you are in that tough situation, the laws are always changing. But I must be aware of all of the new laws that affect my kids. I developed student-involvement programs for White and Black students to become more involved so they wouldn’t be at each other’s throats. I got federal funding to continue that program and chose to work with the most difficult school. The school was dealing with racial issues because it had been an all-White school and then they started busing Blacks into that school. So I went into that school along with my colleagues and put the school together so that [White and Black kids] could learn together. I got kids involved and had them make decisions about different issues in their school. I did that until they merged two middle schools and the funding ran out. I left that position and became the assistant principal at the school where I am now. I went into this whole new setting and continued working. I am big on student involvement, even now as the principal at this school. I stayed at this school for three years as an assistant principal; then another opportunity came where I became the assistant principal at the elementary school and middle school at the same time. It was difficult being an assistant principal in two schools. However, it worked out because the principal in one school was so good that she didn’t need me. I was put there because the 85 school was out of order, so they thought that I would be needed. However, I was needed more at the middle school, so I spent most of my time there. I then started an alternative school. I put that together for students who were not achieving academically, had poor attendance and behavioral problems. I worked as an assistant in the alternative school for two years. Then I came back to this school when the principalship became available; I got the job because they wanted me back. I have been in education for the past 30 years; I will retire out of this place. I don’t want to go to central office. I would hurt somebody. This school is home for me. I am right here with the kids, and I can give back to the kids here. The structure in my school is like this: We operate as a full staff, where any topics are brainstormed by the staff. For instance, the school improvement team makes recommendations on different issues, and then it goes to the staff for their stamp of approval. Then from there it begins to happen with those people who want to move it. They want their students to be great, so they get the movement going. 1 don’t mind sharing my power; I don’t have to be a part of everything. I give them the power to take something and run with it. I think that is why I am successful—because I can trust people to do a job and get it done. I am a monitor; I know how to do that and not be dictatorial because it is going to ultimately come by me anyway. The staff love to work because I let them work. They feel comfortable running things by me. I have to be able, through my staff, to teach a lesson that I want them to teach in their classrooms. For example, the students learn through my staff the issues of being timely, not lollygagging, not standing around in the hall drinking coffee. They 86 know that when they see me I am doing something, I am on a mission, I am helping them. I see myself as a fairly strong, decisive person. It doesn’t take me all day to make a decision. I can think it through real quick, and ifl need more time to think it through, I will take the time. You don’t want people to read you right off or get an upper on you. You want to ease into the position with your competence and your skills and catch them off guard and come across as being very profound. If you go in there all bubbly and volunteering for everything, they can read that right off. If you go in and do your job and do it well, then people will see that and respect you for it. There is no need to be too aggressive because you are smarter than they are anyway. You can sit back and still do the same things; it is just your approach, the way you do it. I learned that in your professional career you want to stay broad. l have some really close friends on this staff, but I don’t buddy with them in this professional setting. We do things once we get out of here, but we keep our work on a professional level; otherwise it could be detrimental. My brother always told me that you never date anybody on your staff. That’s a powerful piece of advice—not that [dating a staff member] is wrong, but you will lose something in the professional arena, especially if the relationship doesn’t work out. I have an excellent relationship with the staff and with the parents. We had our first parent meeting Monday night, and of course you think you might have only six or seven people at the first meeting. We had a room full of people; we were moving tables, getting set up. I have an excellent relationship with the constituents ofthis building and within the community, and that has come about because I have been in the system for so 87 long - It is not a huge town, so ifl did well for you and your children, now I have your grandchildren here. People want to put their kids in this school because I am here. Not that I am doing any more, but it is a relationship that I have established. It has definitely helpe: d the reputation ofthe school. A lot of people think this school is like heaven. We try to maintain it, and the staff is proud ofit. This is not to say that we are different, beca use our kids do get into trouble. Now that doesn’t mean that there aren’t some staff members who aren’t eager. AS long as teaching is number one and they are doing their job in the classroom, then I can go with that. There are a few teachers who come to school, teach, and go home. If they a re doing their best in the classroom, then it doesn’t bother me. It’s when they come, don’t teach, and go home [that I get upset]. Most of the staff go beyond because they lC:t—row it is for the children. Some will do it if I go to them and ask them to do it. There isn’t usually any defiance; they just don’t initiate it. They don’t take ownership and do it, but ifl ask, they will do it. \Her Inspiration Researcher’s observations. As Ballet danced around the idea of her inspiration, She expressed that all of her staff were compassionate and concerned about children. As She reflected on things that had inspired her, Ballet discussed how a White male principal had not wanted to give her an opportunity to teach in his school because he was looking for a male teacher. She was well aware of the gender stereotypes that had plagued Black women. As a matter of fact, she still communicated with the principal who had been reluctant to give her an opportunity to teach. 88 In her own voice. When I came from Tennessee, my husband got a job at a comp any by the name of Wilson’s. My first job interview, with a White male principal, did u ct go as I had planned. He said to me, “You know, I am looking for a man because I don ’ t think a woman can do this job.” I don’t know if he meant Black woman or woman peri o (I. But I came here, interviewed well, and he gave me thejob. We still talk about that- I was a good teacher, and he grew to respect me. He just had wanted a man. I guess we as Black women have to be so much better than men to get in. Often we prove curse 1 ves, and then we are able to move on. My role models have always been people who I thought were concerned about childre n and who were focused on what schools should be about. I remember my high $011001 principal being about business. I also remember receiving advice from other role model S while I was in college. They encouraged me to take on various leadership roles. A51 ‘0 ok on those leadership positions, I enjoyed them more and more. As a result of those 1 eadership experiences, I knew that being an educational leader was my calling. I would say the person who helped me the most in becoming an educational leaGEr was a principal I worked with for a long time. I first worked with him as a student Services coordinator. Although he was the principal, I planned activities and helped with Student cases. I think he did more to help me firm up how to be effective than anyone else did. We really did wonders together because he was an excellent principal and I had the other side of it, which was the people side. We balanced each other. That helped me find exactly where I felt I needed to be. He would always tell me I spent too much time with one child. He would tell me that I had to process them and get them out. But that wasn’t me. I wanted to work the problems through. I wanted the change to occur within 89 the c hild, rather than saying, “This is your punishment for what you did.” After working with student services, I became his assistant principal for I] to 12 years. That experience helpe (1 me know what I wanted to do and how to do it effectively. Def‘i ning Leadership. Power. and Social Justice Researcher’s observations. Although Ballet was soft-spoken, she had no problem voici mg her thoughts on educating her students. She expected teachers to do their jobs and educate children. When she visited classrooms, she expected to see children engaged in Cooperative learning. Ballet expected nothing but the best from both her staff and her studen ts. As she spoke about her expectations, I could see her reasons for staying at the SChOO 1 level. She really wanted to be there, working side by side with the students. This princ iD a1 advocated collaboration. Ballet knew that her teachers wanted to be responsible and be lieved they were able to make decisions. She used her power in this creative “‘3an r and still achieved the desired outcome of educating her students. One of the charac teristics of the ballerina is her ability to listen to and observe what is going on around her before interjecting her leadership role. In her own voice. I define leadership as the ability to establish an environment Where people want to work, and go beyond what is expected of them. Leaders are able to 33‘ goals that will maximize the institution and get people to want to work and set goals. I am all about change. I stay abreast of what is going on; I can adapt to change, and I knOW we have to change. I constantly involve my staff in what is going to make a good school for 2000. This doesn’t mean that you change everything. Some basics still need to remain basic, but you have to keep up with technology. You have to keep up with all of what is going on with education that will enable students to learn. 9O "NH!!! 1' -c-" _ . 9' ‘3. r" . 1. i it" .~ in. \1‘. P p 5"" 4&3ch - " Asa-5.; V to“: a: 7' . f f “(*‘Tmfi‘w‘tu t \r f I h ‘\ ’y .f , I,“ aw'rw i . J . ., .5’, ual‘fi‘ . ‘s s\ said-4"”? :5 .w‘ II a: . mu“, w Figure 1: The Wisdom-Of-Practice model. 208 1. How do these Black women middle school principals mediate the professional and personal tensions tO create socially just schools? 2. How does each Black woman middle school principal define leadership for social justice? How has each woman practiced social justice in her urban middle school setting? 3. What implications do the study findings have for the preparation Of K-12 schOOl leaders? What are the implications Of this study for future research on urban K-12 institutions? These questions can be addressed through a discussion Of the five themes that compose the Wisdom-Of-Practice model. In discussing each Of them, I provide support from the vignettes and the extant literature to capture the essence Of the principals’ practice Of social justice. Following the thematic analysis, I discuss the implications Of the research and present my reflections on the study. Thematic Analysis Theme 1: Strength Of Womanhood Strength Of womanhood, as exemplified in these vignettes, is these Black women’s ability to use their leadership position to battle negative stereotypical images Of Blacks by epitomizing strength, resilience, and perseverance. The principals’ placement in leadership roles had afforded them an Opportunity to show strength by enduring obstacles in both their professional and personal lives. Their strength was evidenced in their demeanor, attitudes, willingness tO help others, determination, and tireless efforts to mother and nurture their students. 209 Strength and resilience are fundamental constructs Of Black feminist theories. For instance, Black feminists have argued that Black women have challenged their negative portrayals as mammies and welfare recipients throughout their personal and professional lives. Gilkes (1983) suggested, “Black women’s assertiveness and their use Of every expression Of racism tO launch multiple assaults against the fabric Of inequality have been a consistent, multifaceted threat tO the status quO. As punishment, Black women have been assaulted with a variety Of negative images” (p. 294). Nevertheless, despite centuries Of oppressive stereotypes, Black women have striven to eradicate the notion that Black women are passive and fragile. Regardless Of the Oppressions Of race, gender, and class, many Black women have been determined tO end these negative images through their strength and perseverance. Their personal and professional experiences have simulated these women, through their philosophies and actions, to change the way they have been perceived. hOOks (1981) articulated the continued devaluation Of Black womanhood by explaining that, “during the years Of Black Reconstruction, 1967-77. black women struggled tO change negative images Of black womanhood perpetuated by whites” (p. 55). She supported her assertion by stating, Everywhere black women went, on public streets, in shops, or at their places Of work, they were accosted and subjected tO Obscene comments and even physical abuse at the hands Of white men and women. Those black women suffered most whose behavior best exemplified that Of a “lady.” A black woman dressed tidy and clean, carrying herself in a dignified manner, was usually the Object Of mudslinging by white men who ridiculed and mocked her self-improvement efforts. They reminded her that in the eyes Of the white public she would never be seen as worthy Of consideration or respect. (p. 55) Likewise, Collins (2000) Observed that: 210 Black women’s work and family experiences create the conditions whereby the contradictions between everyday experiences and the controlling images Of Black womanhood become visible. Seeing the contradictions in the ideologies Opens them up for demystification. Just as Sojourner Truth deconstructed the term woman by using her own lived experiences tO challenge it, so in a variety of ways do everyday African-American women do the same thing. (p. 99) In addition tO the devaluation Of Black womanhood, these women have had tO endure the triple jeopardy Of race, gender, and class while exhibiting strength in their professional and personal lives. As King (1988) stated, “A black woman’s survival depends on her ability tO use all the economic, social, and cultural resources available tO her from both the larger society and within her community” (p. 298). She supported this statement by claiming that, “It is black women’s well-documented facility to encompass seemingly contradictory rOle expectations Of worker, homemaker, and mother that has contributed to the confusion in understanding black womanhood” (p. 298). King added, “These competing demands are a primary influence on the black woman’s definition Of her womanhood, and her relationships tO the people around her” (p. 298). The women in this study defined or redefined the meaning Of womanhood through three primary constructs: (a) disposition, (b) for the sake Of appearance, and (c) giving 110%. Their qualities allowed them to be viewed as strong leaders in their schOOl communities. In addition, they were conscious Of people’s perceptions Of Black women; therefore, some Of their actions were for the sake of appearance. Similarly, these Black school leaders worked extremely hard in their positions, nurturing and mothering their school communities. Construct I: Disposition. In this study, disposition was viewed as a combination of emotional, intellectual, and moral qualities that distinguished these Black women 211 principals from Other schOOl leaders through their demand for respect. In fact, Black feminists have asserted that Blacks should demand respect. For instance, feminist abolitionist Sojourner Truth was a catalyst for demanding respect in her famous but controversial “Ain’t I a Woman” speech. Through her speech, she linked Black feminist thought, race, and gender in the lives Of Black women. She forced peOple tO lOOk at Black women differently than White women because Of their unique experiences. Similarly, Collins (2000) argued, “The emphasis that Black feminist thinkers have placed on respect illustrates the significance Of self-valuation. In a society in which nO one is obligated to respect African-American women, we have long admonished one another tO have self-respect and tO demand the respect Of others” (p. 115). She added, “One Of the best-known popular statements Of Black women’s demand for self-respect and the respect Of others is found in Aretha Franklin’s 1967 rendition Of the Otis Redding song ‘Respect’” (p. 115). The participants in this study exhibited confidence and a certain attitude as Black women schOOl leaders. For instance, two women shared in our conversations that: I don’t know if there is such a thing as a born leader, but I tend tO think that I have some characteristics Of a gOOd leader. I never took leadership classes. I don’t remember a lot Of what I learned that made me the kind Of leader that I am. I just think that my being about people and recognizing that all people are important has helped to solidify my ability tO be who I am. (Ballet) I am a Black, almost-60-year-Old female, and that has taught me that all things are a challenge and that I can jump over any hurdle. After all, I am Black, I am a female, I am sitting here in the principal’s Office, sitting here working with the staff, and I am working for my children. (Jazz Tap) The disposition construct was strongly evidenced in the lives Of the principals in this study. All Of these women expressed emotional, intellectual, and moral qualities that 212 demanded respect. Their compassion for students and the schOOl community was evident as they sought justice. Some Of the principals demanded respect by appearing confident and self-assured in their work, whereas others gained respect by being pleasant and personable with their students, parents, and staff. Further, the Black women middle schOOl principals’ dispositions allowed them tO present themselves in a professional manner and tO maintain respect. In order for these women tO move the schOOl and children forward, they had tO portray confidence and assertiveness. Although the principals’ assertiveness tOOk on different characteristics, they were all successful in their efforts tO run their schools. Construct 2: For the sake Of appearance. As school leaders, these Black women had tO appear tO be in control Of every situation. Therefore, they had tO lOOk decisive and on top Of the complex issues prevalent in their schools. hOOks’s (1981) examination Of Black women in the workforce revealed the stereotypical images Of these women: “The stereotypical image Of the black woman as strong and powerful so dominates the consciousness Of most Americans that even if a black woman is clearly confonning tO sexist notions Of femininity and passivity she may be characterized as tough. domineering, and strong” (p. 83). These middle school principals showed their decisiveness by unhesitatingly making decisions. They made quick decisions rather than being considered incompetent in any way. In talking about the importance Of appearance and making swift decisions, two women shared: I have known a few males, whether Black or White, with gender issues. There are a lot Of people with gender issues who just think that a woman doesn’t have a right tO make a decision that they must follow. When I first started, I used to deal 213 with this by crying about it; now it doesn’t bother me because I realize it is their ignorance. If they can’t accept whatever my thoughts are, I can move ahead, without dwelling on it forever. I have tO be able tO think about it, research it, decide what I am going tO dO, and move on with it quickly. (Modern) When I lOOk at a problem, I lOOk at the issues I face before I decide. Then I’ll do some talking and listening tO people’s perspectives on that so-called apple. I look at the stem, the body, the bite that’s missing, and those kinds Of things before I actually react. (Religious) Not only were these Black women middle schOOl principals conscious Of their leadership appearance, they also paid careful attention tO their physical appearance. All Of these school leaders made sure their physical appearance was professional and faultless at all times. They dressed in businesslike attire, and their make-up, hair, and jewelry were appropriate tO the school setting. This conscious effort with regard to physical appearance carried over tO their social interactions, as well. These principals also maintained a polished appearance when they participated in community activities such as working in community organizations, attending church, and even grocery shopping. Because Of certain decisions these principals had made, colleagues and staff sometimes considered these women “bitches.” Not only did these women make decisions for the sake Of appearance, but they Often were considered “bitches” because they demanded respect as leaders and as Black women. However, these principals had become immune tO being called or considered “bitches” and continued to exhibit strong leadership qualities. Two women shared: You learn tO wear the title Of “bitch” well. In fact, I used tO come home crying when I first became an administrator. I could not understand; I had such a good rapport with staff when I was their peer, but now all Of a sudden I had become such a “bitch.” My husband kept telling me it was only because I was a female. I couldn’t understand that. It was not like I was discriminating; in fact, I am very 214 conscious Of not doing that. That’s just the way it is, he kept telling me. Then I started tO accept that. Now, every time I go through it, I have my “Mrs. Bitch” sign to wear. (Jazz Tap) One thing that I will tell you in terms Of things that happen to women in dealing with staff is that, unless you have established yourself as a person Of authority, your staff members, male and female, will give you the absolute blues that they would not give a man. We have a “Big Daddy” mentality. We have “Big Daddy” telling us what tO do. On the other hand, when you see a woman, you think, “Oh, that’s just Momma.” We ignore her until she becomes “Big B” [Big Bitch] when she is trying to enforce herself. (Religious) Although the women addressed diverse issues pertaining to their particular schools, they all appeared to be strong, in control, and powerful. All Of them made a conscious effort tO think about the different issues they needed tO address, how those issues affected their school community, and how they would present their decisions. Whenever they made difficult decisions, some Of these women were considered “bitches.” The construct, for the sake Of appearance, augments the theme Of the strength Of womanhood by demonstrating the women’s power in the way they made decisions. The women were decisive in their decision making so that they would not be perceived as indecisive or passive. Their intention was tO remain in control Of every situation, regardless Of the issue. The principals wanted the members Of their school communities tO perceive them as strong Black women who could take charge and make decisions. Construct 3: Giving 1 10%. The Black women principals in this study were known for giving Of themselves unselfishly through mothering and nurturing. They went beyond the call Of duty as administrators. Their role usually was transformed from leader tO mother Of many children. As a result, community members perceived them as having strength and being powerful. Black feminist Collins (1991) asserted, “Within African- 215 American communities, women’s innovative and practical approaches tO mothering under Oppressive conditions Often bring power and recognition” (p. 133). Furthermore, she argued, Black women’s involvement in fostering African-American community development forms the basis for community—based power. This is the type Of power many African-Americans have in mind when they describe the “strong Black women” they see around them in traditional African-American communities. (p. 132) Collins also Offered this explanation Of “othermothers”: Black women’s experiences as otherrnothers provide a foundation for Black women’s political activism. Nurturing children in Black extended family networks stimulates a more generalized ethic Of caring and personal accountability among African-American women who Often feel accountable tO all the Black community’s children. (p. 129) The Black principals in this study gave a lOt Of themselves through mothering and nurturing their students. They were protective Of their children and wanted them to have everything they needed to grow and develop. Consider the comments of Jazz Tap and Religious: My kids at the previous school where I was an assistant principal left that school and followed me tO this school. I cried like a baby when they left tO gO tO high school. At their promotional ceremony, I couldn’t get up and say anything because they were taking my babies. (Jazz Tap) My kids don’t deserve anything but the best, so it does not take much for me to say, “You are ill prepared; kids are not in class on time, you are not doing your job. If it doesn’t change, you and I will have a problem.” When I think about my kids, it becomes an easy thing tO do because I think, “How dare you fail them, then blame them for their failure?” (Religious) Giving 1 10% was a significant part Of these principals’ work. All of them mothered and nurtured their students in a variety Of ways. For instance, Ballet took the at-risk students under her wing, and they seemed to gravitate tO her in school and at 216 church. Similarly, Square Dance mothered her Chaldean girls by encouraging parents tO keep their daughters in schOOl rather than arranging marriages for them. She acted as the voice for these girls when they did not have one. On the other hand, Jazz Tap showed her nurturing side by hugging students and affectionately calling them her babies. Her babies saw Jazz Tap as a mother figure, and some Of them even called her “Mom.” Modern had influenced her students so profoundly that some former pupils still telephoned and visited her. Although she did not have any biological children Of her own, she had been a mother figure tO her students. Whereas Waltz mothered her children in public, she also nurtured them privately. For instance, when she noticed that some Of her underprivileged children were not wearing socks, she would call them into her Office and tell them tO lOOk under her desk and choose a new pair Of socks from Waltz’s Boutique. Waltz used her own money to purchase socks, hats, and gloves for her children. Religious tried tO speak to all Of her students daily and affectionately called them “Baby,” “Sweetie,” and “Honey.” She believed these terms Of endearrnent made the children feel loved. By looking at school leadership theories and focusing on Black women in schOOl leadership, one recognizes a sense Of mothering and nurturing. These schOOl leaders genuinely cared about their children’s well being, both academically and emotionally. Ballet nurtured her students by selecting various children tO assist her and ensuring that they all were included. For instance, she stated, We don’t have kids running through the building, saying this schOOl stinks and writing on the walls. It is an effort that you must exercise, to get all Of your students feeling a part Of the schOOl and that they are not being left out. I dO that by using the talents and expertise Of the students in whatever way I can. I’m not going tO always pick the same students tO dO what needs tO be done. I will have 217 some of them work in the Office tO assist with attendance tO boost their egos. I will find something that children can dO tO keep them busy and make them feel gOOd about themselves. Although all Of the participants in this study were African-Americans, they enjoyed mothering students from various ethnic groups. For example, Square Dance reached out tO the Chaldean girls because she believed they needed her. Square Dance explained her plight: We have a significant number Of children from other countries whom I am trying tO motivate tO value education. For instance, some Of the Chaldean girls do not see education as a key priority because they have arranged marriages. Some Of these girls just come to schOOl because they have tO. If their families haven’t been Americanized and are still adhering tO their own cultural practices, the girls are just biding their time until their parents find them a husband. We had a situation where a 13-year-Old girl was taken out Of schOOl to get married. Although many marriages now are arranged in their own homeland, I have been able to encourage some Of the Chaldean families tO allow their girls to continue their education. Religious also shared her experiences Of nurturing her students. She not only wanted tO “save lives, but . . . tO make children whole.” She explained: I want them academically ready tO go into the world Of work or a good university, but more than that I want them tO be gOOd people, I want them tO be smart consumers. I dO not want them tO be taken advantage Of. I want them to see everything out there, and know whether to be a part Of it or against it, tO know how tO make decisions and know what they stand for. I used tO complain about the kids reading below their grade level and worried how tO bring them up, and I would go on and on and on. And the Lord came tO me and said, “I don’t expect you to make geniuses, but I do expect you to save lives.” SO I said, “Lord, I am so sorry, and I have tO keep focused.” When I know this, it gives me strength to walk in here and say to a teacher, “You’re not teaching my kids, and I have a problem with that.” The construct Of giving 1 10% supports the strength-Of-womanhood theme by demonstrating strong women’s ability tO lead as well as tO provide children with love in multiple ways. Often Black women in leadership positions are seen as mothers tO their 218 students. However, these principals struggled tO be seen as professional Black women and not the stereotypical mammy. Some Of these principals believed they were helping their children by becoming othemiothers while the students’ own mothers were working. These Black women believed it was their responsibility as principals to be positive role models by connecting with their children. In summary, taken together, the constructs Of disposition, for the sake Of appearance, and giving 1 10% define the theme Of strength Of womanhood as endurance Of leadership. Despite multiple challenges as school leaders, these women had persevered. Although some Of the challenges they faced were astronomical or beyond their control, they used their leadership qualities tO maintain their position as school leaders and the respect Of students, parents, teachers, staff, and colleagues. What this means for the work Of social justice is that the principals were able tO maintain their dignity and self-respect and brought those qualities to their schOOl communities. This allowed them tO be optimistic and tO carry out their mission tO achieve socially just and equitable schOOls. Theme 2: Skin Color and Personal Appearance All Of the women in this study had experienced challenges due tO their skin color or personal appearance. According tO Tatum (1997), “The concept Of identity is a complex one, shaped by individual characteristics, family dynamics, historical factors, and social and political contexts” (p. 18). After asking “Who am I?” Tatum declared, “The answer depends in large part on who the world around me says 1 am. Who dO my parents say I am? Who dO my peers say I am? What message is reflected back tO me in 219 the faces and voices Of my teachers, my neighbors, store clerks?” (p. 18). Similarly, Black women have been concerned with maintaining as well as transforming and recreating their images Of color and appearance. Long ago, COOley pointed out that other people are the mirror in which we see ourselves. The Black women schOOl leaders in this study redefined themselves through their experiences Of skin-color, class, and gender stereotypes. Through their own painful encounters they were able tO challenge these prevailing stereotypes as they worked for social justice. These constructs Of (a) the battle against color discrimination and (b) gender and class stereotypes within and outside the group were aspects shared by their school community. Therefore, the principals had been able to address their encounters with these stereotypes and combat them in their schOOl community. Construct l: The battle against color discrimination. Tatum (1999) appreciated that “even mature adults sometimes need tO connect with someone who lOOks like them and who shares their same experiences.” In the bOOk The Color Complex, Russell, Wilson, and Hall (1992) wrote, Intraracial color discrimination is an embarrassing and controversial subject for African Americans. While many prefer not tO discuss it, especially in the company Of Whites, others contend that skin color bias nO longer exists—that it’s history, water over the dam. Yet beneath a surface appearance Of Black solidarity lies a matrix of attitudes about skin color and features in which color, not character establishes friendships; degree Of lightness, not expertise, influences hiring; and complexion, not talent, dictates casting for television and film. (p. 1) Russell et al. invited readers tO “delve a little deeper, and you will find a reservoir Of guilt and anger that threatens tO overflow, exposing the African-American truth—that skin color still matters” (p. 1). These authors contended that 220 Being Black affects the way a person walks and talks, his or her values, culture, and history, how that person relates tO others and how they relate to him or her. It is governed by one’s early social experience, and history and politics, conscious input and labeling and the genetic accident that dictates external appearance. Skin color appears to affect identity, but in complex and seemingly unpredictable ways. (p. 62) TO better understand the issue Of intraracial color discrimination, I sought out an expert in the field. Dr. Ronald Hall, an assistant professor in the David Walker Research Institute at Michigan State University, discussed with me the complexity of this issue. He explained that the color black is considered negative and evil and that skin color may have had different effects on the study participants. Traditionally, he said, darker skinned women have been seen as assertive and as having tO walk through the fire to get where they are. Conversely, although lighter skinned women do work hard, they Often are perceived as being given more Opportunities. As one appreciates the work Of the six Black women middle school principals, one would also admire their attractiveness and shades Of skin color. Each woman was beautiful, both physically and spiritually. However, despite their attractiveness, some Of the women had tO endure intraracial discrimination due to their skin color. For example, Jazz Tap emotionally shared, I was discriminated against, tOO, but I never realized the extent Of it or how serious it was. I never grew up thinking about how I looked, although I was called a “yellow hammer.” Those kinds Of experiences shaped me because the racist things that were said and done to me hurt even more because they were done not just by Whites, but also by Blacks. Knowing that we have done that tO each other saddens me. She recalled receiving her first whipping from her father because he heard her tell another girl, “Well, you are Black.” Before Jazz Tap could explain that the girl had been taunting her about her skin color, her father had given her a whipping. When Jazz Tap 221 explained tO her father what had transpired, he apologized and told her there had been times when people with lighter complexions were not always nice. On the other hand, Waltz had negative experiences because Of her darker skin tone. She remembered, Although the fair-skinned girls teased me, the boys were the worst. They were the ones who called me “blackie” and “ashpuppy” and stuff like that. It didn’t bother me, though. What bothered me was the fact that I didn’t have enough sense tO call them names back; my mother had raised me tOO well. I could have laid some names on them, but I didn’t; I just kept walking and ignored them. She recalled the emotional pain when a boy scratched her arms so that he could see the ash appear. For a long time Waltz endured the boy’s scratching without retaliating. But when they were in high schOOl and he asked her tO dance at a schOOl party, she responded, “NO, I’m not going tO dance with you because I am tOO Black.” Although these women were on Opposite ends Of the skin-color spectrum, they shared painful experiences tO which they might not have been reconciled. These experiences seemed tO be especially painful tO them because they had been inflicted by other Black people. The construct Of the battle against color discrimination was significant in the lives Of these principals. Some Of these women had endured painful experiences because Of their skin color. As a result Of their self-image, they felt compelled to prove themselves to others. Further, their experiences compelled them tO help students by instilling pride and self-esteem in them. These women constantly bolstered students in various ways; they complimented their appearance, praised them for academic success, and Offered encouragement when they needed it. This construct Offers support tO the theme Of skin color and personal appearance by showing how these women’s past experiences Of intraracial discrimination had shaped 222 their leadership styles. Dealing with these painful experiences had sparked the women’s inner drive tO see children in special ways. Their interactions with the children enhanced the youngsters’ self-esteem. Further, the children were able tO connect with their principals because they shared skin-color issues. Construct 2: Gender and class stereotypes within and outside the group. Collins (2000) expressed her concerns about middle-class Black women as managers in the book Black Feminist Thought. She wrote, “Members Of the Black middle class, most Of whom became middle class through social mobility from working-class origins, may express more ambivalence concerning their function as controllers Of working-class employees, especially the working-class Blacks” (p. 64). This Black feminist added, “While some aspire to manage working-class Blacks, others aim tO liberate them from racial Oppression and poverty, while still others aim tO distance themselves from Black working-class concerns” (p. 64). Some Of the principals shared ways they had dealt with gender and class stereotypes. For instance, the women in Square Dance’s family had taught her the importance Of maintaining her appearance because Of the negative stereotypes that Black women are lazy and poor. Her family was adamant about being perceived as middle class, and they dressed and acted accordingly. She noted: I learned a lesson from my grandmother, who was a very stately lady. You never saw my grandmother during the day without her makeup and jewelry, and fully dressed. That was something that my sisters and I were taught. We didn’t lounge around. My mother was the same way; she was always fully dressed. She always wore a housecoat over her street clothes, and house shoes. Her hair was always combed. As a result, we never went out in public with rollers in our hair, and we were always fully dressed. My mother had been raised like that by her mother, and she raised my sisters and me that way. The morning my mother had her heart 223 attack, she had all Of her jewelry and clothes laid out that she was going to wear that day. That was the way she Operated. Similarly, Waltz discussed some ofthe life lessons she had learned as a result Of gender and class stereotypes: I learned a lot Of life lessons from my community, as well. The women in my community taught us that we had tO be ladies, number one. I am Old fashioned about that, and I raised my girls like that. One thing that I was taught was that, as a lady and being Black, you had tO be perfect. My parents told us that we had tO be well behaved and perfect since we didn’t want folks tO think we were stupid because we were Black. We had tO act like adults in public. On the other hand, Jazz Tap found herself constantly battling stereotypical female roles. She stated, It is also very easy tO talk about the social injustices that females have experienced and we still experience; it is a constant fight. As Black females, we are at the bottom Of the pile, Often with our own, as well as with the rest Of society. SO you are always conscious Of that. It is very unusual in this society tO find someone whO sees you as an equal. I have learned from being a female administrator that I have tO be the mother, the grandmother, the aunt, the sister. 1 cannot just be the boss. These women endured gender and class stereotypes in both their personal and professional lives. As school leaders, they addressed these stereotypes in diverse ways. Their methods Of handling these issues ranged from subtle tO aggressive. For example, some ofthe women used a subtle approach by encouraging Black girls to excel in school and tO act like ladies. Others tOOk a more aggressive approach by providing activities and programs in which the students could participate. Class and gender stereotypes were major issues in how these women were perceived; therefore, the principals reacted tO these issues in complex ways. They chose their own means Of contending with stereotypes through their work as leaders. 224 Eliminating such stereotypes was a constant battle. However, they understood the significance Of that fight because their image as Black women also was under attack. In summary, the experiences Of the principals in this study with skin-color, gender, and class stereotypes had shaped the women’s views and actions. Also, their experiences enabled them tO understand some Of the stereotypes that members Of their school community were enduring. In their quest for social justice, they fought tO eliminate these barriers Of Oppression. Through their interactions with staff and students, the Black schOOl leaders could enlighten them and attempt tO eliminate their misperceptions. Theme 3: Power The sense Of power is a significant theme in Black feminist theories. Collins (1991) explained that Motherhood—whether blood mother, Othermother, or community othermother-can be invoked by African-American women as a symbol Of power. Much Of Black women’s status in African-American communities stems not only from actions as mothers in Black family networks but from contributions as community otherrnothers. (p. 132) Collins claimed that this power is “transformative in that Black women’s relationships with children and other vulnerable community members is not intended to dominate or control. Rather, its purpose is tO bring people along tO—in the words Of the late nineteenth century Black feminists—“uplift the race” (p. 132). hooks (1984) Observed, “In this society, power is commonly equated with domination and control over people or things” (p. 83). She described how women who were active in feminist movements responded to power: “On the one hand, they stressed 225 women’s powerlessness, condemning male exercise Of power as domination, and on the other hand they raised the banner Of ‘woman power,’ demanding access tO economic wealth” (p. 83). This feminist believed that some forms Of power that have surfaced in feminist organizations have disrupted and corrupted feminist movements. That is, Despairing Of the possibility that feminist revolution will occur, many women, once committed to working to eliminate sexist Oppression, now focus their attention on gaining as much power and privilege as they can within the existing social structure. Feminist activists now know that women are likely tO exercise power in the same manner as men when they assume the same positions in social and political arenas. (p. 87) In her essay “Political Change: Two Perspectives on Power,” Hartsock (1990) challenged people tO consider power in a different way. She emphasized understandings Of power that are creative and life affirming, definitions that equate power with the ability to act, with strength and ability, or with action that brings a sense Of accomplishment. This definition Of power is most appropriate tO the Black women middle school principals in this study. Hartsock’s comments are helpful in understanding these principals’ use Of power. For instance, she stated, “Significantly, these understandings Of power do not require the domination of others; energy and accomplishment are understood to be satisfying in themselves” (p. 9). The theme Of power was prevalent in this study. The Black women middle school principals’ use of power in their leadership was creative and life affirming, and it Was equated with the ability to act, with strength and ability, or with action that brought a sense Of accomplishment. From the women’s experiences and ideas, the theme Of power allowed for particular constructs to be established. For this reason, the constructs 226 (a) innovation, (b) struggle for authority to create equity, and (c) staying at the grassroots level were significant in this study. Construct 1: Innovation. In this study, innovation typified the Black women principals’ resourceful practices to create social justice. Their innovative practices of mothering as well as of being school leaders allowed them an Opportunity to put forth efforts tO produce equitable learning environments. According tO Collins (1991), “Within African-American communities, women’s innovative and practical approaches to mothering under oppressive conditions Often bring power and recognition” (p. 133). These Black women middle school principals had to be innovative in creating social justice. Jazz Tap expressed, As a principal, I have tO get resources for my children. I do know that when I can get people tO buy in, I can better implement what I want to do. For instance, I am talking about all the sides that affect my children. I can get coats for my kids. I am always busy trying tO get those resources, such as trying tO get my children glasses. I can buy shirts and have them laundered. I can even provide some Of the love, stability, and consistency and structure these children need. but I cannot provide everything they are missing. God knows, if I could. I would. Religious’s ability tO negotiate was the innovative tactic she used to bring about social justice. She said, Sometimes I don’t mind being on the front line. I consider myself a moderate, not an extremist. I am able to negotiate well, and I’m able tO see different sides Of a situation; in leadership I do it all the time. I’ve always been a negotiator. I think that stems from my father’s being abusive to my mother. I saw that and found it very scary, so I knew some things could potentially result in violence. Thus, negotiating became my tactic in relationships. I always knew that I did not want to be a fighter, but I knew that I did not have tO be a doormat, either. I wanted people to know where I stood through my use Of words; I wanted to be seen as a mediator, like when I gave my life to Christ. The principals’ ability to use their power innovatively was a significant construct in this study. The women used their diverse resources and networks as a means Of 227 providing socially just and equitable urban schools. Regardless of whether the principals used their mothering personalities, budgetary juggling, or authoritative leadership, their goals were the same. Each Of the principals had mastered using these complex styles Of leadership, depending on the situation. For instance, some Of the principals used mothering techniques to gain community support, whereas at other times they used authoritative leadership to motivate their staff to make things happen in their schools. Because of the principals’ successful use Of innovative techniques, some of their colleagues and staff members were amazed at what they had been able to accomplish in their schools. The innovation construct enhances the theme of power because it broadens the understanding Of how these women used their power in the quest for social justice. Innovation was an important part Of these women’s use Of power in their principalships. This construct Offers insight into power and how leaders can effectively use power. Construct 2: Struggle for authority tO create equity. Through the lens Of critical race theory, one can further examine how these Black women middle school principals addressed racial, ethnic, and gender inequality in education. One of the goals these women shared was tO focus on developing ways to eliminate racism and subordination of minorities in education. But before discussing their efforts to eradicate racism in education, one must understand what racism entails. Marable (1992) defined racism as “a system Of ignorance, exploitation, and power used to oppress African Americans, Latinos, Asians, Pacific Americans, American Indians and other people on the basis Of ethnicity, culture, mannerisms, and color” (p. 5). 228 Solorzano (1997) explained that at least five themes form the basic perspectives, research methods, and pedagogy Of critical race theory. One Of these themes is the commitment to social justice. He explained, Critical race theory has an overall commitment to social justice and the elimination of racism. In the critical race theorist’s struggle toward social justice, the abolition of racism or racial subordination is part of the broader goal of ending other forms Of subordination such as gender, class, and sexual orientation. (p. 7) Solorzano believed that critical race theory allows the dialogue to begin about the possibility that schools can engage in eliminating racial, ethnic, and gender subordination. Similarly, Ladson-Billings (1998) said that a critical race analysis in education would necessarily focus on “curriculum, instruction, assessment, school funding, and desegregation as exemplars Of the relationship that can exist between [critical race theory] and education” (p. 18). Likewise, Lynn (1999) wrote that “a major concern Of a Critical Race analysis of education would be to look analytically at the failure of the educational system in the United States to properly educate the majority Of culturally and racially subordinate students” (p. 61 1). Critical race theory can be applied to the understanding Of educational equality, as well. According to Parker (1998), “Critical Race Theory serves to illustrate how, despite the progress Of civil rights laws and good intentions to eradicate racism, it is still an endemic part of lifc'in the USA” (p. 45). The Black women middle school principals in this study gave voice to the inequity Of education. In their struggle for authority to create equity, they used their leadership power Of voice to make this possible. For instance, Ladson-Billings and Tate (I995) explained that: 229 The “voice” component of critical race theory provides a way to communicate the experience and realities of the oppressed, a first step on the road to justice. As we attempt to make linkages between critical race theory and education, we contend that the voice Of people of color is required for a complete analysis Of the educational system. (p. 58) The Black women middle school principals had used their power in numerous ways tO create equity. For instance, some Of them had augmented their districts’ curricula by incorporating multicultural education for students and staff. In fact, Waltz thought it was necessary to try tO change some Of the attitudes of teachers by hosting ethnic workshops. She believed that, as a leader, she should bombard them with such workshops to enhance awareness. Waltz stated, “[The teachers] understand that once you come inside the school building you have to leave your differences outside Of the school.” Although Waltz used her power to create ethnic awareness, she had had to surmount some hurdles in doing so. For example, she commented, “I treat people inside this building differently than I treat them outside. It is like you have to exist differently in here; this is your world of work. I think they understand that, but they revert to the way they were raised.” Waltz also brought ethnic awareness to her students and did not allow them to describe other students by their skin color. They had to use other descriptors, rather than stating that the child was Black or White. These principals also used their power to challenge teachers’ instructional strategies. For example, Religious did not hesitate to tell a teacher, “You are ill prepared; kids are not in class on time, you are not doing your job. If it doesn’t change, you and I will have a problem.” In addition to enforcing a challenging curriculum, she constantly had to battle with certain teachers. Religious also talked to her staff about equity and 230 equal opportunity and told them “not to do anything to or for these kids that they would not do to or for their own.” She shared, I had one teacher who told the students to memorize the presidents for their final exam. He thought he would give them a break because they had been working hard all year. I said, “Excuse me! List the presidents?” I asked him, “If your child came home and said, ‘LOOk, Dad, I only have to know the presidents of the United States for my final exam,’ what would your reaction be?” The teacher said he would want his son tO be challenged. SO I told him that his “easy” exam wouldn’t happen anymore. Some of the principals had negative feelings about the state’s and districts’ use of standardized tests as assessment tools. Ballet disagreed with the numerous student assessment tests that were mandated; she thought students were being tested too much. Hence, she repeatedly addressed the issue that they were testing too frequently, and the school district had “backed off a lot Of tests.” Waltz also voiced her disapproval Of standardized tests. Her goal was to challenge the state’s policy of grading the school according to the MEAP results. Jazz Tap, tOO, had concerns about the standardized tests. She explained, My major concern with the district is how we use the test results. Hold me accountable for moving my kids forward. Hold me accountable for one day of instruction, one day Of growth. If I get them in the seventh grade and I move them that one day ahead, then I have done wonders. In addition, these school leaders recognized the inequity in school funding and had used their power to address budgetary concerns. For example, Jazz Tap often drew on her own resources for her children. She said, “As a principal, I have to get resources for my children. I do know that when I can get people to buy in, I can better implement what I want to do.” Although she provided love, stability, consistency, and structure for her children, she used outside resources to Obtain coats, glasses, and meals for them 231 because she personally could not provide everything the children needed. Finances were a concern for Modern also. She manipulated her funds to get the training her staff needed in order to better serve the children. She pooled all Of her resources to meet the needs Of her staff, children, and building. At times Square Dance also considered the needs Of her students and staff and endeavored to meet those needs. She explained, “I think that, basically, whatever the staff and I thought we needed, I have just gone after and gotten it. Our biggest Obstacles have been how much something is going to cost and which way we are going to go with the money.” Although her school had been the last in the district to get electric typewriters, she was able to get a high-technology room for her students. She did not mind asking for assistance. For instance, when the students in choir did not have robes, she tOOk it upon herself to have choir robes donated until the school could raise enough money tO buy them. These principals practiced equity in a variety Of other ways, as well. For instance, Ballet learned at a young age to “recognize the work of people, to be humble, to be helpful and to share.” She explained, “I usually can find a way to help others. If nobody else can get it done, I normally can or I know who to go to, to get it done.” As an educational leader, she studied school law, realizing that a knowledge of educational law would aid in her pursuit of social justice. Because laws are constantly changing, she kept abreast of all the new legislation that affected her children. Ballet had developed student involvement programs for both White and Black students so that they could become more involved in worthwhile activities instead Of harassing one another. She was able to Obtain the federal funding to continue that program. 232 Ballet also wanted the best teachers for her children, regardless Of their race or ethnicity. She clarified her view: “You have to know kids to be able to care about them. You have to love what you do. I don’t want just any Black teacher who comes along. I hate to say that, but I don’t. I’m looking out for the kids.” Ballet had struggled to keep her school’s best library clerk when the school district attempted tO send another person to replace her; the principal had to “leap some hurdles and say, ‘NO, I am not going to accept this person.’” Ballet had even voiced her Opinion about unnecessary, expensive in-services for administrators. She thought her school district wasted a lot of money, such as paying $ 10,000 per participant for an in-service. She explained her view and said that $10,000 would help three children. Another Of Ballet’s goals was to include as many of her students in activities as possible. She made a conscious effort to find ways to address the students’ interests outside as well as inside the classroom. Also, she did not always pick the same students tO assist her or go on field trips. Square Dance also practiced social justice in her school by promoting education. She understood that some Of her students did not come tO school with an enthusiasm for learning or lacked reinforcement at home. Thus, she worked closely with the teaching staff to engender in students a desire to learn. She had had tO struggle to keep the Chaldean girls in school. In her words, Some of the Chaldean girls do not see education as a key priority because they have arranged marriages. Some Of these girls just come to school because they have to. If their families haven’t been Americanized and are still adhering to their own cultural practices, the girls are just biding their time until their parents find them a husband. 233 Square Dance had endeavored to help the Chaldean parents understand the significance of education and had seen improvement as a result Of her persistence. Jazz Tap also strove to achieve social justice through her leadership. She included her stakeholders—parents, staff, and students—in the decision-making process. She articulated, “Because the stakeholders play a large role in the school, we must have a shared vision that moves the children ahead. I have a vision for the school, and it does notyffer from the vision that the district and the state have Of my students performing to their Optimum.” Jazz Tap’s major difficulty with the district was how they used test results. She stated, Hold me accountable for moving my kids forward. Hold me accountable for one day of instruction, one day Of growth. If children are deprived at home of the basic necessities, they are going to come tO me less ready to learn. Hence, I have tO do more to get them ready. Most likely I am going tO do that with fewer resources, but I will be able to move those children forward. Modern created social justice in her school by staying focused on why she was there—for the kids. She believed, “If a child can benefit in some way from what we have done, then I feel like I have done my job.” This principal was aware that the district’s central Office personnel were “so far removed from the schools that they did not understand all the ins and outs Of running the school.” She preferred that they send her what she needed so that she could work with her children. Waltz described her active role for equity, stating that, “Now I am going through a political change in my life, where I am taking a more active role in what is going on around me. I am going to start taking a stand against the system because I’m concerned about the ‘good Old boy’ network.” She was also networking in different social and political circles. Waltz wanted tO see changes occur in the educational system. She also 234 helped raise money for scholarships. This principal was aware Of the “game” she had to play to receive funding from the federal government. Like other principals, she disapproved of standardized tests. Her goal was tO challenge the state’s practice Of grading schools according to the MEAP results. Religious, too, practiced social justice; her goal was to save lives and make children whole. She shared, “I want [my kids] academically ready to gO into the world Of work or a good university, but more than that I want them to be good people, I want them to be smart consumers. I do not want them to be taken advantage Of.” This principal networked with people to get additional resources for her children. One of her bosses who was well aware Of her work stated, “It’s all about her babies. She’s always looking out for her babies.” Religious also had confronted school counselors who did not believe her children could achieve because of their ethnicity. She yearned to have a more diverse staff who would be more representative Of the school’s student population. This principal took social justice seriously, stating, “In terms of equal Opportunity, I talk tO my staff about equity and equal Opportunity, and I tell them not to do anything to or for these kids that they would not do tO or for their own.” The construct, struggle for authority to create equity, further defines how these principals used their power to achieve equity. Through various practices, they used their power to ensure fairness. However, they encountered hurdles along the way. Each Of the women confronted these hurdles in unique ways. At times they used their power more aggressively than at other times. Construct 3: Staying at the grassroots level. All ofthe women in this study enjoyed their work as principals and were committed to and cared about their students, parents, teachers, and the community. According to Marshall, Patterson, Rogers, and Steele (1996), caring is characterized by “the weight it gives to creating, maintaining and enhancing positive relations or connections” (p. 280). They gave a historical perspective on the ethic Of care, which Gilligan first described as . . . a morality built upon the recognition Of needs, relation, and response. Individuals who are guided by an ethic of care thoughtfully consider the context of each and every situation and refuse to ignore the potential impact of their decision making on others. (Marshall et al., 1996, p. 277) NOddings (1996) defined caring as “the act of affirming and encouraging the best in others” (p. 25). He believed that the emphasis on caring should be on “living together, on creating, maintaining and enhancing positive relations—not on decision making in moments of high moral conflict” (p. 21). Lomotey (1989) found that the African- American principals in his study evidenced such caring. He wrote, Each principal appears to demonstrate a commitment to the education Of African- American children, a compassion for and understanding Of the students and of the communities in which they work, and a confidence in the ability of all African- American children to learn. In like manner, Marshall et al. (1996) believed that If we also want students to learn how to care for themselves and each other, administrators and teachers must engage in genuine dialogue with them, build continuity and a sense Of trust through repeated and consistent interactions, and model caring by living it. (p. 278) Dillard (1995), tOO, believed that the principal’s caring serves to “create a more student- oriented culture” (p. 557). 236 The Black women middle school principals in this study evidenced caring through their work at the grassroots level. For instance, one Of the components Of these principals’ caring was their academic and personal expectations for students. An example is something Jazz Tap said in one of her interviews: I would like to think that, if I change anything, it is people’s attitudes about themselves. Many Of us don’t grow up knowing what our potentials are. Some of us automatically know that and others don’t. Most very bright people that I have seen don’t see themselves as that. I think it is easier to transform these young people to see themselves in a positive light. Modern, tOO, had high academic and personal expectations for her students, and many Of her colleagues and other constituents believed she had a knack for motivating those students. In fact, Modem’s former students often returned to the school to share with her their success in high school and college. Similarly, Religious wanted her students tO experience what the world had tO Offer; she wanted her students to go camping and skiing, attend NASA space camp, and visit Black colleges. She said that adults take these activities for granted, but many Of her children had not been exposed to those things. Although some Of the activities were expensive, she did not mind doing some less costly things. For instance, We talk about taking things for granted. [Normal things people do] should not be a fantasy for our kids, such as being able tO go camping. Some of my children would be scared to death to go camping. I want us to go camping out back [Of the school] for a weekend so that we can pitch these tents and do the campfire; we would still be close to the school, so at least they wouldn’t be terrified of bears. Another component Of this construct is developing personal connections at the grassroots level. Ballet had outstanding rapport and personal connection with students’ parents. She described it thus: 237 I have an excellent relationship with the staff and with the parents. We had our first parent meeting Monday night, and Of course you think you might have only six or seven people at the first meeting. We had a room full of people; we were moving tables, getting set up. I have an excellent relationship with the constituents Of this building and within the community, and that has come about because I have been in the system for so long. Likewise, Square Dance had developed such a close personal connection to her students’ parents that they felt comfortable coming tO her with their personal problems. She told me, Just recently a mother called to tell me why her daughter wasn’t in school. She wanted to bring me the hospital papers because she had concerns about them. I told the mother to talk to her doctor about it, but she didn’t want to. As it turned out, she couldn’t read. She wanted me to read the papers for her. Waltz had a personal connection with her students’ parents and looked forward to establishing a parent support group for regular education students. She thought parents needed an administrator who could be an advocate for their concerns. This principal believed her organization would also have a personal connection to the children because the parents could network with administrators and teachers. This construct provides insight into how the Black women school leaders used their power at the grassroots level. Their evidence of caring through academic and personal expectations for students and developing connections at the grassroots level demonstrated how they used power in a positive manner. Each Of these urban principals exemplified caring as a way Of providing a positive school atmosphere. Their caring practices allowed the school community to see them use their power at the grassroots level. Furthermore, this ethic Of caring was an integral part Of each woman’s leadership role. 238 All in all, the constructs Of innovation, struggle for authority to create equity, and staying at the grassroots level illustrated the theme Of power as the principals’ ability to use their authority for the good Of the school community. The Black women school leaders were able to use their power in multiple ways in order to accomplish their goals and Objectives. That is, their work to create social justice entailed a constant wielding of their power to provide equity for their students. Theme 4: The Importance Of Home Collins (1991), a Black feminist, explored the journeys toward freedom from Oppression that are characteristically female. She believed that Black women’s journeys differ from those of Black men. According to Collins, Black women’s journeys, though at times embracing political and social issues, basically take personal and psychological forms and rarely reflect the freedom Of movement Of Black men who “hop trains,” “hit the road,” or in other ways physically travel in order to find the elusive sphere Of freedom from racial oppression. (p. 105) She continued, Given the physical limitations on Black women’s mobility, the conceptualization Of self that is part of Black women’s self-definitions is distinctive. Self is not defined as the increased autonomy gained by separating oneself from others. Instead, self is found in the context Of family as community. . . . By being accountable tO others, African-American women develop more fully human, less Objectified selves. (p. 105) Similarly, Tate (1983) advised, “We must move past always focusing on the ‘personal self‘ because there’s a larger self. There’s a ‘self Of black people” (p. 134). Within the theme Of the importance of home, I developed three constructs. These are: (a) blood ties; (b) extended family; and (c) school, school community, and 239 community school services. Each Of these constructs, in relation to the Black women principals, is discussed in the following pages. Construct 1: Blood ties. The Black women middle school principals in this study had a strong sense Of commitment and dedication to their biological and school families, which was evidenced in their work. Some would see their dedication and connection as a fomi of mothering. For instance, Collins (2000) defined a Black woman’s standpoint on mothering as follows: “The institution Of Black motherhood consists Of a series Of constantly renegotiated relationships that African-American women experience with one another, with Black children, with the larger African-American community, and with self’ (p. 176). These relationships occur in specific locations, such as the individual households that constitute Black extended family networks, as well as in Black community institutions (Martin & Martin, 1978; Sudarkasa, 1981). Collins added, In many African-American communities, fluid and changing boundaries Often distinguish biological mothers from other women who care for children. Biological mothers, or blood mothers, are expected to care for their children. But African and African-American communities have also recognized that vesting one person with full responsibility for mothering a child may not be wise or possible. As a result, othermothers—women who assist bloodmothers by sharing mothering responsibilities—traditionally have been central to the institution of Black motherhood. (p. 178) These principals’ blood ties and connection to home were prevalent components of their vignettes. For instance, Ballet recollected, “We didn’t have anything [material], but we had a lot. We were just always very proud as a family. We grew up in church and we grew up as a strong family.” Similarly, Square Dance said, “My sisters and I didn’t realize we were poor Blacks until we were grown. We had a very stable home: mother, father, two sisters, and grandparents. Family has always been the main thing for 240 me, and that is a carry-over today.” Jazz Tap shared, “The love in our family was evident because I don’t remember there ever being just the five of us in the house. We always had some other family member residing with us—a cousin or somebody.” Waltz remembered the high expectations her father had for her. She recalled, “My parents always wanted the best for us. I can remember my dad telling us that one day we would be on stage or in the White House.” Therefore, for the school leaders in this study, their blood ties were significant parts Of their past, present, and future. The Black women middle school principals found comfort in their family members and their interactions with them. These experiences were significant in how they perceived their schools. Their ideas of home translated into what they wanted to see happen among their students, parents, teachers, and the rest Of the school community. Construct 2: Extended family. Collins (2000) wrote, “Even when relationships are not between kin or fictive kin, African-American community nomts traditionally were such that neighbors cared for one another’s children” (p. 179). Similarly. Faulkner and Jackson (1993) noted, A wider issue here concerns the variability of family forms within modern society. Less than a third Of households in western industrial nations are traditional nuclear families comprising husbands, wives, and dependent children. This has led many writers to caution us against generalisations about the “family” which treat us as a fixed, unchanging entity. (p. 183) Ballet remembered her extended family being a significant part Of her spirituality. She told me, “I had an uncle who was a CME bishop, and he just sort Of took all Of us under his wing. Our entire family was Methodist. As a matter of fact, there is a Methodist church in Detroit named after my uncle. He was also a very motivational 241 person, like my father. Also, I had teachers whom I loved and idolized.” Because Jazz Tap lost her parents at an early age, her aunt and mother-in-law played an especially significant part in her life. She said, “My aunt, who raised me, was influential in my life. . . . Sometimes you see things in someone that you know you don’t want to become, and that can be influential.” Modern remembered staying with extended family members over night. This was a way she could assist those elderly relatives. She explained, “I used to live with a great- aunt and uncle who were part of my extended family. I ate and did everything at my mom’s house, but when it was time to go tO bed, I would sleep at the house of my great- aunt and uncle, who lived in a cabin. They were elderly and needed someone to spend the night with them.” For Waltz, a significant member of her extended family was her next-door neighbor. She said, “My next-door neighbor was a teacher and she was an elegant lady and taught me out-of-the-home manners. She taught me how to eat, speak, and set the table.” On the other hand, Religious remembered community being a strong extended family force in her life. She commented, I remember the sense of community during those years. It used to be so many kids running, playing hide and seek; it seemed that nothing bad happened to children at that time. Things did happen to children, of course they did, but it wasn’t as prevalent as it is now. We were all victims Of child abuse because our parents would whip our butts. But when it came to children, there was a real sense of community, a sense Of pride. People would talk to you about your accomplishments and compliment you, and ask what your future plans were. We were not allowed to get into adult business; children were children, and that is where they stayed. There were adults in my life who were very supportive, acknowledging what my strengths were, giving me praise and also trying to help me grow up. Everybody watched you—neighbors, even men. If a male neighbor saw you doing something inappropriate, he wouldn’t say anything to you directly because you 242 were a young lady, nor would he tell your mother. But he would tell your father. For instance, if someone thought they saw you talking to a boy too long, or if grown men were casting eyes at you, there was an immediate reaction. In conclusion, the extended family is a major element in the structure of Black homes. Each member Of the extended family plays various roles. The Black school leaders in this study all were influenced and inspired by their extended family members, who played the roles Of parents, relatives, church family, and mentors. These individuals provided a sense Of home and comfort. Construct 3: School. school communipt. and community school services. Lomotey (1993) identified three qualities shared by some Black principals in predominantly Black schools. These qualities were commitment to the education of all students, confidence in the ability Of all students to learn, and compassion for and understanding of all students and the communities in which they live. Lomotey (1989) also claimed that principals “are responsible for all functions that take place in and around the school. . . . Principals are the main link between the school and the community” (p. 145). Ballet had served in the same school district for most Of her educational career and thus felt a strong sense Of connection with the school and the school community. She said, “I think my contribution has been to help children see that they can move themselves in the right direction and as high as they want to go. I can pick up children who do not have the security and don’t know their potential, and I enjoy watching them move.” Jazz Tap said that she received the gift Of being a parent and an even greater gift in selecting her career. She claimed, “1 never intended to be an educator. I can truly say that, from the time I began my career in teaching, there hasn’t been a day that I did not 243 want to go to work.” Jazz Tap added, “I have had Opportunities for promotions, but I need the hands-on with children. I need to be able to touch, feel, hug, and protect them. My reward is right there in that building with those kids.” Waltz formed her connection by getting into the community. She explained, As a principal, I have to know what is needed in my community because kids are coming in from that community. A leader, to me, has to know the make-up of the community and get out into the community. That is one Of the reasons I continue to go to church and do my shopping in this community; even though I don’t live here any more. Therefore, the construct of school, school community, and community school services provides a global view Of the importance of home. This construct encompasses the educational community and its importance to the students, parents, staff, and school leaders. The school and school community are perceived as a safe environment. This nonthreatening atmosphere and positive influence on the lives of others encouraged these principals tO devote their educational careers to their school districts. Theme 5: Pay It Forward The women school leaders in this study had all received motivation and encouragement from their nuclear families, extended families, and communities. As a result of receiving encouragement from a large community of people, they had worked diligently tO give back to others. In their school communities, they were seen as heroines. According to Barth (2001 ), “We educators need heroes and role models who are themselves public school educators. Why turn to Welsh of General Electric, Iacocca Of Chrysler, or Powell Of the military when our profession is populated with genuine folk heroines and heroes?” (p. 125). Barth added, “We believe that any experience deemed 244 valuable and essential for students is valuable and essential for aspiring and practicing principals. A great leader, like a great teacher, is a great model” (p. 126). According to the Black feminist literature, women helping other women encourages sisterhood. For instance, Collins (1990) explained, “Black women’s centrality in families, churches, and other community organizations allows us to share our concrete knowledge of what it takes to be self-defined Black women with younger, less experienced sisters” (p. 211). The strength Of the family and community support help them become successful, productive women in society. As a result, reciprocity is an expectation within the African-American community. Sudarkasa (1997) explained that reciprocity is the principle that compels African Americans to give back to their families and communities. The women in this study all reciprocated for what had been given to them. These women paid it forward by mentoring others, and by contributing to the family, extended family, and the community. Each Of these constructs was significant in the principals’ work tO pay it forward. The Black women middle school principals appreciated their success and thus felt compelled to help others as a sign Of gratitude. This sense of pay it forward was constantly in motion among their family, colleagues, staff, students, and community. Construct l: Mentorship. According to Allen (1995), “A small body Of research focuses specifically on African American women in school administration; an even smaller body attends to the role Of mentors and sponsors in their careers” (p. 413). In her study Of African American women in education, Allen found that “mentors and sponsors both play important roles in the success Of African American women school 245 administrators” (p. 420). For instance, African American women who were “fortunate enough to have had a mentor during the early stages of their career indicated that they received the kinds Of encouragement and moral support that kept their levels of effort and expectations high” (p. 420). In the same way, Osterrnan (1994) found that “For eight Of these principals [in his study], their beliefs about effective leadership were shaped through their experience with one or more individuals: former principals, district Officials, or family members-in one instance a mother, in another a husband” (p. 13). These role models were “not always perfect nor complete, but they did influence them in important ways. . . . For the most part, these [role] models were administrators who cared for kids and were able to work effectively with staff” (p. 13). The principals in the present study mentored teachers, students and parents in various ways. They saw their responsibility and perhaps their Obligation as serving others in the manner in which they themselves had been helped. For instance, Square Dance explained her determination to treat others fairly: “I grew up in a home where my sisters and I were treated equally. As a result of my parents’ fair treatment Of us, I always wanted to treat others the same way.” Jazz Tapp expressed her passion for mentoring in her job: “First Of all, I am nearing retirement. Now I have young teachers whom I am mentoring, and some of them are not ready. SO I stay because I have another task to complete; there is another commitment, there is more joy there.” Modem added her voice in this regard: “As an educational leader, you have to have kids see that you love and care about them, and that you are interested in whatever they do. That’s what 246 motivated me through school and my career, so I think it’s time for me to give back what was given to me.” To sum up, through the construct Of mentorship, the Black women middle school principals in this study were given an opportunity to give back some Of the good experiences their nuclear families, extended family, and community had given them. These positive experiences motivated them to help others in the same manner. This inspiration to help others is a significant part Of the Black culture. In an effort to uplift their people, these principals were dedicated to using their success to help others. As a result, these women passed on the values and high expectations bestowed on them. Construct 2: Family. According to The African American Encyclopedia (1993), “The importance of family as a social institution varies considerably. . . . In some societies, the family is more important than its individual members” (p. 555). Further, “Despite the impact of slavery on family life, certain African characteristics endured. These included the importance of kin networks, bloodlines, respect for elders, and reciprocity among family members” (p. 558). According to Collins (1991), Organized, resilient, women-centered networks of bloodmothers and othermothers are key in understanding this centrality. Grandmothers, sisters, aunts, or cousins act as othennothers by taking on child-care responsibilities for one another’s children. . . . Despite strong cultural norms encouraging women to become biological mothers, women who choose not to do so Often receive recognition and status from othennother relationships that they establish with Black children. (p. 120) This notion of paying it forward is instilled in these women through their positive experiences. Ballet shared her experiences and practices with regard to family by saying, 247 I think the most valuable lesson that I learned growing up was to recognize the work of people, to be humble, to be helpful, and to share. That is me and who I am. The work of people stands out the most in my mind, all people, regardless of situations and circumstances. I usually can find a way to help others. If nobody else can get it done, I normally can or I know who to go to, to get it done. Jazz also felt this sense of family commitment, especially after her parents died and her aunt raised her and her siblings. She related it this way: Although my aunt raised us after my parents died, I thought I had to raise my siblings. I remember thinking I would quit school and care for my brothers and sisters, and my aunt said I couldn’t do that. She explained that that would not be what my parents would have wanted. A significant part Of the construct Of family was the principals’ giving back to their own relatives. They had a strong sense Of commitment to the family and thought it was their responsibility to help their family members in a variety of ways. The principals appreciated how their families had assisted them in diverse ways and thought that, because they had been successful, they must now lOOk back over their shoulders and continue to help their family and Others. Construct 3: Community. According to A History of the African American People (1995), African Americans developed a complex and creative set of responses to hardships. They strengthened their connections with family, friends and the African American community. . . . Black women cared for each other’s children, Offered emotional support, and creatively manipulated their family resources. (p. 136) In this regard, Ballet commented, I like to see people better themselves; I think that is what I feel good about, that I am able to do that. I don’t like it when people don’t treat children right. I don’t like it when parents don’t respect teachers; I can deal with it, but I can also beat the parents down, too, in a professional way, of course. On the other hand, Modern reflected on her impact on the school community: 248 I still have kids [who keep in contact with me] and whose mothers still call me. A young lady by the name of Tiffany continues to keep in touch with me. I met her when I first came to the district. As an educational leader, you have to have kids see that you love and care about them, and that you are interested in whatever they do. That’s what motivated me through school and my career, so I think it’s time for me to give back what was given to me. From a different perspective, Religious expressed her concern about the school community: I am so tired of hearing people blame the children for their lack of success when we, as adults, are in total control Of the situation. Kids react to their circumstances; they react to the way they are treated. I know that the kid teachers are talking about is the one from a single-parent home, the kid whose father is not in his life. I was the kid teachers were talking about, and I was always offended by that. In short, through the construct Of community, these women had an opportunity to help others on a grander scale. Each Of these principals worked with district, regional, and national organizations for the betterment Of society. They believed that they could help others by acting as their voice and positively influencing the community. Their efforts ranged from working in the church tO participating in national educational organizations. In conclusion, the constructs Of mentorship, family, and community defined the theme of pay it forward as a means of reciprocity. Despite their success, the Black women middle school principals remembered the influential people, organizations, and institutions that had supported them. These experiences encouraged them to pay the good deeds they had received forward to others. Because people had provided them with everything from love and encouragement to monetary gifts, the principals felt obligated to give to others. 249 Summary of Thematic Analysis The themes that emerged from the study Of these six Black women middle school principals’ leading for social justice were (a) strength of womanhood, (b) skin color and personal appearance, (c) power, (d) the importance Of home, and (e) pay it forward. The women defined social justice in multiple ways, including treating all people right; being entitled to the same things as anyone else; everyone working together for fair decisions; equitability Of organizations with regard to gender, race, and socioeconomic status; elimination Of race and socioeconomic barriers for children; and equity Of Opportunities for all people. All six women in this study had experienced triumphs as well as tribulations in their effort to create social justice. Their personal and professional experiences varied as they created equitable learning environments. The women considered these challenges to be Obstacles, not barriers. They thought they could overcome those Obstacles and were not discouraged but encouraged to persist in their quest for social justice. Their motivation stemmed from their own experiences and encouragement from family and friends. These principals’ dedication to create equity in their communities had been an ongoing feat, and they had used various mechanisms to serve those communities. Despite their dedication, they had endured personal and professional trials such as family, marital, and health challenges as they struggled tO achieve social justice. At other times they encountered professional roadblocks with school superintendents, students, parents, and staff who Opposed their decisions. Even so, these women principals continued to strive for justice. 250 SO What Does It Mean to Lead for Social Justice? The Wisdom-Of-Practice Model After taking my private dance lessons with the six Black women middle school principals, I find myself asking, What does leading for social justice look like? As a dancer-in-training, I have had my eyes Opened to what social justice looks like. In this section, I will answer my subquestions by using the four components of social justice: (a) the dancers, (b) the dance floor, (c) choreography, and (d) the audience. The first research subquestion is answered through the following component. Research subquestion l is: How do these Black women middle school principals mediate the professional and personal tensions tO create socially just schools? The Dancers (The Six Black Women Middle School Principals) As I explain the dancers component, I will be answering the question, How do these Black women middle school principals mediate the professional and personal tensions to create socially just schools? The first major component of social justice in this study is the dancers—the Black women middle school principals. To understand what leading for social justice looks like, we must first recognize the dancers involved. Ballet, Square Dance, Jazz Tap, Modern, Waltz, and Religious were all Black women middle school principals whose individual costumes made them unique. Their costumes were constructed Of their life histories, professional preparation and experiences, and support from family and extended family members. To fully understand how these women mediated the professional and personal tensions to create socially just schools, one must refer tO the Wisdom—of-Practice model. Each Of the women embodied the themes Of strength Of womanhood, skin color and 251 personal appearance, power, the importance of home, and pay it forward. They played out these themes and their commitment in order to create socially just schools. Despite their different professional and personal experiences, they all reflected these themes. For instance, strength Of womanhood incorporated their disposition, for the sake of appearance, and giving 110%. They were able to use their strength of resilience and demand for respect, which allowed them to create equity in their schools. These women’s role Often was transformed from school leader to nurturer and mother of the school children. However, these women constantly were maneuvering around the issue Of skin color and personal appearance. Each of these women had had to battle color, gender, and class stereotypes throughout her life. Many African Americans are perceived according to their skin color and physical appearance. As leaders and as women, these principal dealt with these issues as well as gender and class stereotypes both within and outside Of their own racial group. In addition, the women used their power to be innovative. struggling for authority to create equity, and caring for their students, parents, and community by staying at the grassroots level. These principals were constantly using their power in multiple ways in order to create socially just schools. They used their power in the professional arena in an effort to create equity. Regardless of the Obstacles they faced, the women were constantly dancing and moving for social justice. They were able to keep moving because they were aware Of their power and how to use it. The dancers also were aware Of the importance Of home. The women’s personal experiences of home had contributed tO their regard for the importance Of home. Their 252 experiences and relationships with nuclear family and extended family members helped solidify the significance of home in their lives. As a result, they remained committed to their families. Also, the women viewed their schools, school community, and community school services as a type Of home. The women created an atmosphere Of home by mothering, treating the school community as their family, and having a vested interest in the well being Of their children. Moreover, the principals felt a sense of obligation to their students, teachers, staff members, and parents to pay it forward. They believed that it was important to give back to others because of the good things that had been done for them. Through various personal and professional experiences, people had been there to motivate them and encourage them to be successful. Therefore, the women felt compelled to mentor others and encourage them to grow and develop. They also had a strong connection to their families and were always there to help their blood relatives and extended family. In addition, these women served their own communities as well as neighboring communities. In conclusion, these women were complex, and each of these aspects helped create their disposition to work for social justice. Research subquestions 2 and 3 are answered through the following components. These questions are: How does each Black woman middle school principal define leadership for social justice? How has each woman practiced social justice in her urban middle school setting? What implications do the study findings have for the preparation of K-12 school leaders? What are the implications Of this study for future research on urban K- 1 2 institutions? 253 The Dance Floor (The Urban Middle School) The women used the urban middle school as the place in which they created socially just and equitable school environments. They needed a setting in which to perform. For these women the best place was at the middle school level. The middle school often is referred to as the step-child. However, to these women, the middle school was the most important place they could be. Their work at the middle school level was significant because they were equal to the challenge and were committed to the overall development Of adolescents. As a result Of their commitment, they tended to mother the children during this stage Of their lives. Many parents perceive their middle school children as being self- sufficient, so they begin to distance themselves from the school setting. However, the children still need and want their parents to be visible in the school setting. Therefore, the principals assumed the complex role of leader and mother. These women practiced social justice in their urban middle school settings in multiple ways as they brought the five themes of the Wisdom-Of-Practice model to the dance floor. Each of the themes was significant to their middle school setting and could not be separated from the others. For instance, the strength of womanhood enabled these women to lead in the middle school setting. Their disposition and decision making were geared toward the middle school environment. Also, the adolescent children needed the nurturing and mothering these women provided through giving 110%. Similarly, the women conveyed empathy and caring for the middle school children because Of their own experiences with racism due to color and appearance. As a result, these women continued to challenge these barriers and stereotypes in the middle school. 254 The women also used their power in innovative ways to achieve equity by staying at the grassroots level. These women faced a daily challenge Of getting the resources and materials their children needed. Regardless Of the difficulties they faced, they were committed to the middle school. Although each Of the women had held various leadership and teaching positions at the elementary and high school levels, they believed the middle school was where they were needed. Each of the women understood the importance of home and felt committed to their nuclear family, extended family, and school community. They had made the middle school their home. As a result, they treated the middle school community as their family members. They established close bonds with the students, teachers, staff, and parents within their urban middle schools. In addition, the women recognized that it was their responsibility to give back tO others; therefore, they paid it forward. The sense Of paying it forward was exemplified in their work at the middle school level. They mentored the school community and continuously motivated and encouraged the children as well as the adults. The Choreography (How the Work for Social Justice Is Carried Out at the Middle School) The middle school principals worked to create socially just and equitable schools through their choreography. Each Of the women used her leadership tO create an equitable school setting. As all five themes comprising the Wisdom-of-Practice model were constantly in motion, at the core was the principals’ leadership for social justice. Their actions played out the equity theory of distributive, procedural, and interactive justice. The women constantly challenged the system to ensure that they received 255 distributive justice. As school leaders Of urban schools, they believed that their children should be treated equally and should receive the same resources and benefits as those in more affluent districts. The women attacked this problem differently. Sometimes they asked their district for the resources, whereas at other times they had to go to the community tO get the needed resources. Depending on the situation, the women decided which avenue to take as they attempted to create equity for their schools. All of the women faced a major struggle to Obtain the resources they needed. In addition, the principals found themselves challenged tO receive procedural justice. They questioned the fairness Of procedures for decision making and resource allocation. The women detected inconsistencies in procedures in their own and other school districts. One of their major concerns was that these inconsistencies made it difficult for their children to get what they needed. Achieving interactional justice also was a challenge for these women. They were aware of the multiple interactions they had to engage in, to get the equitable outcomes they desired. The women had to interact with the superintendent, school board members, the school community, and the larger community to Obtain the necessary resources. Some Of the women strategically planned tO serve on certain committees in order to interact with key players, just for their children’s sake. In summary, the women strategically choreographed their dance moves in order to lead for social justice. Their choreography centered on their leadership for social justice. 256 The Audience (The Most Important Component—the Children) The Black women middle school principals danced for social justice for only one reason—to serve the learners in the urban middle schools. These women led for social justice for the children, using their personal and professional experiences to create equity for them. Despite many barriers, they were not discouraged and continued to choreograph their dances in order to create socially just and equitable learning environments. The children were most important to them, and they strove to create equity through their leadership. Their actions were for the children’s sake. They used their dispositions to mother and nurture their children. In addition, they wanted to eliminate the skin-color, appearance, gender, and class stereotypes they had experienced. By wielding their power, they were able to work for their children. In addition, they recognized the importance of home, so they created a homelike atmosphere for their children. In so doing, they gave back to the children and the community through their work. lrmflications As a result Of the review Of literature, the analysis of data, my own personal and professional experiences, and those of the Black women middle school principals, important issues emerged that are of concern to and have implications for Black women middle school principals and urban K-12 institutions. These implications are as follows: 257 Preparation Of School Leaders 1. Colleges and universities must focus on training the entire school leader by understanding the context Of the personal and professional experiences they bring with them. 2. Diversity and multicultural education courses should be provided to sensitize school leaders to the race, class, and gender issues that “some leaders face. 3. Courses need to be established to teach the importance of the family to future school leaders. Further Research on Urban K-12 Institutions 1. Further research needs to be conducted on female and male middle school leaders. 2. More research needs to be conducted on social justice in K-12 institutions. 3. More research needs to be conducted on Black leaders in K-12 institutions. 4. Further research should be conducted on whether the wisdom-Of-practice model is indicative of dimensions required for effective leadership at the middle school level. 5. Additional research should be carried out on whether the wisdom-Of-practice model is interdependent with conditions or context. 6. Further research should be undertaken tO determine the properties of the wisdom-Of-practice model and goodness Of fit across regions and across educational levels. 258 7. It appears that the four principals in this study were all effective and affective leaders. Further research should be conducted on how the wisdom-Of-practice model would fit for leaders who are “lower” on these two dimensions. Encore: Reflections In completing this dissertation journey, I have learned much about myself as a researcher and writer, as well as about the practice of school leadership. Through my qualitative research, I formed a bond with the six Black women middle school principals who participated in the study. My interactions and bond with these women motivated me to write vignettes that captured their personal and professional experiences and their work for social justice. I had an Obligation as a researcher and writer to portray these women and their experiences accurately. As a writer I learned that my study adds to the literature by providing a look at the complexity ofthe Black woman middle school principal. Each intricate element ofthe Black woman is significant and must be studied; her race, class, gender, family, school community, and Black community are significant in her quest to promote equity. “Without authentic voices Of people Of color [such as teachers, parents, administrators, students, and community members] it is doubtful that we can say we know anything useful about education in their communities” (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995, p. 58). I have also learned that, for the Black women middle school principals in my study, the practice of school leadership was multifaceted. To understand their leadership for social justice, I had to understand the significance Of their personal and professional experiences as Black women. They brought these experiences with them as they created 259 socially just and equitable schools. Thus, to understand these women, one must understand the significance Of race, gender, and class in their role as school leaders. 260 APPENDICES 261 APPENDIX A APPROVAL LETTER FROM THE UNIVERSITY COMMITTEE ON RESEARCH INVOLVING HUMAN SUBJECTS, LETTERS OF INTRODUCTION, AND CONSENT LETTERS 262 MICHIGAN STATE U I R N V E S l T Y May 18, 2000 TO: Maenette K. BENHAM 425 Erickson Hall RE: IRB# 00-261 CATEGORYz2-F. Z-G APPROVAL DATE: May 18, 2000 TITLE: EXPLORING THE WORK OF BLACK WOMEN MIDDLE SCHOOL The University Committee on Research Involving Human Subjects' (UCRIHS) review of this project is complete and I am pleased to advise that the rights and welfare of the human subjects appear to be adequately protected and methods to obtain informed consent are appropriate. Therefore, the UCRIHS approved this project. RENEWALS: UCRIHS approval is valid for one calendar year, beginning with the approval date shown above. Projects continuing beyond one year must be renewed with the green renewal form. A maximum of four such expedited renewals possible. Investigators wishing to continue a project beyond that time need to submit it again for a complete review. REVISIONS: UCRIHS must review any changes in procedures involving human subjects, prior to initiation of the change. If this is done at the time of renewal, please use the green renewal form. To revise an approved protocol at any other time during the year, send your written request to the UCRIHS Chair, requesting revised approval and referencing the project's IRB# and title. Include in your request a description of the change and any revised instruments. consent forms or advertisements that are applicable. PROBLEMS/CHANGES: Should either of the following arise during the course of the work, notify UCRIHS promptly: 1) problems (unexpected side effects, complaints, etc.) involving human subjects or 2) changes in the research environment or new information indicating greater risk to the human subjects than existed when the protocol was previously reviewed and approved. If we can be of further assistance. please contact us at 517 355-2180 or via email: UCRIHS@piIot.msu.edu. Please note that all UCRIHS forms are located on the web: http://www.msu.edu/unit/vprgs/UCRIHS/ Sincerely. _ a David E. Wright, PhD. DEW: bd cc: Sabrina Isadora Smith-Campbell 263 Letter of Introduction (Principal) Date Dear Thank you for agreeing to hear more about my current research interest. My study examines how race/ethnicity, gender, and class affect the practice of Black women middle school leaders to create socially just and equitable urban middle school settings and to understand the challenges that confront these women due to their differences. I will ask you to reflect on your formal (e.g., institutional schooling) and informal (e.g., family, culture and ethnicity, socioeconomic background) educational experiences in an effort to discover how life passages have influenced your work for social justice. You have been selected to participate in this study because you meet the requirements of being an African-American woman middle school leader working to create social justice for your children and community. The information provided through this process will be used as part of the completion of my PILD. in educational administration at Michigan State University. Your cooperation through interviews, observations, life map, and sharing of materials will be confidential; no individual or school system will be identified with your responses. I am including a consent form that briefly summarizes the intention of this research project, the voluntary participant status, the intention to retain your anonymity and confidentiality of all data, and your time commitment to this project. Please sign and return the form to me in the attached self-addressed envelope. Educationally yours, Sabrina I. Smith-Campbell 264 Letter of Consent (Principal) Date Dear You are invited to participate in the research project “Exploring the Work of Black women Middle School Principals” conducted by Sabrina I. Smith-Campbell, Ph.D. candidate, Educational Administration Department, College of Education, Michigan State University, East Lansing, Michigan. You received and read the letter from Sabrina I. Smith-Campbell, which briefly describes the purpose and procedures of the research. The letter includes her name, address, and methods of communication in case you have any questions or concerns about the study. The study examines how race/ethnicity, gender, and class affect the practice of Black women middle school leaders to create socially just and equitable urban middle school settings and to understand the challenges that confront these women due to their differences. If you agree to participate, you will be interviewed at least three times, for one to two hours each time, over a brief period of time. You will be asked to reflect on both your formal and informal educational experiences, to think critically about how you think about educational leadership, and how you have addressed pressing issues of racism, gender, class, segregation, and oppression in your practice as an educational leader in the past and the current context. The interviews will be tape-recorded and you have the right not to answer any particular questions and to ask that the tape recorder be turned off at any time. All written or artifactual items that you share will be returned to you. One group dialogue of at least five of your staff members on the subject of leadership and social justice will be conducted and tape-recorded. All data and tape recordings will be kept confidential, and your identity will not be disclosed in the final report. Your privacy will be protected to the maximum extent allowed by law. However, due to the small number of African-American women in educational leadership positions today, your identity might be identifiable, and therefore, only limited confidentiality can be guaranteed. Your participation in this study is completely voluntary, and the information recorded during this group dialogue will be kept in a locked file. You may choose to withdraw and not to participate at any time without penalty. For more information about the research process, feel free to contact Professor Benham or Dr. David Wright at the addresses below: Prof. Maenette Benham Dr. David Wright 425 Erickson Hall 246 Administration Bldg. Department of Educational Administration Michigan State University East Lansing, MI 48824 East Lansing, MI 48824 Phone: (517) 355-6613 Phone (517) 355-2180 Fax: (517) 353-6383 Tax: (517) 353-2976 265 E-mail: mbcnham@msu.edu E-mail: ucrihs@msu.edu l have read the consent form and volunteer to participate in this study. Date 266 Letter of Introduction (Group Dialogue) Date Dear Staff Member, I am Sabrina I. Smith-Campbell, a Ph.D. candidate at Michigan State University in K-12 Educational Administration. I am writing because your principal has agreed to participate in a study I am conducting on “Exploring the Work of Black Women Middle School Principals.” My study examines how race/ethnicity, gender, and class affect the practice of Black women middle school leaders to create socially just and equitable urban middle school settings and to understand the challenges that confront these women due to their differences. An important part of this study is contingent on your viewpoints and participation. I would like to invite you and a few other staff members to participated in a focused group interview to talk about the perceptions you have about your principal in her efforts to create an environment of social justice. The information provided through this process will be recorded and used as part of the completion of my Ph.D. in educational administration at Michigan State University. Our cooperation through the focus group participation and sharing of information will be confidential. I plan to facilitate the focus group interview in a one-hour-long session. The focus group will be scheduled after school some time during the next month and will be held at your school at a time convenient to you and fellow staff members. I will contact you in the next two weeks to discuss this further and answer any questions you may have. If you wish to speak to me before that time, please do so. I will be happy to respond to any questions. I look forward to talking with you soon. I am including a consent form that briefly summarizes the intention of this research project, the voluntary participant status, the intention to retain your anonymity and confidentiality of all data, and your time commitment to this project. Please sign and return the form to me at our meeting. Educationally yours, Sabrina I. Smith-Campbell 267 Letter of Consent (Group Dialogue) Date Dear Staff Member: You are invited to participate in the group dialogue that is part of the study on “Exploring the Work of Black women Middle School Principals." You received and read the letter from Sabrina I. Smith-Campbell, which briefly described the purpose and procedure of the research. The letter included her name, address, and methods of communication in case you have any questions or concerns about the study. The study examines the professional/personal lives of Black women middle school leaders at the intersection of institutional and political, cultural and language, economic and social/historical venues as they work to actualize socially just and equitable learning environments. If you agree to participate in this study, a group dialogue will be conducted, which will last about an hour, and will consist of about four other staff members in your school and Sabrina I. Smith-Campbell. All information will be held in the strictest confidence, and your identity will not be disclosed in any form during the preparations or completion of the study. Your privacy will be protected to the maximum extent allowed by law. Your participation in this study is completely voluntary, and the information recorded during this group dialogue will be kept in a locked file. The interviews will be tape-recorded and you have the right not to answer any particular questions and to ask that the tape recorder be turned off at any time. You may withdraw from the interview at any time without penalty. For more information about the research process, feel free to contact Professor Benham or Dr. David Wright at the addresses below: Prof. Maenette Benham Dr. David Wright 425 Erickson Hall 246 Administration Bldg. Department of Educational Administration Michigan State University East Lansing, MI 48824 East Lansing, MI 48824 Phone: (517)355-6613 Phone (517) 355-2180 Fax: (517) 353-6383 Tax: (517)353-2976 E-mail: mbenham@msu.edu E-mail: ucrihs@msu.edu I have read the consent form and volunteer to participate in this study. Signature Date Print name 268 APPENDIX B INTERVIEW PROTOCOLS AND GROUP DIALOGUE QUESTIONS 269 Interview Protocol Three one- to two-hour interviews were conducted with each participant. The purpose of the interviews was to establish the participants’ life history, experience, and Ieamings as educators and leaders, and the meaning of the connections between that work and life. I used the interview protocols developed by Benham (1995), Colflesh (1995), Phendla (1999), and Sanders-Lawson (1999) to interview African American women. A variety of probes were used to expand each participant’s responses to the questions in the interview protocol: probing to better understand what the participant was saying; probing for definitions and clarification of the meaning of her response; probing to elicit concrete examples and stories that illuminated her original responses; probing to explore the impact of previous lived experiences on what she was saying about educational leadership, especially her own leadership, which enabled her to fight oppression and segregation to create socially just environments; probing to understand how she defined social justice; probing to extract how the characteristics most commonly associated with women leaders appear in their talk about educational leadership; and probing to make linkages between and among the interviews. Participants were asked to provide and explain three artifacts that depicted their own leadership. Last, they responded to six open-ended statements using metaphorical comparisons to their lives, transformative leadership practice, how they had learned to create strategies and established a network of support, fight oppression, repression, segregation and isolation, and their research experience. 270 First Interview: Focused Life History Purpose of the Interview: To put each participant’s experience in context by asking her to tell as much as possible about herself and her life up until the present. Role: To pose open-ended questions and to issue invitations for each participant to share her life experiences and educational experiences; to follow up, seek clarification, ask for concrete details, and request stories to illuminate her life events and lessons; to move the interview forward by building on what the participant has begun to share. Introduction for the Participant: Because I am interested in the biographies of African American women educational leaders creating social justice for their children and youth, we will begin with your life story. During the conversation, we will build on the biographical questionnaire and the critical life moments identified by the initial lifeline sketch that you completed. You will also be asked to expand on your life and educational experiences before becoming a leader. The focus of my study is on the relationship of women’s lived experiences and tensions created by the interlocking of race, gender, ethnicity, language, and class; and their thinking and practice as educational leaders which create social justice in their organization. So your life experiences will serve as a starting point for our continued exploration during the rest of the interviews. Questions Biographical Background 1. What is your full name? 2. Date of birth and place of birth. 3. Type of community in which you spent most of your growing-up years (urban, rural, or suburban). 4. Place of parents’ birth. Highest level of education attained by parents. 5. Father’s occupation; mother’s occupation. 6. Did you attend public, private, or religious schools? Provide a brief description of your formal school experiences. 7. Information about educational attainment (or attach resume/vita). 8. Do you have any special talents outside the area of education? (e.g., musical, arts, crafts, etc.) 271 9. Spiritual orientation/religious preference (past and current). 10. Marital partner/status. Children (male, female, adopted or biological, ages). Cultural Background 1. Tell me about your immediate and your extended family. 2. How did you experience (learn) cultural/societal values and beliefs in your family? In your extended family? In your community? 3. What formal cultural education were you introduced to (i.e., language classes) in school? 4. What informal cultural education were you introduced to? 5. What are the key cultural norms, values, or beliefs (i.e., duty, family roles) that you perceive to be important to you as a person, as a professional, and as an educational leader? 6. What are some of the ways that you incorporate these key cultural norms, values, and beliefs into your life today? 7. How have you been affected by social forces (i.e., race/ethnicity, gender, class) and political forces? 8. How did some of the political movements influence your growing-up years (Brown v. Board of Education, Civil Rights Movement, etc.)? Formal School Experience 1. Tell me about your institutional experiences, i.e., elementary, middle/junior high school, secondary school, and postsecondary school years. (Talk about ethnicity, gender, class, peer groups, talents/skills, extracurricular programs, political struggles, etc.). 2. Who were the adults who had the most impact on your education? How did they affect you? 3. What valuable lessons did you Ieam about who you were, about your relation- ship to leaming, about your relationship to the educational profession? 4. Were there any aspects of your educational experiences that might have conflicted with the cultural norms you ere growing up with? 272 5. How did those conflicts work out, and what impact do you think they might have had on how you frame your educational practices today? Growing Up and Coming of Age 1. How did you feel about your self-identity at different stages of your life (i.e., preteen, teenager, young adult, etc.)? What political movements (Brown v. Board of Education, Civil Rights Movement, school boycotts, teachers’ union movements, etc.) affected your life? How so? What personal meaning did it hold for you? What were your perceptions of the roles of African-American men and women? How did these rituals affect you? What myths and stereotypes affected you? What myths and stereotypes did you hold? How are you resolving these conflicts, if any at all? Discuss these. Professional Practice l. 2. What factors played a part in your entering the education profession? What did you Ieam about yourself during your first years in the profession? How is it that you became an educational leader? Did you have a mentor? How is it that you came to your current position? Were there any stories of individuals who moved you toward seeking a leadership role? What were they, and how did they affect you? How do you define leadership? Do you see yourself as a transformative leader? What role does the school governing body play in your school? Tell me how your decisions are made. Tell me more about who makes which decisions and why. What role do the other stakeholders play in your school? How successfully, or not, were you able to deveIOp partnerships with stakeholders (local businesses, community organizations, political organizations, etc.)? How did you do that? What do you understand by the term “social justice”? What does the concept mean to you? What is involved in accomplishing social justice, and how do you go about mobilizing others to action? 273 IO. 11. 12. l3. 14. 15. 16. How has the political landscape shaped your family background/growing up? How has it affected your formal education? Share with me your reflections on these issues: traditional norms and beliefs about women. How did they affect you personally (e.g., marriage, relations with your own children)? How did they affect you professionally (e.g., professional development; interrelations with colleagues, teachers, parents, students; career growth/promotions; salary scare; benefit structures; maternity leaves; etc.)? What role do they play in your professional practices as a leader? How have your race, gender, class, and ethnicity influenced your educational experiences (formal and informal) and professional practices? What is your understanding of the term “power”? Tell me about the meaning you derive from your understanding of the term. Who has it, who does not, how is power attained, maintained? How has power or the lack thereof played out in your experiences and professional practices? Lifeline Probes Continue to discuss those moments not touched on by the above themes. Are there any moments that impeded your progress in your efforts toward creating a socially just and equitable school environment? What were they, and how did they become obstacles? What did you do? What lessons have you learned that you can clearly say have affected how you think and how you behave as an educational leader? Are there specific lessons learned as a result of your being a woman? A Black woman? What does learning mean to you? What makes it important? 274 Second Interview: Life History Continued Purpose of the Interview: To concentrate on the concrete details of each participant’s experience as an educational leader, with special emphasis on a selected group of gender- related, culture-related, and social justice characteristics from the literature. My Role: Similar to my role in the first interview: to encourage each participant to relate incidents, tell stories, and provide concrete details of her experience as an educational leader and to further explore what the participant is saying. To ask the participant to reconstruct those situations and experiences. To peel away the layers of oppression, discrimination, deeper values, beliefs, and approaches to leadership of jusnce. Introduction of Participant: I am interested in exploring your experiences as an educational leader who is creating an environment of social justice, and learning more about you as an African American woman educational leader. Questions 1. Talk more about any of the stories/situations that you mentioned in Interview 1 that you feel are important. 2. Are there any other stories about your growing up and coming of age that you feel are important to understanding who you are, particularly as a leader? 3. What personal and professional experiences helped shape you in becoming a transformative leader? 4. How did you Ieam to be an educational leader? 5. Can you give me an example of an experience e(i.e., in professional development) that has had a visible effect on how you see and carry out your role as an educational leader? 6. What made that experience stand out above the rest? 7. What opportunities for learning to lead, in your life and work, enhanced your learning as an educational leader? 8. What opportunities for learning to lead hindered your learning as an educational leader? 9. Tell me more about your relationship with your teachers, with your parent body, and with your governing structure. 275 10. I want to hear more about your role in the community at large, your failures and successes, your frustrations and joys in your endeavor to create a socially just and equitable environment. Current Work Context 1. Ask the leader to provide contextual information, demographic information, ethnic constructs, and a description of the political and financial environments of her current work place. How are resources distributed, and what criteria are used? 2. Ask the leader to reflect critically in issues of concern that she is currently addressing and how she makes sense of these problems. Ask the leader how these issues are different than in the past and how these issues may or may not be addressed by current policies and activities. 3. Encourage the leader to explore, discuss, and analyze her unique role in advancing education and to define her role. 4. From your understanding of the term “social justice,” how have you created a socially just organization? Give examples to demonstrate this. 5. What are some of the factors that have enhanced this process? Talk more about these factors. 6. What are some of the factors that have hindered/impeded the process? Elaborate more on these factors. 7. Please describe a current initiative that involves you creating a socially just and equitable environment (for your school and/or your community). 276 Last Interview: Reflection on the Meaning Purpose of the Interview: To encourage each participant to reflect on the meaning of her experience as an educational leader creating social justice and equitable schools and community for children and youths. My Role: To continue to pose open-ended questions and to issue invitations for each participant to make connections between her work and her life. To explore meaning, details, and clarification; encourage further explanation, interpretation, and sense making; and to follow up when additional information is needed. To keep the participant focused on making meaning from her experience and learning. To accept silence. Introduction for Participant: During this last formal interview, we will explore the meaning that you have made of your work as an educational leader, learning to create strategies and establishing a network of support, and fighting oppression, repression, segregation, isolation, and injustices through silence and passive resistance while working to uplift and support your school and community. We will continue to link characteristics related to worm leaders and life experiences with your current work, with emphasis on how it makes sense for you. In addition, we will use some of the time to “tie up loose ends” from the previous interviews. QLIe_sti_on_s_ SchooliLg and Education I. What do you believe the purposes of schooling and of education are? 2. How did achieving a higher education affect your leadership development? How has achieving a higher education affected you as a Black person, as a woman, and as a Black woman? 3. How had achieving a higher education affected your ethnic identity and traditional norms? Talk more about these in relation to your personal and professional experiences. Educational Leadership I. How did you Ieam to be an educational leader? 2. What does educational leadership mean to you? 3. What factors in your life (personal and professional) have enhanced and hindered your work as an educational leader? 277 4. How do you see yourself as a leader? How do you think your professional colleagues see you? How would you like to be seen? 5. What are some of the factors that have hindered/impeded the process of making effective linkages with your school, parents, and the community at large? Elaborate more on these factors. 6. What is your understanding of democratic school governance? Whose voice is heard and why? Who makes decisions and how? 7. How would you define social justice? 8. Give examples of how you have dealt with issues of social justice. 9. What does a socially just organization look like? In your understanding, what are the elements/components of a socially just system? 10. What skills and strategies have you found to be most effective in your efforts to create social justice? 1 1. Define the culture of your school community. What implications does this have on how you view leadership? 12. What lessons have you learned about educational leadership that are worthwhile to share? Reflections 1. Given what you have said about your life and your work. how have you come to understand leadership? 2. Given what you have said about your life and your work. how have you come to understand transformative leadership? 3. Comment on the characteristics of leadership most commonly associated with women in general and, more specifically, with Black African women and their cultural values. 4. What are the challenges that you and African American women educational ’ leaders face? Talk a bit about these demands and satisfactions. What do you do to deal with these challenges? 5. What unique contribution to the education of children and youths do you think you have made? Would like to make? 278 As you look back, what have you liked the most about your work and what have you liked the least? What is an area of your leadership practice that is strong, and what is not strong? As you look forward, how might you want to train the next generation of Black women leaders? What would you share with an aspiring woman interested in educational leadership? Would these be different for a Black woman? How? 279 Open-Ended Statements for Final Reflections Purpose of Final Reflections: To use metaphors to describe the leaders’ life experiences, leadership practice, and the meaning that they have made of their life and work, as well as their experience in this study. My Role: To provide open-ended statements so which the participants can respond. Introduction for Participant: Using metaphors, please respond to the following open- ended statements. We will explore these responses during our final meeting or in a follow-up call after the interview transcripts are reviewed. Invitations: Using Metaphorical Comparisons to MyLife... 0 As I look back, my life has been. . . . 0 My practice as a transformative educational leader has been. . . . 0 Making sense of my life and work as an African American woman has been. . . . 0 My experience as a participant in this study has been. . . . 0 Additional comments/reactions. . . . 280 Group Dialogue: Reflections of the School Leader Purpose of the Interview: To encourage participants to define leadership and do reflections about their school leader. My Role: To continue to pose open-ended questions and to issue invitations for each participant to make connections between her reflections of the school leader and her work of social justice. To explore details and clarifications; encourage further explanation, interpretation, and sense making; and to follow up when additional information is needed. Introduction for Participant: During this group dialogue, we will explore the perceptions that you have formed of the work of your school leader. We will continue to link characteristics related to women leaders and characteristics of socially just schools and environments. Minis Leadership 1. How do you define leadership? In what ways do you see your school principal as a transformative leader? 2. In what ways has your school leader displayed passion for equity and social justice (within the school setting and community at large)? Illustrate with examples or stories. 3. What are some of the dilemmas you perceive she has had to face? 4. How has she been successful, or not? 5. What activities are you currently involved in that reveal a schoolwide effort for social justice? 281 Critical Life Map Purpose of Critical Life Map: To allow each participant to look at seven significant events/moments in her life that have gotten her to that current leadership position. My Role: To provide each participant an opportunity to reflect, relate stories, and explain her experiences as an educational leader. Introduction for Participant: At this time we will take a close look at your life through diagramming a critical life map. We will reflect on seven critical experiences in your life as you have taken your educational leadership journey. Questions I. As you look back over your life, what are the seven most critical events in your life that are representative of these stepping stones? 2. Could you explain these events and how they are critical in your life? 3. When did these critical events occur in your life? 4. How did they affect you as a Black woman? As a school leader? 5. How did you react during these critical life experiences? 6. What are the lessons you have learned from these experiences? 282 APPENDIX C EXAMPLE OF A CRITICAL LIFE MAP AND A SCHOOL ENVIRONMENTAL MAP 283 Seven Things that got me to this Point... 1. Determination 2. My Mother/Extended Family/Community) 3. Traveling (being exposed to numerous different experiences in life). 4. EducatiOn 5. Mentors 6. Opportunity 7. Partnership with MSU/Alternative Education 284 waxes—3.2 .8283. 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E0... 88 8.85:? 9 28:8 .Em .8885 $253.8 3.8883368 ”38:58.8 .88 98......“ .0 23.98 28:58 $8398 2.3-3.8th .88 8.... .8...8 can £8828 .858 8.28.8 8an :8.8E<-:8.¢< 5.3 38.32:. 85850 98 33%;“: £8.55 88.899158... 8.8:.“ 3.80m boo... 9.7.8.88. >82: 8.2.:8. v.85 $2.9m wEaaBm 0.8;. .0 82.38852 88 85 .8... So» c. 38?». .8...8 82: 82% 2.. 2a 22.3 8.322% Rota—5. mouhzcw “an: mom—8w— .8..H.a:< acacmmzv $530 307 REFERENCES 308 REFERENCES Adler, P. A., & Adler, P. (1994). Observational techniques. In N. K. Denzin & Y. S. Lincoln (Eds.), Handbook of qualitative research (pp. 377-392). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. The African American Enchlopedia. (1993). New York: Marshall Cavendish. Allen, K. (1995). African-American women in education administration: The importance of mentors and sponsors. Journal of Negro Education. 64(4), 409- 421. Andersen, M. L., & Collins, P. (1998). Rae; clas; and gender: An anthology. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth. Anderson, J. A. (1988, January/February). 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