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The Role of Ritual In A Contemporary Ojibwa Tribe

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Julie Anne Pelletier

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THE ROLE OF RITUAL IN A CONTEMPORARY OJIBWA TRIBE
By

Julie Anne Pelletier

A DISSERTATION
Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
Department of Anthropology

2002

ABSTRACT
THE ROLE OF RITUAL IN A CONTEMPORARY OJIBWA TRIBE
By

Julie Anne Pelletier

The Sault Ste. Marie Tribe of Chippewa Indians has experienced
tremendous changes in the political, economic, and social spheres over the past
three decades. Before gaining federal recognition in 1975, the tribe shared the
bleak situation of many Native American tribes: poverty, unemployment,
alcoholism, loss of land and language. Being a federally recognized tribe
qualified the SOO Tribe, as it is known, for federal and state monies. The $00
Tribe took advantage of the Indian Gaming Act of 1992 to open the first of
Several casinos. Revenues from gaming have transformed the tribe in many
ways. The 800 Tribe has acquired reservation land, poured money into social
programs, and diversified its business holdings. The membership of the tribe has
increased as has its political and economic influence.

VVIth all of these changes has come an interest in tribal identity. This
dissertation describes the identity—building efforts of various factions and age
groups in the tribe. Following the lead of Victor Turner, Barbara Myerhoff, and
Catherine Bell, it analyzes the use of ritual in the creation and production Of
identity in the SOO Tribe. lt contributes to ongoing theoretical discussions by
identifying the strategies used by various factions and age groups involving ritual.

In doing so, it situates ritual as a strategic practice, what Catherine Bell names

 

ritualization. SOO Tribe members act out ritualization in their efforts to educate
others about their identity, to socialize the tribal youngsters in the tribal identity,

and to express their unique status as a sovereign entity.

Copyright by
JULIE ANNE PELLETIER
2002

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This work could not have been completed without the support and
guidance of the following individuals. This research was made possible by the
generous financial support of the Sault Ste. Marie Tribe of Chippewa Indians and
the King-Chavez-Parks Future Faculty Fellowship.

In the academic world, Loudell Snow was my first graduate advisor and an
excellent role model for a single mother attending graduate school. Chuck
Cleland put his years Of experience to work and introduced me both to my field
site and to people who facilitated my research funding. Jim McClurken was
generous with his time, hisamazing breadth of knowledge and even an airline
ticket to a conference he felt I just had to attend. Jeff Riedinger gave of his time
and helpful comments while serving on my comprehensive examination
committee. Judy Pugh convinced me that not only could I understand
anthropological theory; I could actually enjoy analyzing and applying it. Andrea
Louie provided helpful resources and insights that enriched my work. Laurie
Medina and Susan Applegate Krouse listened to and helped clarify my ideas,
were supportive when l shifted focus, and, most importantly, believed in me as a
person and as a scholar. The first anthropologist I met was Lowell Daigle at the
University of Maine at Fort Kent. She was my teacher, my mentor, and my
friend. She died of cancer before she could see me complete my graduate
eduCation but, luckily, not before I could say thank you and good-bye.

In the tribal world, thanks to everyone, especially the McKecknie family,

who welcomed me into their homes and lives during my fieldwork. Sally

McKecknie was always helpful and supportive. Our camping trips, with kids,
dogs, and miscellaneous friends and relatives, were a lifesaving break from my
work. Rosemary Gaskin was welcoming and informative, sharing her insights
into the development of the tribe in her lifetime. She was lost to the ravages of
diabetes during my stay in the Soo — I miss her. It can be difficult for Indians to
accept the presence of an anthropologist in their midst. I know I did not win
every person’s trust but I was happy to share their lives to whatever extent I
could. I was humbled by those who were proud of a woman very much like them
doing this work for their people. I hope this dissertation does not disappoint
them.

Finally, I want to acknowledge the love and support I have received during
this time from my son, Zachary Firestone. l have been a student throughout his
entire life. He understands more than most what it means to have a goal and
never to give up on it, no matter how tempted you are by easier roads, no matter

how long the road is. I thank him and love him with all my heart.

vi

TABLE OF CONTENTS

CHAPTER I: Introduction
Interest in identity
Ritual and ritualization
Broader context
Dissertation structure

CHAPTER II: THEORIES OF RITUAL
Introduction
Defining ritual
Ritual as symbol
Invented ritual
Ritual as social control
Ritualization as strategy

CHAPTER III: BACKGROUND OF RESEARCH POPULATION
Pre-contact period .
Early contact period
Contemporary period
Summary

CHAPTER IV: F IELDWORK
Methodology
Initial fieldwork 1994
Second fieldwork period 1995-1996
Funding

CHAPTER V: THE CORPORATE INDIANS
Ritualization
Context of interaction
Identity
Ritual as strategy
Analysis

CHAPTER VI: THE BOOMERS
Ritualization
Context of interaction
Identity
Ritual as strategy
Analysis

vii

11

61

68

89

CHAPTER VII: THE YOUNGSTERS
Ritualization
Context of interaction
Identity
Ritual as strategy
Analysis

CHAPTER VIII: THE ELDERS
Ritualization
Context of interaction
Identity
Ritual as strategy
Analysis

CHAPTER IX: CONCLUSIONS
Revisiting ritual and ritualization
Applicability of ritualization
Further inquiry
Conclusion

AFTERWORD
REFERENCES

viii

107

126

142

???

???

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

Interest in identity

The Sault Ste. Marie Tribe of Chippewa Indians has experienced
tremendous changes in the political, economic, and social spheres over the past
three decades. Before gaining federal recognition in 1974, the tribe shared the
bleak situation of many Native American tribes: poverty, unemployment,
alcoholism, loss of land and language. Being a federally recognized tribe
qualified the Soo Tribe, as it is known, for federal and state monies. The $00
Tribe took advantage of the Indian Gaming Act of 1992 to open the first of
several casinos. Revenues from gaming have transformed the tribe in many
ways. The 800 Tribe has acquired reservation land, poured money into social
programs, and diversified its business holdings. The membership of the tribe has
increased, as has its political and economic influence.

VVlth all of these changes has come an interest in tribal identity. This
dissertation describes the identity-building efforts of various factions and age
groups in the tribe. Following the lead of Victor Turner, Barbara Myerhoff, and
Catherine Bell, it analyzes the use of ritual in the creation and production of
identity in the Soo Tribe. lt contributes to ongoing theoretical discussions by
identifying the strategies used by various factions and age groups involving ritual.
In doing so, it situates ritual as a strategic practice, what Catherine Bell names

ritualization. Soo Tribe members act out ritualization in their efforts to educate

others about their identity, to socialize the tribal youngsters in the tribal identity,

and to express their unique status as a sovereign entity.

Ritual and ritualization

I conducted fieldwork in northern Michigan over the course Of about
eighteen months. The broad focus of my investigation was an interest in tribal
identity, research that was proposed and funded by the Sault Ste. Marie Tribe Of
Chippewa Indians, informally known as the Soo Tribe. The tribe expressed an
interest in applied anthropological research leading to programs and concepts
they could implement to improve and enhance a sense of tribal identification.

The working definitiOn of identity which I used, and expanded upon, was
the one suggested by the tribal administration when they contracted my services.
This definition was concrete in its application: the tribal administration wanted
their members to identify themselves publicly as SOO Tribe members. In other
words, when asked, the tribal members should name themselves as $00 Tribe
members instead of the more generic terms of "Indian," Ojibwa," "Chippewa," or
even "Anishinabe." l expanded the definition somewhat to include these more
generic definitions of themselves as Indians, rather than simply as members Of
the Soo Tribe. The primary reason for expanding the definition of identity was
the lack of individuals who identified themselves primarily as $00 Tribe members.

The subgroups or categories I refer to in the dissertation, the Corporate
Indians, the Boomers, the Elders, and the Youngsters, are based partly on tribal

categories and partly on the theory I use to analyze the use Of ritual. I will

explain each in turn. First, the use of age categories by $00 Tribe members is
common. For example, when standing in line for food at a ceremonial feast,
people arrange themselves from eldest to youngest. Members who are reluctant
to reveal their birth date are teased and gently ridiculed. l was able to utilize this
cultural concept comfortably if loosely to working with my field data.

Secondly, the analytical categories I created and used also reflected the
similar use of ritual by individuals who shared characteristics, many of which
were age-related characteristics. The Elders shared certain concerns with one
another, as did the individual Youngsters. The Corporate Indians and the
Boomers belong to the same loose-defined age group and l have placed them in
their respective categories-based instead on attitudinal differences, with the
Corporate Indians focusing on the tribe as a corporate business entity and the
Boomers focusing on the spiritual and traditionally-oriented aspects of the tribe.

The size of the Soo Tribe, more than 30,000, and its recent economic
success (the largest employer in the Upper Peninsula of Michigan, with gross
revenues in excess of $450 million in 2001) are two of the reasons for the tribe’s
concern with identity. Prior to federal recognition in 1974 and to the advent of
casino gaming in the 90s, the Soo Tribe shared the same plight as many tribes in
the US: high rates of unemployment, poverty and disease, institutional racism
and discrimination, and poor living conditions. Transformed by sudden wealth
and a rapid increase in membership, due to the decision to define membership
based on lineal descent, the Soo Tribe has been struggling to create or maintain

a sense of tribal cohesiveness and identity.

An overview of the historical and ethnographic data revealed a lack of
documentation concerning the SOO Tribe's existence in the past as a discrete
group or tribe. Instead, there is ample evidence that their current home in Sault
Ste. Marie was a gathering place in the summer for people from all over the
upper Great Lakes and parts of southern Michigan. The $00 Tribe may very well
be the descendants of individuals or families who chose to stay in the area after
culture contact, most probably for economic reasons having to do with the fur
trade. Having no legal land base until recently, having experienced hundreds of
years of poverty and disease, being a tribe with a high percentage Of mixed'
bloods, and having almost lost their language and spiritual beliefs, the SOO
Tribe’s desire to create a strong sense of unity and identity is understandable.
The use of ritual and ceremony in their attempts to create this sense of identity
opened an area Of analysis, the concept of ritual as strategy, or ritualization.

A brief exploration of the theories of ritual should begin with the work of
Durkheim (2001) who created rigid categories to separate the secular or the
profane from the sacred. This type of classification system means that rituals are
sacred in nature and are “fixed modes of action” based on religious beliefs. Jean
and John Comaroff (1993), praxis anthropologists, urge us to “dispense with the
old Eurocentric dichotomy between the sacred and the profane” (xviii). The
artificial distinction of sacred and profane insists that ritual is separate from
everyday life, not a useful definition when working with the Ojibwa belief system
that does not make this sharp distinction but, rather, views spirituality as a part of

everyday life.

Victor Turner’s (1965, 1969, 1975, 1979, 1985, 1992) concept of ritual with
its performance aspect is closer to the approach needed to analyze ritual activity
in the Soo Tribe. Turner states that belief is an essential aspect of ritual, yet his
work in performance seems to call more for the suspension of disbelief than for
true faith-based belief. One of his students, Barbara Myerhoff (1977), takes ritual
in this interesting direction and argues that a successful ritual is one that is good
enough that the participants agree to suspend disbelief or to at least not express
their discontent openly: “Not all the participants involved need to be equally
convinced or equally moved” (1977:222).

Sally Moore (1975, 1977), another of Turner’s students, proposes a
solution to the dichotomy she sees in concepts of ritual: stability and continuity
contrasted with maneuverability and interpretability. Rather than choosing one or
the other concept or abandoning the concept of ritual entirely, Moore proposes
viewing ritual as a social process, specifically “in terms of the interrelationship of
three components: the processes of regularization, the processes Of situational
adjustment, and the factor of indeterminacy (1979:219). When we conceptualize
ritual as a process, we are able to account for the variability in the practice of
ritual and situate ritual practitioners and ritual innovators in a central and active
role.

A model developed by Catherine Bell (1992), which she calls ritualization,
allows a deeper understanding of the role of ritual in identity formation and
reinforcement in the Soo Tribe. Like Moore (1975, 1977) and others, Catherine

Bell seeks to refocus the discussion of ritual onto context of ritual practice and

 

 

the role of ritual in everyday life. This requires a shift from ritual to ritualization,
from an analysis of the action of ritual to an analysis of the strategy of
ritualization. Bell states that "ritualization is first and foremost a strategy for the
construction of certain types of power relationships effective within particular
social organizations" (1992:197). In keeping with this concept, my dissertation
explores the contexts in which ritualization is effective and how tribal members
practice ritualization to achieve particular goals.

Applying the concept of ritualization was critical to the analysis of ritual
activities of various tribal actors. Ritualization conceptualizes ritual as strategy,
thereby placing the Soo Tribe members in the center of the action. This
approach allows the researcher to ask critical questions: “how does the actor
use ritual strategically?; and “what motivates the actor to practice ritualization?”
Researchers can get at questions of interaction between actors in terms of
ritualization. How does the ritualization Of one actor or group of actors affect
another group? What characterizes the individuals who share a mode or
motivation of practicing ritualization?

In the case of the Soo Tribe, the groups of individual actors share modes
of behaving strategically with ritual. As I mentioned earlier, these groups fall
roughly into age categories, which I named the Corporate Indians, the Boomers,
the Elders, and the Youngsters. The age groups differ in some respects but
share a goal of identifying themselves with the larger tribal group. The Boomers
are the most ritually active group in the tribe, taking responsibility for reviving,

maintaining, and sometimes creating rituals to meet the needs of the tribe. For

example, they have revived the naming ceremony, in which a tribal member is
given an Ojibwa name. The Boomers have created a syncretic funeral ritual that
combines aspects of Ojibwa and mainstream funeral practices into a ceremony
with which most tribal members feel comfortable. These and other rituals
promote a sense of unique identity and of belonging to the larger group. The
strategic practice of ritual, or ritualization, can be an important component in
identity building.

The other groups I define within the tribal practice ritualization in other
settings and to achieve other goals. Briefly, I will describe the contexts and goals
of the three other groups. The Youngsters are perhaps the most predictable in
their strategic use of ritual. They turn to ritual or promise to become more
involved in the ritual and ceremonial life of the tribe when they are in some kind
of trouble. These actions and promises of action are particularly effective when
their audience is the more traditionally oriented members of the tribe. Elders are
expected to be more involved in spiritual and ritual matters. Many tribal
members see this as a “natural” part of being an Elder. In fact, while some
Elders may have some ritual knowledge, many others do not. The rewards for
playing the role of the traditional Elder are great, including lots of positive
attention from younger tribal members and increased opportunities for social
interactions. The Corporate Indians, with their economic and political focus, are
rarely involved in ritual on a personal level but are aware of the enormous
potential in the strategic use Of ritual to put forward their agenda. This agenda

includes promoting a sense of tribal identification and solidarity among members

while stressing the unique status of the tribe to the outside world. Bell reminds
us that ritualization "may be an effective way of acting in certain places at certain
times, under other conditions it may be useless or counterproductive" (1992:206).
I have been careful to describe the contexts in which ritualization has been an

effective tool for these groups within the SOO Tribe.

Broader context

Ritualization is a powerful tool for analysis in Native American and Native
Canadian studies, as indigenous individuals and populations seek to assert their
identity within and outside of mainstream society. The history of the relationships
between indigenous peoples and federal governments in North America has
been marked by changes in how indigenous peoples are defined, how they are
identified. The pressures of colonization, warfare, and disease have forced
indigenous populations in North America and elsewhere to reconceptualize
themselves, to seek an identity that meets their needs.

WIthin the Soo Tribe, ritualization is a powerful tool in the hands of
individuals and groups in the process of identity creation or reaffirrnation.
However, ritualization can be used to frame broader questions and explorations
of identity in anthropology. Kertzer (1988) does not use Bell’s (1992) term
“ritualization” but is applying the concept in his exploration of the worldwide use
of ritual by political groups. His examples of ritualization include the Soviet
Union, the Ku Klux Klan, and the French Revolution. Anderson (1983) and

others interested in nationalism and the creation of nation identities Often refer to

the use of ritual in the “imagining of communities”, to paraphrase Anderson’s
term. Moore (1975) applies the concept of ritualization to more informal, even
“accidental” groups or communities, such as the participants in the original
gathering at Woodstock. These informal groups, like those involved in nation
building, also rely on symbols and rituals to draw them together and to achieve
particular goals.

In their examination Of the state of anthropology, Marcus and Fischer in
1986 stated that identity, whether ethnic, regional, or national, needed a fresh
look. I agree with this assessment and suggest that identity is an issue worth
continued study, and that ritualization can be a valuable tool to understand how
some groups and societies construct identity. The means by which people
strategize, which may include the manipulation Of ritual with all of its symbolic
potential, have broad implications and, therefore, broad applications for further
study.

The importance of the use of ritual as part of identity creation and
reinforcement can be found in the anthropological literature, as l have attempted
to illustrate. What is lacking, however, is the explicit analysis of ritualization as it
applies to identity formation. Some of the examples given my ritualization;
what are needed are more studies like this one that examine the ritual basis for
people’s actions. The strategic use of ritual is found in groups and societies
worldwide and, as such, deserves further development in anthropological

studies.

Dissertation structure

Chapter II is a discussion Of the ways ritual is understood by social
scientists. In Chapter III, I provide an historical context for the Soo Tribe and
Chapter IV is a description of my fieldwork methodology. Chapters V and VI
have some overlap: Chapter V describes the experiences and activities of tribal
members I call the Corporate Indians, most of whom are 30 to 55 years old.
Chapter VI covers a different segment of the same age group, which I have
called the Boomers. These individuals are involved in reviving and retaining
traditional tribal practices while the Corporate Indians focus on managing the
tribe. Chapters VII and VIII focus on younger members (under 20 years old) and
older Soo Tribe members (over 55 years old).

I have relied on practice theory to describe the Ojibwas as actors
strategically using ritual to achieve individual and group goals. In this analysis, I
turned to the work of Victor Turner, Pierre Bourdieu, Jeanne Comaroff, and
Catherine Bell. Chapter IX is a presentation of my conclusions and ideas for
further research. Finally, I have included an Afterword as a reflexive look at my

fieldwork experience.

10

CHAPTER II

THEORIES OF RITUAL

Introduction

I conducted fieldwork in northern Michigan over the course Of about
eighteen months. The broad focus of my investigation was an interest in tribal
identity. The Ojibwa tribe I was studying was also interested in this topic,
requesting specific suggestions and proposed courses of action they could
implement to improve and enhance a sense of tribal identification. While
conducting this research, my attention was drawn to the ritual expressions of the
tribe. Eventually, ritual beCame a sort of lens into the tribe’s goals and strategies
for expressing and teaching tribal identity.

In the history of anthropology as a discipline, ritual has drawn the attention
of field workers, Often for the exotic-seeming nature of the ritual practices. Many
students of anthropology, taking that first introductory class, are introduced to
rituals like the potlatch Of the American Northwestern tribes, and are excited by
the foreignness of it, the alien idea of giving away valuable possessions as a
means to accrue status — a concept Opposed to what most American students
learn in mainstream society. The early days of anthropological study tended to
emphasize the exotic/primitive nature of ritual, a history that initially turned me
away from examining the use Of ritual I observed while doing fieldwork. Michelle
Rosaldo struggled with this dilemma in her work with the llongots: I had for

some time been reluctant to Isolate as a subject for research a single ‘symbol’

1]

which, like headhunting, appeared as an exotic fact...” (1980:19). The rituals
drew my attention repeatedly, both while in the field and during the process Of
analyzing field notes after I left the field, and it seemed that there must be
something of value to examine in this area. I realized, upon reflection, that I was
not interested in the “exotic” nature of 800 Tribe rituals. I did not want simply to
describe various tribal rituals I observed during my fieldwork. The rituals gained
their meaning, their significance in their context and their purpose. My focus is,
therefore, the use of ritualization as strategy.

First, I will give a brief history of the concept of ritual, from its beginnings
as a purely religious category to one that includes the secular, referring to
theOrists such as Emile Durkheim and Victor Turner. I will examine the concept
of invented ritual as proposed by Barbara Myerhoff. I will apply a model
developed by Catherine Bell to place the various definitions and examples of
ritual into specific categories of social control. Next, I will examine the concept of
ritual as a part of practice/praxis, turning to Pierre Bourdieu and Jean and John
Comaroff. I will then return to Bell’s work to describe her concept of ritualization
as strategy. Finally, I will state my intention to examine the use of ritual in the

Soo Tribe through the lens of ritualization as strategy.

Defining ritual
It is customary for the academic writer to spend some time defining the
term or terms she will use. However, theoretical discussions concerning ritual

emerge in and cross a number of disciplines, with work done in history,

12

philosophy, psychology, religion, literature, theatre, sociology, anthropology, and
so on. The depth and breadth of material relating to ritual necessitates narrowing
the fOcus. In this chapter, I will limit the discussion to theorists and theories more
closely related to the social sciences. [l have found this type of disclaimer is
common in writing about ritual. Richard Schechner expressed the sentiment in
his foreword to Victor Turner’s The Anthropology Of Performance: “Even to say it
in one word, ritual, is asking for trouble. Ritual has been so variously defined —
as concept, praxis, process, ideology, yearning, religious experience, function —
that it means very little because it can mean too much” (1992:10).]

For Durkheim, an early writer on ritual and one often referred to by
theorists, rites are an integral part of religion and therefore, fall into the category
Of sacred: “All known religious beliefs ...present a common quality: they
presuppose a classification of things...into two classes, two opposite kinds,
generally designated by two distinct terms effectively translated by the words
profane and sacred’ (2001236). Durkheim then assures that “anything at all, can
be sacred” (2001236), not just deities or gods. Rites, however, “can have this
sacred character as well; in fact, no rite exists that does not have it to some
degree” (2001 :36). Rites, or ritual, are sacred in nature and are “fixed modes of
action” based on religious beliefs.

Over the course of his long career, Victor Turner’s interest in ritual and
performance was unwavering. Turner has described ritual as embedded in
religion, particularly in his discussions of liminality and rites of passage (1967,

1969, 1974, 1975, 1985). Belief is an essential aspect of ritual for Turner; the

13

ex;

individual undergoing a rite of passage and those assisting or observing the rite
beliele that the individual has been transformed. This transformation and the
ritual that enables the transformation to occur is magical (1985:218); it is
supernatural.

Turner’s interest in performance eventually led him and his students to
expand the definition of ritual beyond the religious into the secular. In defining
ritual, the following illustrate how Turner’s conception of ritual in terms Of secular
versus religious changes and is refined over time. The first quote is Durkheimian
in its restrictiveness while the second quote describes Turner’s application of

ritual on a broader scale:

(Ritual is) prescribed formal behavior for occasions not given over to
technological routine, having reference to beliefs in mystical beings or

powers. [1967219]

In various publications I have suggested that ritual was “a transfonnative
performance revealing major classifications, categories, and

contradictions Of cultural process.” [19852251]

While his definition of ritual seems to change somewhat over the course of his
career, his interest in symbolic meanings remains part of Turner’s examination of
ritual. Referring to Ndembu rituals, he observes, “almost every article used,
every gesture employed, every song or prayer, every unit of space and time, by

convention stands for something other than itself” (1969215). Some (Dirks,

l4

Grimes) argue that Turner’s emphases on religion and belief are a result of
unexamined assumptions stemming directly from Durkheim’s dichotomy of
sacred and profane.

By no means is Turner’s early Durkheimian definition of ritual universally
accepted. In a volume of essays entitled Victor Tumer and the Construction Of
Cultural Criticism, Ronald L. Grimes critiques Turner’s definition of ritual as
“prescribed formal behavior for occasions not given over to technological routine,
having reference to beliefs in mystical beings or powers” (Turner 1967:19)]. He
argues that belief and ritual are not necessarily connected and, in reference to
“technological routine”, that one may find “technicians of the sacred” engaged in
rituals such as making crops grow (1967:142). Also, Grimes points out that
Turner’s definition and theory could be inconsistent: “Turner links ritual and
religion - a practice inconsistent with his having called attention to the
transfonnative powers of secular ritual as well as his having attended to ritual in
contemporary art and drama, both Of which may or may not be religious in a
given instance” (196721.43). Finally, he comments that “(Turner’s) sense of ritual
— as opposed to his definition of it — paid little attention to the secular-sacred
distinction” (1967:145). Grimes fails to acknowledge, in his critique, the
development over time of Turner’s understanding of ritual. Eventually, Turner
comes to see that the distinction between ritual as sacred or secular is important
more on a descriptive level than at a categorical level. In other words, ritual is

not necessarily embedded in a religious belief structure but may be an integral

15

 

it

IOIII

a:
0‘.

part Of secular practices, such as biomedicine (for example, descriptions of the

ritual of scrubbing up for surgery).

Ritual as symbol

The symbolism of ritual is a focus for some ethnographers and theorists.
Ortner defines ritual as a “culturally formalized event that the people themselves
see as embodying in some way the essence of their culture, as dramatizing the
basic myths and visions of reality, the basic values and moral truths, upon which
they feel their world rests” (197811). She is interested in what ritual dies but is
dissatisfied with the purely functional approach, seeing it as limited in what it can
tell the researcher. Ritual does address problems, works upon the problems,
and comes up with solutions. However, Ortner is also interested in where the
problem is located and uses an example from her fieldwork with the Sherpas:
“the Sherpa rite of atonement, for example, utilizes symbols of the family, and we
must ask why a sense of sin is culturally tied to, and takes meaning from, family
organization (and vice versa)” (197813). For Ortner, “the symbols of the rituals, in
other words, lead us toward discovery of structural conflict, contradiction, and
stress in the wider social and cultural world” (197823). The importance of
symbols and meaning is key to Ortner’s analysis Of ritual. In her essay
summarizing theory in anthropology, Ortner comments that Turner and symbolic
anthropologists (like Geertz) had much in common, but that Turnerians added an

important dimension to the field:

16

They investigated in much more detail than Geertz, Schneider, et al, the
“effectiveness of symbols,” the question of how symbols actually do what
all symbolic anthropologists claim they do: “operate as active forces in the

social process.” [1984:131]

Invented ritual

Myerhoff and Moore, students of Turner’s, are interested in secular ritual,
the role of belief in ritual, and the made-up quality of some ritual activities. I will
look at their work in turn. Myerhoff’s definition of ritual is similar to Turner’s:
“Ritual is an act or actions intentionally conducted by a group of people
employing one or more symbols in a repetitive, formal, precise, highly stylized
fashion” (1977, p. 199). Like Turner (and Jean Comaroff in Body of Power, Spirit
of Resistance), she describes the physiological aspects of ritual: “rituals
persuade the body first" (ibid). The physical context of the ritual act and how its
elements play upon the senses is a key element of ritual performance as the
repetitive, predictable movements and body postures create the “set-apart”
experience for the actors. The physiological aspects of ritual play outin both
secular and religious ritual. Myerhoff seems unwilling to mark a sharp boundary
between secular and religious ritual in her own work, instead exploring the
innovative quality of made-up ritual that may have religious components, or not.

Another key element of ritual performance is the willingness of participants
to suspend critical, analytical thought. The fiction of ritual, its made-up nature, is

illustrated by Myerhoff in her description of a special graduation ceremony.

17

While doing fieldwork in a Senior Citizens Center that serves an immigrant
Jewish community, she observes the creation and playing out Of a ritual. Some of
the elderly Jews have taken part in a Yiddish History class and the graduation
ceremony will mark the completion of the course. The teacher “invented a
ceremony that combined an American graduation with the traditional, Eastern
European Jewish siyum; it was, he assured everyone, going to be ‘absolutely
unique’” (1979284). “Unique” is not a term that is typically associated with a
discussion of ritual yet Myerhoff argues that a one-time, unique event can be a

ritual. It is not without danger

because when we are not convinced by a ritual we may become aware Of
ourselves as having made them up, thence on to the paralyzing realization
that we have made up all our truths; our ceremonies, our most precious

conceptions and convictions. ..[1979286]

Myerhoff argues that “Not all the participants involved need to be equally
convinced or equally moved” (19772222). The success of the ritual performance
depends upon it being sufficiently engaging for all participants. In improvising a
new ritual, the creators may draw upon Older traditions and rituals, as the Yiddish
History teacher did at the Senior Citizens Center. Certain aspects may be
altered to fit circumstances, as the elderly graduates deciding against a formal
procession for fear that someone would stumble. Myerhoff is not arguing for the
necessity of belief among ritual participants, but rather for the temporary

secession of disbelief. Or, at the least, a pretense of belief that is demonstrated

18

by not disrupting the ritual performance with expressions of disbelief or
discontent.

Moore, another of Turner’s students, is interested in the paradox she sees
in concepts of ritual: stability and Continuity contrasted with maneuverability and
interpretability. Rather than choosing one of the poles or abandoning the
concept as unusable, she proposes viewing ritual as a social process, specifically
“in terms of the interrelationship of three components: the processes of
regularization, the processes of situational adjustment, and the factor of
indeterminacy (19792219). She argues that “if the assumption is made that in
some underlying and basic sense social reality is fluid and indeterminate, and
that it is transformed into sOmething more fixed through regularizing processes,
yet can never entirely or completely lose all of its indeterminacy, a great range of
variability can be accounted for” (19792237). Myerhoff’s work on ritual would fit
well into the analytical framework proposed by Moore, which attempts to account
for paradox of ritual. The graduation ceremony described by Myerhoff has been
‘regularized’ by borrowing from accepted’ritual practices, like high school
graduatiOns. There have been necessary ‘situational adjustments’ stemming
from the age and ethnicity of the graduates and their membership in the Senior
Citizens Center. The ‘indeterminacy’ of the entire ritual, its made-up nature, has
the dual effect of causing some participants to scoff at it while allowing the
ceremony to be shaped by the participants as well. Will this special graduation
ceremony take place again; will it become a stable ritual for the member of the

Senior Citizens Center? It is not outside the realm of possibility.

19

Ritual as Social control

According to Catherine Bell, Durkheim’s model influences many
writers/theorists who have an interest in ritual. According to Bell, their work with
ritual usually falls into one of the following “four influential theses concerning
ritual as a means of social control: the social solidarity thesis, the channeling of
conflict thesis, the repression thesis, and the definition of reality thesis
(19922171).

Social solidarity thesis: Durkheim’s work is an example of the first thesis
as it emphasizes ritual and its shared symbols as tools that enhance social
solidarity, what he describes as the moral community. Members of moral
community can readily identify and categorize objects, places, and activities as
sacred or profane as well as identifying those who share or do not share these
beliefs. Belief and ritual are essentially intertwined.

Channeling of conflict thesis: The second thesis of ritual as social control
is channeling of conflict, labeled thus by Bell to describe the idea of ritual as a
safety valve in society. Victor Turner describes ritual performances as the
culturally appropriate and effective means of expressing tensions and discontent
(1967). Of interest are rituals that reverse the “natural order” of a group or
society (rituals of inversion), with the oppressed segments Of society ritually
elevated about their “normal” station or being allowed to act disrespectfully to

their “betters.” Turner writes

structural underlings may well seek, in their liminality, deeper involvement

in a structure that, though fantastic and simulacral only, nevertheless

20

enables them to experience for a Iegitimated while a different kind of
‘release’ from a different kind of lot. Now they can lord it, and “strut and
stare and a’ that,” and very frequently the targets of their blows and abuse
are the very persons whom they must normally defer to and Obey.

[19692201]

Kertzer also writes about “pent-up tensions that require periodic release”
(1988273) but seems to balance between the first (social solidarity) and second

(channeling of conflict) theses of ritual as social control:

The very fact that people spend most of their lives in a hierarchically
ordered society generates pent-up tensions that require periodic release.
People must somehow express their unity with other, and this takes place

through rituals. [1988273]

Unlike Durkheim, Kertzer’s understanding of ritual is not limited to religion and his
discussions of nation and other political units involve secular rituals such as
parades and singing anthems. The purpose of these secular rituals, however, is
the same: enhancing solidarity and channeling conflict.

Repression thesis: Other theorists have developed a concept of rituals
that fall into Bell’s third thesis. Ritual is an aspect of culture that serves to control
the violence of nature and the violence that is within people (Bell 19922173).
According to Bell, this thesis has lost favor due to its psychological basis that

impoverishes an exploration Of the social and cultural contexts of ritual. I was

21

 

unable to find any specific examples in my readings for this thesis but am not
convinced that this thesis no longer has proponents. Perhaps the repression
aspect has been subsumed into the concept of channeled aggression and
violence.

Definition of reality thesis: For proponents of the fourth thesis Of ritual as
social control, ritual is a model of social norms being acted out to assist with the
internalization of those norms. Clifford Geertz, like Turner, describes ritual as a
performance but his interest is in how ritual “defines” social norms, how ritual

defines reality:

But meanings can only be “stored in symbols: 3 cross, a crescent, or a
feathered serpent. Such religious symbols, dramatized in rituals or related
in myths, are felt somehow to sum up, for those for whom they are
resonant, what is known about the way the world is, the quality of the
emotional life it supports, and the way one ought to behave while in it.

[1973:1271

Michelle Rosaldo’s work with the llongot and her analysis of the ritual of
headhunting is another example of this thesis. For the llongot, headhunting
defined their reality in many ways and the curtailing (by law) of this practice
created a sense of heartsickness or “heavy heart” (Iigit), perhaps akin to

Durkheim’s anomie. Rosaldo explains:

22

Order in llongot life does not exist in “structures” bestowed mythically by
ancestors or gods, in social rules or strict taboos, or in a firm sense of
tradition. Nor can we say that liget consistently order present life,
because, as llongots are wall to well aware, it can as easily make for
strain. A more appropriate sort of claim is that emotionally oriented
images and themes maintain for llongots a sense of consistency in things
that people do, thereby permitting them to see over time that people act in If
more or less familiar ways for more or less well-known reason. And these
reasons, reflected in (as they are patterned by) the organization of their
social world, lend an aura of continuity and coherence to the activities that

they, in turn, explain. [1980227]

One can see Geertz’s influence on Rosaldo’s interpretations and her focus on
the symbolic meaning of headhunting and its rituals for the llongot as well as on
the work referred to earlier by Ortner. I would now like to examine a different

way Of looking at ritual, that of looking at ritual as a strategy: ritualization.

Ritualization as strategy

Almost twenty years ago, Marcus and Fischer noted that

The authority of ‘grand theory’ styles seem suspended for the moment in
favor of a close consideration of such issues as contextuality, the meaning
of social life to those who enact it, and the explanation of exceptions and

indeterrninants rather than regularities in phenomena observed. [19868]

23

Catherine Bell argues that it is time to put aside some of these grand theories of
ritual and instead focus on the context of ritual and its role In everyday life. The
focus should shift from ritual to ritualization, from an analysis of the action of

ritual to an analysis of the strategy of ritualization:

...ritualization is a strategy for the construction of a limited and limiting

power relationship. This is not a relationship in which one social group
has absolute control over another, but one that simultaneously involves
both consent and resistance, misunderstanding and appropriation. [Bell

199228]

This is not a new theory of ritual, according to Bell:

What I have attempted to do is forge a framework for reanalyzing the
types of activities usually understood as ritual... The framework proposed
here focuses, therefore, on the generation of what we call ritual as a way

of acting, namely, the ritualization of activity. [19922219]

Ritualization as a strategy does not imply total control; nor does it imply belief.
“Ritualized practices, of necessity, require the external consent of participants
while simultaneously tolerating a fair degree of internal resistance. As such they
do not function as an instrument of heavy-handed social control” (Bell 19922221).

As to the question of belief in ritual, Bell notes that

24

...the traditional association of belief and ritual is also challenged by
growing evidence that most symbolic action, even the basic symbols of a
community’s ritual life, can be very unclear to participants or interpreted by

them in very dissimilar ways. [19922183]

By putting the focus on ritual as strategy, Bell allows us to see both the ritual
specialists and the participants as being active players, as being capable Of
manipulation and strategizing.

Dirks, in his essay “Ritual and Resistance: Subversion as a Social Fact”,
states, “Ritual is a term that sanctifies and marks off a space and a time of
special significance. Ritual may be a part of everyday life, but it is fundamentally

1”

opposed to ‘the everyday (19922214). Dirks critiCizes anthropology and history
for making assumptions about ritual, particularly concerning forms of everyday
resistance. Rather than looking for a “new arena where resistance takes plaCe”,
he urges researchers to look at long-standing expressions of everyday
resistance, such as rituals. The assumptions about ritual that are exposed are its
role as a form of social control and nothing else. In this short essay, Dirks
describes village festivals that can have significant ritual power, even if they do
not occur, to illustrate: “what I might mean by the subversive nature of ritual
practice and discourse” (19922236).

Bourdieu, in developing the idea of praxis, (what Ortner refers to as “a

new key symbol of theoretical orientation (19842127), focuses on the everyday

and what he calls habitus. Bourdieu defines habitus as a set Of durable

25

predispositions that have been structured by the individual actor’s Iifeworld. This
is not an external set of rules but rather is an unquestioned sense of what one
should do. SO everyday practice is made up Of mostly unconscious behaviors,
and similarities of Iifeworld will create similarities in habitus among members of
the same social group. This gives the impression of actors behaving like cultural
automatons, yet Bourdieu argues that the actor does make choices, does

express intentionality, and does use ritual strategically: “But even the most

- .fiil

strictly ritualized exchanges, in which all the moments of the action, and their

Jr
.44 ..

unfolding, are rigorously foreseen, have room for strategies...(1977215). He uses
examples, such as gift giving, and wedding and marriage negotiations, to
illustrate the role Of the individual actors in making strategic ritual decisions. For
Bourdieu, ritualization is a form of everyday resistance.

Dirks defines ritual as being “fundamentally Opposed to the ‘everyday”’. I
do not believe that this contradicts Bourdieu and other theorists situating ritual in
the strategizing of the everyday. Rather, I believe that Dirks is contrasting the
everyday of praxis with the everyday of ordinary language. None of the theorists
argues that ritual is set apart. It is this aspect of ritual that is recognized and
manipulated by Bourdieu’s actors, often in the context of everyday activities.

In the introduction to Modernity and Its Malcontents, Jean and John
Comaroff are emphatic that we should treat “ritual as an integral dimension of
everyday existence” and “dispense with the old Eurocentric dichotomy between
the sacred and the profane” (19932xviii). They critique Turner’s approach to

ritual; he is seen as falling short due to the rigidity of his definition of ritual:

26

“Ritual is not here conceived as something that may actively refigure meanings in
line with changing perceptions of the universe” (19932xxi). Ritual, for the
Comaroffs, must be flexible and creative, responsive to change, malleable in the
hands of “ritual innovators.” Jean Comaroffs work in southern Africa illustrates
ritualization: “In a study of the Tshidi of South Africa, Jean Comaroff contrasts
the ritual construction of personhood in precolonial ritual life with the very
different form of personhood ritually constructed in postcolonial Zionist churches”
(Bell 1992297). Postcolonial rituals are syncretic, accepting “outside” .
commodities while creating rituals to “reform” the goods, making them acceptable
for use. The Comaroffs note the power of syncretic rituals: “(These new signs
and techniques) often come to be potent...they tend to become the currency of
ritual that seeks both to preserve endangered values and to give birth to new
possibilities” (1993zxxii).

While conducting fieldwork among female ritual leaders in Australia,
Dussart soon realized that “what mattered to them was not postfeminist theory or
competing models of kin organization, but ‘business,’ the planning and
performance of ritual” (2000214). She “began to develop insights into ritual as a
currency of knowledge” (200024), or, as Bell would put it, ritualization as strategy.
Dussart describes stages of ritual activity among the Warlpiri, from male-
performed private rites in the 19405 to the current female-performed public rites.
Her interest piqued by the gender shift, Dussart investigated further but found
this change was relatively unimportant to the Warlpiri. Male and female

informants explained that men were still closely involved with the ritual activities

27

but could not be trusted not to let secret knowledge slip out since they tended to
drink alcohol more readily and more heavily than the women did. Kinship
supercedes gender in Warlpiri ritual, with kin groups in various settlements
“owning” certain rituals and strategizing how to increase their group’s prestige
through ritual performance. Dussart is careful to provide a context for the historic
stages of Warlpiri ritual activity, and descriptions of the strategies and
negotiations surrounding each stage.

The question of ritual as secular versus religious has not been of concern
in my work. Like Moore and Myerhoff, I am more interested in the fluidity and
indeterminacy of ritual. While I do not entirely reject the idea of ritual as social
control, my fieldwork observations revealed the ineffectiveness of rituals as social
control in that particular context. The $00 Tribe is made up of factions that do
not necessarily have a shared belief system that would make ritual social control
effective. The factions, however, make liberal use Of ritual to attempt to influence
others and to express aspects of their identity. Bell’s ritualization as strategy is a
better fit as it allows me to examine the purpose behind the rituals rather than
just describing the Often made-up ceremonies and rites performed by the various
factions.

Like Dussart, I am interested in what the strategies are behind ritual
performances and in the role of the ritual specialist. For some factions, the
strategies behind ritual activities seem more overt than in others. Does this

mean that some factions are not practicing ritualization or that l was not asking

28

the right questions? What is the role of the ritual specialist in the SOO Tribe and
who are these specialists?

The invention of tradition, an important component of ritualization, is not
limited to Native American cultures. Hobsbawm and Ranger describe the
invention of tradition in various eras and societies, including Great Britain in the
19305, and western European countries at the turn of the century. Hobsbawm

defines the phenomena thus:

“Invented tradition” is taken to mean a set of practices, normally governed
by overtly or tacitly accepted rules and of a ritual or symbolic nature, which
seek to inculcate certain values and norms of behavior by repetition, which

automatically implies continuity with the past. [199221]

The inventers of tradition do so with particular goals in mind. Perhaps they seek
to inspire confidence in a new institution or maybe the goal is to enhance the
prestige of a new activity or sport. Whatever the precise goal, it is clear that ritual
and symbols are being used strategically in an attempt to influence others.

This dissertation is an analysis and description of ritualization in the SOO
Tribe. I will examine ritualization by the various tribal factions and examine the

various and sometimes opposing goals behind the strategic use of ritual.

29

CHAPTER III

BACKGROUND OF RESEARCH POPULATION

Pro-contact period

What we know about the Ojibwas prior to European contact comes from a
variety of sources: Ojibwa oral history and stories, archaeological research,
ethnohistories, and accounts written by the first Europeans to contact them (of
particular note are The Jesuit Relations and allied documents, 1610-1 791). As is
the case with many indigenous peoples, nomenclature is somewhat problematic.
This same people have been called Ojibwas (spelled variously), Chippewas, and
Saulteaux or Saulteurs. They refer to themselves as Anishinabeq, meaning “the
people” or “human beings.” According to a modern Ojibwa dictionary (Rhodes
1993), the word Anishinabe has come to mean “Indian person” specifically,
probably reflecting the need to differentiate oneself from non-Indians (Rhodes
1993220). I will refer to them as the Ojibwas except when referring to a specific
group.

According to Danziger, the Ojibwas were given this name by their
neighbors, referring to “those who make pictographs” or O-jib-i-weg (197927).
The British pronounced this name Chippewa, the French, Ojibwa. In
contemporary times, Americans typically use Chippewa and Canadians prefer
Ojibwa. The pictographs referred to are engraved birch bark rolls that record

Ojibwa migration from the Atlantic coast to the Great Lakes. Cleland notes that

30

Assuming a historical migrationof many, many generations, it would be
logical to think that the makers of the charts, relying on the legends of the
migration itself, would have more detailed knowledge of the more recent

parts Of the journey, that is, the western part (199228).

Oral tradition and stories support the sometimes vague geographic references in
the migration charts, placing the Ojibwas in the east in the past and moving west
to the Great Lakes area perhaps in the late sixteenth or early seventeenth
centuries. The move west was not uneventful as they took over territory
occupied by the Santee Sioux in Minnesota and became the largest, most
influential force between the Iroquois Confederacy and the various Sioux tribes.
The Ottawas (Odawas) and the Potawatomis, having traveled west with the
closely related Ojibwas, went their separate ways when the group arrived in what
is now Michigan. They maintained a loose relationship called “the three fires”
(Danziger 197927), an association that exists today.

The French used the name Saulteaux, referring to the traditional gathering
place of the Ojibwas, the rapids of the St. Mary’s River that connects Lake
Superior and Lake Huron. The French named this feature Sault (which means
“falling water" in French) Ste. Marie and the cities that eventually grew on the
Canadian and American sides of the river are still known by this name. Locals in
both countries anglicized the pronunciation and call their cities “the Soo”,

pronounced “sue”. Not surprisingly, the Sault Ste. Marie Tribe of Chippewa

31

Indians is known as the Soo Tribe, which does cause some confusion since it

sounds the same as the Sioux Tribe! I will refer to this group as the Soo Tribe.
Ojibwas called the rapids in the St. Mary’s River Bahweting which means

“rushing water". Many Indians gathered at Bahweting in the summer and fall for

the fish harvest.

Sault Ste. Marie ...during the summer months was a gathering place for
members of many groups who normally lived to the north and south, more
or less close congeners of the local people. These were variously
Potawatomi, Cree, and Algonquin, and perhaps the Siouan-speaking
WInnebago were occasional visitors as well. Such groups, swelling the
summer population of the Sault to well over 1000, came to feast on
Whitefish which were abundant in the rapids of the St. Mary’s. They were
Often described as refugees from warfare, and also, as in the case of
those who spent the winter in the inhospitable region of the Canadian

Shield to the north, from periodic famine. [Hickerson 1970:39-40]

In addition to the abundant fish, game animals and birds could be hunted in the
surrounding forests.

This gathering gave young people an opportunity to find mates (they
practiced family and clan exogamy and were patrilineal, in anthropological
terms). Others renewed acquaintances and visited with kinsmen. Cleland notes
that “Clanship among the northern Anishinabeg did not extend much beyond the

function of regulating marriage, although it is true that some interclan politics

32

were linked to clan mythology” (Cleland 1992250). The clan structure did serve to
extend greatly an individual’s kin circle, an arrangement that greatly enhanced
the survival of both individuals and families through sharing of resources such as
food and shelter. The people of the 800, due to this long practice of gathering at
Bahweting, came to represent a mixed population, a situation that may have
complicated their journey toward federal recognition as a tribe in contemporary

times. Hickerson, an ethnohistorian, describes the situation:

The Saulteur themselves, from earliest proto-historic times a community
that had not particular totemic or clan organization, apparently comprised
an amalgam Of members of many clans; they existed, perhaps in some
sense, as a symbol of the unity based on common language, culture, and
traditions of all of them. In socioeconomic terms, the Saulteur proper
formed the nuclear settlement for annual ceremonials, trade, renewal of
alliances, and, to some extent, fishing, and this status may well have

reached back to aboriginal times. [1970245]

A semi-nomadic people, the Ojibwas moved through the Great Lakes

region utilizing the natural resources available seasonally. Danziger notes that

efficient transportation was vital to the survival of the Chippewa family,
which, in quest of food, made a yearly circuit of its fishing and hunting
grounds, wild rice field, berry patches, and sugar bush. A perfect

partnership of form and function for the lake country, the graceful birch-

33

bark canoe could be portaged easily across the countless watersheds and

was even capable of voyages on the Open waters of Kitchigami. [1979210]

Each family was self-sufficient, constructing canoes, fishnets, snowshoes, animal
traps, mats, Clothing and footwear, wigwams, and tanning hides, drying fish, and
so on. During the winter, families went their separate ways, making camp in
relatively isolated surroundings. This practice put the least strain on reduced
resources available during the cold winter months. Summer camps tended to be
larger and, as noted above, larger groups would gather during the warmer
months for specific food gathering purposes. Private ownership of land was not
practiced but families did have customary rights to certain areas, such as fishing
and hunting grounds, sugar bushes, and other important food sources (Danziger
1979211)

Religious and spiritual beliefs and practices varied somewhat among
Ojibwas. Some believed that after death one’s soul remained on earth to assist
relatives while others believed that the souls of worthy individuals went to a
paradise while the less worthy suffered in darkness (Danziger 1979216). The
Ojibwas and several other Great Lakes tribes “celebrated an annual Feast of the
Dead” during which the remains of those who died during the previous year were
“resurrected” and reinterred in a common grave (Danziger 1979216). The
celebration included feasting, dancing, and games Of skill but, according to
Danziger, was given up by the Ojibwas under pressure from the French. My

fieldwork revealed that the practice, in a modified form, still exists as the Ghost

34

SUPD

of All
not d
have
and

ITIOU

inha
hier.
Inar
IHEE
peo
kno

pro:

OI;
Cor

Ina

Supper. lnforrnants assured me that their family has “always” held Ghost
Suppers on an annual basis. The Influence of Christianity is clear in the choice
of All Souls’ Day (November 1) as the usual date of the ceremony. Remains are
not disinterred and reinterred but rather people gather to remember those who
have died in the previous year, to tell (often amusing) stories about the departed,
and all who have'died in the past are “fed” a ritual meal. For family members in
mourning, the Ghost Supper may signal an end to the formal mourning period.

The ghosts of deceased relatives were part of a pantheon of spirits that
inhabited the world of the Ojibwas. The spirits were arranged roughly in a
hierarchy, with the Creator or Gitchimanido delegating worldly concerns to lesser
manidog. Some manidog took the shape of thunderbirds that controlled the
weather and kept the frightening underwater panther, Michipishew, from harming
people on or near the Great Lakes. Another dangerousispirit was the IMndigO,
known to roam the woods searching for people to eat. Many Ojibwas sought
protective spirit helpers by fasting and undergoing privation. Visions and dreams
had great significance and could influence an Ojibwa’s decision-making. The
sun and moon and even the seasons were anthropomorphized, with the sun
being a man and the moon being his wife. Gifts to the spirits could include one
or all of the four sacred plants: tobacco, sweetgrass, sage, and cedar. Ojibwas
considered certain areas, such as Mackinaw Island, places of great power that
may be the homes of manidog.

The only organized religious group among the Ojibwas, the Grand

Medicine Society or Midewiwin, has been the object of controversy among

35

IL.a.u-:fl
I

anthropologists, ethnohistorians, and many Great Lakes Indians. The focus of
the controversy specifically revolves around the antiquity of the medicine society.
Did it originate pre-contact, as Danziger and most Ojibwas argue, or is it a
nativistic movement in response to contact, as Hickerson contends? While it is
not the purpose of this dissertation to review the complex arguments made by
both sides, I will reveal my own bias toward the pre-contact origin, based in part
on evidence of ritual continuity I found among the Ojibwas. This stance is further
strengthened by evidence cited in Jennifer Brown and Laura Peers in “The
Chippewa and their Neighbors: A Critical Review”, an afterword added to a
recent reprint of Hickerson’s text, The Chippewa and their Neighbors, originally
printed in 1970. Brown and Peers comment on several of Hickerson’s points and
describe new evidence for pre-contact existence of the medicine society, such as
a Midewiwin scroll carbon-dated to the protohistoric age (19882142).

The Midewiwin was (and continues to be) a hierarchical organization with
a Mide priesthood. Ceremonies involved the movement Of initiates through the
degrees of the society, an expensive process involving the sacrifice of time and
material goods. Early observers described the ritual “killing” and “resurrection” of
initiates, with foreign Objects shot or blown into their bodies, then miraculously
extracted. Cleland has a slightly different perspective on this practice and
describes this as “the shooting of power into the body of the initiate” (19922183).
As a medicine society, the Midewiwin practiced curing rituals for patients and had

knowledge of herbal medicine. The Grand Medicine Society was widespread, at

36

least during the early contact period, but not all Ojibwas participated directly in

their ceremonies.

Early contact period

The first contact between Europeans and Ojibwas took place in 1634
when a young French adventurer, Jean Nicolet, arrived with several Ottawa
guides. The Ojibwas had heard of these mysterious people, the Wemitigoji or
Frenchmen, who appeared to be dead (due to their pallor). After this initial
meeting, the first large-scale encounter in the Ojibwas’ territories came in 1641
when a group of Jesuits (“blackrobes”) was invited to visit. Cleland notes that

while many nations eventually interacted with and influenced the Ojibwas,

it was the French who made the first, most profound, and most lasting
impact. To this day, many native Americans bear French names, have
French genes, and often greet each other with the Algonquianized French

term boo-zhOO (“bon jour”). [1992275]

The Jesuits and other Catholic missionaries immediately sought to repress what
they considered pagan and sinful practices. They attempted to eliminate the
Ojibwas’ beliefs, rituals, and ceremonies, and the Midewiwin. Rapid economic
change in the form of trade and exposure to European goods accompanied the
imposition of the Christian hegemony. The Ojibwas more readily embraced
economic changes, especially in the form of improved technologies, while they

continued to resist attempts to change their belief systems.

37

Wrfl— -1!
I .

The trade period was highly disruptive to the Ojibwas in Sault Ste. Marie.
This area was attractive to the French and later the British and the Americans for
many of the same reasons it was popular with the Indians. There was an
abundance of food and the St. Mary’s River was an important conduit for the
water travel so critical during the 16003 to the early 19003. As a traditional
gathering place of Indians, the Soo was also important to traders who needed fur
trappers. The concept of trade was not new to the Ojibwas; there was a long
history Of trade among North American peoples that moved desirable goods
sometimes thousands of miles to eager consumers. The fur trade was different
in a number of important ways.

One difference was the way the traders conducted business on credit.
This was unfamiliar and the Ojibwas quickly became trapped in a system in
which they never could break even, much less come out ahead. The trader
controlled the both sides of the market; he set the price on his trade goods and
set the price on the furs he bought from the Ojibwas. The trade goods were very
attractive to the Ojibwas and included metal goods, such as knives and iron
kettles, sturdy and colorful fabrics, beads that quickly replaced the use of
porcupine quills for decoration, and certain foodstuffs such as flour, salt pork, and
sugar. Guns were highly sought after and the need for ammunition seemed
never ending. In a relatively short period, many Ojibwas were no longer part of
self-sufficient family or band units but were indebted to and dependent upon

traders.

38

Another differentiating aspect of the fur trade was the way in which it
transformed the relationship between the Ojibwas and their environment. In the
pre-contact period, overhunting a particular area or a particular species could
mean disaster for the Ojibwas. The semi-nomadic nature of their lives was in
part a response to the need to preserve their food sources over time. A balance
must be preserved or all would suffer. The fur trade confounded this relationship
in a number of ways. First, the Ojibwas were less willing to move away from the
trading post and the new settlement. The goods they sought were there and
their debt required they return to the trading post periodically. The region around
the settlement was soon overhunted and the Ojibwas must travel greater
distances. Eventually, they began to ignore the customary hunting ground rights
Of other Ojibwas, which created tension and conflict.

Secondly, the traders wanted certain species of fur-bearing animals,
primarily beaver and bear. Both were traditionally food sources for the Ojibwas ,
but they now began to harvest these species solely for their fur and to rely on
traded foodstuffs instead. Over time, the important furbearing animals were all
but wiped out and many Ojibwas starved. Starvation had been a periodic
problem in their lives in pre-contact, but this type of famine was brought about by
a major disruption in their foraging subsistence pattern. The threat of starvation
led them to buy more food on credit at the trading post, which forced them to kill
more fur-bearing animals to repay their debt. The cycle was relentless.

Calvin Martin argues that disease also played a role in the willingness of

Ojibwas and other tribes to overexploit resources after contact with whites

39

(1978). Many communities were devastated by disease and demoralized by the
mysterious origins of the diseases and their healers’ inability to cure them.
These tribes had a history blaming animals for many illnesses and they felt
betrayed when so many Of their people began to die. The compact of mutual
esteem and cooperation between humans and nature was undermined and the
fur trade provided a mechanism for the Ojibwas and others to wage a war of
revenge on their perceived enemies. This theory provides a compelling
explanation for the rapid loss of traditional sanctions preventing the l
overexploitation and wasting of natural resources.

Another complication to the fur trade was the introduction of alcohol and
its incorporation into the trading system. There is no evidence that Ojibwas
produced or were familiar with intoxicating substances prior to contact with
Europeans. Therefore, they had no cultural norms to guide them and the role
models they might have turned to among the Europeans were probably not the
best, being rough adventurers, soldiers, and traders. The effect Of alcohol on the
Ojibwas was profound. Their primary source was the trading post where some
individuals would trade their furs for alcohol instead of food. The traditional
systems of sharing and responsibility to one’s kin were damaged and almost
destroyed during this period and social control mechanisms broke down. White
describes the effect Of alcohol on the Choctaw, a southern woodland tribe also
engaged in the fur trade. We can infer that alcohol had a similar effect on the

Ojibwas.

40

Liquor not only introduced a commodity that the Choctaws could be
induced to trade for in almost infinite quantities, it also reduced the
chances that any order could be maintained in the hunt. The best
evidence for this is indirect: the breakdown of social order in the villages. .
Like most woodland peoples, the Choctaws at contact had virtually no
problem with violence within their towns...ln 1777 one chief claimed the
liquor trade had cost the lives of 1,000 Choctaws in eighteen months. If
liquor could so thoroughly demolish the restraints that kept peace within
the nation, if men, when drunk or seeking drink, men murdered each other
and thereby sentenced themselves or their relatives to virtually certain
death at the hands Of their victim’s iksa, then it is unlikely that these same
men restrained themselves from overhunting when seeking deer to trade

for liquor. [White 1983:85-86]

Whether the key factor was illness or alcohol, it is certain that the fur trade was
unlike the trading networks that existed pre-contact and the differences were
. devastating.

The collapse of the fur trade left the Ojibwas impoverished. Hickerson
notes that the observers in the second half of the seventeenth century recorded
that “the Saulteur not only engaged in the fur trade, but had come to rely upon it
for their very existence, acting both as trappers and as middlemen to tribes which

had less access to trading entrepots” (1970239). Trading companies had come

41

and gone, governments had come and gone, and each was as exploitative as the
last. Always the underlying goal was the “civilization” of the Ojibwas.

Unlike many other tribes, the Ojibwas of Michigan were not affected by the
US. govemment’s removal policy of 1830. The government came to realize that
removing groups of Indians was a very expensive and increasingly unpopular
practice. It was also running out of land to warehouse the removed Indians as
more and more settlers moved west. Some bands and tribes were allowed to
remain in their traditional regions but were to be assimilated. This so-called
“civilization policy” was based on the concept of cultural evolution. Indians could
leave their “primitive” ways behind and evolve to the proper level. When this
happened, they would be assimilated into mainstream society and eventually
disappear as a separate people. “To nineteenth century Americans, the magic
formula for transformation involved teaching Indians to read, write, believe in
Christ, and use modern agricultural methods to farm land that they owned as
individuals” (Cleland 19922202).

George Manypenny, the second commissioner of the Indian Department
(after its transfer from the War Department to the Department of the Interior), 'was
deeply committed to the idea of civilizing the Indian. The key to this process was
private landownership. He negotiated more than fifty treaties during his tenure,
all of which stressed the allotment Of communally held tribal lands to individual
tribal members and families. The General Allotment Act (Dawes Severalty Act)
of 1887 was the most far-reaching result of this drive to assimilate Indians by

transforming them into land-owning farmers (Prucha 19942319). Some Ojibwas

42

and white farmers attempted farming in the Upper Peninsula prior to the
Allotment Act with little success (Danziger 1979297). The land was rocky and
poor, the growing season short, and markets for the crops were far away. In
general, Ojibwa men considered working with the soil “women’s work”. Even
when they were willing, lack Of knowledge and equipment were serious
problems. They demanded provisions to survive until the first crops matured and
asked for assistance in clearing the land. 3“
The allotment process proved to be disastrous for the Ojibwas. In some
cases, people who had no right to tribal land faked their credentials or bribed the
Indian agent into giving them title to plots of land. Settlers either squatted on
allotted land illegitimately, or claimed the land on the basis that it was
“abandoned”. Much land was lost in this manner as some Ojibwa families
continued to follow the seasonal rounds Of their ancestors. It also became
possible for Ojibwas to sell their allotments, which many did. In some cases,
they did not understand the papers they were signing; in other cases, the choice
was to sell or to starve. Still others gave away their allotments for alcohol.
The clearing of the land led to the Bureau of Indian Affairs selling timber

contracts to outside companies. BIA control of this important resource increased

over time, as Danziger notes,

beginning in the 1890’s, because some Indians squandered their
proceeds on whiskey, trinkets, and gambling, the BIA demanded that the

Indians spend the money for permanent improvements on each allotment

43

— such as construction of a house or pulling stumps in preparation for

planting. [1979:1011

The allotment policy eventually resulted in checkerboard reservations in many
Ojibwa communities. In the 800, the situation was dire as there was no

reservation land set aside for the Ojibwas and they were soon pushed back from

.4, ,1

the desirable riverside locations to the swampland no one else wanted.

In the late 1600’s, Jesuit missionaries had very different goals for the

Ojibwas. They sought

to preserve the pine. forests and native inhabitants in their rustic
seventeenth century state and to Christianize the Indians. Civilization and
assimilation policies always seemed to lead to debauchery with liquor and
white men’s vices and to exploitation by unscrupulous traders. [Danziger

197929]

This attitude was patronizing, of course, but their resistance to introducing the
Ojibwas to French language and culture had an unexpected benefit for later
scholars. In their zeal to convert the Ojibwas while preserving their “Innocence”,
the Jesuits paid attention to the customs of the Ojibwas and added these records
to what are now The Jesuit Relations and allied documents: Travels and
Explorations Of the Jesuit Missionaries in New France, 1610-1760. The Jesuits,
followed later by another order, the Recollets, also began compiling a lexicon of

the Indian languages Of the region, In their efforts to learn the local dialects. In

44

1868, Frederic Baraga moved to the 800 after being appointed the first bishop for
the Upper Peninsula of Michigan. He was fluent in Ottawa and Ojibwa and had
already published the first Ojibwa dictionary. The second edition was published
in two parts in 1878 and 1880 (Nichols 19922ix) and continues to be an important
resource for scholars.

Despite their good intentions, the missionaries were unable to protect the

“a

Ojibwas from the corrupting influences Of the French, and later the British and the
Americans. Many Ojibwas not only learned to speak French but English as well.
They interacted freely with the newcomers and many Ojibwa women married
Frenchmen or just produced children with them. The number of mixed blood
people steadily grew. The missionaries tried to forbid polygynous marriages,
which only the most successful Ojibwa man could afford. Premarital sex,
extramarital sex, so-called “bush marriages” (unions without the blessing of the
Church), all were forbidden, albeit unsuccessfully for the most part. Eventually,
however, the Christian influence was powerful enough to push Ojibwa
ceremonies, dances, rituals, and drumming into hiding. It is probable that much
knowledge was lost during this time, both from the effects of suppression and
conversion and from the loss of life incurred from unfamiliar diseases.

Catholic and Methodist missionaries competed for the souls of the
Ojibwas, building churches and schools in areas that drew Indians, such as
Bahweting. At the schools, the curriculum consisted of useful trades for the boys
and domestic skills for the girls as well as religious indoctrination. The

missionaries often despaired at the high rate of absenteeism, as parents did not

45

force their children to go to school and often took them along on trips to gather
food or visit relatives (Danziger 19792106). Ojibwas did not want their children to
live away from home and met a shift from day schools to church-run boarding
schools with great resistance.

The Treaty of Detroit, 1855, provided for the creation of a large-scale
public education system for Indian children in Michigan. The church-run system
was abandoned, in part because its funding was piecemeal and reliable and the
teaching staff was often inadequately trained. The federal government ran the
new system in consultation with the Ojibwas and Ottawas (Cleland 19922244).
Its success can be measured by the number of non-Indian children enrolled, in
preference to local public schools, and a high rate of bilingualism among
Michigan Indians by 1880 (Cleland 19922244). Public opinion eventually turned
against the day schools because it was believed that the children’s continued

contact with their parents primitive” surroundings undid the civilizing influence of
education. Church- and government-run boarding schools again came into

vogue, with three operating in Michigan. Cleland notes that

in 1887, the government returned to the boarding school system and,

thus, ushered in a program of ethnocide that had a profound impact on
Indian culture. In twenty-five years, the boarding schools accomplished
what armed force, starvation, disease, loss of land, and Christianity could
not - a major and irreversible disruption of Indian culture. It also effectively
prepared Indian young people, not for assimilation into middle-class

America, but as laborers in American fields and factories. [19922225]

46

In the schools, students were seldom allowed visits home, often for years on end.
Their native clothing was removed, their hair was cut, and they were forbidden to
speak their language or practice their religion. Some former students have
surprisingly fond memories of their time in boarding school - “Many were happy
for the relief the school provided from the crushing poverty of the reservations,
and all remembered the sense Of autonomy and self-esteem it built in the midst
of Oppression” (Cleland 1992:247-248).

Between 1778 and 1869, the US. government signed more than 350
treaties with Native American tribes (Prucha 1994). Several were signed with the
Ojibwas Of the Sault Ste. Marie region. According to Prucha, there is some

confusion about the meaning of the word “treaty”.

The current prevailing sense is a contract between two or more states,
relating to peace, alliance, commerce, or other international relations, and
also, the document embodying such a contract, formally signed by
plenipotentiaries appointed by the government of each state. But in the
colonial and early national periods of United States history the term also
had an alternate meaning, now considered rare or obsolete, that was
widely used; a “treaty” in that sense was the “act of negotiating,” the
discussion aimed at adjustment Of difference or the reaching of an
agreement, and by extension the meeting itself at which such negotiations

took place. [1994:24-25]

47

This difference may explain why the US. government violated treaties with
Indian peoples again and again, while honoring treaties with governments
outside the US. Several treaties were entered into with the Ojibwas but it is
Often difficult to determine which groups of Ojibwas were specifically included in
the treaties. The government tended to create political entities to negotiate with,
political entities that had no traditional existence or standing in the communities.
In the treaties of 1837, 1842, and 1854, Ojibwas ceded great tracts of land in the
Lake Superior region. In return, they were given annuity goods and the use Of
carpenters, farmers and teachers for a fixed number of years while they learned
to be “civilized”. A large percentage of the cash payment for their land was
earmarked for trader debts, whose bills were often padded. George Cornell

notes

the demand for Anishnabeg lands was heightened by the fact that the
British presence in Michigan was nullified after the War Of 1812, and the
territorial government, with the cooperation of the United States, could
manipulate the Anishnabeg with no fear of military reprisals from foreign
powers who would ally themselves with Great Lakes Indian populations.

[1986195]

In addition to giving up much of their land, some Ojibwa bands agreed to
live on bounded reservations. The personnel provided in accordance with the
treaty agreement also lived on the reservation and usually built structures to do

their work. Ojibwas Often demanded teachers and schools when negotiating and

48

 

these 'would be located nearby. The reservation land was often located in the
least desirable section of their traditional territory as the government sought the
best farmland and timberland for settlers. Other treaties, such as the Ottawa-
Chippewa treaty of July 31, 1855, “left the Indians of western lower Michigan and
the eastern Upper Peninsula scattered” (Cleland 19922237). In Sault Ste. Marie,
missionary-run schools were supported with treaty monies. In many treaties,
Ojibwas negotiated to retain fishing and hunting rights in their traditional

territories, agreements that continue to be challenged in US. courts today.

Contemporary period

The past economic booms of fur trading, lumbering, mining, and fishing
did not appreciably improve the lives of the Ojibwas living in Sault Ste. Marie.
They found work during the booms but the economic effects were not long lasting
since they typically were the first to lose employment when the boom went bust.
Many families supplemented their meager incomes with traditional crafts such as
quillwork and basketry. Fishing became difficult in the St. Mary’s River with the
1855 construction of a system of locks to move boat traffic through the channel
without having to portage goods (http://huron.lre.usace.army.millSOO/).
Bahweting was forever changed by the massive project that also generates
hydroelectric power.

Poverty, unemployment, illness, and poor living conditions marked the
lives of Ojibwas living in the 800 in the early 20th century. The Merriam Report of

1928 revealed the failure of current government policies toward Indians and the

49

horrific conditions on reservations triggered pUblic outrage. The Indian
Reorganization Act or the Wheeler—Howard Act of 1934 was a response to the
Merriam Report and provided for an end to allotments and sales of tribal land.
Also known as the Indian New Deal, the Wheeler-Howard Act set goals for tribes
and bands to move toward self-governance and being chartered as federal
corporations (Danziger 19792134). Encouraged by this new philosophy, tribal

elders in the SOO

decided to form a corporation known as the Sugar Island Group of
Chippewa Indians and their Descendants for the purpose of establishing
an organization to conserve the Tribe’s common property, develop its
natural resources, and promote welfare of its members and descendants,
and for community achievements. This group later became the Original
Bands of the Sault Ste. Marie Tribe of Chippewa Indians and their Heirs,

Inc. [http://wwwsaulttribecrg]

Eventually, the organization compiled a membership roll, relying greatly on the
federal government’s Durant Roll of 1908-1910, and a tribal history as well as
other documentation required to apply for federal tribal status. At the same time,
the city of Sault Ste. Marie was growing and prospering but no improvements
were made in the Indian part of town, which centered on Marquette Avenue and
Shunk Road (known as the Mar Shunk neighborhood). Tribal history describes

the situation

50

In the late 1960’s and early 1970’s the Shunk Road and Marquette
Avenue area in Sault Ste. Marie had no paved roads, it had no public
housing, it provided virtually no public or tribal services. The roads were
so bad at time school buses wouldn’t drive down it to pick up children for
school. The city of Sault Ste. Marie did not provide water and sewer
services to the Shunk Road area. Ditches were cesspools especially in
the Spring and Fall. The Tribe had no land until Mary Murray (tribal
member) donated 40 acres of land on Sugar Island. Most Of the
Marquette Avenue and Shunk Road area was either wetlands or swamp.

[http://wwwsaulttribeorg]

These squalid conditions contributed to school and work absenteeism due to
illness and difficulties in transportation. Fire trucks had difficulty getting into Mar
Shunk, homes burned and families suffered (Cleland 1992: 275).

In 1972, the Original Bands was accorded federal recognition by the
Commission of Indian Affairs and in 1975, the tribe adopted the name “The Sault
Ste. Marie Tribe of Chippewa Indians” in its Constitution and Bylaws. Official
status for an Indian tribe means access to governmental assistance and
interference. Fortunately, in recent years the federal government has leaned
more and more in the direction of self-governance so interference is not onerous
as it wasrfor other tribes in the past. For the Soo Tribe, federal recognition
brought empowerment, which they exercised almost immediately. In the mid -

1970’s , the first tribal chairman, Joe Lumsden, with the assistance Of attorney

5]

Jim Jannetta, successfully sued the City of Sault Ste. Marie over the
administration of a Community Development Block Grant, none Of which was to
be spent on the Mar Shunk neighborhood (Cleland 19922279). In 1979, the city
agreed to spend close to $6 million in the neighborhood, paving streets, putting in
streetlights, improving the water supply, and building drains and sewers (Cleland
19922279). The triumph still reverberates for tribal members, most of who can

look back just twenty years and remember how poorly they lived in this

-1

community.

-A

The most profound economic change for the SOO Tribe, as well as tribes
all over the country, is the result of the Indian Gaming Regulatory Act (IGRA) Of
1988. The $00 Tribe, and Others, engaged in some gambling activities, such as
bingo, on reservation and trust land prior to 1988. A US. Supreme Court
decision in 1987 established the right of Indian tribes to conduct gambling on
reservations “unfettered by any State or County regulation”
(http://www.n‘ichov/history.htm.) The IGRA served to appease States’ concerns
that Indian gaming operations would attract organized crime. Gaming activities
are classified into three categories or classes, with increasing regulations. For
example, class III gaming includes slot machines and banking card games and
requires a compact between tribe and State approved by the BIA.

The 800 Tribe constructed their first casino in November 1985. This
establishment has expanded more than eight fold and has become the pride of
many Soo Tribe members. The tribe has since purchased land, built several

more casinos in other 800 Tribe population centers throughout the Upper

52

Peninsula, and was recently the first tribe in the US. to open a casino on non-
tribal land. I am referring to the Detroit Greektown Casino that, unlike their other
gaming establishments, is not solely owned by the tribe. In less than thirty years,
the Soo Tribe has traveled from a position of great poverty to a position of great
wealth. The largest employer in the Upper Peninsula, the tribe owns more than
twenty non—gaming businesses, several casinos, a minor league hockey team,
two sports arenas, and has an annual operating budget of approximately $200

million. The tribe also provides a number of services for its members, such as

 

satellite Offices in outlying communities, health centers, a cultural center, a
school, and tuition assistance. They also operate a comprehensive social
services department, and a law enforcement department that includes police
officers and judges. Finally, the tribe has negotiated for housing on an
abandoned Air Force Base and has purchased or constructed additional housing
for tribal members.

The development of Indian gaming is not without controversy, even
among tribal members. Some of the controversy involves whether the tribe
should pay so-called per capita payments to its members, as some tribes do.
This would be periodic payouts of gaming revenues. The elected Officials of the
tribe, a Board of Directors led by the Tribal Chairman Bernard Bouschor, have
opposed this idea, arguing that they do not want to replace the old welfare
system so many tribal members were dependent upon with a new welfare
system. They prefer to continue investing casino revenues into tribal benefits

and diversified development. So far, the majority of the voting tribal members

53

 

agree. An exception to this policy is the Elderly Dividend Program, which
distributes annual payments of about $1,300 to more than 2,000 tribal elders.

Another aspect of the gaming controversy involves gambling addictions.
Addictions of any kind are of great concern to Indian people, with the terrible
consequences of substance abuse evident in every Native community. There
has been an increase in the number Of gambling addiction programs in the US.
and the Upper Peninsula is no exception. Despite dire warnings from some tribal
members, the problem among tribal members does not seem to be out of
proportion with the general population. Concerning addictions, there was some
pressure to have alcohol-free casinos. These are not unheard of in Indian
Country but the tribe decided otherwise. Again, this does not appear to be a
great problem in the SOO Tribe casinos. Overtly drunken patrons are escorted off
the premises and the security manager at Kewadin Casino commented to me
that the frequency is relatively insignificant. His observation is that people, Indian
and otherwise, go to casinos to gamble, not to get drunk.

There were also questions about the “non-Indian”, nontraditional character
of casinos. This concern has diminished due to the influx of money to support
traditional activities, build cultural centers and a museum, and sponsor language
classes.

Finally, there was the question of casinos attracting crime and unsavory
activities such as prostitution to the reservation. This concern was especially
valid considering the location of the tribe’s largest casino across the street from

tribal housing. Officials agree that this arrangement is not ideal but they owned

54

 

so little land at the time that both had to be accommodated in close proximity.
Perhaps in the future, this housing could be relocated which would Open up more
area for expansion near the casino. During my fieldwork, I spoke with residents
on the reservation and they reported no significant incidents stemming from the
casino. The security at the casinos gave patrons a feeling of security and I found
I was not the only woman who felt safer going to the Kewadin Casino than
meeting friends at a bar in downtown Sault Ste. Marie. The tribe has retained
solo control of their casinos, with the exception of the Greektown facility, and
there does not appear to be any organized crime involvement.

As mentioned above, cultural development and preservation efforts are
being supported financially. by the tribal government. Language classes are
available to all employees, whether or not they are a tribal member. Tribal
members are offered opportunities to learn or share in drumming, dancing, and
traditional crafts. I will discuss this aspect of tribal life more fully in later chapters.

The influence of the Soo Tribe is evident in the frequent visits made by
politicians to meet with the elected Officials. In the past, they were beneath
notice but now they are visited by Presidential candidates, US. Senators and
Congressmen, and governors. In 1995, Bernard BouschOr, Tribal Chairmen, was
Upper Peninsula Person of the Year. The irony of all of this attention is not lost
on the tribe but neither are the implications of their new wealth. One local wit
noted that the tribe has become “fiscal Republicans.”

Local politicians have also learned to deal differently with the Soo Tribe.

They have watched in amazement as the tribe, and its fortunes have grown

55

rapidly. Conversations with city officials revealed mixed reactions to the success
of the tribe. There is gratitude for the increased tourism to the area and low
unemployment rate. At the same time, there is concern over pressure on the
existing infrastructure of the city, an issue discussed frequently with tribal
Officials. Some officials expressed disbelief that “those lndians” could run a
multimillion-dollar business empire and predicted disaster sometime in the future.

Fewer acknowledged the irony of the reversal of positions between the Mar

“1

Shunk residents and the rest of the city and thought it was time the tribe had

some success.

While I did not focus on the perceptions of the nontribal townspeople, I did
Interact with them frequently and gathered an impression from these
conversations and spontaneous comments. People expressed envy and
frustration aimed at the tribe, anger at the “special” privileges the Indians seemed
to have. The gossip revealed a great deal of misinformation about financial
matters having to do with the tribe as well as malicious rumors about well-known
tribal leaders. This latter type of rumor was also common among tribal members.

Part of the process of federal recognition for tribes is deciding how the
tribe will define its membership. This is perhaps the most controversial issue
inside and outside of Indian Country. A tribe may chose to determine its
membership based on blood quantum. This involves determining the percentage
of a person’s tribal ancestry or “blood.” If a tribe chooses this method, it must
also set a specific blood quantum, such as full-blood, half-blood, quarter-blood,

and so on. Another means of defining membership is through lineal descent.

56

This involves tracing a person’s lineage to a known ancestor who was in some
way recorded as a member of a tribe. This method is less commonly used than
the blood quantum definition of membership. The Soc Tribe defines its
membership based on lineal descent from the Durant Roll, a census done in the
early 19005.

In defining its membership this way, the Soo Tribe expanded its
membership more quickly than could have been done through reproduction.
Tribal membership in 1995 was just under 20,000. In 2002, membership has
almost reached 30,000. The decision to define their descent in this way has met
with disapproval from other Michigan tribes. In the competition for federal
dollars, having a larger membership means a larger piece of the pie. In addition,
the lack of a blood quantum requirement has left the Soo Tribe open to criticisms
from Indians and non-Indians alike about being “real” Indians. Despite these

tensions, Cleland notes

the federally recognized tribes have developed some excellent,
cooperatively administered units, for example the Ottawa/Chippewa
Treaty Fishing Management Authority and the Great Lakes Indian Fish

and WIIdIife Commission. [1992:293]

Enrollment issues in many tribes also revolve around who is on the tribal
roll and who is not and why. It is commonplace for tribes to be accused of
favoritism or revenge by those refused tribal membership or removed from the

tribal roll and the SooeTribe is no exception. I interviewed a middle-aged man

57

told me his children are enrolled members Of the SOO Tribe but he is not because
he “made the wrong people mad.” I was not allowed to inspect the tribal roll but
the man’s children did indeed possess membership cards and their mother
stated that she was not an Indian and their membership came through their
father’s line. Enrollment scandals create a negative public image of
contemporary tribes and are popular with the media.

Conflicts over fishing rights have become common in Indian Country as
tribes go to court to assert their traditional rights as guaranteed by treaty. These
cases have been met with sometimes violent opposition from local non Indians
and sport fishermen, with support from state governments worried about losing
tourism revenues (Prucha 19942420). In 1979, the federal government went to
court against the State of Michigan on behalf Of Ottawa and Ojibwa fishing rights
under the treaties of 1836 and 1855 (United States v. Michigan 1979). In what is
known as the Fox decision, Judge Noel J. Fox decided in favor of the Ottawas
and Ojibwas, stating that “the mere passage of time has not eroded, and cannot
erode the rights guaranteed by solemn treaties that both sides pledged on their
honor to uphold” (Fox, in Prucha 1994:420). Why the violent protests and

abusive language over fishing rights? According to Cornell,

There is little doubt that the reaction to the fishing controversy hints of
deeper societal problems. Charges of “special privilege” have been
leveled at Native Americans and heardthroughout the controversy. Yet if
anyone has received “special privileges, “ it has been the non-Indian. In

fact, the very treaties that are now providing justice for the Anishinabeg

58

are the same agreements which allowed Michigan to become a state and
which provided Michigan’s non-Indian citizens with unlimited access to

copper, iron ore, timber, and — most importantly - land. [19862106]

The treaty fishing rights case won in Michigan is similar to other fishing
rights cases in Washington and Wisconsin, for instance. The Michigan Indian
Tuition Waiver, however, is a more unusual case. It is based on the closing of "W
the Indian School at Mount Pleasant in 1934. The governor, Charles Comstock,
accepted the land from the federal government in exchange for educating Indian
students in state schools (Cornell 1986:103). During the 1970’s, legislature was
passed putting this agreement into effect for the first time, allowing Michigan
Indian students to attend state colleges and universities and have the State of
Michigan reimburse the schools for the cost Of their tuition. (I have recently come
across a similar agreement in Minnesota (Ahern 1984). The University of
Minnesota branch at Morris offers free tuition to all American Indian students as
the result of an agreement. The original school was a Catholic-run Indian
boarding school and, when the nuns'were in financial straits, they sold the school

to the State Of Minnesota with the agreement that Indian students be allowed to

attend tuition-free.)
Summary

The Ojibwas of Michigan, like all indigenous inhabitants of the US, have

experienced radical changes in their lives over the past 350 years. Drastic

59

 

population loss coupled with the introduction of disruptive technology and
conflicting belief systems further eroded the traditional patterns Of Ojibwa life.
War and allegiances, changes in governments, and then shifting government
policies helped to destabilize band and tribal systems Of control. Many, Indian
and non-Indian, predicted the demise or disappearance Of all Indians in the US.
The Sault Ste. Marie Tribe of Chippewa Indians, like many other thriving
tribes, has proven these predictions wrong. They are financially successful
beyond even their wildest dreams. Yet their past is not erased, and is not without
continued effect. Centuries of culture contact, the lack of a land base,
intermarriage, language loss, poverty and oppression, all of these shape the
contemporary tribal member. They are still Indians, still Ojibwas, but it seems
some tribal members are more convinced of their tribal identity than are others.
In the next chapters, I will examine how various factions in the tribe express their

concepts of identity through ritualization.

6O

CHAPTER IV

F IELDWORK

Methodology
This research was conducted over a total of sixteen months, with an eight- '
week stay in the summer Of 1994 and a return to the field in early summer of
1995 for fourteen months. I spent the first summer becoming acquainted with the
area and making contacts, many of which proved valuable when I returned. I f,
found housing on the campus of the local university, an arrangement that was I.
geographically convenient and inexpensive yet had some unexpected
drawbacks. Being on campus kept me “out of the loop”; tribal members did not
visit me there and I felt that the academic association was distancing. DeWalt
and DeWalt note that “Malinowski further cautions against living in compounds
apart from the people under investigation like other ‘white men’ do and insists on
the need to live in the community” (19982292). In this instance, the “compound”
consisted of a college campus where most Indians did not feel at ease. Upon my
return in 1995, I secured housing in the community.
For cultural anthropologists, gathering data typically involves participant
observation, and may include informal and formal interviews, questionnaires, and
document research. In my fieldwork, l primarily turned to participant observation
and informal interviews, supplemented by archival research. Archival research
involved doing a literature review prior to conducting fieldwork, reading past

issues of local newspapers during the initial fieldwork period in 1994. I also read

61

a variety of tribal documents mostly related to tribal governance and business
development during the primary fieldwork period.

I conducted informal interviews, usually in the person’s home, on a one-
on-one basis with a few exceptions. In two instances, wives insisted on
remaining in the room as I interviewed their husbands and contributed unsolicited
comments. I conducted several interviews with children and I asked the parents
to be present. In all of these situations, the parent or parents agreed but
declined to be in the room during the interview. Stated explanations for this
behavior included lack of interest, the need to do other tasks, and, most

frequently, concern that their presence would inhibit their child’s responses.

First fieldwork period 1994

During the summer of 1994 l familiarized myself with the community and
the area, attending public gatherings, visiting people informally in their homes
and getting a sense of family relationships. The tribal offices and business
enterprises are located in several communities in the Upper Peninsula and I
spent some time driving to these. In addition, I visited the offices of the two local
newspapers (one is the tribal newspaper) and read past issues to familiarize
myself with local issues, attitudes and concerns. Finally, I investigated the local
public school system in preparation for my-son’s enrollment. This last task,
personal in motivation, revealed a deep division in the community. Many Indian
parents expressed their beliefs that Indian children are treated unfairly in the

public school system, that they are discriminated against. Adult Indians

62

recounted negative incidents from their school days. Several white community
members, two of whom were teachers, asserted that Indian children are
impossible to teach and control, probably due to their parents being absent or
addicted to alcohol or drugs. These comments were spontaneous and l was
especially surprised by the ease with which these white townspeople expressed
these opinions to a person they knew was of Indian descent. I decided to
explore this issue and these attitudes upon my return to the field and to enroll my
son in the tribal school, a new option the tribe was making available to Indian

students, regardless of tribal affiliation.

Second fieldwork period 91995-1996

Upon my return to the field, I rented an apartment in town and renewed
my acquaintances. Participant observation was still a preferred method,
augmented by one-on-one interviews with tribal members. I was not allowed to
see the tribal roll, a list of enrolled members. (This refusal did not surprise me -
tribal membership tends to be a controversial matter for many tribes, especially in
wealthy tribes). Instead, I identified tribal members through family, work, and
friendship connections. I spent most of my time in Sault Ste. Marie, Michigan
and I conducted mOst of the interviews with tribal members who lived in that
vicinity. This is the area of greatest concentration Of population for this tribe.
More events that are public take place in the 800 and the tribal government’s
. main offices and major business enterprises are located in the city. I made an

effort to interview individuals who might represent different experiences as tribal

63

 

members, because of their gender, education, beliefs, employment, or age. In
addition, I interviewed a small sample of white townspeople, including municipal
government officials, business owners, educators, and individuals employed by
the tribe.

I do not pretend to have observed or interviewed a representative sample
of the SOO Tribe, which had an enrollment at that time of more than 20,000
members. Many, if not most, enrolled members of the Soo Tribe are not actively
involved in tribal activities. They do not publicly identify themselves as tribal
members or even as Indians. Since the SOO Tribe defines its membership based
on descent rather than blood quantum and this geographic area has a long
history of European and American contact, many enrolled members are not
particularly “Indian” in appearance and can (and often do) “pass” for white.
Jokes about blond-haired, blue-eyed Indians are common among both white and
Indian townspeople. More than once, an individual revealed his or her tribal
membership to me after learning that l was researching “Indian stuff.” This large
segment of the tribe limits its participation in tribal matters to special benefits,
such as assistance with college tuition and free eyeglasses.

DeWalt and Dewalt describe various degrees of participant observation,
from nonparticipation in which cultural knowledge is acquired by interacting with
various media instead of actively interacting with people, to moderate
participation in which the fieldworker commutes to the field or participates in only
certain types of activities, to active participation (19982262). Active participation

involves living in the community and participating as fully as possible in the

64

"'3

I— .
.5

activities of the community. It is essentially an “immersion” into every aspect of
the community being studied. This was the approach I took during the longer
field period. I lived in the community, sent my son to the tribal school and was
involved with the school as a tutor and substitute teacher, attended fitness
sessions sponSOred by the tribe, used the tribal medical center for health care,
attended tribal board meetings, participated in ceremonies, cooked food for
feasts, and formed a kinship-like relation with a family in the community. This
relationship involved sharing resources, such as childcare, visiting in each other’s
homes, taking vacations together, and celebrating holidays and birthdays
together. The DeWalts also describe another degree of participant observation:
complete participation in which the anthropologist is or becomes a member of the
group being studied (19982263). I did not become a member of the Soo Tribe
and, while I had very close associations with some tribal members, I never
became a “real” relative. I am grateful that l was not offered this opportunity as it
would have involved a level of ongoing responsibility and obligation that I am
unwilling and unable to accept.

As long as anthropologists have been Observing the rituals and
ceremonies of “the other”, those others, in certain cirCumstances, have forbidden
the recording or observation of rituals. Early in my fieldwork, an older pipe carrier
(a person who has special status in ritual matters) asked me if I was at this
naming ceremony as an anthropologist or as an Indian woman. This seemed like
a fair question and I asked for some time to think it over. Later that evening, I

suggested that he and others who might be concerned would know what my

65

status was by the presence or absence of my notebook, that its presence or
absence would be a silent signal. He expressed his satisfaction with this
solution. There was only one occasion in which I was asked to put away my
notebook; I complied and was welcomed to stay now that l was, as one person
put it, “Off duty”. Obviously, I did not attend rituals that were specifically for men,
such as a men’s sweat lodge. It is possible that I was excluded from attending
rituals without my knowledge but I have no evidence of this. This work is not a
comprehensive glossary of Ojibwa rituals; nor does it include detailed
descriptions of rituals I Observed. Instead, the focus is on the strategic use of

ritual by the various segments of the tribe.

Funding

This research was contracted and funded by the Sault Ste. Marie Tribe of
Chippewa Indians. The tribal Board of Directors expressed an interest in tribal
identity and requested a proposal to address their concerns. As a large tribe
scattered over a wide area and having experienced centuries Of culture contact
and intermarriage with non-Indians, their sense was of a relatively weak tribal
identity among their membership. I submitted a proposal to the board and it was
accepted. My task in the field, therefore, was two-fold. I gathered data for my
dissertation while also focusing specifically on tribal identity and pragmatic ways
of enhancing a tribal sense of cohesiveness.

I submitted a report to the Board of Directors in 1997, fulfilling the

Obligations of our contract. A stipulation of our agreement was that the particular

66

details of my report be confidential. I believe I am able to honor this agreement
without negatively affecting the quality of this dissertation as my own research
focus took a different direction in looking at ritualization as culture strategy. I
remain deeply grateful to the tribe for funding my research into a very sensitive
topic; their trust was humbling. I also received generous support through the

King-Chavez-Parks Future Faculty Fellowship.

67

CHAPTER V

THE CORPORATE INDIANS
Ritualization

Yet another dimension of constructed tradition concerns the delineation of
group identity, which is based not only on generating a shared consensus
concerning an authoritative past but also on a set of distinctions, seen as

rooted in the past, which differentiates this group from other groups. [Bell

1992:1211

As the official representatives of the tribe, the Corporate Indians employ
ritual strategically to demonstrate publicly the authenticity of the tribe’s identity.
They have two audiences in mind: other tribal members and the rest of the
world. In their roles as the tribe’s business and political leaders, the Corporate
Indians are sensitive to public perceptions of the tribe, from either within or
outside the tribe. Being sensitive to public perceptions has not stopped this
group from handling public relations clumsily at times. The balance between
projecting a positive public image and the tendency to behave somewhat
arrogantly, as an expression of sovereignty and power, is sometimes an uneasy
one. The Corporate Indians regularly work closely with certain Boomers (the
segment of the tribe with a more traditional and spiritual focus) to produce rituals
and ceremonies that will resonate with interested tribal members while

communicating the cultural distinctiveness of the tribe to outside observers.

68

They are othenlvise uninvolved in the ceremonial life of the tribe, focusing instead
on the business and political aspects of the tribe. In this chapter, I will examine
how the Corporate Indians practice ritualization for specific economic and

political purposes.

Context of interaction

The Corporate Indians can only loosely be categorized as an age cohort.
The range of ages in the group is mostly in the Baby Boomer age range but
includes some individuals in their late twenties and some in their late fifties and
early sixties. The identifying characteristic of the group I call the Corporate
Indians is close involvement with the tribe’s government, political, and business
operations at the administrative level. Most Corporate Indians are either
currently employed by the tribe or serve the tribe in an elected or appointed
political capacity. A few are employed elsewhere, such as the local hospital, but
always in a professional or managerial level job.

Corporate Indians are more likely to be formally educated and business-
oriented. The elected leader of the Soo Tribe, Chairman Bernard Bouschor, has
a business and accounting degree and falls into the Corporate Indian group.
Corporate Indians tend to be upwardly mobile, have homes similar in quality to
local Whites in the middle class, and travel more for business and pleasure.
They are unlikely to send their children to Bahweting School (an exception is the
chairman’s children). As noted above, lifestyle choices and a business

perspective characterize the Corporate Indians. There is some overlap with the

69

Boomer group as they work together to achieve shared goals. The Corporate
Indians commissioned and approved the funding for my work and were relatively
open to answering questions and providing information.

I interviewed and Observed the Corporate Indians in both their work
settings and at their homes. I attended open meetings of the tribal Board of
Directors and meetings Of the tribe’s Economic Development Commission.
Corporate Indians manage most Of the tribe’s enterprises, which include casinos
and other gaming establishments, hotels and resorts, a construction company,
and several light industries. I spent time in those locations. I attended social
events as well as numerous dedications and other formal ceremonies organized
by the Corporate Indians. I also attended private social events with members of
this group.

My interactions with the Corporate Indians were influenced by a number of
factors. I fit into this group in terms of age and education, although I did have
more education that is formal. Many had children the same age as my son,
although only a couple had children attending the tribal school with my son.
When necessary, I would dress in business clothes like theirs. This point may
seem trivial but most tribal members do not own business clothes, having no
need for them in the context of their lives.

The Corporate Indians were familiar with anthropologists primarily in one
context, that of consultant and expert witness in legal matters, such as the
contesting of fishing rights. This business arrangement made sense to them and

they insisted on trying to place me in that category. My seemingly aimless visits

70

and conversations with tribal members as well as my participation in traditional
rituals and ceremonies puzzled some of the Corporate Indians, who asked me
how I hoped to benefit from these activities. They questioned why I would
choose to live in relative poverty while pursuing an advanced degree that did not
seem to lead to great financial rewards. Unlike some of the more traditional tribal
members who believed that anthropologists routinely steal lndians’ knowledge
and grow wealthy as a result, I found that the Corporate Indians had a much

more realistic perspective of the field of anthrOpOIOQY, which led them to pity me!

Identity

Most Corporate Indians dress in American business clothes, such as suits,
when at work. Their grooming is also based on the US. business model: short,
neat hair for the men and neatly dressed hair for the women. Some Of the
Corporate Indians have distinctly Indian features, such as darker skin, while
others do not. This does not appear to influence their choice of apparel or
hairstyle. The Boomers who work in the tribe’s Corporate and governmental
setting are usually distinguishable by their style of dress (ribbon shirts and jeans),
which does not conform to American business standards. This is one Of the
ways I have chosen to distinguish these two often closely related groups within
the tribe. Corporate Indians often wear a small insignia, such as a tie clip or lapel
pin, featuring the tribal logo. Unlike the other groups I describe, the Corporate
Indians preferred to discuss work-related topics rather than personal topics such

as family and friends, even at social or family gatherings.

71

Having a business mentality and a political focus creates a certain
distance between the Corporate Indians and the more traditional elements in the
tribe. Occasionally the tribal administration has made decisions that reveal this
distance. For example, they built a retirement home in the early 19905 as one of
their first construction projects. Their desire to take care of tribal Elders was
admirable but the Elders were unhappy at the idea of being isolated from their
families and friends in a retirement home. The Corporate Indians were
admonished for not having consulted with the Elders and more traditional groups
in the tribe, such as the Boomers.

Another example involved the number of days a tribal employee could
miss to attend a funeral. FOIIowing the typical mainstream business model, the
tribal administration decreed a three-day death leave policy. Again, they were
out of touch with traditional values and practices. A traditional Ojibwa funeral
lasts at least four days and participants may need additional time to recover, if
they have given up food or sleep during the funeral. The Corporate Indians were
criticized by tribal members and revised the policy. At the same time, they took
steps to prevent future faux pas and appointed a Cultural Committee, made up of
Boomers and traditional Elders. The duties of this committee to examine all tribal
policies, to create new policies on such matters as requests for time off to go on
a vision quest, and to oversee cultural education programs.

In other ways, the Corporate Indians step outside of the mainstream
business model and demonstrate an emphasis on family and tribal loyalty.

Nepotism is the rule rather than the exception in the Soo Tribe. Corporate

72

Indians place tribal members in positions of importance, based on family
relationship rather than skill or experience. They will give an unqualified person
support, encouragement, and reassurance; and sometimes the results can be
quite successful. When the results are not good, the Corporate Indians will
quietly find another position for the individual. It may take several tries before
they find the right fit but tribal members are given seemingly endless
opportunities for employment. A tribal member with relatives in positions of
authority will be given better opportunities than a less important tribal member
but there remains a commitment to employ as many tribal members as possible,
regardless of their qualifications.

Like their more traditional counterparts in the tribe, Corporate Indians also
differ from the mainstream in their attitude toward teenage pregnancy and
illegitimate offspring. They do not express great disapproval of teenage
pregnancies, even in their own families, and express great fondness for all of the
tribe’s children, legitimate or othenlvise. Corporate Indians were more likely to
discuss the importance of marrying or at least having Children within the tribal
membership. As the largest tribe in Michigan, they are acutely aware of the
power of membership numbers. The larger the tribal membership, the more
federal dollars pour into the tribe to help support social programs. Many tribal
members, including Corporate Indians, had children while they were young;
those who married do so when they were young, as well. This practice has not

changed appreciably and remains part of the Corporate lndians’ values.

73

The Corporate Indians also share a commitment to sovereignty with other
groups in the tribe but their approach is shaped by their business and political
mindset. Where the more traditional groups will hold ceremonies and protests
either to express their sovereignty or to fight to preserve it, the Corporate Indians
have created institutions to implement self-governance.

The $00 Tribe has a police force that is cross-deputized with local and
state police as well as its own court system. It also has its own social services
department modeled on state and federal programs but guided by Ojibwa cultural
values and practices. The director of the tribal social services department gave
me an example of the difference between her agency and a state agency. The
two agencies have different definitions of child abandonment, for example. If a
child is living in a home with no parent present and an alternate legal guardian
has not been appointed, the child is considered abandoned and will be removed
from the home to be placed in a foster home or grOUp home facility. The tribal
social services department would not necessarily consider this a case of child
abandonment. The tribe considers it normal, even traditional, for Ojibwa Children
to live with an auntie or grandparents, on a temporary or permanent basis. The
tribal social services department will evaluate the living situation, make sure the
child is being well cared for, and assist the temporary or permanent guardian with
legal paperwork. If an Ojibwa child must go into foster care, the department’s top
priority is placing the child with a Soc Tribe family. '

The role of the tribal social services department and the tribal court is

especially important in reference to the Indian Child Welfare Act of 1978 (Sharp

74

19962106-107). The goal of this law was to stop the wholesale displacement of
Indian children from their homes and from their people. The Indian Child Welfare
Act applies to individuals both on and off the reservation and requires that efforts
be made to place a removed child be placed with an Indian family, preferably Of
his extended family or tribe. An adoption of Choctaw twins in Mississippi was
reversed in 1986 when the Mississippi Band of Choctaw Indians petitioned to
have its rights to the children heard: “The ruling clarified that even in cases of
voluntary relinquishment of parental rights, tribal communities have a recognized
interest in the welfare of tribal children and a right to retain their children...”(DavIs
19962107). Responsibility to the tribe’s children is very important to the tribe and
it has developed formal institutions to assure their care by interacting effectively
with local, state, and federal bureaucracies.

Another project conceived and created by the Corporate Indians is the
health center in Sault Ste. Marie. Opened in 1995, this is a large clinic offering a
wide range of health care for tribal members, including vision and hearing,
primary health care, and visiting specialists. One of the visiting specialists is an
Indian healer who usually sets up in the ear/nose/throat Office when that
physician is absent. He and his assistant drum and sing over the patient, and he
will prescribe herbal remedies as well as actions the patient must take to affect a
cure or improvement. The health center is heavily utilized by tribal members and
is seen as a wonderful benefit. This particular project was a public relations coup
for the Corporate Indians as it has met with virtually universal approval. A

strength Of the Corporate Indians is their ambition and vision to do great things.

75

Most tribal members would not have dreamed Of being able to construct their
own health center, having lived in poverty for so long. However, the Corporate
Indians, perhaps because they have traveled more or have more education, can
see the possibilities of what determination and money can accomplish.

I mentioned earlier the Corporate Indians’ sometimes clumsy efforts in
public relations. One of the tribe’s early projects was the creation of a
newspaper, called Wmawen Nisitotung. The newspaper is used to convey news
and information concerning matters in the Soo Tribe as well as news in the
mainstream community that could affect the tribe, such as legislature. The
newspaper is also a venue for education and features language and culture
lessons. What the newspaper lacks is any kind of critical commentary. Only
positive letters to the editor are printed, as a matter of policy. The result is the
airing of the tribe’s dirty laundry on the pages of the local newspapers. Tribal
members I interviewed disagreed with the tribal newspaper policy. They felt that
it would be less embarrassing and damaging to the tribe’s image to have
disagreements and debates on the pages of their own newspaper. During my
fieldwork, the tribal administration was firm on their policy but recent
developments seem to show a softening of this attitude. The tribe’s webpage
features a section focused on dispelling rumors and answering members’
questions and concerns. This may be an effective way to reach at least some of

their constituents, allowing them to voice their complaints in a less public forum.

76

Ritual as strategy

I have not focused on the question of ritual as secular versus religious in
the analysis of my fieldwork data. My interest has instead been the use of ritual
strategically, what Bell (1992) calls ritualization. Like Moore (1975, 1977) and
Myerhoff (1977, 1979), I am interested in the fluidity and indeterminacy of ritual,
characteristics that allow individuals and groups to use ritual in innovative ways
for their purposes. In my discussion of ritual theory, I described the concept of
ritual as social control. Of the various factions or groups I studied in the Soo
Tribe, I thought the Corporate Indians the group most likely to try using ritual as a
social control mechanism. They attempt to control public perception of the tribe
and, more specifically, of them by controlling what is printed in the tribal
newspaper. However, this is not the case. My fieldwork Observations revealed
the ineffectiveness of rituals as social control in the Soo Tribe. The Soc Tribe is
made up of factions and groups that do not necessarily have a shared belief
system, therefore making ritual social control ineffective. The Corporate Indians,
however, do practice ritualization. As part of their ritualization strategy, the
Corporate Indians also invent traditions.

As mentioned in Chapter II, the invention of tradition, an important
component of ritualization, is not limited to Native American cultures, and has
occurred in various eras in Great Britain, parts of Europe, and other areas. It is

worth repeating Hobsbawm’s definition of this phenomena:

“Invented tradition” is taken to mean a set of practices normally governed

by overtly or tacitly accepted rules and of a ritual or symbolic nature, which

77

seek to inculcate certain values and norms of behavior by repetition, which

automatically implies continuity with the past. [199221]

The inventers of tradition do so with particular goals in mind. Perhaps they seek
to inspire confidence in a new institution or maybe the goal is to enhance the
prestige Of a new event or activity. Whatever the precise goal, it is clear that
ritual and symbols are being used strategically in an attempt to influence others.

The Corporate Indians have particular goals in mind and particular means
Of achieving those goals. The ritualization goals of the Corporate Indians are
influenced by their business and political perspective. Above all, the tribe should
be presented in a positive light, in a manner that emphasizes its unique nature as
a sovereign Indian entity. In the business model, this means public relations
efforts that include the design and production of glossy brochures, the
development of an attractive tribal logo, and the use of other media, such as
video, to showcase the tribe as well as the use of ritual and ceremonies. In a
way, ritualization is one of the tools in the public relations toolbox.

Tribal symbols, such as clan animals and the medicine wheel, are
featured in these media representations Of the tribe. The symbols have ritual
significance to the tribe, although the symbols are understood by only a small
percentage of the tribe’s membership. The Corporate Indians consult with
cooperative Boomers, who have ritual knowledge, for advice on the effective use

of ritual symbols in the public relations context.

78

The public relations efforts I describe above are primarily aimed at an
external non-Indian audience. However, members of the tribe“ did express their
approval for the “professional” and “classy” appearance of the tribe’s PR
materials, and saw these as evidence of the tribe’s financial success. Certainly, I
observed many out-of-town and out-Of-state tribal members gathering the PR
materials for their own use when attending the tribe’s annual gathering.

In addition to producing materials promoting the tribe, the Corporate
Indians also host ceremonies to commemorate individuals or events, such as
groundbreaking ceremonies for construction or the inauguration of the tribal
' board. These ceremonies are an Opportunity to express their version of the
tribe’s identity on an outside and an inside audience. The identity or image they
seek to portray is, again, that Of a unique sovereign tribe that is progressive and
successful while remaining rooted in the past and tradition. Because they view
traditions as being “from the past”, and they are forward-thinking individuals who
represent the progressive and successful aspect Of the tribe, the Corporate
Indians turn to the traditionalists, the Boomers and some Elders, for that aspect
of their desired tribal image and identity.

In inventing traditions, such as the inauguration of newly elected board
members, it is necessary to invest the new tradition With rituals and symbols that
will cloth it in antiquity and shared meaning. A couple of Boomers typically
manage this kind of event, drawing upon traditional elements for a variety Of
purposes. An example of an invented ritual is the ceremony created to

inaugurate newly elected members of the tribe’s Board of Directors. As

79

hunter/gatherers, the Ojibwas typically followed the lead of influential individuals,
usually men. They could be convinced by a successful warrior to follow him into
battle or, more commonly, out on raiding expeditions. Similarly, a charismatic
spiritual leader might wield influence in ritual and ceremonial matters. After
federal tribal recognition, the Soo Tribe instituted a system of elected leadership
similar to the legislative system in the United States. I was unable to discover
when the ceremony commemorating the election of new board members began
but was able to observe two inauguration ceremonies. The two ceremonies
differed in small details but shared characteristics with the blessing ceremony l
have already described. During both inaugural ceremonies, more than one
spiritual leader participated in the ritual. The four sacred plants were burned and
the newly elected and re-elected board members smudged themselves. The
spiritual leaders called for the Creator to help the board members make good
decisions for the people of the tribe. In both instances, the spiritual leaders were
not as articulate in their prayers as usual, seeming to search for the appropriate
words for the ritual.

In this ritual, I would interpret the actions of the spiritual leaders as an
attempt to convince the traditionally oriented members of the tribe as well as
outside observers of the authenticity of the ceremony and of the appropriateness
of the election process. The board members did not, for the most part,
participate in tribal ceremonies and rituals outside Of this context. They

cooperated with the spiritual leaders to achieve the same goal, the emphasis on

80

aut

lrib

authenticity and the reiteration of the tribal administration's image of a united
tfibe.

Myerhoff (1977, 1979) is interested in invented traditions and argues that
“Not all the participants involved need to be equally convinced or equally moved”
(1977:222). She describes an improvised graduation ritual for elderly Jews in
which the ritual’s creators drew upon older traditions and rituals. Myerhoff also
states that it is unnecessary for there to be shared belief among ritual
participants. All that is necessary is pretence of belief by participants
demonstrated by not disrupting the ritual performance with expressions of
disbelief or discontent.

The Corporate Indians are also aware of their other audience, the tribal
membership. Invented traditions as described above must not only impress
outside Observers but must also please or at least not upset or agitate inside
Observers. This is where the assistance of the Boomers is especially important.
For many tribal members, the Corporate Indians are either role models for the
members or suspect because of their perceived degree of acculturation. For the
latter group, the presence of Boomer known to be traditionalists is essential for
the ritual to have legitimacy. Still others are somewhat disapproving of the
Boomers who chose to participate in the invention of traditions. I will describe
this dynamic more fully in the Boomer chapter. The innovative use of ritual is less
controversial with traditional tribal members. Often, this type Of ritualization
involved using an existing ritual in a new or different setting. The following is an

example.

81

During a ceremony designed to bless a new sports arena, a spiritual
leader, to use the local term, carefully arranged his ritual paraphernalia by
spreading a small red wool blanket on the floor of the arena and placing a small
quantity of the four sacred plants (tobacco, sweetgrass, sage, and cedar) on the
blanket along with a hand-carved pipe, a small cast iron pot, a piece of flint and a
striker, and an eagle feather fan. The spiritual leader put small portions of the
sacred plants into the iron pot and lit the material using the flint and striker,
producing a thick and highly aromatic smoke. He bathed himself in the smoke by
pulling his hands through the smoke and drawing it over his face and head,
having first removed his eyeglasses. He replaced his glasses and began to pray
in English, asking the Creator to bless this place. He walked the entire perimeter
of the arena, spreading the smoke by waving the eagle feather fan through it. He
then went to each individual at the ceremony and offered him or her the
opportunity to bathe in the smoke as well, which most did. The spiritual leader
said one more prayer, congratulating the tribal administration for constructing the
arena and other facilities as well. At this point, the ritual part of the event was
concluded and people chatted and then dispersed.

A traditionally oriented Ojibwa individual may not have been moved by the
ceremony or convinced that the blessing ritual was meaningful or convincing.
The ritual could be considered successful if it does not offend him to an extent
that he feels he must protest. The spiritual leader has done his best to convince
even traditionally oriented tribal members that this ceremony is acceptable by

simply using the house blessing ceremony on a larger scale. The reverse

82

 

SI

situation would be equally illustrative. l have seen nontraditionally oriented tribal
members struggling to stay awake during a long prayer or exhortation by an elder
spiritual leader, while other, more traditionally inclined participants are engrossed
in the ritual. The ritual and ceremonial practices of their brethren in the tribe do
not offend the nontraditional Ojibwas but they do not necessarily share their
interest and belief. Some members of the latter group, namely the Corporate
Indians, are aware of the possible public relations aspects of ceremonies and
work closely with certain "open-minded" Boomers to use ritual in this way.

It is possible to see the disconnect that exists between the Corporate
Indians and the more traditional factions in ritual aspects. An example that
occurred during my time inthe field involved funerals. It is customary for the
extended family and close friends Of the deceased to provide a feast for the four
days of an Ojibwa funeral. Since a funeral often attracts two hundred or more
mourners, this Obligation can present a significant burden to the deceased’s
family. The Corporate Indians decided to provide assistance in the form of free
catering, through their casino and convention center. This generosity was met
with quiet opposition that eventually became vocal and public in 1996. The
Corporate Indians, for the most part, were taken by surprise. They wanted to
know that the problem was. Weren’t they helping in a time of need? Wasn’t this
an appropriate gift, of food and serving assistance?

The Boomers and involved Elders explained that the families were
offended for a number of reasons. While they appreciated the generous impulse

of the Corporate Indians, many were offended by the idea that their family and

83

I111

n)

tn

friends could not provide for a feast. They also were offended by the ubiquitous
casino logo on everything from napkins to serving dishes. Finally, they were
displeased with the non-traditional nature of the food choices. They wanted
venison and buffalo, wild rice, fry bread and corn soup. One Elderly woman
asked me, with exasperated humor, if people in my tribes serve German potato
salad as a traditional dish!

The Corporate Indians were gently admonished for not consulting either
with the families they wished to help or with the tribal membership as a whole. At
the same time, they were thanked again for their desire to help and a discussion
was opened on culturally appropriate ways to assist with funerals. There is a
tribal burial fund, begun at a time when many members could not afford what
they considered a proper burial. The membership reaffirmed its approval of this
fund, as not all members have benefited personally by the tribe’s financial
success. When I left, the Cultural Committee was discussing the possibility of
financial assistance for the purchase of funeral foodstuffs, an option that seemed

more amenable to tribal members.

Analysis

Of the several groups and factions I studied, the Corporate Indians are the
least knowledgeable concerning rituals, symbols, and ceremonies. They are
generally uninterested in the meanings of symbols and rituals or about the history
of ceremonies. Their interest in tribal history and thepast is mostly confined to

information and data that can be used to further their goals, be that fighting for

84

fishing rights or establishing the provenance Of the tribe. The lack of interest or
knowledge in the arena of ritual does not, however, impede their ability to use
ritual strategically.

The willingness to hire others to take on certain tasks is part of the
Corporate lndians’ business mentality. They have becOme accustomed to hiring
consultants and experts, from outside the Soo Tribe membership. This strategy
has been an effective one, as many tribal members lacked formal education and
specialized skills.

The hiring of consultants has extended into the cultural aspects of the
tribe. The Boomers most involved in the invention and production of new
traditions and rituals are nOt Soo Tribe members. They are from a closely related
tribe, the Bay Mills Indian Community, located nearby. The membership of the
two neighboring tribes has sometimes been interchangeable as many Soo Tribe
members are kin with the neighboring tribe. One man explained to me that he
changed membership depending on what each tribe could do for him. A
notoriously cranky Elder was said to change membership when someone in her
current tribe made her angry. No matter how closely related the two tribes are,
however, some tribal members expressed their dissatisfaction with “outsiders”
performing such public ceremonies. These outsider Boomers work for the Soo
Tribe in administrative capacities, and serve as cultural consultants.

Ojibwa language teachers have also been hired from outside the tribe,
causing some consternation over regional dialects. A couple Of teachers from

Manitoulin Island, where the Ojibwa language retention is high, commented that

85

Soo Tribe Elders frequently challenged them concerning the pronunciation of
words. They were frustrated with this response since most of the Elders who
criticized them were not fluent in Ojibwa but could recall how their parents or
grandparents had pronounced certain words.

I overheard one heated discussion about the pronunciation of the Ojibwa
word for “bear,” commonly spelled makwak. The 800 Tribe woman insisted that
the only correct pronunciation was “muck-wan” while a man from another dialect
region (somewhere in Ontario) argued that his way of saying the word, “muck-
wuck” was correct. The fluent Ojibwa speakers in the Soo Tribe appeared to
welcome the outside language teachers and argued pragmatically that learning
some version of Ojibwa was better than not speaking it at all.

The Corporate Indians have clear Objectives involving the public and tribal
image of the Soo Tribe. They see events such as the opening of a new tribal
facility as an opportunity to communicate their version of the tribal image:
successful, progressive, rooted in tradition. These somewhat contradictory
elements are melded, sometimes awkwardly, in the ceremonies that mark the
chosen events. Ritual elements are used in innovative ways, all the while the
ritual specialist (the outsider Boomer) explains the “rightness” of the ceremony,
its “traditional” Ojibwa character. These ritual specialists get a great deal of
attention and are known widely outside as well as inside the tribe. They are
frequently interviewed and photographed by the media and have collaborated on

several writing projects, as cultural experts of the Ojibwas.

86

Cor

Re

the

filll

One tribal member joked privately that there is not anything for which the
Corporate Indians will not find a blessing. This comment reveals the ambiguity
that some tribal members feel about the Corporate Indians’ ritual strategies.
Reactions to the Corporate Indians’ practice of ritualization depend somewhat on
the participant-observers. Some observers find the ceremonies moving and a
fitting expression of Ojibwa beliefs. Non-Indian observers are usually
government officials and politicians. Because of their roles, I feel that their
reactions, when interviewed, were not necessarily frank, but the general
observable reaction of these individuals was surprise and pleasure. Critique of
the Corporate lndians’ use of ritual was quiet and usually expressed privately, by
some Elders and Boomers.

It was my sense that most traditionally oriented members are reluctant to
criticize the Corporate Indians. This is expressed in their repeated praises for the
many projects the Corporate Indians have chosen to fund; projects that help the
traditionalists educate the tribe’s membership, especially the children. The
Culture Camp on Sugar Island, Bahweting School, and the Cultural Center (a
place for weddings, funerals, naming ceremonies, etc.) are just some of the
institutions funded and built by the Corporate Indians. It was also my impression
that tribal members who are deeply involved with the tribe recognize the
pragmatic nature of the work the Corporate Indians do to help the tribe. This
makes their use of ritual in unorthodox ways more palatable to the Boomers and

interested Elders.

87

as am
are ac
benel
inven
will b1

natur

The Corporate Indians do not use ritual in their private lives. They see it
as another business tool and use it to achieve their goals. Their ritual activities
are accepted by most in the tribe because their goals are seen as worthy and of
benefit to all tribal members. It is my opinion that some of the more successful
invented traditions, such as the inauguration ceremony for new board members,
will become part of the tribe’s culture, an expression of the changing and active

nature of a society.

88

CHAPTER VI
THE BOOMERS

Ritualization

The specifically “ritual” construction of tradition and communal identity
may be a powerful and effective strategy for several reasons. It appears
to maximize the moralism and nostalgia on the one hand, while
recognizing a more flexible level of delegated authority on the other.
Similarly, it appears to maximize the perception of consensus based on
nonnegotiable values and precedents, while nonetheless tolerating a fair
degree of latent conflict in the form of mere compliance, quiet evasion, or
idiosyncratic rejection. The construction of tradition may effectively
maximize a high-profile identity for a group, even while minimizing any real

rift over fundamentals with the neighboring groups. [Bell 19922122-123]

Like the Corporate Indians, the Boomers have some specific goals producing
and modifying rituals. Unlike the Corporate group, the Boomers also perform
rituals. Some work closely with the Corporate group, performing public
ceremonies and rituals to “maximize a high-profile identity” for the tribe. In this
context, the use of ritualization as strategy by the Boomers and Corporate
Indians is directed primarily outward to the interested public, such as the local

municipality, state and federal representatives. They also perform rituals for the

89

tribal community and in this context may be joined by traditional Elders and other
Boomers who do not participate in the greater public ceremonies. Ritualization
as strategy in this more intimate setting includes education and socialization of
the young, education of less traditional tribal members, communication of the
tribe’s unique identity, and, in some cases, maintenance or enhancement of the
ritual perfonner’s status. In this chapter, I will examine the use of ritualization by

the Boomer group.

Context of Interaction

Like the Corporate Indians, the Boomers are only roughly categorized as
an age cohort. I am using the term to include individuals from 30 years of age to
55 years of age. There are some younger members as well who are included in
this category because they are older than the young people and You'ngster
category and their beliefs and practices situate them in the Boomer category.
Like the Corporate Indians, the Boomers are characterized not just by age but
also by lifestyle and involvement in particular aspects of tribal life. Boomers are
involved with the ritual, ceremonial, and spiritual aspects of the Soo Tribe. The
tribe employs some Boomers; of those, a few work closely with the Corporate
Indians on cultural projects while others have more routine jobs. Other Boomers
chose to avoid involvement with the business and political aspects of the tribe but
participate in tribal ceremonies.

During my fieldwork, interactions with the Boomers were both frustrating

and rewarding. Like the Corporate Indians, Boomers are more likely than many

90

tribal members to have some formal education. Many have studied
anthropology; some are hostile toward anthropologists. For the hostile
individuals, my Indian identity was not reassuring but was, instead, a further
affront as l was seen as “selling-out" by becoming an anthropologist. Some of
these individuals softened their opinion of me over time but, for others, my
research was perceived as a threat. The fear appeared to be that I would
somehow challenge the authenticity of the tribe and of their practices. I will
discuss this dynamic in more detail later in this chapter. Luckily, the majority of
the Boomers were cooperative and welcoming, seeking to make me feel more at
home in their community. Several expressed their approval of a “cousin" doing
anthropological research and teaching anthropology.

As was usually the case, having my son with me was an advantage in my
interactions. The Boomers and l are members of the same age cohort and
usually had children attending the same school. My involvement with the school
brought me into close contact with many Boomers, who largely ran Bahweting
School. I conducted interviews and practiced participant observation in a number
of settings involving the Boomers, including work places, meetings, home visits,
social occasions, and ceremonies. I spent the most time with this group during

my fieldwork period, as the opportunities for interaction were frequent.
Identity

Boomers tend to express their identity through their dress and hair styles,

often wearing ribbon shirts and other Indian-style clothing and having long hair.

91

The h
their l
and c
head
with

ever
be h
is a

The

anc
COL
hai
COl
pei
llU
Ell

Wil

thi
dc
”F

CE

The hair is worn either loose or tied back by the men while the women often braid
their long hair. Jewelry and hair ornaments are usually of Indian manufacture
and quite elaborate: silver and turquoise jewelry from the Southwest, beautifully
beaded hair clasps from the Great Lakes. T-shirts with powwow or tribal logos or
with Indian themes and statements are also popular with Boomers, who rarely if
ever wear American style business clothes. The ribbon shirts and dresses must
be handmade, as, must the beaded hair clasps. The manufacture of these items
is a source of pride for the women and men in the community who make them.
They are often given as gifts but may also be commissioned and paid for.

The Boomers see themselves as the spiritual and traditional conscience
and memory of the tribe. This does not contradict their reverence for Elders, of
course, who are one source of their knowledge concerning tribal traditions. They
have spent many hours visiting and informally interviewing the older people in the
community and often express a sense of urgency as the tribal Elders die,
perhaps taking important information with them. The Boomers have initiated a
number of projects to capture and preserve the memories and stories of the
Elders. One project involves a series of videotaped interviews that has been met
with great approval by tribal members.

The Boomers are popular among the Elders because they pay attention to
them and make them feel valued. Most tribal members will verbalize this
doctrine of respecting the Elders but the Boomers are the ones most likely to act
upon it. They try tomake sure that Elders are able to attend tribal events and

ceremonies by arranging for transportation if necessary. The Boomers also visit

92

Elde
inlor
nurs
and
hom
| exi
not l
Boo

toa

ask
owr
thei
beli

the

an:

Dar

Elders who are ill or dying and want traditional medicine. When one of my
informants became too ill to remain in her own home, she was admitted to a local
nursing home. One or more Boomers visited her every day, praying'and singing
and burning tobacco as an offering. She died soon after entering the nursing
home but the attentions of the Boomers gave her great comfort in her final days.
I expected the nursing home staff to resist the burning of tobacco but they were
not only supportive and respectful but also very interested in the ritual itself. The
Boomers go into nursing homes and hospitals prepared for opposition and ready
to argue forthe rights of their people to pray in their traditional way.

During my fieldwork, I observed a lack of opposition from hospitals and
nursing homes. I was surprised and questioned the Boomers who often go to
these facilities. They reported that they had met with more opposition in the past
but now rarely had problems with access to patients who requested them. When
asked why the change, they cited a number of possible reasons. One was their
own insistence on the rights of their fellow tribal members. Another was what
they perceived as a growing acceptance of alternative treatments and health
beliefs. Finally, one Boomer pointed out that the growing influence of the tribe in
the surrounding communities may be having an effect, as hospital administrators
may be reluctant to annoy a potential donor.

The tribe’s growing presence in the community seems to be a factor in
another critical arena, the care of tribal members after death. The Boomers in
particular play an important role when a tribal member dies. If the individual was

known to have traditional beliefs (as opposed to being a devout Christian), the

93

Boomers will arrange an Ojibwa funeral. This involves preparing the body and
the location of the funeral according to traditional beliefs. Boomers of the same
gender as the deceased go to the funeral home where the body has been
embalmed, bathe the body ritually, and dress it in traditional finery. Once the
body has been placed in a casket, ceremonial objects are added to accompany
the person’s spirit into the afterlife. At the funeral location, cedar boughs
surround the casket and a fire is kept burning outdoors day and night for four
days. The actual burial is accompanied by singing, drumming, and prayers by
Ojibwa spiritual leaders.

I interviewed a local funeral director about these practices and he
described how he has come to accommodate the Boomers. He tries to obey
state health codes by advising those who will handle the body about possible
disease transmission and having them sign a waiver clearing him of
responsibility. Othenrvise, he lets them do as they please and reported his
satisfaction with their care of the body and of the ceremonial funeral
arrangements in general. The funeral director noted that the number of “Indian"
funerals have increased since the 19B0s and that, at first, he was concerned
about having cedar boughs on his carpets and about the reactions of non-Indian
patrons to the sound of drumming and singing. He was reassured when the
Boomers cleaned up his viewing rooms after use and no one complained about
the noises. He did note that most traditional Ojibwa funerals are now held at

tribal facilities instead of in funeral homes like his.

94

The recognition and celebration of rites of passage such as death are an
important part of the spiritual life of the Boomers. They organize naming
ceremonies and assist young people who are ready for, their vision quests. They
advise young women on proper behavior upon reaching physical maturity.
Boomers also celebrate seasonal ceremonies with feasts and prayers. Boomers
are organizers of, and participants in the tribe’s powwows. Some tribal members
request a house blessing ceremony annually or when they move into a new
home. A pipe carrier blessed the home I rented for my son and me soon after we
arrived in the community, at my request. Pipe carriers are individuals who have
a ceremonial pipe that is used during many ceremonies. Considered spiritual
leaders, their presence at ceremonies and rituals is desirable. They are not paid
for their efforts but are given tobacco when the request is made and are often
given gifts when the ceremony is concluded.

When I asked how one becomes a pipe carrier, I was given different
answers by different people. Some said that a pipe carrier is given his (very few
Ojibwa pipe carriers are female) pipe by another pipe carrier when the senior
pipe carrier is convinced of his spiritual knowledge and good intentions. Other
pipe carriers said that they dreamed of their pipe, which gave them the right to
make a pipe and the power to use it.

The power of a pipe carrier to do good was described and demonstrated
to me many times during my fieldwork. I became aware of the possible use of
that power to do harm in a personal way. During my fieldwork, I interviewed a

pipe carrier a number of times. To my dismay, he construed the interviews as

95

romantic interest on my part and announced to others that he and l were in a
serious relationship. When I denied this, he became angry and began to harass
me. I discussed his behavior with an influential woman in the tribal community
who decided to “call the veterans." When a traditional man in the community
appears to be threatening to others, a group of veterans, men who have served
in the military or been a member of the American Indian Movement, will visit him
and remove him to a safer, more private location if necessary. They then
counsel him, praying and singing, for as long as it takes to help him “see the right
path.” The problematic pipe carrier was subjected to this intervention and it
seemed to be successful as he stopped troubling me. Several weeks after the
veterans visited him, he called and asked me to meet him to smoke a pipe
together and cement the peace between us. I was noncommittal during the
conversation but would have probably agreed in the end. I decided to discuss
the matter with a tribal Elder first. She was greatly alarmed and begged me not
to share a pipe with this man. She explained that he could put “something bad”
in the pipe that could harm me. She was satisfied only by a promise from me to
never smoke a pipe with him or accept food or gifts from him in the future. When
I tried to question this informant and others about the malevolent use of pipe
carriers’ power, they were unwillingto discuss the matter.

Boomers participate in sweats, which cleanse individuals physically,
mentally, and spiritually. A sweat involves the construction of a sweat lodge,
which is a low structure often built of flexible boughs that are covered with

blankets and tarps to keep in the heat and keep out the light. A pit in the middle

96

of the lodge is filled with rocks heated in a fire outside the lodge. Participants sit
or lie on the ground and drizzle water onto the rocks, producing steam. The
sweat experience is arduous and participants often dedicate their discomfort and
suffering to the tribe or to a special cause, such as a sick relative or recovery
from substance abuse.

Talking circles are opportunities to share your thoughts and experiences
with others in a non-judgmental and supportive environment. Participants sit in a
circle and pass an eagle feather from person to person. The person with the
feather may speak about anything and cannot be interrupted. It is a culturally
appropriate type of support group or group therapy.

Boomers also work with recovering substance abusers; many Boomers
are also recovering. Twelve step programs, like Alcoholics Anonymous and
Narcotics Anonymous, are modified to fit Ojibwa ideology. Sweats and talking
circles are considered important parts of the recovery process. For example,
many participants in talking circles describe their personal struggles with
addiction, a process similar to the AA and NA programs.

Earlier I mentioned that the Boomers get part of their knowledge about
traditions and beliefs from their contacts with the Elders. Some of their
knowledge is derived from books about Great Lakes tribes and from college
courses. The more radical Boomers are self-conscious about using these
sources of information and will deny the validity of any anthropological writings
done by white scholars. I walked into a meeting of Boomers when they were

preparing some cultural activities for the tribal children. My appearance was a

97

sumhs
cuhum
mmce
other
mdnc
gmup
mhhe

Boon

desh
soda
Chhs
Elde
critic
PUZZ

beha

and
thel
Was
ac;
Chur

phe-

surprise, apparently, although my child was going to be a participant in the
cultural activities and all parents were invited to attend the planning session. I
noticed several classic anthropological texts dealing with the Ojibwa on the
conference table before they were hurriedly whisked away by some Boomers. I
did not mention what I had seen since I did not want to further antagonize this
group of Boomers, who saw me as a sort of spy sent to discredit their
authenticity. I do not exaggerate with this statement; several of the more radical
Boomers made statements to me or in my presence to that effect.

Most Boomers reject Christianity in all its forms and describe the
destructive efforts of missionary groups in their area. Their children are
socialized in the Ojibwa belief system and have no formal exposure to
Christianity. They quietly express embarrassment and frustration when tribal
Elders say Christian prayers at tribal ceremonies. The Boomers do not openly
criticize Elders or others who practice Christianity but they do describe how
puzzled they are when Indians continue to be Christians despite the bad
behavior of Christians toward Indians not so long ago.

The son of a Boomer couple was killed in an accident during my fieldwork
and her grandparents insisted on a Catholic funeral service. Out of respect for
the Elders, the couple reluctantly agreed, with some compromises. The wake
was done in the traditional Ojibwa manner and the funeral ceremony was held at
a Catholic church. Boomers, their families, and other tribal members filled the
church almost to capacity and sat in uncharacteristic silence. The officiating

priest seemed to sense the hostility when he ascended the altar and locked out

98

on a s
betwe
symbr
to pre
ahenr
name
oeme
leads
that t

aftec

Doli

Ritr

aS(

on a sea of brown faces. During the service, he attempted to draw parallels
between the symbols he was using — water, smoke, song, prayer — to the
symbols of the Ojibwa tradition. It was apparent that he had done some research
to prepare for this funeral. His efforts did not seem to win over those in
attendance and his consistent mispronunciation of the deceased boy’s Ojibwa
name made many flinch or shake their heads disapprovingly. Once at the
cemetery, he was pushed aside after a hurried prayer and the tribe’s spiritual
leaders took over the burial ceremony. Several Boomers mentioned aftenivards
that they stepped foot in “that church" only out of the deepest respect and
affection for the bereaved parents. ~

Some Boomers have been involved in the Red Power Movement of the
19605 and the American Indian Movement. One Boomer is given great respect
for his participation in the Wounded Knee occupation by AIM, and is considered
to have the status of a veteran. Boomers worked closely with the Cdrporate
Indians when the tribe was seeking federal recognition. Several serve in the
highest levels of the tribal administration while most work for the tribe in some
other capacity. The Cultural Committee is influential in advising the tribal chair
and board of directors in cultural matters and has a hand in shaping tribal

policies, especially in the human resources ‘sector.
Ritual as strategy

The Cultural Committee uses ritual strategically for educational purposes,

as do other Boomers and Elders in a less formal context. They are primarily

99

concerned with an internal, tribal audience and only peripherally or coincidentally
concerned with educating the mainstream society about Ojibwa beliefs and
practices. The Cultural Committee is especially committed to language
acquisition as a critical part of learning more about Ojibwa culture and rituals.
They have hired language teachers, insisted on Ojibwa language instruction as a
core part of the tribal school curriculum, and publish short language lessons in
the tribal newspaper. ’ '

Another critical aspect of the Cultural Committee’s work is to prevent the
less traditionally oriented Corporate Indians from making faux pas in their
dealings with both tribal members and mainstream society. One example of a
serious faux pas in the human resources policy for tribal employees was the
inadequate time approved for funerals. In this context, the Cultural Committee,
primarily made up of Boomers, is assisting the Corporate Indians with customs,
traditions, and rituals in order to maintain the appearance of a progressive yet
culturally rooted tribal administration.

Some of the Cultural Committee members serve as the ritual practitioners
for the Corporate Indians. The most prominent of these are a couple of men who
are enrolled members of the neighboring Bay Mills tribe. As I have explained,
these two tribes are closely related and have many members who. have moved
from one tribe to another. The Corporate Indians call upon these ritual

practitioners or spiritual leaders to create or modify and perform rituals, such as

inauguration of new board members or the blessing of new tribal construction.

100

The rituals these particular individuals perform are almost always in a
public setting with non-tribal participants or observers. The goal of these rituals
is to express the tribe’s unique identity to the non-tribal observers, with an
emphasis on the antiquity of the tribe and its deep roots in the area. The ritual
practitioners tend to mention the success of the tribe in the ritual’s prayers, as
well. At the same time, the practitioners draw upon recognized Ojibwa symbols
and ritual elements to invest the ritual performance with meaning for the Ojibwa
participants and observers. I interviewed a number of non-tribal observers and
most were impressed by the "real Indian ceremony” they had witnessed (in this
particular instance, the ceremony was to bless the opening of the new tribal
administration building). Several commented that the ritual performance
surprised them, as they had previously believed that the Soo Tribe members
were too assimilated to have any “Indian culture”. The reactions of these
outsiders were gratifying to the Corporate Indians and the ritual practitioners
alike. The rituals were successful in achieving one of their goals.

The other goal, of drawing in the Ojibwa observers and performing a
sufficiently convincing ritual, had mixed results. Myerhoff defines a successful
ritual as one that does not meet with overt opposition or disruptive expressions of
disbelief or dissatisfaction (1977:222). I interviewed a number of observers from
the Soo Tribe, and tried to speak with a mixed group, including Elders, Boomers,
Youngsters, and Corporate Indians. Not surprisingly, the Corporate Indians were
the most satisfied with the ritual performances and the ritual practitioners. The

performance was an expression of their particular strategic use of ritual and their

101

primary goal was to impress the non-tribal observers. In this, they have been
successful in most instances that I observed. Of the other groups, the
Youngsters were the least interested in discussing their reactions and probably
the least interested in the issue.

Boomers and Elders had mixed reactions. Most recognized the strategic
importance of presenting the tribe as a unique entity to the outside world. Most
either wholeheartedly accepted the new rituals, such as the inauguration ritual for
new board members and the construction blessing ritual ‘(during which any new
construction by the tribe is blessed), or saw no real harm in them while being
uninterested in participating in the new rituals themselves. A few expressed
concern at the role of the specific ritual practitioners. They gossiped about the
appropriateness of a spiritual leader being a sort of hired gun for the Corporate
Indians. There was also gossip about these spiritual leaders’ relative lack of
involvement in nonpublic, more tribally oriented rituals and ceremonies.

Finally, many Boomers and Elders were concerned with the public
prominence of the men involved in the Corporate lndians’ rituals. This sort of
fame was considered suspect and inappropriate for a spiritual leader, who should
be humble and dignified. I would emphasize, however, that the negative
comments about the rituals and the ritual practitioners themselves were never
made in the presence of outsiders and did not represent a loud and vocal
opposition to either the men or the rituals. Mostly, the dissatisfied Boomers and
Elders seemed to accept what the Corporate Indians were doing strategically

with ritual as necessary.

102

Boomers, as mentioned earlier, see themselves as the keepers and
teachers of ritual. They take on the responsibilities of rituals associated with life
stages and seasonal cycles. As traditionalists, their goals in using ritual are to
keep the rituals alive by performing them and teaching them to others, especially
the Youngsters. Their rituals are used as expressions of defiance, toward
Christianity, toward white mainstream society, toward the local, state, and federal
governments. For Boomers, performing rituals is an expression of tribal
sovereignty and the struggle of their tribe, and indeed, all Indian peoples, to
regain and retain the right of self-governance. In addition to teaching the
Youngsters, Boomers also educate other tribal members about Ojibwa culture.
By increasing their numbers, the Boomers may also increase their influence
within the tribe’s political structure. '

The Boomers gain the support and approval of the Elders, who also see
the Boomers as the key to regaining and retaining Ojibwa cultural values in the
Soo Tribe. The support of the Elders is important, even among the progressive
Corporate Indians. The Elders are appreciative of the attention they get from the
Boomers and the efforts the Boomers make in gaining privileges for them from
the Corporate Indians. The Boomers include Elders in the ritual life of the
traditionalists of the tribe, emphasizing their revered status.

The Boomers use ritual strategically in a way no other group in the tribe
does — to maintain and cement bonds with other tribes. Of the groups I studied
within the tribe, the Boomers are the most influenced by contact with members of _

other North American tribes. Many of them attended Indian colleges, meeting

103

and sometimes marrying individuals from other tribes. Many retain ties and
actively network with Indians from Michigan and throughout North America.
Some Boomers were born in urban areas, like Detroit, to parents who were part
of the urban relocation program. They met many other Indians and this
experience continues to influence them after their return to northern Michigan.
Boomers also tend to be more aware of the historic ties between the Ojibwas, the
Potawatomis, and the Ottawas (Odawas): the People of the Three Fires. They
have either learned of the loose association from Elders or from books.

Boomers often include individuals from other tribes in their rituals, and
tend to focus more on how “traditional” a person is as opposed to the person’s
tribal enrollment. I participated in a large midsummer ritual gathering at which a
Zulu man was welcomed and asked to describe his tribal traditions. Boomers are
also more interested in activism than the other 800 Tribe groups, and in the lives
of indigenous peoples all over the US. and the world. This commitment to
activism and to community awareness is also expressed in their use of ritual to
assist those in need, especially the sick and dying and those struggling with

substance abuse.

Analysis

The Boomers are the most ritually active members of the tribe. They are
responsible for maintaining and reviving Ojibwa rituals, such as rites of passage
and seasonal ceremonies. They practice rituals in their everyday lives, such as

daily ritual purification, as well as organizing larger celebrations. As a group, the

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1“

Boomers are the most involved with the other grOups in the tribe, maintaining
close contact with the Elders, the Youngsters, and the Corporate Indians. In
addition, they attempt to draw in and educate the disinterested or
unknowledgeable members of the tribe. The Boomers also maintain contacts in
the larger Indian and indigenous communities, using these networks to further
causes that may affect the Soo Tribe directly or other Indians and indigenous
peoples.

Many Boomers have teamed tribal lore and traditions from Elders and
through formal education. Some are self-conscious about their reliance on books
or college courses, becoming defensive if questioned about the source of their
information. Their identity is based on the incorporation of rituals and traditional
values in their everyday lives, including the importance of family, community, and
tribe. As such, the Boomers are involved in most aspects of the tribe’s interests,
especially in cultural and spiritual matters. Their goals coincide with the goals of
the Corporate Indians, although their emphases are different. While the
Corporate Indians use ritual and symbols to define the tribe as progressive while
being rooted in tradition, the Boomers use ritual and symbols to remind the tribe’s
membership of its traditional roots as it experiences material and financial
success.

The Boomers use ritual to reconstruct and retain a sense of Ojibwa
identity for the Soo Tribe. As Bell notes, “The specifically ‘ritual’ construction of
tradition and communal identity may be a powerful and effective

strategy...”(1992:231). Some Boomers modify or create rituals to serve specific

105

public relations purposes. Others recreate or modify rituals for educational and
community-building purposes. Still others perform rituals in the privacy of their
homes, with only close family and friends present, because this is and has been
a way of life for them. Boomers go into the tribal school and shape its curriculum
to reflect Ojibwa values and traditions.

By drawing together the Corporate Indians, the Youngsters, the Elders,
and a gradually increasing number of previously disinterested members, the
Boomers are attempting to strengthen the tribe’s sense of unity. Many work
closely with the Corporate Indians on efforts to present a positive image of the
tribe while safeguarding the tribe’s unique cultural status. At the same time, the
Boomers retain their own distinct identity by choosing a particular style of dress
and devoting a great deal of time to spiritual and ritual activities. The occasional
tensions between the Boomers and the Corporate Indians are defused by the
many projects funded by the Corporate Indians that meet the goals of the
Boomers, such as the Culture Camp on Sugar Island, Bahweting School, and the
Cultural Center (a place for weddings, funerals, naming ceremonies, etc.) This
dynamic as well as a commitment to tribal unity to use ritual in ways that
enhance a sense of tradition and community for the Soo Tribe bind most

Boomers closely to the more businesslike Corporate Indians.

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RitL

In a
ole
trib

YOI

CE

30

for

CHAPTER VII
THE YOUNGSTERS

Ritualization
Ritualization is a‘strategy for the construction of a limited and limiting
power relationship. This is not a relationship in which one social group
has absolute control over another, but one that simultaneously involves
both consent and resistance, misunderstanding and appropriation. [Bell

1992:81

In applying Bell’s concept of ritualization to children and young people, it was
clear to me that the power relationship between this age group and the rest of the
tribe, indeed, the rest of society in general, is an uneven one. Children and
young people exist in a relatively powerless situation. Parents, grandparents,
teachers, tribal Elders, and adults in general can and do tell them what to do.
However, my experiences as a parent and a teacher tell me that children can and
do resist. My goal in this group was to determine if and how they use ritual as a
strategy to resist adult authority, or to gain approval from adults.

As I will describe more fully in the chapter analysis, I discovered that a
certain segment of the tribal Youngsters, whom I call the Boomer children,
successfully utilized ritual in a number of contexts for a number of goals. These
goals included gaining approval from others, avoiding or diminishing punishment

for misdeeds, and expressing Indian identity in a tribal or larger setting.

107

Context of interaction

I interviewed and observed a cross-section of tribal children; however,
most were the children and grandchildren of the Boomers (I refer to them as
Boomer children). This chapter primarily concentrates on this segment of the
local p0pulation, with observations and conversations with other tribal offspring
referred to primarily as comparison. Children I interacted with closely ranged in
age from 5 to 15 years old. Contact with young people aged 16 to 18 years old
was mostly in the context of ceremonies, powwows, school activities such as
dances, special programs for Native American youth sponsored by the local
university, and a couple of Alcoholics Anonymous meetings. I did not conduct
formal interviews with teenagers, mostly because of their lack of interest in my
research.

During the course of my fieldwork, I had a great deal of interaction with
school-aged tribal members, both in their family settings and through my
volunteer work at Bahweting Anishinabeq Tribal School, the charter school
founded by the Soo Tribe in the mid1990’s. In addition, I conducted several
interviews with children, always with parental approval and presence. I was not
particularly interested in interviewing children, an attitude as least partially born
out of workshops I attended concerning research with human subjects and the
sensitive nature of working with children and other individuals who considered
especially vulnerable. It seemed safest for an inexperienced fieldworker to avoid
this complication by confining any research with the tribal children to participant

observation. What I had not counted on was the desire to be included by some

108

children who knew I had interviewed other tribal members. (One girl, aged eight,
crossed her arms and stamped her foot until an interview time and location were
agreed upon.) With rare exceptions, adult family members agreed that the child

had something valuable to say to an anthropologist, or at least deserved the

respect of being heard.

Identity

An outsider might be hard-pressed to identify most of the Boomer kids by
appearance alone. One identifier would be a tendency for the boys to wear their
hair very long. Not all boys did so but Boomer boys were more likely to do so
than mainstream tribal boys. This custom was a source of pride for the boys and
their parents, as well as admiring Boomer girls and young women. Two second -
grade boys, both with waist-length hair, did tell me about one difficulty they
experienced. I was a volunteer at the tribal school, and was working on a
reading project with the boys one day when they told me of their experience of
going to a local fast food restaurant the day before and being mistaken for girls
by an employee. Their disgust and anger was still vivid the next day, heightened
by the “girl cooties” age phenomena. This experience did not appear to affect
their desire to have long hair, however. For older boys, the decision to sport long
hair is more of a conscious social statement. For those with characteristically
Indian features, the braids emphasize their appearance. For those whose
appearance is less Indian, this hairstyle can ascertain and advertise their Indian

identity to the world.

109

Boomer girls and young women usually wear their hair long. If braided,
the hair is elaborately done, especially for a powwow. White and occasionally
Black ancestry is evident in many of the children but is rarely remarked upon,
although there are occasional off-hand comments about “blond Indians.” Both
boys and. girls wear standard American attire, tending toward a ghetto-inspired,
hip-hop look. This look is complemented by an affinity for rap and hip-hop music

as well as urban Black-influenced speech patterns. The source of this style is

:- nan-seam]

undoubtedly television and movies as these kids do not have regular contact with
urban Blacks. Country music is popular as well and ice hockey is a passion for
boys and girls alike. Girls play in the younger hockey leagues but are eliminated
from league play, as they get older. (A women ice hockey league had recently
formed in the $00 and they were determined to play despite the terrible ice times
they were forced to settle for.) Attending powwows is another popular activity for
Boomer kids. They are usually involved as dancers and/or as members of a
drum. I will describe their powwow activities in greater detail in a later section of
this chapter.

When interviewed, the young Boomers had simplistic but telling
perceptions of what it meant to be an Indian. They usually could not give the full
name of the tribe they belong to (an admittedly long and complex name) but
accurately referred to the Soo Tribe. I did not find ready familiarity with the
names “Chippewa" or “Ojibwa” but most Boomer children knew the term
“Anishinabe”, especially if they were students at the tribal school. Those enrolled

at the tribal school were learning many Ojibwa words and could say short

110

phrases in the language. Language acquisition appeared more successful
among the children in the lower grades. The children interviewed about Indian
identity were more likely to connect this aspect of their lives with their family than
with any tribal structure. They told stories about their grandparents, their aunties
and uncles, their parents and cousins and described how their behavior, actions,
and beliefs were what made these people and themselves Indian.

The eight-year—old girl who insisted on being interviewed noted that her
grandfather is an Indian so that makes her an Indian. (I will call her Susie.) I
asked Susie how she knows he is an Indian, what makes him an Indian. Without
hesitation, she replied, “He just does Indian stuff, like fishing, and hunting, and
growing a garden. He also plays tricks on us, like an Indian!” This grandfather is
known for his practical jokes, with immediate family members often being the butt
of the elaborately planned and executed trick.

The grandfather’s tricks often target the myths of mainstream culture. For
example, before Easter one year, Susie’s grandfather killed a wild rabbit and
froze it, first having painstakingly arranged it sitting on its haunches with a
colored Easter egg between its front paws and tied a bow around its neck. He
then told Susie and his other grandchildren that they should not expect anything
from the Easter Bunny since he had shot the fabled creature. They are
accustomed to his tall tales and jokes but ran screaming when he pulled the
dead “Easter Bunny” out of his freezer. He also drove from house to house one
Christmas Eve Twith a partially stuffed Santa suit protruding from his car trunk.

He explained to his horrified grandchildren that he had heard an intruder on the

111

roof and shot him, only to find that he had killed Santa Claus. These pranks
might seem harsh to some but the old man’s family thought they were hilarious.
So did his grandchildren, once they recovered from their shock, a process that
was encouraged by teasing from their parents and other relatives. Susie related
these incidents to me gleefully and was gratified by my laughter. This type of
humor is common in my family as well and I appreciated the underlying message
the old man was conveying to his grandchildren. ‘

Susie does not attend the tribal school, an institution her parents (not
Boomers) disapprove of for its perceived perrnissiveness (“They just let the kids
run wild at the tribal school! How is that going to help those kids in the real
world?”). She does not routinely attend tribal events or ceremonies. The family
practices Christianity and is committed to upward social mobility, with some
emphasis on the importance of education. Susie’s father is White and her
mother is a tribal member who has worked for the tribe for years. Susie’s mother
is engaged with the corporate segment of the tribe, its administration, but
remains connected to the more traditional segment of the tribe through her
father. She has mixed feelings about her Indian identity as she struggles to
reconcile her experience growing up in poverty on what is now the reservation
with her current level of affluence. Susie does not have this experience and sees
no conflict in being Indian and being middle class. At eight, being Indian is just
what her family is.

I observed a young boy at play one day with other children. Sam was

about six years old, a child of a family in trouble. Abandoned by their mother, he

112

and his siblings were being raised by the father, a man with substance abuse
problems. Eventually, the tribe’s social services department placed all of the
siblings into foster care. At the time of this incident, Sam was still living with his
father and siblings. I never visited the home but heard from mutual friends that it
was a rough environment. Sam was usually unkempt, face dirty, dressed in old
clothes. He was enrolled at the tribal school and sometimes attended tribal
ceremonies and events with extended family members. Participation by the little
ones usually consisted of playing together and amusing themselves while the
older children and adults conducted the business at hand.

I had wandered away from the ceremony I was attending, which was
supposed to be a talking circle (a forum to discuss any topic of interest) but had
become an informal Alcoholics Anonymous meeting. ldly watching the kids
playing, I overheard a conversation between Sam and an older girl. She had
picked up a small stone and tossed it across a nearby brook. Sam said to her
“How do you know that rock wants to be there? Why don’t you put it back where
it belongs?” The girl said nothing but promptly retrieved the stone, placed it in its
original location and, with a sheepish expression, quickly walked away. I did not
interview Sam, due to his precarious family situation, but I would have liked to
ask him about this incident. Somewhere, from someone, Sam had acquired an
Ojibwa concept that he was able to express so succinctly, he managed to
embarrass an older girl (see Vizenor 1984 for description of Ojibway concepts

relating to the natural world).

113

School is where children spend most of their day and the school
environment can have a tremendous impact. Many Boomer kids attended
Bahweting Elementary School, which was created as a sort of safe haven for
tribal children, a place where teaming includes training in Ojibwa, crafts, and
traditional practices, story telling and ceremonies. The school was founded on
the site of an abandoned BIA elementary school in the Mar Shunk neighborhood.
The tribe purchased the property and ran the school for one year, with guidance
from the BIA. The following year, the Board of Directors decided to register the
school with the State of Michigan as a charter school, a move that added another
level of red tape but also opened up additional funding sources, such as a
breakfast and lunch program.

Both the tribal and larger communities met the opening of a tribal school
with mixed reactions. Some tribal members viewed the school with a sense of
pride while others wondered if the tribe could run a school. Unfortunately, the
school quickly acquired a reputation for lack of discipline in the Soo Tribe
community as well as the larger community. A number of factors influence this
reputatiOn. One factor is the school’s teaching philosophy. Boomer parents,
many of whom studied anthropology while attending college, helped shape this
philosophy. They are attempting to apply traditional socializationtechniques.
Children must not be disciplined but, rather, must be shown the correct behavior
and encouraged to be respectful of others and of themselves. The idea is to
foster the children’s sense of Indian identity by caring for and socializing them

using traditional methods. Hilger describes these traditional methods, based on

114

several years of fieldwork in the 1930’s on nine Ojibwa reservations in

Minnesota, Wisconsin, and Michigan:

Methods employed in training children were those of lecturing and
counciling, of listening-in, and of having ideals presented; of imitation of
Elders in play or of participation with them in serious work and

ceremonials. [1992255]

In the school environment, this means that students are allowed a great
deal of latitude in their behavior. Teachers and other adults in the school are to
model correct behavior, to be respectful of the students, and to encourage the
students to be respectful and cooperative. Respect is the mantra, reinforced in
school assemblies and in the individual classrooms. Formal discipline, which
involves going to detention or to the principal’s office, is infrequently used.

A number of factors complicate this teaching philosophy. One factor is the
lack of parental support for these methods. The “children are raised by the
village” concept only works if the entire “village” is participating. This is not the
case in the Soo Tribe. Some parents have removed their children from
Bahweting because they feel it is chaotic and not conducive to learning. Others
protest that a “true” Indian school should not discipline children at all, at least not
their child. (In one case, a father threatened to sue the principal, alleging that the
principal grabbed his daughter’s arm.) Still others disagree with the application

of traditional disciplinary methods, such as smudging (burning sacred plants and

115

“bathing” the student in the smoke) and praying over a particularly troublesome
student. Hilger noted in her study that the Ojibwa child was to have completed
the socialization process by the time he reached adulthood, approximately 12 to
16 years of age. Contemporary Ojibwa children cannot be legal adults in this
society at those ages. Many are not being required to take on adult
responsibilities at home, which they would in a more traditional time or setting.
Finally, many of the children have reacted to the relaxed atmosphere of the
school by behaving disruptively, arguing that this is OK because as Indian
children and tribal members, they can do, as they like in their own school.

This particular attitude of many Bahweting students may result from their

experiences in the public school system. All except the very youngest of the

Bahweting students are former students from the Sault Ste. Marie public schools.

Many of them were not successful in the public school system. This lack of
success has been at least partly due to what seems to be a pattern of pervasive
discrimination against Indians in the public schools. I did not spend time in the
public schools but have based my evaluation on conversations with adult tribal
members who went through the school system and on interviews with two
schoolteachers. Both teachers are White and married to Indian men. The
intended subjects of my interviews were the men but, in both cases, the wives
insisted on being present. In the course of the interviews, both wives, being
elementary school teachers, wanted to discuss Bahweting School. I answered

what questions I could.

116

PH“

Both teachers had mixed feelings about the tribal school. On one hand,
they were happy to be rid of the Indian students, whom they characterized (in the
presence of their Indian husbands) as unruly, unintelligent, and coming from bad
homes. On the other hand, they did not like the possible loss of federal funding
which the public schools receive under the Johnson-O’Malley Act of 1934, which
is based on the number of Indian students in a school district (Davis 1996:281-
282). This program provides supplementary funding to public school districts
with a large Indian enrollment. Often, Indian parents are not paying property
taxes, especially if they live on reservation. The J-OM program’s funding makes
up the difference.

Neither teacher believed that the tribal school would be academically
successful. Both couples had heard rumors that the staff of Bahweting School
allowed students to “run wild”. (This phrase — “running wild” came up repeatedly,
used by Whites and Indians when talking about the students at Bahweting. The
inference of an uncivilized, savage state seems clear.) For some Bahweting
students, going from a hostile, disapproving mainstream school environment to
one that celebrates the Indian identity and stresses the empowerment of Indian
people has been an intoxicating experience, one that not all have been mature
enough to handle, especially in a relatively hands-off environment. As the older
students graduate from Bahweting School, the situation may change as more
members of the student body spend their entire academic career at Bahweting.

Bahweting School is a source of pride for many tribal members, despite its

problems, and the value of the cultural knowledge and experiences the students

117

gain at the school should not be underestimated. Elders come in regularly to
share stories and demonstrate crafts and skills that might otherwise be lost. The
students participate in outings and field trips that would not be available at local
public schools. They learn about the legal and political complexities of tribal
matters in the 21‘”t century. Bahweting students learn about other tribes and
meet representatives who share their own knowledge and experiences with
them. They listen to a public radio news bulletin called “Native News” which
gives information about native groups in Canada and the US. Other media,
such as News from Indian Country, 3 monthly newspaper, are also available to
students. Exposure to other tribes may dissipate some of the isolationist tribal

tendencies that have impeded intertribal cooperation for hundreds of years.

Ritual as strategy

Powwows are events that combine social, familial, ritual, and tribal
aspects. Also a source of entertainment, powwows are open to the public, often
attracting visitors who come to see the colorful dancers and to peruse the
traders’ booths for Indian crafts and more. The younger dancers choose the
more rigorous and showy dance styles, twirling and leaping in their shimmering
regalia. Some powwows are competitive, giving skillful participants an
opportunity to win cash prizes. Some families are dedicated to the “Powwow
Trail”, traveling every weekend to another powwow in another town, even
another state. In addition to being entertaining and a possible source of revenue

for young people, powwows may also be opportunities for ceremonial activities.

118

Some dances are dedicated to honor a special individual or a group, such as
veterans. Others are for healing, such as the jingle dress dance. Being a
member of a drum requires a commitment to learning special songs and their
significance as well as the proper respect to show the drum, often called
“grandfather.” One fifteen year old girl, an excellent fancy dancer, expressed her
enthusiasm for powwows: “I get to see all my friends there, even those who live
far from me. And all my aunties and uncles come around and all the old people.
They love to see us dance!”

During the winter of 2001, I attended a production of the AmeriCan Indian
Dance Theatre. The first half of the show featured a variety of traditional dances
associated with various tribes and regions. The second half of the performance
was described in the playbill as modern powwow dances and something about
“getting ready for the powwow.” I was delighted when the dancers began to stroll
and strut across the stage, in various combinations of street clothes and dance
regalia. This dance crystallized my perception of young powwow participants
clad in the costumes and behaviors of 20th century Indian youth. The young men
postured, leather jackets slung over breast plates and breechcloths while young '
women pranced or shuffled by, wearing oversized athletic pants and T-shirts, the
same girls who would dazzle powwow goers with their light and graceful steps
and twirls. The professional dancers of the AIDT captured this moment
succinctly and I could hear murmurs of appreciation and amusement from
experienced powwow goers and participants in the large performance hall. The

ritual of transformation, from street clothes to powwow regalia may seem casual

119

to an onlooker. However, when you pay attention and observe this behavior over
and over, there is an underlying intensity, a focus on doing things right, that can
be seen whether the dancer is competitive (dancing to win a cash prize) or not.

Young people who could not seem to pay attention in class, to sit still for a
story or demonstration, who continually clowned around and often behaved
disrespectfully toward one and all, approached the dance circle or drum with
decorum and even dignity. Being a member of a drum or being a dancer entails
sacrifice, of time and money (the latter is especially the case for dancers, whose
regalia-can cost hundreds of dollars and hundreds of hours of handiwork.)
Drummers and dancers must follow numerous rules, and there are certain taboos
and restrictions that accompany their roles.

Within the context of the powwow, Boomer children and adolescents
adopt a strategy of ritualization in order to succeed in this venue. By making the
necessary sacrifices of time and money, and by obeying the ritual requirements
of their chosen role in the powwow, the Youngsters gain acceptance and
approval in their community. The monetary rewards that may come to a
drummer or a competitive dancer are outside of this definition of success, but do
serve to bolster their reputation on the powwow circuit. Powwow performance is
also a way to attract the attention of a member of the opposite sex; I observed a
great deal of flirting and posturing at these events. Finally, powwow participation
is typically a family event, with several generations attending. A young dancer or

drummer gains family support and approval by participating in the powwow.

120

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Tribal children and youth also take advantage of the Cultural Center
constructed by the tribe on Sugar Island, a small island in the St. Mary’s River,
acceSsible by ferry. The Cultural Center, a large log structure with some
outbuildings, is available for all tribal members and is frequently used by the
school for field trips. For example, students help with sugaring in the spring, and
learn to tan deer hides in the fall. They listen to stories told by Elders and team
handicrafts. There are also many opportunities to meet other young people from
distant communities.

A goal among the adults is to encourage marriage within the tribe; social
gatherings for tribal youth are a way to accomplish this aim. Several adults,
including parents and grandparents, mentioned this to me but I never heard any
adults discuss this with the teenagers or young people. While the adults try by
indirect methods, such as the gatherings mentioned, to insure marriage among
the youth of the tribe, they do not require it. However, if a tribal member has an
unsuccessful marriage or relationship with a non-tribal member, tribal members
may blame the failure of the marriage or relationship on its “mixed” nature. I did
not hear the young people discussing this subtle pressure to marry within the
tribe among themselves. However, they did participate in gossip about failed
mixed marriages and relationships. It was also clear to the young women of the
tribe, based on the reactions of their Elders, that a child born to them out of
wedlock would be more acceptable if the father were a tribal member. An
illegitimate child would be shunned or turned away but an Indian child was seen

as a benefit to the tribe.

121

 

Participation in rituals and ceremonies among the Boomer children varies
somewhat by age. Younger children attend ceremonies with their family
members while it is accepted that older children may choose not to attend. I did
not observe any children being forced to participate in rituals. Younger children
tended to participate in an unself-conscious way, imitating their parents, older

siblings, or cousins. In doing so, they were learning the proper way to make an

3

offering, for example, or to host a feast.

Older Boomer children and adolescents seemed more conscious of the

:9“.

multiple meanings of participation. A desire for parental and community
approval, a demonstration of Indian identity, even the effort to gain the attention
of a member of the opposite sex were all part of the context of ritualization for
this age group. In addition, Boomer children and adolescents are more likely to

be treated Ieniently when they act out if they are involved in ritual activities.

Analysis

Of the age groups I have focused on in this dissertation, the Youngsters
were in some ways the most challenging in terms of analysis. By this, I mean
that members of the adult groups tended to be more conscious of the sometimes
made-up nature of tribal rituals and of their own goals in participation. While
these goals or strategies were seldom articulated, being questioned often
resulted in an air of self-consciousness, defensiveness, or even embarrassment
as the adult described his or her reasons for ritual participation. With the Boomer

children and young adults, this reaction was largely absent.

122

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Unlike their parents, most of who were exposed to Christian ritual and
doctrine, Boomer children have a casual, taken-for-granted attitude toward
Native ceremonies and rituals. For Boomers, many of whom have some college
background, the role of Christianity in the attempted dissolution of Indian society
is clear. For Boomer children, this history may capture them on an intellectual
level but it rarely has the emotional impact that many of their parents feel. The
children are non-Christian because of their cultural upbringing, rather than as a
conscious political statement. This situation, at times, has elicited ambivalent
reactions from Boomer parents who, while they are proud of the environment
they have created for their children, may wonder if the Youngsters appreciate the
sacrifices of their Elders.

This dynamic is common in social movements that have multigenerational
effects, such as the Women’s Movement (Ferree and Hess 1985) and the Civil
Rights Movement (Mendel-Reyes 1995). Boomers in the Soo Tribe are
beginning to respond in much the same ways as others have, by repeating
stories of past struggles, by identifying “heroes” and role models, and with
various attempts to codify the history of the tribe, as understood primarily by the
Boomers. A potent tool for this last effort is the use of the Internet. Like many
organizations, the Soo Tribe’s use of the Internet has grown rapidly, the Internet
being a powerful tool for communicating with far-flung members. It is also a way
of communicating with their Youngsters, who are more likely to access the
Internet and “check out” the tribal webpage than to read a book about their tribal

history.

123

 

The Boomer children are using ritual strategically, with many of the same
goals as other age groups in the tribe. Two of the goals of Boomer children’s
ritualization that may be shared with other tribal members are the desire to
express one’s individuality, and the desire to express one’s membership in the
tribe. Wanting to express one’s unique individuality may be a particularly
significant goal for Boomer teenagers, but may also be present for adult tribal
members. One expression of individuality can be seen in the wide range of ' M
dance regalia created by dancers to express their personal tastes. This desire
for individuality must be balanced with the other shared strategy in ritual
participation: the affirmation of membership in the larger group of the tribe.

Of particular interest in the analysis of the Boomer children’s strategic use
of ritual is gaining of adult approval. Youngsters who participate in rituals receive
a great deal of positive reinforcement and attention. The desire to please others,
in this case, their parents and other adults, is a powerful reason to participate in
rituals. This goal or incentive may be present for adult tribal members, as well,
but for some adults, the decision to identify themselves publicly as tribal
members results in disapproval from family members. This is not a problem for
Boomer children. I did observe some non-Boomer children becoming involved in
ritual activities. The children’s parents are in the Corporate Indian group and do
not participate in tribal rituals. These parents reacted to their children’s interest

with approval and support, one mother commenting “the kids should learn some

of the traditional Indian knowledge.”

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For troublesome adolescents, participation in tribal rituals usually means
being given more leeway and may receive lesser or no punishments for
misdeeds. The Youngster’s participation in rituals is seen as making an effort to
“walk in the right path.” This can be a powerful tool for an adolescent or child. I
observed several students at Bahweting School who would have faced
suspension or even expulsion at another school. In pleading for leniency, every
one of these students promised to be “more traditional”, to go to ceremonies and
to participate in tribal affairs. They argued, successfully, that these activities
would change them into better people, into better Indians.

I observed a similar dynamic in the community with young people, some of
whom are already parents. When they act out, by drinking, fighting, or behaving
in some undesirable way, the traditional faction of the tribe will be more forgiving
if the young people participate regularly in rituals and ceremonies. This regular
participation, in addition to distinctive manners of dress and hair styling, also
serves to mark the young people’s Indian identity in the larger, non-tribal setting.
I would argue that young people and children in the tribe are successfully using

ritual as a strategy in a number of contexts.

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CHAPTER VIII

THE ELDERS

Ritualization

The goal of ritualization as a strategic way of acting is the ritualization of
social agents. Ritualization endows these agents with some degree of
ritual mastery. This mastery is an internalization of schemes with which
they are capable of reinterpreting reality in such a way as to afford
perceptions and experiences ofa redemptive hegemonic order. [Bell

1992:1411

The image of tribal solidarity and authenticity being produced by these
groups includes the concept of the wise tribal Elder. The wise tribal Elder should
possess cultural and ritual knowledge as well as memories that further enhance
the tribe’s identity. Elders find themselves cast in the role of ritual specialist,
whether they actually possess this knowledge or not. They may acquiesce, and
become social agents practicing ritualization. To do so enhances their own
prestige and solidifies their prominence in the tribe as they participate in the
process of educating the tribal membership into the hegemonic order. The
Boomer and Corporate Indian groups value ritual performance by Elders greatly.
The Boomers rely on the Elders to enhance the image of the tribe as rooted in

tradition and in the past. Simultaneously, the Corporate Indians rely on the

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Elders to comment positively on the progress of the tribe. Elders are therefore in
a central position in matters of tribal identity.

A handful of tribal Elders were involved in the creation of the tribe during
the 19505 through the 19703. Most of the Elders belong to the disinterested and
uninvolved majority of the tribal membership. The Corporate Indians and the
Boomers coaxed and enticed many Elders into involvement and public
identification with the tribe with special privileges and programs. This large group
of Elders remains uninvolved in the ritual and spiritual life of the tribe while a
smaller group of Elders participates in all aspects of tribal life.

In this chapter, I will examine the involvement of Elders in the practice of
ritualization. Of interest as'well are the Elders’ reactions to the rapid and
widespread changes the tribe has experienced in the past 20 years. I will also
examine the somewhat contradictory roles the Elders play in the Soo Tribe, being
portrayed as the living memories of the tribe on the one hand but often being

embarrassing reminders of the tribe’s past on the other hand.

Context of interaction

The term “Elder” can have different connotations for Native Americans. It
can refer simply to an age category, much as the term “senior citizen” has come
to mean in the mainstream culture. When “Elder” is used in the Indian
community as a synonym for senior citizen, the age qualification is usually lower
than 65, reflecting the reduced life expectancy of Native Americans. (For

example, the Saginaw Chippewa Tribe of Michigan defines tribal Elders as those

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over 45 years of age. I have chosen 55 years old as my lower age limit, in
agreement with the Soo Tribe definition.) Another meaning of the term Elder is
based on tribal cultural knowledge and experience. I am applying the term as the
Soo Tribe uses it, a combination of both meanings. The $00 Tribe recognizes
specific Elders as possessing tribal cultural knowledge and experience — they
both recognize and honor them. However, all older tribal members qualify for
special privileges and programs. These privileges encourage participation by a
wide constituency of Elders, many of whom have no other contact with the tribe.
Unlike the other groups I describe, the Elders represent a larger cross-section of
the tribe, including the otherwise disinterested. Many Elders are retired, a few
work for the tribe, some are disabled, and others are elected tribal officials. Their
common denominators are age and tribal membership.

I interviewed and observed Elders in a variety of locations, including
private homes and tribally owned facilities such as casinos, Bahweting School,
the health center and the Cultural Center. I observed some Elders at their work,
especially those who were elected officials and operated publicly. I provided
transportation for Elders without cars, accompanied a couple of Elders to doctor
visits, ran errands or helped decipher documents, such as insurance forms. One
of my principal informants was a member of this cohort and granted many
interviews covering a wide range of topics. In general, I found the Elders to be
friendly and willing to talk. Often, Elders would deny having knowledge that
could interest a researcher but could be coaxed into telling their life stories which

were a rich source of details about life before the tribe’s financial success.

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Identity

The Elders are usually unremarkable in appearance, in terms of dress and
hairstyles. Most of the women wear their hair short and curled; some color their
graying or white hair as well. The Elder men wear their hair short, as well. Both
genders wear regular American style clothing that reflects their working class
status. There are a few exceptions to this norm, however. Several Elders who
are traditionalists wear long hair and ribbon shirts or ribbon dresses. These
Elders are almost all known as spiritual leaders, and are highly regarded by
many tribal members, especially the Boomers.

Almost all of the Elders I met lived at home, either on their own or with
family members. It was common to find an Elderly woman living with one or
more of her daughters and her grandchildren. Sometimes the home belonged to
the Elder and sometimes to her offspring. Elders living with family members
considered themselves an important part of the family unit. They contributed
their labor, often as child caretakers, and their financial resources. They also
gave advice and were usually involved in family decisions.

The tribal community considered it shameful for an Ojibwa family to place
an Elder in an institutional setting unless all other options were exhausted.

The Corporate Indians overlooked this particular value when they constructed a
retirement/nursing home for the tribe’s Elders. The Elders were outraged and
shamed the Corporate Indians for having acted like “White people.” When I was
in the field, the retirement home was still in operation but only had a couple of

residents. The tribe was making other arrangements for the residents and

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examining alternative uses for the building. The retirement home residents who
were there did not suffer from lack of attention, as do many nursing home
residents. They received so many visitors that one complained to me that he

, could not get enough rest. This particular resident had moved into the facility
voluntarily, stating that he did not want to burden his children. This seemed to be
an unusual attitude among tribal Elders, most of whom expected to live with
family members and to continue being contributing and valuable members of a
household.

I interviewed an Elderly woman who lived in an independent living facility
in the 800. She appreciated the ease of caring for her efficiency apartment and
the availability of staff to assist her, if necessary. She also enjoyed socializing
with other Elderly people and going to church. What was missing in her life,
however, was close contact with her family and she returned to this topic
freqLIently. Her daughters are deceased and her son has substance abuse
problems that keep him either incarcerated or othenrvise absent from her life. Her
brother and sister-in-law visit regularly and I sensed that the Elderly woman
would have preferred to live with them. This situation created a certain amount
of tension, as I discovered when I interviewed the brother.

The brother and his wife, who is White, prided themselves in being
modern and progressive. For them, being modern and progressive specifically
meant that the brother did not behave in any way that would mark him as Indian.
I mentioned this couple in the chapter about the Soo Tribe Youngsters. His wife

is one of the teachers who was so critical of Indian students and of the tribal

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school. Her husband and his sister are of mixed Soo Tribe and White ancestry,
like many Soo Tribe members. Unlike his sister, however, he denied his Indian
ancestry until recently. I intended to interview this man (I will call him Bill) alone
but his wife insisted on remaining in the room and actively participated in the
interview as well.

Bill was a retired state employee, married for more than 20 years, and the
father of two children. He explained that it would have been “a bad idea” to let
his employer know that he was an Indian, although he was often questioned
about his dark skin, hair and eyes. Like many Soo Tribe members in the past, he
claimed Italian ancestry. (Interestingly, I did not encounter any stories of $00
Tribe members who had passed as French; Italian was the more popular choice.)
Bill’s wife (“Jane”) agreed that it was not good to be known as an Indian but
expanded the reasons for the subterfuge to include the common negative
stereotypes about Indians: they are drunks, lazy, immoral, irresponsible, and so
on. Jane did not identify these as stereotypes, however, but as truths. Bill
lowered his gaze during this exchange and said nothing. Jane then stated that
he is an exception who had done well in life with her guidance and assistance.

When Jane left the room to get us some refreshments, Bill regained his
animation and spoke fondly of his mother and his memories of life with her and
his sister. He expressed sorrow at having forgotten how to speak Ojibwa. Bill
also recounted his decision to apply for tribal membership, a decision supported
by Jane. Having returned to the room, Jane explained that once she learned

about the benefits their children would qualify for, such as the Michigan Indian

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Tuition Waiver, she convinced Bill to apply. Bill stated that the day he received
his membership card was one of the happiest days of his life. He said it felt like
he was closer to his deceased mother, in some way. Jane looked sour at this
point and we quickly brought the interview to a close.

Bill’s experience is, in many ways, representative of the experiences of
Elders in the Soo Tribe. Many have passed for White, in the past, in order to
gain access to economic, political and educational opportunities. They were
encouraged by their parents to assimilate, to stop speaking Ojibwa, to be
Christian, to try to succeed in an often-hostile world. Several Elders expressed
sorrow at what they had lost by rejecting or hiding their Indian identity. These
Elders usually expressed guilt as well, a feeling that was exacerbated by the
expectations of younger tribal members. The Elders are expected to possess
traditional knowledge about Ojibwa life, from technical skills such as curing
animals to spiritual knowledge and skills. Some never learned these skills and
others have forgotten what they learned in their childhood. They feel
embarrassed and sad when they cannot pass on Ojibwa skills and knowledge to
their children and grandchildren. Those Elders who do retain traditional skills,
such as basket making, beading, and sugaring, are valued and encouraged to
share their skills with younger members of the tribe.

Other Elders do not express sorrow or guilt about their lack of Ojibwa
knowledge or skills and are quite pragmatic about the difficulties of the past. This
pragmatic approach also extends to their current situation. Many of the

disinterested and uninvolved Elders have become members of the tribe for

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economic and social reasons. Tribal Elders receive an annual stipend from the
tribe. Many take advantage of the tribe’s health center in the $00 and the
periodic free health clinics offered at other locations. Elders have qualified for
tribal grants to improve their homes. The tribe’s social services department also
works with the Elderly to make sure they receive all the federal and state
program assistance for which they qualify.

Involvement with the tribe also ensures an active social life, with many
opportunities to go on trips with other Elders or to go to special parties. Many
tribal Elders enjoy going to the casinos, where they can gamble, take in a free
show, eat an inexpensive meal, and see their friends. Those who live near the
tribe’s casinos also have access to free meals offered a couple of times every
week and senior citizen discounts at all tribal enterprises. The tribe usually
provides free transportation for Elders or, when that is not an option, Elders can
call upon family members or Boomers for a ride.

In their desire to emphasize “traditional” Ojibwa values such as a respect
for Elders, the Corporate Indians and the Boomers have granted the Elders some
power and authority in the tribe. At this time, the Elders have not used their
influence often. Instead, they mostly express satisfaction with the operation of the
tribe. Their general satisfaction is not surprising; as a group within the tribe, the

Elders enjoy the most direct benefits of tribal membership.

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Ritual as strategy

Elders who are recognized in the community as spiritual leaders have high
status. Boomers and their Youngsters go to them for guidance and advice. The
Corporate Indians consider it a great honor to have an Elder spiritual leader
attend one of their ceremonies. These Elders are kept busy by the many
requests for their ritual skills and knowledge. The other Elders either regard
them with great respect or ignore them, depending upon their beliefs.

Of all the groups I have described, the Elders are the most likely to have
language skills in Ojibwa. Their knowledge may consist of a few words, such as
names for common objects or Ojibwa greetings. Several are fluent in Ojibwa and
teach language classes and workshops. Being able to say even a simple prayer
in Ojibwa puts an Elder in the position of being called upon to do blessing
ceremonies in private and public settings. Saying prayers in Ojibwa is not
necessary but is desirable and Elders have an advantage.

Another characteristic of Elders is their membership in Christian churches.
They are more likely to practice a mainstream religion than the other groups
described. They do not express the hostility against Christianity that the
Boomers do nor the indifference that Corporate Indians express. Some of the
most spiritually active Elders were also devout members of the local Roman
Catholic Church. When asked if they saw this as a contradiction, they said they
did not. They were aware of the disapproval of the Boomers but explained that,
for them, there is comfort in the rituals of the Catholic Church as there are in the

Ojibwa rituals. A common statement was that there is only one Creator who is

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neither Catholic nor Ojibwa but, rather, is a being beyond those human
distinctions. The disinterested Elders remain Christian and express either lack of
interest in or mild disapproval of the non-Christian activities of fellow tribal
members.

This duality of belief systems can create tension during public tribal rituals.
For example, Mary Murray is one of the oldest people in the tribe and is known
for having donated 40 acres on Sugar Island to the Soo Tribe in the 19503
(http://www.saulttribe.org). Physically frail, she does not attend all tribal
gatherings so if she is present at a ceremony, Mary is usually asked to say a
prayer. She invariably prays in English and uses Christian prayers, to the
annoyance of the Boomers and Corporate Indians who have organized the public
ceremony. They will not openly criticize her or any other Elder who acts similarly
but resort to making sarcastic comments meant to fall only on sympathetic ears.

In using Christian prayers, Mary and other Elders like her disrupt the
illusion of cultural continuity and unity, an illusion created by the Boomers and
the Corporate Indians particularly during ceremonies attended by non-Indians.
Openly embracing Christianity challenges the hegemonic ritualization of the tribe.

During family and other private rituals, this tension either is absent or
greatly reduced. Family and private ritual practices have a different purpose, one
that can allow for religious and spiritual diversity. That purpose is to create a
sense of unity and a sense of belonging. It would be counterproductive to
alienate tribal members who continue to be Christian just as it would be

counterproductive to alienate tribal members based on blood quantum. With a

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high percentage of the tribe’s membership being Christian and of mixed ancestry,
exclusivity based on those criteria is not an issue. In the family and private
settings, Elders may pray however they like without being the target of gossip.
The Elders who are involved in the spiritual life of the tribe expressed gratitude
for being able to practice Ojibwa rituals openly. They described having to hide
their sacred plants, drums, and other paraphernalia from both religious and
secular authorities. Even gathering in large groups could draw unwanted and
sometimes dangerous attention. One elderly man described being chased
through the swamp in the Mar-Shunk neighborhood by White men who heard
him and his cousins drumming and singing. He was unsure of the exact date but
was sure that it was a couple of years after World War II.

Elders rarely shared painful memories of the past unless they were asked
directly to focus on some negative experience. This reserve may have created
tension between the Boomers and the Elders, as the Boomers were usually
eager to discuss the injustices and inequities of the past. Several Elders did tell
me privately about some of their painful experiences, such as being sent away to
boarding school in Carlisle, Pennsylvania or being teased and abused by Whites
in town.

One man with whom I had spent a great deal of time was an infamous
practical joker who rarely had anything serious to say. He surprised himself and
me as well, I think, one day while telling stories. Instead of a funny story, he told
me about the day his long braids were cutoff. Town authorities were pressuring

his parents to send him to the public school in the 800. He and his family lived

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on Sugar Island but a ferry made his attendance at school possible. He
remembers being curious about school and excited by his parents’ descriptions
of the toys and games they assured him were at the school. What he did not
realize was that his hair must be cut. Everyday, for as long as he could
remember, his mother had combed out his long thick black hair and carefully
braided it, binding the ends with bits of thread, yarn, or sinew. Now his father
offered him a rare treat, candy, and took him to the barbershop in the 800.

Close to sixty years later, this man could remember the unfamiliar smells
of the barbershop andthe fear he felt when his father lifted him onto the big
leather chair. With tears in his eyes, he recalled the feeling of his heavy braids
sliding down past his shoulders to the floor. He vaguely remembers his father
gathering the braids and wrapping them in a cloth to take home. He described
feeling betrayed by his parents and hating his new school. I asked him if he was
a joker when he was a student and he said, yes, it was a way to get by. I then
asked him if he had ever shared this story with his large family and he said, no.
He did not want to talk about the bad times and was surprised that he had told
me the story. I knew he had regained his composure when he jokingly accused
me of putting some kind of Micmac—paddy-wack medicine in his tea, to make him
reveal all of his secrets. 0

Most Elders are willing and even eager to tell pleasant or funny stories,
however. Some of these are teaching stories, which may convey some sort of
moral or value. Others are stories from their lives. The storytelling sessions-can

take on a ritual aspect. Traditionally, Ojibwas do not tell stories except in the

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winter. They say that the spirits are asleep under the frozen ground then and will
not hear their names being spoken. Drawing the attention of the spirits, or
manitous, can be risky business so it is better not to take chances. Most Elders
today will tell stories from their life in other seasons, as long as the stories do not
involve any manitous. As such, they participate in video recording sessions
sponsored by the tribe in an effort to gather the life stories of the tribe’s Elders. .
Elders volunteer at the tribal school, where they may tell stories about their

childhood or teach children how to make moccasins and other handicrafts.

Analysis

In my introduction to this chapter, I noted that, unlike the other age groups,
I included the disinterested Elders as well as more involved Elders. The primary
reason I did so was that, unlike the other age groups I analyzed, the disinterested
Elders do have a great deal of contact with the tribe. That contact, however, is
not in the ritualization context. The involvement of the disinterested Elders is,
nonetheless, important to consider. They have publicly identified themselves,
often for the first time in their lives, as Indians, as members of a tribe. Their
reasons for doing so are primarily self-serving. These Elders want the free
meals, the inexpensive vacations, casino coupons, and so on. Their interest in
the political workings of the tribe is also based on self-interest, not on what is
good for the tribe. I do not mean to imply that they are the only tribal members

with their own interests at heart. However, since Elders are the group within the

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tribe that receives the most direct benefits from being tribal members, the
disinterested Elders have the most incentive to be involved on whatever level.

For involved Elders, the tribe’s financial success and accompanying
support of Ojibwa cultural events has been a great boon. These Elders
participate in sweats, talking circles, cultural and language workshops, naming
ceremonies, funerals and weddings, as well as powwows. Many Elders are
powwow dancers, spending time and money on putting together their regalia.
They are honored guests at feasts and all tribal gatherings and gain a great deal
of positive attention by joining in the ritualization efforts of the tribe. They use
ritual strategically to gain the approval of other members and to become or
remain active players in the life of the tribe. They also practice ritualization
altruistically in their efforts to share ‘what they know with younger members of the
tflbe.

There is a sense of excitement and pride in this segment of the Elders.
They have lived in poor housing and have struggled to find work. They and their
loved ones have struggled with substance abuse. They have seen so many of
their people die of disease and the effects of life-long poverty. Many of them
dropped out of school, either from economic need or to escape the discrimination
of the educational system. What they see happening now in the tribe seems, in
their own words, “almost like a miracle”. Tribal members have jobs, the children
can attend their own school, and the tribal community can join together to hold
ceremonies without fear of repercussions. Medical and substance abuse

treatment are available for all and much of the substandard housing has been

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destroyed. The future seems rosy to the Elders who still have trouble believing
how well the tribe is doing.

Some Elders have struggled with the rapid pace of economic and social
change in the tribe. Some do not want to leave their old homes, even those that
are shacks. Their children and grandchildren beg them to move to better
housing, even offering to put the new home on the same lot so their Elders will
feel at home. A frustrated middle-aged daughter commented to me that her
parents seemed to mistake being poor with being Indian. They were afraid that
they would lose something of themselves, of their culture, by improving their
economic situation.

An elderly man, “Joe”, expressed his own frustration one day, after
receiving a visit from a tribal housing representative who wanted permission to
demolish his home and replace it with something better. The opinion of the Elder
was that the tribe was more worried about its image and reputation than it was
concerned about his welfare. He was aware that the Corporate Indians and
some of the Boomers are embarrassed by the poor condition of some private
homes owned by tribal members and located near the reservation. They see this
as detracting from the overall success of the tribe.

In this particular instance, Joe’s adult children purchased a pre-fabricated
house for their parents and set it up on the large lot their parents own, after
destroyed several shacks and Iean-tos to make room. They also removed loads
of wood, metal and wire pieces, and old tires from the property, items that Joe

had salvaged over the years. Joe and his wife were pleased that their children

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“t

cared enough and were successful enough to purchase the new home. Joe did
express dismay at his “stuff” being cleared away and hurriedly squirreled away
some prized salvage material. He and Mrs. Joe refused to let their old house be
torn down, however, and the children could not change their minds. The last
time I visited the elderly couple, I found them continuing to live in their old,
dangerously dilapidated house during the day and in the new house in the
evenings.

This type of situation will probably resolve itself as the tribe’s Elders die
out and are replaced by Elders who have more experience with the relative
prosperity of the tribe. Most Elders are pleased with the changes in the tribe and
take advantage of the particular benefits that attract them. For some Elders, this
simply means getting a discount at the casino restaurant. For other Elders, it
means the opportunity to participate in the ritual activities of the tribe and to wield

some influence, particularly in the ritual sphere, by virtue of their years.

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CHAPTER IX

CONCLUSIONS

Revisiting ritual and ritualization

This work was an examination of the process by which certain groups in
the Sault Ste. Marie Tribe of Chippewa Indians are practicing ritualization in their
efforts to assert a tribal identity. As a tribe that has experienced rapid changes
due to the influx of gambling revenues and a great increase in membership, the
Soo Tribe seeks to carve out a unique identity that expresses both the history
and traditions of their people while expressing pride in their recent
accomplishments. Their post-contact history has included poverty and disease,
prejudice and discrimination, unemployment, and the loss of land, customs, and
language skills. It is unclear whether the Soo Tribe existed as a discrete group
or tribe prior to culture contact. What is clear, however, is their commitment to ‘
their contemporary identity as a tribe and the efforts of a concerned minority in
the tribe to enhance a sense of tribal identity among the tribe’s members. The
use of ritual and ceremony in their attempts to create and strengthen this sense
of identity opens an area of analysis, the concept of ritual as strategy, or
ritualization.

Unlike early anthropologists who tended to emphasize the exotic nature of
“primitive” rituals, I am not interested in description of ritual for its own sake or in
exoticizing the ritual practices of the other. This work has focused on the means
by which rituals gain theirjmeaning within a specific context and for a specific

purpose and has included descriptions of ritual as a means to convey to the

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reader how certain rituals are conducted as part of the explanation of
ritualization. My interest has been the analysis of the strategic uses of ritual by
various groups within the Soo Tribe.

My methodology included the division of the involved members of the tribe
into age groups. These groups shared both particular goals and particular
characteristics. The Elders sought recognition and attention while the
Youngsters sought approval from the authority figures in their lives. The
Boomers’ goals included preserving and reinventing tribal customs and beliefs
while encouraging a sense of tribal pride. The Corporate Indians were the most
outwardly focused, seeking to impress mainstream society with the unique nature
of the tribe while encouraging tribal members to identify with the tribe. I identified
the strategic use of ritual, or ritualization, as an important method being utilized
by each of these groups.

I was interested in the effectiveness of this method. Can invented
traditions and innovatively applied rituals be effective tools for achieving these
varied goals? My field data suggests that, in the appropriate context, as Bell
(1992) contends, ritualization is a highly effective strategy. The Elders of the Soo
Tribe receive a great deal of the attention they want. Younger tribal members
visit them, provide transportation for them to ceremonies and other social events,
and listen to their stories of the “old days.” Elders with specialized knowledge,
whether about ceremonies and beliefs, or about customs and handicrafts, are

especially revered and sought after. Even disinterested Elders benefit from the

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high status accorded to older tribal members, both financially (in the form of an
annual stipend), and socially (being eligible for special trips and events.)

Youngsters practice ritualization effectively in their interactions with
authority figures such as parents and teachers. By professing or exhibiting a
commitment to participate in tribal rituals and ceremonies, Youngsters gain the
approval of their elders. This interpretation of their goals and strategies for
achieving these goals may seem cynical to some readers and I would err if I did
not note that many Youngsters are sincere in their involvement in the spiritual life
of the tribe. Many of the Youngsters have not been involved with Western
religions and have been exposed to the Ojibwa belief system their entire life.

The Corporate Indians practice ritualization primarily with public relations
goals in mind. This application of ritualization has proven to be very effective in
the contemporary context, when public interest in Indians is high and New Agers
are more attracted than ever to anything “native.” The Corporate Indians strive to
achieve a fine balance between the “exotic other” and “reliable business partner.”
They wear business suits and use business and political jargon while calling
upon Boomers to present the image of Indianness. Their efforts have been
successful as politicians and businesses at every level seek to form alliances
with the tribe. Their efforts are also successful internally as the Corporate
Indians continue to enjoy a high rate of approval and support by the greater
membership, as evidenced by the regular reelection of board members.

The most complex case of ritualization in the Soo Tribe can be found in .

the activities of the Boomers. This can be explained by this group’s commitment

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to the spiritual life of the tribe, to the recording of the tribe's history, and to the
creation and enhancement of tribal and ethnic pride in the tribal community. By
using ritual in innovative ways, such as the use of a house blessing ritual to bless
a new sports arena, to the invention of a ritual and tradition, such as the
inauguration of board members ceremony, the Boomers are adapting ritual to
new circumstances. They are exemplifying the flexibility and malleability of ritual
that, seemingly in contradiction, enhances the stability and continuity of the
ceremonial life of the tribe. The Boomers are using ritual strategically and
effectively, in a context of rapid social change. Their rituals adjust to changing

situations while maintaining an aura of unchanging stability and tradition.

Applicability of ritualization

The examples I used in Chapter II, Theories of Ritual, to illustrate
ritualization included Dussart’s (2000) work among female ritual leaders in
Australia, Jean Comaroffs (1985) work with the Tswana in South and Rosaldo’s
(1980) work with the lIlongot. By drawing upon work done in outside of the US,
I wish to illustrate the broader applicability of the concept of ritualization.
Certainly, ritualization is a powerful tool for analysis in Native American and
Native Canadian studies, as indigenous individuals and populations seek to
assert their identity within and outside of mainstream society. The history of the
relationships between indigenous peoples and federal governments in North
America is marked by changes in how the indigenous are defined, how they are

identified. The pressures of colonization, warfare, and disease have forced

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indigenous populations in North America and elsewhere to reconceptualize
themselves, to seek an identity that meets their needs.

Within the Soo Tribe, ritualization is a powerful tool in the hands of
individuals and groups in the process of identity creation or reaffirmation. I
believe that ritualization can be used to frame broader questions and
explorations of identity in anthropology. Kertzer (1988) does not use Bell’s
(1992) term “ritualization” but nevertheless is applying the concept in his
exploration of the worldwide use of ritual by political groups. His examples of
ritualization include the Soviet Union, the Ku Klux Klan, and the French
Revolution. Anderson ( 1983) and others interested in nationalism and the
creation of nation identities often refer to the use of ritual in the “imagining of
communities”, to paraphrase Anderson’s term. Moore (1975) applies the concept
of ritualization to more informal, even “accidental” groups or communities, such
as the participants in the original gathering at Woodstock. These informal
groups, like those involved in nation-building, also rely on symbols and rituals to
draw them together and to achieve particular goals.

Marcus and Fischer in 1986 suggest that:

A third topical area of interest which seems ripe for a revitalized and
repatriated ethnography is ethnicity and regional identity. Both of these
topics have stagnated into banality and repetitive simplistic questioning...

[155]

146

I agree with this assessment and suggest that identity as an issue within
anthropology is worthy of exploration. Ritualization can be a valuable tool to
understand how some groups and societies construct identity. Marcus and

Fischer note that:

The 19503 elitist contempt for mass culture and fears that it would simply
institutionalize a lowest-common-denominator conformity have been
replaced by ethnographic explorations of how working-class, ethnic, and
regional communities and youth generations can appropriate the “rubbish
available within a preconstituted market: - drugs, clothing, vehicles — as
well as the means of communication, in order to construct statements of

their own sense of position and experience in society. [19862153]

How individuals and groups position themselves is of critical interest in
anthropological study. The means by which people strategize, which may
include the manipulation of ritual, with all of its symbolic potential, have broad

implications and, therefore, broad applications for further study.

Further inquiry
Previously, I have suggested the broad applications of the concept of
ritualization in anthropological research. In this final section, I will propose

possible directions for the specific research presented in this dissertation.

147

A longitudinal study of the Soo Tribe designed to trace the development of
new uses of ritualization or to study possible changes in ritualization as the age
cohorts grow older could reveal interesting trends. Certain assumptions could be
tested in this type of study. For example, of particular interest to me would be
the Youngsters. I assume some will abandon the strategic use of ritual to gain
approval from the authority figures in their lives. A longitudinal study could test
this assumption and may reveal that the goal of the Youngsters’ ritualization, to
gain the approval of authority figures, has not changed but the type of
ritualization has changed. Which of the Youngsters will become Corporate
Indians and which will become the next generation of Boomers? How will the
aging Boomers swelling the ranks of the Elder spiritual leaders affect the tribe?
Will the factions remain mostly peaceful and cooperative or will conflict break out
and, if it does, how will ritual be used?

Another direction for continued research would be a comparative study,
looking at ritualization in another related tribe. It could be interesting to compare
the Soo Tribe with a non-gaming Ojibwa tribe, to examine the differences in ritual
strategies. A comparative study with another gaming tribe could also reveal
interesting information concerning ritualization. Some critical factors might be
how tribal membership is defined (blood quantum vs. lineal descent, for
example), the comparative size of the tribes’ populations, the degree of
Christianity within each tribe, and the size of the tribes’ land bases.

Other avenues of research could focus more closely on particular aspects

of this work. An in-depth study of the ritual specialists/spiritual leaders of the

148

 

tribe might yield a level of detail not possible in this broader analysis. The rare
female pipe carriers and spiritual leaders would be valuable subjects of research,
perhaps from a feminist perspective. John Haskell, Roman Catholic priest, Soo
Tribe member, honored spiritual leader, and acknowledged traditionalist, would
be a fitting subject for an anthropological life history project. During my time in
the field, Father Haskell spent some time with members of the Keweenaw Tribe

who, angry with their corrupt leader, occupied the tribal administration offices for

several months. I spoke with Fr. Haskell at a wedding during the siege; relatives

 

of the bride and groom had smuggled him out of the occupied area in the trunk of
a car. _ He was uncomfortable discussing the situation and I discovered later that
his superiors in the Church. were none too pleased with his involvement in this
matter. They felt he was more committed to his fellow Indians than to the

Church.

Conclusion

This work has explored the use of ritual by segments of a contemporary
Ojibwa tribe, a tribe that has faced many challenges and struggles in its quest for
federal tribal recognition. As the tribe continues to grow and change, ritualization
remains a prevalent and powerful strategy in the pursuit of its goals.

Clifford (1988) describes a court case involving a group of individuals who
claimed to be a tribe, the Mashpee Wampanoag of Massachusetts. Their claim
was complicated by several factors, including a long history of intermarriage with

non-Mashpee and the loss of their native language. Clifford’s description of the

149

 

court testimonies reveals the underlying assumption by the State that the
Mashpee identity can somehow be situated in ritual practices, as various
Mashpee are questioned as to their knowledge of Mashpee rituals. Interestingly,
one point that is used against the Mashpee could have been used in their favor,

had their attorneys been better versed in contemporary pan-Indian rituals. The

Mashpee were active in the war against the British, siding with the colonists. The

State argued that “Their enthusiastic patriotism strongly suggests that they had
identified with white society, relinquishing any sense of a separate tribal political
'identity” (Clifford 19882297). Military service is greatly valued and honored with
rituals in contemporary Indian cultures, and there is ethnohistoric evidence
(Wallace 1969, Weslager, 1972, Hallowell, 1992) that these practices have been
in existence since culture contact.

The importance of the use of ritual as part of identity creation and
reinforcement can be found in the anthropological literature, as I have attempted
to illustrate. What is lacking, however, is the explicit analysis of ritualization as it
applies to identity formation. Some of the examples given imply ritualization;
what is needed is more studies like this one that examine the ritual basis for
people’s actions. The strategic use of ritual is found in groups and societies
world-wide and, as such, deserves further development in anthropological

studies.

150

‘13
‘ .

 

AFTERWORD

In the interest of reflexivity, a recent buzzword in anthropology, I am
including this brief description of my fieldwork experience, from a personal
perspective. A3 a graduate student studying various theories and reading
ethnographies, I soon began to prefer theories and ethnographies that situated
the researcher clearly in his or her work. Reflexivity for the purpose of self-
aggrandizement, for bellybutton gazing, is not informative nor is it particularly
interesting to the reader/scholar. Reflexivity that reveals the standpoint of the
writer, that allows the reader to better understand the particular context this
individual used to filter the fieldwork experience is useful and, hopefully,
interesting. My goal in this section is to provide context for the fieldwork
experience as well as an account of some of the effects conducting the research
had on me and on members of my family.

When I drove to Sault Ste. Marie with one of my advisors, it was my first
visit to Michigan’s Upper Peninsula and my first visit to a reservation. Having
grown up in northern Maine, I hoped the UP would look just like home. It does
not, for the most part, although the western section of the UP is hillier and more
wooded. The Indian reservation on the edge of town in Sault Ste. Marie was not
what I expected. It was small and the houses were all relatively new tract
houses, not attractive but functional. The casino across the street was the first I

had seen and seemed subdued compared to television and movie images of Las

151

Vegas casinos. l toured the tribal offices, at that time located in a two story
house not far from the reservation.

A Corporate Indian woman and her husband, a tribal attorney, came along
and described the community, both Indian and white, for my benefit. They
became my first connections to the tribe and were very helpful and welcoming to
me, and later, to my son. I felt good about the project and decided to apply to
the tribe for funding. Typically, anthropological research is funded by grants from
organizations like the National Science Foundation or the Ford Foundation. This
was an unusual, possibly unique, situation in that the Soo Tribe was willing to
fund research on tribal identity and was looking for the “right” anthropologist for
the job. A

As such, my personal identity was a crucial factor in this research. My
advisor suggested me for the research project, his suggestion was supported by
the tribal chairman, and the project was funded by the tribal board of directors
based primarily on my identity, my ethnic/racial categorization as an Indian
woman. That I was to study questions of identity was an irony of which I never
lost sight. Once the funding was set up, the rest of the arrangements went
smoothly and l relocated my son and me to Sault Ste. Marie.

Being of mixed Indian and white background seemed to be relatively
inconsequential, as most of the tribal members would also be considered of
mixed ancestry. Canadian Indians I encountered while in the field categorized
me as Métis, a format label used in Canada for mixed bloods. UP Indians tended

to recognize my phenotype and often mistook me for a local, asking if I came

152

 

from Manitoulin Island (located in Lake Huron and having a large Indian
population). I was puzzled by this resemblance momentarily until I remembered
that, like my people, many Great Lakes Indians married and reproduced with the
French and French Canadians who came to the area as trappers, explorers, and
soldiers. Even my surname was familiar and I found variations of it, even in the
Soo Tribe.

My tribal connections, surname and appearance were important factors for
the tribe, more important than my academic or professional qualifications. Being
an anthropologist is not usually viewed positively by Indian communities and I am
convinced that my lndianness helped overcome that barrier. I don’t mean to
imply, however, that the Soo Tribe would not allow non-Indian anthropologists
into the community. Two of my advisors were White men who have worked in
the community for years.

Being considered a cousin by those you are studying is like and unlike the
type of fictive kinship relations that have marked many anthropologists’ fieldwork
experiences. My father’s tribes, Maliseet and Micmac, are Algonquin tribes like
the Ojibwa, Potawatomi, and Ottawa peoples of the Great Lakes. An older
Potawatomi man told me that he had met Micmacs from New Brunswick and
could understand the language. My kinship with the Soo Tribe was fictive to the
extent that we did not trace out genealogical connections. It was “real” in the
sense that our backgrounds, histories, experiences are related. Our tribes
shared some early history, from a time when the three Great Lakes tribes lived in

the east with the Dawn People (Micmac, Maliseet, Penobscot, and

153

Passamaquoddy). An Ojibwa friend and I often joked that, since the Dawn
People at one time lived in the Great Lakes area before moving east, they must
have gotten to know one another in passing, possibly while trying to sneak
around some dangerous Iroquois people! I will not deny the advantage this
relationship gave me, especially in terms of securing both permission and
funding for the study, but I also believe that my kin status sometimes created a
special tension and elevated levels of expectation in my work and in my everyday
life.

The Ojibwa community in Sault Ste Marie can be like a village within a
larger community, especially if you spend a great deal of your time with tribal
members who publicly identify themselves as tribal members. Within that village,
your actions are watched, judged, commented upon by anyone who has an
interest. This situation is common for anthropologists and can be especially
distressful to those who may have grown up in a city and are not accustomed to
being the object of study. Having spent my childhood and teenage years in a
town of 900, most of who were related to me through my mother, I was not
surprised by the scrutiny.

The pressure I came under to conform to local norms pertaining to Indian
women did surprise me. Why was I not married or at least living with a man?
Why did I only have one child? These are expectations that a woman may find in
mainstream society as well, but perhaps not as overtly as in this Indian
community. My parenting skills were evaluated and judged acceptable - as one

elderly woman told me, I was stricter than most Indian parents but had a j

154

respectful son to whom I was devoted. My household skills, appearance, social
skills, all were examined and discussed, often in my presence. If I protested,
they laughed at me and reminded me that they were just watching out for their
“Micmac—paddy-wack” cousin, a nickname one of the witty powwow emcees
came up with and announced to several hundred people one summer day.

I was asked for exhaustive details about my family, which is quite large, and
reminded regularly to call them. As annoying as all of this could be, on the
balance I believe that my “kinship” gave me a level of entrée' that I might not
othenrvise have had.

How did my “real” family react to this experience? They live 1,000 miles
away and did not visit during my fieldwork but I did take a two-week vacation and
drove out to attend a family reunion. My immediate family, three brothers, one
sister, in-laws, and nieces, were anxious to see me and my son and eager to
hear about the fieldwork. My family was, for decades, the only Indian family in
our small town. The only other Indians we had contact with were my father’s
relatives. We have no family on any of the Canadian reserves and no one in my
immediate family had ever been to a gathering of Indians, other than family
gatherings. They were excited about my experiences attending and dancing at
powwows in Michigan and asked to see the dance regalia I was making. Several
family members assisted me with sewing or by making other parts of the regalia,
such as a cedar box to store my feathers.

While we worked, I described what I was doing in Michigan. The women

in my family were especially interested in the menstrual taboos, and began

155

 

refusing to cook if they were “on their moon time.” The men in the family were '
interested in reports on hunting and fishing, topics of importance to professional
hunting guides. My father was proud when I told him how impressed many
Indians are upon seeing the snowshoes he made for my son and me, especially
when a Cree woman correctly identified them as Micmac or Maliseet by their
design.

‘ For the most part, my family does not understand what graduate school is
about and why I need more education. I am of the first generation in my
immediate family to graduate from high school and I am one of two people in the
immediate family to graduate from college. For my family, hearing about my
research in a community that my family can identify with was more
comprehensible to them and helped break down some barriers.

Causing pain to a loved one is not something most of us seek to do.
Taking my son to the field caused him a great deal of pain, balanced with some
wonderful experiences. The most difficult situation for Zack was his time at the
tribal school. As one of the few students not enrolled in the Soo tribe and not A
related to any one in the community, Zack was singled out for teasing and abuse.
Had he been an athlete (preferably a hockey player), it would have been easier
to fit in. I did consider transferring him to a local public school but, having spoken
to parents and students with experience in the public schools, we decided the
tribal school was still the better option. He did enjoy the cultural activities, the
numerous field trips, and attending hockey games at the local arena. Upon our

return to the Lansing area, I chose to haVe Zack repeat that grade because,

156

 

academically, the year was a wash. His class in the $00 was far behind the
classes he attended in the Lansing area. Today, Zack looks back at his time in
the 800 with mixed feelings. As he puts it, he learned to fight and he had some
terrific experiences and made some good friends.

It is not unusual for an anthropologist in the field to form a strong personal
attachment to one or more individuals. Often, our informants also become our
friends. I was introduced to Rosemary Gaskin early in my fieldwork and that first
interview led to a close and warm friendship. Rosemary was blind and on
dialysis when we met, the results of diabetes. A very bright woman, Rosemary
played an important role in the development of the tribe, working with social
service agencies to assist her people. Her illness had halted her work and, when
I knew her, Rosemary spent most of her time alone, lying in bed listening to the
radio or television. She was happy to talk to me and told me many stories about
her past activities as well as helping me clarify my understanding of local family
relationships, tribal politics, and other matters.

During our friendship, Rosemary’s health declined. One of the most
difficult conversations I have ever had was in her doctor’s office one day. I had
taken her for a routine appointment when the doctor called me in and told me
Rosemary needed surgery. She was going to lose a foot and lower leg but
refused to believe the doctor. He asked with me to talk to her, to describe the
condition of the gangrenous foot. Her blind eyes pleaded with me and we wept
together when she agreed to the surgery. Recovery was long and difficult and

Rosemary began to have periods of confusion. When she was told the other foot

157

 

and lower leg must be removed, Rosemary told me that she was through with the
struggle and said good-bye. She did not survive the operation. Hundreds of
people, many from outside the tribal community, attended her funeral. Recently,
the Soo Tribe opened a dialysis center in her memory. I was lucky to know her.
Doing anthropological fieldwork is an academic and personal rite of
passage. In many ways, my fieldwork experience required me to balance the
academic and the personal perception of the people I was studying. My
understandings of who I am as an anthropologist and as a mixed-blood woman
were tested and shaped in the field. While it has taken me some time to find a
workable writing focus to organize my fieldwork data, resulting in this
dissertation, I walked away from the fieldwork experience with a renewed

commitment to applied anthropological research.

158

51

 

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