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A . degree in My (Juan 444%.:6 140% Major professor Date April 30, 2002 0-7639 MS U is an Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution PLACE IN RETURN Box to remove this checkout from your record. TO AVOID FINES return on or before date due. MAY BE RECALLED with earlier due date if requested. DATE DUE DATE DUE DATE DUE OCT (1253023323 10395fl% J.‘ .1— n rut rKF“ i; 15": K H} . -- uu\ ’ '9 4 2 5* g 8 r. -~ , “we m5 93o @1144 6/01 cJCIRC/DateDuepss-sz KILLING THE BERDACHE AND RAISING THE TWO-SPIRIT: CONTINUING AND EMERGING ROLES OF AMERICAN INDIAN TWO- SPIRITS BY Kathryn Lynn VanDeCar A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Department of Anthropology 2002 ABSTRACT KILLING THE BERDACHE AND RAISING THE TWO-SPIRIT: CONTINUING AND EMERGING ROLES OF AMERICAN INDIAN TWO- SPIRITS By Kathryn Lynn VanDeCar This thesis will seek to answer two questions. What roles do female-bodied, American Indian two-spirits fulfill today? Are these whole new roles or continuations of traditional ones? My hypothesis is that female-bodied two- spirits play an active role in keeping traditional two- spirit roles alive, while at the same time serving as go— betweens and leaders in new territories with traditional skills of these roles. The power of naming and labeling will also be examined within the two—spirit community. The new territories involve two-spirits navigating the boundaries between higher education and the American Indian community for themselves and leading by example, as well as serving as leaders and go—betweens in social, political and health spheres. These are important roles of American Indian female-bodied two-spirits that are continuations of traditional roles and new roles that make use of the traditional skills acquired to be go—betweens and leaders. COPYRIGHT BY Kathryn Lynn VanDeCar 2002 TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTIONMMMMH 1 LITERATURE REVIEW 5 Berdache ..5 Amazon 8 Warrior Woman 10 Two-Spirit 13 American Indian Lesbians 15 METHODOLOGYmmmmmmp - Hm- . ......................................... -19 DISCUSSION OF DATA _- ...... 72 Go-Between Role 73 Leadership Role”- 37 CONCLUSION ........................................................................................ SO BIBLIOGRAPHY 57 iv Killing the Berdache and Raising the Two-Spirit: Continuing and Emerging Roles of American Indian Two- Spirits Introduction What roles do female-bodied, American Indian two- spirits fulfill today?1 Are these whole new roles or continuations of traditional ones? My hypothesis is that female-bodied two-spirits play an active role in keeping traditional two-spirit roles, despite earlier researchers who predicted this tradition would die out, in articles such as "The Last Zuni Transvestite" (Parsons 1939). These two-spirit women also serve as "go-betweens" and leaders in new territories. The roles that are emerging in my research involve two-spirits navigating the boundaries of higher education and the American Indian community for themselves and for others. Two-spirits are exploring new territories like higher education and learning to navigate that system in order to make it accessible to future generations of American Indians. Two—spirit women are leaders in battles for social, political and health programs within their American Indian communities. These are important roles for modern day two—spirits and an area where more research is needed. lI prefer to use the term American Indian for the original inhabitants of North America, however, if I am quoting from publication or informant I am using his/her personal preference for this population. For this thesis, I will focus on female-bodied two- spirits and their roles both traditionally and today. I am defining a two—spirit gender category as including "individuals who are physically normal might have the spirit of the other sex, might range somewhere between the two sexes, or might have the spirit that is distinct from either women or men” (Williams 1992:22). My focus upon female-bodied two-spirits is due in part to my accessibility to this population. Being female gives me easier access to this population than the male researchers of the past. There is a lack of data or studies on this particular population since most research has focused upon male bodied two-spirits perhaps as a result of accessibility. As one study stated, Yet female transvestism is much less prevalent than male transvestism. Although a comparison between the two phenomena is desirable, the paucity of information about female transvestism makes such an undertaking relatively unpromising (Munroe, Whiting and Hally 1969:90). Even when the lack of research on females is obvious to male researchers, their effort goes no further. Perhaps Walter Williams put it best, Despite the value of such reports, it is clear that a male cannot get very complete information on women's sexuality. I hope that the data presented here will inspire women ethnographers to pursue this topic in the future (Williams 1992:251). This challenge by Williams is one that is important for ethnographers and two-spirits alike to address today. There is very little published research on this topic. Volumes of prose and poetry have been published by authors such as Chrystos (Menominee), Beth Brant (Mohawk), and Paula Gunn Allen (Laguna/Sioux). The voices of contemporary Native American lesbian and two-spirit women are not as voluminous as they could be (Lang 1997:101). Prose and poetry seem to be the breakthrough areas for female two-spirits to publish, but there is much more that needs to be said. This is why it is important to continue research with this hidden population, especially if one has access to this community. The literature review will focus upon the history of terminology with this gender category, as well as, some discussion of the roles that American Indian two-spirits have fulfilled traditionally. There will also be discussion of the power of naming within this section. This category of individuals have chosen the term two- spirit and taken the power away from ones outside the group to name them since they have taken it upon themselves to designate their own group name. The methodology section will focus upon my selection of informants for my primary data collection. A more in-depth discussion of the roles of two—spirits will be included in the discussion of data section from my research. First the discussion will focus upon the go-between role. Next the focus will move to two- spirits as leaders both spiritually and then politically. Finally, I will conclude with a summary of my hypothesis and a discussion how this role affects the individual. There is a risk to and sacrifice by the individual who is a two-spirit carrying on these roles. Literature Review From berdache to two—spirit, there has been limited terminology to discuss this gender category. No one term emerges to the top as the term of choice, just as Indigenous peoples of this hemisphere may prefer to be called American Indian or Native American or Anishnaabe, each with its own connotations, limitations, and baggage. Similarly, in the American Indian two-spirit (the term I prefer to use in addressing this group of individuals) community there is no one correct answer. Some prefer to be called warrior women, amazon, two-spirit or a specified gender category in their native language like winkte or nadle. This section will examine some of the past terminology for this population and explore its use. Berdache Berdache was used to compartmentalize male gender roles in American Indian communities that did not fit into the Western mainstream gender dichotomy of man or woman. An etymological investigation of the English word "berdache" or "berdash," indicates that it derived from the French word "bardash," which derived from the Italian word "berdascia," which derived from the Arabic "bardaj," which derived from the Persian "barah." While the word underwent considerable change the meaning in each instance remained constant, being a "kept boy," a "male prostitute," a "catamite" (Angelino 1955:121). There is no question as to why this term is seen as insulting and derogatory today. Berdache is now considered to be an inappropriate and pejorative term by American Indian two-spirits and most anthropologists (Jacobs, Thomas and Lang l997:3). In the past, berdache was the missionary's and anthropologist's term of choice. Angelino, even as recently as 1953 presented a paper at the 5?“ Annual Meeting of the American Anthropological Association entitled "A Note on Berdache". He stated, "The existence of berdaches or transvestites has been known for many years. The earliest travelers, explorers, and missionaries instanced the phenomenon" (Angelino 1955:121). Some of the earlier publications on the berdache include Parsons (1916) and Simms (1903). In Parsons, "The Zuni La’mana", she referred to men-women, la'mana, and hermaphrodites as interchangeable terms. Parsons focused upon transvestism, physical attributes, functions like pottery making and even Zuni mythology of the first hermaphrodite (Parsons 1916). Simms spoke of hermaphrodites and how they are referred to as she (Simms 1903). Simms also commented upon functions and behaviors as defining characteristics of these individuals, such as needlework and cooking for the tribe (Simms 1903). Munroe used transvestism and the berdache institution without separate distinction (Munroe 1969). Similarly Hill states, "The hermaphrodites were called the real nadle. You can tell them when they are born. The transvestites were called those who pretend to be nadle" (Hill 1935:273). Publications by various authors in American Anthropologist from 1903 to 1969 refer to this gender category as berdache, transvestite, and hermaphrodites interchangeably. Angelino's "A Note on Berdache" in 1955 and Lurie's "Winnebago Berdache" in 1953 are prime examples of the use of berdache as the norm for that timeframe of research. Berdache was primarily used to refer to male bodied two—spirits. The research surrounding berdache focused upon the cross-dressing or other behaviors of these individuals as stated earlier. Angelino attempts to differentiate between berdache and transvestite in his discussion titled, "A Note on Berdache"(1955). In View of the data we propose that berdache be characterized as an individual of a definite physiological sex (male or female) who assumes the role and status of the opposite sex physiologically but as having assumed the role and status of the opposite sex. If erotic object is to be noted it should be so designated by the appropriate adjective: heterosexual, homosexual, bisexual, etc. Transvestism is assumed as a part of the role structure taken on by the individual (Angelino 1955:126). Overall, one can see how terminology can become confusing when talking about this gender category of individuals in North America. Amazon Walter William was one of the first to focus on the term amazon for an all-inclusive group of female alternative gendered individuals. He defines amazons as the women who went to battle or hunted as a man would in their respective tribes. "I prefer the word amazon. This term is parallel to berdache, but it is a status specific to women that is not subservient to male definitions" (Williams 1992:234). There is little research presented on amazons and their respective social, economic, sexual, political, or spiritual role within tribes. I feel this is a direct result of white, middle-class, heterosexual or even gay anthropologists not documenting or having access to women's roles in general. Looking at lesbian's roles is even further removed from their respective research foci; hence amazons are not well documented. Historically there is little documentation on the topic of women taking on men's roles. As Lang states in Men as Women, Women as Men(l998), Gender role changes by females, then, was not a unitary phenomenon. Instances of the equivalent of male "berdaches" were infrequent. In such cases, men-women assumed the masculine role in its totality, expressed by role components such as occupations, clothing, and marriages to or partnerships with women (Lang 1998:284). I would also argue accessibility to this population by past male researchers. After all, this is a hidden population and even previous women researchers, focused solely on males taking on female roles or dress. This is evidenced in Parsons' work with the Zuni (Parsons 1916 & 1939) and also Lurie's work with the Winnebago (Lurie 1953). It may be that female-bodied two-spirits were present in these communities, but not as visible to the researchers as the male who assumed alternative gender roles. Today, there is still little research on American Indian female-bodied two- spirits. Some of Paula Gunn Allen's work (Allen 1981) and Beth Brant's (Brant 1988) are among the few published on the topic of American Indian two-spirits or lesbians. Just as with berdache, amazon research focuses on discussions around sexuality, dress, and fulfilling men's roles in society. This masculinization of women comes under attack by Sue-Ellen Jacobs in Two—Spirit People (Jacobs 1997:21-43). If Native American women call themselves "lesbians," "dyke," or a multitude of native terms, why should anyone privilege William's use of the term amazon? It is because the white male voice (whether gay or straight) is assumed to have authority in all scholarly and other matters? Where are the women's voices in the anthropological writing on this subject? (Jacobs 1997:30-31). Even though Jacobs takes issue with Williams' terminology of amazon, I have to commend Williams' attempt to recognize that there is a separate category for women similar to berdache. To his credit, he does address in his own book that he cannot begin to do research in female communities on the topic of sexuality. warrior woman The term warrior woman comes to the forefront in discussions by missionaries of women who went to battle within their tribes in early contact times. In some cases, females obviously turned to men's occupations because they wanted to be independent. Sometimes, this motivation seems to have been combined with a woman's preference for living with another woman instead of a man (Lang 1998:268). Even though these women went to battle and took on masculine roles, this should not be equated with taking on 10 a different gender. Sometimes these females remained women in the eyes of their communities. According to sources, thus, women for a substantial number of Native American cultures went to war. The difference between women who went to war and men-women is that the former strove for masculine prestige in a limited masculine role component and without giving up their overall feminine gender role, while the latter strove for a masculine gender role and quasi-masculine status (Lang 1998:305). Men-women did not strive for fame in warfare, whereas, warrior women did. Hence, one can see the difference between gender roles of warrior women and men—women. This was not an uncommon activity in Indian Country. Women took up arms and went to battle in many tribes, not only in Plains tribes who were known for their warfare, but also in some of the southwest tribes like the Apaches. Martin summarized in her book Apache Warrior Women (To Know the Land)(2000), While all Indian women fought--as indeed women of all cultures and historical periods fought--but the Chiricahua were one of only a handful of cultures world-wide which mandated that their women fight, trained them to fight and equipped them to fight (Martin 2002). However, these women remained women in the eyes of the tribe and were excused from war during pregnancy or for lack of childcare. ll This terminology of warrior woman is problematic. One of the biggest critiques has to do with the focus on a single role defining an entire category of women, just as berdache sought to speak of all men who took on women's roles or who were seen as a passive sexual partner for other men. As Jacobs argued, "I am intrigued by the frequency with which male writers masculinize females as the result of some observed or purported behavior" (Jacobs 1997:31). All of these designations and created names for categories of women have been and will remain problematic. The terms are not universally accepted in definition and are used interchangeably by different researchers. A female to male transgendered person expressed his perspective in Two-Spirit People, Repeatedly throughout the course of my research, FTMs (Female To Male transsexuals) concluded those terms such as "female berdache," "amazon," "cross—gendered females," and "manlike women" were inappropriate and hold no significance for their identities. Furthermore, such terminology denies the existence of female gender diversity by assuming that all females who manifest transgendered behaviors are lesbians (Cromwell 1997:131). Cromwell addressed how any or all of these terms have limitations and have not even began to broach the topic of transgendered individuals who are biological males but whose gender status is female. One can see that terms like berdache, amazon and warrior women are problematic in that each has shortcomings in the naming of gender categories in North America beyond just male and female. Two-Spirit The term “two-spirited” traces its origin to the 1990, third annual Two-Spirit Gathering in Winnipeg, Canada. This gathering has gone through numerous name changes in its infancy; it is "now called the International Two-Spirit Gathering" (Roscoe 1998b:109). The term two—spirit takes multiple identities into account, such as racial identity, sexual identity, and gender identity and is inclusive of male, female and even intersexed individuals. Anguksuar (Richard LaFortune) who was at the third annual two-spirit gathering expressed his understanding of the term two- spirit, Two-spirits indicates the presence of both a feminine and a masculine spirit in one persoanhus, the sudden appearance of Native people claiming two—spirit identity should not be interpreted as a strategy for acquiring political power (if it were a strategy it would be a silly one). Likewise, it would be a mistake to think that this is a recently developed fiction used to resituate individuals into tribal communities that sometimes reject them on grounds that homosexuality is a malady brought by the white man. What is happening, actually, is that we are remembering again who we are and that our identities can no longer be used as a weapon against us. It is once again a source of our healing (Anguksuar 1997:221-222). As one can see, this term is all-inclusive. It is a term that American Indian males, females, and everyone in- between chose to call themselves. One of my informants who participated in the deliberation at the third annual gathering explained, "So the term two—spirit has always just meant to me a contemporary marker to identify a group of people from which I come" (Little Thunder 2002). This two-spirit label was chosen by this group and for this group with very specific responsibilities associated with taking on this name. The term two-spirit has now made its way into the lesbian/bisexual/gay/transgendered (LBGT) community as well, but is being misused by this predominantly white community. Two-spirit is not a term to be taken lightly or one that anyone who is in a same sex relationship can claim. There are go-between and leadership roles that go along with this category of individuals. Just as one cannot be a doctor or priest in mainstream society without proper educational training, supervision and parameters; one cannot claim to be a two- spirit in American Indian communities without proper roles attached to that label as well. 14 Will Roscoe has published many books on the topic of American Indian two-spirits. They include The Zuni Man- Woman (1991) and Changing Ones (1998b). He was also the coordinating editor for Living the Spirit, a Gay American Indian Anthology (1988a). Roscoe stated, With the use of “two-spirit” contemporary natives align themselves with traditional culture and can make a claim for acceptance that no other gay minority group in the United States can—not on the basis of some abstract principle of rights or inclusion, but because they are representatives of original tribal cultures, and, as such, stand at the forefront of native resistance to white hegemony (Roscoe 1998b:111). This group of individuals taking a contemporary marker and naming themselves is a prime example of the power to name. The two-spirit community does not live in a vacuum and is well aware of the power they have given to their name by choosing it themselves. For researchers and anthropologists alike the rule is label or be labeled, name or be named. Two—spirits named themselves and realized the power within this label. This label is one that today's two-spirits realize could change tomorrow when another group of individuals decides to rename themselves giving different strength, power and connotations to their chosen term, but for the time being two-spirit is the label of choice for this category of individuals. Terry Tafoya is a researcher for The Kinsey Institute and one of the primary 15 researchers on American Indian two-spirit identity, who himself is a two-spirit. The passage that follows is from "M. Dragonfly: Two-Spirit and the Tafoya Principle of Uncertainty” in Two-Spirit People, Native people are choosing the name two—spirit to represent an aspect of themselves. They are also empowering themselves to act independently from the anthropologists who have worked hard to define them (an act of creation in itself) and to take the opportunity to instruct the anthropologists and each other in a manner that may prove to be as life-affirming and nurturing as the work of the Dragonfly" (Tafoya 1997:193). It is reclamation of roles termed berdache or amazon in earlier literature and a rebirth of gender categories that went underground for a time, but were not lost. Randy Burns is one of the co-founders of Gay American Indians (GAI) that formed in San Francisco, California in 1975, first as a social group, but soon evolved into a group to fight for civil rights, health care, land rights, water rights, and fishing rights (Jacobs 1997:110). Burns candidly proclaims in the preface of Living the Spirit (1988), "Gay and lesbian American Indians today represent the continuity of this tradition. We are living in the spirit of our gay Indian ancestors" (Burns 1988:2). l6 .American Indian Lesbians Brown (1997) argued that lesbians and gays are a recent phenomenon in American Indian societies. He argued their birth is in the 19605, which was a remarkable time of change for gay rights and race rights in this country. For the first recorded time since Europeans arrived, the American Indian birthrate began to exceed the death-rate-American Indians might not be dying off after all. That exclusively lesbian and gay American Indians openly asserted themselves during this time period of gay civil rights makes perfect sense (Brown 1997:17). American Indian lesbians then are a distinct category from two-spirits. This will be elaborated upon further in the discussion of two-spirit roles in the data presentation section of the thesis. Two-spirits agree with this statement since a gay/lesbian designation only highlights a sexual act based on same sex, but not same gender relationship. The other way lesbians and two-spirits are distinguished is that lesbians lack the required spiritual element for being a two-spirit. Contrary to the mainstream 0.8., American Indian gays and lesbians do not reject their culture, even though their tribes may manifest homophobia just as intensely as mainstream society or other ethnic groups. Lang discussed in her article "Various Kinds of Two-Spirit People" (1997), Instead of seeing themselves as sexual renegades fighting back at a society that does not accept them, two-spirit people tend to emphasize their Indian/Native American identity and the special potential and skills they as lesbians and gays can contribute for the benefit of the community at large (Lang 1997:115). One must begin to look at the multi-faceted aspects of a gay lifestyle, not just one physical, sexual act. "'Gay' with its connotations of life-style beyond sexual behavior, seems to fit in more closely with an Indian understanding" (Williams 1992:223). The term two-spirit is all encompassing of the entire identity and lifestyle; whereas, lesbian is focused upon one aspect, that being sexuality. A gay person, as opposed to a tainna wa’ippe (Shoshoni two-spirit male or female), is defined as lacking the spiritual element, acting on personal preference instead of manifesting spiritual power (Lang 1997:106). Obviously there is a distinct difference between two- spirits and lesbians. Lesbians and two-spirits can be differentiated by the roles that two-spirits played in their tribes socially, politically and/or spiritually. There has to be more to her role than a sexual act to be a part of the two-spirit category. The two-spirits that I interviewed stated that depending on context of what they were doing or who they were surrounded by determined whether they would identify as two-spirit or lesbian. l8 When I'm in the feminist community or lesbian community, they don't understand that my taking on that label has an entirely different implication than being two-spiritedehen I'm out in the dominant society, those battles are different. Then I'm fighting for identity in a lot of ways, but to be a lesbian, almost has a political edge to it, and that is the label that I take on when I'm in a dominant culture society, because it is the one that is most effective in dominant culture (Solis 2001). Two-spirit women today are consciously navigating between the boundaries of the American Indian community and gay/lesbian community to assert the appropriate identity of two-spirit or lesbian. l9 Methodology The Midwest region of Michigan, Minnesota, and Iowa was selected as the research site for my thesis. Specifically, I conducted research in and around Michigan State University, University of Minnesota, and University of Iowa. These campus and urban centers have significant American Indian populations and gay/lesbian populations. These locations were selected due to established access to American Indian two-spirits in these communities. My research involved participant observation, taking field notes, conducting informal interviews, and conducting formal, individual interviews. The formal interviews were audiotape recorded and later transcribed. The interview protocol for the formal interviews is included in the Appendix. Interviews were limited to two-spirits who are "out" to their respective communities to avoid homophobic reactions as much as possible. This is a hidden population for most of mainstream society and one that is deemed "at— risk" by the University Committee on Research Involving Human Subjects (UCRIHS); therefore, only ones who are "out" are included in this research, to minimize the risk to these individuals. Confidentiality was also a concern, but upon interviewing these informants, they did not want to be silenced by the use of a pseudonym. Each was adamant that 20 I use her real name so I have honored that request in this thesis. As Little Thunder explained during conversation after her interview, paraphrased here, "I have been in the closet long enough and my voice has been silenced long enough; I am never going back there again, so be sure to use my name in your research" (Little Thunder 2002). Three female—bodied two-spirits were interviewed for this thesis. Beverly Little Thunder is Standing Rock Lakota currently residing in St. Paul, Minnesota. Originally she is from the Standing Rock Reservation, located on the North and South Dakota border. Little Thunder holds a Nursing degree and currently works in alcohol rehabilitation counseling with American Indian women. Little Thunder also contributed a chapter to 2E2: Spirit People entitled "I am a Lakota Womyn" (Little Thunder 1997). Sandi Solis is Kickapoo-Mexican Band currently residing in Iowa City, Iowa. Originally she is from Corpus Christi, Texas and her tribe was non— reservation based from Mexico. Within the last seven or eight years they have acquired five hundred acres of land for a reservation in Texas, so now are reservation based. She is currently working on her doctorate in Women's Studies at the University of Iowa in the first, entering class of the Women's Studies doctoral program there. She 21 aspires to be a faculty member upon graduation. Karen Joseph is Tshwanek Kwakwak'awakw currently residing in Lansing, Michigan. Originally she is from Quasmish, British Columbia, Canada, just north of Vancouver. Her tribe is reservation based, but she moved around a lot growing up, as her father was an Indian agent. Joseph holds a bachelor's degree in Microbiology from the University of British Columbia. She is currently pursuing her Medical Doctor degree here at Michigan State University in the College of Human Medicine. She aspires to return home and open a practice that serves even the remote areas of tribal communities that require still fly-in service due to their remote locations. Joseph also wants to be active in the policy making end of medicine when she returns home. These individuals were selected for interviews due to their willingness to share, their success as two-spirit women in each of their respective areas, their display of leadership, and their commitment to their tribal communities. I realize that interviewing three two-spirit women is hardly enough t1) make generalizations to time entire two- spirit community; however, this is ea start. These women epitomize the go-between and leader roles today, just as two—spirits of the past did. 22 Discussion of Data There are two roles I will examine further in this section, the go-between role of two-spirits and the leadership role. The go-between role will include gender and social roles, both traditionally and today. Along with the discussion of gender will be a small section on sexual roles so that gender and sex roles are clarified. Next, this section will examine the role of female-bodied two- spirits roles as leaders, again traditionally and today. Leadership roles occur in a wide range of arenas. The ones I will discuss include spiritual and political roles. All of my informants were selected because of their affiliation with higher education and my access to them through institutions of higher learning. Solis and Joseph are students in higher education, paving the way for future generations of their tribes to follow in their footsteps. Little Thunder is living and working in her community and serving as a leader and role model, having already completed her degree. Higher education is one area that overlaps into both roles of go-between and leaders for these female-bodied two-spirits. 23 Go-Between Role The go-between role touches upon the aspects of two-spirit social roles. All of these roles are so intertwined it is hard to ferret out just one role for discussion. The social roles of two-spirits enabled them to hold highly esteemed positions as family members, teachers, and parents. “MA supportive family structure allows berdaches to be raised as proud and productive members of society” (Williams 1992:44). There is some variation among tribal communities on how a child becomes or is recognized as a two-spirit. Finally, some females who performed masculine tasks were raised as boys from childhood (Landes 1937:119, 121). Examples of raising girls to be boys have been reported among the Ojibwa of Canada (Landes 1938:169ff). It can be a role that is assigned in childhood or a role that resulted from an aversion to masculinity, or a role that resulted from an inborn character that played out in childhood activities. As Little Thunder stated, I knew that I was gay when I was really young, but I didn't have words for it and it was a result of my always being institutionalized with other women because there was a lot of that kind of flirtations and girlfriends going on when we were in boarding school, even in the convent (Little Thunder 2001). An important aspect of two-spirit roles is their in- between gender status. In American mainstream society 24 there are only two biological sexes and hence only two genders. In other words, the gender category determined by the recognition of biological, physiological features of morphological sex is the basis of mainstream American culture system of gender. Immediately linked to gender category in this system is a compulsory gender status. Individuals born male are expected to become men; those born female are expected to become women (Kochems and Jacobs 1997:258). Two-spirits are considered a third, fourth or even changing gender in most tribal societies (Roscoe 1988b). The gender role of two-spirits is a perplexing one, especially with the limits of the English language and terminology available. Two-spirits are neither men nor women. “Winktes are two-spirits, man and woman, combined into one spirit” (Williams 1992:85). The native terms for these alternative gendered individuals translated to either not—man, not- woman or half-man, half-woman in most tribal languages. Just as one has the terms man and woman in the English language, one has the terms man, woman, and two-spirit in American Indian languages. There is no language or latitude within English to explain or even fathom another category of gender unless you think of biological sex as male or female and gender as man, woman, gay or lesbian. 25 Gender did not determine one’s sexuality in American Indian societies. With more than the two gender roles of mainstream society, American Indians rarely practiced homosexuality. Thus a relationship between a male two-spirit and a man, or between a female two-spirit and a woman, may be seen as homosexual on the physical level but not on the level of gender (Lang 1997:104). Homosexuality as defined in American Indian culture would mean same sex and same gender individuals entering into a sexual relationship. A relationship entered into by a male two-spirit, for example, may involve two individuals of the same biological sex but not of the same gender. Terry Tafoya offers another way to conceptualize sexuality among these alternative gendered individuals: If you are a man and you have a sexual relationship with a berdache, you’re not having sex with another man. You’re having sex with a berdache. And if you're a woman who has sex with a berdache, you’re not having sex with a man, you’re having sex with a berdache, you’re not having sex with a woman, you’re having sex with a berdache. So the partners of the berdache technically are never homosexual because they are not having sex with the same gender (Levy, Beauchemin, and Vogel, 1991). Homosexuality in American Indian communities is rare under these multiple gender categories. The incest taboo operates within tribal communities and since two-spirits are considered a kin group, it would 26 be considered incest for sexual relations to happen within their group. Interestingly, most tribes do not see it as proper behavior for two berdaches to have sex with each other for a berdache to have sex with another berdache is like incest (Williams 1992:93). Even though sexuality in Indian Country does not match United States mainstream ideals, it does have its own set of rules and norms to govern behavior. One other aspect of gender is cross-dressing or transvestism, often focused upon by early researchers. Previous examples cited in the literature review include Parsons (1916, 1939), Simms (1903), Angelino (1955), Lurie (1953) and Roscoe (1988a, 1988b, 1991) to name a few. When people began to be influenced by the missionaries and the boarding schools, a lot of them forgot the traditional ways and the traditional medicine. Then they began to look down on the winkte and lose respect. The missionaries and the government agents said winktes were no good, and tried to get them to change their ways. Some did, and put on men's clothing. But others, rather than change, went out and hanged themselves. I remember the sad stories that were told about this (John One Grass, Lakota informant in Williams 1992:182). There are ample publications listed above on the affect of missionaries, boarding schools and government agents ridding American Indian communities of the outward appearance (cross dressing or 27 transvestism) of two-spirits. However, there is further discussion on how the American Indian communities learned not to talk about the subject with white people, One of the most obvious reactions was to stop talking to white people about the tradition, and to do everything possible to avoid the mention of the subject (Williams 1992:183). American Indian communities learned what could and what could not be discussed in the presence of missionaries, researchers and government agents. "In other words, while the practice of cross-dressing disappeared, individuals with the inclinations and skills of berdaches did not" (Roscoe 1991:200). Despite the efforts of missionaries and government agents, two-spirits persist today. To bring the berdache into contemporary times, Two developments in 1975 broke the silence surrounding the traditions of sexual diversity among American Indians. In San Francisco, Randy Burns and Barbara Cameron founded Gay American Indians (GAI), a social, educational, and service organization that thrives to this day; on the other side of the continent, Maurice Kenny completed his seminal essay, "Tinselled Bucks: A Historical Study in Indian Homosexuality" (Roscoe 1991:204). This however was not limited only to gay men. Lesbian writers were also making statements. 28 In 1978, when Paula Gunn Allen began writing her landmark essay "Lesbians in American Indian Cultures," she knew that Indian women had been shut out of Indian organizations and physically threatened for simply calling themselves feminists, let alone lesbians. Allen worked in isolation for two years before finally publishing her article in 1981. "It was really scary to put that out," she recalls. "But I finally decided that the danger was already so great that putting out the article wouldn't make things worse I can take the risk" (Roscoe 1991:204). This caused urban gays and lesbians to take a look back to their cultures, searching for an identity, role models, and predecessors. As Burns (co—founder of GAI in San Francisco, California) stated so eloquently in Living the Spirit, Our tribes occupied every region of this continent. Gay American Indians (GAI) were a part of all these communities. We lived openly in our tribes. Our families and communities recognized us and encouraged us to develop our skills. In turn, we made special contributions to the communities. As artists, providers, and healers, our traditional gay ancestors had important responsibilities. Gay and Lesbian Indians of today represent the continuity of this tradition. We are the living spirit of our gay Indian ancestors (Burns 1988:1-2). In looking back, gay and lesbian American Indians continued to embrace their American Indian heritage, but also began to reclaim their traditional roles as two—spirits. We are living in the spirit of our traditional gay Indian people. The gay Indian person is probably more traditional and spiritual and more creative than his or her straight counterpart because that was the traditional role we played. 29 The old people will tell you that . We were the Go-Betweens. Because of our skill and our education today, we are the go-betweens, between the Indian community and the governmental bodies (Roscoe 1985:45, 48). I focus now on female-bodied two-spirits' role as go- betweens. "One of our traditional roles was that of 'go- between'-individuals who could help different groups communicate with each other" (Burns 1988:5). This discussion will highlight traditional roles for individuals I call two—spirits but who are called berdache and amazon in the literature cited. Because of their in-between status, berdaches in many cultures serve as ‘Go-Betweens' for women and mentecause they can move freely between the women's and men's groups, berdaches are a natural go-between for disputes between the sexes (Williams 1992:70). Even though Williams specifically refers to berdaches, this role is also present for what he terms amazons. Two- spirits have an important role as negotiator between the other genders of the tribe, whether it be settling spousal conflicts or being a matchmaker. Two-spirits also negotiate many other dichotomies such as spirit/flesh, man/woman, and child/adult. It is this go-between status that gives strength and power to this category of individuals. Two-spirits are both revered and feared due to their ability to navigate these boundaries that limit 30 and structure others' lives. " berdaches are both respected and feared for their qualities of strength and power" (Williams 1992:43). The role of the two—spirit in many communities is to be the one to break apart these boundaries to get both parts to meet and agree. Being able to navigate boundaries of man/woman or spirit/flesh or adult/child is indeed a source of strength and a reason to be respected. Now I will begin to move the discussion into contemporary times. Included will still be references to secondary data, but the primary focus will be from my informants. Again, they are Beverly Little Thunder who is Standing Rock Lakota, Sandi Solis who is Kickapoo-Mexican band, and Karen Joseph who is Tshwanek Kwakwak—Akwa. Two-spirits can also take the social role of parent. This is both literally and figuratively. Literally, two- spirits are biological parents, adoptive parents and serve in parenting roles for children of the tribe. Figuratively, two—spirits serve as the role model for the entire tribe in teaching and modeling for the children especially in regards to higher education. Two-spirits are the parenting community for American Indian youth. “Berdache are recognized as having a special talent in 31 educating children” (Williams 1992:55). Adoption of children is commonly accepted. As Williams again stated, A berdache can easily take a parental role, since adoption of children is commonly accepted in most American Indian societies. Adoption may involve orphaned children or children from overcrowded families (Williams 1992:55). Having sexual relations with another gender either a man or woman is permitted among two—spirits in which children may be born. Female-bodied two-spirits may have also been previously married to males in which children were born, as is the case with Little Thunder. Being a womyn who loves another womyn does not mean that I reject being a mother. I am, in fact, a mother of five children: two daughters and three sons Many two-spirit wimmin I meet are very involved with children. Sometimes the children are their own, other times the children in their lives are nieces and nephews (Little Thunder 1997:204). Two-spirits were able to take on the responsibility of parenting to many children in the tribe and help raise them even if not their own. They were looked to educate the children and not just care for basic needs. Terry Tafoya addressed parenting by two-spirits today, stating that African American, American Indian or Asian American children can be adopted by a white family and loved, but they do not have access to modeling from that family about 32 how to be a healthy, happy ethnic person, no matter how much love is involved. Just as a two-spirit child can be born to straight parents, no matter how much they love the child, they can never model for that child what is it to be a happy, healthy two-spirit person. This is where the role of assisting in child rearing becomes so important. Each person in the community, two-spirit or not, has to model for the children what it is to be a happy, healthy adult. Tafoya himself stated, "I feel it is my responsibility and duty to be that model for my younger nieces and nephews who are two-spirited" (Tafoya 2002). My informant Solis commented upon the parenting role, I have this image of the circle and you know we have the men who are always around and you know, the women will always stand up and fight, but it is almost as if those of us that are two-spirited have to stand outside of those who are the ones that will bear children. That’s rather sexist and simplistic, but you know what I mean. It's almost as if it is my responsibility to do that to make sure that I am standing there, protecting my nieces and nephews. But yeah, I kind of see it as a circular thing and I think that the people who are two-spirited stand further outside and that doesn’t mean that we are outside the circle, it just means that we are one of the first lines of defense. And that’s how I see our role (Solis 2001). Still another way two-spirits fulfill contemporary extensions of traditional roles in the social realm is through being the go—between for social and health 33 programs. This may be in fighting for drug/alcohol rehabilitation programs, for AIDS/HIV programs or even working with the poor or homeless who need assistance just to survive on a daily basis. Two—spirits are the social leaders and go-betweens in areas such as AIDS/HIV prevention programs or drug/alcohol rehabilitation programs. They are the ones creating these programs, making sure of their relevance to their respective tribal groups and settings such as urban or reservation. Two- spirits like Little Thunder are setting up new parameters for successful American Indian recovering alcoholics that include going to sundances and sweats instead of following a strict l2-step program that has now relevance to this community. Two—spirits are the go-between for social and health programs for the American Indian community. As informant Little Thunder stated, It is not important to me to make $75,000 a year. It is much more important for me to have my garden and to be able to do some of the work I do on a social level (Little Thunder 2001). It is this unselfish giving of one’s strength that stands in the face of American mainstream goals of capitalism. American Indians, especially two-spirits, today pursue their dreams and goals that are the dreams and goals of the whole community, not of themselves as 34 individuals. This commitment to what American Indian communities need and who can fulfill these needs is ever present among the two-spirits I interviewed. Little Thunder’s entire life has been in working with people, trying to make a difference. "I have always been in a position where I have been in social medicine or doing something at a social level, to try and make a difference in someone’s life” (Little Thunder 2001). Another of the contemporary roles of female—bodied two-spirits that I see emerging through my research has been the role of go-between for exploring the territory of higher education for the American Indian community. If one agrees with statistics, then 10% of the population in the world is gay/lesbian (Reinisch 1990:138—41). Assuming this data is correct as well for American Indian populations, since we are a part of the worldwide statistics, roughly 10% of the American Indian population pursuing degrees in higher education would then be gay/lesbian or identify as two-spirited. According to Terry Tafoya, "When I hear of someone who is American Indian getting their PhD, I assume they are two—spirited. Statistically speaking, that is the odds. If they are not, then I am surprised" (2002). Tafoya has drawn this conclusion from his various research projects 35 across the United States, his personal observation and his research with 450 same sex interracial couples that he conducted through the Kinsey Institute for the Study of Human Sexuality, Gender and Reproduction. Traditional roles have included navigation of the male/female, as well as, the child/adult worlds for this go-between status. Is it so far fetched to conjure that traditions must also change but the core status of go- between would still present itself for American Indian two- spirits today? I argue that higher education is a new territory for the two-spirits of today to explore and open the doors for the rest of their American Indian communities. As my informant Solis who is working on the completion of her PhD stated, I'm going to write a paper one day on why it is that the best and brightest Indian women in education are two-spirited specifically. I think it is that we have the freedom of access that is not to say that native women with children don't have access but I think we have the freedom to concentrate in a different way (Solis 2001). This points to the awareness of female-bodied two-spirits of their positions in higher education and the roles they must fulfill there. Even though these two-spirit women share the same uneducated, poverty stricken and/or abusive household settings as their brothers or sisters, two-spirits often 36 possess the gift to allow them to persist in a white dominated system of higher education where others do not. Navigating the white and American Indian worlds is a must for two-spirits to be able to succeed and bring higher education back to others in their tribes. Solis commented upon her family situation, Because of the two—spirited component it is almost as if my parents expect me to move beyond, which it shouldn't, and that is something we never talk about, but it is kind of implied in my conversations with them (Solis 2001). Having the ability to navigate boundaries generates respect among peers. One of the most interesting facets of this negotiation is the acute awareness by the individual that this is happening, as Solis states, There is this constant negotiating and I am constantly going back and forth between worlds and it is almost as not going back and forth from one to another, but it is as if they overlap in interesting places, and in interesting ways that I don't expect them to. I think that one of the strengths of being a two-spirit. In my particular world is that because of who I am, I actually have the stamina and fortitude to do what needs to be done (Solis 2001). It is at the forefront of the two-Spirit's mind as Solis commented upon and it is a conscious decision she has made to negotiate these boundaries. Most female two-spirits are attending college due to obligations to their communities. Solis commented on obligation to her community, whereas, 37 Joseph acted upon a dream/vision she had. These spiritual implications of their paths in lives are taken very seriously and higher education seems to be an integral part of their path. It is all about obligation, it is all about even coming to graduate school was entirely about the obligation. One of my goals in this life is not to wake up an 80-year-old woman in my bed alone and say what if. It is like I am doing fine by my obligations and my connections to other people. If I don't live up to these obligations than what kind of human being am I (Solis 2001). These women are successfully navigating the boundary of higher education and the American Indian community. Granted, this may be a new territory for two—spirits to explore, but it is not a new ability. Rather, it is an extension of traditional roles and abilities that two- spirits have acquired as go-betweens. Bringing American Indians into higher education is no less risky than physically going to battle or navigating the boundary of men and women during spousal conflicts, it is just a new territory requiring the same set of go- between abilities. Education is interwoven throughout this web of American Indian female-bodied two-spirits' roles. Gender and social roles are all interconnected in this web of two-spirit identity as well. They all play a part in creating the role of modern day two-spirits. 38 Leadership Role This section will focus upon leadership roles of two- spirits both traditionally and today. There will be some citing of secondary references to discuss some of the traditional roles, but this section will mainly focus upon the data provided from my three informants. First, the spiritual roles will be examined, followed by the political forms of leadership. Two-spirit roles had and still have very strong connections to the spiritual realm. This statement is from documentation by explorer Peter Grant who spent his time with Ojibwas of the western Great Lakes in the beginning of the nineteenth century: The have great faith in dreams, by which they imagine that the Deity informs them of future events, (and) enjoins them certain penancesmI have known several instance of some of their men who, by virtue of some extraordinary dream, have been affected to such a degree as to abandon every custom characteristic of their sex and adopt the dress and manners of the women. They are never ridiculed or despised by the men on account of their new costumes, but are, on the contrary, respected as saints or beings in some degree inspired (quoted in Williams 1992:31). Spirituality is the core of all American Indian tradition and culture. “The holiness of the berdache has to do with American Indian views that everything that exists is a reflection of the spiritual” (Williams 39 1992:32). The spiritual or religious beliefs of a people are what differentiate them from others as a people and as individuals. The importance of a spiritual calling is highlighted by several Native authors who find being two-spirit as simple and as difficult as following the path (becoming who they were meant to be)(Blackwood 1997:291). Clyde Hall, a Shoshone two-spirit also addressed spirituality at the Wenner-Gren Conference in Washington DC in 1993 as recorded in Two-Spirit People(1997), Our lives are two-spiritedness. What we do, how we live, the way we live, the songs we sing, the children we have are all interconnected with this Spirit. Like this (interlocks fingers of both hands). There is no putting it into little boxes like we are trying to do here with the word berdache, because it is all part of this circle and it is all interrelated. I think that is what each one of my brothers and sisters has been trying to tell you. Something that has been left out of this whole conference is that element of spirituality, and that is the glue that makes it all stick together. That is the glue that makes us two-spirit people go with it and live our lives the way we do (Hall 1997:274-5). Spiritual power then is a key distinction in American Indian societies for determining the gender role of a two- spirit. The holiness of the berdache has to do with Indian views that everything that exists is a reflection of the spiritual. If a person is different from the average individual, this means that the spirits must have taken particular care in creating this person. If the spirits take such care, by this reasoning, such an individual 40 must be especially close to the spirits (Williams 1992: 32). If there is not spiritual basis for one’s role then he is acting on his own feelings or desires and is therefore really gay and not two-spirited. “Gay and winkte are differenthinkte is a gay with ceremonial powers” (Roscoe 1998:113). In addition, to the economic and social dimensions of role, there is often a spiritual element-females who became berdaches were inspired by dreams or visions, had Shamanic powers, or were sanctioned by tribal myths (Roscoe 1988bz73). Many tribes have a defined role for two-spirits beginning in their creation stories. The Navajo is a primary example of this phenomenon. The Navajo origin tale is told as a story of five worlds. The first people were First Man and First Woman, who were created equally at the same time. The first two worlds that they lived in were bleak and unhappy, so they escaped to the third world. In the third world lived two twins, Turquoise Boy and White Shell Girl, who were the first berdaches (Williams 1992:19). Other two-spirits fulfill that role based on a dream or vision quest as their tribe prescribes. The supernatural dictates whether or not an individual will fulfill this role. For the Lakota the vision quest determines what role you take in life, A person becomes wakan (a sacred person) if she or he dreams of a bear, a wolf, thunder, a 41 buffalo, a white buffalo calf, or Double Woman. Each dream results in a different gift, whether it is the power to cure illness or wounds, a promise of good hunting, or the exalted hold of a heyoka (doing things backwards). A white buffalo calf is believed to be a berdache. If a person has a dream of the sacred Double Woman, this means that she or he will have the power to seduce men. Males who have a vision of Double Woman are presented with female tools. Taking such tools means that the male will become a berdache (Williams 1992:28). Two-Spirit's sacred roles include, but are not limited to dreamer, visionary, shaman, and advisor to shamans, provider of lucky names, mediator, and prophet. They are respected and sometimes feared members of their tribes due to their strong spiritual powers. Somewhere between the status of women and men, berdaches not only mediate between the sexes, but between the psychic and the physical-between the spirit and the flesh. Since they mix the characteristics of both men and women, they possess the vision of both. They have double vision, with the ability to see more clearly than a single gender perspective can provide (Williams 1992:41—42). Sacred roles of two—spirits are also dictated in ceremonies. The Lakota Sundance had prescribed roles for two-spirits; "They fulfilled special functions in connection with the setting up of the central post for the Sun Dance" (Lang 1998:151). I move now to a discussion of the primary data from my informants on the spiritual role of two-spirits. Little 42 Thunder was physically and verbally threatened at a Sundance. She was told to leave the reservation by the medicine man or he would kill her. Little Thunder then paraphrased what she was told by two women elders from her tribe regarding the threat, You don't have to be at this ceremony. If our people knew the traditions they would be welcoming you here. You wouldn't even be having to bring a tent because they would provide everything for you, but our people come a long way from them, so go somewhere and do a ceremony for your own kind (Little Thunder, 2001). What Little Thunder heard these women tell her was to leave as the medicine man requested. This statement by the elders on the state of tradition within the Lakota Nation shows how difficult it is to carry out the spiritual/religious roles of being two—spirited today. Homophobia has been learned while sacred roles have been forgotten in many tribes, not just with the Lakota. It was not until years later that Little Thunder said she believed she understood the elders' message to her at that time. Little Thunder's reinterpretation of their statement is that she was not welcome at that ceremony, but not all ceremonies. Little Thunder now holds her own Sundance where female-bodied two-spirits are welcome and the focal point of the ceremony. Little Thunder 43 paraphrased a conversation with her daughter, where her daughter told Little Thunder, You know the last time I was here, it four years ago and I have seen the progression of how this program has evolved to something that is really, really wonderful. I had my doubts when I was younger and I watched what you were trying to do. It seemed like nobody was on the same page, but she said now Mom, you got them all on the same page (Little Thunder 2001). This shows the determination of American Indian two—spirits to uphold their spiritual roles within their community. Even in the face of adversity and physical harm, Little Thunder created a safe and spiritual woman's Sundance. Spiritual power also manifests itself in these women who are fighting to keep their spirituality alive. Little Thunder creating her own women's Sundance is one prime example. Another is the way Solis stood up against white, lesbian encroachment upon American Indian spirituality. Solis led protests against white lesbian groups holding sweats, drumming circles and ceremonies on property called Spirit Hill in Iowa. Solis commented how many lesbian or women's groups come together to find strength and unity by forming drumming circles or having sweat lodges, with no regard for American Indian spirituality or religious practices being off limits for their use. There is usually a fee associated with participating in these groups. This 44 leaves Solis upset since American Indian spirituality is not for sale. Solis stated, They have sweats and I just can't deal with it, I really can't deal with it. They know it, but I challenge the sweats, I challenge the drum making workshops, and I have gotten to the point where I don't want to talk about it anymore. They don't care. They don't care about the ways in which cooptation happens and so I find that I'm very picky about what I get involved with anymore but I have a real problem with the fact that they do not understand the ways in which they steal our spiritual ways, has political implications and it just pisses me off that they are able to put the political aside when it is convenient (Solis 2001). This also highlights one of the cultural differences between the lesbian and two-spirit communities. Obviously, spiritual components of the two-spirit roles are not ones that are taken lightly. Spirituality is the core of American Indian two-spirits' existence. The spiritual guides all other facets of identity. Thus, in the View of contemporary Indians the transition from traditional berdache roles to western sexual identities was not a matter of one role dying out and a second, alien role being imposed. Rather, berdache status was gradually secularized and supplemented, but not replaced. Gay American Indians today View their place in their communities as historically grounded in the berdache tradition-much as contemporary tribal officials look to the chiefs and warriors of the past as their role models. Only the recovery of the spiritual aspects of the berdache role separates them from this tradition (Roscoe 1991:206). 45 One can see how important the role of spirituality is in defining roles within tribal communities. Finally, the political role of the two—spirits will now be examined. The political role of two-spirits includes leadership roles within the tribe. "In some cultures berdaches are known to be from specific prominent clans" (Williams 1992:45). Two-spirit families are considered to be lucky or sacred in some tribes like the Lakota. A Lakota berdache remembers that when he was about twenty years old his grandparents told him that one male in every generation of the family was a winkte, so they accepted it on those termsmA family might have a special reputation for having gifted children, one of whom might be a berdache" (Williams 1992:44-45). As Karen Joseph stated in her interview, You see I'm really privileged, in that I am a chief's daughter and so my access to those things is really different from somebody else who comes from common, so just like if I were royalty in another society (Joseph 2001). Joseph is Kwakwak-Akwa which has a ranked society that includes high-ranking chiefs down to slaves with no worth. She is the highest-ranking female in her tribe as the chief's daughter. In addition, being two-spirited allows her to speak her mind more freely than other high-ranking women in her tribe. Political power is one that is associated with family and clan line in some tribes. 46 Joseph further elaborated on her political power within her tribe, The outward leadership is male and they have some really specific roles and we are very, very male dominated in that sense. Though they will listen to me in ways differently than they will another woman (Joseph, 2001). According to Tafoya, traditionally two-spirits were the leaders, translators, and treaty makers politically (Tafoya 2002). Two-spirits today also lead others towards empowerment. They gain access to other communities and bring that knowledge back to benefit the community. As Little Thunder stated, "So a lot of the work I do is trying to empower women to take their own power plus their own inner voices" (2001). Two-spirits recognize this lack of self—empowerment and try to rectify this situation. Little Thunder addressed in her interview, I do see myself as a leader—I definitely see myself as someone who has been in the front lines, spiritually and political level. I do think that this is because I am two-spirited and feel like it is not a risk for me to be out there, be out front. People are going to find something to talk about anyway, so why not talk about the queer political activist (Little Thunder 2001). American Indian two-spirits are sought out by their American Indian student organizations as the leaders and/or risk takers for the group. Even among the American Indian students, there are certain expectations that I'm going to be the 47 one to step we are the ones expected to be at the front of the line. We are the ones expected to fight the fight, to say what needs to be said (Solis 2001). These individuals are sought out at times when action is required. Perhaps Solis put it best when she stated, When you are ready to go in and kick ass and want someone to carry the flamethrower, that's when you call me. It is not that I am not willing to do the diplomatic thing, but I have been around long enough to know that typically does not get a whole lot done, and I also know my time is short. I only have so much energy in a day and I would rather use my energy in a way that is going to create change (Solis 2001). This is yet another reason why two-spirits thrive in higher education. They pick and choose their battles, never forgetting along the way that first and foremost they are American Indian and that secondly their two-spirit identity requires them to take risks. Another contemporary role that these individuals are fulfilling politically is as activists. Female-bodied two- spirits are at the frontlines when it comes to fighting for American Indian rights. Traditionally, these individuals fulfill the leadership role in most tribal societies. Today a continuation of this role is negotiating the boundaries of the United States government systems that affect American Indian tribes, including health and social programs. 48 The role of activist does not come without cost. Beverly Little Thunder battles the mainstream recovery program system, since her worldview of a recovering alcoholic is very different than that of her white counterparts on the job. Speaking about an American Indian client in an alcohol recovery program, Little Thunder related, They want her to go to their AA meetings and do their model of what sobriety is about and you have to be doing A, B and C in order to be considered successful. I don’t think that is true. I give counsel to women to go to sweats. If they are going to sweat I give them an overnight pass and tell them to stay with a friend tonight. I give them passes to go to Sundance for six days. I feel they are going to get more benefit than going to an AA meeting here [recovery center] (Little Thunder 2001). The measurement of success varies a great deal between these worldviews. The role of leader in these programs is tiresome and thankless for the two-spirit involved. Two- spirits suffer the consequences of constantly battling between systems that will never measure success in the same way. Solis recognizes her role’s responsibilities as a two— spirit even though she does not readily accept the title of ogitchita kwe (translates to “warrior woman” or “leading the fight woman” in the Ojibwe language of the Great Lakes area). 49 I always get uncomfortable when she calls me that because calling someone Warrior Woman gives a great deal of responsibility that is buried in those words I can’t walk away from a fight and one who knows me, knows that I am not going to walk away or back down from a fight on any level (Solis 2001). Similarly, ogitchita kwe has responsibilities and connotations to spiritual ties associated with it, just as winkte and heyoka do for the Lakota. As Little Thunder elaborated in her interview, I find it really offensive when I see people in the gay and lesbian community using the word heyoka there are real old and sacred connotations to those words and not just anybody can claim them anymore (Little Thunder 2001). Embedded in this role as political leader and activist is the go-between status of two-spirit women on the political front. They are the go-betweens for the traditional/contemporary dichotomy of these labels and roles. Two-spirits are the go-betweens socially, spiritually, politically and educationally. 50 Conclusion American Indian female-bodied two—spirits are playing an active role in keeping traditional "berdache" traditions alive. They may not be exact duplications of the roles, but they are reclaiming the traditions as their own and creating new ones at the same time. They have taken it upon themselves to name themselves two-spirits in the battle of labeling. This is a source of strength for this community. My research and data presentation has shown that two- spirits are the go-betweens and leaders in their communities. Being able to go between men/women, spirit/flesh, and child/adult dichotomies is a traditional role of these individuals. Today they are still navigating these same boundaries as parents, role models, spiritual leaders, and political leaders. The same set of skills and abilities that it takes to navigate the spirit/flesh dichotomy of the past is the set of skills needed for these individuals to navigate in their roles in higher education as role models and activists. Social, political, gender and spiritual roles are all very much alive for two—spirits today. Culture is not static and neither are traditions. In order for a culture to remain alive, traditions 51 have to change with the times, while keeping rooted in their cultural base, keeping their culture distinct from others. Two—spirits of today have gone back and reclaimed the history of their roots in what was then termed the berdache tradition. They have revitalized the two-spirit role within their communities from one that had previously existed and even expanded it into other territories. The berdache died or was killed in the literature by researchers due to missionaries, boarding schools, educational systems, homophobia, and finally the Annual Two-Spirit Gathering where a new label was chosen. It was not that long ago when gay anthropologists were not allowed to work in gay communities since this was not a legitimate area in which to conduct research. Nevertheless, these traditions were and still are there in many American Indian communities. They have not remained static; however, which why we see new roles emerging for these go—between individuals, hence raising the two-spirit. Higher education is one new boundary that two— spirits are navigating today for American Indian communities. They are taking leadership roles on their university campuses. They are the activists. They are the go-betweens for the American Indian 52 community and the predominantly white system of higher education. Just as they served as translators and leaders traditionally in treaty negotiations between American Indians and government agents, they are serving as translators and leaders today in higher education. These female—bodied two-spirits see their roles within their communities and do not hesitate to make use of their abilities. The strength of the American Indian two—spirits is one to be admired and recognized in this day and age. These individuals do not have an individualistic or capitalistic mindset, rather they are always assessing the benefits and risks that need to be taken for their respective community. Whether one is pursuing a PhD or a MD, these individuals are driven by a sense of community and an assessment of what is needed by their communities. Higher education does not come without cost for most two—spirits, yet they readily pick up this torch and carry on the battle. I know that I am going away and when I come back, I'm not going to be the same. She (an elder in the community) looked and me with those nearly blind eyes and she said you're right. You will go away and you will become someone totally different and when you come back we won't accept you in the same way. Then she said, it is important for you to go do this. She says you need graduate school; you need to do this so that 53 you can make the way easier for those young ones who are coming behind you (Solis 2001). It is a contemporary battle full of emotion, physical and psychological demands, just like ones that warriors of the past fought, only this is a different enemy. These two- spirits are learning to navigate the American Indian community in a different manner since they may no longer be trusted as part of the community, once they are educated in the white ways of higher education. At the same time they are promoting education by modeling for that same community while reestablishing trust. These two—spirit women also deal with the issue of tokenism but readily turn that to their advantage as well. A token is defined as being the one American Indian student or staff member in the program, just to fill the affirmative action or equal opportunity clauses. The program or institution likes to put this person on display to demonstrate inclusion, but only as long as this person does not challenge the status quo of the predominantly white program. Students at many large predominantly white campuses deal with this issue. These two-spirits know right up front that they are the poster children for given programs and/or minority enrollment numbers within institutions of higher learning. They know this, accept 54 it, live it and have learned to take theirs from this unrelenting system. As much as I dislike tokenism, you know what, use me as a poster child that is fine, give me my PhD. I'm going to get my ass out of here and I'm going to write bad about these people, and part of what I am going to write about is the fact that they made me a token and the fact that they used the way I look (Solis 2001). Tokenism can drive away minority students at predominantly white institutions; however, these two-spirits recognize, accept and use this facet of higher education to their benefit. Just as Lame Deer stated when speaking about berdache roles, "He told me that if nature puts a burden on a man by making him different, it also gives him power" (Lame Deer 1972:149-50). American Indian two—spirits take risks. This is interwoven in their identity. These women are the risk takers and activists on their college campuses. They recognize this role and accept all of the burdens of this role without complaint. American Indian two-spirit women do sacrifice raising families in the traditional sense, instead to raise their entire community or tribe. They raise the standards for others to follow. They break down the racism, prejudice and tokenism that American Indians face on predominantly with college campuses across the 55 country. This is not to say they have an easy time of it, but they remain steadfast in their fight for education for the good of the community. They take the risks and suffer the consequences so that others following behind them will have an easier time of it. Is this not what their ancestors taught them and indeed are they not living their role within American Indian communities as two—spirits socially, politically, and spiritually? These women are the warriors, the risk takers, mediators, leaders, and even mothers in a figurative sense for a whole generation of American Indian children to come. As Solis stated in reference to two-spirits attending graduate school, “Because we are still a rarity, whether they want to or not, our community supports us on a lot of levels, to do the work that we are doing” (Solis 2001). Just as two- spirits had a role in traditional time, their roles are important today. Obviously more research needs to be conducted in this area. Female-bodied two-spirits need to publish books about themselves. Gay and lesbian studies also needs to focus attention on two-spirits and their roles within the gay community. First they need to be acknowledged and recognized as a viable part of the gay community. Perhaps further studies will be able to delve deeper into larger 56 gender roles as well. Two-spirit research can be easily linked to American Indian Studies, Women’s Studies, Gender Studies, Lesbian/Bisexual/Gay/Transgendered Studies and Anthropology to name a few areas. Perhaps comparative studies can be done in the future as well. American Indian two-spirits need to have a voice in many different arenas and continue the work they have started. Perhaps one day the sacredness of the roles of American Indian two-spirits will be reclaimed and win out over homophobia, even within tribal communities. Many teachings of American Indians peoples speak of the seventh generation reclaiming spirituality, language and their cultures. Who better to lead the way than American Indian two-spirits through higher education? The world will need to be ready since American Indian two-spirits have shown they will take the risk and be at the forefront of battling white hegemony. The seventh generation is here and American Indians are reclaiming what is theirs spiritually, physically, emotionally and psychologically. Education is one means to this end. Perhaps the sacredness of the roles of two-spirits will come full circle once again. Perhaps homophobia and racism can once and for all be addressed and overcome. These are high hopes and great demands to place on the 57 shoulders of two-spirits. However, if the challenge is there then who is to say that two-spirits will not tackle it. One cannot help but think two-spirit people will step up to the challenge as they have in higher education. This may take generations, but I have hope for a brighter tomorrow because of the work of American Indian two—spirits in education today. As Maurice Kenny stated, "Perhaps when Indians have once again regained their old cultures, languages and ceremonies, the berdache will not only be respected but will find a place in his chosen society" (Kenny 1988:31). 58 APPENDIX Interview Protocol 10. 11. 12. Tell me about your family. What is your tribal affiliation? Tell me about your tribe. (Is it reservation based? Is that where you are from? Are you an enrolled member?) What does the term two-spirit mean to you? (or warrior woman, amazon, or is there a specific tribal term for alternative genders in your tribe?) How did you first know you were gay/lesbian? Tell me about "coming out" for the first time. (Who did you "come out" to? How did that person react? Did you experience a phase that included drug or alcohol? (excessive sexual partners or practices?) Tell me about this time of your life. Do you still participate in these activities? (If so, why? And if not, why not?) What helped you overcome this phase in your life? Did anyone help you during this transitional time of stopping your bad habits? Who are you "out" with? (family, friends-gay/lesbian only or American Indian, parents, siblings?) Tell me what you experience has been being Native in a predominantly white gay community. Tell me your experience of being gay/lesbian in your tribal community. (If out to tribal community then tell me about your experiences of being gay/lesbian in your tribal setting. Do you play any specific roles within this community or within your family?) 59 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. Have you ever dated another American Indian gay/lesbian? Was there a difference in dating another Native person versus dating outside your ethnic background? (if he/she has). Tell me about your experiences as a couple of color in the gay/lesbian community. What is your spirititual/religious affiliation? (Does this community know you are gay/lesbian? What roles do you play in this community? Who makes up this community? Tell me about your occupation. (How does being American Indian affect your occupational role? How does being gay/lesbian affect this occupational role?) How do you feel about legalizing marriage for same—sex couples? How do you feel about same-sex couples adopting children? How do you feel about same-sex couples using artificial insemination to have children? Are there other Native family members who are gay/lesbian? Would they be willing to be a part of this research I am conducting? Can you ask them if they would like to participate in this research and let me know if I can contact them? 60 BIBLIOGRAPHY Allen, Paula Gunn 1981 "Lesbians in American Indian Cultures." Conditions 7:67—87. Angelino, Henry and Shedd, Charles L. 1955 “A Note on Berdache.” American Anthropologist 57(1):121-26. Anguksuar [Richard LaFortune] 1997 "A Postcolonial Colonial Perspective on Western [Mis]Conceptions of the Cosmos and the Restoration of Indigenous Taxonomies." In Two-Spirit People. 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Parsons, Elsie C. 1916 “The Zuni La’mana.” American Anthropologist 18(4):521-28. 63 1939 “The Last Zuni Transvestite.” American Anthropologist 41(2):338-40. Reinisch, June Machoever and Ruth Beasley 1990 The Kinsey Institute New Report on Sex: What You Must Know to Be Sexually Literate. New York: St. Martin's Press. Roscoe, Will 1988a Living the Spirit: A Gay American Indian Anthology. New York: St. Martin’s Press. 1988b Changing Ones. New York: St. Martin’s Press. 1991 The Zuni Man—Woman. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press. Simms, S.C. 1903 “Crow Indian Hermaphrodites.” American Anthropologist 5:580-81. Tafoya, Terry 1997 "M. Dragonfly: Two-Spirit and the Tafoya Principle of Uncertainty." In Two—Spirit People, Native American Gender Identity, Sexuality, and Spirituality. Sue—Ellen Jacobs, Wesley Thomas and Sabine Lang, eds. Urbana: University of Illinois Press. pp. 192-202. Williams, Walter 1992 Joseph, Karen 2001 Little Thunder, 2001 Martin,Jo 2002 Solis, Sandi 2001 The Spirit and the Flesh Sexual Diversity in American Indian Culture. Boston: Beacon Press. Primary Sources Interview. September 10. Beverly Interview. September 6. March 14. Personal Correspondence. Interview. September 7. 64 Tafoya, Terry 2002 Lecture at Michigan State University. February 22. 65 IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII (lllllllllllzlfllllllllzlllfll(111(1))1