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dissertation entitled

THE EFFECT OF HUMOR IN INSTRUCTIONAL TEXT
ON LEARNING, INTEREST, AND ENJOYMENT:
IS GOOD HUMOR JUST FOR ICE CREAM?

presented by
Lorinda Marie Sheppard

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Educational Psychology,
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THE EFFECT OF HUMOR IN INSTRUCTIONAL TEXT ON LEARNING,
CiNTEREsT, AND ENJOYMENT: IS GOOD HUMOR JUST FOR‘ICE CREAM? .-
By

Lorinda Marie Sheppard

A DISSERTATION

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulﬁllment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
Department of Counseling, Educational Psychology, and Special Education

2002

ABSTRACT

THE EFFECT OF HUMOR IN INSTRUCTIONAL TEXT ON LEARNING,
INTEREST, AND ENJOYMENT: IS GOOD HUMOR JUST FOR ICE CREAM?

By

Lorinda Marie Sheppard

This study examined the effect of humor in text-based instruction on learning,
interest, and enjoyment. A review of the literature indicated both theoretical and
empirical support for the potential effects of humor on learning, and research suggests
that interest and enjoyment, in addition to being outcomes of humor, may also inﬂuence
learning.

For this study, a humorous version and a nonhumorous version were developed
for each of two chapters from a book on basic experimental psychology; one chapter was
on how to get experimental ideas, and the other chapter was on how to be fair with
science (i.e., research ethics). Subjects read the humorous version of one chapter and the
nonhumorous version of the other chapter. After reading each chapter, subjects answered
several questions regarding how interesting and relevant they found the chapter, how
much they enjoyed the chapter, how much they believed they learned from the chapter,
and how well the chapter held their attention. Subjects were also asked what they liked
and disliked about each chapter, what helped them learn the information in each chapter,
and what the two most important ideas were that they learned from each chapter. Subjects
then completed a short-answer and multiple-choice quiz. Aﬁer reading both chapters and

answering questions speciﬁc to each chapter, subjects were asked to compare the two

chapters on several measures. Two weeks later, subjects completed another quiz for each
chapter to determine long-term retention of the information.

On the tests of immediate learning, humor was associated with increased learning
for the experimental ideas (EI) chapter, but not for the scientiﬁc fairness (SF) chapter.
There was no difference in long-term retention as measured by the delayed tests of
learning. Humor was associated with increased enjoyment, increased situational interest,
and improved attention for both chapters. Humor had no effect on personal interest or
perceived relevance for either chapter. Differences in the effect of humor on immediate
measures of learning may be due to differences in the amount, type, and integration of
humor in the two chapters, and to differences in the cognitive burden placed on readers
by the content of the chapters.

In comparisons Of the two chapters, subjects reported that the experimental ideas
chapter was easier to stick with, more enjoyable, and preferred for leisure reading,
regardless of use of humor. Subjects reported they would more likely to ﬁnd the
nonhumorous version in a textbook, regardless of topic.

Additional research is needed to determine the effects of humor in a classroom
situation, and to determine if there is an optimal amount of humor in instructional text.
Further experimental studies should explore the effect of humor on learning when the
materials are more closely matched for type and amount of humor, general interest, and

difﬁculty of content.

Copyright by
LORINDA MARIE SHEPPARD
2002

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This dissertation never would have been completed without the support,
encouragement, and contributions of a number of people.

A huge thank you goes to Steve Yelon, advisor for both my master’s and doctoral
programs. Without his phenomenal advising and mentoring, it’s unlikely I would have
begun the Ph.D. program, and even less likely I would have ﬁnished. Fortunately, Steve
never really believed me when I said, “I just can’t do this anymore.” His response was
always, “Let’s just get you through this semester, and worry about the rest later.”

Fran Yelon also deserves a thank you for her kind and encouraging words,
especially during times when I was frustrated and disheartened. As Steve’s last advisee, I
hope my graduation will mark an end to the frantic and tearful phone calls she has had to
ﬁeld over the last many years from Steve’s students.

Thank you to the members of my dissertation committee: Jere Brophy, Punya
Mishra, and Ed Wolfe. Their willingness to work with me in a collegial and
collaboratory manner was much different from the adversarial relationships some
students have with their committees. They worked with me closely through all stages of
this project so that the design, data collection, analysis, and interpretation went as
ﬂawlessly as possible.

Thanks to David W. Martin, author of Doing Psychology Experiments, the book
that served as a source for the readings I used in this study, for allowing me to use his
book and for corresponding with me about the use and potential beneﬁts of humor in text.

None of this would have been possible without my parents, Ike and Donna

Sheppard, who, while never placing any pressure on me to complete the program, were

unwavering in their belief that I could eventually obtain a doctoral degree. Dad also
provided a strong role model: the fact that he had a Ph.D. inﬂuenced me immeasurably in
believing this was a worthy goal. Mom deserves special recognition for the emotional
support she provided.

Thanks to friends Donna Murrell, Anne Carrigan, and Telaina Eriksen for
serving as raters and creators of the humor used in the materials. They also made sure I
remembered there was life outside of graduate school.

Thanks to friends Dan Kurkowski and Kevin Music for rating the humor used in
the materials and providing needed breaks from the drudgery of schoolwork.

Thanks to fellow graduate students Gina Cervetti, Michael Pardales, Mark
Girod, Lisa Sensale, and Carolyn J aynes, who provided a support group during the
difﬁcult times, and who inspired me with their dedication to the pursuit of scholarly
excellence. I am in awe of them.

I also appreciate Lee Kokinakis, Debby Sleight, and Joe Brocato, who were all
graduate students when I met them and who preceded me in obtaining their doctorates,

for the example they set and for their words of encouragement as I pursued my degree.

vi

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF TABLES .............................................................................................................. x
LIST OF FIGURES ......................................................................................................... xiii
CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................... 1
Statement of the Problem ......................................................................................... 1
Rationale and Signiﬁcance of the Study .................................................................. 5
Overview of the Study ............................................................................................. 6
Humor in Text-Based Instruction ............................................................................ 7
Overview of the Dissertation ................................................................................... 7
CHAPTER 2
LITERATURE REVIEW .................................................................................................... 9
The Nature of Humor ............................................................................................. 12
Effects of Humor on Learning ............................................................................... 14
Studies of Humor and Memory .................................................................. 14
Studies of Humor in the Classroom ........................................................... 15
Studies of Humor in Text ........................................................................... 16
Effects of Humor on Enjoyment ............................................................................ 17
Effects of Humor on Interest and Attention ........................................................... 18
Effect of Humor on Perceived Relevance .............................................................. 19
Effects of Enjoyment on Learning ......................................................................... 20
Organization ............................................................................................... 21
Learning Sets ............................................................................................. 22
Visible Author ............................................................................................ 24
Effects of Interest of Learning ............................................................................... 26
Effects of Attention on Learning ........................................................................... 30
Effects of Perceived Relevance on Learning ......................................................... 32 '
Conclusion ............................................................................................................. 33
CHAPTER 3
METHODOLOGY ............................................................................................................ 35
Research Questions and Overview ........................................................................ 35
Pilot Study .............................................................................................................. 35
Findings ...................................................................................................... 36
Possible Confounding Factors ................................................................... 40
Summary .................................................................................................... 42
Major Research Questions ..................................................................................... 42
Minor Research Questions ..................................................................................... 44
Related Research Questions ................................................................................... 45
Model ..................................................................................................................... 45

vii

Dissertation Study .................................................................................................. 47

Subjects ...................................................................................................... 47
Materials .................................................................................................... 49
Research Design ......................................................................................... 53
Procedures .................................................................................................. 54
CHAPTER 4
RESULTS .......................................................................................................................... 58
Scale Reliability ..................................................................................................... 58
A Note on the Analyses ......................................................................................... 62
Descriptive Statistics of Scales .............................................................................. 63
Major Research Questions ..................................................................................... 65
Effect of Humor on Learning (Immediate) ................................................ 66
Effect of Humor on Learning (Delayed) .................................................... 69
Effect of Humor on Enjoyment .................................................................. 70
Effect of Humor on Interest ....................................................................... 70
Minor Research Questions ..................................................................................... 71
Effect of Humor on Other Mediating Variables ........................................ 71
Relationships Among Mediating Variables ............................................... 72
Relationships Between the Mediating Variables and Learning ................. 75
Related Research Questions ................................................................................... 78
Other Findings ....................................................................................................... 79
Reading Time ............................................................................................. 80
Comparisons Between Chapters ................................................................ 80
Responses to Each of the Chapters ............................................................ 89
Summary ................................................................................................................ 96
CHAPTER 5
DISCUSSION .................................................................................................................. 100
Immediate Effects of Humor on Learning ........................................................... 100
Reason 1: Differences in Amount and Type of Humor ........................... 101
Reason 2: Differences in Cognitive Burden ............................................ 106
Conclusion ............................................................................................... 107
Delayed Effect of Humor on Learning ................................................................ 107
Effect of Humor Related to Speciﬁc Passages of Text ........................................ 109
Immediate Recall ..................................................................................... 109
Delayed Recall ......................................................................................... 111
Future Research ....................................................................................... 111
Effect of Humor on Enjoyment ............................................................................ 111
Effect of Humor on Interest ................................................................................. 112
Minor Research Questions ................................................................................... 112
Effect of Humor on Attention and Relevance .......................................... 112
Relationships Among Mediating Variables ............................................. 113
Relationships Between the Mediating Variables and Learning ............... 114
Related Research Questions ................................................................................. 118
Informativeness ........................................................................................ l 18

viii

Humor Supportive of Text ....................................................................... 119

Perceived Learning .................................................................................. 119
Other Findings ..................................................................................................... 119
Reading Time ........................................................................................... 1 19
Comparisons of Two Chapters ................................................................. 120
Likes ......................................................................................................... 123
Dislikes .................................................................................................... 124
Aids to Learning ...................................................................................... 125
Summary .............................................................................................................. 126
Implications for Theory ........................................................................... 127
Recommendations for Authors who Wish to Incorporate Humor
Into Instructional Text ........................................................................ 128
Strengths .................................................................................................. 130
Limitations ............................................................................................... 131
Next Steps ............................................................................................................ 132
REFERENCES ................................................................................................................ 134
APPENDICES ................................................................................................................. 141
Appendix A: Experimental Ideas Chapters .......................................................... 142
Version F (Humorous) ............................................................................. 143
Version C (Nonhumorous) ....................................................................... 152
Appendix B: Scientiﬁc Fairness Chapters ........................................................... 160
Version F (Humorous) ............................................................................. 161
Version C (Nonhumorous) ....................................................................... 170
Appendix C: Quiz Questions (with answers) ....................................................... 178
Experimental Ideas ................................................................................... 179
Scientiﬁc Fairness .................................................................................... 182

ix

LIST OF TABLES

Table 4-1. The eleven subscales used in this research, with the items representing

those subscales indicated below each subscale name and the alpha reliabilities for

the experimental ideas and scientiﬁc fairness chapters both for the ﬁrst 25

subjects and for all subjects ............................................................................................... 59

Table 4-2. Means, standard deviations, and ranges for experimental ideas scales,
including both humorous (H) and nonhumorous (NH) versions ....................................... 63

Table 4-3. Means, standard deviations, and ranges for scientiﬁc fairness scales,
including both humorous (H) and nonhumorous WH) versions ....................................... 64

Table 4-4. Summary of the statistical analyses of major research questions for
each of the chapters ............................................................................................................ 66

Table 4-5. Questions and answers related to text ideas that had clear ratings of use
of humor by raters .............................................................................................................. 68

Table 4-6. Summary of the statistical analyses of major research questions for
each of the chapters ............................................................................................................ 71

Table 4-7. Summary of the statistical analyses of major research questions for
each of the chapters ............................................................................................................ 72

Table 4-8. Summary of the statistical analyses of major research questions for
each of the chapters ............................................................................................................ 75

Table 4-9. Correlations between learning (both immediate and delayed) and
interest (both personal and situational) for the experimental ideas chapter ....................... 77

Table 4-10. Correlations between learning (both immediate and delayed) and
interest (both personal and situational) for the scientiﬁc fairness chapter ......................... 77

Table 4-1 1. Correlations between learning (both immediate and delayed) and
enjoyment for the experimental ideas and scientiﬁc fairness chapters .............................. 78

Table 4-12. Correlations between learning (both immediate and delayed) and
attention for the experimental ideas and scientiﬁc fairness chapters ................................. 78

Table 4-13. Correlations between learning (both immediate and delayed) and
relevance for the experimental ideas and scientiﬁc fairness chapters ............................... 78

Table 4-14. Number of subjects who selected each response when asked which of
the chapters they would be most likely to ﬁnd in a textbook ............................................ 81

Table 4-15. Frequencies of subjects’ reasons why a chapter would be more likely
to appear in a textbook (readers of the humorous version of the experimental ideas
chapter and nonhumorous version of the scientiﬁc fairness chapter) ................................ 81

Table 4-16. Frequencies of subjects’ reasons why a chapter would be more likely
to appear in a textbook (readers of the humorous version of the scientiﬁc fairness
chapter and nonhumorous version of the experimental ideas chapter) .............................. 82

Table 4-17. Number of subjects who selected each response when asked which of
the chapters was easier to stick with .................................................................................. 82

Table 4-18. Frequencies of subjects’ reasons why the chapter they selected was
easier to stick with (readers of the humorous version of the experimental ideas
chapter and nonhumorous version of the scientiﬁc fairness chapter) ................................ 84

Table 4-19. Frequencies of subjects’ reasons why the chapter they selected was
easier to stick with (readers of the humorous version of the scientiﬁc fairness
chapter and nonhumorous version of the experimental ideas chapter) .............................. 84

Table 4-20. Number of subjects who selected each response when asked which Of
the chapters they enjoyed more .......................................................................................... 85

Table 4-21. Frequencies of subjects’ reasons why they found the chapter they
selected more enjoyable (readers of the humorous version of the experimental
ideas chapter and nonhumorous version of the scientiﬁc fairness chapter) ....................... 86

Table 4-22. Frequencies of subjects’ reasons why they found the chapter they
selected more enjoyable (readers of the humorous version of the scientiﬁc fairness
chapter and nonhumorous version of the experimental ideas chapter) .............................. 86

Table 4-23. Number of subjects who selected each response when asked which of
the chapters they choose for leisure reading ...................................................................... 87

Table 4-24. Frequencies of subjects’ reasons why they would prefer the chapter

they selected for leisure reading (readers of the humorous version of the

experimental ideas chapter and nonhumorous version of the scientiﬁc fairness

chapter) .............................................................................................................................. 88

Table 4-25. Frequencies of subjects’ reasons why they would prefer the chapter
they selected for leisure reading (readers of the humorous version of the scientiﬁc
fairness chapter and nonhumorous version of the experimental ideas chapter) ................ 88

Table 4-26. Subjects’ reports regarding what they liked about the humorous and
nonhumorous versions of the experimental ideas chapter ................................................. 89

Table 4-27. Subjects’ reports regarding what they liked about the humorous and
nonhumorous versions of the experimental ideas chapter ................................................. 90

xi

Table 4-28. Subjects’ reports regarding what they did not like about the humorous
and nonhumorous versions of the experimental ideas chapter .......................................... 91

Table 4-29. Subjects’ reports regarding what they did not like about the humorous
and nonhumorous versions of the scientiﬁc fairness chapter ............................................ 91

Table 4-30. Subjects’ reports regarding what helped them learn the information in
the experimental ideas chapter ........................................................................................... 93

Table 4-31. Subjects’ reports regarding what helped them learn the information in
the scientiﬁc fairness chapter ............................................................................................. 93

Table 4-32. Subjects’ reports regarding the two most important ideas they learned
from the experimental ideas chapter .................................................................................. 95

Table 4-33. Subjects’ reports regarding the two most important ideas they learned
from the scientiﬁc fairness chapter .................................................................................... 96

xii

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1-1. Motivated students are likely to learn more ...................................................... 1

Figure 1-2. Humor’s potential effects on both cognitive and affective outcomes,

including learning, interest, and enjoyment ......................................................................... 3
Figure 1-3. Mediating variables that may influence the effects of humor in text ................ 3
Figure 2-1. Hypothesized effects of humor in instructional text ......................................... 9

Figure 2-2. Interest and enjoyment as mediating variables between humor and
learning .............................................................................................................................. 10

Figure 2-3. Hypothesized effects of humor in instructional text on both primary
(i.e., learning, interest, and enjoyment) and secondary (i.e., attention and
relevance) variables ........................................................................................................... 11

Figure 2-4. Hypothesized effects of humor, and relationships among the three
main outcome variables ..................................................................................................... 33

Figure 3-1. Hypothesized effects of humor in instructional text ....................................... 43

Figure 3-2. Hypothesized effects of humor in instructional text on both primary
(i.e., learning, interest, and enjoyment) and secondary (i.e., attention and
relevance) variables ........................................................................................................... 44

Figure 3-3. Hypothesized relationships among variables, with major and minor
research questions indicated .............................................................................................. 46

Figure 4-1. Correlations among the mediating variables for the experimental ideas
chapter (**p<.01) ............................................................................................................... 74

Figure 4—2. Correlations among the mediating variables for the scientiﬁc fairness
chapter (**p<.01) ............................................................................................................... 73

_ Figure 4-3. Correlations between the mediating variables and measures of
immediate and delayed learning for the experimental ideas chapter ................................. 73

Figure 4-4. Correlations between the mediating variables and measures of

immediate and delayed learning for the scientiﬁc fairness chapter ................................... 76
Figure 4-5. Hypothesized effects of humor in instructional text ....................................... 97
Figure 4-6. Connections among variables for the experimental ideas chapter .................. 98
Figure 4-7. Connections among variables for the scientiﬁc fairness chapter .................... 98

xiii

Figure 5-1. Revision of model, showing factors that inﬂuence the perception and
appreciation of humor in instructional text and the outcomes of humor ......................... 127

xiv

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION
Statement Of the Problem
Student motivation contributes to school performance: students who are
motivated to learn are likely to learn more (Brophy, 1998) (see Figure 1-1). But how can
we facilitate motivation to learn in traditionally less motivating situations, such as when
students must engage independently with a textbook? Textbooks are frequently used as a
supplement to traditional expository instruction, and often as a part of discovery learning
as well. But students report they do not ﬁnd academic reading to be interesting or
enjoyable, and they are not affectively involved with such reading (Lorch, Lorch, &
Klusewitz, 1993). Unfortunately, instruction will only be effective if students are engaged
with it (Okey & Santiago, 1991). All text-based instruction has an affective component,
and a “heavy” approach, such as that found in most textbooks or in a formal lecture, is
less likely to draw learners in (Rowell & Van Kirk, 1978). How can we motivate students

to want to read textbooks?

 

 

motivation learning

 

 

 

Figure 1-1. Motivated students are likely to learn more.

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Past research on‘t’ext-Ibas’ed instruction provides several ways to increase learner
motivation, including increasing the perceived relevance of the instruction (Means,
Jonassen, & Dwyer, 1997); using headings, overviews, and summaries (Lorch, Lorch, &
Inman, 1993); activating prior knowledge (Spires & Donley, 1998); and increasing the
concreteness or case of imagery (Sadoski, Goetz, & Fritz, 1993). Research on classroom

instruction suggests additional methods for increasing student engagement that may be

useful in the development of text-based instruction, including instructor immediacy and
use of humor.

Understanding the differences between academic reading and leisure reading may
provide clues regarding how we can facilitate student engagement with texts. Lorch,
Lorch, and Klusewitz (1993) found that students reported academic reading to be
cognitively demanding, requiring memorization, self-testing of understanding, and close
attention. Students also reported that they read academic material more slowly. In
contrast, they reported leisure reading to be more enjoyable, more interesting, more
emotionally involving, and less cognitively demanding. Students reported that they read
leisure material more quickly. They were more likely to anticipate and to visualize when
reading for leisure, and they were less critical and distractible. This was true even when
the leisure reading was intellectually challenging or when the purpose was to learn
something in an area of interest.

When we develop instructional text, how can we tap into the aspects of leisure
reading that reduce students’ cognitive burden and increase learner interest in the text?
Perhaps there are techniques we can use to make the reading more enjoyable and
interesting, such as by accessing students’ positive feelings. Toward that end, Alexander,
Kulikowich, and Jetton (1994) asserted that interest stimulates depth of processing which,
in turn, enhances learning. Isen, Daubman, and Gorgoglione (1987) suggest that positive
affect may enhance learner retention by increasing the connections the learner makes and
thereby increasing the learner’s integration of new information with prior knowledge.

Positive affect can be enhanced through the use of humor, and many opinion
articles have been published on the perceived beneﬁts of humor in education and training
(e.g., Parrott, 1994; Wandersee, 1982; Korobkin, 1988; Peterson, 1980; Robbins, 1994).

Controlled studies of humor in the classroom (e. g., Kaplan & Pascoe, 1977; Bryant,

Comisky, Crane, & Zillmann, 1980) provide support for the positive effects of humor on
student recall. Perhaps humor incorporated into textbooks can increase learning, in
addition to enhancing learner interest and enjoyment of the topic of the reading. Figure l-

2 shows the potential outcomes of humor incorporated into text-based instruction.

 

cognitive
outcomes:
--learning
{fihlér§§t

 

 

humor in text

q—Itv-L: '

 

affective

outcomes:
,v-enjoyment
'3 :-interest

 

 

 

 

Figure 1-2. Humor's potential effects on both cognitive and affective outcomes,
including learning, interest, and enjoyment

Figure 1-3 shows the hypothesized potential beneﬁts of humor in text, including

some of the intermediate variables as inferred from the literature.

 

cognitive
outcomes:

l I «learning
--interest
affective

I I outcomes:

«enjoyment
--interest

 

 

 

. relevance
humor In text ——> .
anennon

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Figure 1-3. Mediating variables that may inﬂuence the effects of humor in

Brieﬂy, these variables are deﬁned as follows and will be measured as indicated.
(See chapters 2 and 3 for more in-depth discussions of these variables, and see chapter 4
for the speciﬁc items associated with each scale.)

0 Humor is a quality that makes something seem funny or amusing. Humor
will be measured by self-reports of subjects’ perceptions and, to a lesser
extent, by evaluations of other readers who identify humorous items in the
text.

0 Relevance refers to whether the text meets the personal needs or goals of
the learner. Perceived relevance will be measured by self-reports.

0 Attention refers to mental concentration and will be measured by self-
reports.

0 Learning refers to retention and understanding of information and will be
measured by recall and recognition quizzes. Subjects will also be asked to
report on their perceptions of their learning.

0 Interest is a feeling of intentness about something and can affect learners
both cognitively and affectively, increasing both the learners’ knowledge
of the topic and their positive feelings (Krapp, Hidi, & Renninger, 1992).
Interest can be speciﬁc to an individual or associated with the particular
situation. Interest will be measured by self-reports.

0 Enjoyment is the act or state of getting pleasure from something and will
be measured by self-reports.

If we can ﬁnd out what effects humor in text has on learning, interest, and
enjoyment, then we will have clues that can help us address the much larger problem of
student motivation in learning. Thus, the central question of this study is: Does humor in

text-based instruction affect learning, interest, and enjoyment?

Rationale and Signiﬁcance of the Study

The purpose of this study is to examine the effect of humor in text-based
instruction on learning, interest, and enjoyment. Although the model presented earlier
shows multiple potential effects of humor, I have chosen to focus on humor’s effects on
learning, interest, and enjoyment because I believe these are three signiﬁcant goals of
instruction. Obviously any techniques we can discover that will help improve learning (as
measured through tests of recall and recognition) are desirable. However, enhancing
learner interest in and enjoyment of a topic are also worthy goals that may in turn lead to
further study.

When I tell other people that I am studying humor and learning, the most common
response I get is an assertion that humor enhances learning, followed by an anecdote
relating a humorous incident in a classroom or training session. However, despite most
people’s perceptions of the positive effect of humor on learning, the numerous books and
articles written on how to incorporate humor into your classroom or training sessions
(e.g., Loomans & Kolberg, 1993; Watson & Emerson, 1988), and the numerous studies
on the positive effects of humor in the classroom (e. g., Ziv, 1988; Kaplan & Pascoe,
1977; Bryant et al., 1980), there are very few studies on the effect of humor in text on
learning. In fact, Schmidt (1994) noted that no comparisons had been made between
humorous and nonhumorous materials that were matched. He further stated that “in an
appropriate test of the effects of humor, the content of the material must be controlled,
ruling out explanations that are based on interest” (p. 953). A review of the literature has
indicated no such comparisons. In this study, I intend to look at the effects of humorous
vs. nonhumorous materials that are matched on content and explore humor’s effects on

learning, interest, and enjoyment.

Overview of the Study

To answer the central question— Does humor in instructional text affect learning,
interest, and enjoyment?—I developed humorous and nonhumorous text materials and
assessed reader learning via recall and recognition, as well as interest and enjoyment.
Readings were adapted from Doing Psychology Experiments, a textbook on experimental
psychology by David Martin. Two versions of two different sections of this text were
developed—one version of each section was humorous, and one version had the humor
removed but retained Martin’s informal, conversational tone. Since a conversational tone
has been found to increase reader perception of relevance and enhanced interest (Rowell
& Van Kirk, 1978; Means et al., 1997; Paxton, 1997), this study explored the effect of
humor on these variables over and above what might already occur as a result of the
conversational tone. Subjects read the humorous version of one chapter and the
nonhumorous version of the other chapter. After each reading, subjects were given two
quizzes, one open-ended and the other multiple choice. To see if the independent variable
was operating, I asked subjects to rate how humorous they found each reading. I also
asked subjects how interesting, enjoyable, and relevant they found each reading, and how
well each reading held their attention. Two weeks after participating in this part of the
study, subjects completed another quiz, because other researchers and my own pilot study
indicated that humor may enhance learner recall, but only for delayed recall and not for
immediate recall.

There were signiﬁcant differences in subjects’ responses to the two chapters on
several of the variables, so I was unable to collapse the data across topics as I had
planned, and therefore unable to compare humorous readings to nonhumorous readings.
For each of the chapters, I looked at the effect of humor on 1) learning, as indicated by

measures of recall (measured by the open-ended quizzes) and recognition (measured by

the multiple-choice quizzes) of facts and concepts in both immediate and delayed testing
conditions, 2) interest, 3) enjoyment, 4) relevance), and 5) attention. I also had subjects
compare the two chapters they had read on a variety of dimensions.
Humor in Text-Based Instruction

I chose to study humor in text materials instead of in the classroom because text
allows for a greater amount of experimental control than is possible in a classroom
situation. Studies suggest that spontaneous humor in the classroom is more effective (i.e.,
more humorous) than planned humor, which makes a controlled study of humor in the
classroom difﬁcult. Also, some instructors are naturally more humorous than others,
which means they may have to suppress a natural tendency toward humor in order to
provide a control condition. I am not convinced that such suppression affects only humor
in the classroom without affecting other aspects of the instructor’s style.

In addition, the lack of studies on the effect of humor in academic text makes this

area ripe for study.
Overview of the Dissertation

This dissertation has ﬁve chapters:
Chapter I .' Introduction

As you have already seen, the introduction gives an overview of the research
project, including a statement of the problem, the rationale and signiﬁcance of the study,
the purpose of the study, and an overview of the study.
Chapter 2: Literature Review

In order to establish a model of the theory I tested, Chapter 2 provides a review of
relevant literature, particularly in regarding the interrelationships of humor, interest,
enjoyment, and learning. This review also documents the parts of the model presented in

chapter 3 that are supported by prior research.

Chapter 3: Methods
The methods chapter provides a detailed description of how the study was carried
out, including descriptions of the subjects, instruments, and procedures.
Chapter 4: Results
Chapter 4 describes the analyses that were run on the data.
Chapter 5 : Discussion
The discussion compares the hypothesized results to the actual results, and

provides possible explanations for discrepancies.

CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW

In this chapter, I provide evidence from the literature indicating that it is
reasonable to expect humor in instructional text to affect learning, interest, and
enjoyment. As stated in chapter 1, I have chosen to study humor’s effect on learning,
interest, and enjoyment because I believe these are important goals of instruction.
Obviously we want our students to learn, but if we can stimulate their interest in learning
and increase their enjoyment of learning, we may increase the likelihood that they will
seek out, or at least be open to, additional experiences with the subject matter. Figure 2-1

illustrates the hypothesized effect of humor in instructional materials.

 

interest

 

 

 

humor ——> learning

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

enjoyment

 

 

Figure 2-1. Hypothesized effects of humor in instructional

Student learning from text is inﬂuenced by numerous variables, including prior
knowledge (Alexander, Kulikowich, & Schulze, 1994); engagement (Sadoski, Goetz, &
Rodriguez, 2000); personal and situational interest (Krapp et al., 1992); affect (Bless,
2001; Fiedler, 2001); text structure, including use of headings, overviews, and summaries

(Lorch, Lorch, & Inman, 1993); purpose of reading (Narvaez, van den Broek, & Ruiz,

1999); case of imagery, or concreteness (Sadoski et al., 1993); and author visibility
(Nolen, 1995; Paxton, 1997). Some of these variables were beyond the scope of this
study and were either held constant across conditions (e.g., text structure) or assumed to
wash out through random assignment of subjects to conditions (e.g., prior knowledge).
Students who are motivated to leam are likely to learn more than unmotivated
students (Brophy, 1998). Motivation is strongly linked to interest and enjoyment:
according to (Deci & Ryan, 1985), behavior that is intrinsically motivated is, by
deﬁnition, interesting and enjoyable. I propose that humor in text, if it is found to have an
effect on learning, inﬂuences learning in part by increasing reader enjoyment and interest.
In other words, I hypothesize that interest and enjoyment not only are important
outcomes of instruction by themselves, but also may inﬂuence learning. Figure 2-2 shows

this relationship.

 

interest

 

 

A

 

 

 

humor " i learning

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1

 

 

enjoyment

 

 

Figure 2-2. Interest and enjoyment as mediating variables between humor and
learning

10

Humor may also aid learning by directing learners’ attention and increasing
perceived relevance, which facilitate encoding and retrieval of information. Attention and
relevance may interact with interest and with each other, ultimately affecting learning.

Figure 2-3 shows the model taking these variables into account.

 

 

/ attention relevance

 

 

 

 

interest

 

 

 

humor ’ learning

 

 

 

 

 

 

enjoyment

 

 

. Figure 2-3. Hypothesized effects of humor in instructional text on both primary (i.e.,
learning, interest, and enjoyment) and secondary (i.e., attention and relevance) variables

In summary, the assertions upon which this study is based are as follows:
0 Humor increases learning of the topic presented humorously.
0 Humor increases interest in the topic presented humorously.
0 Humor increases enjoyment of the topic presented humorously.
0 Interest increases learning.
0 Enjoyment increases learning.

0 Interest and enjoyment inﬂuence each other.

11

0 Humor increases attention, which interacts with interest to increase
learning.

0 Humor increases relevance, which interacts with interest and attention to
increase learning.

Below, I begin my review of the literature by summarizing research related to the
effect of humor on learning. I then discuss the expected effect of humor on my other two
outcome variables, interest and enjoyment, and the effects of these variables on learning.
I also discuss the mediating effects of relevance and attention on learning, and their
relationship to interest.

The Nature of Humor

Humor is “the quality that makes something seem funny, amusing, or ludicrous”
(Agnes, 2000). Any study on of the effects of humor should perhaps begin with a
discussion of the nature of humor; speciﬁcally, how humor works. Numerous theories of
humor have been proposed: in a 1998 article describing his theory of humor, Veatch
noted that 619 papers on various theories of humor had been written to date. The main
humor theories are the cognitive—perceptual or incongruity theory, the social—behavioral
or superiority theory, the arousal theory, and the psychoanalytic theory (Johnson, 1990;
Goldstein, 1993).

The cognitive—perceptual or incongruity theory proposes that humor is the result
of a disparity between what is expected and what actually happens. Humor is found when
ideas that do not belong together are joined. This theory posits that humor is a two-stage
process: the audience ﬁrst has to perceive the disparity and then resolve or understand it

(in other words, they have to “get” the joke). Perception of the disparity is subjective and

12

may be affected by the “values, attitudes, knowledge, and expectations” of the audience
(Goldstein, 1993, p. 247).

The social-behavioral or superiority theory suggests that humor is the result of
disparagement of others. This theory is based on the idea that we laugh at the failings and
mistakes Of others so that we can feel superior to them (Goldstein, 1993). Barreca (1991)
noted that men and women use this type of humor differently: men tend to disparage
those they consider inferior, such as people with lower intelligence or those with physical
handicaps, while women will make fun of those in positions of power, such as
supervisors and bosses.

The arousal theory sees humor as a release of tension. According to this theory,
tension increases as the punch line nears. When the punch line is delivered, arousal is
increased sufﬁciently to produce amusement or laughter (Goldstein, 1993).

The psychoanalytic theory proposes that “laughter [can] be symptomatic of
conﬂict, repressed sexuality, and anger,” and that humor is a powerful defense
mechanism (Goldstein, 1993, p. 247). Freud noted that “tendentious” jokes are sexual or
aggressive in nature and so tend to elicit a stronger emotional reaction than “innocent”
humor (Veach, 1998).

_ In his (unnamed) theory of humor, Veach proposed that “humor occurs when it
seems that things are normal while at the same time something seems wrong” (p. 164). In
other words, the situation is seen as predominantly normal, while at the same time a
violation of the way things ought to be is perceived. Veach argues that this theory is more

accurate than the more popular and widely cited incongruity theory on the grounds that

13

many incongruities do not necessarily produce humor (note, for example, the many
incongruities that arise during scientiﬁc study that do not elicit a humorous reaction).

Regardless ofthe type of humor or the theory used to deﬁne it, humor is largely a
function of the perceiver. Certain events may strike some people as enormously funny,
yet fail to elicit even a smile in others. Despite this, a fair amount of humor will be
universally rated as humorous or at least recognized as an attempt at humor.

Effects of Humor on Learning

Despite individual differences in the perception of humor, there are some types of
humor that are more universally accepted than others. In an attempt to verify that the
intervention intended to be humorous was perceived by subjects as such, I asked subjects
in this study to rate the materials on their “humorousness.”

There is theoretical support for the effect of humor on learning. According to dual
coding theory, comprehension and memory of text are affected by both verbal (e.g., text,
speech) and nonverbal (e. g., imagery, affect) systems (Sadoski et al., 1993). The effects
of these two systems are additive—we understand and remember more if both of these
systems are engaged than if we rely on only one. Obviously, text will engage the verbal
system. Humor, on the other hand, will enhance comprehension and memory by
stimulating affect. Humor and text combined should have a powerful effect on learning.

Studies of Humor and Memory

Humor has been proposed to have numerous effects that increase memory for
humorous information. Some researchers (e. g., Karis, Fabiani, & Donchin, 1984;
Schmidt, 1991) argued that the incongruity component of humor (i.e., that humor results

when ideas are presented out of context or in unusual combinations) leads to an increase

14

in attention. Alternatively, Schmidt and Williams (2001) hypothesized that the attempt to
resolve the incongruities in order to understand the humor involves greater cognitive
processing, which leads to an increase in learning. Yet another hypothesis is that subjects
rehearse humorous material more, which leads to an increase in learning and memory of
the humorous items (Schmidt, 1994).

A study by Schmidt and Williams (2001) attempted to separate the effects of
humor from those of incongruity and “bizarrencss.” They found that humor, separate
from incongruity and bizarrencss, enhanced recall. They concluded that humor itself is
the “potent mnemonic variable” (p. 307). The actual resolution of the humor or the
perception of humor that resulted, rather than an attempt to resolve the humor, enhanced
recall. Humor enhanced memory even when the inﬂuence of intentional verbal rehearsal
was minimized. Schmidt and Williams (2001) concluded that their ﬁndings weaken the
argument that rehearsal explains the effect of humor on memory.

In an additional study, Schmidt and Williams (2001) found that the
“humorousness” of cartoons was directly related to subjects’ memory of them: the most
humorous cartoons were remembered better, and the cartoons rated in the upper half of
“humorousness” were recalled better than those in the lower half. These results indicated
that humor itself, rather than incongruity, resolution of incongruity, bizarrencss, or
distinctiveness, enhances recall for cartoons (Schmidt & Williams, 2001).

Studies of Humor in the Classroom

There is moderate support for the effect of humor on learning in the classroom.

Although publications on humor and adult learning appear to be largely anecdotal (e.g.,

Parrott, 1994; Wandersee, 1982; Korobkin, 1988; Peterson, 1980; Robbins, 1994), a few

15

controlled studies of the use of humor in the classroom have appeared in the literature
(e.g., Bryant et al., 1980; Ziv, 1988). Perhaps one reason for a lack of empirical research
on humor in the classroom is its almost inherent uncontrollability: doing a controlled
study either would require instructors who are naturally humorous to suppress this
tendency, perhaps resulting in differences in the way they interact with their classes more
globally, or would require instructors who are not humorous to attempt to be funny on
demand. Since the “best” classroom humor is perceived as spontaneous (Bryant et al.,
1980), planned humor by nonhumorous instructors would probably yield unnatural, and
possibly uninterpretable, results.
Studies of Humor in Text

Perhaps even more surprising than the lack of controlled studies of humor in the
classroom is the almost complete lack of studies of humor in instructional materials.
After all, there is a large amount of humor available in printed form (for example, in
books, magazines, and newspapers). Unfortunately, humor does not appear to be
prevalent in instructional materials. As I was preparing for this study, I sent an e-mail to
61 people, including family members, friends, professors, fellow students, and current
and former coworkers, requesting references to humorous instructional materials they
knew of. I received about a half dozen recommendations, none of which were suitable for
my study (e.g., they were cartoon-based rather than text-based, or the author’s writing
style was conversational rather than truly humorous). Humor appears to be a casualty of
“textbookese,” the third-person expository style used in most textbooks that makes few, if
any, references to either the reader or the writer (Crismore, 1984). Rather, most textbooks

give the impression that their contents are delivered from an omniscient “other” who

16

lacks any apparent viewpoint, opinions, biases, or personality. A sense of humor would
certainly be out of place in this style of writing.

Despite the dearth of humor in textbooks, there is evidence to suggest that humor
in instructional materials may contribute to both learning and the perception of learning.
In the evaluation of a basic computer literacy self-study module, 67 percent of
respondents felt that the humor contained within the module had helped them learn
(Sheppard, 1998). This study is supported by a classroom study conducted by Mogavero
(1979), in which 95 percent of students felt that humor increased the effectiveness of
instruction. In addition, Zillmann and Bryant (1983, cited in Robbins, 1994) found that
humor that is well integrated with the material can lead to greater retention of the
information and make learning more enjoyable.

In 1994, Schmidt noted that no comparisons had been made between humorous
and nonhumorous materials that were matched. He further stated that “in an appropriate
test of the effects of humor, the content Of the material must be controlled, ruling out
explanations that are based on interest” (p. 953). A review of the literature since that time
has revealed no studies that satisfy these criteria. In this study, I intend to ﬁll that gap by
looking at the effects of humorous vs. nonhumorous materials that are matched on
content and exploring humor’s implications for learning, interest, and enjoyment.

Effects of Humor on Enjoyment

Although ideally humor will enhance learning, another important outcome of
humor in instructional materials is to increase learner enjoyment. Enjoyment is a speciﬁc
form of positive affect that refers to pleasurable experiences. Affect is a broad term that

refers to both mood (an enduring trait of an individual that is not tied to any deﬁnite

17

event) and emotion (a more intense, short-lived state that generally has a speciﬁc cause)
(Forgas, 1991). A learner who enjoys the learning experience may be more receptive to,
and perhaps even seek out, additional experiences with the topic.

There is evidence in the literature to support a link between humor and
enjoyment. Humor is enormously popular in our society. Comedy is among the most
popular television genres, and as of the early 19903, over 40 percent of the all-time top
100 rental movies and the all-time highest-rated television shows in the United States
were comedies (Goldstein, 1993). Humor facilitates a change from a bad or mediocre
mood to a more positive mood (Zillmann & Bryant, 1985; Zillmann, 1988; Bryant &
Zillmann, 1989). Comedy allows individuals to “regulate their own emotional states”—
people may actively seek out humor and comedy in order to positively affect their mood
(Zillmann & Bryant, 1985). This study will determine if the link between humor and
enjoyment holds true for humor in instructional materials.

Effects of Humor on Interest and Attention

Interest has been deﬁned as “liking and willful engagement in a cognitive
activity” (Schraw & Lehman, 2001, p. 23). Interest is a feeling of intentness about
something that can affect learners both cognitively and affectively, increasing both the
learners’ knowledge of the topic and their positive feelings (Krapp et al., 1992).
Attention refers to capturing the learners’ interest and stimulating curiosity to learn
(Keller, 1987); by deﬁnition, then, attention is closely related to interest. Interest is
demonstrated through behaviors that include attention (Krapp et al., 1992), and interest

results in spontaneous rather than selective allocation of attention (Hidi, 1990).

18

Potential beneﬁts of humor in the classroom include increased interest and
attention, increased comprehension and retention of the material, increased motivation
toward learning, increased satisfaction with learning, more positive attitudes, and
decreased boredom (Korobkin, 1988; Parrott, 1994); some of these beneﬁts may also
apply to print materials. In addition, the use of humor in the classroom enhances the
student-teacher relationship, particularly students’ perceptions of instructor immediacy
(i.e., physical and psychological closeness) (Gorham & Christophel, 1990). Based on the
studies of visible authors (deﬁned as authors who write in the ﬁrst person and reveal
personal opinions and other aspects of themselves), it may be reasonable to believe that
humor in text can also take advantage of some of the beneﬁts of instructor immediacy.

Despite our love of humor and its apparent links to learning, if there is too much
humor in instruction, the presenter may cross the line between having the purpose of his
or her presentation interpreted as informative and having it interpreted as entertainment.
But humor in appropriate amounts may help maintain student interest and attention,
thereby resulting in greater enjoyment of learning. Support for this assertion comes from
Ziv (1988) and Bryant et al. (1980), who found that three to four instances of humor
during an hour classroom lecture was not only the average (Bryant et al., 1980), but also
the ideal (Ziv, 1988). Ziv also found that the humor must be related to the concepts
presented in the class in order to enhance understanding; if the humor is unrelated to the
material presented, it can actually distract students from the main ideas.

Effect of Humor on Perceived Relevance
Relevance refers to meeting the personal needs and goals of the learner (Keller,

1987). There is no evidence in the literature to link humor to perceived relevance.

19

However, there are certain devices—such as immediacy and visible author—that have
been shown to increase learners’ perceived relevance of material, and I am curious about
whether humor is able to extend or compound these effects. Humor may also have a
community-building mechanism that helps to increase perceived relevance.

Use of the word “you” has been shown to increase readers’ perceived relevance of
written materials (Means et al., 1997). Although use of a visible author has not been
linked directly to increased perception of relevance, a visible author creates an
atmosphere of collaboration with the reader (Paxton, 1997). Readers who are engaged by
an author may be more likely to perceive the material as relevant—readers may
unconsciously associate this engagement with the author as personal relevance. Humor
goes beyond both the use of “you” and use of a visible author by endowing the author not
just with visibility, but also with personality.

In addition, if humor helps to build a community, as argued by Cohen (1999), and
the reader feels a part of this community, he or she may perceive an increased relevance
of the materials. In other words, if readers feel that the humor is targeted toward them,
they may be more likely to conclude that the instructional material in which the humor is
embedded also is targeted toward them more directly.

Effects of Enjoyment on Learning

In addition to being an important outcome of instruction, learner enjoyment may
also facilitate learning. Students’ positive feelings toward a task or topic can increase
their learning, both directly by fostering connections with prior learning and by
facilitating use of general knowledge structures, and indirectly by increasing the

likelihood that students will seek additional experiences with the task or topic.

20

Organization

Isen et al. (1987) hypothesized that “positive affect results in an organization of
cognitive material, wherein either more or broader (or more integrated) categories are
primed and utilized than is the case under control conditions. That is, under conditions of
positive affect more different kinds of material are brought to mind and dealt with at the
same time, there is a tendency to see relationships and group things together, and ideas
that ordinarily would not seem to bear upon one another are seen as related or similar and
holding implications for one another” (pp. 147-148). Building on what the student
already knows and helping him or her form relationships between new knowledge and
previous learning and experiences is one of the crucial elements of sound instruction.

Even minor differences in learners’ affective states may have a substantial impact
on their cognitive processes (Bless, 2001). In general, individuals experiencing a positive
affective state are more likely to rely on general knowledge structures—that is, heuristics,
stereotypes, or scripts they use on a regular basis. In other words, “individuals in a
positive affective state may feel more conﬁdent about relying on activated general
knowledge structures that are potentially applicable to the situation” (p. 11).

In contrast, individuals interpret a negative affective state as signaling a problem.
When a problem exists, individuals may ﬁnd it risky to rely on general knowledge
structures, so they may instead attempt to deal with the problem by devoting their
attention to the speciﬁc details. If we assume that problematic situations are deviations
from normal situations, then relying on the knowledge we would usually apply during

normal situations would probably not be the best approach.

21

Nonproblematic situations require less attention to the speciﬁcs. In these cases,
the individual can rely on general knowledge structures, which saves processing
resources. These spared resources can then be allocated to other aspects of the situation
or to other tasks. This “transfer” of resources is highly adaptive, since it frees up attention
for those aspects of the situation for which additional processing is potentially more
beneﬁcial and effective (e.g., inconsistent information). Individuals experiencing positive
affect rely on general knowledge structures, which frees up additional attention resources
to exploring the match between the knowledge structure and the available information,
with inconsistencies triggering additional processing. Therefore, this mechanism allows
for a ﬂexibility in attention to the speciﬁcs of a situation.

General knowledge structures enable the individual to enrich the stimulus
information by making inferences beyond the information given (Bruner, 1957).
Individuals who go beyond the information given may sometimes come up with new,
creative inferences (Bless, 2001 ). New situations confer a certain amount of risk, so it
would seem highly adaptive to rely on general knowledge structures as a basis for making
inferences, especially if the situation is safe rather than problematic (Bless, 2001). By
extension, if we can trigger positive affect (e.g., enjoyment) through the use of humor in
instruction, we may enable learners to activate general knowledge structures and make
connections to prior knowledge.

Learning Sets

According to F iedler (2001), “Over a long period of (ontogcnetic or even

phylogenetic) learning, organisms acquire different generalized learning sets for positive

versus negative situations that emphasize either exploration and curiosity or avoidance

22

and vigilance” (p. 93). In other words, a learning environment that promotes positive
affect encourages exploration and creativity, while aversive learning situations (i.e., those
that promote negative affect) maximize behaviors directed toward avoiding mistakes. In
order to avoid the negative consequences of aversive learning situations, avoidance
behavior must be reliable and attentive to potentially threatening stimuli. In contrast, in
positive learning situations, the individual does not have to monitor any stimuli as
carefully and can instead trust in internalized knowledge and behavioral routines.
Negative mood (and the implied aversive learning situation) supports sticking to the
stimulus facts and avoiding mistakes, while positive mood enables creative functions
such as active generation and enrichment of the stimulus input with inferences based on
prior knowledge. “Positive affective states signal the absence of dangers and obstacles so
that the individual can take the risk of unusual, creative, exploratory behaviors” (Fiedler,
2001, p. 92). Even superﬁcial and transitory affective cues, such as those manipulated by
aspects of the situation, may be as effective in bringing forth certain learning sets (i.e.,
those associated with either positive or negative affective states) as more “genuine”
emotions (Fiedler, 2001). I propose that the use of humor in text may provide affective
cues that help elicit learning sets associated with positive affect.

As educators, it behooves us to use whatever means we have available to help
learners make meaningful connections between what they already know and what they
are learning. Isen et al. (1987) noted that “positive affect leads to a change in the way
material is categorized, and this supports the more general formulation regarding the
inﬂuence of positive affect on cognitive organization” (p. 151). Oddly, however, Isen et

al. obtained these effects after inducing positive affect by giving the subjects a small gift

23

or juice and cookies, or by having subjects watch ﬁve minutes of a comedy video—in
other words, through methods that were unrelated to the topic under study. This is
consistent with Fiedler’s (2001) assertion that superﬁcial cues may be effective in
stimulating the learning sets associated with positive emotions. But if favorable changes
in cognition are observed even when the methods of improving affect are not related to
the topic under study, what is the potential impact when affect is positively inﬂuenced via
the instruction itself? This brings us back to the potential of humor that is integrated into
the main ideas being learned (Ziv, 1988). Perhaps by integrating humor into texts, we can
take advantage of the effects of positive affect on learning compounded, perhaps, by
direct relatedness to the topic being studied.

Controlled studies offer support for the role of affect in learning. In a study of
reader recall of feature articles from popular magazines, Sadoski and Quast (1990) asked
subjects about factors that inﬂuenced their recall. They found that affect was the most
frequently mentioned subj ectivc characteristic—readers mentioned the presence of
feelings as reasons for remembering text and lack of feelings as a reason for not
remembering. The article that readers had, overall, rated the lowest in terms of affect was
also the article that was most often reported as completely forgotten. This is consistent
with a study of non-directed (i.e., incidental) learning from text, in which enjoyment of
the text was positively associated with both perceived comprehension and text recall
(Ryan, Connell, & Plant, 1990).

Visible Author
Rowell and Van Kirk (1978) asserted that self-instruction modules, by their very

presence, have an affective component: learners form opinions about the subject based on

24

the reading, and it is necessary for module designers to include “fun parts” to maintain
the learners’ attention and encourage students to stick with reading that may not appear
interesting at the outset. They argued that a “predominantly cognitive, academic module”
(p. 13) does not have to be dense and boring. They proposed instead that a conversational
tone could help indicate to the student that the module presenter (writer, speaker, etc.) is
aware of him or her as an individual, rather than just directing the information into a void.
An author who is able to incorporate humor into instructional materials may also convey
his or her enjoyment of the topic. Many students can recall an experience in which they
found an instructor’s enthusiasm contagious.

Along similar lines, recent research indicates that a visible author can have a
positive effect on learning. Paxton (1997) had students think aloud as they read history
texts that had either an invisible author (deﬁned as an author who writes in the third
person and reveals little or nothing of his or her own outlook or views) or a visible
author. Students who read the text with the visible author engaged in mental
conversations with the author, which led to a closer relationship with the information
contained in the text. Students who read a text with an invisible author failed to engage
with the text—Paxton (1997) wrote, “Student response to anonymous text might be
characterized as passive boredom. These students showed practically no signs of
engagement” (p. 245). In think-alouds while reading the anonymous text, “students gave
little independent thought either to the author or to the subject matter. In short, the
anonymous text imparted to students no feel for the subject of history, aside from the
feeling that they would just as soon be doing something else” (p. 245). Readers of the

visible text were “10 times more likely to give personal thought to the historical

25

information presented in the text. The visible author sought to create a rhetorical
atmosphere of empathy and collaboration with the reading audience. These students—
even the one who disdained the visible author—reacted positively to this approach” (p.
245)

Similarly, Nolen (1995) found that women reading text containing a visible author
interacted with the author while reading, which seemed to “inﬂuence the relations among
comprehension, motivation, and affective response” (p. 47).

In a similar vein, Bergin (1999) noted that the way students interact with a text
could be considered an aspect of social interaction. He further noted that the extent to
which students perceive that an activity allows them to socialize (even if it’s with the
author of a text), they will tend to be interested in the activity. A text that contains humor
may additionally increase learning by further reducing the social distance between the
reader and the text.

In summary, enjoyment of learning may have multiple positive effects on
learners, including facilitating the integration of new learning into prior knowledge,
engaging learning sets, and enhancing student engagement with the text.

Effects of Interest on Learning

According to Krapp et al. (1992), interest emerges from an individual’s
interactions with his or her surroundings. They note that different researchers attribute
different amounts of signiﬁcance to each component in this person—environment
interaction. Personal (or individual) interests tend to be relatively stable within an
individual and are usually associated with increased knowledge and positive emotions.

Personal interests are dependent on the individual’s characteristics, attitudes, and

26

orientations (Krapp et al., 1992); personal interest is enduring and context-general
(Schraw & Lehman, 2001). An example from my own life is my interest in forensic
science—I enjoy reading books by forensic psychologists, forensic anthropologists, and
even forensic entomologists, and I try not to miss “Medical Detectives” and “Secrets of
Forensic Science” on The Learning Channel. This is a topic I enjoy learning more about,
and as a result of the time and effort I spend pursuing this interest, I imagine that I know
more than the average person about certain aspects of forensic science.

In contrast, situational interests can be elicited more universally (i.e., in many
individuals regardless of their individual interests) through the use of certain devices
(e.g., narrative style) or characteristics (e.g., novelty) of the presentation (Krapp et al.,
1992); situational interest is generally spontaneous and context-speciﬁc (Schraw &
Lehman, 2001). Situational interest, which can be evoked by something in the
environment, usually has a short-term effect. An example of situational interest from my
life has to do with a Nova episode on automotive safety technology. Nova was the least
objectionable show I found while channel surﬁng during a late lunch on a Friday
aﬁemoon. I had no interest in automotive safety, but the Nova developers have a
remarkable ability to take a subject that I think of as a real snoozer and turning it into
something fascinating. I was very involved during the episode, and I feel that I learned a
lot about the evolution of automotive safety. I am probably more receptive to additional
information on automotive safety, but I would not necessarily go out of my way to ﬁnd
out more about it.

Despite the distinctions made between individual and situational interest, these

two forms of interest interact with and inﬂuence each other (Hidi, 2000). Speciﬁcally,

27

situational interest may serve as the basis for the emergence of individual interests. In
addition, personal interest may inﬂuence situational interest by moderating the effects of
environmental variables on interest (e.g., an individual who has a personal interest in a
particular topic may be bored by a book or article on that topic if it tells him or her
nothing new). Krapp et al. (1992) refer to “actualized interest,” which is demonstrated
through particular behaviors, such as relatively effortless attention that is focused,
prolonged, and accompanied by feelings of enjoyment. This actualized interest is the
result of an interaction between internal and external conditions (i.e., individual and
situational interest, respectively).

Schraw and Lehman (2001) described a taxonomy of interest. They divided
individual interest into latent interest (i.e., “a long-term orientation toward a particular
topic” [p. 29] and actualized interest (i.e., “a topic-speciﬁc motivational state that
determines one’s engagement style in an activity” [p. 30]. Latent interest, in turn,
comprises feeling-related and value-related interest. In other words, latent interest is
composed of things we are interested in because we like them or because we feel they
have some value to us.

Situational interest, according to Schraw and Lehman (2001), is divided into text-
based interest (i.e., interest based on properties of the information to be learned), task-
based interest (i.e., instructions that change the individual’s goals), and knowledge-based
interest (i.e., the effect of prior learning on interest). By incorporating humor into text,
this study will tie into aspects of both personal interest (speciﬁcally, the feeling-related
interest that Schraw and Lehman described) and situational interest (speciﬁcally, text-

based interest).

28

The presence or absence of interest, whether individual or situational, inﬂuences
the type of learning strategies individuals employ. When learners are interested in what
they are learning, they tend to use deep-processing strategies—they attempt to examine
the material from different perspectives, make diverse connections, and identify and
solve problems on their own (Krapp et al., 1992). In contrast, learners who are not
interested use surface-level strategies, relying largely on memorization to “learn”
material. Alexander, Kulikowich, and Jetton (1994) also noted, “Interest, particularly
one’s personal investment in the topic or domain, stimulates depth of processing in the
content and, thus, enhances subject-matter learning” (p. 217). According to Hidi (1990),
“Interest elicits spontaneous, rather than conscious, selective allocation of attention” (p.
549) and, therefore, may result in learning that requires less cognitive capacity and effort.

There is substantial support in the literature for the assertion that interest, whether
individual or situational, inﬂuences learning. For example, Wade and Adams (1990)
found that interest had “a powerful effect on recall for both good and poorer readers” (p.
331) and that seductive details and main ideas (both rated as interesting) were best
remembered, while details supporting the main ideas were least well remembered. High
interest is associated with greater recall of text information for both structured and
unstructured recall tasks (Garner & Gillingham, 1991), and learner interest is
signiﬁcantly related to recall of main ideas, elaborations, and idea units (Schiefele &
Krapp, 1996).

In summary, interest facilitates learning by directing learners’ attention to the
topic at hand and engaging deep-processing strategies which facilitate encoding and

retrieval of information.

29

Effects of Attention on Learning

If learners don’t pay attention to the instruction, it seems unlikely that they will
get anything out of it. The idea behind Keller’s “attention” is that grabbing and holding
the students’ attention is an essential characteristic associated with motivation, and is
necessary for any learning to occur. Humor would fall into this component of the ARCS
model, since it would be a part of the supporting strategy of “including emotional
content” under attention’s subcategory of perceptual arousal.

There are several theories about the relationship between interest and attention
and their effects on learning. One theory suggests that increased interest leads to
increased attention (Anderson, 1982, cited in McDaniel, Waddill, F instad, & Bourg,
2000). A second theory is that interest results in a spontaneous allocation of attention,
which frees up cognitive resources which can then be used for more ﬂexible and efﬁcient
processing of the text (Hidi, 1990). A third theory agrees that interest results in
spontaneous allocation of attention, but suggests that this enables the reader to focus on
“organizational and situational elements implied by the text” (McDaniel et al., 2000) (p.
500). In contrast, readers who are not interested in what they are reading must expend
resources to keep attention focused on merely extracting meaning from the text. Support
for the effect of interest on attention comes from a study which found that interest did not
affect recall of stories, but high-interest stories required fewer attentional resources for
understanding than did low-interest stories (McDaniel et al., 2000).

Keller’s ARCS model of motivation delineates four requirements that must be
met in order for people to be motivated to learn: the student’s attention must be gained

and sustained, the material must be [elevant to the student, the student must be gonﬁdent

30

that he or she can learn the material, and the student must be gatisﬁed with the process of
the experience (Keller, 1987). One of the theories on which this model is based is the
expectancy x value model of motivation. This expectancy x value model maintains that
“the efforts that people are willing to expend on a task is the product of (1) the degree to
which they expect to be able to perform the task successfully if they apply themselves
(and thus the degree to which they expect to get whatever rewards that successful task
performance will bring), and (2) the degree to which they value those rewards as well as
the Opportunity to engage in the processes involved in performing the task itself”
(Brophy, 1998), p. 14). The value dimension of the expectancy x value model is most
closely related to Kellcr’s attention and relevance components, while the expectancy
dimension is more closely linked to conﬁdence and satisfaction (Keller, 1979).

Okey and Santiago (1991) support Keller’s assertions, noting that regardless of
how well designed instruction is, it will only be effective if learners are engaged with it.
They further point out that motivational design and instructional design are
complementary, rather than conﬂicting, ideas, and that instructional designers who wish
to produce engaging instruction should link the ideas of motivational design to a theory
of instructional design. Integrating humor into text may be one way to do this.

Although this study is not intended to determine the relationship between
attention and interest, I believe that these are separate constructs and that humor may
inﬂuence both. In my analysis of the data resulting from this study, I will explore the
relationship between these two constructs. Such a close relationship between interest and

attention will make it difﬁcult to tease apart these two constructs. However, in my

31

research, I will develop separate scales for individual interest, situational interest, and
attention to determine if they can be measured separately.
Effects of Perceived Relevance on Learning

As stated earlier, relevance is one of the four elements of Keller’s ARCS model
necessary for individuals to be motivated to learn. In order for a student to sustain
motivation, he or she must perceive that the instruction meets important personal needs
(Keller, 1983).

Perceived relevance of material may inﬂuence the amount of mental effort
learners are willing to expend to learn (Cennamo & Braunlich, 1996). In a study of print-
based text that had been motivationally enhanced to increase perceived relevance,
subjects who received the motivationally enhanced lesson remembered more information
than those who received the nonenhanccd version. The authors suggest that learners may
take time to elaborate on the content of an enhanced lesson—speciﬁcally, they may stop
to reﬂect on how the material applies to them and contexts in which they will be able to
use the information.

Main (1992) notes that “the very act of establishing an instructional goal implies
some value to the person, organization or society in its achievement” (p. 18). We enhance
a student’s desire to learn and to spend effort learning by helping them see the relevance
to their job speciﬁcally or to their life more generally. Main further notes that the
affective domain (including relevance) is particularly important to address in instruction
that removes the interaction between the teacher and the student from the lesson delivery,

such as occurs in text-based instruction.

32

A study by Means et al. (1997) found that perceived relevance was related to
higher motivation and better posttest scores. Materials that had embedded strategies to
enhance relevance increased learner motivation and achievement.

In summary, there is both theoretical and empirical support for the effect of
relevance on learning, and subjects’ perceived relevance can be enhanced in text through
use of certain strategies.

Conclusion
In conclusion, there appears to be support in the literature for the links among

humor, interest, enjoyment, and learning shown in Figure 2-4. Classroom studies provide

 

interest

 

 

A

 

 

 

humor " b learning

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

V

enjoyment

 

 

Figure 2-4. Hypothesized effects of humor, and relationships among the
three main outcome variables

evidence for an effect of humor on learning. There are strong indications in the literature

for the effect of interest on learning, and moderate indications for the effect of enjoyment
on learning. Both interest and enjoyment are considered to be positive affective states and
are linked in the literature on learning. Perhaps the weakest links, at least empirically, are

those between humor and interest, and between humor and enjoyment; however, the fact

33

that people actively seek out humor (in some cases because they want to change a poor
mood into a good mood) implies that humor generates or enhances positive affect (of
which interest and enjoyment are subcategories). In theory, then, humor in text should
enhance learning through its effects on interest and enjoyment. The research I propose

will determine if this theory holds up in a controlled study.

34

CHAPTER 3: METHODOLOGY
Research Questions and Overview

My research question was: Does humor in instructional text affect learning,
interest, and enjoyment? In this chapter, I describe the study designed to answer this
question, including the participants, the materials, and the procedures. I also list the
questions that guided the research. Finally, I describe limitations of the study.

Pilot Study

I conducted a pilot study on the effect of humor in instructional materials in the
spring of 2000 to see if there was any evidence for humor’s effects on learning, interest,
and enjoyment. I recruited subjects through TEISO, an introductory course in teacher
education, in large part because these were the students I had access to—TAs for these
courses allowed me into their classrooms to recruit subjects.

The research had two phases. During the ﬁrst phase, 18 subjects provided
demographic information and their initial reactions regarding how interesting and
relevant they believed each of the two topics of the readings (i.e., getting an experimental
idea and making instruction meaningful) was to them. Subjects read a humorous version
of one chapter and a nonhumorous version of the other chapter. Readings were
counterbalanced, with some subjects reading a humorous chapter ﬁrst, and others reading
a nonhumorous chapter ﬁrst. Topics were also counterbalanced, with some subjects
reading the chapter on getting experimental ideas ﬁrst, and others reading the chapter on
making instruction meaningful ﬁrst. After reading each chapter, subjects answered both
short-answer and multiple-choice questions about ideas contained in the text. Subjects

also answered questions regarding the presentation of the material and their reaction to it,

35

including how interesting, informative, humorous, and relevant they found each chapter.
Subjects answered questions speciﬁcally about the acceptability of the humorous version
and the effect of humor on the information being conveyed. Subjects compared the two
versions on several measures, such as which they found easier to stick with, which they
would be more likely to ﬁnd in a textbook, and which they would select for leisure
reading.

In the delayed recall phase, which took place one week after the initial session, I
e-mailed short-answer and multiple-choice quizzes on both topics to all subjects in order
to measure delayed recall. The short-answer quiz was the same as that presented during
the initial session, but the multiple-choice quiz was different. Fourteen subjects
responded to the e-mail.

Findings
Learning

Because humor is a subjective phenomenon and to be sure the variable “humor”
was operating, I asked subjects to rate how humorous each of the versions was on a ﬁve—
point Likert scale (l=strongly agree that the chapter was humorous; 5=strongly disagree).
Subjects reported the humorous versions to be signiﬁcantly more humorous than the
nonhumorous versions (t(17)=4.61, p<.001, y=1.09), indicating that subjects did, indeed,
perceive a difference in humor in the two pieces. This validated my subjective judgment
and allowed me to proceed with analyses comparing reactions to and learning from
humorous and nonhumorous versions of text.

There was no signiﬁcant difference on immediate recall between subjects who

had read a humorous version and those who had read a nonhumorous version (t(18)=0.40,

36

p=.70, y=.l3). However, differences in delayed recall between humorous and
nonhumorous versions approached signiﬁcance (t(l4)=1.87, p=.07, y=.7l). These
ﬁndings are consistent with Kaplan and Pascoe's (1977) ﬁndings that humor integrated
into a lecture did not appear to signiﬁcantly affect immediate recall of information
presented in that lecture, but that students exposed to humor performed signiﬁcantly
better on items testing recall of examples presented humorously. One question these
ﬁndings raise is the effect of a longer delay period than I had used; speciﬁcally, what is
the optimal delay for measuring the effects of humor on memory of the content of a
single presentation of humorous instructional material? In addition, I made no attempt in
my analyses to link questions on the recall quizzes to humor in the text. For the
dissertation, I explored the link between recall of speciﬁc items and use of humor in the
text.

I asked subjects what the two most important ideas were that they had learned
from each chapter. Several of the subjects reported that getting ideas through observation
was an important idea from the experimental ideas chapter, regardless of which version
they read. There seemed to be a slight tendency for readers of the humorous experimental
ideas chapter to recall affective items (e.g., students do not need to be afraid of trying to
come up with experimental ideas), while readers of the nonhumorous version
remembered more cognitive items (e.g., can extend other research, ideas do not have to
be complicated to be important); however, the small sample size (and my own biases,
which may have inﬂuenced interpretation) causes me to question the reliability of these
results. Two of the eight subjects who read the humorous version remembered a

humorous acronym (ROT) that referred to the importance of experimental questions

37

being repeatable, observable, and testable, while none of the eight subjects who read the
nonhumorous version listed this as one of the two most important ideas they had learned.

When asked to list the two most important ideas from the meaningfulness chapter,
readers of the humorous version appeared to recall more ideas relating to the importance
of making instruction meaningful (e.g., valuing students’ input, the teacher’s role in
helping make things meaningful), while readers of the nonhumorous version seemed to
recall more techniques (e.g., how to motivate students, how to reinforce information).
Again, the small sample size raises the question of the relationship between humor and
learning, but does not provide clear answers. The larger sample size for the dissertation
research enabled me to explore the types of information subjects remember and their
relationship to humor.
Interest

Subjects reported that they found the humorous versions to be signiﬁcantly more
interesting than the nonhumorous versions (t(17)=2.56, p=.02, y=.60); however,
expression of interest in reading more about the topic was not signiﬁcantly hi gher for the
humorous versions (t(17)=1.00, p=.33, y=.24). Interest dropped signiﬁcantly for both the
humorous (t(17)=3.00, p<.01, y=.70) and nonhumorous (t(17)=4.37, p<.01, y=1.03)
versions from before reading to after. Although it is unclear why interest dropped, this
may have been due to the satisfaction of an initial sense of curiosity (Lowenstein, 1994).
This effect merits further examination, but doing so is beyond the scope of this study.

The subjects’ reports of interest correlated positively with test scores, although
correlations with immediate recall scores were not signiﬁcant. Subjects’ reports of

interestingness of the text and interest in the topic were correlated with delayed recall

38

scores (r=0.47, p=.12, r2=.22, and r=O.45, p=.15, r2=.20, respectively). This is consistent
with Alexander, Kulikowich, and Jetton’s (1994) assertion that interest can stimulate
depth of processing and so enhance subject-matter learning. Although it is unclear why
this was more evident for the delayed recall than for the immediate recall, it may be that
the effects of recency are sufﬁcient to override any additional effects of depth of
processing. Research on why this occurs goes beyond the scope of this study.
Enjoyment

The pilot study did not include a direct measure of subject enjoyment. My
dissertation research asked directly about enjoyment of each reading, and I asked subjects
which of the two readings they enjoyed more.
Other Effects of Humor

Subjects found the humorous versions to be signiﬁcantly more informative
(t(l 7)=2.3 8, p=.03, y=.56) than the nonhumorous versions, and subjects felt they had
learned more from the humorous texts (t(17)=2.50, p=.023, y=.59). I have no explanation
for these effects. I attempted to replicate these ﬁndings with my dissertation work;
however, determining how or why humor affects subjects’ perceptions of how
informative text is and how much they learned from it was beyond the scope of this
study.

There was also a tendency (though nonsigniﬁcant) to view the humorous text as
more personally relevant (t(17)=l .88, p=.08, y=.44). There have been reports in the
literature that conversational text and use of the word “you” can increase perceived

relevance (Means et al., 1997). The fact that humor seemed to increase perceived

39

relevance when compared to text that used these other techniques may be worth
exploring at some point in the future; however, it was beyond the scope of this study.

Subjects felt that humor supported the information it was trying to convey
(mean=1.9; 1=strongly agree, 5=strongly disagree). Subjects disagreed that humor
detracted from the information it was trying to convey (mean=4.l), that they would have
found the materials more instructional if they had not been funny (mean=4. l ), or that they
would have learned more if the text had not attempted to be humorous (mean=4.2).
Combined with the ﬁndings that subjects recalled more in the delayed recall quizzes,
these ﬁndings led me to believe that humor may affect student learning. As based on
previous research and shown in Figure 2-3 on page 10, humor may affect learning
through any of a variety of mechanisms, including increasing attention, relevance,
interest, and enjoyment. I designed this dissertation research to test the relationships
among these variables.

Subjects, in general, reported that they found it easier to “stick with” the chapter
on getting experimental ideas, although this was inﬂuenced somewhat by humor. The
reason for this difference is not clear, although I suspect it may have something to do
with the amount and type of information being conveyed: the chapter on getting
experimental ideas covered a fairly broad range of topics, compared to the chapter on
making instruction meaningful, which covered a smaller number of topics in considerably
more depth.

Possible Confounding Factors
There appeared to be some effects of the topics presented on subject recall and

recognition of the material. For the pilot, I prepared two versions of each of two different

40

chapters. For one reading, I made minor modiﬁcations to a humorous chapter from an
experimental psychology text (i.e., getting experimental ideas) for the humorous version,
and performed a “humorectomy” (i.e., removed the humor) for the nonhumorous version.
For the other reading, I used a nonhumorous chapter on making instruction meaningful
that was written in a conversational style and attempted to “humorize” it. This process
involved reading through the text carefully and recording humorous comments as they
occurred to me. I then met with one or more others and we went through the readings
paragraph by paragraph, brainstorming possible humorous additions to each paragraph.
Making the text humorous was a struggle, and my perception was that some of this
“humorization” may have come across as forced. (People who read the text prior to the
pilot study conﬁrmed this perception; however, the text was not changed signiﬁcantly at
that time, since these readers conﬁrmed my subjective belief that the humorous version
was more humorous than the nonhumorous version.)

In addition, the text for the reading on meaningfulness went into considerably
more depth on a rather narrow issue, while the experimental ideas reading covered a
fairly broad area in less depth. The meaningfulness chapter may therefore have provided
a heavier cognitive burden on the subjects and made it more difﬁcult for them to
remember without more concentrated study of the material. Average test scores for
subjects reﬂect this difﬁculty: subjects scored an average of 56 percent on the test for
experimental ideas immediately after reading, and 30 percent on the meaningfulness
chapter. Subjects scored 39 percent on the test of experimental ideas after one week, vs.

23 percent for the chapter on meaningfulness.

41

The reading on experimental ideas also contained humorous drawings that were
not reproduced in equivalent form in the nonhumorous text. I do not have any feel for
how these illustrations may have affected student learning. For the dissertation research, I
will remove all illustrations so all effects of humor come from the text and not from
illustrations.

Summary

In summary, there appeared to be several relatively positive beneﬁts Of humorous
text compared to text written in an infomtal, conversation style: greater recall in the
delayed condition, greater perception of personal relevance, and increased student
interest. Although not all of these ﬁndings were statistically signiﬁcant, these tendencies
in such a small sample size made me believe this was a study worth pursuing. I have
listed the major and minor research questions and related research questions for the
dissertation study on the following pages.

Major Research Questions

The major research questions reﬂect what I believe to be signiﬁcant effects of
instruction: learning, interest in the topic, and enjoyment of the instruction. Figure 3-1
shows a model of the hypothesized relationships among the main variables.

1. Do learners recall more facts and recognize more concepts from a humorous
version than from a nonhumorous version of text immediately after reading?

la. How does humor’s proximity to tested items relate to subject recall and

recognition ofthat information?

42

 

interest

 

 

 

 

humor learning

 

 

 

enjoyment

 

Figure 3-1. Hypothesized effects of humor in instructional

Do learners recall more facts and recognize more concepts from a humorous

version than from a nonhumorous version of text two weeks after reading?

2a. How does humor’s proximity to tested items relate to subject recall and
recognition of that information?

Do learners report greater enjoyment of the humorous version than the

nonhumorous version?

Do learners express greater post-reading interest in the topic presented in the

humorous version than in the topic presented nonhumorously?

43

Minor Research Questions
The minor research questions explore the mechanisms by which humor affects

learning. Figure 3-2 shows the model with the secondary variables included.

 

 

attention H——-> relevance

 

 

 

 

 

interest

 

 

 

humor ' learning

 

 

 

 

 

 

enjoyment

 

 

 

Figure 3-2. Hypothesized effects of humor in instructional text on both primary (i.e., learning,
interest, and enjoyment) and secondary (i.e., attention and relevance) variables

1. Which version will subjects report held their attention better?
2. Do subjects perceive humorous material to be more personally relevant than

nonhumorous material?

3. Is interest related to enjoyment?

4. Is interest related to self-reported attention?

5. Is perceived relevance related to self-reported attention?

6. Is relevance related to interest?

7. Is self-reported interest correlated with subjects’ scores on the quizzes?
8. Is enjoyment related to learning?

9. Is self-reported attention related to learning?

10. Is perceived relevance related to learning?

44

Related Research Questions

The related research questions are not illustrated in the model (i.e., Figure 3-2) but
are related to learner reactions to the use of humor in instructional text, and to other
potential effects of humor.
1. Do subjects perceive humorous material to be more informative than

nonhumorous material?
2. How do subjects feel humor affects the information presented (e.g., does humor

support or detract from the information)?
3. Do subjects believe they learn more from humorous materials than from

nonhumorous materials?
4. Do subjects spend more or less time reading humorous materials?

Model

Figure 3-3 shows the hypothesized relationships among the variables. Solid lines
indicate relationships that are supported by the literature. Dotted lines indicate possible
relationships (either suggested but not directly supported by the literature, and/or
suggested by the pilot study). Major and minor research questions are indicated by the
letters M and m, respectively, along with the number of the question. For example, the
dotted line connecting humor to learning is a hypothesized relationship, and tests major

questions 1 and 2.

45

 

 

 

 

 

attention ﬂ—m5—h relevance |

 

 

Ieaming

 

 

 

 

 

 

enjoyment /

 

 

Figure 3-3. Hypothesized relationships among variables, with major and minor research questior
indicated

Of my three outcome variables (i.e., learning, interest, and enjoyment), only
learning appears as an endpoint in the model. Although I am interested in humor’s effects
on learner interest and enjoyment, I also hypothesize that these variables are mediating
variables that will affect learning. These three variables appear in boxes with a thicker
outline.

The ﬁgure is not a comprehensive model of all the variables that may inﬂuence
humor’s effect on learning. For example, humor may affect the amount of effort readers
are willing to expend, and it may enable learners to better tap into their prior knowledge
of a topic by increasing positive affect (Alexander, Kulikowich, and Jetton, 1994).
However, I felt that adding additional variables to the model would substantially increase
the complexity of the study, without contributing enough to the ﬁeld’s understanding of

humor’s effect on my three main variables to justify their inclusion.

46

Dissertation Study
Subjects

I was able to gain access to the following courses in order to recruit subjects for
my research:

0 TE150, Reﬂections on Learning, an introductory course in the department

of teacher education.

0 CEP260, Dynamics of Personal Adjustment

0 CEP 261, Substance Abuse

0 PSY255, Industrial/Organizational Psychology
I arranged to recruit subjects during either the ﬁrst or last ﬁve minutes of class, as
arranged with the instructors in advance. During this time, I gave a brief description of
the study and handed out additional information about the study and a list of available
times. I also informed students that the study was not limited to education majors or to
students in education courses (or, in the case of the psychology course, to majors or
students in psychology), and invited them to sign up with friends or roommates. By
recruiting in this manner, I hoped to attract a more diverse subject pool than I would have
gotten had only education students enrolled in these courses participated.

A power analysis indicated that I would need a subject pool of approximately 80
subjects, assuming (1 = .05, B = .7, and an effect size ofone-quarter (i.e., .25) ofa
standard deviation. This effect size is considered small according to Cohen (1992).

All subjects were required to be native English speakers, since the informal
writing style or use of humor could be confounded by cultural variables in which it may

be considered inappropriate to address the learner directly or in which the use of multiple

47

meanings of words may be lost, as might occur in a play on words. Subjects who
participated in the pilot study were not allowed to participate in the dissertation study.

A total of 133 subjects started participation in the study, and 126 completed the
study. One subject was dropped from the study because she discussed answers to the
delayed quiz with another subject (this second subject was dropped for other reasons). Of
subjects who completed the study, 21 subjects were dropped from the analyses because
they did not ﬁnd the chapter that was intended to be humorous as more humorous. This
criteria for dropping subjects was decided before data collection began. I considered
alternatives, such as analyzing subjects according to the chapter they found more
humorous rather than the chapter that was intended to be humorous; however, while
humor in text can be manipulated, subjects’ perceptions of that humor cannot be. I also
considered analyzing subjects according to which chapter was intended to be humorous,
regardless of which chapter they found more humorous; however, I decided to conduct
this study under conditions as close to ideal as possible, speciﬁcally, with subjects who
perceived the humor as it was intended to be perceived. Once the effects of humor on this
“ideal” group are determined, 1 can begin to look more at individual differences in
subjects’ perceptions of humor and the effects of those differences on the outcome
variables.

This left me with usable data from 104 subjects. Of these 104 subjects, 103 were
between the ages of 18 and 24, 100 had been students continuously since graduating from
high school, 103 were undergraduates, and 41 were education majors. Fifty-three of the
subjects read the humorous version of the experimental ideas chapter and the

nonhumorous version of the scientiﬁc fairness chapter. The remaining 51 subjects read

48

the humorous version of the scientiﬁc fairness chapter and the nonhumorous
experimental ideas chapter.

I conducted this study in accordance with policies of the University Committee
for Research Involving Human Subjects (UCRIHS). Subjects provided informed consent
prior to participating in the study and were debriefed after completion of the study.

Materials

My original plan was to present all chapters (i.e., readings) via paper and all
quizzes and questionnaires via computer. However, Murphy’s Law was in full force: the
software I selected to present the quizzes was unable to support such a large project (i.e.,
176 questions with 16 branching options). As I was attempting to get the computer
program to work, I pursued an alternative means of presenting this information via
computer (i.e., hiring a web programmer to develop a program to present the questions
and collect the data), which also failed to work out. Given these roadblocks, I resorted to
the computer-age equivalent of stone knives and bearskins (also known as “paper and
pencil”) to collect the data.

Instructional Modules

The instructional modules provided a means for manipulating the independent
variable, humor. In order to separate the effect of humor from the effect of an informal,
conversational tone of voice, I developed two sets of instructional materials—a humorous
version and a nonhumorous version for each of two topics—in order to provide the
counterbalancing described in the section on research design (see page 50). Readings
were drawn from David W. Martin’s Doing Psychology Experiments, speciﬁcally, the

chapters titled “How to Get an Experimental Idea” and “How to Be Fair With Science.” I

49

received permission from Dr. Martin and from the publisher to use these sections of the
book.

The experimental ideas chapter was already humorous, and few modiﬁcations
were required to prepare the humorous version for the pilot study. (See Appendix A for
humorous [version F] and nonhumorous [version C] versions of this reading.) For the
nonhumorous version of this chapter, the humor was removed and, where possible,
replaced with nonhumorous infomration. The author’s informal, conversational tone was
retained in the nonhumorous version.

The scientiﬁc fairness chapter was written in an informal, fairly conversational
tone. The text itself did not contain much humor, so with the help of others, I added
humor to the chapter (see Appendix B for humorous and nonhumorous versions).

I attempted to keep the humorous and nonhumorous versions of each topic the
same length by having humorous material correspond with nonhumorous material;
however, I was not always be able to ﬁnd appropriate replacement material for the
nonhumorous versions. Because of this, the humorous versions were approximately 10
percent longer than the nonhumorous versions. The humorous version of the
experimental ideas chapter was approximately seven pages of 10-point type presented in
two columns. The humorous chapter on being fair with science was slightly over eight
pages.

Quizzes

The quizzes were developed to answer the question: Do learners learn more from

humorous versions of text? I created one set of short-answer questions and two sets of

multiple-choice questions for each topic. I developed questions that:

50

0 represented what I would want students to know about the ideas presented
in the chapter,

0 asked about information that was likely to be remembered by readers,

0 were not too difﬁcult (i.e., they did not require a memory for trivial
details),

0 were not too easy (i.e., they could not be answered by simply reading the
headings), and

o addressed the main ideas.

I used the same short-answer questions for both immediate and delayed recall,
since these questions focused predominantly on facts. Also, since short answer questions
are uncued, there was little likelihood that subjects would recall the answers they
provided in the immediate recall condition when they completed them again for the
delayed recall condition.

Because it seemed that there was greater likelihood of subjects remembering their
answers to the multiple-choice questions, my original plan was to use two sets of
multiple-choice questions for each chapter, and randomly assign subjects to one of the
versions for the immediate recognition condition and to the other version for the delayed
condition. I developed several fact questions, which were randomly assigned to the two
versions. I also developed matched questions about concepts covered in the chapters.
These questions were then randomly assigned to the two versions, with one question of
each pair assigned to each version.

I ran reliability analyses on these instruments after collecting data from 25

subjects. Despite random assignment of the questions to the two versions of the quizzes,

51

for both topics one version of the quiz was highly reliable (coefﬁcient or = .72 and .63 for
version B of experimental ideas and version A of scientiﬁc fairness, respectively) and the
second version was a dud (coefﬁcient or = -.41 and .33 for version A of experimental
ideas and version B of scientiﬁc fairness, respectively). Items with a corrected item total
correlation less than .30 were dropped from the quizzes, and remaining items were
aggregated into a single quiz for each topic. (See Appendix C for quiz questions and
answers for both chapters.) Although it was possible that subjects would remember the
questions and their answers from the immediate tests of recall when they were given the
delayed test, my committee and I decided that this was far preferable to continuing to use
instruments that lacked reliability.
Questionnaires

The questionnaires were designed to provide answers to the questions regarding
whether students ﬁnd humorous text more interesting and enjoyable than nonhumorous
text (research questions M3 and M4). Even if I were to ﬁnd no effect of humor on
learning, I might have found that humorous text was more interesting and enjoyable for
students.

I developed questionnaires for the pilot test to gather information on the
following:

1. subject demographics, including year in college, age, major, and number

of years since high school graduation that the subject was not enrolled in
courses, in order to determine the diversity of my subject pool. I also

asked subjects if they were born and raised in the United States, since

52

cultural factors may inﬂuence perception of humor, particularly its
appropriateness in instructional text.

2. initial reactions to the topics regarding how relevant and interesting
subjects found each topic. These questions were intended to help me
determine humor’s effect on perceived relevance and on subject interest in
the topic.

3. input on the presentation of the materials, including a rating of the
humorousness of each chapter.

In the pilot study, the questionnaires asking for subjects’ initial reactions to the
topics and to the presentation of the material included only a single item for each
construct (attention, relevance, etc.). In order to be able to determine reliability for these
constructs, I had to create at least three items for each construct. I used the items from the
pilot study as a base (e.g., “I am interested in this topic”), and then wrote additional items
using synonyms or similar wording (e.g., “I expect this chapter to be interesting”) or by
using antonyms and reversing the scale (e.g., “I expect this topic to be boring”).
Reliability analyses for each scale are reported in chapter 4.

Research Design
Subjects read the humorous version of one tOpic and the nonhumorous version of

the other topic. Two combinations and four permutations of materials were possible:

0 humorous experimental ideas/nonhumorous fairness,
0 humorous fairness/nonhumorous experimental ideas,
0 nonhumorous experimental ideas/humorous fairness, and
o nonhumorous faimess/humorous experimental ideas.

53

The order of presentation of these chapters to subjects was randomized.

The design was a within-subjects design, with each subject participating in both
experimental and control conditions. This design allowed subjects to compare the
humorous and nonhumorous materials on such aspects as which reading they found more
enjoyable and which they would select for leisure reading. Although this design
introduced the possibility of an interaction (i.e., content x humor), this problem did not
arise in the pilot study. (An interaction would be a problem because it would leave me
unable to interpret main effects, such as an overall effect for humor.) Assuming no
interactions, this design would allow me to collapse the data across subjects and compare
the effects of humorous materials to those of nonhumorous materials in the statistical
analysis.

This design raised the possibility of contamination or cuing—after subjects read
one chapter and before they read the next chapter, they were asked questions about how
humorous they found the chapter. These questions may have cued subjects that humor
was one of the variables being studied. However, with the counterbalanced design, I
expected this cuing to affect all groups equally. I felt that the enhanced power provided
by a within-subj ects design outweighed the potential negative effects of cuing.

Procedures

I developed the materials so subjects could read all text and answer all questions
within about two hours. Two hours was chosen as a limit because 1) I did not think it was
reasonable to expect subjects to be able to concentrate for a period longer than that, 2)
two hours allowed me to present a reasonable amount of material, and 3) two hours
seemed like a fair amount of time for subjects to spend for the compensation I was able to

offer.

54

I recorded the time it took each subject to read each chapter. This enabled me to
determine reading speed for humorous and nonhumorous materials and determine if
students spent more or less time reading humorous materials. Since Lorch, Lorch, and
Klusewitz (1993) found that college students reported reading academic material more
slowly than leisure material, I expected a comparison of the time it took subjects to read
the humorous and nonhumorous chapters to provide an indication of whether the
humorous text tapped into aspects of leisure reading.

I conducted the study in conference rooms and classrooms on campus. Subjects
participated in the study in groups of up to 12, but subjects worked independently.
Although conducting the study with different numbers of subjects in each group
introduced an additional element of variability, I was forced to work within the
constraints of the system. Despite my attempts to schedule subjects in groups of eight,
some time periods were much more convenient to subjects and, where possible, I
accommodated additional students at these times. Since subjects were randomly assigned
to the four conditions, I expected that any effects of the number of participants at a single
time would affect all groups equally.

Materials and questionnaires were presented via paper to subjects sequentially in

the following order:

1) consent form,

2) questionnaire on demographics and initial reactions to topics,

3) one chapter,

4) questionnaire on presentation,

5) questionnaire on use of humor if chapter presented was humorous (no

questionnaire speciﬁc to the nonhumorous version was presented),

6) short—answer quiz,

55

7) multiple-choice quiz,

8) another chapter,

9) questionnaire on presentation,

10) questionnaire on use of humor if chapter presented was humorous,

l l) short-answer quiz,

l2) multiple-choice quiz, and

13) questionnaire on a comparison of the two topics.

Approximately 10 days after the ﬁrst session, I sent subjects an e-mail telling
them that I would be sending the session 2 questions via e-mail and giving them the
option of returning to the study site to complete session 2 in person. Two weeks after the
ﬁrst session, I sent subjects the session 2 questions via e-mail. The purpose of this second
quiz was to explore delayed recall and long-term retention of ideas in the materials.
Although Kaplan and Pascoe (1977) found signiﬁcant differences between humorous and
nonhumorous conditions six weeks after presentation, I chose a delay period of two
weeks for two reasons: 1) in my pilot study, differences between humorous and
nonhumorous groups approached signiﬁcance using a delay period of one week, and 2) I
anticipated that a six-week delay period would prove unwieldy—such a delay would
likely put the delayed recall period into or after exam week for some students, and
students might even forget that they had agreed to take part in a study. Unfortunately, a
savvy test-taker could determine the answers to some of the short-answer questions from
the multiple-choice questions. For this reason, the short-answer items were sent ﬁrst and
in a separate e—mail than the multiple-choice items, and I requested that subjects complete
the short-answer items before opening the e-mail with the multiple-choice questions.

Subjects received $25 for participating in this study, with $10 paid in cash after

the ﬁrst session and $15 paid after completion of the delayed recall quiz. Subjects who

56

participated in session 2 in person were paid in cash; subjects who completed session 2
via e-mail were paid by check. This amount of compensation averages out to about $10

an hour, which was comparable with subject compensation in other research projects.

57

CHAPTER 4: DATA ANALYSIS
Scale Reliability

This research used 11 subscales to determine subject attributes on the following
dimensions: pre-reading interest, pre-reading perceived relevance, perceived
informativeness of chapters, attention, personal interest, situational interest, perceived use
of humor in the chapters, post-reading perceived relevance, enjoyment, self-perceptions
of learning, and perceptions of the humor as supportive of text. Each subscale contains
three or four items, as shown in Table 4-1. Subjects rated each item on a ﬁve-point Likert
scale, with 5 indicating strong agreement and 1 indicating strong disagreement. Items
were scaled so a high number (i.e., 5) indicated more of the attribute being measured and
a low number (i.e., 1) indicated less of the attribute. Items that were reverse-scaled (so
that a high number indicates more of the attribute) are indicated with “(R).”

Scale items for enjoyment and situational interest were modiﬁed from the
Intrinsic Motivation Inventory for text material (Deci & Ryan, 2000). Other scales were
developed by writing items similar to those that were used in the pilot test. Although
these items had face validity, I did not determine construct validity for the items. I used
the reliability function on the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) computer
program, version 10.0, to determine the alpha reliability of each of these subscales. The
alpha reliability provides an estimate of the amount of variance observed that is
attributable to variance in the subjects’ true scores (Crocker & Algina, 1986). I tested the
reliability of each of these scales after collecting data from the ﬁrst 25 subjects to
determine if changes were needed to any of the subscale items, and again after collecting

data from all subjects. With the exception of perceived learning, no modiﬁcations were

58

needed to any of these subscales based on the ﬁrst 25 subjects. Dropping one question (“I
already knew the information in this chapter”) from the perceived learning subscale
resulted in an acceptable reliability. Table 4-1 shows the questions and the alpha
reliabilities for each subscale. In order to derive a single score for each subject on each
subscale, I averaged the ratings for each subject for the items on each scale. Alpha
reliabilities were calculated separately for the two chapters and appear in italics for the
experimental ideas chapter and in bold for the scientiﬁc fairness chapter.

Table 4-1. The eleven subscales used in this research, with the items representing those
subscales indicated below each subscale name and the alpha reliabilities for the

experimental ideas and scientiﬁc fairness chapters both for the ﬁrst 25 subjects and for all
subjects

 

Alpha Reliability

(experimental ideas,
scientiﬁc fairness)

 

 

Subscales Initial (after Final
25 subjects)

Pre-reading interest .80] 7 .8710

0 I am interested in this topic. .6473 .8478

o I expect this topic to be boring. (R)

o I expect this chapter to be interesting.

 

Pre-reading perceived relevance .8188 .8110
o This topic is relevant to me. .8295 .7845

o I expect the information in this chapter to have
some value for me.

o I expect the information in this chapter to be
beneﬁcial for me.

 

 

Perceived informativeness . 7739 . 75 73
o This chapter was informative. .6925 .5141
o This chapter had a lot of information.

o This chapter conveyed very little information
relative to the amount of text. (R)

 

 

 

59

 

Table 4-1 (cont’d).

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Attention .9350 .8714
o I found it difﬁcult to pay attention to the .9593 .8956
material in this chapter as I read it. (R)
o This text held my attention.
0 It was easy for me to concentrate on this chapter.
Individual (personal) interest . 7356 .9125
o I would like to read more about this topic. .9262 .9245
0 Now I am interested in this topic after reading
this text.
0 I would like to know more about this tOpic.
Situational interest .8239 .9015
o This chapter was boring. (R) .8786 .9028
o This chapter was interesting.
0 I would describe this material as interesting.
Perceived use of humor in the chapters .941 7 .9259
0 This chapter was humorous. .9626 .9365
o I think the writer of this chapter has a good
sense of humor.
0 I thought this chapter was funny.
Post-reading perceived relevance .7889 .84 71
o This topic was relevant to me. .8537 .8711
o The information in this chapter will be beneﬁcial
to me.
o The information in this chapter has some value
to me.
Enjoyment .9085 .9225
o I enjoyed reading this chapter. .9339 .9292

o I liked reading this chapter.

0 This chapter was fun to read.

 

 

 

60

 

Table 4-1 (cont’d).

 

Self-perceptions of learning .7031 .6523
0 I already knew the information in this chapter. .7928I .7791
(R)

0 This chapter was written in a way that made it
easy for me to learn.

0 I found it difﬁcult to learn from this chapter. (R)

o I learned a substantial amount from this text.

 

 

Humor supportive of text (humorous chapter only) .7492 .8364

0 The humor in this text supports the information .9034 .8424
it’s trying to convey.

o The humor in this piece detracts from the
information it’s trying to convey. (R)

o I would have found this piece more instructional
if it had not used humor. (R)

o I would have learned more if this text had not
attempted to be humorous. (R)

 

 

 

I determined actual learning (as compared to perceived learning) through a
composite score of recall (i.e., open-ended) and recognition (i.e., multiple-choice) items
for each subject for each reading for both immediate and delayed recall. In other words,
there were four learning measures for each subject:

«- immediate measures of learning of ideas in the experimental ideas chapter
0 delayed measures of learning of ideas in the experimental ideas chapter
0 immediate measures of learning of ideas in the scientiﬁc fairness chapter

0 delayed measures of learning of ideas in the scientiﬁc fairness chapter

 

1 Initial reliability for this scale was .5255 and .6809 for experimental ideas and scientiﬁc fairness,
respectively. With one item deleted from the scale, reliability was .7031 and .7928 for
experimental ideas and scientific fairness, respectively.

61

 

A Note on the Analyses

I had designed this study so that subjects would serve as their own controls by
reading the humorous version of one topic and the nonhumorous version of the other
topic. My intention was to collapse the data across the topics so I could look at the effects
of humorous text vs. nonhumorous text on the dependent variables (e.g., personal and
situational interest, enjoyment, attention, perceived relevance). However, as I started to
examine the data, it appeared that there were differences in subjects’ perceptions of the
two topics. I decided to examine the quantitative data ﬁrst as two separate studies to
determine if there were differences between the two topics, and if not, collapse across the
topics. I found that the subjects’ reactions to the variables listed above differed sharply
between the two topics, which meant I could not collapse the topics. Rather than
analyzing this as a lOO-subject, within-subjects experiment, I analyzed it as two 50-
subject between-subjects experiments.

Although I had hypothesized that humor would result in increases in the
dependent variables, I felt it would be irresponsible of me as a researcher to fail to
consider the possibility that humor may have detrimental effects on these variables. For
this reason, I conducted all analyses as two-tailed tests rather than one-tailed tests in
order to be able to determine signiﬁcant adverse effects of humor, in addition to
signiﬁcant positive effects.

Analysis of the data in this study involved running multiple analyses. This large
number of statistical analyses increased the possibility of type I errors (since
approximately one in 20 analyses will result in a statistically signiﬁcant result due to

chance). In order to reduce the likelihood of type I errors, I used a Bonfcronni correction,

62

which involved dividing the alpha level by the number of null hypotheses that could be
considered to be in the same “family,” or measuring similar ideas. For example, for major
research question 1a (i.e., How does humor’s proximity to tested items relate to subject
recall and recognition of that information?), there are ﬁve independent variables for the
learning dependent variable, so each null hypothesis was tested at a/5=.01.

In addition to providing the value of the statistics below (e.g., the t value for t-
tests and the r value for correlations), I have provided the signiﬁcance level (p),and the
effect size. For the t-tests, the effect size is noted as y and was calculated as the mean
divided by the standard deviation. The 7 value corresponds with the following effect
sizes: small, y=.20; medium, y=.50; and large, y=.80 (Welkowitz, Ewen, & Cohen, 2000).
For the correlations, the effect size is noted as r2, and was calculated by squaring the r
value. R2 corresponds to the following effect sizes: small, r2=.01; medium, r2=.09; and
large, r2=.25 (Cohen, 1992).

Descriptive Statistics of Scales

Tables 4-2 and 4-3 show the mean, standard deviation, possible range, and actual
range for each of the scales used in these analyses, for the knowledge quizzes, and for the
reading time per page.

Table 4-2. Means, standard deviations, and ranges for experimental ideas scales,
includig both humorous (H) and nonhumorous (NH) versions

 

 

 

 

Experimental Ideas Scales Version Mean Standard Possible Actual
Deviation Range Range
Pre—reading interest H 3.44 .67 1-5 2-5
NH 3.63 .70 l -5
Pre-reading relevance H 3.45 .69 1-5 2-5
NH 3.68 .66 2-5

 

 

 

 

 

 

63

 

Table 4-2 (cont’d).

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Reading time per page H 3.18 .56 1.48-4
NH 2.90 .55 1.77-2.58
Informative H 3.94 .54 167-5
NH 3.90 .50 1’5 2335
Attention H 3.94 .58 233—5
NH 3.64 .77 1'5 2-5
Personal interest H 3.25 .81 2-5
NH 3.23 .86 1'5 1.33-5
Situational Interest H 3.90 .57 2-5
NH 3.59 .81 1'5 1.33—5
Relevance H 3.42 .64 2-5
NH 3.58 .74 1'5 35
Perceived Learning H 3.97 .44 15 267-5
NH 3.82 .59 2.33-5
Enjoyment H 3.74 .68 1_5 2—5
NH 3.37 .85 1-5
Total Score—Immediate H 16.22 4.49 0-28 25-235
NH 14.18 3.48 75-21
Total Score—Delayed H 1 1.53 3.84 0-28 3-19.5
NH 10.80 3.10 3.5-14.5
Humor Supportive of Text H 3.08 .59 l-5 2-5

 

 

 

 

 

 

Table 4-3. Means, standard deviations, and ranges for scientiﬁc fairness scales, including

both humorous (H) and nonhumorous (NH) versions

 

 

 

 

 

Scientiﬁc Fairness Scales version Mean Standard Possible Actual
Deviation Range Range
Pre-reading Interest H 3 .44 .75 1-5 1-5
NH 3.39 .67 2-4.33
Pre-rcading Relevance H 3.64 .74 1-5 2-5
NH 3.62 .52 2.33-4.67
Reading time per page in H 3.53 .65 255-57
minmes NH 3.41 .69 2.3-5.54

 

 

 

 

 

 

64

 

 

Table 4-3 (cont’d).

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Informative H 3.84 .54 2.33-4.67
NH 3.94 .54 1‘5 1.67-5
Attention H 3.12 .88 133-5
NH 3.94 .58 15 2335
Personal Interest H 2.72 .85 133-5
NH 3.25 .81 1’5 2-5
Situational Interest H 3.26 .90 1-5 1-4.67
NH 3.90 .57 2-5
Relevance H 3.21 .82 1-5 2-5
NH 3.42 .64 2-5
Perceived Learning H 3.55 .81 1-5 1.33-5
NH 3.97 .44 267-5
Enjoyment H 3.14 .91 1-5 1.33-5
NH 3.74 .68 2-5
Total Score—Immediate H 19.86 6.65 0-40 7-33 .5
NH 19.87 7.88 3.5-36.5
Total Score—Delayed H 17.68 6.19 0-40 7-30.5
NH 18.04 6.08 6-29.5
Humor Supportive of Text H 3.76 .73 1-5 1.5-5

 

 

Major Research Questions
My research question was: Does humor in instructional text affect learning,
interest, and enjoyment? My major research questions address humor’s effect on each of
these three variables (i.e., learning, interest, and enjoyment). Table 4-4 summarizes the
results of the major research questions. Brieﬂy, humor had differential effects on

leaming, interest, and enjoyment depending on the topic.

65

Table 4-4. Summary of the statistical analyses of major research questions for each of the
chapters

 

 

 

 

 

 

Research Question Experimental Ideas Scientiﬁc Fairness
M1. Does humor affect learning Yes—increase No
(immediate)?
M2. Does humor affect learning No No
(delayed)?
M3. Does humor affect enjoyment? Yes—increase Yes—increase
M4. Does humor affect interest? Yes—increase Yes—mincrease
(situational int.) (situational int.)
No (personal int.) No (personal int.)

 

 

 

Effect of Humor on Learning (Immediate)

My ﬁrst major question was: Do learners recall more facts and recognize more
concepts from the humorous version than from the nonhumorous version immediately
after reading? Learning was measured by open-ended and multiple-choice tests. As stated
in chapter 3, only those students who perceived the humor as intended (i.e., who
responded that they found the humorous version to be more humorous than the
nonhumorous version) were considered in the analysis. Learners recalled signiﬁcantly
more information from the humorous version of the experimental ideas chapter than from
the nonhumorous version, and the effect size was moderate (t(90)=2.442, p=.017, y=.51).
However, there was no signiﬁcant difference in recall of the different versions of the
scientiﬁc fairness chapter (t(102)=.004, p=.997, y=.00).

A related question was: How does humor’s proximity to tested items relate to
subject recall and recognition of that information? For this analysis, speciﬁc instances of
humor had to be identiﬁed and related to the questions in the quizzes. Each of the
readings was rated by two people for the humor; like the subjects, each rater read the

humorous version of one chapter and the nonhumorous version of the other chapter.

66

 

Raters were two women and two men; one man and one woman had bachelor’s degrees,
and one man and one woman had bachelor’s degrees in progress. Raters were each given
the humorous version of one topic and the nonhumorous version of the other topic, and
asked to underline passages that they perceived had at least attempted humor. Raters
wrote a number next to each passage they underlined: a three if they found the passage
very humorous, a two if they found it humorous, and a 1 if they recognized that an
attempt had been made at humor, but unsuccessfully. Since what people ﬁnd funny varies
from person to person, I wasn’t surprised that ratings of humor differed between the two
raters of each chapter. In order to relate the quiz questions to the chapters, I examined
those questions (or speciﬁc answers to open-ended questions) that could be linked to
passages that were 1) rated as humorous by both of the raters who read the humorous
chapter and 2) not rated as either humorous or attempts at humor by either of the raters
who read the nonhumorous versions. I also examined questions/answers for passages that
were rated humorous by all raters (regardless of humorous or nonhumorous version) or
that were rated nonhumorous by all raters in order to determine if answers to speciﬁc
questions were affected by overall humor in the text, rather than just speciﬁc instances of
humor related to ideas in the text. Table 4-5 shows the questions and/or answers that
fulﬁlled these criteria and were therefore compared for readers of the humorous and

nonhumorous versions:

67

Table 4-5. Questions and answers related to text ideas that had clear ratings of use of

humor by raters

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Question Answers Average Rating Average Rating
of Related of Nonhumorous
Humorous Text Text
Martin listed nine Belief that you have to 2 0
reasons why students be a genius
have trouble coming Belief that ideas must 0 0
up With experimental be com letel ori inal
ideas. What are they? p y g
Fear of using apparatus 2.5 0
Belief that ideas must 3 3+
sound scientiﬁc
What is vicarious Getting ideas by 0 0
observation? reading other
researchers’ work

 

 

 

 

There was no signiﬁcant difference in recall of either “geniuses” or “apparatus”
(i.e., those answers that were related to humorous material in the humorous version only)
between readers of the humorous and nonhumorous versions (t(102)=-.94, p=.35, y=-.20
and t(102)=1 .16, p=.25, y=.22, respectively). There was no signiﬁcant difference in recall
of either “original ideas” or the deﬁnition of vicarious observation (i.e., those answers
that were related to nonhumorous material in both version of the text) between readers of
the humorous and nonhumorous versions (t(102)=.55, p=.58, y=.10 and t(102)=1.81,
p=.07, y=.36, respectively). However, there was a signiﬁcant difference between the two
groups on recall of “sounding scientiﬁc,” which was related to humorous text in both
versions of the chapter (t(102)=3.32, p=.001, y=.69); readers of the humorous version

were signiﬁcantly more likely to list “sounding scientiﬁc” as one of their answers.

 

* Two sentences were removed from this passage of the humorous version in the development of
the nonhumorous version. These two sentences were rated as very humorous by both raters of the
humorous version. However, the remainder of this passage, which was not rated as either
humorous or as an attempt at humor by the raters of the humorous version, was rated as very
humorous by both of the raters of the nonhumorous passage.

68

 

There was not clear agreement among the raters regarding use of humor in the
scientiﬁc fairness chapter: in many cases, only one rater of the humorous version would
perceived humor, while the other would perceive either an attempt at humor or no humor
at all. Alternatively, raters of the humorous version would agree on the humor, but one or
both of the raters of the nonhumorous version would detect humor in the equivalent
passage in the nonhumorous version. For this reason, no analyses of individual
questions/answers were performed for the scientiﬁc fairness chapter. Despite the
disagreement between raters on the particulars of humor in this chapter, raters of the
humorous version identiﬁed an average of 11 instances of humor, while raters of the
nonhumorous version identiﬁed an average of three instances. Accordingly, the majority
of subjects rated the humorous version of the scientiﬁc fairness chapter as more
humorous than the nonhumorous experimental ideas chapter.

Effect of Humor on Learning (Delayed)

The second major question had to do with delayed indications of learning: Do
learners recall more facts and recognize more concepts from the humorous version than
from the nonhumorous version two weeks after reading? As with immediate learning,
delayed learning was measured by Open-ended and multiple-choice tests. There was no
signiﬁcant effect of humor on delayed learning for either of the two topics (experimental
ideas: t(102)=1.055, p=.294, y=.21; scientiﬁc fairness: t(102)=.300, p=.765, y=.06).

Again, a related question regarding humor and delayed recall was: How does
humor’s proximity to tested items relate to subject recall and recognition of that
information? I performed the same comparisons for the delayed recall as for the

immediate recall, with similar results. There was no signiﬁcant difference in recall of

69

either “geniuses” or “apparatus” (i.e., those answers that were related to humorous
material in the humorous version only) between readers of the humorous and
nonhumorous versions (t(102)=-1.56, p=.12, y=-.30 and t(102)=l .76, p=.08, y=.34,
respectively). There was no signiﬁcant difference in recall of either “original ideas” or
the deﬁnition of vicarious observation (i.e., those answers that were related to
nonhumorous material in both version of the text) between readers of the humorous and
nonhumorous versions (t(102)=.38, p=.7l, y=.08 and t(102)=-.76, p=.45, y=-.15,
respectively). Although there was a signiﬁcant difference between the two groups on
recall of “sounding scientiﬁc” for immediate recall, with the Bonfcronni correction, there
was not a signiﬁcant difference between readers of the humorous and nonhumorous
version on delayed recall ofthis item (t(102)=2.39, p=.02, y=.47).
Effect of Humor on Enjoyment

The third major question was: Do learners report greater enjoyment of the
humorous version than the nonhumorous version? Enjoyment was measured as a
composite (i.e., arithmetic average) of three Likert scale items (see Table 4-1). Subjects
reported signiﬁcantly greater enjoyment of the humorous version of both the
experimental ideas chapter (t(96)=2.440, p=.017, y=.48) and the scientiﬁc fairness
chapter (t(93)=2.839, p=.006, y=.56). Effect sizes were moderate.

Eﬂect of Humor on Interest

The ﬁnal major question was: Do learners express greater post-reading interest in
the topic presented humorously than in the topic presented nonhumorously? Like
enjoyment, both personal and situational interest were determined by averaging the

ratings of subjects on three Likert-scale items. The humorous chapter was associated with

70

signiﬁcantly greater situational interest for both chapters, with moderate effect sizes
(experimental ideas: t(88)=2.217, p=.029, y=.44; scientiﬁc fairness: t(102)=2.036,
p=.044, y=.40). In contrast, humor had no effect on personal interest for either chapter
(experimental ideas: t(101)=.l49, p=.882, y=.02; scientiﬁc fairness: t(102)=1.313,
p=.191, y=.26).
Minor Research Questions

The minor research questions explore the mechanisms by which humor affects
learning through the mediating variables, and the intercorrelations among these variables.
As with the major questions, I found differences in subjects’ responses depending on the
topic.

Effect of Humor on Other Mediating Variables

I explored two additional variables, attention and perceived relevance, as potential

mediating variables between humor and learning. Table 4-6 summarizes the results.

Table 4-6. Summary of the statistical analyses of major research questions for each of the
chapters

 

 

 

 

Research Question Experimental Ideas Scientiﬁc Faimess

ml. Does humor affect attention? Yes—increase No

m2. Does humor affect perceived No No
relevance?

 

 

 

Effect of Humor on Perceived Attention

Attention was determined by averaging subjects’ responses to three Likert-scale
items (see Table 4-1). Subjects reported that the humorous version of the experimental
ideas chapter held their attention better than the nonhumorous version (t(93)=2.23 8,
p=.028, y=.44). When the p value was rounded to two digits, the difference in reported

attention between the humorous and nonhumorous versions of the scientiﬁc fairness

71

 

chapter was also statistically signiﬁcant, with a low to moderate effect size
(t(102)=1.965, p=.052, y=.38).
Effect of Humor on Perceived Personal Relevance
Relevance was determined by averaging subjects’ responses to three Likert-scale
items (see Table 4-1). Subjects did not ﬁnd the humorous version to be more relevant
than the nonhumorous version of either the experimental ideas chapter (t(102)=1 .184,
p=.239, y=.23)or the scientiﬁc fairness chapter (t(102)=l .031, p=.305, y=.20).
Relationships Among Mediating Variables
I made several hypotheses and provided theoretical support regarding certain
re 1 ationships among the mediating variables—that is, relevance, attention, situational and
p ersonal interest, and enjoyment. Table 4-7 shows my ﬁndings regarding the

hypothesized relationships.

Table 4-7. Summary of the statistical analyses of major research questions for each of the
c h apters

 

 

 

 

 

 

Re search Question Experimental Ideas Scientiﬁc Fairness
m3 - Is interest related to enjoyment? Yes—positive Yes—positive
m4 - Is interest related to self-reported Yes—positive Yes—positive
attention?
m S - Is perceived relevance related to self- Yes—positive Yes—positive
reported attention?
mmlevance related to interest? Yes—positive Yes—positive

 

 

 

 

Although I did not make speciﬁc hypotheses about some of the relationships
among these variables, for the sake of completeness I have included correlations of each
0 f tl'lese variables with all of the others. A score for each of these variables was
detemined by averaging subjects’ responses to three Likert-scale items. Figures 4-1 and

4 s . . . . . .
2 Show the correlations among the medratrng variables for the experimental ideas and

72

 

.71“

 

r.29“——~ attention 4

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

snuaﬁonal
interest
v '49" .55“
relevance '69" 72“
f \.69** .86“: 1
personal
interest
V
l—.44**————ﬁ enjoyment ‘ .72**——J
Figure 4—1. Correlations among the mediating variables for the experimental
ideas chapter (“p<.01)
—.41**——} attention ‘ .81**—j
situational
interest
I .43 .64.,
relevance '79 74"
ﬁ \.60** .84“. 1
personal
interest

 

v

 

 

 

 

enjoyment K— .75“"'———T

Figure 4-2. Correlations among the mediating variables for the scientific
fairness chapter (**p<.01)

—.52**———p

 

 

 

73

scientiﬁc fairness chapters, respectively. As is noted in these ﬁgures, all of the
correlations were statistically signiﬁcant. With the exception of the relationship between
relevance and attention for the experimental ideas chapter, which was signiﬁcant at
p=.003, all of these correlations were signiﬁcant at p=.001.
Relationship Between Perceived Relevance and Attention
Perceived post-reading relevance was signiﬁcantly related to attention for both the
experimental ideas chapter (r=.29l , p=.003, r2=.085) and the scientiﬁc fairness chapter
(F.412,p<.001,r2=.170).
Relationship Between Interest and Attention
I explored this question for both types of interest (i.e., situational and personal).
Both types of interest were signiﬁcantly related to self-reported attention for both
experimental ideas (personal interest: r=.547, p<.001, r2=.299; situational interest: r=.712,
p< - OOl, r2=.507) and scientiﬁc fairness (personal interest: r=.637, p<.001, r2=.405;
s i tuational interest: r=.806, p<.001, r2=.650).
Relationship Between Relevance and Interest
Perceived post-reading relevance was signiﬁcantly related to both situational and
personal interest for both the experimental ideas (situational interest: r=.490, p<.001,
1.2:- 24; personal interest: r=.668, p<.001, r2=.45) and scientiﬁc fairness (situational
i ht erest: r=.431, p<.001, r2=.l9; personal interest: r=.604, p<.001, r2=.36) chapters.
Relationship Between Relevance and Enjoyment
Perceived post-reading relevance was positively correlated with enjoyment for

both the experimental ideas chapter (r=.442, p<.001, r2=.20) and the scientiﬁc fairness

ch apter (r=.520, p<.001, r2=.27).

74

Relationship Between Interest and Enjoyment
Both situational and personal interest were positively correlated with enjoyment
for both the experimental ideas chapter (situational interest: r=.855, p<.001, r2=.73;
personal interest: r=.719, p<.001, r2=.52) and the scientiﬁc fairness chapter (situational
interest: r=.842, p<.001, r2=.71; personal interest: r=.753, p<.001, r2=.57).
Relationship Between Attention and Enjoyment
Attention was positively correlated with enjoyment for both chapters
(experimental ideas: F690, p<.001, r2=.48; scientiﬁc fairness: r=.794, p<.001, r2=.63).
Relationships Between the Mediating Variables and Learning
I made several hypotheses and provided theoretical support for the effects of the
m ediating variables on learning. Figures 4-3 and 4-4 show the correlations between each
0 f the mediating variables on both immediate and delayed measures of learning for the
experimental ideas and scientiﬁc fairness chapters, respectively. Table 4-8 summarizes

t h 6 results.

Table 4-8. Summary of the statistical analyses of major research questions for each of the
c h ap ters
_R\esearch Question

m ‘7 - Is self-reported interest correlated No
with subjects’ scores on the quizzes?

In 8 - Is enjoyment related to learning? No
\

 

Experimental Ideas Scientiﬁc Fairness
No

 

 

No
No

 

“19 - Is self-reported attention related to No
\leaming?
m 1 0. Is perceived relevance related to

learning?

\

R e] a tionship Between Interest and Learning

 

No No

 

 

 

 

Neither situational interest nor personal interest was correlated with immediate

l e - . . . .
amlng for the experimental ideas chapter, and personal interest was not correlated With

75

 

 

relevance

 

 

/

.12

 

 

immediate
learning

 

 

 

 

 

.20

 

 

 

 

delayed
learning

 

 

 

 

/ attention

.17
suuaﬁonal

H .18 .

interest

\.03
personal
interest

.21
\ enjoyment

 

1;.

 

 

Figure 4-3. Correlations between the mediating variables and measures of
immediate and delayed learning for the experimental ideas chapter

 

 

 

 

 

immediate
learning

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

delayed
learning

 

 

 

 

/ relevance
.15
/ attention
.09
sﬁuaﬁonal
‘ '20 interest
\04
\ personal
_10 interest
\ enjoyment

 

 

 

Figure 4-4. Correlations between the mediating variables and measures of

immediate and delayed learning for the scientiﬁc fairness chapter

76

 

 

delayed learning. Although the correlation between situational interest and delayed

learning was statistically signiﬁcant (r=.202, p=.043, r2=.041), the effect size is too low

for this correlation to be considered to have any practical signiﬁcance. Table 4-9 shows

the values of these statistical analyses.

Table 4-9. Correlations between learning (both immediate and delayed) and interest (both
ersonal and situational) for the experimental ideas chapter

 

Experimental Ideas

Immediate

Delayed

 

Personal interest

r=.029, p=.785, r2=.001

r=.O98, p=.323, r2=.010

 

 

S i tuational interest

r=.175, p=.098, r2=.030

 

r=.202, p=.043, r2=.041

 

For the scientiﬁc fairness chapter, personal interest was not associated with either

i mrnediate or delayed tests of learning. Although situational interest was positively

as sociated with both immediate and delayed tests of learning, as with the experimental

i d 6215 chapter, the effect sizes are too low for these correlations to be considered of

practical signiﬁcance. Table 4-10 shows the values of these statistical analyses.

Table 4-10. Correlations between learning (both immediate and delayed) and interest
) for the scientiﬁc fairness cha ter

( b 0 th personal and situational

 

S c i entiﬁc Fairness

Immediate

Delayed

 

 

P ersonal interest
_\

r=.042, p=.675, r2=.002

r=.115, p=.245, r2=.013

 

wtional interest

r=.200, p=.042, r2=.040

 

 

r=.221, p=.024, r2=.049

 

R elationship Between Enjoyment and Learning

Enjoyment was signiﬁcantly related to both immediate and delayed learning for

t h 6: experimental ideas chapter; however, effect sizes were too low for these correlations

to be considered of any practical signiﬁcance. There was no signiﬁcant relationship

betVveen enjoyment and learning for the scientiﬁc fairness chapter. Table 4-11 shows the

v - -
alues of these statistical analyses.

77

 

 

Table 4-11. Correlations between learning (both immediate and delayed) and enjoyment
for the experimental ideas and scientiﬁc fairness chapters

 

 

 

 

 

 

j Chapter Immediate Delayed
[Experimental Ideas r=.210, p=.043, r2=.044 r=.231, p=.019, r2=.053
Scientiﬁc Fairness r=.106, p=.348, r2=.011 r=.093, p=.348, r2=.009

 

Relationship Between Attention and Learning
Self-reported attention was not correlated to immediate or delayed tests of
1 earning for either of the chapters. Table 4-12 shows the values of these statistical

analyses.

Table 4-12. Correlations between learning (both immediate and delayed) and attention for
th 6 experimental ideas and scientiﬁc fairness chapters

 

 

 

 

 

 

[E h apter Immediate Delayed
[ Experimental Ideas r=. 171, p=.099, r2=.029 r=. 172, p=.080, r2=.030
[ s c i entiflc Fairness r=.088, p=.374, r2=.008 r=.l40, p=.156, r2=.020

 

Relationship Between Perceived Relevance and Learning
Perceived relevance was not related to immediate or delayed tests of recall for
e i ther of the chapters. Table 4-13 shows the values of these statistical analyses.

I able 4-13. Correlations between learning (both immediate and delayed) and relevance
f or the experimental ideas and scientiﬁc fairness chapters

C h apter Immediate Delayed
Experimental Ideas r=.115, p=.269, r2=.013 r=.171, p=.082, r2=.029
S c i entiﬁc Fairness r=.152, p=.123, r2=.023 r=.118, p=.233, r2=.014

  
 
 
 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Related Research Questions
The related research questions are not illustrated in the model (i.e., Figure 3-1) but
are related to learner reactions to the use of humor in instructional text, and to other

potential effects of humor.

78

The ﬁrst related research question asked if subjects perceived humorous material
to be more informative than nonhumorous material. Subjects did not perceive that
humorous materials were more informative than nonhumorous materials (experimental
ideas: t(102)=.406, p=.685, y=.07; scientiﬁc fairness: t(lOO)=.066, p=.947, y=.Ol3).

The second question asked how subjects felt humor affected the information
presented (e. g., does humor support or detract from the information?) Overall, subjects
reported that humor supported the information presented, although they found the humor
more supportive in the experimental ideas chapter (mean=4.08; 1=strongly disagree,

5 =strongly agree) than in the scientiﬁc fairness chapter (mean=3.76).

The third question asked if subjects believed they learned more from humorous
m aterials than from nonhumorous materials. Subjects believed they learned more from
th 6 humorous version of the scientiﬁc fairness chapter than from the nonhumorous
version (t(102)=2.389, p=.019, y=.47). Subjects did not believe they learned more from
th e humorous version of the experimental ideas chapter than from the nonhumorous
Version (t(93)=1 .475, p=.144, y=.29). Subjects perceptions of learning, however, did not
C Orrelate signiﬁcantly with actual learning for either the experimental ideas (r=.143,

p: - 1 69, r2=.020) or the scientiﬁc fairness (r=.157, p=.111, r2=.025) chapter.
Other Findings

I explored other effects of humor in the text by monitoring reading time for each

c hapter subjects read, and by asking subjects to compare the two readings on a variety of
aspeCts. I also asked subjects questions regarding what they liked and disliked about each
C hapter, what helped them learn, and what the two most important ideas were that they

r . . .
eITlefnbered from each chapter. These ﬁndings are discussed 1n turn below.

79

Reading Time
I recorded reading time for the two versions of the chapters. When adjusted for
length (since humorous versions were longer than nonhumorous versions), there was no
difference in the amount of time it took subjects to read humorous vs. nonhumorous text
(experimental ideas: t(97)=.163, p=.87l, y=.03; scientiﬁc fairness: t(98)=.880, p=.381,
y==. 18).
Comparisons Between Chapters
I asked four questions that had subjects compare the two readings. I asked which
chapter subjects found it easier to stick with, which chapter they enjoyed more, which
chapter they believed was more likely to be in a textbook, and which chapter they would
0 hoose for leisure reading. Tables 4-16, 4-19, 4-22, and 4-25 show the frequencies of
s ubj ects’ responses to these questions. In these tables, the two chapters read by subjects
are presented in a column (e. g., subjects who read the humorous version of the

experimental ideas chapter, as shown at the top of the column, selected either that chapter

0 r the nonhumorous version of the scientiﬁc fairness chapter).

More Likely in Textbook
When asked which chapter they felt they would be more likely to ﬁnd in a

teDitbook, most subjects said they would be more likely to ﬁnd the nonhumorous version
i n a textbook: 88 percent of subjects who read the humorous experimental ideas (HEI)
Chapter and nonhumorous scientiﬁc fairness (NSF) chapter reported that the latter would
b e more likely to appear in a textbook. Sixty-six percent of subjects who read the
I7‘()11humorous experimental ideas (NEI) chapter and the humorous scientiﬁc fairness

( H SF) chapter reported that the former would be more likely to appear in a textbook.

80

Table 4-14 shows the frequencies of subjects who said each chapter would be more likely
to be found in a textbook.

Table 4-14. Number of subjects who selected each response when asked which of the
chapters they would be most likely to ﬁnd in a textbook

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Chapter more likely Chapters Read

to ﬁnd in textbook HEI/NSF NEI/HSF
Experimental ideas 6 31
Scientiﬁc fairness 45 16
Both 2 4
Neither O l

 

 

 

 

The main reasons cited by subjects that a certain chapter would be found in a
textbook had to do with either the content generally (e. g., “More information that related
to something people might study in a course”), the use of humor (e. g., “Textbooks don’t
usually use humor to help instruction”), or the overall presentation (e.g., “Textbooks are
generally boring and formal”). Additional comments from subjects were not clear enough
to be classiﬁed (e. g., “The text was very similar.”) Frequencies of responses are shown in
Tables 4-15 and 4-16. Subjects were allowed to list more than one reason, so total
responses may add up to more than 104.

Table 4-15. Frequencies of subjects’ reasons why a chapter would be more likely to

appear in a textbook (readers of the humorous version of the experimental ideas chapter
and nonhumorous version of the scientiﬁc fairness chapter)

 

 

 

 

 

Reasons subjects listed believing the HEI NSF
chapter would appear in a textbook

Presentation—~—general O 25
Presentation—humor O 3
Content 2 12

 

 

 

81

 

Table 4-16. Frequencies of subjects’ reasons why a chapter would be more likely to
appear in a textbook (readers of the humorous version of the scientiﬁc fairness chapter
and nonhumorous version of the experimental ideas chapter)

 

 

 

 

 

Reasons subjects listed believing the HSF NEI
chapter would appear in a textbook

Presentation—general l O 2 1
Presentation—humor O 4
Content 7 4

 

 

 

As shown in the tables above, subjects cited humor as a reason a chapter would
not be more likely to be found in a textbook.
Easier to Stick With

When asked which chapter was easier to stick with, most subjects (65 percent)
reported that the humorous chapter was easier to stick with. However, preferences varied
between topics: 92 percent of the subjects who read the humorous experimental ideas
chapter found it easier to stick with that chapter than the nonhumorous scientiﬁc fairness
chapter; in contrast, 37 percent found it easier to stick with the humorous scientiﬁc
fairness chapter than the nonhumorous experimental ideas chapter. Table 4-17
summarizes the information; subjects who read the same two chapters appear in the
columns.

Table 4-17. Number of subjects who selected each response when asked which of the
chapters was easier to stick with

 

 

 

 

 

Chapter selected as Chapters Read

easier to stick with HEI/NSF NEI/HSF
Experimental ideas 49 32
Scientiﬁc fairness 4 l9

 

 

 

 

Subjects’ responses for most of the open-ended opinion questions could be

divided into the following categories:

0 humor (e. g., “It was more fun to read with the humor” [subject #101]),

82

 

0 interest (e. g., “The topic was more interesting” [#167]),
0 easy to read or understand (e. g., “It was written more clearly—it kind of
sounded like someone talking to you in a conversation” [#161 D,

0 use of examples (e.g., “He used examples to restate his ideas” [#120]),

o enjoyment (e.g., “It was more fun to read” [#208]),

o relevance or ability to relate to (e. g., “It was information that could be

[beneﬁcial] to anyone even if you are not a scientist” [#121]),

o attention (e. g., “Got my attention early on and kept it” [#106]), and

0 read ﬁrst (e. g., “I read this one ﬁrst, so I was a little more awake” [#136]).

Tables 4-18 and 4-19 show the break-down of reasons student gave for the
chapter they found easier to stick with.

Subjects who read the humorous version of the experimental ideas chapter cited a
variety of reasons for ﬁnding that chapter easier to stick with than the nonhumorous
scientiﬁc fairness chapter, with humor, interest, and ease of reading/understanding cited
most frequently (see Table 4-18). Subjects who read the humorous scientiﬁc fairness
chapter were most likely to cite the humor as the reason they found that chapter easier to
stick with, but subjects who preferred the nonhumorous experimental ideas chapter cited
interest and ease of reading/understanding (see Table 4-19). Four students said they
found the ﬁrst chapter they read to be the one they found easier to stick with; this is not
surprising, given the amount of concentration required to complete the study (i.e.,

subjects read two chapters and answered over 100 questions in a two-hour period).

83

Table 4-18. Frequencies of subjects’ reasons why the chapter they selected was easier to
stick with (readers of the humorous version of the experimental ideas chapter and
nonhumorous version of the scientiﬁc fairness chapter)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Reasons subjects listed for ﬁnding their HEI NSF
preferred chapter easier to stick with

Humor 24 1
Interesting I 5 0
Easy to Read/Understand 14 0
Examples 2 O
Enjoyable 3 0
Relevant/Related To 9 O
Held Attention 3 0
Read First 1 O
Smaller segments 2 l

 

 

 

Table 4-19. Frequencies of subjects’ reasons why the chapter they selected was easier to
stick with (readers of the humorous version of the scientiﬁc fairness chapter and
nonhumorous version of the experimental ideas chapter)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Reasons subjects listed for ﬁnding their HSF NEI
preferred chapter easier to stick with

Humor 12 2
Interesting 2 8
Easy to Read/Understand 6 10
Examples 5 2
Enjoyable O 1
Relevant/Related To 1 O
Held Attention l 0
Read First 2 1

 

 

 

The tables show only those responses indicated by at least two students. Several
comments were listed by only one subject each. Comments by subjects who preferred the
humorous experimental ideas chapter were: it was to the point, seemed shorter, had a
broader range, used less jargon, and was more organized (one student each). Other
comments by students who preferred the nonhumorous experimental ideas chapter were:
it was more common sense, the topic was interesting, the subject paid more attention after
being quizzed after the ﬁrst chapter, there was less “excess material,” experimental ideas
are fun to think about, there was more activity in the material, and the explanations were

short. Another comment by a student who preferred the humorous scientiﬁc fairness

84

 

 

chapter was that it was more complicated. Other comments by students who preferred the
nonhumorous scientiﬁc fairness chapter were: knowing where the chapter was going,
humor didn’t detract from the information, and the information was new for the subject.
More Enjoyable

The majority of subjects reported that they found the experimental ideas chapter
more enjoyable, regardless of which version of that chapter they read: 94 percent of
subjects said they enjoyed the humorous experimental ideas chapter more than the
nonhumorous scientiﬁc fairness chapter, and 67 percent enjoyed the nonhumorous
experimental ideas chapter more than the humorous scientiﬁc fairness chapter. Table 4-
20 shows the frequencies of subjects who identiﬁed each of the chapters as more
enjoyable.

Table 4-20. Number of subjects who selected each response when asked which of the
chapters they enjoyed more

 

 

 

 

 

Chapter selected as Chapters Read

"“0“” enjoyable HEI/NSF NEI/HSF
Experimental ideas 49 34
Scientiﬁc fairness 3 17

 

 

 

 

Subjects who read the humorous version of the experimental ideas chapter cited a
variety of reasons for ﬁnding that chapter more enjoyable than the nonhumorous
scientiﬁc fairness chapter, with humor, interest, and ease of reading/understanding cited
most frequently. Readers who found the humorous scientiﬁc fairness chapter more
enjoyable cited the humor, while readers who enjoyed the nonhumorous experimental
ideas chapter more said they found it more interesting or more relevant. Tables 4-21 and
4-22 show subjects’ written responses when asked why they found their chosen chapter

more enjoyable.

85

Table 4-21. Frequencies of subjects’ reasons why they found the chapter they selected
more enjoyable (readers of the humorous version of the experimental ideas chapter and
nonhumorous version of the scientiﬁc fairness chapter)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Reasons subjects listed for ﬁnding their HEI NSF
preferred chapter more enjoyable

Humor 20 0
Interesting 8 0
Easy to Read/Understand 8 0
Examples 3 0
Relevant/Related To 13 0
Held Attention 4 0
Organization 0 l

 

 

 

Table 4-22. Frequencies of subjects’ reasons why they found the chapter they selected
more enjoyable (readers of the humorous version of the scientiﬁc fairness chapter and
nonhumorous version of the experimental ideas chapter)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Reasons subjects listed for ﬁnding their HSF NEI
preferred chapter more enjoyable

Humor 9 2
Interesting 2 8
Easy to Read/Understand 3 4
Examples 4 4
Relevant/Related To 1 15
Held Attention 1 1

 

 

 

Other comments listed by students who preferred the humorous experimental
ideas chapter were: it was interesting to realize the observations that could be made every
day, it involved interacting with the general public more, it ﬂowed better, it was faster to
read, and the information in the scientiﬁc fairness chapter was obvious. Other comments
listed by students who preferred the nonhumorous experimental ideas chapter were: it
wasn’t overwhelming, it was helpful, it “gave creative ways to do what was being
explained,” there was more activity, and it didn’t have as much useless information.
Other comments listed by students who preferred the nonhumorous scientiﬁc fairness
chapter were that the information was new (to the subject) and better organized. There
were no additional comments listed by students who preferred the humorous scientiﬁc

fairness chapter.

86

 

 

Leisure Reading

When asked which chapter they would choose for leisure reading, subjects again
preferred the experimental ideas chapter over the scientiﬁc fairness chapter. Ninety-six
percent of subjects who read the humorous experimental ideas chapter preferred it over
the nonhumorous scientiﬁc fairness chapter, while 35 percent of the subjects who read
the humorous scientiﬁc fairness chapter preferred it over the nonhumorous experimental
ideas chapter. Table 4-23 shows the frequencies of subjects who identiﬁed each of the
chapters as the one they would select for leisure reading.

Table 4-23. Number of subjects who selected each response when asked which of the
chapters they choose for leisure reading

 

 

 

 

 

Chapter selected for Chapters Read

leisure reading HEI/NSF NEI/HSF
Experimental ideas 51 33
Scientiﬁc fairness 2 18

 

 

 

 

Subjects who had read the humorous version of the experimental ideas chapter
cited reasons such as interest, ease of reading, relevance, and the chapter’s ability to hold
their attention, in addition to humor. About one-third (35 percent) of subjects who read
the humorous version of the scientiﬁc fairness chapter said they would select it for leisure
reading. Several of these subjects cited the humor and enjoyment of the chapter as
reasons for their choice; reasons for selecting the nonhumorous experimental ideas
chapter include interest and relevance. Tables 4—24 and 4-25 show the answers written by

subjects when asked why they would choose their preferred chapter for leisure reading.

87

4-24. Frequencies of subjects’ reasons why they would prefer the chapter they selected
for leisure reading-(readers of the humorous version of the experimental ideas chapter
and nonhumorous version of the scientiﬁc fairness chapter)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Reasons subjects listed for selecting their HEI NSF
preferred chapter for leisure reading

Humor 1 l 0
Interesting 10 1
Easy to Read/Understand 12 O
Enjoyable 1 O
Relevant/Related To 8 O
Held Attention 9 O
Informative 0 l

 

 

 

4-25. Frequencies of subjects’ reasons why they would prefer the chapter they selected
for leisure reading (readers of the humorous version of the scientiﬁc fairness chapter and
nonhumorous version of the experimental ideas chapter)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Reasons subjects listed for selecting their HSF NEI
preferred chapter for leisure reading

Humor 8 0
Interesting O 1 1
Easy to Read/Understand 3 4
Examples 1 0
Enjoyable 6 5
Relevant/Related To 1 8
Held Attention 2 l
Informative 3 2

 

 

 

Other comments listed by students who preferred the humorous experimental
ideas chapter were: it was common sense, the subject wouldn’t be as concerned about
retaining the information, the subject liked the topic more, the topic was more helpful, it
was more entertaining, it was less like a textbook, it seemed more like a self-help type of
reading, and the scientiﬁc fairness chapter was too obvious. Additional comments listed
by students who preferred the nonhumorous experimental ideas chapter were: it was more
comfortable or pleasant to read, the reading moved steadily from one idea to the next, it
would make the subject observe the little things they do, it required less concentration,
and the subject liked the material better. There were no additional comments listed by

students who preferred either version of the scientiﬁc fairness chapter.

88

 

 

Responses to Each of the Chapters

Subjects were asked what they liked and disliked about each of the chapters and
what helped them learn the information in the chapters. For ease of comparison,
responses to the humorous and nonhumorous versions of each chapter are presented
together in each table below. Tables 4-26 and 4-27 show subjects’ reports of what they
liked about the humorous and nonhumorous versions of the experimental ideas chapter
(Table 4-26) and the scientiﬁc fairness chapter. (Table 4-27).
Elements Subjects Liked

Readers of the humorous version of the experimental ideas chapter cited humor
and interest as things they liked about the chapter. Subjects who read the nonhumorous
chapter cited the writing style, the fact that it was easy to read or understand, the
examples, relevance or their ability to relate to the material, and organization as factors
they liked about the chapter. Comments could be grouped into categories similar to those
used for most of the comparisons, with the addition of the category of text characteristics
(e. g., “Bold face print told you what was important” ).

Table 4-26. Subjects’ reports regarding what they liked about the humorous and
nonhumorous versions of the experimental ideas chapter

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

HEI NEI
Humor 11 O
Informative 2 3
Summary 3 2
Interesting 7 3
Easy to Read/ Understand/Writiﬂ 8;er 9 31
Examples 4 9
Enjoyable 0 0
Relevant/Relate To 2 5
Held Attention 2 2
Organization 2 l 1
Text Characteristics 2 5

 

 

 

89

 

Table 4-27. Subjects’ reports regarding what they liked about the humorous and
nonhumorous versions of the experimental ideas chapter

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

HSF NSF
Humor 26 2
Informative 3 1
Summary 2 3
Text Characteristics 1 7
Interesting 2 1
Easy to Read/Understand/ Writing Style 11 8
Examples 17 21
Relevant/Related To 3 1
Organization 6 1 3

 

 

 

About half of the readers of the humorous version of the scientiﬁc fairness
chapter cited the humor when asked what they liked about the chapter. This percentage
was much higher than that for the humorous experimental ideas chapter. Readers of the
nonhumorous chapter were more likely to list text characteristics (e. g., use of bold or
italics, headings, etc.) and organization as factors they liked about the chapter. Forty
subjects cited the ease of reading or the writing style as factors they liked about the
experimental ideas chapter, compared to 19 readers of the scientiﬁc fairness chapter. In
contrast, examples were cited by 13 readers of the experimental ideas chapter and 38
readers of the scientiﬁc fairness chapter.

Other responses regarding what subjects liked about the humorous experimental
ideas chapter were that it was easy to remember, the points were stated directly, it was
brief, it addressed human needs and fears, it was written to help the reader do something,
explanations were simple, it didn’t try to be scientiﬁc, and it gave the subject conﬁdence
to come up with an idea. Subjects listed the way the information was broken down, the
layout, and that it made them think about things they hadn’t thought about before as

reasons they liked the nonhumorous experimental ideas chapter.

90

 

Other responses regarding what subjects liked about the humorous scientiﬁc
fairness chapter were that the ideas were short, they liked the content itself, it was
straightforward, and it had a lot of information in a small amount of space. Other
responses regarding what subjects liked about the nonhumorous scientiﬁc fairness
chapter were miscellaneous facts and that they learned new things.

Elements Subjects Disliked

Tables 4-28 and 4-29 show subjects’ reports of what they did not like about the
humorous and nonhumorous versions of the experimental ideas chapter (Table 4-28) and
the scientiﬁc fairness chapter (Table 4-29).

Table 4-28. Subjects’ reports regarding what they did not like about the humorous and
nonhumorous versions of the experimental ideas chapter

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

HEI NEI
Nothing 10 14
Text Characteristics 2 2
Dry/Boripg/Not Interesting/Didn’t Hold Attention 5 13
Too Long/Too Much Text for Amt of Info 2 7
Too Much Information 4 2
Too Many Examples 0 0
Lack of Examples 0 1
Humor 1 0
No Humor 0 3
Not Relevant 4 3
Repetitive 2 2
Organization 4 0
Phobias/Big Words 7 0
Author Talked Down 0 3

 

 

 

Table 4-29. Subjects’ reports regarding what they did not like about the humorous and
nonhumorous versions of the scientiﬁc fairness chapter

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

HSF NSF
Nothing 6 5
Text Characteristics 0 2
Dry/Boring/Not Interesting/Didn’t Hold Attention l3 19
Too Long/Too Much Text for Amt of Info 12 10
Too Much Information 2 5
Too Many Examples 2 1
Lack of Examples 0 2

 

 

 

91

 

 

Table 4-29 (cont’d).

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Humor 7 0
No Humor 0 4
Not Relevant l 3
Repetitive l 2
Organization 0 1
Author Talked Down 0 O

 

Twenty-four of the readers of the experimental ideas chapter, regardless of the
version (i.e., humorous or nonhumorous), said there was nothing they disliked about it,
compared to l l of the readers of the scientiﬁc fairness chapter. Readers of the
nonhumorous version of the experimental ideas chapter were more likely than readers of
the humorous version to say it was dry, boring, not interesting, or didn’t hold their
attention.

Readers of both versions of the scientiﬁc fairness chapter felt that it was dry,
boring, not interesting, or didn’t hold their attention, and that it was too long or had too
much text for the amount of information it contained.

One reader of the humorous version of the experimental ideas chapter said they
didn’t like the humor, compared to seven of the readers of the humorous scientiﬁc
fairness chapter. Three of the subjects who read the nonhumorous version of the
experimental ideas chapter said they disliked that it did not contain humor, while four of
the readers of the nonhumorous scientiﬁc fairness chapter cited the lack of humor as
something they disliked about the chapter.

Elements that Helped Learning
Subjects were asked what helped them learn from each of the chapters. Tables 4-

30 and 4-31 show subjects’ responses to this questions for the humorous and

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nonhumorous versions of the experimental ideas chapter (Table 4-30) and the scientiﬁc

fairness chapter (Table 4-31).

Table 4-30. Subjects’ reports regarding what helped them learn the information in the

experimental ideas chapter

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

HEI NEI
Humor 14 0
Overview/Summary 2 4
Interesting 2 0
Easy to Read/ Understand/Writing Style 16 12
Examples 16 22
Enjoyable 1 0
Relevant/Relate To 6 0
Held Attention 1 0
Organization 7 23
Text Characteristics 7 4

 

 

 

Table 4-31. Subjects’ reports regarding what helped them learn the information in the

scientiﬁc fairness chapter

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

HSF NSF
Humor 13 O
Overview/Summary 3 7
Interesting I 0
Easy to Read/ Understand/Writing Style 8 4
Examples 25 35
Relevant/Relate To 1 0
Organization 7 10
Text Characteristics 3 3

 

Twenty-six percent of the subjects felt that humor had helped them learn the

information in the humorous chapters, and this was not dependent on which chapter they

read. Examples were cited for both chapters, with 60 subjects citing the examples in the

scientiﬁc fairness chapter and 38, the experimental ideas chapter. Readers of the

nonhumorous versions were somewhat more likely to say the examples helped them

learn. Organization was also cited frequently as something that helped subjects learn,

with three times as many readers of the nonhumorous version of the experimental ideas

chapter citing organization as readers of the humorous version of that chapter. For both

93

 

 

chapters, only readers of the humorous version reported that the chapter’s relevance to

them or their ability to relate to the material helped them learn.

Most Important Ideas

Subjects were asked to list the two most important ideas they learned from each

chapter. Table 4-32 shows subjects’ responses when asked what the two most important

ideas were that they learned from the experimental ideas chapter. Recalled ideas could be

categorized into the following areas:

fears and phobias (general) (e.g., “I learned the things that prevent people
from using creative ideas” [subject #150],

ﬁnding ideas is easy (e. g., “Ideas for experiments are all around” [#116]),
ideas come from observation (e. g., “Direct observation can be a good tool
when trying to form questions” [#137]),

questions can be answered through research (e. g., “Practical questions will be
answered through research” [#124]),

how to get ideas (nonspeciﬁc) (e. g., “The ways of coming up with ideas”
[#1221),

fears interfere with ideas (e. g., “There are a lot of irrelevant fears that prevent
people from doing an experiment” [#207]),

not to be afraid (e. g., “One should not be afraid of asking creating questions”
[#124]),

observation is important for science (e. g., “Observation is the key for effective

research” [#202]), and

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o a good experiment should be repeatable, observable, and testable (e. g.,
“Characteristics of an experimental questions (ROT)” [#203]).

Table 4-32. Subjects’ reports regarding the two most important ideas they learned from
the experimental ideas chapter

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

HEI NEI
Fears/Phobias (general) 9 11
Finding Ideas is Easy/Everyone has Ideas 17 18
Ideas from Observation l4 13
Answer Questions Through Research 2 0
How to Get Ideas (nonspeciﬁc) 6 4
Fears Interfere with Ideas 9 4
Don’t be Afraid 6 4
Observation Important for Science 3 3
Repeatable, Observable, Testable 2 4

 

 

 

There were no clear differences in what readers said were the most important
ideas from the experimental ideas chapter.

For the scientiﬁc fairness chapter, recalled ideas could be categorized into the
following areas:

0 cheating hurts science and society (e. g., “Bad scientiﬁc research hurts

everyone” [#120]),
0 general do’s (e.g., “Do experiments ethically” [#159]),
0 speciﬁc do’s (e.g., “Reorganize to make things clear” [#175]),

0 general don’ts (e. g., “It is unethical and immoral to conduct research poorly”

[#1201),
0 speciﬁc don’ts (e. g., “Not to fabricate results” [#173]),

o consequences of lying (e.g., “Falsifying an experiment can cause you to lose

your credibility” [#138]),

o to be skeptical of research, or that scientists sometimes lie (e. g., “”Fraud

happens in all professions, even one as important as science” [#116]),

95

 

o differences among the types of “tricks” (e. g., “There are right ways and
wrong ways that people can ‘change’ their experiments” [#209]), and
o the importance of ethics (e.g., “Scientiﬁc study and research needs to have a
solid foundation of ethical and moral standards when it comes to doing
research and experiments” [#133]).
Table 4-33 shows subjects’ responses when asked what the two most important
ideas were that they learned from the scientiﬁc fairness chapter.

Table 4—33. Subjects’ reports regarding the two most important ideas they learned from
the scientiﬁc fairness chapter

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

HSF NSF
Cheating Hurts Science/Society 9 9
Do’s (general) 7 3
Do’s (speciﬁc) 8 9
Don’ts (general) 6 7
Don’ts (speciﬁc) 14 5
Consequences 4 7
Be Skeptical/Scientists Lie l4 8
Differences Between Types of Tricks 6 9
Importance of Ethics 6 6

 

Readers of the humorous version appeared more likely to list speciﬁc don’ts and

the need to be skeptical of scientiﬁc reports than readers of the nonhumorous version.
Summary

Obviously, there are individual differences in appreciation of humor. This was
demonstrated both by differences between the raters in their ratings of the humor in the
chapters, and by subjects’ comments: while some subjects said they liked the humor in
the humorous chapters, other subjects reported that they disliked the humor.

Despite differences in humor appreciation, analysis of the quantitative data
indicated that humor can help students learn under certain conditions. Humor in

instructional text can also have other positive beneﬁts (such as enhancing interest,

96

 

enjoyment, and attention). Figure 4-5 shows the hypothesized relationship among the
variables when I began this study. Figures 4-6 and 4-7 show the actual relationships
among these variables as indicated by this research for the experimental ideas and

scientiﬁc fairness chapters, respectively.

 

 

attention {——> relevance

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

/ interest \
humor learning
>

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

enjoyment

 

 

Figure 4-5. Hypothesized effects of humor in instructional text

The qualitative data suggested differences between the two chapters in the humor
and the difﬁculty of the content. In written responses regarding what they liked about
each chapter, subjects reported that the experimental ideas chapter was interesting and
easy to read and understand; subjects liked the organization and examples in the scientiﬁc
fairness chapter. When asked what they disliked about the readings, subjects reported that
the nonhumorous version of the experimental ideas chapter and both versions of the
scientiﬁc fairness chapters were dry, boring, or didn’t hold their attention. Subjects also
reported that the scientiﬁc fairness chapter (regardless of whether there was humor or
not) was too long or had too much text for the amount of information it contained.

Several readers of the humorous version of the scientiﬁc fairness chapter disliked the

97

 

 

 

auenﬁon

 

 

 

interest

 

t

sﬂuaﬂonal
interest

 

 

 

humor

D

 

personal V

relevance

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

enjoyment

 

 

Figure 4-6. Connections among variables for the experimental ideas chapter

 

 

attention d

 

 

 

 

personal
interest

 

3

 

snuaﬂonal

/ interest

 

 

 

 

humor

 

 

 

 

enjoyment

 

 

Figure 4-7. Connections among variables for the scientiﬁc fairness chapter

98

 

leamlng

 

 

relevance

 

 

 

learning

 

 

 

humor, while only one reader of the humorous experimental ideas chapter disliked the
humor.

In comparisons of the chapters, subjects reported that the experimental ideas
chapter (regardless of humor) was easier to stick with, more enjoyable, and would be
preferred for leisure reading. Subjects reported that they would be more likely to ﬁnd the

nonhumorous version (regardless of topic) in a textbook.

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CHAPTER 5: DISCUSSION

The purpose of this research was to determine if humor in instructional text
affects learning, interest, and enjoyment. In this chapter, I review the arguments I made in
the literature review regarding the effect of humor, compare my expectations to my
ﬁndings, and discuss possible interpretations of my results.

Immediate Effects of Humor on Learning

My ﬁrst major research question was: Do learners recall more facts and recognize
more concepts from the humorous version than from the nonhumorous version
immediately after reading? In chapter 2, I presented both theoretical and empirical
support for the effect of humor on learning. Brieﬂy, humor has been found to enhance
learning in some classroom studies (e. g., Bryant, Comisky, Crane, & Zillmann, 1980;
Ziv, 1988). Theoretical support for the effect of humor on learning comes from dual
coding theory, which states that comprehension and memory of text are affected by both
verbal (e. g., text, speech) and nonverbal (e. g., imagery, affect) systems (Sadoski, Goetz,
& Fritz, 1993), and that the effects of these two systems are additive.

In this study, I found that immediately after reading, learners recalled
signiﬁcantly more information from the humorous version of the experimental ideas
chapter than from the nonhumorous version, but that there was no signiﬁcant difference
in recall of the different versions of the scientiﬁc fairness chapter.

Why was there an effect of humor on immediate recall with the experimental
ideas chapter and not the scientiﬁc fairness chapter? I have identiﬁed two possible

reasons for the differences in immediate recall: 1) differences in the amount, type, and

100

integration of humor in the two chapters, and 2) differences in the cognitive burden

placed on readers of each chapter. I discuss each of these possibilities below.
Reason I .' Differences in Amount and Type of Humor

Amount of Humor

As stated in chapter 4, the humor in each version of each chapter was rated by two
people. Although two raters is not ideal, it does allow me to speculate on how speciﬁc
instances of humor may have been perceived by the subjects. Differences in the amount
and type of humor in each chapter are reﬂected partially in the ratings given to the
passages by these raters. There was much more agreement among the raters on the humor
in the versions of the experimental ideas chapter: in the humorous version, two raters
identiﬁed 14 and 16 instances of humor, respectively, with agreement between the two
raters on seven passages. The two raters of the nonhumorous version of the experimental
ideas chapter identiﬁed ﬁve and six instances of humor in that chapter, respectively, with
agreement on two instances.

There was considerably less agreement between the raters for the scientiﬁc
fairness chapter: raters of the humorous version identiﬁed 16 and six instances,
respectively, with agreement on only two passages. Raters of the nonhumorous version
identiﬁed six and zero instances, respectively, with no agreement on any of the humor.
This lack of agreement between raters of the humor in the scientiﬁc fairness chapter may
indicate that the humor in that chapter has a more individual appeal. In contrast, the
relative agreement of the raters of the humorous experimental ideas chapter may indicate

a more universal appeal of the humor in that chapter.

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As stated in chapter 4, raters of the nonhumorous version of the experimental
ideas chapter identiﬁed part of a passage as humorous that was not identiﬁed as
humorous by the raters of the humorous version. However, raters of the humorous
version identiﬁed sentences that surrounded that passage as humorous. (These sentences
had been removed from the nonhumorous version.) The fact that the text was identiﬁed
as humorous by the raters of the nonhumorous version but as not humorous by raters of
the humorous version indicates that there may be a context effect for humor. In other
words, text that is surrounded by nonhumorous text may be more likely to be identiﬁed as
humorous than the same text that is surrounded by humorous text.

Types of Humor

In addition, the two chapters had different types of humor, due in part to the
development of the chapters. The experimental ideas chapter had humor injected by the
author, and few changes were made for the development of the humorous version of that
chapter. The humor in this chapter drew largely from the content of the chapter itself. As
an example, Martin (the author of the chapters) talked about fears students have about
trying to come up with ideas for experiments. He states in that chapter, “Psychologists
call irrational fears phobias. Since I am a psychologist, I cannot resist the temptation to
name the phobias behind our inability to get experimental ideas. (Any resemblance of
these names to accepted psychological terminology is purely coincidental)” (Martin,
2000, p. 43). Martin proceeds to name the “phobias” using Latin and Greek (or Latin- and
Greek-sounding) preﬁxes that are commonly associated with the fears he wishes to
convey: for example, “pseudononphonoscientiaphobia” is the fear of not sounding

scientiﬁc.

102

In contrast, the scientiﬁc fairness chapter did not have much humor originally, so
humor had to be added to develop the humorous version. The humor added to this version
referred more often to characters and ideas outside the readings, like Inspector Clouseau
and Buffy the Vampire Slayer. Obviously, these references would only be understood by
readers who brought with them the requisite knowledge to understand the references.
This may explain why there was little agreement between the raters for this chapter:
different people bring different experiences with them, and these differences may have
been reflected by differential appreciation of the humor in the readings. In addition, since
the humor in the scientiﬁc fairness chapter came from outside, instead of more directly
from the content of the reading, the humor may have come across as more forced and
possibly less related to the content. Subjects noted these differences in their comments on
the humorous scientiﬁc fairness chapter: “I noticed more jokes in the article, even though
they were cheesy—they made it more interesting” (subject #209), and “Neither was
funny to me, but this one tried to make funny comments that I noticed” (#178).

In order to further study the differences in the types of humor used in this study,
the humor must be classiﬁed into speciﬁc types of humor using a taxonomy of humor.
Several taxonomies have been proposed, based on different aspects of humor. For
example, Wandersee (1982) lists 15 sources of humor (such as word-play,
understatement, and departure from propriety) and 16 forms (including jokes, puns,
riddles, and cartoons). Long and Graesser (1988) described a taxonomy of jokes that
included 10 categories (including nonsense and social satire) and a taxonomy of wit that
included 11 categories (such as irony, satire, sarcasm, and understatement). Berger

(1997) described four categories of humor (i.e., humor involving language, logic,

103

identity, or action), under which 45 techniques are grouped (such as irony, absurdity,
parody, and slapstick). Although in this study I have sufﬁced to say that different types of
humor were used in the two chapters, future research should 1) categorize the types of
humor used in instructional text and 2) determine the effects of these different types of
humor on subjects’ learning and reactions to the text.
Integration of Humor

As noted by Zillmann and Bryant (1983, cited in Robbins, 1994), humor that is
well integrated with the material can lead to greater retention of the information. As
stated earlier, the humor in the experimental ideas chapter drew directly from the content
of the chapter, while the humor in the scientiﬁc fairness chapter referred more to
“outside” situations or characters. The humor added to the scientiﬁc fairness chapter
therefore may not have been sufﬁciently integrated with the material to produce the
desired beneﬁts.
Cohen '3 Theory of Humor

Cohen (1999) developed a theory that supports differences in types of humor. He
describes two types of jokes: conditional jokes are those that will work only with speciﬁc
audiences, and pure jokes are those which are universal because they presuppose nothing
in the audience. Cohen further points out that truly pure jokes don’t really exist, since
they presuppose, at the very least, a familiarity with the language in which the joke is
told. Conditional jokes require the audience to bring with them the knowledge or
experience required from them to either get the joke or ﬁnd it amusing. Cohen notes that
“it is a vital feature of much joking that only a suitably qualiﬁed audience—one that can

meet the condition—can receive the joke, and the audience often derives an additional

104

satisfaction from knowing this about itself” (p. 12). The best jokes are concise, and this
concision is possible because a certain amount of knowledge is assumed on the part of
the audience. When I consider the two humorous chapters in light of Cohen’s theory of
humor, I can see that the experimental ideas chapter involved a purer form of humor,
since the humor was derived largely from the text itself, while the scientiﬁc fairness
chapter involved more conditional humor by requiring subjects to bring with them certain
background or experiences that would enable them to understand the jokes.

Cohen's (1999) theory of humor states that humor works in part by creating a
community of the listeners. Cohen proposes that “a deep satisfaction in successful joke
transactions is the sense held mutually by teller and hearer that they are joined in feeling”
(p. 25). A failure of a listener (or reader) to “get the joke” represents a “failure to join one
another in the community of appreciation” (p. 26). By relying on conditional jokes, the
joke-teller pulls the listener in by requiring the listener to supply something. This sense of
community is not created if the joke is explained or if the listener doesn’t “get” the joke.
Community is created by letting the listener know that he or she and the joke-teller share
common knowledge or experiences.

Comedians such as Rita Rudner and Eddie Izzard help to create a community by
referring later in their routines to jokes made earlier—in effect, they create an entire
audience that is then “in on” the (inside) joke. By referring to ideas outside the chapters, 1
inadvertently required that subjects bring certain knowledge and experiences with them
in order to “get” the joke. Subjects who lacked the necessary knowledge or experiences
to understand the humor may have felt excluded from any “community” that may exist

between the author and the readers. However, since subjects did, in general, perceive the

105

humorous chapters to be more humorous than the nonhumorous chapter, it is difﬁcult to
know exactly what the effects of this “added” humor were.
Reason 2: Differences in Cognitive Burden

In addition to the differences in the amount and type of humor in the two chapters,
the content of the scientiﬁc ideas chapter may have been more difﬁcult for students to
understand. In support of this assertion, reading time was signiﬁcantly longer for the
scientiﬁc fairness chapter (3.46 minutes per page) than for the experimental ideas chapter
(2.92 minutes per page), with a large effect size (t=10.933, p<.001, y=l .12). Subjects’
comments also reﬂected this difﬁculty. When asked what they disliked about the chapter,
many subjects commented that it was dry, boring, or not interesting, or that it was too
long or had too much text for the amount of information: “I didn’t like how boring the
chapter was. I found it hard to concentrate and little motivation to keep reading” (#182)
and “It seemed to drag on and I felt like I was receiving too much information at one
time” (#105).

Subjects may also have lacked the necessary background to be able to easily
integrate this new information: “Occasionally, some of the vocabulary speciﬁc to
experiments could get a little confusing and I had to read more slowly and carefully”
(subject #108) and “Wasn’t clear on some materials and even after I reread the section
twice, it still didn’t make sense” (#204). This lack of background may have required
students to work harder to understand and assimilate the new information.

In addition, percentage correct on the quizzes was signiﬁcantly lower for the
scientiﬁc fairness chapter (50.00 percent) than for the experimental ideas chapter (54.29

percent), although the effect size was low (t=3.023, p=.003, y=.32). While I can’t claim

106

that the tests for the two chapters were equivalent, taken together with the other evidence,
this difference in percentage correct may support a difference in cognitive burden. There
was no apparent ﬂoor or ceiling effect for either of the chapters immediately after
reading, and the fact that some subjects scored quite well (e. g., high score was 84 percent
for each of the chapters) indicates that it was possible for subjects to score well on the
tests with only one reading.

Possibly the increased cognitive burden posed by the scientiﬁc fairness chapter
made the humor inappropriate: the increased level of concentration required may mean
that the humor was not able to enhance learning.

Conclusion

This combination of the differences in the type and amount of humor in these two
chapters, combined with differences in the cognitive burden placed on readers of each
chapter, may have contributed to the differences in effect of humor in the text on subject
recall and recognition of information in the two chapters. This general ﬁnding of the
effect of humor on learning is consistent with Schmidt’s ﬁnding that humor facilitates
learning; however, as you will see later, other of my ﬁndings contradict Schmidt’s
ﬁnding.

Delayed Effect of Humor on Learning

The second major question had to do with delayed indications of learning: Do
learners recall more facts and recognize more concepts from the humorous version than
from the nonhumorous version two weeks after reading? In my pilot study, scores on the
delayed quizzes (i.e., one week after the reading) approached signiﬁcance. I decided to

increase the delay period for this study because Kaplan and Pascoe (1977) found

107

signiﬁcant effects of humor as measured six weeks after the event. I had hoped that the
effects of humor in my study would be more pronounced with a longer delay period than
the pilot study, with readers of humorous materials retaining more information than
readers of the nonhumorous materials. However, humor was not associated with
increased retention of material after two weeks for either of the chapters. A major
difference between my study and the study by Kaplan and Pascoe is that the latter
occurred in the context of a college class. As stated earlier, it may have been
unreasonable to expect that a single reading of the materials (especially with a lack of
motivation to remember the material or even read it carefully) would yield signiﬁcant
results.

The deﬁnition and measurement of learning may also have affected my results for
delayed learning. Learning is deﬁned as “getting knowledge of (a subject) or skill in (an
art, trade, etc.) by study, experience, instruction, etc.” or “ﬁxing in the mind” (Agnes,
2000). Unfortunately, subjects in this study had no incentive to study or learn the
material, or even to read carefully. “Learning” in this study was measured by open-ended
and multiple-choice questions that were asked immediately after reading, and for
practical purposes, was deﬁned in this study as what subjects could recall from a single
reading of the material. Rather than representing true learning, which results from
carefully reading and studying materials, this measure of learning reﬂects only what

students can remember after a single exposure to the material.

108

Effect of Humor Related to Speciﬁc Passages of Text
Immediate Recall

In addition to looking at the overall effect of humor in instructional text on
learning, I also explored how recall related to speciﬁc humorous passages in the text. I
found that, for information related to humor only in the humorous version of the text,
there was no signiﬁcant difference in recall of information between readers of the
humorous and nonhumorous versions. For information related to nonhumorous material
in both versions of the text, there was also no signiﬁcant difference in recall of answers
between readers of the humorous and nonhumorous versions. However, I did ﬁnd a
signiﬁcant difference between the two groups on recall of information which was related
to humorous text (as deﬁned by raters) in both versions of the chapter, with readers of the
humorous chapter signiﬁcantly more likely to recall the information than readers of the
nonhumorous chapter.

These ﬁndings were unexpected, especially when considered in light of the
ﬁnding of increased overall learning for subjects who read the humorous version of the
experimental ideas chapter. If recall was directly related to humor, I would expect no
difference in subjects’ scores on the two versions for passages that either were humorous
in both versions or nonhumorous in both versions, and differences in favor of the
humorous version for passages that were humorous in the humorous version and not
humorous in the nonhumorous version. Given the relative lack of humor in the
nonhumorous version of the chapter, this instance of humor may have been a distraction
to subj ects—the humor may have been so unexpected that subjects were startled or

confused by it, rather than amused by it. An additional experiment involving very limited

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humor in one version of a reading and more humor in another version and questions
related to humorous and nonhumorous passages in each, perhaps with a qualitative
component to determine which passages individual subjects ﬁnd humorous, may provide
insight into these ﬁndings. An alternative explanation for these ﬁndings is that the raters’
sense of humor is not similar to or representative of the senses of humor of my subjects.

These ﬁndings do not support Schmidt and Williams‘s (2001) study, which found
that humor enhanced recall of speciﬁc items. The ﬁnding that speciﬁc instances of humor
could not be linked to improved performance on speciﬁc test items may argue in favor of
the effect of positive affect, rather than any effect of humor that comes from an increase
in attention to speciﬁc instances of humor.

The humorous versions of these chapters contained considerably more humor than
the amount considered ideal in a classroom (i.e., three to four instances in a 50-minute
lecture). Since it took subjects 20 to 30 minutes to read each chapter, one or two instances
of humor would have been consistent with the ideal amount of humor for classroom
instruction; this amount is much closer to the amount of humor contained in the
nonhumorous chapters. However, written instruction lacks many of the aspects of
classroom instruction that may contribute to perceptions of humor, including the
instructor’s intonation and facial expression, the ability to tailor humor to a particular
class, and an ongoing relationship between the instructor and the students. The ﬁnding
that subjects who read the nonhumorous version of the experimental ideas chapter did
worse on a question related to a humorous passage may indicate that the ideal amount of

humor may be considerably higher in instructional text than in a classroom environment.

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Delayed Recall

I also explored how humor’s proximity to tested items related to subject recall of
that information in delayed tests of learning. I performed the same comparisons for
delayed recall as for immediate recall, and found no signiﬁcant differences between
groups in recall of any answers. These ﬁndings are consistent with my ﬁndings that there
was no difference in overall recall after two weeks. These results do not support my
hypothesis that humor would reduce the rate of forgetting.

Future Research

Future studies should look at the effect of humor in instructional materials in the
context of an actual classroom setting, where students have the ability and the incentive
to study, and where they have the background needed to understand the material. A
qualitative study would also be helpful to determine what individual subjects ﬁnd
amusing and how that relates to their recall of ideas in the text. Also, more research is
needed to determine if there is an optimal amount of humor in written instructional
materials.

Effect of Humor on Enjoyment

Another major research question was: Do learners report greater enjoyment of the
humorous version than the nonhumorous version? In chapter 2, I provided some evidence
from the literature that supported a link between humor and enjoyment. However, none
of that evidence was related to humor in instructional materials. This study explored the
link between humor and enjoyment as it related to instructional materials. As reported in
chapter 4, subjects reported signiﬁcantly greater enjoyment of the humorous version of

both of the chapters. This conﬁrms my hypothesis that humor in instructional materials

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would increase enjoyment. As stated in chapter 2, I believe that enjoyment is an
important effect of humor in instruction, and these ﬁndings support this positive effect of
humor in instructional text.
Effect of Humor on Interest

The ﬁnal major research question was: Do learners express greater post—reading
interest in the topic presented humorously than in the topic presented nonhumorously? In
the literature review, I cited empirical evidence for the connection between humor and
interest in the classroom (e. g., Ziv, 1988; Bryant et al., 1980). I also cited theoretical
evidence for the effect of humor on situational interest. My study supported the effect of
humor on situational interest: subjects reported signiﬁcantly greater situational interest in
the humorous versions of the two chapters; however, there was no effect of humor on
reported personal interest for either of the chapters. This ﬁnding is consistent with
Schraw and Lehman's (2001) assertion that personal interest is context-general (and
therefore unaffected by the style of presentation), while situational interest is context-
speciﬁc and can be elicited through the use of certain devices or characteristics of the
presentation.

Minor Research Questions

The minor research questions explored the mechanisms by which humor affected

learning through the mediating variables, and the intercorrelations among those variables.
Effect of Humor on Attention and Relevance
I proposed that humor may aid learning by directing learners’ attention and

increasing perceived relevance, which would facilitate encoding and retrieval of

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information. Attention and relevance may also interact with interest and with each other,
producing a synergistic effect and ultimately affecting learning.
Attention

Humor was associated with increased attention in both the experimental ideas and
scientiﬁc fairness chapters. This ﬁnding is consistent with my review of the literature.
Relevance

In chapter 2, I noted that use of a visible author enhanced perceived relevance
(Paxton, 1997) and expressed interest in ﬁnding out if humor would additionally enhance
relevance, perhaps by increasing the text equivalence of instructor immediacy. I was
unable, however, to provide any direct empirical or theoretical support for the effect of
humor on perceived relevance, and my study did not support the effect of humor on
relevance for either of the chapters. In retrospect, this ﬁnding is not surprising: there is no
reason to expect that humor would increase perceived relevance.

Relationships Among Mediating Variables

In chapter 2, I noted that the writings of several researchers indicate considerable
conceptual overlap among the ideas of interest (both personal and situational), attention,
and perceived relevance. Correlations among all of these variables were statistically
signiﬁcant for both the experimental ideas and scientiﬁc fairness chapters. These ﬁndings
are neither surprising nor unexpected.

Although I did not predict correlations between enjoyment and each of these
variables, the high correlations, again, are neither surprising nor unexpected: we accept as
common sense that we are likely to enjoy things were are interested in and believe to be

relevant, and that we pay more attention to things we enjoy.

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The fact that these correlations were signiﬁcant for both of the readings indicates
that the relationships among these constructs may be independent of topic; that is,
interest, relevance, attention, and enjoyment tend to be all high or all low, depending on
each individual’s reaction to the topic. The correlations among these variables support a
conceptual overlap among these constructs, and raises the possibility that these are not, in
fact, distinct constructs. Supporting this view, a factor analysis I performed after the ﬁrst
25 subjects indicated that these variables loaded on a single factor. However, supporting
a contrary view, the fact that humor affects these variables differentially (i.e., increases
enjoyment and situational interest, and has no effect on personal relevance) in ways that
are consistent with the theories cited in chapter 2, indicates that these may be distinct
constructs.

Relationships Between the Mediating Variables and Learning

I made several hypotheses and provided theoretical support for the effects of the
mediating variables on learning. The fact that none of these variables correlated with
learning may provide support for Schmidt and Williams's (2001) ﬁndings, which
indicated that humor itself, rather than incongruity, resolution of incongruity, bizarreness,
or distinctiveness, enhanced recall. Although Schmidt and Williams obtained these
results in a study of memory for cartoons, my ﬁndings suggest that humor may also have
an effect on recall of ideas in text.

An alternative explanation for my ﬁndings is that there is a mediating variable
other than interest, enjoyment, attention, or relevance that is affected by humor and
inﬂuences learning. Possibilities include the effect of physiological arousal (Vance,

1987), increased general motivation to do well, or desire to please an authority ﬁgure

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(such as the instructor, or possibly even the author). A qualitative study of subjects who
appreciate the humor and who perform well on tests of recall and recognition may help to
identify additional variables.

Relationship Between Interest and Learning

As stated in the literature review, the presence or absence of interest, whether
personal or situational, inﬂuences the type of learning strategies individuals employ.
Learners who are interested in what they are learning use deep—processing strategies (i.e.,
making connections, identifying and solving problems on their own), while learners who
are not interested use surface-level strategies (i.e., memorization) (Krapp, Hidi, &
Renninger, 1992). I also cited several studies that found connections between interest and
learning.

My ﬁndings did not support this connection between interest and learning: neither
situational interest nor personal interest was correlated with immediate learning for the
experimental ideas chapter, and personal interest was not correlated with delayed
learning. The correlation between situational interest and delayed learning, while
statistically signiﬁcant, had an effect size too low to be considered of any practical
signiﬁcance. Similarly, for the scientiﬁc fairness chapter, personal interest was not
associated with either immediate or delayed tests of learning, and although situational
interest was positively associated with both immediate and delayed tests of learning, the
effect sizes were too low for these correlations to be considered of practical signiﬁcance.

The way learning was deﬁned and measured in this study may have contributed to
the lack of relationship I found between interest and learning: as stated earlier, subjects

read the material once and there was no opportunity to study and no incentive to read the

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materials carefully. Although the presence or absence of interest inﬂuences the type of
learning strategies individuals employ, as stated earlier, there was no incentive for
subjects to actually learn the material.

Krapp et al. (1992) argued that situational interest motivates individuals to seek
out new information. Similarly, individuals who are personally interested in a topic will
seek out new information on that topic. Due to limitations of the study, I don’t know if
humor has any long-term effects on subjects’ interest, or if subjects could be more likely
to seek out or at least be open to additional experiences with the topic. A longitudinal
study that explores interest immediately after reading and its relationship to 1) interest
after several weeks or months and/or 2) subjects’ responses to additional readings on the
topics after several weeks or months would provide information on the long-term effects
of humor on interest.

Relationship Between Enjoyment and Learning

I proposed a dual role for enjoyment in learning: enjoyment may inﬂuence
learning directly through affective mechanisms, and it may also make learners more
receptive to additional experiences with the topic.

Although enjoyment was signiﬁcantly related to both immediate and delayed
learning for the experimental ideas chapter, effect sizes were too low for these
correlations to be considered of any practical signiﬁcance. There was no signiﬁcant
relationship between enjoyment and learning for the scientiﬁc fairness chapter.

Although a learner who enjoys the learning experience may be more receptive to,
and perhaps even seek out, additional experiences with the topic, unfortunately there was

no way to determine that in this study. As with the link between interest and learning, a

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longitudinal study that explores subjects’ attitudes toward the topics several weeks later,
and perhaps even their responses to additional readings on the same topic, would help
determine if enjoyment can affect receptivity to additional experiences with the topic.

In chapter 2, I cited research providing support for the idea that affect inﬂuences
learning. Speciﬁcally, positive affect (such as enjoyment) results in a reliance on general
knowledge structures, which reduces demand on cognitive resources, which in turns frees
up those resources for other tasks, such as making connections with previous learning and
additional processing. The results of this study did not support the effect of positive affect
on learning; my ﬁndings failed to support Isen, Daubman, and Gorgoglione’s (1987)
hypothesis that positive affect results in deeper processing of new information, with more
connections being made to previously known information. However, as stated earlier,
students had no incentive, and likely no intrinsic desire, to actually learn this information.
Relationship Between Attention and Learning

Keller (1987) argued that attention is an essential prerequisite to leaming—
subjects are not likely to learn anything if they are not paying attention. This study did
not ﬁnd that attention was related to learning: self-reported attention was not correlated
with learning for either of the chapters as measured by either immediate or delayed tests
of learning. Although this ﬁnding seems counterintuitive, attention is likely insufﬁcient
by itself to cause learning. In the case of this study, subjects had no opportunity or
incentive to study the materials in depth, or even to read them carefully; subjects had
nothing at stake (e. g., a grade or other compensation) that would be likely to increase the

amount of effort they were willing to put into learning the information in the readings.

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More research, preferably in a classroom setting in which students have incentive to
learn, is needed to determine if there is a correlation between attention and learning.
Relationship Between Perceived Relevance and Learning

Perceived relevance may inﬂuence the amount of effort learners are willing to
expend in order to learn, and subjects’ perceived relevance can be enhanced in text
through use of certain strategies. Despite theoretical and empirical support for the
relationship between perceived relevance and learning, perceived relevance was not
related to immediate or delayed tests of recall for either of the chapters. In this study,
however, subjects were probably more focused on getting the task done than in doing
well at the task, and they completed the task regardless of its relevance.

Related Research Questions

I explored several questions related to the role of humor in learning that do not

appear in the model presented in chapter 3 (i.e., Figure 3-1).
Informativeness

The ﬁrst related research question asked if subjects perceived humorous material
to be more informative than nonhumorous material. Although my pilot study suggested
that subjects found humorous materials to be more informative, in this larger study,
subjects did not perceive that humorous materials were more informative than
nonhumorous materials. Although this result is not surprising, the fact that this was not
signiﬁcant using a two-tailed test indicates that subjects do not perceive humorous
materials to be any less informative than nonhumorous materials. Authors’ concerns that
their materials will be perceived as less informative if they use humor would appear to be

unfounded, according to these results.

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Humor Supportive of Text

The second question asked how subjects felt humor affected the information
presented (e.g., does humor support or detract from the information?) Overall, subjects
reported that humor supported the information presented, although they found the humor
more supportive in the experimental ideas chapter (mean=4.08; 1=strongly disagree,
5=strongly agree) than in the scientiﬁc fairness chapter (mean=3.76). This is consistent
with my earlier statements regarding the type and integration of humor into the two
chapters: humor was more related to the ideas in that text and more integrated into the
text itself.

Perceived Learning

The third question asked if subjects believed they learned more from humorous
materials than from nonhumorous materials. Subjects believed they learned more from
the humorous version of the experimental ideas chapter than from the nonhumorous
version, but they did not believe they learned more from the humorous scientiﬁc fairness
chapter. Oddly, subjects’ perceptions of learning did not correlate signiﬁcantly with
actual learning for either of the chapters. A qualitative study exploring subjects’
perceptions of learning as it relates to humorous versus nonhumorous materials, along
with a comparison of how these perceptions relate to actual learning, might shed light on
these ﬁndings.

Other Findings
Reading Time
I recorded reading time for the two versions of the chapters. When adjusted for

length, there was no difference in the amount of time it took subjects to read humorous

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vs. nonhumorous text. This did not support my hypothesis that humorous text would tie
into aspects of leisure reading as reported by Lorch, Lorch, and Klusewitz (1993). There
are at least three possible explanations for this: 1) humor in instructional text does not
automatically cause readers to tap into aspects of leisure reading, 2) subjects were not
expected to study this text, so there was no incentive to spend any more time on the text
than was absolutely necessary to “get the job done,” or 3) subjects’ perceptions of the
amount of time it takes to read academic material compared to leisure material is
inaccurate. Lorch et al. (1993) reported that students perceived their reading to be faster
for leisure reading, even when they were reading with the intention of learning
something. However, in the study by Lorch et al., there were no comparisons of actual
reading speed. More research is needed to determine if leisure reading, and particularly
leisure reading with the goal of learning something, is faster than reading done as part of
a class assignment.
Comparisons of Two Chapters

Subjects were asked which chapter they found easier to stick with, which chapter
they enjoyed more, which chapter they felt was more likely to be in a textbook, and
which chapter they would choose for leisure reading. Subjects were also asked to explain
their answers.
Easier to Stick With

When asked which chapter was easier to stick with, most subjects (78 percent)
reported that the humorous chapter was easier to stick with. However, preferences varied
between topics: 92 percent of the subjects who read the humorous experimental ideas

chapter found it easier to stick with that chapter than the nonhumorous scientiﬁc fairness

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chapter. Similarly, 63 percent found it easier to stick with the nonhumorous experimental
ideas chapter than the humorous scientiﬁc fairness chapter. Obviously, with so many
subjects preferring the experimental ideas chapter, the two chapters were not equivalent
in terms of ease of reading, amount and difﬁculty of content, and/or other factors.
However, since subjects who read the humorous version of the scientiﬁc fairness chapter
were more likely to select that chapter than readers who read the nonhumorous version,
humor may have some ability to retain subjects’ interest in informational text. In order to
determine humor’s ability to hold a learner’s attention, more research is needed using
texts that are approximately equivalent in terms of interest and difﬁculty of content.
More Enjoyable

Both versions of the experimental ideas chapter were enjoyed more than the
scientiﬁc fairness chapters: 94 percent of subjects said they enjoyed the humorous
experimental ideas chapter more than the nonhumorous scientiﬁc fairness chapter, and 67
percent enjoyed the nonhumorous experimental ideas chapter more than the humorous
scientiﬁc fairness chapter. Again, since subjects who read the humorous version of the
scientiﬁc fairness chapter were more likely to select it than were readers of the
nonhumorous version of the scientiﬁc fairness chapters, this indicates that humor may
affect readers’ enjoyment, even when the material is difﬁcult.
More Likely in Textbook

When asked which chapter they felt they would be more likely to ﬁnd in a
textbook, most subjects selected the nonhumorous chapter they had read: 88 percent of
subjects who read the humorous experimental ideas chapter and nonhumorous scientiﬁc

fairness chapter reported that the latter would be more likely to appear in a textbook.

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Sixty-six percent of subjects who read the nonhumorous experimental ideas chapter and
the humorous scientiﬁc fairness chapter reported that the former would be more likely to
appear in a textbook.

Although 76 of the 98 subjects who responded to this question said they would be
more likely to ﬁnd the nonhumorous version in a textbook, only seven of the subjects
said this was because of the humor. The largest percentage of subjects (47 percent) cited
the presentation style more generally (e. g., “Readings out of books usually tend to be
more monotonous and hard to pay attention too [sic]” [subject #123]). It is not clear why
students overwhelmingly chose the nonhumorous version as the one that would appear in
a textbook but did not cite humor as the reason for this, since the overall style of
presentation was the same for both humorous and nonhumorous chapters (i.e., humor was
removed from the nonhumorous version, but the author’s casual and direct style of
writing was retained). This suggests that humor may have an effect on subjects’
perception of the presentation of the material that goes beyond the humor itself. A
replication of this study using two chapters that are more closely matched for type and
amount of humor, difﬁculty of content, and interest to subjects may provide a better idea
of how humor affects readers’ responses and impressions of instructional material.
Preferred for Leisure Reading

When asked which chapter they would choose for leisure reading, subjects again
preferred the experimental ideas chapter over the scientiﬁc fairness chapter. Ninety-six
percent of subjects who read the humorous experimental ideas chapter preferred it over

the nonhumorous scientiﬁc fairness chapter, while 35 percent of the subjects who read

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the humorous scientiﬁc fairness chapter preferred it over the nonhumorous experimental
ideas chapter.

As with the ﬁndings regarding the easier chapter to stick with and which chapter
subjects enjoyed more, humor appears to have inﬂuenced which chapter students would
select for leisure reading. Nineteen of 104 subjects cited the humor when asked why they
would select their chosen chapter. Twelve subjects who read the humorous version of the
experimental ideas chapter said it was easy to read and understand, compared to only four
subjects who read the nonhumorous version of that chapter, and three subjects said they
would select the humorous version of scientiﬁc fairness because of the ease of reading.
This suggests that humor may contribute to subjects’ perceptions of a reading as being
easier to read.

Likes

When subjects were asked what they liked about each of the chapters, twice as
many readers of the humorous version than the nonhumorous version of the experimental
ideas chapter reported that it was interesting. Many more of the subjects who read the
nonhumorous experimental ideas chapter cited the writing style or the fact that it was
easy to read or understand, the examples, relevance or their ability to relate to the
material, and organization as factors that they liked about the chapter. Only 20 percent of
the readers of the humorous experimental ideas chapter cited the humor as something
they liked about the chapter.

About half of the readers of the humorous version of the scientiﬁc fairness
chapter cited the humor when asked what they liked about the chapter. This percentage

was much higher than that for the humorous experimental ideas chapter. Readers of the

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nonhumorous scientiﬁc fairness chapter were more likely to list text characteristics (e. g.,
use of bold or italics, headings, etc.) and organization as factors they liked about the
chapter. Approximately equal numbers of subjects of each version of the scientiﬁc
fairness chapter listed ease of reading or the writing style as something they liked about
the chapter; however, only 19 subjects cited this, compared to 40 of the readers of the
experimental ideas chapter. The fact that more subjects said they liked the ease of reading
or the writing style of the experimental ideas chapter than the scientiﬁc fairness chapter is
consistent with ﬁndings that suggest that the scientiﬁc fairness chapter was more difﬁcult
for subjects.

Regardless of which chapter they read, more readers of the nonhumorous versions
than the humorous versions reported that organization was something they liked about the
chapter. More research is needed to determine if humorous text is perceived as less
organized, or if this is an artifact (i.e., although subjects were not limited in the number of
things they could list that they liked about the chapter, perhaps since they could not cite
humor as something they liked about the chapter, they searched for an alternative
explanation).

Dislikes

When asked what they disliked about each of the chapters, subjects listed a
variety of things. About one-quarter of subjects (23 percent) said there was nothing they
disliked about the experimental ideas chapter. In fact, readers of the nonhumorous
experimental ideas chapter were somewhat more likely (14, compared to 10 of the
readers of the humorous version) to say there was nothing they disliked. Readers of the

nonhumorous versions of each chapter were more likely to say that those chapters were

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dry, boring, not interesting, or didn’t hold their attention. One explanation for this effect
is that, even if subjects didn’t ﬁnd the humor to be funny, the humor did provide novelty:
it is unlikely that subjects encountered humor (even if the humor was a rather poor
attempt at amusing the reader) in many of the textbooks they had read prior to their
experiences in this study. According to Keller (1987), novelty can help to capture and
maintain a learner’s interest. Unfortunately, if humor works because of its novelty and
not through some other mechanism, the novelty effect is likely to wear off after repeated
exposure.
Aids to Learning

When asked what helped them learn the information in the chapters, about one-
quarter of the readers of each of the humorous chapters (26 percent and 25 percent of the
readers of the humorous experimental ideas chapter and the humorous scientiﬁc fairness
chapter, respectively) said the humor helped them learn. Readers of both versions of both
chapters frequently said that examples helped them learn; readers of the nonhumorous
scientiﬁc fairness chapter cited examples somewhat more frequently than did readers of
the humorous scientiﬁc fairness chapter. More readers of the humorous versions of the
chapters said ease of reading or understanding, or the writing style helped them learn. In
contrast, readers of the nonhumorous versions were more likely to say the overview or
summary helped them learn. In other words, readers of the humorous versions were more
likely to cite the process of the reading, while readers of the nonhumorous versions cited

the structure.

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Summary

The ﬁndings of this study support the assertion that humor can help students learn
and can have other positive beneﬁts (such as enhancing interest, enjoyment, and
attention), but only under certain conditions. There were indications that the humor in the
scientiﬁc fairness chapter was not well integrated with the text and therefore did not
facilitate learning for readers. However, humor did not appear to have any negative
effects, either on learning or on subjects’ attitudes.

Regarding the qualitative data, it is difﬁcult to know how subjects deﬁned their
uses of terms. For example, a subject’s use of the term “interesting” when describing
what he or she liked about a chapter or why he or she preferred it for leisure reading may
have encompassed humor in addition to any number of other variables (e. g., relevance).
Subjects also combined ideas in their responses that I classiﬁed into two or more
categories. For example, when asked what helped to learn the information in the
experimental ideas chapter, one subject wrote, “It was easy reading that grabbed my
attention” (#106). This was classiﬁed under both “easy to read/understand” and
“attention,” but these factors may not have been separable in the subject’s mind.

Based on my ﬁndings, I have revised my model showing the effect of humor in
instructional text (see Figure 5-1). Learning, interest, and enjoyment remain as important
outcomes of humor in instruction. Note that I have added subject knowledge and
experiences and difﬁculty of content, which combine with actual humor in the text and
delivery of the humor to inﬂuence subjects’ perception and appreciation of humor. If the
humor is perceived and appreciated by the subjects, then interest, enjoyment, and

learning result. Although I didn’t ﬁnd that interest and enjoyment inﬂuenced learning in

126

this study, I proposed that interest and enjoyment may result in a greater receptivity to
additional experiences with the topic; more research is needed to determine if this occurs.
Although there was a direct link between humor and learning for the experimental ideas
chapter, none of the proposed mediating variables were found to have an effect on humor.

However, there may be other variables that mediate the effect of humor on learning.

 

subject
knowledge &
expenences

 

interest

 

 

 

 

presence of
humor in text

 

 

 

perception/
appreciation of learning

_ humor
delivery of \N ?

humor

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

difﬁculty of

content enjoyment

 

 

 

 

Figure 5-1. Revision of model. showing factors that inﬂuence the perception and appreciation of
humor in instructional text and the outcomes of humor
Implications for Theory
In chapter 2, I cited dual coding theory as providing theoretical support for the use

of humor in instructional text. Brieﬂy, dual coding theory states that comprehension and
memory of text are affected by both verbal and nonverbal systems (Sadoski, 93), and that
we understand and remember more if both systems are engaged. I argued earlier that,
based on students’ reactions, the humor in the humorous scientiﬁc fairness was less

integrated with the content. And although half of students who read the humorous version

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of the scientiﬁc fairness chapter said they liked the humor, only one quarter reported that
humor helped them learn. If humor was indeed more effective in the experimental ideas
chapter, then this research supports dual coding theory: the chapter that engaged both
verbal and nonverbal systems was better remembered.

I also discussed Keller’s ARCS model of motivational design of instruction
earlier. Keller’s ARCS model of motivation delineates four requirements that must be
met in order for people to be motivated to learn: the student’s attention must be gained
and sustained, the material must be [elevant to the student, the student must be gonﬁdent
that he or she can learn the material, and the student must be gatisﬁed with the process of
the experience (Keller, 1987). Keller’s ARCS model includes two elements included in
my original model: attention and relevance. I did not ﬁnd a relationship between these
variables and learning, but motivation by itself is not enough to cause learning. Other
factors, such as the opportunity and incentive to learn, may override any effects of
motivation.

Recommendations for Authors who Wish to Incorporate Humor into Instructional Text

Based on the results of my research (including this study, the pilot study, an early
exploratory study of humor in learning, and reviews of the literature), I have the
following recommendations for writers who wish to include humor in their written

instructional materials:

0 Make sure the humor is closely related to the text. Humor that is only
peripherally related to the text may distract readers from the main ideas of the

text.

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Make sure the humor does not assume background or experiences that
students are unlikely to have. Students will not beneﬁt from humor that they
don’t “get.”

Include humor only in instructional pieces that students are likely to
understand reasonably easily. Humor does not appear to aid learning when
readers are struggling just to make sense of the text.

Include the humor as you are initially writing the material. Going back to the
material later and attempting to add humor may result in humor that is more
peripherally related to the ideas in the text and not as well integrated into the
text as a whole.

Link the humor to the main ideas of the text. Wade and Adams (1990) found
that interesting ideas were recalled better than less interesting ideas that were
more important.

Build a relationship with the reader. In my initial studies of humor in
instructional materials, I found that readers were taken aback by humor when
there was no introduction by the author. When I included such an introduction
(i.e., a note from the author telling his reasons for writing in the style he used),
students were more receptive to the humor.

Use humor with caution in particularly sensitive material. In the chapter on
scientiﬁc fairness, after a discussion of a researcher who was investigated for
research fraud and discredited, Martin wrote, “He then promptly committed
suicide.” Although this was not considered particularly humorous, at least one

of the subjects felt this treated suicide lightly: when asked the question “What

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did you not like about this chapter?”, this subject wrote, “Suicide is not funny.
It should not be used as a point of humor” (subject #195).

0 Do not allow humor to take the place of effective instructional techniques in
text. When asked what helped them learn the information in the chapter,
subjects frequently cited organization, examples, and ease of reading.

These suggestions focus mostly on the circumstances under which it is
appropriate to include humor in text, and not on how to come up with humor. Some
professional organizations and companies that specialize in teaching public speaking
offer seminars on including humor. In addition, there are books on comedy writing (e. g.,
Helitzer, 1987), and some community education programs offer courses in stand—up
comedy and comedy writing. Authors who are interested in including humor in their
textbooks may ﬁnd it helpful to explore one or more of these opportunities.

Strengths

This study was a true experiment, which allowed me to manipulate the materials,
determine subjects’ reactions, and make cause-and-effect conclusions for the effects of
humor.

Although I was not able to analyze the study as a single within-subjects design as
I had intended, this design provided me with considerably more information than a
between-subj ects design would have. If I had designed a between-subjects study using
only one of these chapters, 1 would have come to a different conclusion: had I done a
study using only the experimental ideas chapter, I would have concluded that humor
facilitates learning, while a study using only the scientiﬁc fairness chapter would have led

to a conclusion that humor does not aid learning.

130

A power analysis performed prior to data collection indicated that 80 subjects
would be sufﬁcient to determine actual effects of humor. I ended up with usable data
from slightly over 100 subjects, which I believe provided sufﬁcient power to detect any
true differences between the groups.

Limitations

A major limitation of this study was that it did not occur within the context of an
actual course. Students were tested on recall without having either the ability or the
incentive to study. Although the results I found may be important, my ability to
generalize my ﬁndings to a classroom situation are extremely limited.

This study is limited to a single subject area (i.e., experimental psychology). 1 am
not able to state the effects of humor in other subject areas, especially given that I
discovered differences in the effects of humor between two chapters that came from a
single book within a fairly speciﬁc subject area.

This study is also limited to college students who have been in school
continuously since graduating from high school. Additional research would be needed to
determine the effects of humor on subjects who are older and/or who have been out of
school for a while.

Other than presence and absence of humor, I did not manipulate the amount of
humor in this study to determine an optimal amount. Research has indicated that there is
an optimal level of humor in a classroom situation (Ziv, 1988). However, spoken humor
is qualitatively different from written humor: a presenter can rely on spontaneity and
audience needs when presenting humor. These aspects are not available to a writer.

Future studies may investigate the effects of differing levels of humor in text.

131

In order to look at how subjects’ responses compare to speciﬁc instances of
humor in the text, I had four people each rate the humor in two versions of text (either
humorous experimental ideas and nonhumorous scientiﬁc fairness, or nonhumorous
experimental ideas and humorous scientiﬁc fairness). Obviously, more raters would have
helped me get a better sense of what was funny in each chapter and how the humor was
interpreted differently by different people. However, practical considerations limited me
to having each version of each chapter rated by two people.

Out of necessity, the text contained a visible author, which is very different from
the majority of textbooks students have encountered. Some subjects may have found a
visible author disconcerting or even unacceptable (Paxton, 1997). However, Paxton
(1997) found positive effects of a visible author even for a student who found it
objectionable.

Next Steps

Throughout this section, I have suggested additional research that is needed to
conﬁrm or further clarify my ﬁndings. In sum, additional studies should compare
materials matched for type and amount of humor, general interest, and difﬁculty of
content. Studies should take place in classrooms or other environments in which subjects
have the incentive and opportunity to study. Research in an actual classroom setting, in
which the students have a high motivation to do well, may result in the effects of humor
washing out; however, if humor enhances interest and enjoyment, subjects may ﬁnd
learning to be easier. Subjects should be interviewed to determine what they ﬁnd amusing
in the chapters, and to ﬁnd out other effects of humor (such as physiological arousal).

Questions in tests of learning should link both to speciﬁc instances of humor in the text

132

(to determine effects of speciﬁc instances of humor on learning) and to the text more
generally (to verify the overall effect of humor in text). Additional studies should include
populations other than college students and should include text from subjects other than

experimental psychology in order to determine the more general effects of humor on

learning.

133

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140

APPENDICES

141

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177

 

APPENDIX C

 

178

How to Get an Experimental Idea

Martin listed nine reasons why students have trouble coming up with
experimental ideas. What are they? (9 points)

Geniephobia—fear of geniuses

Imitatophobia—fear of imitating

Paraphemaliophobia—fear of apparatus

Manuphobia—fear of doing things by hand
Parsimoniophobia—fear of simplicity

Calculatophobia—fear of statistics

Imperfectaphobia——fear of being imperfect
Pseudomonophonoscientiaphobia—fear of not sounding scientiﬁc
Ergophobia—fear of work

According to Martin, what are the two factors that most strongly inﬂuence the
ability to come up with a good experimental idea? (2)

0 Observation

0 Curiosity

List the ﬁve people or groups Martin suggests that you observe directly as a
means of getting experimental ideas. (2 1/2)

0 Yourself

Friends

Children

Pets

Others/public

What is vicarious observation? (2)
0 Getting experimental ideas by reading other people’s research

What is basic research? (1)

0 Research done for the sole purpose of increasing the scientific body of
knowledge

According to Martin, what are three ways you might expand on your own
research? (1'/2)

0 Answer questions raised by your results

0 Set a variable to a different level in a new experiment

0 Explore unexpected results

What are introspectionists? (1)
0 Researchers who concentrated on looking at their own mental processes

179

How to Get an Experimental Idea

According to David Martin, what is the main reason that students believe they
cannot come up with experimental ideas? (1 point)

a. They are afraid there is something wrong with their ideas.*

b. They do not have enough knowledge to come up with good ideas.

c. They lack the scientiﬁc knowledge needed to come up with good ideas.

(1. They lack the necessary life experience to come up with ideas..

A student reads an article about social learning among primates—speciﬁcally, the
article discusses how baboons can learn how to ﬁsh termites from a termite hill
using a stick by watching another baboon do it successfully. The student wonders
if pigeons can also learn food gathering techniques through social learning. This
an example of getting an experimental idea through: (1)

a. direct observation.

b. vicarious observation.*

c. expanding on one's research.

(1 focusing on a practical problem.

What does Martin encourage as the main source for getting new experimental
ideas? (1)

a. Studying the research of others for inspiration

b. Focusing on a practical problem that needs to be solved

c. Using your prior research as a starting point for future studies

(1. Observing the behavior of yourself and others*

Why does Martin advocate using your own research as a means for getting ideas?

(1)

a. You will already be familiar with the literature, so it will be easier than
starting over with a new idea.

b. It's better for your professional development to know a lot about a fairly
speciﬁc area than a little about a lot of topics.

c. You will probably have more questions than answers after conducting a
research study.*

(1. Once you are an expert in a speciﬁc ﬁeld, you are less likely to be challenged
by your colleagues.

Which of these is an example of someone getting an idea through direct

observation? (1)

a. A student reads a journal article and decides to pursue one of the questions the
researchers raised as a result of their experiments.

b. A student wonders if a certain memory technique that relies on visualization
will work more effectively with people who are visual learners, as opposed to
people who learn better through auditory or kinesthetic techniques.

180

 

c. A student does a study and ﬁnds that using cartoons in a presentation helps
maintain audience attention. The student decides to explore the effect of
differing numbers of cartoons in presentations of a certain length.

d. A student who works in a day care center wonders if girls or boys will show a
greater increase in aggressive behavior after watching cartoon violence.*

6. Using the three characteristics of an experimental idea, which of these describes

the best experimental idea? (1)

a. Are people who wear glasses perceived as smarter?*
b. Do animals dream in color?
0. Is assisted suicide for terminally ill cancer patients wrong?
d. Can some people communicate psychically with animals?
7. What is basic research? (1)
a. Research that solves a problem
b. Research that is original and builds on little if any previous research
c. Research that is done solely to increase the body of knowledge*
(1. Research that that uses little or no apparatus
8. Which of these is an example of someone focusing on a practical problem to

come up with an experimental idea? (1)

a. A student who is a part-time cashier wonders if men or women are more likely
to pay for their purchases with cash.

b. A student wonders if positive reinforcement works equally well for different
kinds of animals.

c. A student found in a previous study that subjects recall more unrelated items
from a list using a particular memory aid and now wonders how subjects can
be encouraged to put this memory aid to use for school work.

(1. A student who works in a day-care center wonders how to best organize the
play equipment so all the children get sufﬁcient exercise.*

9. A woman observes that when she talks on the phone, she frequently engages in

another activity, such as paying bills. Her boyfriend, however, paces the floor
while talking on the phone. The woman wonders if there is a difference between
men and women in their "auxiliary" behaviors on the telephone.

This an example of getting an experimental idea through: (1)

a.

b.
c.
(1

direct observation.*

vicarious observation.
expanding on one's research.
focusing on a practical problem.

181

How to Be Fair with Science

How does Martin deﬁne “dirty tricks”? (2)
o Unethical and unacceptable behaviors

Martin describes two dirty tricks. What are they? (2)
o Fabricating
o F alsifying credentials

How does Martin deﬁne “questionable tricks”? (2)

o Behaviors that are frowned on and that should be guarded against, but are not
so egregious that a researcher would lose scientiﬁc privileges

Martin lists four stages during which questionable tricks may occur. What are
they? (4)

0 Experimental design

Collecting data

Data analysis

Reporting results

How does Martin deﬁne “neat tricks”? (2)
o Behaviors that make science more efﬁcient and easier to understand

Martin describes three neat tricks. What are they? (3)
0 Leaving things out

o Reorganizing

- Reformulating

What is the purpose of a review of a scientiﬁc article prior to publication? (2)

0 Establish whether the research appears to follow the rules of experimentation

- Determine whether contribution is sufﬁcient to warrant using the limited
number of pages in the journal

What does Martin say are the four beneﬁts of establishing a data archive? (2)
Minimizes fraud

0 Researchers would be more careful in their original data analysis

0 Other people could add to the body of knowledge by examining issues not
originally addressed

0 Longitudinal studies in which data are compared over time would be possible

According to Martin, what is the best and most cost-effective way to prevent

fraud in science? (1)
o Emphasize to new researchers the importance of ethical conduct

182

 

 

 

How to Be Fair with Science

What is the purpose of a review of a scientiﬁc article prior to publication? (I

point)

a. Determine if the authors have the necessary credentials to be considered
credible

b. Determine if the writing style is appropriate for the journal

c. Determine whether an investigator who is capable of doing good research has
lied about his/her ﬁndings

(1. Establish whether the research appears to follow the rules of experimentation*

What is the likely penalty to a student or researcher who falsiﬁes his/her
credentials? (1)

A lawsuit

Criminal charges

Dismissal from the ﬁeld*

A full audit of research by a national organization such as the National
Institutes of Health or the Association of American Universities

999‘s»

According to Martin, what is the danger of scientists failing to take formal steps
to ﬁnd and eliminate scientiﬁc misconduct? (1)

a. Scientiﬁc misconduct will become increasingly prevalent.

b. Scientists will lose public funding for their research.

0. Congress may impose such steps through legislation.*

(1. The general public will lose conﬁdence in the results of research.

Suppose you are studying how morning television affects children’s behavior.

Which of the following situations would Martin consider to be cheating? (l)

a. You discover that the children who watched Mighty Morphin Power Rangers
had Chocolate Frosted Sugar Bombs and doughnuts for breakfast, while
children who watched Barney ate a breakfast of eggs and ham. You decide
that the breakfast probably didn’t make any difference and decide not to
consider that as a factor in your study.*

b. As you are writing up the results of your study, you ﬁnd that an article in a
new issue of a journal you read poses a theory that better explains your data
than the theory you had originally operated under. You decide to replace your
old theory with this new one and write up your results in light of the new
theory.

c. You use a questionnaire that has 58 items for each child, many of which you
ﬁnd to have no relevance to the data you collected. You decide against
reporting the results of all 58 items and any possible analysis that could be
done using that data.

(1. You conduct this study as one in a series of studies. You ﬁnd that when you
are done, it seems to make more sense to present the results of the studies in
an order that is different from the chronological order in which the studies

183

 

were conducted. You decide to present the studies in an order other than the
one in which they were conducted.

A researcher is comparing two methods of teaching reading: phonics and whole
language. In which of the following situations would it be okay for the researcher
to remove subjects from the study? (1)

a.

(1.

Some children in both groups failed to show any improvement in reading.
Since the results of these individuals fail to either conﬁrm or deny the
hypothesis, the researcher can safely disregard data from these subjects.
Some of the subjects in the phonics group showed an unexpectedly large
increase in reading skills. If the researcher feels that these children may have
received supplemental instruction that enhanced their learning, the data from
these subjects may be disregarded.

Some of the subjects read proﬁciently prior to the study. Since the researcher
decided prior to collecting data that proﬁcient readers would not show much
improvement and so would not contribute to the understanding of teaching
methods for reading, it is okay to disregard data for these subjects.*

It is never okay to remove subjects from a study after collecting data.

According to Martin, what is the best and most cost-effective way to prevent
fraud in science? (1)

a.
b.

Emphasize to new researchers the importance of ethical conduct“

Require internal review boards to perform random audits on research
conducted at their facility

Encourage funding agencies to perform random audits on research they fund
Require researchers to sign afﬁdavits regarding their adherence to ethical
standards

According to Martin, which of the following is not a questionable behavior? (1)

a.

You hire a student to record the amount of time a pair of young rats exhibit
“play behavior.” You tell the student what the hypothesis of the study is and
which animals are in which experimental group, but you leave it up to the
student to determine exactly what play behavior is and how it should be
recorded.

You hire a student to record the amount of time a pair of young rats exhibit
“play behavior.” You provide the student with training on what constitutes
“play behavior” in young rats. You also tell the student what the hypothesis of
the experiment is, and which animals are in which experimental condition.
You realize that the majority of your data on play behavior shows that the rats
spent either a large amount of time playing or very little time playing. The
statistical test you intended to use requires that data be in the shape of a bell.
You decide to use that test.

You have a graduate student record the amount of time a pair of young rats
exhibit “play behavior.” You provide the graduate student with training on
what constitutes “play behavior” in young rats. You don’t tell the student what

184

the hypothesis of the experiment is, or which animals are in which

experimental condition.*

For each of the following, indicate if it is something Martin referred to as a “dirty trick,”
a “questionable trick,” or a “neat trick.” (1 point each)

 

 

_B_ 8. A researcher wants to test a new method of teaching

_B_9
_C_ 10
_A_ 11
_B_ 12
_C_ 13
_C_ 14

A 15

physical education skills to elementary students. He
has the phys ed teacher use the old method in the
classes that meet before lunch and the new method
for the classes that meet after lunch.

An experimenter spends extra time with subjects in
a group he expects to perform better, and less time
with subjects he expects to perform poorly.

. After running a study on learning, a scientist

decides that the study is more similar to studies that
use situated learning theory instead of the cognitive
learning theory that he had in mind when he ran the
study. He decides to write up the study using
situated learning theory as its basis.

. A scientist beefs up his resume by including a few

ﬁctitious papers.

. A scientist uses a statistical test that requires a bell

curve distribution, even though he knows his data is
not distributed in a bell curve.

. A scientist runs some data analyses that reveal no

new information, so she decides to leave them out
of her report.

. After running several related experiments, the

research decided that it makes more sense to report
them in an order other than the order in which they
were run.

. A researcher fails to receive funding for her

research, but is still under pressure from her
employer to publish articles. She runs a few
subjects, creates data for the remaining subjects,
and then publishes the results of her “research.”

 

a. dirty trick
b. questionable trick

c. neat trick

 

 

185

,--.. _B_?

 

 

 

_B_ 16.

A researcher is investigating the effect of sugary
snacks on the behavior of preschool children. He
observes tapes of the children and records their
behaviors. He is aware of which children have had
sugary snacks and which have had healthier snacks.

. A researcher gets unexpected results, but is able to

explain them using a different theory than the one
he had in mind when he designed the study. He
decides to report the results in light of this other
theory.

. A researcher wants to study a new teaching method.

He has all the history teachers in the high school
use the old method and all the science teachers use
the new method.

. After running a few related studies, a researcher

decides that he should have run another study to
help provide the groundwork for the other studies.
After running this ﬁnal study, he writes up the
report presenting the last study ﬁrst.

. When a researcher runs an experiment, she notices

that the data from a few of the subjects are
substantially different from that of the vast majority
of subjects. She assumes these data are not
reﬂective of the majority of the subjects and
eliminates them from her analyses.

 

a.

dirty trick

b. questionable trick

C.

neat trick

 

186

 

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