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Building Bridges, Drying Bad Blood:
Elite Marriages, Politics and
Ethnicity in 19th and 20th Century
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Heran Sereke-Brhan

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BUILDING BRIDGES, DRYING BAD BLOOD: ELITE MARRIAGES, POLITICS
AND ETHNICITY IN 19TH AND 20TH CENTURY IMPERIAL ETHIOPIA

By

Heran Sereke-Brhan

A DISSERTATION

Submitted to
Michigan State University
In partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

Department of History
2002

ABSTRACT
BUILDING BRIDGES, DRYING BAD BLOOD: ELITE MARRIAGES, POLITICS
AND ETHNICITY IN 19*“ AND 20TH CENTURY IMPERIAL ETHIOPIA
By

Heran Sereke-Brhan

According to most scholarly inquiries in Ethiopian studies, forceful
incorporation and submission were the main mechanisms by which empire was
built and sustained. Power is often associated with an “elite ethnic” group
identified as Amhara whose particular characteristics are detailed in Donald
Levine’s sociological study, Wax and Gold: Tradition and Innovation in Ethiopian
Culture. Like most other pn'mordialist interpretations of ethnicity, this work does
not account for issues of ethnic change. immigration, dissolution and
intermarriage, thus presenting difficulty in historicizing the process of identity
formation. Critical assessment of Levine’s study sentes as a prelude to
broadening constructs of identity and marriage among the elite is chosen here as
the suitable prism through which to retract issues of ethnicity, state building,
women and power.

This dissertation is a study of the social history of power, the narrative of
which has been created from documenting the lives and activities of central and
regional elite families (men and women) Over several generations. The
remarkable continuity of elite family histories points to an important link between

their collective presence and the crafting of empire. From their extensive inter-

marriage emerged a national elite that could claim origins from different parts of
the country. Though difficult to assess, the symbolic and practical implications of
this had arguably little chance to evolve or impact public perception in light of the
1974 Revolution. Despite that, this study establishes the significance of elite
marriages as a more peaceful mechanism used by the statecraft to forge nation,
thus contributing another dimension to existing literature on Ethiopian political

history.

Copyright by
Heran Sereke-Brhan
2002

To my father and mother who kept safe my sense of wonderment about life
To my aunt Samayawit and her irrepressible spirit

To Tewodros, Yemane and Noah - guiding lights on the path

To the elders whose stories I revisit and continue to Cherish

TO my friends who have shared the joys and pains of the journey

To the many activists, artists & musicians who have inspired me in
word, sound and color

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

My graduate experience at MSU is probably more unusual than most. I
was recruited almost by accident when I obtained Dr. Harold G. Marcus’ address
from the back of a book he’d written and contacted him for more information on
the Ethiopian resistance movement during the Italian invasion for a paper I was
writing as a junior at Mills College in Oakland, California. He invited me to a
conference Of Northeast African Studies and introduced me as the new recruit to
the History Department, a prophetic statement which eventually led to my
attending MSU.

l have benefited greatly from the graduate courses I have taken here.
Besides African history, I had interests that l was able to explore and develop in
African Art History and African-American 8. Diaspora histories. My committee
members actively participated in guiding my personal passions towards
academic pursuits. I learned differently from my female professors — from Dr.
Eldredge, I learned the importanceof including gender and theory in historical
analyses. From Dr. Hine, whom I consider a mentor, I learned the art of holistic
critiquing and the possibilities of comparative analyses in African and Diaspora
studies. The many distinguished scholars that participated in her seminars added
another dimension to my learning process, as have the many speakers, activists
and artists who have presented at MSU and whose perspectives have engaged

and informed my thinking in various ways over the years.

vi

My family has been unstintingly supportive throughout my long tenure as
graduate student — even at times when they did not fully understand what I was
trying to accomplish. My parents have poured their body and soul into our well-
being and educational development. More importantly, they have raised me with
a sense of wonderment about life that has shaped and guided my broader
interests and intellectual pursuits in African and African Diaspora cultures and
histories. I thank them for that.

There are many who have shared close friendships with me, from near
and far - - affinning the importance of this venture, sharing their own graduate
experiences and greatly enriching mine with their steadfast presence. It is the
strength Of this community that has kept any sense of isolation at bay over the
years. African history was no longer confined to the books as I had incredible
opportunities to befriend and commune with colleagues from different parts of the
continent. These interactions, along with my travels in Africa, have made my
academic training and interests tangible and real.

I am thankful for the elders that opened their lives and pasts to me in
vignettes and anecdotes during my fieldwork. When I finally understood their
ways and rhythms, my frustration at not accomplishing what I had set out to do
within the specific days and weeks I had scheduled gradually gave way to a
deeper appreciation of their slowly unfolding stories. I have been blessed with
vivid moments that captured memory in motion. Many of the elders have died

since, and I am often haunted by the surreal feeling of grasping after a

vii

disappearing world. If I had overlooked it before, this has etched the urgency of
historical research in my mind for always.

The Institute of Ethiopian Studies and its staff as well as the members of
the Addis Ababa University History Department have offered warm hospitality
during my stay. Shiferaw Bekele has been a particular inspiration both in his
scholarship and his generous personality, continually nurturing my thoughts and
offering encouragement. I thank them all for the welcome I continue to receive.

Last but not least, I must thank my committee members for their continued
interest in my work and in my personal and professional development. My chair,
Dr. Marcus, has always been confident and excited about the potentials of my
researchsubject and has followed my progress with keen interest. He has
persevered through what may have seemed my wayward passions and guided
me patiently through the process. I have great appreciation for Dr. Robinson’s
meticulous scholarship and the insights l have gained from our numerous
conversations. Dr. Silverrnan and Dr. Reed have played an invaluable role in
nurturing my interests in African art and African-American cultural history, going
so far as to support the various student group activities and initiatives I’ve been
involved in. Dr. Hinnant, who graciously shared his perspective as an Ethiopianist
anthropologist at my defense, has kindly offered suggestions that will serve to

strengthen this manuscript in the future.

viii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF FIGURES ........................................................................... ix
INTRODUCTION .............................................................................. 1
Universality of Theme ............................................................... 1
Ethnicity ................................................................................ 4
CHAPTER 1
METHODOLOGY, HISTORIOGRAPHY
& CONTEXT UALIZATION ................................................................. 12
Elite: Term and Theory ............................................................ 14
Elite Theory in Africa ............................................................... 20
Notes on the Ethiopian Elite ........................................................ 21
African women, marriage and state building ................................. 24
Ethnicity: Term, Theories and Debates ....................................... 31
Ethnicity in Africa: Four Cases Reviewed .................................... 38
The Zulu of South Africa ................................................. 38
The Hausa Of West Africa ................................................ 40
The iji of Central Africa ................................................. 43
The AnIo-Ewe of Southeastern Ghana ................................ 44
Ethnicity in Ethiopia .. ......................................................................... 45
Contextualizing Study ............................................................... 55
' Sources ........................................................................ 60
CHAPTER 2
REGIONAL HISTORIES AND MARRIAGE PATTERNS '
UNTIL THE 20TH CENTURY ............................................................... 66
Marriage & Politics in Southern kingdoms ..................................... 67
Walaita ......................................................................... 67
Enarea ......................................................................... 69
Kafa .............................................................................. 71
Marriage & Politics in the North .................................................. 75
Wag and Lasta ............................................................... 77
Gondar and Tigre ........................................................... 82
Gondar and Yajju ............................................................ 86
Tewodros .................................................................... . 88
CHAPTER 3
EMPIRE BUILDING AND MARRIAGE ALLIANCES
UNDER MENILEK ............................................................................. 91
Lasta, Gojjam, Shoa & Tigre: Power struggles and Marriage history 91
Shoa & Tigre: Politics and marriage after Yohannes ......................... 98

ix

The Ruling families of Wellegga .................................................. 104

Background .................................................................... 1 04
Family Histories and Marriages ..................................................... 107
Elite families of Gojjam .............................................................. 112
Elite families of Shoa ...... , .......................................................... 114
Nineteenth century women, politics and marriage ........................... 122
CHAPTER 4
IYASU, ZAWDITU, TAFARI: POWER STRUGGLES, FAMILY
ALLIANCES & WOMEN IN ELITE FAMILIES .......................................... 135
Lij lyasu and Ras Tafari: Eariy years 8. accession to power .......... ' ..... 135
Power stmggles and family histories ............................................. 137
Women in elite families of the times ............................................. 145
Menen Asfaw ................................................................. 146
Sehin Mikael .................................................................. 149
Tsehaiworq Darge ........................................................... 151
Zawditu ........................................................................ 1 54
CHAPTER 5
HAILE‘SELLASSIE'S ERA: FAMILY & POWER
IN A MODERNIZING STATE .............................................................. 161
Progress & Power until 1935 ...................................................... 162
Elite families & Marriages until 1935 ............................................. 166
The Imperial family ........................................................... 166
Model of progress 8 Potential marriage? .............................. 172
Elite of continuity from Menilek’s Era ................................... 174
Absorbing the new .......................................................... 177
The Italian Invasion and Elite Families ......................................... 182
Post-1941 Background .............................................................. 186
Post-1941 Families and Marriages ............................................... 191
Marriages of the Imperial Family ........................................ 193
Other Elite Families ......................................................... 197
Elite Women of 20th century Ethiopia ................................... 200
CHAPTER 6
CONCLUSION ................................................................................. 206
APPENDICIES ................................................................................. 213
BIBLIOGRAPHY ...................................... _ ......................................... 225

Fig. 1.1
Fig. 1.2
Fig. 2
Fig. 3
Fig. 4
Fig. 5
Fig. 5.1
Fig. 5.2

LIST OF FIGURES

Nigus Mikael of Wello ................................................. . 214
Ras Mengesha Atikem of Gojjam .................................. . 215
Ras Gobena Daci ........................................................ 216
Political Marriage Pattern in Ethiopia (18905-1916) ............. 217
Complicated Inter-relations ............................................ 218
Regional Interconnections ............................................. 219
List of Marriage Alliances ............................................... 220
Interconnections Charted ............................................... 224

afa negus

alaqa
balambaras

batten geta

bitwoded

dejazmach

fita wrari

kantiba

IeuI/Ii’ilt

n

liqa makwas

makwanent
masafent

naggadras

’38

ras bitwoded

GLOSSARY

“mouth of the king’ the supreme judge of the land under the
king

head of a church, learned priest
‘head of the amba’ a low-level administrative title

A title signifying learning. An exalted version Of blatta, given
to government Officials of the ministerial level

most favored courtier, imperial counselor, often officiating in
the name of the king

‘commander of the gate,’ a politico-military title below ras
(contracted form dejach)

‘commander of the vanguard,’ a title below dejazmach but of
higher import in the case of Habte Giyorgis Dingade,
Minister of War 1907-1926

mayor

‘prince/princess’ title born by sons and daughters of the royal
family and by the upper nobility

‘child’ honorific title usually reserved for sons and daughters
of the royal family and the children of upper nobility

official serving as the king’s double to divert attacks directed
against the king

nobility whose rank is earned by service
hereditary nobility

‘head of merchants,’ chief government official in charge of
collecting customs

‘head’ the highest traditional title next to negus

a rare title, combining the power of ras and the imperial favor
of the bitwoded

xii

Woyzero, Wzo. ‘Iady’ now used for ‘Mrs’

Adopted from: Bahru Zawde. History of Modern Ethiopia 1855-1974. London:
James Currey Ltd., 1991.

xiii

INTRODUCTION

This dissertation grew from my Master’s paper exploring the parameters of
so-called “Amhara” ethnicity and its primacy in Ethiopian history as detailed in
the influential work of Donald Levine‘s Wax and Gold: Tradition and Innovation in
Ethiopian Culture. Levine’s portrayal of “Amhara dominance” has encouraged
and influenced burgeoning alternative, albeit controversial, interpretations on the
socio-economic and political effects of the rapidly expanding nineteenth—century
Ethiopian state. My own interest in this work was not so much to prove or
disprove “Amhara dominance” as to question who becomes labeled Amhara and
how the content of this group Changes over time.

My critique was informed by theories that argued for the situational nature
of ethnicity whose inherent fluidity seemed constrained by the primordial nature
and fixed boundaries proposed in Levine’s study. This theoretical angle allowed
for the essential historicizing of ethnicity, giving time and place relevant bearing
on an ever-evolving process. My doctoral research resumed where the eariier
critique ended. Marriage among the power elite seemed a suitable prism through
which to refract issues of ethnicity, state building, women, and power, exploring
how each related to the other and to Ethiopian political history as a whole.
Universality of Theme

Throughout time, dynastic or elite marriages among those in proximity to
power has held universal appeal in its social and political usefulness for the

internal and external affairs of kingdoms and states. Although seemingly less

important in the contemporary world, such alliances continue to occur in various
settings, attesting further to the persistent relevance of the practice. Though
lacking in express political intent, twentieth century African history provides us
with such recent examples as Nelson Mandela’s marriage to Mozambiquan
Graca Machel. In neighboring Zimbabwe, Robert Mugabe’s first wife was
Ghanain. In North Africa, Moroccan rulers are said to prefer wives from the
fiercely independent mountainous Berber area - although this is a closely
guarded story since the wives are all but invisible in public life. In East Africa,
Kenya’s Jomo Kenyatta, upon his return from England, after about a 15 year
absence, married his third wife, the daughter of Senior Chief Koynange, who died
after childbirth. His fourth wife, Mamangina, was a daughter of another influential
senior chief, Muhoho, and both marriages helped gain him and his leadership
legitimacy among the Kikuyu.

In West Africa, Kwame Nkrumah Of Ghana married Helena Ritz Fathia, a
close relative of President Gamal Abdel Nasser of Egypt in 1958 - no doubt
partly as an expression of solidarity in Pan-African affairs in which both were
prominent actors. They had three children together (Gamal Gorkeh, Sania Yarba
and Sekou Ritz) and, as recently as 1997, there was express interest to maintain
ties and family property in Ghana for one of the sons who resides in Accra.
Ghanaian kente cloth weavers commemorated the occasion of this marriage by
designing patterns like Fathia fate Nkmmah (which means it is befitting to have
Fathia as Nkrumah’s wife) and Obaakofo Mmu Man (one person does not rule a

nafion)

In European history, British royalty from the 11th through the 20th centuries
married extensively with their European counterparts. In the Houses of Saxe-
Coburg-Gotha and Windsor, for instance, Fredrick III Emperor of Germany
(1831-1888) married Princess Victoria (1840-1901) and they had William II,
Emperor of Germany 1859-1941. Edward VII (1841-1910) married Alexandra of
Denmark (1844-1922) whose sister Marie was married to Alexander III, Tsar of
All the Russias (1845-94). Their son Nicholas II also Tsar (1868-1918) was
married to Queen Victoria’s granddaughter, Alix of Hesse (1872-1918).Also inter-
married in this group were royalty from France, Prussia, Spain, Germany,
Denmark and England, to name a few.

Elsewhere, in pre-Colombian and colonial Latin America, Marysa Navarro
argues that 16‘" century Spanish conquistadores had multiple successive
relationships with indigenous Amerindian woman, whom they took as
concubines, sometimes marrying them.1 Some were noblewomen, and these
unions created the first generation of mestizos or mestizas. The pro-marriage
policy of the Crown did not carry over well Since most conquistadores were in a
position to marry well-situated women from Spain. The eventual multiplication of
mestizo population undermined the Spanish strategy to create two separate
worlds - Indian and Spanish. This was mediated by Amerindian nobility who
were considered landed gentry with economic and social privileges.

These marriages or interchanges were not without political dimensions.

First, in connection to military conquest, it was necessary strategy to gain allies

 

' Marysa Navarro, “Women in pre-Columbian and Colonial Latin America and the Caribbean,” in Marysa
Navarro, Virginia Sanchez Korrol & Kecia Ali, Women in Latin America and the Caribbean, (Bloomington
and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1999).

for soldiers. In the post-conquest period, ties were strengthened, legitimacy
widened, control over indigenous population tightened, and the acceptance of
Spanish rule encouraged. Amerindian male nobility also had the advantage of
retaining their class privileges, gaining new legitimacy, strengthening their
powers of negotiation and successfully transforming themselves into mediators
between the two groups. Amerindian noblewomen used the situation to gain a
foothold in the emerging social structure for themselves and their descendants.
They retained influence while maintaining distance from “commoners” and
engaged in gainful mercantile activities
Ethnicity

The conventional conceptualization of ethnicity is within a continuum with
primordialism on one end, constructivism on the other, and instrumentalism
somewhere between them. Primordialists view ethnicity as inner essence, a
condition ascribed at birth by which consciousness and affiliation is guided by the
intrinsic knowledge of one’s identity. They focus on the emotional charge of
ethnic behavior and the psychological and cultural dimensions in ethnic conflict.
Instrumentalists hold a material focus on ethnicity and examine how ethnicity is
mobilized in political combat or social competition. Constructivists argue that
ethnic identity cannot be assumed and needs to be explained and accounted for
in dynamic terms. In their view, ethnicity is a product of human agency, a creative
social act through which suCh commonalities as speech code, cultural practice,
ecological adaptation and political organization become woven into a

consciousness of shared identity. Constructivists invite consideration of the

complexity, fluidity and multiple forces that shape ethnicity. This approach has an
inherently historical orientation that holds theory accountable to the context of
time and place and it is what I utilize to examine Levine’s works.

Historians Of Africa have began to account for particularities in which
ethnic boundaries or identity markers are negotiated, sometimes even
submerged, for mutual gains or shared interests. Among the examples discussed
further on are the Zulu in South Africa, the Hausa in West Africa, the iji in pre-
colonial East Africa and the AnIo-Ewe of Ghana. In the Ethiopian case, issues of
ethnicity continue to be highly political and laden with charged sentiments limiting
dialogues that would frame a scholarly discussion. Nonetheless, an emerging
body of literature explores interactive moments and syncretic identities indicating
the growing interest of scholars and bringing some measure of balance towards
thinking of ethnicity as a dynamic process in constant flux.

'In light of all this, my own interests converged to shape a study on
marriage relations of the Ethiopian power elite and their changing composition
with initial focus on the twentieth century. It soon became obvious, however, that
limiting the time period to the final era of the Ethiopian monarchy would disregard
the continuity of elite family histories that spanned the last two hundred years.
This continuity pointed to an important link between the presence of these
families and the crafting of empire. Closer examination of the sources further
suggested the significant 'role of elite women in this process, thus presenting an
Opportunity to explore preliminary efforts toward engendering Ethiopian political

history.

Studying the history of the national power elite inevitably meant
researching the families of regional nobility and, where possible, their marriage
patterns before incorporation into the political center. The first challenge lay in
documenting and constructing the lives and activities of elite families over several
generations while maintaining the necessary regional scope. Next, from this
information, the narrative of a social history of power had to be created which
would interface and dialogue with existing historiography to develop a parallel
complimentary account highlighting one significant aspect of political history —
that of marriage alliances. The third challenge was that of striking a balanced
approach between presenting individual family histories, the dense details of
each being an overwhelming task to trace or simplify for the reader, and following
the larger story Of an inter-connected power elite that evolved over several eras
from diverse regional, ethnic and linguistic backgrounds.

In Ethiopia, as elsewhere in the worid, political marriages were arranged
to neutralize potential threats, legitimize positions and widen networks of power
by forging new alliances. The path to power provided by such marriages
assumed a certain level of assimilation to the political center and a coalescence
of shared values and interests among elite families. Traditional historian Tekle
Tsadik Mekuria describes these types of marriages as a commodity of the
administration. Ascribed to such marriage arrangements are the mutual benefits
of expansion into neighboring territories on the one hand, and gaining access to
power and protection, or creating lineages that will rule at the center on the other.

These marital arrangements also played a key role in roping in deviants, which,

when successful, threaded a line of continuity and ensured that ruling families
.would have some representation in royal courts even when removed from
power.2 Gebre lgziabher Elias describes lyasu’s plan to wed his niece Menen to
Ras Tafari as “vvegenin lemabzat, zemedin lemaderajet” — an effort to multiply
relatives and establish networks. Lij lyasu’s courting of the Adal and his liaison
with the daughter of Naggadras Abbo Seron was credited to his wanting to be
connected through marriage and progeny.3
Contemporary oral informants use concepts such as “dem madrekya
gabicha" or ‘Wenz yemyashagir gabicha” to convey “blood-drying marriage" or
“marriage that allows for crossing of the river.” In the first type, any had blood
spilled literally or figuratively between adverse families usually engaged in power
struggle, would dry or heal by virtue of a particular marriage arrangement that
would symbolize forgiveness, acceptance, and political alignment. The second
phrase casts elite marriages as bridges that stretch over metaphoric rivers, thus
alluding to the expansive networks created and suggestively relating such
alliances with notions of migration and empire building. The title of this
dissertation, “Building Bridges, Drying Bad Blood: Elite marriages, Politics and
Ethnicity in 19th and 20th century Imperial Ethiopia,” derives from these two
concepts.
As noted here, marriage patterns of the elite followed the locus of power

from Gondar to Tigre to Wello to Shoa, laterally including Lasta, Gojjam, and

Wellegga. Political marriages occurred within and between regional families

 

2 Tekle Tsadik Mekuria, Arse Tewodros inna yeltyopia Andinet, (Addis Ababa: Kuraz Publishing Agency,
1981 E.C.), p. 69.
3 Gebre lgziabher Elias, YeTarik Mastawesha (1901-1922), MS IES 2284.

usually in connection to other power negotiations — sometimes as a prelude
indicating good will, other times as a measure of how well relations were
between regional powers, or'altemately, as an attempt to right past wrongs and
draw families closer. Seldom were they arranged outside of this larger context.

Perhaps due in part to such built-in pressure, elite marriages were
inherently fragile by design and carried their share of irony and pain. This was
particularly evident in the stark predicament of certain elite women, although
political outcomes for the greater good sometimes involved personal sacrifice in
the case of elite men as well. In spite of this and the unsuccessful liaisons, serial
marriages and frequent divorces that characterized marital relations, the
Ethiopian power elite evolved and maintained remarkable continuity over two
centuries. It is this process that my dissertation attempts to document and
discuss.

The first chapter of this work lays the methodological framework, confers
with relevant historiOgraphy, and provides contextualization for the dissertation
subject within the larger discourse. Readings in political science and
anthropology are consulted to highlight theoretical debates around terms such as
“elite” and “ethnicity"; Select works in African history are presented as examples
that illuminate the application of these and related theories. For the Ethiopian
case, Donald Levine’s work in sociology is examined for what it informs us of
Amhara “ethnicity” and its critique is used as a point of departure for developing
an alternate view considering elite marriage alliances in connection to issues of

ethnicity. Guided by scholarly literature in African women’s history, I then

investigate how and where to situate elite Ethiopian women in the narrative in
order to reconstruct their individual and collective role in family alliances
throughout the period under study. The few scholariy works on marriage and
political history are reviewed as context for this dissertation and the first chapter
ends with a brief discussion of sources used and challenges encountered during
my research.

The second Chapter is thematically organized and serves as background
for the following sections by canvassing regional histories and marriage patterns
in various locations and time periods. This primarily supports the fact that the
practice of political marriages predates the period under study and occurred
among neighboring elite families and kingdoms throughout the country. Mostly
secondary but some primary sources are used to underscore themes of
migration and marriage alliances in the histories of Walaita, Enarea and Kafa in
the south, Shoa, Gondar, Wag and Lasta in the north.

The third Chapter more directly follows elite marriage patterns in
connection to struggles for power at the center. This is well demonstrated by the
marriages that occurred around Wagshum Gobaze (later Emperor Takla
Giyorgis), Kassa Mercha (later Emperor Yohannes IV), Menilek (then king of
Shoa) and R33 Adal Tessema (later Nigus Takla Haimanot). Lasta, Tigre, Shoe
and Gojjam were linked in these alliances that took place from the 18605 to the
end of the 19'“ century. Marriage relations and political history are considered for
Shoe and Tigre, followed by a closer look at how similar themes unfolded in the

western province of Wellegga around the same period. Again based on a

combination of primary and secondary sources, elite families of Gojjam and Shoa
are examined in detail as are select women who wielded direct and indirect
power through marriage arrangements. Emperor Menilek’s consort Bafena, his
wife Empress Taitu, Wzo. Kefei Wele and others are discussed in this context in
I an effort to suggest various roles for elite women in past politics.
A The chronological order of chapter four follows similar themes of power
struggle, family alliances and women in elite families under lyasu, Zawditu and
Tafari. As in the preceding era, marriages were obvious in their political intent
and their arrangement was elevated to art form in the capable hands of Empress
Taitu who used this mechanism to ensure her position at the helm of the ailing
Menilek’s empire. The short reign of lyasu (1911-1916) is especially significant
both for his efforts in casting wider nets of marital relations and in indicating a
certain coming of age of the power elite who showed protective signs of shared
purpose in their support of the young heir. The political playing field shifted to
Wello, and the family of Nigus Mikael and his descendants briefly assumed
central role. This chapter follows the rise of Ras Tafari to power along with a
focused look at elite women of the times - namely, Menen Asfaw, Sehin Mikael,
Tsehaiworq Darge and Zawditu. Their various placement and responses to
politics and family relations is reconstructed from the meager sources available.
The fifth and final chapter covers Haile Sellassie’s era and issues of family
and power with the backdrop of a modernizing state. The core elite families from
Menilek’s time largely reproduced in the subsequent generation while

adjustments were made in marriage patterns to absorb the newly created

10

educated elite and increasingly important “outsiders” to the center. Descriptions
of wedding ceremonies are used where available to enrich the discussion and
trace the shifts and changes in customs and content. Marriage alliances before
and after the Italian invasion are considered in light of rapid power consolidation
and the launching of a modernized state based on education and the new
meritocracy. In the final years of Emperor Haile Sellassie’s reign, the power elite,
which had throughout maintained its feature of continuity, seemed to have
reached the final stages of its formation. In its regional, linguistic and cultural
composition, it was as varied as the dictates of power would allow and.
represented, within certain limitations, unmistakable national diversity at the
center.

This dissertation concludes with certain observations comparing elite
family marriage histories of 19th and 20th century, more specifically, Haile
Sellassie’s reign (especially the post-Liberation years after 1940) to that of the
preceding (Menilek, lyasu, Zawditu) era. The nature of changing marriage
patterns and meaning is thus broadly outlined. Despite the difficulty of precisely
evaluating the impact that such an inter-related national elite had on the political
and social landscape, this work argues the case for studying marriage as an
important mechanism of Ethiopian statecraft. This investigation would have
succeeded in its task if new lines of inquiry could develop to more thoroughly
explore the intricate relationships between ethnic identity, state formation,
marriage alliances and the hitherto largely uncharted territory of elite women to

enrich our understanding of Ethiopian, and by extension, African political history.

11

CHAPTER I
METHODOLOGY, HISTORIOGRAPHY & CONTEXTUALIZATION

This dissertation is an attempt to document the social history of power in
nineteenth and twentieth century imperial Ethiopia through a consideration of
family histories and marriage alliances of those in proximity to power - the elite.
Power in Ethiopian studies is often associated with an “elite ethnic” group
identified as Amhara. In much of the discourse, the assumed meaning attached
to the terms “elite” and “ethnic” obscures the lack of generally recOgnized criteria
endorsed in theories of political science and anthropology. I will briefly present
readings in these disciplines, highlighting conceptual Challenges attached to
these terms before reviewing select illustrations of their applicability in African
contexts.

I will then discuss Donald Levine’s two authoritative sociological studies as
an example of how “ethnicity” in general, and Amhara identity in particular, has
been approached in Ethiopian studies. In line with critiques of ‘primordialist’
accounts which point to ethnic change, dissolution, immigration and
, intermarriage in an effort to historicize the process of identity formation‘, my
discussion of Levine’s works serves here as a prelude to the possibilities of
broadening constructs to Include the complexities of layered identities created, in
this case by marriage alliances, from which a diverse national elite, hitherto

subsumed under the label “Amhara”, emerged. Although an important subject of

 

‘ John Hutchinson and Anthony D. Smith, eds., Oxford Readers: Ethnicity, (Oxford: Oxford University
Press, 1996), p. 32.

12

study in and of itself, Amhara ethnic identity and the characteristics attributed to it
are not the focus of this dissertation. Instead, the question of who gets labeled
“Amhara” and how that changes over time is indirectly addressed by the history
of elite marriage alliances.

The intersection of political power, marriage alliances and nation building
suggests a role for women. Due primarily to the nature of documentary sources
that focus on public persona of “big men” of leadership and the institutional
activities of the state, gendered considerations that account for women as part of
the nation-building process in Africa are relatively few. With limited exceptions,
mention of women in Ethiopian political history is minimal both because of a
similar emphasis in the historiography and the daunting task of reconstructing
women’s lives from a lacunae of sources. In light of this, I will identify relevant
scholarly literature in African women’s history within which my interest in women
of the Ethiopian power elite may be situated. I will also attempt a gendered
reading of Ethiopian sources old and new to explore the suggested role played
by these women.

This chapter contains two interwoven parts of methodology and
historiography with a third section on contextualization. For methodology, I will
discuss selective theories of elite studies, marriage and nation building, and
ethnicity, followed by brief overviews of their particular application in examples
from African history. To the extent possible, each of these themes will then be
explored in contemporary Ethiopian historiography in an effort to assemble

existing insights from secondary literature and develop questions with which to

13

approach the sources of my inquiry. In the third section of this chapter, I will
position this research in its larger context and briefly discuss the sources used to
support my research. The broader concerns of this dissertation are in exploring
the triangular relationship between the formation of the Ethiopian state, the social
form of marriage and transformations of ethnic identity, thereby forging a new
direction for scholarly interest and laying the groundwork for future research on
marriage and politics - a commonly acknowledged, albeit largely under-studied
phenomena in Ethiopian history.
ELITE: TERM 8: THEORY

The term “elite” has no precise definition because there are few agreed
upon measures with which to identify actual holders of real power.5 In the late
nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the work of two sociologists, Vilfredo
Pareto (1848-1923) and Gaetano Mosca (1858-1941) established the study Of
elites as part of political science to offer a way of understanding modem political
structure, and in particular, the relationship between leaders and masses. In the
view of classical elite theorists, the key to historical change lay not in
technological and economic trends but in the metamorphoses of the political
elite, making them an essential subject of study.6

The core of classical elite doctrine is that there may exist in any society a

minority of the population which makes the major decisions. Because of their

 

5 Eric U. Gutierrez, All in the Family: A Study of Elites and Power relations in the Philippines, (Quezon
City: Institute for Popular Democracy, 1992), p.8.

6 The elite my also play a critical role in transitions from traditional politics to a modern political system,
as illustrated in twentieth century Spain. See Sholomo Ben-Ami, “The Crisis of the Dynastic Elite in the
Transition from Monarchy to Republic, 1929-1931,” in Thomas N. Bisson, ed., Cultures of Power:
Lordship, Status and Process in Twelfth Century Europe, (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press,
1995), p. 71.

14

power, their organization, their political skill or their personal qualities, members
Of this group termed the elite are potentially capable of exploiting their positions
so as to preserve their domination. An important implication of this is that the
elite constitute a coherent, united and self-conscious group - essential
Characteristics. Group consciousness, coherence and conspiracy or a “common
will to action” appear in nearly all the definitions though establishing the degree
to which these elements are present is difficult to evaluate.7

Classical elite theorists stress the sense of mutual respect, trust and
solidarity that constitute “consciousness” as an essential dimension of elite
integration. The mark of a unified elite is not the absence of disagreement but
the presence of sufficient mutual trust, so that its members will, when necessary,
forego short-run personal or partisan advantage in order to ensure stable nile.8
According to the theorists, the numerical size of an elite also affects its level Of
integration with smaller groups showing greater solidarity and consensus than
larger ones.9 The cohesiveness of the elite is seen as one of its chief strengths.
Among the ways that cohesiveness is created is through common social and
educational backgrounds and recruitment patterns that in combination strengthen

bonds of communication, friendship and influence. C. Wright Mills contends that

 

7 James H. Miesel is credited as the originator of the three C’s, consciousness, coherence and conspiracy, in
elitist doctrine. See James H. Miesel, The Myth of the Ruling Class: Gaetano Mosca and the Elite, (Ann
Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1958). Establishing the degree to which a given elite is cohesive,
conscious and ‘conspirational’ is difficult for the researcher because major elite theories are often weak on
these points. The tendency is to assert rather than prove that the dominant group in society was bound
together by ties of common interest, shared values or similar upbringing.

' Robert Putnam, The Comparative Study of Political Elites, (New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc. 1976), pp.
121-122.

9 Robert Putnam argues that if size is related to integration, several conclusions follow. First, that the elites
of smaller countries should be more integrated, all other things being equal. Second, as a nation grows elite
integration should tend to decline and finally that elite integration should be markedly greater in local
communities than at the national level. He cautions that if this is so, it is dangerous to infer the structure of
a national elite from studies of community power. Ibid. p. 114.

15

one of the keys to the unity of US “power elite" is its social homogeneity. Social
origins constitute probably the most often discussed manifestation of elite
integration.10

Kinship bonds, a notable facet of social homogeneity, provides a
particulariy intimate type of elite cohesion. Politics of lineage is seen to
characterize many traditional societies while kinship also links leaders in modern
societies particularly, but not exclusively, where elements of a premodem
aristocracy persist. Research on policy making in British public finance, for
example, found that the intertwining branches of a few aristocratic family trees
included a substantial number of the “top decision makers,” while in America the
family ties among the Rockefellers illustrate how members of a bourgeois elite
can be related by blood and marriage.11

The close connection between the educational system and elite formation
and cohesion are often apparent. Elite educational institutions foster integration
by providing similar training for many elite members, and nurturing personal
contacts and friendships. In many countries, educational institutions also sift and

channel aspirants to elite positions. Elite requirement based on educational

 

'° The conventional assumption of political sociology, that the social background and upbringing will
influence the attitudes and policies of a decision-maker, is widely debated. Critics of this assumption argue
that this inference is deterministic and that the study of backgrounds reveals more about the society in
which the elite exist than the politics which the elite will pursue. Among the reasons why the link between
social background and elite political orientation may be weak are the process of recruitment, which may
favor “class traitors” with differing views than the group from which they come, and the effects of post-
recruitment socialization by political institutions. Ibid., pp. 96-105.

A different approach known as seismology provides another justification to studying social
backgrounds of elite members. Proponents argue that such studies serve well as indicators of the structure
of social power. Background studies may tell us more about the selecting than the selected. Because elite
composition is more easily observed than are the underlying patterns of power, background studies serve as
a kind of seismometer for detecting shifts in the foundations of politics. See, Ibid., p. 42-43.

" Putnam notes that the political significance of family ties can easily be exaggerated as lineage can divide
as well as unite. Moreover, kinship has become a much less important base of elite integration in modern
political systems as most leaders have no elite family ties. Ibid., p. 108.

16

credentials is often seen as a means of breaking the patterns of political
inheritance by which elites have traditionally maintained power. When success
rests on learned and testable skills rather than on inherited prerogatives, access
to elite positions is presumably meritocratic. The problematic nature of this
assumption lies in the Circular link between social status and access to
education.12

Theorists have this to say about elite relationship to power. The qualities
of self-consciousness, coherence and unity are all held to reinforce the
advantageous position of the elite in its relation with other groups in society.
Power is used as a means to obtain other social goods - wealth, economic
influence, social status, and educational advantages for elite children. Power is
cumulative, with wealth and status seen as forms of power.13 Elitists and their
opponents, pluralists, have focused their attention on ‘decision-making’ as the
point at which the possession of power is made manifest. Their discussions lead
to a formal definition of power as the probability of influencing the policies and
activities Of the state.“

This largely institutional focus is evident in how social scientists identify
elite. Three strategies are used: positional analysis, reputational analysis and
decisional analysis. Positional or institutional analysis is the most commonly
used method relying on records kept by formal institutions to locate powerful
individuals. Critics of this technique argue that power may not be perfectly

correlated to institutional position, and that individuals placed as figure-heads in

 

'2 Ibid., p. 28.
'3 Ibid., p. 32 andp. 71.
" Ibid., p. 6.

l7

the power structure may be easily confused as key decision-makers.
Reputational analysis relies on informal reputations of power which, depending
on the choices made by the researcher on whom and what to ask, may lead to
conclusion with wide margins for error. The selection of informants who may or
may not have access to inside information will affect the picture of power
relations accordingly. Decisional analysis, also known as event analysis, studies
how specific decisions are reached and how votes and vetoes align. Critics of
this method argue that this is best suited for studying matters that have already
become public issues, and that few decisions can be studied in sufficient detail
leading the researcher to infer the broader structure of power from small sample
cases.15

Implicit power, though more elusive, can also be detected. Putnam notes
that this is demonstrated when the ultimate decision maker fails to anticipate the
reactions of some powerful actor and that actor reveals his/her power by direct
action. Indeed holders of implicit power may from time to time revalidate their
claim to power by acting against some objectionable decision.16 Though actual
examples may be few and far bethen, slight modification of this concept
suggests a theoretical place for women who wield implicit influence, if not outright

power, in elite studies.

 

'5 Putnam, rbid., pp. 15-20. Robert Dahl and his associates express strong criticisms of the elite concept in
general and offer the modern pluralistic approach for analysis. Their central criticism is that elitists have
failed to define the ‘scope’ of influence wielded by members of the elite. These critics argue that elitists,
believing power to be cumulative, have given the impression of a monolithic undifferentiated entity of
power in the hands of a few. As noted by Putnam, elite studies have grown and been refined partly because
of these criticism, resulting in comparative, rnuIti-dimensional methodological approaches. Ibid, p. 139.

'6 Putnam cautions that implicit power must not be confused with potential power, where an actor who
seerm to have the ability to influence policy forebears from exerting that influence. Ibid., p. 8.

18

In statistical terms, women are almost uniformly the most
underrepresented grOup in political elites of the world. Studies on the world of
politics thus mostly overlook the relationship women have to power and their
ability to affect formal manifestations of power through informal means. In a
study of wives of aristocracy in northern France (from 1050 to 1235), George
Duby explores how women take part in the power of command and of

t.17 Rendered incapable of exercising public power, women of

punishmen
aristocracy reigned over private life where they were charged with the
responsibility of raising and instructing daughters of good birth, their own and
those of vessels.

More importantly, women participated in power through the valor they
represented which depended on their birth. This was emphasized in cases of
real inequality in the couple when the wife was of higher nobility than the
husband. Duby argues that when the husband took possession of his wife’s
body, her part of the power came into his hands and it was him who wielded his
wife’s power, not she. Thus the brothers-in-Iaw were generally the prime
enemies of the husband while she was relegated to being at his side in token of
adhesion, of assent and of association.18

At the birth of children, the power women wielded in private increased

noticeably. Despite the fact that at six or seven years of age, sons were

withdrawn from their mothers to continue their education among men, powerful

 

'7 Georges Duby, “Women and Power,” in Thomas N. Bisson, ibid., p. 69.

" Ibid., pp. 74 - 80. Duby also discusses the desire women instigated in men and the fear which they
evoked, which was heightened by the persuasion that womanhood was invested with mysterious power as
elements enhancing their access to power.

19

early childhood bonds established between mothers and sons provided
aristocratic women of this period with a different source of power. Basing his
assumptions on genealogical narrations, Duby notes that women drew force from
their sons, especially from their second sons, who were naturally jealous of their
first-bom. This love which the sons bore the mothers secured their respect and
the assurance of being heard in their old age.

Duby’s article implicitly suggests the direct and indirect effects of
socialization and the role of women in orchestrating power relationships from a
place beyond those granted in formal institutions. As a relevant aspect of
political culture, the position of women in proximity to power can be explored
through marriage alliances and family networks in elitist theory. By virtue of
instructing a new generation of Children, women guide and maintain the values
and aspirations of a new elite. Further, the participation of aristocratic women in
arranging marriages among this same group contributes to the reproduction of
the power structure. '

ELITE THEORY IN AFRICA

Most African elite studies were launched in connection to understanding
post-colonial experiences, and more specifically, to examine the role of African
nationalist elite actively involved in leading the independence movements of the
19505 and 19605. For obvious reasons, Ethiopia was excluded from this focus.
Elite concepts accordingly underwent useful theoretical modifications. McGowan
and Bolland summarize elite studies in Africa as qualitative descriptions of new

elites, with some social background studies and a few noteworthy works that

20

t.19 Theoretical

combine these approaches in Dahomey, Ghana and Ivory Coas
modifications noted the emergence of functionally specialized elites or
“technocrats” as a political force in the then newly independent states, and how
social background and socialization experiences were related to political
ideologies.20

According to their review, a volume edited by P. C. Lloyd summarizes the
main characteristics of African elites found in previous research. Among these:
that the elite are found in urban centers, usually the national capital; that the
rapid growth of the elite began around 1950 and therefore that the elite are
young; colonial salary scales assure high elite income and long terms of service,
thus they are affluent; and differences among the elite tend to center around
ethnicity, generation and functional specialization.21 Due to the fact that the elite
comprise a small group in each society, their common experiences, education
and occupations acquaint and bind them together resulting in increasingly
“corporate” behavior.22
NOTES ON THE ETHIOPIAN ELITE

_Not much is available by way Of systematic research on the Ethiopian elite

as a subject of study. With necessary modifications, Christopher Clapham and

John Markakis have traced such factors as the source of recruitment to

 

'9 Patrick J. McGowan and Patrick Bolland, The Political and Social Elite of Tanzania: An analysis of
Social Background Factors, (Syracuse University: Program of Eastern African Studies, 1971), pp. 12 - 22.
2° The authors cite William H. Lewis, “Functional Elites: An Emergent Political Force,” in New Forces in
Africa, ed., W. H. Lewis (Washington, D. C. 1962) and I. Wallerstein, "Elites in French-Speaking West
Africa: the Social Basis of Ideas,” Journal of Modern African Studies 111 (May 1965).

2' Ibid., pp. 15-17.

22 Thus the elite draw friends from among status equals, marriage of elite children occur among social
equals, and are a part of informal networks through education, membership to social clubs and the like.
These indicate, according to the studies reviewed, that the wealthy elite are becoming a hereditary group
with ruling class tendencies. Ibid., p. 18.

21

government office during Haile Sellassie’s reign. The methodological challenges
of applying categories from elitist theory to study Ethiopian political processes
may partly be due to the dual importance of traditional sources of power and
newer sources based on education for 20th century Imperial history. In a political
context in which personal loyalty is of primary value, both agree that the
genealogical aspect of relations among the ruling elite was of paramount

A importance. According to Markakis, this kinship factor that produced tangled
webs of connections indicates a strong propensity for class endogamy among
the nohiiity.23

The nobility as a group was a major source of recruitment until the
process of centralization which proportionately strengthened the emperor’s
control over selection to office.24 The dominant political position of the nobility in
the provinces, however, continued to make their support vital for the emperor’s
rule. By the twentieth century, although political posts were not distinguished
from civil ones and there were no political parties to provide distinctive
recruitment patterns, a “new nobility" of holders of major governor posts, ruling
class of administrators and others who enjoyed position in the government
through personal connections and status was evident.25

It is difficult to trace when and how the term elite is used in the Ethiopian
context. Although not sufficiently substantiated, Assefa Bequele identifies the
emperor (or the elite of one), the religious elite and the nobility as forming the

traditional power elite that have remained on top of the political and economic

 

1; John Markakis, Ethiopia — Anatomy ofa Traditional Polity, (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1974), p. 230.
Ibid., p. 229.
1’ Christopher Clapham, Haile Sellassie ’s Government, (New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1969), p. 64.

22

system. He contrasts this with the intellectual or potential elite which was formed
by the post-Italian war educated group.26 Elsewhere, the term elite is used
interchangeably with the concept of intellegentsia to refer to educated Ethiopians
in general.27 Most recently, Messay Kebede, influenced by the writings of V. Y.
Mudimbe, defines African elitism as the entitlement to uncontested leadership
inferred from the privilege of exposure to western education. Although Ethiopia
escaped colonization, Messay argues that the unmitigated embrace of western
education under the guise of modernization deeply entrenched the alienating
effects of elitist attitudes for which the country continues to pay a high price.-28
For the purposes of this research, Shiferaw Bekele deploys a useful
concept that has been adopted here - that of the power elite - to serve as a third
category to the Ethiopian concepts of makwanent and masafent. According to
him, the makwanent cover the entire ruling class while the masafent are
restricted to those who were of royal blood. Instead, Shiferaw’s proposed term of
the power elite is inclusive of princes, high court officials, provincial governors,
high ecclesiastical dignitaries, and most importantly, the women who belonged to
the families of such men. 29 This broader definition allows room for a social history
Of individuals and families In proximity to power without which, as Shiferaw rightly
points out, discussions of the state would be remiss.30 Although both Markakis

and Clapham are largely focused on 20th century Ethiopia when detailing family

 

1‘ Assefa Bequele, “The Ethiopian Elite and Intelligentsia,” Dialogue, 1967-68.
1" See Richard Greenfield, “Some thoughts on the Ethiopian Elite,” and Negussie Zerihoun, “The Ethiopian
Intellegentisia,” both in Tewodros, 1:1, (London, 1965), pp. 38-44.
2' Messay Kebede, “From Marxism-Leninism to Ethnicity. the Sideslips of Ethiopian Elitism," Northeast
A an Studies, forthcoming.

Shiferaw Bekele, “Reflections on the Power Elite of the Wara Seh Masfenate (1786—1853),” Annales
dm'Ethiopie,Vol.15 (1990), p. 162.

30Ibid.

23

inter-connections in Haile Sellassie’s government, this research will trace and
document patterns of continuity from Menilek’s era, thus setting the ground for
assessing the importance of marriage, women and family alliances to Ethiopian
political history.
AFRICAN WOMEN, MARRIAGE 8 STATE BUILDING

Although major gaps in knowledge remain, early scholarly interest in the
field of women in African history explored an array of topics ranging from queen
mothers, slaves and prostitutes as well as the impact of colonialism, capitalism
and migrant labor on economic systems. This was followed in the 19805 by a
focus on domesticity, marriage, sexuality and the legal dimensions of family
relationships.31 According to recent reflections, the challenges associated with
this historical discourse include the sparsity of documentary sources, especially
for precolonial years, and the silence or Obliqueness of ‘traditional’ historical
sources available, as well as the distorted gender views of most European
travelers’ accounts which in turn make the presence of women in such realms as
agriculture, health, politics, social and economic activity, difficult to detect or
study with some degree of accuracy.

Needless to say that women continue to play important roles despite the
literature that often suggests their contributions as exceptional, negligible or

t.32

irretrievable for any period beyond the presen Writing about women in African

history, like scholarly endeavors on women elsewhere, thus requires persistence

 

3' ‘Introduction’ in Iris Berger and E. Frances White, eds., Women in Sub Saharan Africa: Restoring
Women to History, (Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1999), pp. 1-3.

32 Cheryl Johnson-Odim and Margaret Strobel, “Conceptualizing the History of Women in Africa, Asia,
Latin America and the Caribbean, and the Middle East and North Africa,” Series Editor’s introductory
essay in Iris Berger and E. Frances White, eds., Women in Sub Saharan Africa. ibid., p. xxxi.

24

and a reliance on different sources - such as oral histories, genealogies, life-
histories - in order to reconstruct a shared narrative. According to Claire
Robertson’s assessment, the benefits of research efforts on the history of African
women include a reanalysis Of views on a number of topics, ranging from
economic relations and agricultural production to the rethinking of the cultural
and political impact of colonialism, thus lending transforming visions for African
history and beyond.33

In considering the position of women in politics, general histories of Africa
do not usually employ gender as an analytical tool to study power. In the early
19605, attempts to redress this imbalance were undertaken by ‘revisionists' who
generated scholarly literature that elaborated on African women as political
actors pursuing individual and collective goals.34 In his historiographical critique
of the revisionist paradigm, Emmanuel Konde questions the underlying
assumptions of these conceptual Shifts, pointing to limitations of revisionism
which, he argues, has reduced the history of politics of post-colonial Africa in
particular, to a struggle between the sexes. He calls for a “holistic, all-inclusive,
gender-balanced” paradigm that would provide a third alternative to the
traditionalist/revisionist dichotomy and would address political issues involving
women, not as isolated cases, but as social relationships within a shared political

context.35

 

’3 Claire C. Robertson, “Never Underestimate the Power of Women: The Transforming Vision of African
Women’s History,” in Women ’s Studies International Forum, Vol. 11, No. 5, 1988, pp. 439-453.

3‘ Emmanuel Konde attributes this trend to the publication of Denise Palume’s 1963 publication of Women
in Tropical Afi-ica which brought focus to previously overlooked factors of African societies. Emmanuel
Konde, Reconstructing the Political Roles of African Women: A Post-revisionist Paradigm. Working
Papers in African Studies, No. 161, (Boston: African Studies Center, 1992).

3’ Konde, ibid., p. 20.

25

Though Individual women exercised direct power by ruling and exerting
influence both within and outside political structures, it is difficult to determine
how the existence of women rulers affected the status of other women.36 Like
their counterparts elsewhere, African women’s participation in politics seldom
appears in obvious places leading to the perception that it is absent or peripheral.
This in turn limits our definitions and understanding of the complex processes
through which power is exerted in various societies. As wives, daughters, and
consorts of powerful men, women wielded power and influence in politics
although the very intimate contexts in which such situations occurred make
documentation difficult.” In laying the theoretical framework for studying the role
of African women in centralization, bureaucratization and state formation, Cheryl
Johnson-Odim and Margaret Stroble place tremendous importance and potential
for women’s autonomy and power as marriage partners who centralize wealth,
cement alliances and merge cultures.38

Indirect power was exercised by queen mothers whose power generated
from their proximity and access to the ruler, as well as the formidable financial
and personnel resources they commanded.39 In her study of West and West-
Central Africa, E. Frances White identifies the relationship between increasingly

powerful states and kinship relations as perhaps the most significant factor for

 

3‘ Cheryl Johnson-Odin: and Margaret Strobe], “Conceptualizing the History of Women in Africa, Asia,
Latin America and the Caribbean, and the Middle East and North Afi'ica,” in Journal of Women 's History,
Vol. 1 No. 1, Spring 1989, p. 51.
37 The influence of the women in shaping ideas of greater education in the nineteenth century Islamic
reform movement led by Uthman dan Fodio in West Africa is cited as an example. Five generations of
women from dan Fodio’s family left written bodies of intellectual work in Fula. Arabic and Hausa. lbid.
3‘ Examples given include the West Afi'ican kingdom of Dahomey, the Hindus and Muslims in India and
the Spanish who sought unions with Amerindian women for legitimacy and control over indigenous
societies. Ibid., p. 53.

3’ lhid

26

women in the process of state formation.40 This was exemplified by the history of
the kingdom of Dahomey whose mid-18th century centralization was largely
accomplished by the practice of choosing a queen mother from newly acquired
tenitories. The king demanded a daughter from each lineage of the kingdom
while queen mothers served as informants on captured territory, as well as
important representative presences in the state structure.

Similarly, Edna G. Bay’s exploration of the political culture of Dahomey
from ca. 1700 to French colonialism in 1894, traces the problems of state
integration encountered by an expansionist kingdom. New land and people were
constantly incorporated and military, economic and political allegiance had to
align to fit the goals of the center at Abomey. Kinship structures were critical -
mechanisms of state control as political links between individuals were
established through the idiom of kinship.41 Likewise in Benin, women from
around the kingdom were among the wives of the royal family and they continued
to maintain their ties to their birth-places successfully contributing to empire-
building efforts.42

Theoretical findings suggest that as the state bureaucratized, relationships
such as those discussed above, became less significant to state organization
thus largely displacing the importance of royal women who lost their potential for
being central to state power. The accompanying shift from kinship to a merit-

based system in places like Dahomey, thus slowly moved the king’s reliance on

 

‘o E. Frances White, “Women in West and West-Central Africa,” in Iris Berger and E. Frances White, eds.,
Women in Sub Saharan Afi'ica: Restoring women to History, ibid., p. 74.

“ Edna G. Bay, Wives of the Leopard: Gender, Politics and Culture in the Kingdom of Dahomey,
(Charlottesville & London: University of Virginia Press, 1998), p. 16.

‘2 E. Frances White, ibid.

27

lineage connections for strengthening his rule.43 However, gendered studies on
the Zulu state in early nineteenth century South Africa and the formation of the
Buganda kingdom (pre-13th to mid-20th centuries), caution againstpresumptions
of the monolithic effect and response of royal African women to expanding state
stnlctures.

In an article entitled “Women, Marginality and the Zulu state: Women’s
Institutions and Power in Early Nineteenth Century,” Sean Hanretta argues that
with the militarization of Zulu society and state, the potential for both exploitation
and acquisition Of power and prestige for women increased.“ Power of individual
women over their own material conditions and Zulu kingdom politics heightened
with the placement of royal amaKosikazi wives as representatives of the king in
military installations. Meanwhile, another Class of royal women, the umNdIunkqu,
were seemingly controlled by the king who set rules that governed their sexuality,
their acquisition and their distribution through marriage among the men of the
kingdom. Hanretta argues that despite the appearance of disempowennent,
these women also enjoyed increased status in relation to other women and
‘common’ men.45 This study underscores two important points: that the growth of
the centralized state may not always have resulted in a loss of status for women,
and that women as a class did not respond uniformly to transformations of Zulu

society.46

 

‘3 Cheryl Johnson-Odim and Margaret Stroble, ibid.

“ Sean Hanretta, “Women, Marginality and the Zulu State: Women’s Institutions and Power in Early
Nineteenth Century,” Journal of Afi'ican History, 39 (1998): pp. 389-415.

‘5 Ibid., p. 403.

“ ibid. p. 413.

28

Nakanyike B. Musisi’s article “Women, “Elite Polygyny,” and Buganda
State Formation” considers polygyny in the context of elite strategies used to
create and control economic, political and social components of the state
apparatus. According to Musisi, elite polygyny played an essential role in the
emergence, consolidation and expansion of the Buganda state with the king
using marriage to link himself to populations of conquered territories. Although
exchange and distribution determined the fate of most royal women, princesses
were awarded selective freedom, perhaps because such privileges sustained
class interests of the Buganda royal family.47

As the Buganda state developed, the range of sources from which elite
wives, or bakembuga, were recmited widened to include women from the servile
masses, slave women from conquered areas, wives inherited from the dead king,
the relatives of bakembuga and women given by men and women who sought to
establish links with the royal center.48 Because the Buganda kingship lacked a
clan totem of its own, elite wives grew in importance as they became central
figures through which the kingship rotated to different clans or rallied to bid for
mastery of the throne.

Elite wives were also privy to state secrets by virtue of keeping company
with their husbands, thus their status was a lifelong occupation as no elite wife
could be married again to a non-elite man for fear that she would reveal sensitive

information. Though subordinate to their chiefly husbands, elite women

 

‘7 The privileges included holding land in different parts of the country, administering small-scale
governments in designated areas and, in some cases, supervising chiefs. Nakanyinke B. Musisi, “Women,
“Elite Polygyny," and Buganda State Formation,” Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society, Vol.
16, No.4, 1991, pp. 773-74.

“ Ibid., p. 777.

29

commanded unprecedented respect from ordinary men and women as well as
overseeing chiefs and other appointees of the state. Musisi concludes that elite
polygyny in political and economic terms meant the extension and stabilization of
alliances and relations for the state. Most importantly, despite the negative
impact of the process of Buganda state formation on women, not all were
excluded from direct involvement in politics as they played vital roles on the state
level, balancing internal and regional alliances.49

Certain themes and insights are gleaned from this cursory view of African
women’s history relevant to developing an approach toward integrating Ethiopian
women in past politics. First, it is clear that the scarcity of source material on
Ethiopian women and the difficulty of locating them in the histoncal narrative is a
shared phenomenon with African women elsewhere. Second, Emmanuel
Konde’s call for a paradigm that addresses issues involving women not in
isolation, but in the context of shared social and political relationships, is well
noted as a methodological emphasis in this research.

Finally, in the Ethiopian case, select individual women did exercise direct
power but their influential activities, often in hidden spaces beyond institutional
structures, are difficult to detect much less study systematically. One such
sphere is the role and contribution of Ethiopian women in state formation, more
specifically, their relationship and responses to power and their activities to
maintain or reproduce the social infrastmcture that hears it. As far as sources
allow, it is these themes that will be examined through elite marriage alliances

and family histories.

 

‘9 Ibid., p. 786.

30

ETHNICITY: TERM, THEORIES 8: DEBATES

In an insightful article entitled “Ethnicity: Problem and Focus in Anthropology,"
Ronald Cohen reports that the previous tendency of anthropological studies had
been to overlook issues of multi-ethnic societies in favor of selecting a specific
group for study. He explains: “... many of us were led by theoretical concerns to
underplay the multi-ethnic quality of the societies we studied and chose one
dominant ethnic group as our main focus.”50 The primary preoccupation of the
discipline was in understanding non-Westem societies as isolates (ethnography),
or as a universe of such units (cross-cultural comparison).5_1 Works that did
choose to focus on the multi-ethnic dimension were relegated to the outskirts of
mainstream scholarship.

In tracing the intellectual shifts attached to the history of the term, Cohen
finds that the steadily accelerating acceptance and application of the terms
“ethnicity" and “ethnic” to refer to what was before subsumed under “culture”,
“cultural” or “tribal" signals a change that should be understood from several
angles - historical, theoretical and ideological. 'Part of this change is
characterized by a shift in focus from studying “ethnic” groups in isolation, to one
that accommodates the multi—ethnic context. Ethnicity, as it is presently used in
anthropology, thus marks the milieu of multi-cultural, multi-ethnic interaction.

Despite the attention awarded to notions of ethnicity in the social sciences,
however, scholars have yet to agree on a representative model. Instead, the

term “ethnicity” is used in a variety of contexts without definition. Writers in these

 

5° Ronald Cohen, “Ethnicity: Problem and Focus in Anthropology,” Annual Review of A nthropology, 7
51978), p. 381.
' Ibid., p. 386.

31

fields take it for granted that the term refers to a set of named groupings singled
out by the researcher as ethnic units.52 As a widely used concept in sociology,
ethnicity is seen as a set of socio-cultural features that differentiate groups from
one another. In the Weberian tradition, ethnicity has long been suggested as a
function of primordial ties.53 These ties are generally characterized by a sense of
solidarity rooted in what Weber refers to as “the mystic effects of a community of
blood.”54

A comprehensive critique of the primordial thesis is provided in John and
Jean Comaroffs chapter “Of Totemism and Ethnicity."55 According to them,
primordialism is based on three related notions. The first is that culturally defined
communities, or “status groups,” sustain intrinsic knowledge of their own identity.
Secondly, the loyalties created and vested in this identity provide a source of
“ethnic consciousness and affiliation.” Third, collective action and relations
among groups are guided by the latter.56

The distinction drawn by the Comaroffs is that identity, as a means of
classifying and bringing meaning to the world, is an inevitable condition of social
existence. Collective social identity invariably precludes identity of “ourselves” in

marked opposition to “others”. Identity is thus a relation inscribed in culture, and

 

’2 Cohen cites research that examined 65 studies of ethnicity in sociology and anthropology, and found only
13 that defined the term. Ibid., p. 385.

53 John and Jean Comaroff, “Of Totemism and Ethnicity,” in Ethnography and the Historical Imagination,
LBoulder: Westview Press, 1992), p.50.

As part of a discussion on the formation of pluralistic or consensus societies, Stanford M. Lynnn
indicated how primordialism was believed to have prevailed and been fimher articulated by processes of
industrialization and urbanization. Stanford M. Lyman, Ethnicity, Pluralism and their Implications for
{fried and the World, (Maiduguri: University of Maiduguri: Public Lecture Series, 3, 1988), p. 4.

Ibid.
5“The counter thesis suggests that expressions of ethnicity arise when communities respond to threats
against their independence or existence. Without these pressures, ethnic expression are considered domnt
or non-existent. Ibid., pp. 50-51.

32

the marking of identities in opposition to one another is “primordial” or inherent.
The Comaroffs suggest that the content of these identities are constantly in flux,
and are subject to social, economic and political changes. One may conclude
therefore, that ethnicity is a set of contextual relations.57 Such a definition
provides a more dynamic context in which individuals and group interactions are
active agencies in creating and maintaining ethnicity.

It is this latter focus that is reflected in Fredrick Barth’s seminal
introductory work, Ethnic Groups and Boundaries. In his brief overview of
anthropological literature, Barth explains that ethnic groups have generally been
understood to designate a population meeting one or more of these criteria: is
largely self-perpetuating, shares fundamental cultural values, makes up a field of
communication and interaction, or has a membership which identifies itself, and
is identified by others, as constituting a category distinguishable from other
categories of the same order.58 He objects to the fact that common culture is
given central importance in designating ethnic groups, partly because common
culture is a derivative of their existence. In order to distinguish between “ethnic
groups” and culture, Barth maintains that the last criterion must be given central
importance.

In his proposed model, Barth suggests that culture is a way to describe
human behavior, and ethnic groups are the most general identity preemptively
determined by origin and background. These discrete groups of people or ethnic

units correspond to each culture and possess certain boundaries that

 

s7 .
Ibrd.

5‘ Fredrick Barth, Ethnic Groups and Boundaries: The Social Organization of Culture Drfi'erence,

(Inndon: George Allen & Unwin, 1969), p. 10.

33

differentiate their group, as opposed to other groups. Most significantly, Barth
asserts, that boundaries persist despite the movement of individuals across
them. According to him then, ethnic distinction is not determined by the absence
of mobility and contact among ethnic groups. Instead, they entail social
processes of exclusion and incorporation whereby discrete categories are
maintained despite changing participation and membership.59

Barth’s proposal was very influential in leading to the acceptance of
ethnicity as a subjective process of group identification in which people use
ethnic labels to define themselves and their interaction with others.60 The
subjective/objective issue in ethnicity was one of considerable debate. If there
was a lack of agreement between categorization by non members (objectivist
_ perspective), and the individuals own identification with an ethnic group
(subjective perspective), it would be noted but largely ignored in the analysis.
Barth’s work firmly re-instated the importance of including a subjective emphasis
in the methodology. His work also proved useful in understanding ethnic groups
as a form of social organization with ethnic cohesion attained through the
maintenance of ethnic group boundaries. Although Barth’s approach adds
dynamic transactions across ethnic group boundaries, critics argue that the
exchanges are seen to strengthen seemingly permanent borders guarded by
linguistic and cultural symbols while ethnic groups are regarded as fixed

ascriptive categories.61

 

’9 Ibid., pp. 10.14.
‘° Ibid., p. 333.
" John Hutchinson and Anthony D. Smith, ibid., p. 33.

34

In addition, Barth's model sheds little light on the inner workings of an
ethnic group. Differences within an ethnic group that may in turn affect inter-
group relations can not be revealed by the study of a constantly maintained
boundary. The very permanency of this boundary may be questioned by
applying its existence in a different context. For instance, introducing the political
elements of ethnicity narrows or broadens its definition in boundary terms in
relation to the specific needs of political mobilization.62 Thus, in different
circumstances, areas of the boundary could be negotiable and re-shaped by the
ethnic groups in question.

The study by John and Jean Comaroff offers a concise alternative
theoretical means by which to understand ethnicity. Among the issues relevant
for this discussion is the Comaroffs assertion that ethnicity exists as a set of
relations. As a necessary condition of its existence, it is a mode of social
classification, a marker of identity and collective relationships. This initial
definition, however, becomes somewhat distorted. With the emergence of class
formations in which positions in the division of labor are signified by the labels of
ascribed status and cultural distinction, ethnicity becomes a dominant medium
through which social order is to be interpreted and navigated.63 In other words,
where it becomes the basis of social classification and status relations, ethnicity,
rather than the forces that generate it, ascribes individuals and groups. The

Comaroffs caution how social classification manifests in particular forms of

 

‘2 Barth, ibid., p. 386.
‘3 Comaroff, ibid., p. 59.

35

collective identity (such as ethnicity) but is determined nonetheless by the
“material and cultural exigencies of history.”64

The substance of ethnic identification is thus changing with “mercurial
fluency“55 over time, and appears elusive to analysis. Cohen supplements this
arguing that the interactive situation is the major determinant of categorization of
ethnicity. Individuals can thus be identified by occupation, education, or ethnicity
in different situations. The labels are applied in order to explain different
behavior. The ethnic label, for instance, suggests other culturally related
characteristics and provides an explanation, an origin in socialization and
tradition, concerning the behavior of actors.‘56 The Comaroffs summarize that
ethnicity... is not a unitary “thing” but describes a set of relations and a mode of
consciousness.”67

Through differentiating types of ethnicity, research undertaken by P.
Kunstader and cited by Cohen, further explains the fluidity of notions of ethnicity.
According to Kunstader’s definition, the ethnic group comprises of a set of
individuals with mutual interests based on shared understandings and common
values. Ethnic identity is a process by which individuals are assigned to one
group or another. Ethnicity classifies people according to real or presumed
cultural features and behavior. The most important point made here is that

depending on where, when and by whom the categorization is being made,

 

“ Ibid., p. 54.

‘5 Cohen, ibid., p. 386.

“ Cohen, ibid., pp. 388-89
“ Cormrofl', ibid, p. 59.
“ Ibid.

‘7 Comaroff, ibid.

36

ethnic categories may or may not correspond even when they share the same
name.68

The final issue relevant to this discussion is the relationship of class or
stratification and ethnicity or ethnic consciousness. According to Henry Bienen’s
“The State and Ethnicity: Integrative Formulas in Africa,” it is difficult analytically
to separate ethnicity and class. Both provide a network of supporting groups and
institutions through life, both may have common cultural identification, and both
encompass the full range of sex and age divisions within society.69

While many anthropologists define class as a non-birth ascribed status,
Bienen explains that most ideas of class have birth and holistic lifestyle
characteristics attached to them. If the ethnic-communal group is defined as one
where people claim to share a commonality of identity across many relationships,
class groups can be classified as “communal” following Bienen’s explanation.”
His suggestion for analytical distinction refers us back to Cohen's discussion of
situational ethnicity. Bienen contends that both class and ethnicity must be
understood in specific social, political, economic and spatial contexts. A number
of outcomes are possible: communal identities may change'and/or become
politically subordinate to income and class differentiation, or class and ethnicity
may fuse in particular situations. In some instances communal identities may be

eroded, or displaced temporarily, hardened or created anew.

 

“ Cohen, ibid., p. 386.

69 Henry Bienen, “The Sate and Ethnicity: Integrative Formulas in Africa” in State versus Ethnic Claims,
Donald Rothchild and Victor Olorunsola, eds., (Colorado: Westview Press, 1983), p. 104.

7° Ibid., pp. 104.105.

37

In summary, the basic themes that emerge from the discussions above
are the specificity of ethnicity, despite its primordial element, and its locality in
particular time and place. This historicizing allows us to consider ethnicity or
ethnic categories, and the various factors involved in creating or maintaining it,
as a fluid and on-going cultural dialogue or transaction. In the words of Jonathon
Glassman’s assessing Leroy Vail’s important work on the creation of tn‘balism in
modern Africa: ethnic categories are rarely as clear-cut as ethnic nationalists
would have them seem, and where such clarity exists, it is only momentary,
having arisen out of complex and messy historical processes.”71
ETHNICITY IN AFRICA: FOUR CASES OVERVIEWED

The situational nature of ethnic identity is well illustrated by its conscious
construction and reconstnrction in different regions of Africa. Four examples of
the Zulu in South Africa, the Hausa in West Africa, the ljwi in pre-colonial East
Africa and the Anlo—Ewe of Ghana provide clues to the driving forces of such
changes. An important factor shared by the first two examples is increasing
urbanization which is partly responsible for reconfiguring identity to fit a changing
socio-economic environment. The second two examine internal dynamics that
illustrate the existence of ethnic sentiments before the advent of colonialism.
The Zulu of South Africa

The political landscape of twentieth century South Africa has been
marked, among other things, by the increasing significance of Zulu ethnic

associations and cultural nationalism. Distinguished by their heritage of the most

 

7' Jonathon Glassrnan, “Sorting out the Tribes: The Creation of Racial Identities in Colonial Zanzibar’s
Newspaper Wars,” Journal of African History, Vol. 41 No. 3 2000.

38

powerful and cohesive state in nineteenth century southern Africa, the Zulu
comprise the single largest ethnic group in contemporary South Africa. Using
language, “customs and traditions" and past history, the aim of these movements
was the reconstructing of ethnic identity around symbols of Zulu monarchy and
history.72 The primary architects of this reconstruction were Christian Africans
and the state intelligentsia who particularly perceived the gains of diffusing class
based organizations and fracturing national movements through ethnic
associations.

Both groups stood to gain from this restructuring of identity. With the
amakholwa or ‘the believers’, the efforts of nineteenth century missionaries to
establish totally self-contained communities were successful to the extent of
setting the standard for what was socially acceptable and respectable. These
Christian communities were faced with the poignant dilemma of seductive
assimilation into European life-styles and the impossibility of achieving these
ends in the racially stratified setting of apartheid South Africa. An added element
of anxiety with middle-class and Christian Africans was the effects of social
dislocation on black communities and the disintegration of Zulu life under
increasing proletarianization.

In the 1920’s, the sharpening class conflict in urban centers like Natal and
Zululand, and the increase of the African population in these centers in the

following decade caused much consternation. Forging the new Zulu identity was

 

72 Shula Marks, “Patriotism, Patriarchy and Purity: Natal and the Politics of Zulu Ethnic Consciousness,”
in Leroy Vail, ed., The Creation of T ribalism in Southern Africa, (Berkeley: University of California
Press, 1989).

39

of keen Afn'kanertinterest and partly coincided with the design of Zulu men.73
Thus, fear of miscegenation converged with the desire of African men to control
the economic and social role of the women.74 The idea of returning to “traditional”
Zulu culture was heightened. This reconstructed Zulu identity was aided and
influenced by the incisive tools of anthropological studies, which included
collecting Zulu traditions and folklore for publication, creating a Zulu anthem and
gaining sate recognition for the Zulu monarchy.75 The need to preserve the
perceived past for posterity, and for guidance in the uncertain political, economic
and social climate was priority.76
The Hausa of West Africa

Elsewhere in twentieth century African urban centers, the paradoxical
processes set in motion by changing socio-economic and political conditions was
characterized by simultaneous assimilation and heightened distinctiveness of
ethnic groups. On the one hand, new possibilities of social and financial mobility

opened up, seemingly in reach of the politically situated and those willing to

 

73 As part of Afrikaner nationalist ideology, this fear of miscegenation and idea of race was highlighted by
reference to scriptural injunction and historical precedent, as well as biological degeneration. For an
analysis of the ideological and theological justifications for apartheid see Saul Dunbow, “Afiikaner
Nationalism, Apartheid and the Conceptualization of “Race” Journal of African History, 22 (1992): 209-
237.

"Before the expansion of manufacturing, the vested economic interest of the state was tied to its
dependence in rural resources. In keeping African women away from urban centers, the costs of the
migrant work-force would be subsidized while production and supply of labor would be monitored. See
Shula Marks, ibid., pp. 226-227.

Urban and economic developments poised a threat to prior arrangements that emphasized the
importance of African women as laborers in their own right, and producers of potential laborers in the pre-
capitalist setting. Zulu men reacting to this threat may have perceived the socially subordinate position to
which the women were mostly confined as a form of protection from sexual exploitation by men of another
race. .

75 Support for “traditional” was by no means unconditional as can be seen by the concerns of some on the
effects of glorifying violence in the Zulu “warrior tradition.’ See Shula Marks, ibid., p. 225 and p. 232.

7‘ This process illustrates well the often commented upon Janus-like face of ethnicity, its ability to look at
future prospects, imagine them for the present, and access them through the past. The mobilization of
national sentiments or ethnic consciousness everywhere carries within it this element.

40

adapt or share different customs with another, perhaps equally powerful group.
On the other hand, as members of various cultural groups left isolated areas and
entered industrial settings and new political contexts, differences were
highlighted and stereotypes about themselves and others strengthened.

The extensive indigenous long-distance trade that evolved against the
background of various ecological and cultural conditions has partly determined
the historical roles assigned to various communities in Africa. Abner Cohen’s
Custom & Politics in Urban Africa is a study of Hausa traders and migrants in
lbadan, north of Lagos, which documents and discusses the socio-cultural
identity of this group within the context of a changing political system.77

As active participants in the centuries old trade, the Hausa represent
among the most well-known Islamic ethnic groups organized in localized and
diasporic networks. Their highly developed economic-political organization
provided the institutional framework that facilitates mobility of Hausa traders and
goods over long-distances. The numerous men connected to this culturally
distinct Hausa community traded cattle and kola nuts within the indigenous
framework between savanna and forest in the northern and southern geographic
zones of Nigeria.

Particular to this community in Sabo was the intense religious activity in
which its members were engaged. Though an Islamic community, the
development of this religious intensity caused by the massive affiliation of the

majority to the Tijaniya mystical Order in the 1940’s was relatively recent. The

 

77 Abner Cohen, Custom and Politics in Urban Africa: A Study of Hausa Migrants in Yoruba Towns,
(London: Reutledge and Kegan Paul, 1969).

41

changes in religious beliefs and practices in Sabo converged with the political
reorganization within and without, in the relations between the Hausa and the
Yoruba lbadan polity. This re-organization manifested in the effects of increased
national politics, the bureaucratized nature of government supervision, and the
threat to Hausa religious prominence by Yoruba Muslims. These forces in turn
shaped the nature and content of Hausa identity that was subsequently
restructured to face these and related challenges.

The Hausa responded to the challenges to their identity spurred by the
social and political forces active in nationalist movements and the Yoruba
Muslims, and to the economic challenges posed by maintaining their livelihood
despite the difficulties of long-distance trade. In the first instance, the Hausa in
Sabo adopted the Tijaniya in reaction to threats to the political authority of the
chief in the Quarter, and by extension the cultural distinctiveness of the group.
By means of a strong religious belief resulting in effective centralized
organization, the Tijaniya articulated the varied interest of Sabo’s Hausa for their
communal well-being. Religious and political organization thus converged to
recreate a myth of distinctiveness.78

In response to the economic challenges, the Hausa developed monome
over long-distance trade in kola and cattle. They overcame technical problems
and the pressures of competition by mobilizing others of the same group in other

towns and organizing economic concerns along ethnic lines. Thus in the Hausa

 

7' This was evidenced in the puritanical rituals and bonding of the religious brotherhood, distinct from the
Yoruba Muslims in the city. Cohen, ibid., p. 185.

42

case, Cohen presents ethnicity as a type of political resource, instrumental in
mobilizing group ties for the attainment of collective and individual goals.79
The ljwi of Central Africa

In Central Africa, the nineteenth and twentieth centuries were a critical
time for the formation of identities and forms of political relations which led to the
emergence of a new kingdom among the inhabitants of the ljwi island between
Rwanda andPZaire. Based on the premise that social identities are the essence
of political action and that political perceptions are fundamental to social
identities, David Newbury’s study of this island in the Kivu Rift Valley unveils the
fluid and complex relationship between political power and social identity in a
pre-colonial context.80 The integration of kingship norms in a changing ljwi
society, and the relationship of changing clan identities to the process of political
centralization are two of the historical problems examined.

New kingship on ljwi island was forged through certain mechanisms: the
royal family's relation to recent arrivals on the island; their alliance, especially in
marriage, to groups on the nearby mainland, and the integration of kingship into
the social structures of the island. The Basibula, who form the royal family in
several kingdoms west of Lake Kivu, are immigrants who arrived in their present
settlements only during the nineteenth century. On ljwi, they did not gain
prominence through the weight of numbers or force alone. Instead, they relied
on political restnicturing to validate their claims to legitimate authority and

become the recognized royalty of ljwi.

 

7’ John Hutchinson and Anthony D. Smith, eds., Oxford Reader: Ethnicity, ibid, p.33.
'° David Newbury, Kings and Clans - ljwi Island and the Lake Kivu Rift, 1 780-1840, (Madison: The
University of Wisconsin Press, 1991).

43

As part of a pattern of two-way mobility between the southern mainland
and the islands, ljwi island was characterized by the demographic effects of
immigration. The Basibula, once political exiles from the mainland, capitalized on
this general immigration pattern to re-position themselves to attain royalty. A
complex process over a period of time, this transformation was achieved through
marriage connections with new families on ljwi. This in turn encouraged wider
perceptions of identity and extended the network of political allies and economic
resources.

The Anlo-Ewe of southeastern Ghana

Sandra E. Greene’s study Gender, Ethnicity and Social Change on the
Upper Slave Coast is a rare effort at combining issues of gender and ethnic
relations inAnlo-Ewe located in present day southeastern Ghana from the 17‘_h to
the 19th centuries. Increased land scarcity and the influx of refugees and
immigrants beginning in1679, caused the reconstitution of Anlo ethnic identity as
‘insiders’ with primary control over the land. The rights of women which prior to
1679 included inheritance of land and the right to pass property to their children
was severely curtailed as immigrants and refugees began to integrate
themselves through marriage. Thus women were made to marry clansmen, and
later in the second half of the 18‘” century, sister’s sons, turning an unheeding
ear to young women's objections.81

Meanwhile, ‘outsiders’ struggled to establish themselves, adopting similar

methods of marriage during the 18m and 19‘" centuries. Women who were

 

" Sandra E. Greene, Gender, Ethnicity and Social Change on the Upper Slave Coast: A History of the Anlo
-Ewe, (Portsmouth NH: Heinmann; Oxford; James Currey, I996).

44

marginalized by the changes in ethnic relations countered their disadvantage by
joining religious orders of ethnic outsiders which, as “wives” of particular gods,
allowed them greater influence over decisions of who they would marry. The
measures undertaken by Anlo women in turn provided ethnic outsiders leverage
to align themselves with the center of Anlo political and religious hierarchy. The
successful challenge'of Anlo women to ethnic and gender constructs expanded
the norms that regulated these relations eventually contributing to the formation
of a broader Ewe identity by the mid-20th century.
ETHNICITY IN ETHIOPIA

Donald Levine’s Wax and Gold: Tradition and Innovation in Ethiopian
Culture and Greater Ethiopia: The Evolution of a Multi-Ethnic Society, are two
influential works which combine historical, sociological and psychological
methodologies to illuminate particular issues of Amhara culture. Wax and Gold
focuses on the relationship between the traditional and the modern in Amhara
culture thereby exploring the dynamics of cultural change. Levine’s three
thematic concerns the nature of Amhara traditional culture, aspects of modern
culture attractive to the Amhara, and how these have been incorporated in
Amhara lives. These concerns are accessed primarily through an analysis of the
Amhara poetic form, Qene. This form of classical Amharic poetry typically has

two components - the Sam (Wax, or apparent meaning) and the Warq, (Gold, or

45

secret meaning)” Levine finds the ambiguous expression of Semena Warq
expression to be characteristic of the spirit of Amhara culture.83

In this study, the Amhara are one of two geographic and linguistic groups
that comprise the Abyssinians, and are located in the twentieth century areas of
Begemedir, Gojjam, Wallo and Shoa. Politically and culturally, Levine strongly
asserts that any serious account of contemporary Ethiopia must begin with the
fact of Amhara dominance. How and why he associates dominance closely with
Amhara identity deserves further discussion.

The years between the thirteenth and nineteenth centuries in Ethiopian
history are categorized into three groups by Levine: the years of synthesis
(1270-1527), of shock (1527-1633) and recovery (1633-1900). The first period,
he finds, was characterized by the ascendance of the Shoan Amhara and the
Golden Age of Ethiopian literature and art. The second was colored by the
disruption of the Ethiopian political and social fabric by the Muslim leader, Imam
Ahmad ibn Ibrahim al Ghazi (also known as Ahmad Gran), and the Oromo
migration north. The last phase featured attempts of the Solomonic dynasty to
regain balance through building political centers like Gondar, and re-organizing

under such leaders as Tewodros ll, Yohannes IV and Menilek ll of Shoa.84

 

’2 Understanding both the Sem and Warq will allow one to decipher the intended message. Semena Warq is
used in music, humor, and socially accepted criticism. Donald Levine, Wax and Gold: Tradition and
Innovation in Ethiopian Culture, (Chicago: University Press of Chicago, 1965), pp. 8-10.

’3 In relation to the study of the traditional and the modern, Levine maintains that Semena Warq plays
contradictory roles. On the one hand, he believes that its quality of hidden communication hinders
Ethiopia’s progress toward modernity. On the other hand, the very ambiguity of this expression and the
useful frame of reference it maintains in the culture, allows flexibility for change. Levine sees Qene as an
instrumental tool for transitional society moving from the “traditional” to the “modern”. Here, the
implications of “traditional” and “modern” castings have obvious limitations - namely that traditional
societies are presented as static until their abrupt encounter with “modernity”.

“ Ibid., pp. 18-22.

46

Gondar and Manz were to Levine the two most significant centers of the
Amhara in the seventeenth century. The city of Gondar was founded in 1635 by
Emperor Fasiladas, and was the center of cultural and religious activities as well
as the most important place for instruction in art and music. Levine finds that
Gondar was the embodiment of the Amhara’s most concentrated attempt to
cultivate their religious and aesthetic culture. The increasing importance of Manz
in the north-eastem plateau of Shoa is explained by its geographic location.
Encircled by mountains, Manz was protected against the Oromo migration north,
thus providing a base of Amhara movements south. Also, a line of rulers from
which Haile Sellassie descended originated in this region.

Levine presents Gondar and Manz as a homogenous Amhara unit whose
differences were minor compared to their shared and heightened sense of ethnic
awareness. This thriving sense of Amhara identity was maintained and projected
through religious and cultural centers that ultimately set the foundation for
Amhara political dominance. As evident in his discussion, though, this
awareness, if indeed it was there, did not result in organization along ethnic lines.
For instance, despite the repeated efforts of Manz to unite under one leadership,
it remained divided into independent districts paying tribute to Gondar until 1775.
Only when Menilek II was crowned emperor of Ethiopia (1889-1913), was Shoa

victorious over Gondar.

47

Such arguments are supported by assertions that there was no single
“Amhara” political agenda or consciousness85 and political motives were, more
often than not, shaped by the struggle for immediate power than by ethnic
concerns. Levine would explain differences among the Amhara as expressions
of “regionalism”. These same sentiments would then be described as taking on
“ethno-centric” proportions when directed to groups outside the Amhara. When
directly addressing the issue of Amhara identity, Levine argues that differences
are defined in terms of their agar or “home country”. This notion signifies more
than the place of residence and is inclusive of families and friends from the
region. What he terms “regionalism” is part of the more general phenomenon of
“primordial sentiments”.86

As discussed in ethnicity theories above, primordial sentiments are based
on two related ideas. Briefly restated, these are that culturally defined groups
retain intrinsic knowledge of their’own identity and that the loyalties created and
vested in this identity provide the source of “ethnic consciousness and
affiliation."87 Thus, Amhara identity as intrinsic primordial sentiment is as
unchanging as “tradition” which in turn means that the agency of time and
specific historical forces that create and maintain this identity are obscured.
According to critics of ethnicity as primordial sentiment, it is not until group

identity is threatened that the full specter of this sentiment is aroused. In

 

'5 Christopher Clapham also argues that “terms such as Galla [sic] and Amhara so far (until 1974), denote
neither a common consciousness nor a focus for political activity.” See Christopher Clapham,
“Centralization and Local Responses in Southern Ethiopia," Afi-ican Affairs 74, (1975), p. 73.

'6 Levine, ibid., p. 77 and p. 50. Despite the fact that these “primordial sentiments” are commonly believed
to intensify and become problematic when faced with modemization, Levine maintains that they will allow
for a productive transition by building continuity with the past during times of rapid change.

‘7 Comarofi‘and Comaroff, ibid., pp. 50.51.

48

Levine’s case, this would be Amhara cultural encounter with “modernization”
which created the necessary pressure for expressions of group awareness.
Presumably, if there had been no such encounter, “primordial sentiments” would
remain unforrned. lntemal processes of political, economic and social change
that shape identities are therefore easily overlooked or rendered irrelevant in
favor of external stimuli.

In Greater Ethiopia :The Evolution of a Multi-Ethnic Society, Levine adopts
another approach to the question of ethnicity in Ethiopia. Here, his interest is in
developing a “holistic conception of the Ethiopian experience”88 by exploring an
ongoing evolutionary societal transformation from which a multi-ethnic, inter-
connected and autonomous unit was created. This resulted from a continuous
process of interaction between different Ethiopian peoples through trade,
warfare, migration and inter-marriage. Groups had access to select resources
which forced inter-dependence and convincingly, such interaction over a period
of up to 2, 000 years, contributed to the feeling of a shared social fabric. What is
unclear in this study is the differentiation between the Amhara region, the
Amhara people, and the ruling elite.

The geographical region is defined as bounded in the south by Wanchet
river, in the north by Angot and Lasta, in the east by the escarpment to the Afar
desert and in the west by the Abbai (Blue Nile). According to Tadesse Tamrat

though, people living there in the first millennium A. D. were Agew peoples, who

 

" Donald Levine, Greater Ethiopia: The Evolution of a Matti-Ethnic Society, (Chicago: University of
Chicago Press, 1974), p. 23.

49

developed a distinct South-Ethio-Semitic tongue, Amarinna or Amharic.89 They
converted to Christianity in the seventh and eighth centuries. Because it lacks
historical depth, it is unclear from Levine’s study when and how the term Amhara
became attached to this group of people although Tadesse Tamrat notes that the
Arabian reference to the “King of the Amhara” was used in connection to
Yekunno Amlak, whose reign began in 1270.

Despite statements that present the role of the Amhara in creating a multi-
ethnic society, Levine continues to cast them as the supreme group that had both
the capacity and the motivation to expand and fulfill the historical project to which
they were destined. According to him, this historical project of political expansion
was supported by the Amhara Christian culture dictated in the national script of
the Kibra Nagast (or legend of Solomon and Sheba).90 What problematizes
Levine’s constnrct is that now, as in the past, the majority of Amhara are
agricultural peasants who are not represented in this capacity and benefited little
from the ‘manifest destiny’.

Altemately, Ethiopian history is replete with examples of rulers of mixed
Oromo/Amhara or Muslim/Christian identity. Thus, even before the Zamana
Masafint period which marked the merging of elite families of Yajju Oromo origins
to the center, Oromo nobility were part of the ruling aristocracy during the reigns

of Emperor Susenyos (1607-1632) and Emperor Bakaffa (1721-1730). The

 

'9 Tadesse Tamrat‘s study shows how the Agew were integrated into Ethiopian society and culture. He
suggests that the Agew were the basis of the Axumite civilization and that their northern-most counterparts
were the semiticized Amhara. Tadesse Tamrat, “Processes of Ethnic Interaction in Ethiopian History: The
case of the Agew,” Journal of African History 29, 1 (January), 1988: 5-19.

9° The Kibra Nagast is considered the mythical conception of the Ethiopian nation. It is the legendary
account of the Ethiopian Queen Makeda‘s meeting with the Biblical King Solomon, from whom she bore a
son, Menilek I, the first emperor of Ethiopia. He began the “Solomonic” line of kings from which
successors to the throne were obliged to trace their origins to be considered legitinnte.

50

argument that the Oromo nobility had been “Amharized” by adopting Christianity
and other customs, assumes wrongly that Oromo culture was inferior to that of
the Amhara and that it was. subsumed into the latter. The common perception
that all but one of the emperors of Ethiopia since the thirteenth century was
Amhara is balanced with the fact that most of them since the mid-eighteenth
century were part Oromo.91
The confusion over how the label Amhara becomes attached to a mixed
group of people is aptly summarized by Charles W. McClellan:
While we can trace developments in terms of competing cultural forces,
our terminology and perceptions are not always clear. We tend to see an
Amhara-Tigre culture emerging from an earlier Semitic background
without giving sufficient credit or emphasis to other elements that shaped
it (immigrants from South Arabia mixed with Falasha, Agaw, and probably
a variety of others). Certainly, Ethiopia’s Semitic culture of the first
century B. C. was not that of the tenth century A. D., the Amhara-Tigre
culture of Shoa was certainly not an exact replica of that found in Gojjam.
In the efforts of historians and anthropologists to emphasize trends and
make material more understandable, there is a tendency to overgeneralize
and obscure rather than clarify complexities. The Shoans who created an
empire in the late nineteenth century were historical products, including
laterally the influences of Gurage, Oromo, Somali and an array of other
undefined or ill defined. To use the simple label Amhara-Tigre is thus
misleading.92
Gerry Salole’s provocative article “Who are the Shoans?” lends further
support to this view arguing that the singular identity of the Habesha or
Abyssinian Empire has been wrongly assumed and that the Shoan kingdom was
a nominal vassal of the empire in the latter half of the nineteenth century. He
suggests that reconsidering the historical relationship between the Amhara and

the Oromo within Shoa will reveal a distinct Shoan rather than Habesha identity.

 

9' Levine, Wax and Gold, ibid., p. 2.
92 Charles W. McClellan, State Transformation and National Integration: Gedeo and the Ethiopian
Empire, 1895-1935, (East Lansing: African Studies Center, 1988), p. 148.

51

Salole suggests that this Habesha identity was in closer proximity to “the heritage
of Axum” and was adopted by the Shoans only for reasons of political
expediency and advantage.“3

While differences among the northern Amhara (Habesha) and southern
Amhara (Shoan) were noted by scholars such as Levine and Markakis“, Salole
rightfully points out that they are perceived as signs of “provincialism”. Similar
expressions of animosity between Shoans and their southern neighbors,
however, are considered “ethnic” differences even while both manifest in similar
ways and equal strength. Based also on the fact that the Shoans and Habesha
share the Orthodox faith, and in some cases, the Amharic language, Salole
argues that this analytic appropriation underplays northern sentiments and
amplifies the resentment of southerners towards the Shoans.

The Shoan empire of the nineteenth century, beginning with Nagassie,
reflected an identity other than Habesha in origin. The first King of Shoa, \/
Nagassie is identified as a self-made Oromo war leader who carved out his own \
position and styled it after a Habesha model. Drawing from research done by
Getahun Dilebo and Christopher Clapham, Salole further suggests that neither
was Menilek’s empire in the latter half of the nineteenth century to be considered
solely an Amhara empire. He cites Getahun:

Where a number of situational identities are available to choose
between, communal groups tend to fuse of to expand their territorial (and

 

’3 Among these reasons were the identification of Shoans with “Christian, literate and semi-civilized”
Habesha’s discouraged the colonial aspirations of Europeans. Also, Shoan leadership was left to expand
with little interference from the north. Gerry Salole, “Who are the Shoans?” Horn of Africa Vol. 2 No. 3,
1979, p. 21. '

9‘ Levine, Wax and Gold, ibid., p. 47 and J. Markakis, Ethiopia: Anatomy of a Traditional Polity, (London:
Oxford University Press, 1974), p. 48.

52

conceptual boundaries to include groups and individuals with whom they
can identify... The Shoan empire was built through combinations of
alliances between Oromo and Amhara communities.95

Salole maintains that conceiving the Amhara-Oromo community in Shoa
as one resulting from acculturation and not assimilation reveals three things. The
first is that the acculturation process that occurred in Shoa is two-way, with both
cultures borrowing from each other, while retaining their own identity. The
second, that even though Amharic language and Orthodox Christianity are
spreading, there are Shoans who neither speak Amharic nor practice Christianity.
Third, that the ethnic labels “Amhara” and “Oromo” still apply, leaving the
potential to organize in ethnic groups a possibility in Shoa. In addition,
urbanization and the influx of new ideas through improved communication
resulted in internal changes in Shoa. Both cultures were affected by this.

Hence, implying that one culture has forced itself on the other is a
misrepresentation.

Salole presents yet another application of the term “Amhara" as used in
William Shack’s work. Here the name is used to define a situational “socio-
cultural” rather than “ethnic” category. “Amharaization” in Shack’s view, is a term
that refers to the social change that-occurred in Ethiopia in the twentieth century.
This is corroborated by Fecadu Gadamu’s view also cited here, that understands
“Amharaization” as the process of acculturation and different from aspirations to
“become Amhara”. Thus, as Salole convincingly argues:

The term Amhara has been effectively robbed of ethnic content. Thus
to say that a person is Amhara is tantamount to saying that he is siltane

 

9’ Salole, ibid., p. 21 .

53

[sic] and or zemenawi (of the times) and may not imply anything about
his ethnic background. A focus on the label “Amhara” therefore may
obscure the actual significance of the identity which is being referred to.
The mere fact that ethnic labels are operative does not necessarily
indicate that ethnicity persists the question is not “Who are the
Amhara?” but rather “When and how and why the identification Amhara is
the preferred one.”

Indeed the lack of eighteenth century sources for Shoan history and the
cultural and linguistic similarity of the Shoan Amhara with the northern Amhara
contribute to the confusion. In a statistical survey to determine who was involved
in expansion activities in northern Sidamo, Charles McLellan discovers that
Shoans were dominantly represented. He concedes, however, that the ethnic
diversity of Shoa makes it difficult to discern the role played by non-Amhara
Shoans. This task is further complicated by the degree of inter-marriage and
acculturation among the peoples of Shoa. The importance of Shoan Oromo and
Gurage in this expansionism is only hinted at by place names, such as Mecca,
Sallale, and Muher, among others.96

Salole’s research in early twentieth century sources strongly suggest a
separate Shoan identity distinguished from the Oromo and the Amhara, and
perceived as a culturally heterogeneous ethnic category. His significant
conclusion is that the sum effect of this is the historical distortion of the Ethiopian
elite being identified as “Amhara” and Ethiopian history being seen as continuous
without the acknowledgment of the role and participation of the Oromo in shaping

its outcome.97

 

9‘ Charles McCllelan, ibid., p. 50.
’7 Salole, ibid., pp. 22-23.

54

In light of these debates, this dissertation will demonstrate that the
perceived dominant group subsumed under the label of Amhara (which I will refer
to as the power elite), was made up of individuals and families of different
cultural, religious and linguistic backgrounds. The power elite was not a static
unit but one which underwent change while maintaining certain continuities over
the two centuries of its existence. Most importantly, the formation of this national
elite paralleled the development of the Ethiopian state appropriately reflecting the
sharing of values and the unity of purpose among diverse nobility whdse interest
in sustaining power often superseded most other considerations.

CONTEXT UALIZING STUDY

The subject of marriage in Ethiopian political history has been partly
addressed by three articles and sections of Chris Prouty’s book on Empress
Taitu and Emperor Menilek. In order of their appearance, they were: Balm
Tafla’s “Marriage as a Political Device: An Appraisal of a Socio-Political aspect of
the Menilek Period 1889-1916,” Aleme Eshete’s unpublished paper, “Political
Marriage and Divorce in Ethiopian History (late 19'“ and 20th century),” Shiferaw
Bekele’s “Reflections on the Power elite of the Wara Seh Masfenate,” and
Richard Pankhurst’s “Dynastic Inter-Marriage in Medieval and Post-Medieval
Ethiopia."98 The first two works along with Prouty’s, share a focus on Menilek’s

era with Aleme Eshete expanding the time-line a bit further to note elite

 

98Bairu Tafla, “Marriage as a Political Device: An Appraisal of a Socio-Political Aspect of the Menilek
Period 1889-1916,” Journal of Ethiopian Studies, Vol. 10, No. 1, January 1972; Aleme Eshete, “Political
Marriage and Divorce in Ethiopian History (late 19" and early 20'” century),” Paper read at the Italian
Cultural Institute, Addis Ababa, 1984; Shiferaw Bekele, “Reflections on the Power Elite of the Wara Seh
Masfenate (1786-1853)," A nnales d ’Ethiopie, Vol. 15, 1990; and Richard Pankhurst, “Dynastic Inter-
Marriage and Post-Medieval Ethiopia,” in Ethiopia in Broader Perspective - Proceedings of the 13"
International Conference of Ethiopian Studies, Kyoto 1997.

55

marriages during the regency of Ras Tesemma (1909-1911) and the brief reign
of Lij lyasu (1911-1916). Shiferaw and Pankhurst offer a glimpse of the same
theme in other time periods of Ethiopian history.

Bairu presents the main preoccupation of the 19th century imperial court to
produce an heir as the dominant factor behind the intense activities around
political marriages of the period.99 By 1892, Menilek’s involvement in arranging
marriages had supposedly waned but his wife Empress Taitu would push the art
to another level of refinement, creating a network of conjugal and blood affinities
throughout the empire.100 Those related to the empress were awarded posts and
titles while like elsewhere in Africa, the tradition of the imperial court raising
children of other nobility and commoners and marrying them to important officials
also widened the network.101 Balm notes the extraordinary liberty enjoyed by the
upper class and clergy in contracting and annulling marriages - a practice that
openly violated a number of strict prescriptions in law and religion. These were
routinely ignored and, in the language of the day, the apt analogy of adding water
to milk to whiten and increase its quantity would have been used to justify such
arrangements.102 This indicates the selective overlooking of cultural concerns by
the power elite who envisioned larger shared benefits from a strengthened social

and political base.

 

’9 Bairu Tafla, “Marriage as a political Device” ibid., p. 14.

'°° Ibid., p. 15.

'°' This type of fostering was common in Dahomey where young people from poorer branches of farme
members were sent to those better positioned to serve and avail of the opportunities thus setting up a type
of client-patron relationship among kinspersons around power. Edna G. Bay, Wives of the Leopard.-
Gender, Politics and Culture in the Kingdom of Dahomey, (Charlottesville & London: University of
Virginia Press, 1998), p. 19.

'°’ Bairu, ibid., p. 21.

56

Although its very fragility was attested to by quick marital dissolutions and
the rapid unraveling of Taitu’s support of well-placed kin with the turning of the
political tide, Bahru convincingly demonstrates that marriage was among the
most significant methods by which close affinities were created among the
important families of Menilek’s reign. It served the political center by enlisting the
loyalties of prominent personalities and the nobility who strengthened existing
positions or acquired and maintained better economic benefits. Meanwihle, as
Bairu points out and Aleme concurs, the political marriage patterns of this period
confirm the existence of an interwoven system of ruling classes of different
ethnicities, thus diminishing ethnocentricity and forming a social unit of its own.

Aleme Eshete’s paper contains useful notes on individuals (men and
women of the imperial court) and a table that tracks marriage patterns from 1890-
1916. Both Aleme and Bairu make good use of published and unpublished
Amharic sources like Tekle Yesus’ Chronicle of Gojjam, Aleka Kenfe’s Joumal,
and Masehafe Tezeta Za-Alaqa Lamma Hay/u Walda Tan'k, along with
supporting documentation ranging from a variety of archival European sources,
travelers accounts, oral interviews and early newspaper publications to relevant
secondary sources to verify dates and piece together or enhance biographical
and marital details. Aleme traces four distinct shifts of marriage patterns that
correspond to the power changes under Menilek, Taitu (1890-March 1910), Ras
Tessema Nadew as regent (1909-1911) and Lij lyasu and his father Ras Mikael

(1911-1916). Thus, at a glance one can witness the level of intermarriage among

57

the elite, as well as the frequency with which certain women are connected to
different men.

Based largely on European archival sources, Prouty’s book Empress
Taytu and Menilek lI holds the distinction of being the first extended biography of
a luminous woman in Ethiopian history.103 It provides personal and family
information on the empress and interesting details on noted personalities of
Menilek’s court. Although Taitu’s power and direct political involvement is
demonstrated in Prouty’s work, it is difficult to understand what that meant in
relation to other elite women - if, for instance, it allowed for other women, who
are sporadically glimpsed throughout the text, to exercise similar influence
through family networks. Critiques of this work include its external rather than
internal focus, the rather uncritical use of sources, the lack of wider context in
which to understand Taitu’s rise to power (other than her strong personality), and
how there is little detail on the reconstruction of the structure and fortunes of the
office of Itege which Taitu occupied as empress.104

Richard Pankhurst’s and Shiferaw Bekele’s articles provide looks at
marriage histories of different time periods. Relying on travelers accounts,
Pankhurst notes that the first mention of dynastic marriages in medieval Ethiopia
was in 1520. Among those he documents are marriage alliances across religious
and ethnic groups as between the daughter of the governor of the Bahr Negash
(north of the Marab river) and Imam Ahmad ibn Ibrahim (who owed part of his

rise to power in Adal to marriage with the daughter of the Imam of Zyala),

 

'03 Chris Prouty, Empress Taytu and Menilek II: Ethiopia. 1883-1910, (London: Ravens Educational and
Development Services, 1986).
'°‘ Review by Shiferaw Bekele in Journal ofEthiopian Studies, Vol. 21, November 1988.

58

between the Muslim ruling house of the Hadeya and the Christian one of
Emperor B’eda Maryam (1433-1468), or the relationship between Emperor Sarsa
Dengel (1563-1597) with a newly converted woman of the Beta Israel. Other links
as those between the royal family of the central state in Gondar and Hamasen in
the 17th century or the dynastic marriages in Harar between the nlling Amir’s
family and women from Arsi, Oromo, Anaj and Geri occurred between different
ethnic and language groups. These marriages strengthened control, expanded
political links, and often included mutual economic benefits to families in power.
Although most successful when based on already existing relationships, as
Pankhurst demonstrates, such marriages were a vital part of Ethiopian
statecraft.105
Shiferaw's reflections on socio-political aspects of the Wara Seh power
elite bring several valuable themes on marriage and political history to the
forefront. “’6 The period of the Zamana Mesafint considered by Shiferaw is one
that has been deemed as near chaotic by most scholars, due to its nature of
decentralized power and ‘disintegrated state’. Shiferaw argues that there are no
clear centripetal vs. centrifugal or monarchy vs. nobility divides for the period as
suggested in the historical literature, but some combination thereof, leaning more
towards struggle to control state power. He points to equally strong unifying
features to the power elite of the time characterized by extensive inter-
relationships and continuity over time. His approach of identifying what held the

state together in political and social terms greatly influenced the conceptualizing

 

"’5 Richard Pankhurst, “Dynastic Inter-Marriage,” ibid.
"’6 Shiferaw Bekele,“Reflections on the Power Elite of the Wara Sch Masfenate (1786-1853),” ibid.

59

of this dissertation and shaped its ambition to examine elite marriage as an
integral process of Ethiopian history.
SOURCES

This dissertation relies on a combination of sources to create a continual
narrative for elite marriage and family histories in 19th and 20th century Ethiopia.
Of the secondary sources, unpublished senior essays on prominent personalities
such as Dejazmach Jote Tulu, Ras Hailu, Ras lmru, Nigus Tekle Haimanot or
Bitwoded Makonnen lndalkachew provided biographical information. Other senior
papers on regional histories, such as Gojjam, Wellegga, Jimma, and Tigre along
with more extensive graduate studies on Wallo and Wag and Lasta, familiarized
me with the nature of relatibns between the imperial center and provincial
powers.107 The standard and quality of most senior papers reflects the level of
excellence maintained by the Addis Ababa University History Department and
they serve as good source material both in their accuracy and specific focus.

Strong supporting reference help was available for tracing individuals and
kinship connections to Sahle Sellassie’s extended family in the charts and tables
of Hilkwe Tiwlid. Published in 1965 EC. this Amharic document charts a total of

2, 442 descendants of Sahle Sellassie that draw their lineage from his fifteen

 

"’7 Among these aree Aby Demissie, “Lij lyasu: A Perspective Study of his Short Reign,” BA thesis, Addis
Ababa University, History, 1964; Asnake Ali, “Aspects of the Political History of Wallo, 1872-1916.” MA
thesis, Addis Ababa University, History,l983; Bahru Zawde, “Dejazmach Jote Tulu (1855-1918),” BA
thesis, Addis Ababa University, History, 1970; Ismael Ali. “The Career of Mikael Sihul of Tigre 1692-
1780,” BA thesis, Addis Ababa University, History, 1972; Kebede Kejela, “A Biography of Dejazmach
Habte Mariam Gebre Egziabher,” BA thesis, Addis Ababa University, History, 1989; Hadera Tesfaye, “Ras
Seyoum Mengesha, 1887-1960,” BA thesis, Addis Ababa University, History, 1976; Mekonnen Berhan, “A
Political History of Tigre: Shawan Centralization versus Tigrean Regionalism 0889-1910),” MA thesis,
Addis Ababa University, History, 1994;Tsegaye Namarra, “Power Consolidation over Conquered
Territories: The case of Wollega,” BA thesis, Addis Ababa University, History, 1973; Tsehaye Haile, “A
short biography of Dejazmach B’arya Gabir 1873-1930,” BA thesis, Addis Ababa University, History,
1972; Wudu Tafete. “A Political History of Wag and Lasta c. 1543-1919.” MA thesis, Addis Ababa
University, History, 1995.

60

children. The aphabatized index at the back and tabular format of the main body
allows easy trace family members over several generations while the concentric
circular chart attached to the back cover provides similar information in one page.
The biggest drawback of Hilkwe Tiwlid. for the purposes of this research, is that
spouse names are rarely included if they do not descend from Sahle Sellassie,
meaning that unless there is prior knowledge of marital relations, it is difficult to
track the marriages that occurred and their significance.

Also in Amharic, with a brief introduction in English by historian Bairu
Tafle, Mahteme Sellassie Wolde Masqal’s other endeavor,”Che Belew - A Study
of the Ethiopian Culture of Horse Names," presents a slightly different but related
challenge.108 While it is invaluable as source material for biographical data, and
helps on dating difficulties, this document centers around men of political or
social repute with almost no coverage of women. Herui Wolde Sellassie’s earlier
work, YeHiwot Tan'k, also presents similar reference support with some entries
on prominent women of the 19th and 20th centuries.109 I found additional
biographical information on nobility and officials of Haile Sellassie’s government
in the more recent publication, Gedle Sema’etate Ityopia, that accompanied the
opening of a commemorative statue and small archive documenting the
photographs, lives and works of the sixty civil and army officials murdered by the

Derg regime on 24 November 1974.110

 

m Blattengeta Mahteme Sellassie Wolde Masqal, “Che Belew,” Journal of Ethiopian Studies, Vol. VII No.
2, July 1969. '

"’9 Herui Wolde Sellassie. YeHiwot Tarik, Addis Ababa, 1915 EC.

no Gedle Sema 'etate Ityopia, Addis Ababa, 1972.

61

Interviewing elders and gathering oral histories was an experience unto
itself — one from which I gained unique insights both in historical research on the
ground, and the specific cultural difficulties of realizing it. I conducted formal
fieldwork in Ethiopia from 1997-98 with funding from the Social Science
Research Council lntemational Doctoral Research Fellowship Program, although
I began preliminary conversations to ascertain the feasibility of the topic as early
as 1995. Access to the elders was not always guaranteed as it depended on the
good standing of my contacts and their own willingness to address my specific
questions. It was important to have contacts that would vouch for who I was and
verify my intentions and I galvanized my own family members and older family
friends for the cause of identifying informants and presenting me with the
necessary protocol.

The interviews were not structured although I knew what issues I wanted
addressed — and some informants requested written questionnaires ahead of
time which often led to a stiff and guarded discussion. Out of a possible 35, I
interviewed a total of 31 people - 26 in Ethiopia and 4 in the US. Of these, 14
were women and 17 men. I spent the summer of 2000 on a Summer
Acceleration Fellowship to attempt to interview members of Haile Sellassie’s
imperial family — immediate grandchildren who had relocated to Washington DC.
after their release from Derg’s prisons. Only one younger grandson was willing to
speak to me although dialogues of possibilities took place between myself and
several contacts over six weeks with no granting of interviews. I could take none

of this personally, but Ieamed to understand it as the toll taken by the traumas

62

suffered at the hands of the Derg from which many carried emotional and
psychological scars that had only selectively healed. The topic of my dissertation
was perceived as political by some, leading to defensive reactions which no
amount of explanation on my part could overcome.

Most of my informants were in their seventies and eighties and were either
active participants in official capacities, were relatives of the royal family or were
close descendants of regional nobility. Women informants tended to shy away
from direct questions and it was difficult to persuade them of the validity of their
experiences as important to historical understanding. More often than not, they
would defer to those they perceived to know the history better, presumably those
who could recount the “official story". In the rare situations where both men and
women were interviewed together, the women would provide the most enriching
details and anecdotes but falter on the chronological organization of events -
less from not knowing, it seemed, but from an elusive cultural deference.
Paradoxically, once they warmed up to the subject matter (which sometimes took
several months to a year), women elders listened very closely and provided
unique glimpses of court politics from a different perspective.

Three issues presented particular challenges in conceptualizing and
compiling thisresearch. The first was gathering enough information on regional
families outside of the imperial center to make the case for extensive inter-
marriage among the elite. This I tackled by diversifying my informant group to
reflect the broad approach and the story of interconnection over generations that

I was trying to recount. Also, when informants We’re willing, l was able to copy

63

family genealogies and documents that charted relations. The second challenge
was organizing the material in coherent chronology with as much cross-checking
accuracy as possible. Dating was difficult for most of the Oral information for
which there were meager secondary sources for reference, which meant that I
had to rely on historical markers and eras to place marriages or family histories.
The third challenge was in locating elite Ethiopian women in political history, both
in the oral and written accounts - to understand their role behind the scenes, and
portray their activities as could be glimpsed or inferred from the sources.

Newspapers, such as the early editions of Berhanenna Selam, were
invaluable in aiding with dating and providing rich details on a few wedding
ceremonies. I made full use of descriptions, creating comparative depth where
possible, to better trace subtle changes in rituals. Some actual wedding
invitations were also available in the Scrapbook of Wedding Announcements at
the Institute of Ethiopian Studies which further aided with precise dating, as did
death announcements and gravestone inscriptions which contained biographical
notes. A few letters of correspondence between the Foreign Office and the US.
Embassy in Addis Ababa areavailable at the US. National Archives and
Records, offering peripherally interesting perceptions of foreigners on marriage
among Ethiopian royalty and elite of the 19403-603.

From these sources, I fashioned an inquiry that would consider the
juncture of three inter-related themes — elite marriages, state formation and
issues of identity. The original contribution of this inquiry is first in its

documentation of elite marriage history, especially during Haile Sellassie’s reign,

second, in its attempt to reconstruct this in a continual narrative with historical
time depth and third, in its gendered texture that seeks to incorporate elite
women in Ethiopian political history. This dissertation would have achieved its
purpose if it is considered among the initial steps that would open new lines of

research in this densely intenlvoven area of family histories and political power.

65

CHAPTER II

REGIONAL HISTORIES & MARRIAGE PATTERNS UNTIL THE
TWENTIETH CENTURY

This chapter will serve as background to the 19th and 20th century focus of
the study by surveying scholarly works, secondary materials and some primary
sources to reconstruct a history of marriage alliances in different areas of the
country at various time periods. Although this section focuses on southern and
northern regions, Richard Pankhurst notes that dynastic alliances occurred in
most parts of Ethiopia. For instance, the early career of Islamic leader Ahmad ibn
Ibrahim of Adal in the 16th century consolidation of power was aided with
marriage links to powerful families in Zayla, Somalia and Hadeya. Pankhurst
cites Italian scholar Cerulli who records that in the eastern Muslim emirate of
Harar, the wives of Amir Abdullah ibn Ali ibn Da’ud (1671-1700) had wives from
different ethnic backgrounds — two Oromo, one Arsi and one each from Anaj and
Geri groups.111

Unfortunately, not enough is available by way of sources, to reconstruct
the history of marriage relations for all areas of Ethiopia. Its widespread political
use is suggested here with select regional histories that identify marriage
alliances as an essential part of power consolidation in both the southern and
northern regions of Ethiopia. For the south, marriages provided the link of

influence intended to neutralize potential rivalry, and when successful, strengthen

 

in Richard Pankhurst, “Dynastic Inter-Marriage in Medieval and Post-Medieval Ethiopia,” ibid., p. 210.

66

the scape of power. Southern kingdoms relied on these connections to create
viable political structures.

The same held largely true for the north. As the center strengthened its
control and moved its location, so the marriage patterns adjusted accordingly to
reflect these political shifts. The complex relationship of family connections to
the power center in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries will be explored in
more detail further on. This general background will serve to broaden the context
and allow us to develop historical depth for certain patterns and continuities.
Though the scale may have differed according to time and place, the guiding
principle of marriage alliances remained consistent for both regions: to forge
political, social and economic links across different families, and often across
ethnic and linguistic lines, with the intent of maintaining stability, ensuring
protection and where possible, unifying purpose.

MARRIAGE & POLITICS IN SOUTHERN KINGDOMS

The peoples of southern Ethiopia, often known under the linguistic name
of Omotic, were organized into several kingdoms and principalities with varied
social and political structures.“ The historical character of the region was shaped
by two important factors before its incorporation into the northern empire:
migration and marriage relations. A closer look at the history of Walaita, Enarea
and Kafa illustrates the extent of migration and the significant role marriage

alliances played in nudging the process of consolidation.

67

Walaita

The kingdom of Walaita to the east of the Omo river, is said to have
medieval beginnings associated with Motolomi, who founded the Walaita Malla
dynasty. The hierarchical power structure of the dynasty included the king, or
kawa, a class of warriors, and after the nineteenth century, an advisory council
and assemblies of regional representatives.112 The extent of migration is
suggested by the fact that the ruling group that followed were northemers named
the ‘Tigrean dynasty’ or Kawona Tigre and reputed to have come to the area
from Tigre in the north.

Local history conflrrns that a man named Shumgeb went to Walaita
accompanied by a priest, artisans and traders. They traded cotton for iron bars,
hide, bracelets and embroidery for seven generations until a man of Shumgeb’s
lineage by the name of Kote finally married the Walaita king’s daughter. This
dynasty had a long line of successors, the last one being Kawa Tona, who was
defeated in one of the bloodiest battles against the expansive forces of Emperor
Menilek in 1894.113

The south had largely escaped the ravages wrought by the Great Famine
which lasted from 1888-1892 affecting most of the country and resulting in the .

death of about one-third of the population. In light of this, expansion into the

 

"2 According to tradition, Motolomi was converted to Christianity by the Shoan saint Abuna Takla
Haimanot. Bahru Zewde, History of Modern Ethiopia 1855-1974, (London: James Currey Ltd., 1991), pp.
16-1 8.

"3 An informant details the kings as follows: Girma, Shum Agame, Mikael, Azena, Liben, Tube, Adayo,
Sana, Agoto, Damote, Gobe, Gaga, and Tona. (FINISH BIB). Another source lists the nine “Tigre kings”
as Kote, Libena, Tube, Sana, Agato, Amado, Damote, Gobe and Tona. For details on the lives of the kings
and their reign see Jacques Bureau’s translation of Afework Gebre-Sellassie, a local historian’s text.
Jacques Bureau, “The “Tigre” Chronicle of Walaita: A Pattern of Kingship,” Proceedings of the First
National Conference of Ethiopian Studies, Addis Ababa 1990, pp. 49-75.

68

south may have seemed particularly appealing to Menilek. Kawa Tona had
further garnered widespread support both locally and among neighboring Kullo
and Konta peoples against Menilek, heightening the level of conflict. The
campaign in 1897 was led personally by Menilek and involved a number of his

generals as well as his cousin and nominal ruler of Kafa, Ras Walda Giyorgis

1....

Hi

and Abba Jiffar ll of Jimma.114 The veritable massacre that followed the

 

campaign ended with the final capture of Kawa Tona, who was wounded in battle
and brought to Addis Ababa.

Very little is available on the family histories of the local ruling elite, and
only preliminary remarks can be made here based on oral accounts which
suggest marriage alliances between Walaita royalty and surrounding areas.115
Walaita rulers reputedly married women from prominent families of Arusi, Jimma
and Kullo. One informant recounts that Kawa Tona’s grandmother, Digity, was
the daughter of Abba Jiffar I of Jimma. Their son and ruler, Gaga, was married
to an Arusi woman of nobility and they gave birth to Tona. Tona himself was
married to a daughter of Hadiya nobility.116
Enarea

Indeed, creating family links with surrounding regions through marriage

played a vital role in the patterns of political consolidation and the emergence of

 

m Ras Walda Giyorgis was made ruler of Kafa before his actual presence there. His tenure there lasted
from 1897-1910. p

"5 Most of this relies on a recent conversation with a woman who was married to the grandson of Kawa
Tona for 32 years and spent a number of those living in Walaita, raising a family.

”6 My informant mentions that Emperor Menilek later gave his relative, a woman named Wzo.
Shewangiziw, in marriage to Tona. She may be the daughter of Wzo. Birkinesh Sahle Sellassie, Menilek’s
paternal aunt. Tona had a son named Lij Feseha, who died young at the age of 34. He had fathered a child
Desta, which means happiness or joy, so named by Tona who, according to her, was pleased with the
arrival of his grandson. My infor'rmnt was married to Desta Feseha, also called Desta Tona perhaps due to
the fact that his grand-father raised him. Informant 1, Washington DC.

69

monarchies elsewhere in southern Ethiopia. Mordechai Abir notes that before
the sixteenth century and the advent of the Oromo into the region, southern
Ethiopia was divided into various kingdoms among which Enarea and Kafa
ranked richest and strongest with sources of gold, ivory, musk incense and
slaves.117

It was not until after two centuries of warfare that the people of the region
west of the Omo river, known as Sidama, were subsumed under the Oromo. In
so doing, the Oromo changed their largely nomadic life gradually adopting many
Sidama customs and forms of political and social organization. "8 The oral
tradition and travelers accounts agree that the ancient kingdom of Enarea was
founded by the Limu Oromo.119

This absolute monarchy of Limu-Enarea was established in the early
decades of the nineteenth century by a man named Bofo, the son of Abba Boku,
considered the spiritual leader of the group. Bofo was a great warrior in his own
right, and he founded the kingdom after legitimizing his position through marriage
to the daughter of the traditional political leader.120 In contrast to Bofo, who was
thought of as a cruel ruler, his son Abba Bagibo, though involved in a few

expeditions to secure trade routes to Gojjam in the north, largely preferred power

 

"7 Mordechai Abir, "The Emergence and Consolidation of the Monarchies of Enarea and Jinnna in the
First Half of the Nineteenth Century,” Journal of African History, 6, 2 (1965), pp. 205-219.

m Abir notes that this region was inhabited by people of Kushitic origin called the Sidama. Sidama was an
Oromo term meaning foreigner, and one of the eight groups of the region still retain the name.

"9 Abir uses the accounts of the d’Abbaddie brothers, Antoine and Arnauld, who traveled in Ethiopia
between 1838-1848 and took several volumes of notes of their impressions. Some of these have been
published and others are in the Vatican Library of the Bibliotheque National in Paris.

2° Abir convincingly argues that both the accounts of the French missionary d’Abbaddie in 1843 and oral
testimonies would be relatively accurate in their description of the founding of the kingdom, since the
proximity in time would make this a recent event at the time the accounts were recorded. Abir, ibid.,
pp. 209-210.

70

consolidation through the peaceful means of marriage alliances. Abba Bagibo’s
emphasis on political marriages meant that he himself was married to many of
the daughters and sisters of the various neighboring rulers. In return, he gave a
large number of his daughters from many wives and concubines in marriage to
mlers and important chiefs.121

Among the events that helped to transform Enarea to the trading
metropolis of southwestern Ethiopia in the initial years of Abba Bagibo’s reign,
was the stability of the area between Enarea, Kafa, and later, Jimma. This soon
changed with the unification of different principalities in Jimma by Abba Jiffar
Sanna and the strengthening of opposing trade interests that were further
threatened by the rise of the Shoan kingdom under Sahle Sellassie. The
inevitable clashes that followed between Jimma and Enarea continued until
about 1840, when the daughter of Abba Jiffar was given in marriage to Abba
Dula, son and heir to Abba Bagibo. The marriage was to mark a peaceful turn in
relations which proved temporary as Abba Jiffar continued pressuring
surrounding peoples to further Jimma’s trade interests and collect revenue.
Ultimately, Jimma emerged triumphant in the third quarter of the nineteenth
century, though conflict continued until the annexation of the area by Menilek in
the 1880’s.
Kafa

Amnon Orent’s research on the Kafa kingdom in southwest Ethiopia also
provides examples of migration and patterns of marriage alliances in connection

to power consolidation. The Kafa inhabit the territory bounded by the Gojeb river

 

'1' Abir, ibid., p. 215.

71

in the east and the Omo river in the south. Before 1897 and their annexation to
the northern empire, the Kafa had a formidable kingdom that reached its height in
the late eighteenth to early nineteenth century.‘22 Significant to this discussion is
Orent’s strong assertion that historically, Kafa was not a homogeneous cultural
system but was formed rather by the continual migration and incorporation of
many peoples. Evidence of this abounds in the history of different clans who
refer to distant lands as their point of origin. Thus, the Gimero clan is from
Gimira, the Tigero clan from Tigre, the Damo clan from Damot and the Wollo clan
from Wallamo.

These clan names with the name of places incorporated in them, easily
point to northern, eastern and western origins of the people in Kafa. Orent also
finds that certain customs, such as the symbols of kingship and the veneer of
Christianity, are evidence of cultural synthesis that took place over time.
Linguistic evidence further corroborates early ties with northem highland

‘23 While it is difficult to conclude if migration resulted in inter-

Ethiopians.
marriage between different clans, this movement of people suggests a layering of
identities framed by a relatively flexible political and social stnlcture. New groups
composed of political refugees or trading entrepreneurs provided the king with

opportunities of forging new links with the outside world, and incorporating new

support.124

 

122 Orent divides the history into four periods with estimated time frames: The pre-centralized period ( -
1389?); the formation of the kingdom of Kafa (l390?-l674?); the Kafa period of expansion (1675?-1896)
and the Amhara-Rafa period. See Amnon Orent, “Refocusing on the History of Kafa prior to 1897: A
Discussion of Political Processes,” African Historical Studies, 3, 2 (1970), pp. 263-293.

'23 See Amnon Orent, “Lineage Structure and the Supernatural: The Kafa of Southwest Ethiopia,”
Unpublished Dissertation, Boston University, 1969.

m Orent, “Refocusing on the History of Kafa,” ibid., p. 293.

72

According to Orent, aside from politics on the domestic front, the kingdom
of Kafa was continually attempting to expand its borders at the expense of
smaller kingdoms while keeping larger kingdoms. at bay through treaties and
royal marriages.125 His reconstruction of the royal lineage of Kate (1675-1897)
provides specific evidence of marriage alliancesin proximity to power. From
1775 onwards, marriages with neighboring-royalty occurred as Kafa royalty
created links with women from Enarea or‘an'anged the marriage of their
daughters to kings from Enarea and Dauro.‘26 This was a period of political and
military consolidation following the absorption ofthe people of Konta, Dauro and
Koischa on Kafa’s southern borders. Commercial exchange with Muslim
merchants thrived as did the slave trade aidedby the fact that victims of these
wars were sold into bondage.

After 1854, the daughters of Kafa monarchs married into Gera and Goma
royalty, thus strengthening relations to the north of the Gojeb river.127 An
important trade route to Gondar was opened up in King Gawi Nechocho’s reign
(1845-1854), following his daughter’s marriageto the king of Cara.128 The king
of Kafa traditionally married women from other kingdoms, and his sisters and

daughters were also married to neighboring monarchs. Brother-sister ties in

 

'25 Orent, ibid. .

'2‘ Conflict with Enarea during the reign of King Gaha Nechocho (1821-1845) was resolved when the king
of Kafa gave his daughter as a wife to one of the kings of Enarea. In addition, Gaha Nechocho married an
Enarea princess. Orent, ibid., p. 278.

mGoma itself was one of the Oromo kingdoms transposed from its earlier Sidama character by
intermarriage and adaptation of custom with the Oromo settlers of the 17th century. See Chris Prouty and
Eugene Rosenfeld, Historical Dictionary of Ethiopia, (London: The Scarecrow Press, Inc., 1981), p. 81.
See also Orent, ibid., pp. 274-275.

'2' Orent, ibid., p. 279.

73

Kafa were strong and further institutionalized by the nacho relationship which
required reciprocal assistance from the affinal relatives of one's sister.129

Widowed wives of monarchs ruled the kingdom as regents, sometimes
making the necessary structural changes to consolidate their political position
and ensure their son’s success. The status of women in proximity to the
monarch was one of extreme significance. When choosing a new monarch, the
seven councilors, or mikrecho, paid particular attention to how much influence
they could exert over him, and the women surrounding him helped them decide.
Council members themselves, or their children, could be married to the king’s
daughters or sisters, thus ensuring effective political channels of influence.130

In summary, it is clear even in this cursory inquiry of southern history that
creating and maintaining marriage connections was a vital part of political well-
being for the rulers of Walaita, Enarea and Kafa. With these connections came
the potential of co-operation in matters of mutual interest, and at a minimum,
assuranCe of tacit support and peaceful relations. As will be discussed
elsewhere in this essay, marriage alliances did not guarantee success and were
disregarded when deemed limiting to political aspirations of ambitious figures.
Marriage did, however, take equal precedence in political arrangements, marking
either the initial direction or the particular state of affairs in alliance ventures.
Elite families were created and continued to achieve political and social livelihood

on the basis of marriage connections throughout Ethiopia

 

'19 Orent, ibid., p. 288.
"° Orent, ibid., p. 85.

74

MARRIAGE & POLITICS IN THE NORTH

The Shoan based monarchy, established under Yekunno Amlak in 1270
marked the restoration of so-called ‘Solomonic’ power. Shoan imperial control
grew with the diversion of trade from routes through Lasta. Hadeya, a tributary in
the southwest of the empire was important for strategic reasons of trade as well
as a source for slaves and gold. Pankhurst notes that along with military control,
marriage was used to link the ruling houses of Hadeya and Shoa. Emperor
Ba’eda Maryam (1433-1468) thus married lte Jan Zela, later known as Eleni, the
daughter of the local Hadeya ruler. This marked the significant and of Hadeya’s
prior connection to the Muslim imamate of lfat in the East. Eleni converted to
Christianity and was renowned as a capable ruler and skilled politician.
According to Pankhurst, Eleni’s activities to strengthen Hadeya’s connection with
the central state were undertaken with devotion. A prospective wife was even
sent from a ruler of Hadeya as potential bride for Eleni’s son, Emperor Lebna
Dengel and some time later, the queen of Hadeya appealed to the emperor, her
kinsman, for support against an insurrection in her kingdom.131

Following the Oromo migrations that began in the 16th century, the
imperial court transferred in 1571 from Shoa to the northwest of the country near
Lake Tana during the reign of Emperor Sarsa Dengel. What was left of Shoan
ruling families took refuge in the mountains of Manz from where the process of
reconquest of the former imperial province of Shoa would ensue. R. H. Kofi
Darkwah traces the history of the Shoan dynasty from its first ruler Nagassi

Kristos Warada Qal, commonly known as Nagassi, in the late 17‘“ century. His

 

‘3' Richard Pankhurst, “Dynastic Inter-Marriage," ibid-. Po 211-

75

descendants would expand the kingdom of Shoa in territorial terms and
eventually place it at the center of imperial politics.

According to Darkwah, marriage was an important weapon in the rise of
Nagassie’s family to power. With his marriage to Tagunstyan, Nagassie brought
one of the three governors of the Mamameder district of Manz linking the political
fate of the two families. Another woman of an important Manz family, Wzo.
Attemoch Houno, was married to Nagassie’s descendant Asfa Wossen. With
successive Shoan rulers, increase in wealth and power resulted from campaigns
of conquest of outlying Oromo districts. The position of the ruler was accordingly
exalted culminating with the thirty-four year reign of Sahle Sellassie which he
began as Ras around 1813 and ended as Nigus or King. Sahle Sellassie’s policy
was of using marriage to extend diplomatic ties through relations with several
Oromo women whom he took as royal concubines. The daughters from these
women would be married in great honor to the favored man of Sahle Sellassie’s
choice.132

Marriage continued to provide connections between centers of power such
as Shoa, Lasta, and Wag, Gondar and Tigre. Around 1636, a permanent capital
was established in Gondar. The need for the Gondarine state to strengthen links
with the northern coastal highlands of Marab Melash (which included Hamasen

and Saraye) was expressed in marriage arrangements between the imperial

 

'32 R. H. Darkwah, Shewa, Menilek and the Ethiopian Empire 1813-1889, (London: Heinemman Press,
1975), p. 17. The genealogical study of Sahle Sellassie’s descendants lists eight different women as
mothers of his children. Of these, Abeto Kassegn Sahle Sellassie is listed as a son from a daughter of a
prominent family from Arba Gugu, Arsi, Wzo. Itenesh is listed as a woman from Wallo and Wzo. Bizat
from Aliyu Amba. See Blatengeta Mahteme Sellassie Wolde Masqal, Hilkwe Tiwlid. (Addis Ababa:
Institute of Ethiopian Studies, 1965 EC).

76

family and Hamasen nobility. Thus, Emperor Fasiladas (1632-1667) gave his
daughter in marriage to a certain Hab Sellus, a loyal Hamasen noble and in
1683, an historic marriage took place between Emperor lyasu I and Walata
Seyon from an important strategic district in Hamasen.”3 In the 17th century,
imperial interest in gold from the southwestern territories of Enarea encouraged
the close and mutually beneficial, albeit short-lived, relationship between the
Enarea chief Benaro’s family and that of Emperor Susenyos. Benaro was killed
by the people of who found him cruel and unjust and he was replaced by his son
who was Susenyos’s nephew by marriage. He paid interrnittent tribute in gold to
the emperor was soon after deposed when suspected of Roman Catholic
leanings.
WAG & LASTA

A mountainous area in the north of Ethiopia, Lasta with its northern-most
point of Wag, was a Christian region ruled by the Zagwe dynasty from 1150-
1270. In 1270, Lasta came under the influence of Yekunno Amlak and the Shoan
based monarchy. This was accomplished partly through marriage alliances
between the ruling families of Shoe and Lasta, a connection that continued to
bear considerable weight in the twentieth century personage of Ras Kasa
Hailum. Indeed, medieval ‘Solomonic’ kings, including Yekunno-Amlak (r.1270-

85), Amda Seyon (r.1314-1344) and Lebna Dengel (r.1508-40) are either said to

 

'3’ See Pankhurst, “Dynastic Inter-Marriage,” ibid., pp. 207-209.

'3‘ Leul-Ras Kasa Hailu (1881-1956) was the son of Hailu Wold Kiros (half-brother of Emperor Tekle
Giorgis) and Wzo. Tesseme Darge, the daughter of Darge Sahle Sellassie. He was a crown councillor with
senior influence during Haile Sellassie’s regime, and participated in the Italian-Ethiopian war as the
commander of northern armies.

77

have married Lasta women themselves or given away their daughters to
prominent local personalities there.135

Attempts to fully integrate Lasta into the Gondarine state began in the 16th
century. Lebna Dengel was defeated by the Muslim leader Imam Ahmad ibn
Ibrahim in 1533, who ruled the region for the next ten years. Here also, Imam
Ahmad was said to have had relations with the sister of Lebna Dengel, a woman
he had taken prisoner in the war. She bore him a son, Wagshum Askarajan I,
who later married Lebna Dengel’s daughter. Wagshum Askarajan died in the
conflict around Imam Ahmad.136

With Gondar as administrative capital of the empire, the strategic position
of Lasta was a source of concern to Gondarine rulers as was the relative
isolation and spirit of independence of the region. Problems arose when Emperor
Susenyos (r.1607-1632) attempted to introduce Catholocism and undermine the
basis of local chiefs by appointing overlords. This resulted in strong resistance
based in the Agaw population of Lasta and headed by Malke’a Krestos.137
Armed conflict and unrest continued throughout the early 17th century until the
reign of Emperor Fasiladas, who succeeded his father Susenyos on the
Gondarine throne in 1632. Fasiladas killed Malke’a Krestos but the latter’s son,
Lake, took up the cause. A peaceful arrangement to the thirty-five year

insurrection would not occur until 1657-58. Traditional sources record that Lake

 

'35 Wudu Tafete’s study of the regional history mentions the tradition of a marriage relation between the
fifth generation descendant of Yekunno Amlak and the grand-daughter of a Wasum Jer Wassan, which may
have strengthened the political position of the Wagshum family as a result. See Wudu Tafete, “A Political
History of Wag and Lasta c. 1543-1919,” MA thesis, Addis Ababa University, History, 1995, p. 19.

'3‘ See Wudu, ibid., p. 21.

'37 There were dynastic rivalries between Malke’a Krestos and Susenyos that continued with the latter’s
son, Fasiladas. Malke’a Krestos was the second generation descendant of Emperor Dawit (r. 1380-1412)
whose royal line had been dispossesed and humiliated. See Wudu Tafete, ibid., p. 27.

78

submitted of his own will and that Fasiladas promptly pardoned him and
recognized him as ruler of Lasta.

To further strengthen the political arrangement, Fasiladas gave Lake the
hand of his daughter Tawkelya for marriage. Even though this union was
childless and lasted ten years until the death of Tawkelya Makan, it marked a lull
in the tensions of the region. Lasta was recognized as part of the Ethiopian realm
that in turn acknowledged the sovereignty of the emperor and paid tribute.
Pankhurst notes that two nineteenth century travellers, James Bruce and A. B.
Wyle, recount the period of peace and prosperity that ensued.138

In an insightful study of political history of the region, Wudu Tafete writes
that Emperor Fasiladas continued to pursue resolving the problem of Lasta’s
integration through a series of interrnarriages. Accordingly, he gave his
daughters to notable personalities of the surrounding areas of Maqet, Sadaho
and Wadla. Men who supported the emperor’s military campaigns were awarded
with marriage to imperial daughters.

An indication of the importance of these marriages is illustrated when a
certain Dahna Sum ZaSellassie of western Bugna married a daughter of
Fasiladas. ZaSellassie continued a romantic affair with Eskendera, the daughter
of a powerful local chieftain Wagshum Gedewon even after the marriage. The
princess discovered the illicit affair and returned to Gondar to the refuge of her
father's house. Fasiladas ultimately sentenced ZaSellassie to death, although

his office continued to pass to his descendants for many generations. Despite

 

'3’ Richard Pankhurst, “Wag and Lasta: An Essay in the Regional History of Ethiopia from the 14th
Century to 1800,” Proceedings of the Seventh lntemational Conference of Ethiopian Studies, University of
Lund, 26-29 April 1982, p. 219.

79

such incidents, the policy of marriage alliances instituted by Fasiladas achieved
the primary objective it sought: the stabilization of relations between Wag and
Lasta and the royal court of Gondar.139

From around the last quarter of the seventeenth to the early eighteenth
centuries, the royal center continued its attempts to fully integrate Lasta into the
Gondarine state. The power of the monarchy waned as religious controversy and
internal struggles among the Gondarine nilers weakened the kingdom. In 1721,
Bakaffa took to the throne and attempted to re-establish royal hegemony in
Lasta. His main challenger was Gubala, the son and successor of Mahdara
Krestos, who had challenged Bakaffa’s grandfather, Yohannes l.14o

Among the main reasons Bakaffa was especially threatened by Gubala’s
challenge was the fact that the latter was attempting to widen his network of
political alliances through marriage alliances with members of Bakaffa’s royal
court in Gondar. Amha-lyassus, Bakaffa’s governor of Bagemder, had given a
daughter’s hand in marriage to Gubala. The chronicler cited by Wudu even went
as far as to accuse the governor of having his own designs on the Gondarine
throne, an intention that would be bolstered by the marriage connection to
Gubala. When Gubala asked for pardon in 1726, he returned the daughter of
Amha-lyassus to her father, and gave his son Lebbe as hostage. Bakaffa sent

father and son back to Lasta with the honor that reflected their influence in the

region.141

 

'39 Wudu, ibid. pp. 54-57.
"° Wudu, ibid., pp. 76-81.
"' See Wudu, ibid.

80

It was not until the reign of Bakaffa’s son, towards the middle of the
eighteenth century, that full integration of Lasta into the Gondarine state was
finally achieved. Marriage had played a key role in this process, sometimes
tipping the political balance at critical historical junctures and other times
strengthening alliances for several generations. lyassu Il led military expeditions
into the Wagshum capital of Saqota with triumphant results. The local autonomy
of the Wagshums was lost and undermined by appointees of the royal court in
Gondar. The full incorporation of Lasta was also evident by the incorporation of
Lastan soldiers as part of the Emperor‘s army at Gondar.

It is important to note that throughout the history of this region, marriage
alliances provided critical leverage in politically volatile situations. Even when the
union did not necessarily last, the above illustration indicates that marriage
arrangements were an essential part of the process of political bargaining. At
best, these attempts signalled the beginning of a mutually supportive potential.
At worst, they were efforts to curb the ambitions of a possible enemy or foe.

Towards the middle of the 18th century, the emergence of Tigre in the
north and Yajju in the southeast once again changed the nature of politics in the
region. The Zamana Masafent, or Era of Princes (1766-1868) witnessed a
different relationship of Wag and Lasta to the power center in Gondar. Between
1769 and1868, the long-standing tensions between the monarchy and the
nobility were resolved with the latter gaining an upper-hand in Gondarine politics.

This period is viewed by many traditional and Western scholars as one of

general chaos and disruption of govemment order that was fueled by the

81

centrifugal forces of nobility against the power center. In contrast, Shiferaw
Bekele presents, a compelling argument to suggest that the struggle of the
nobility stemmed from wanting to overtake Gondarine politics rather than break
away from it.”2 The most significant support to this argument is the rate and
extent of marriage alliances that were created between the royal house in
Gondar and the nobility who sought control.

The beginning of the Zamana Masafent was marked by the emergence of
Ras Mikael Sihul of Tigre as a forceful personality who would appoint and
demote puppet kings at will in the courts of Gondar in 1769. A brief
consideration of his life and political involvement would serve to illustrate the
complementary role of marriage alliances with attempts to heighten influence
with the political center and alternately, the need of the center to create these
networks for survival.
GONDAR & TIGRE

Born in 1692, Mikael Sihul spent his early years in the service of the
Sa’azagans family in Hamassen, who had themselves established important
- marriage links with Gondar royalty.143 By around 1754, Mikael had gained
dominance in the region with control over Indarta, Tamben, Adwa and Aksum.
He expressed his loyalty and attained the recognition of Gondar as a potential

ally against discontented chiefs. As a reward, Queen Mentewab gave her

 

“2 Shiferaw Bekele’s article re-examines the work of previous scholars in depicting the Zamana Masafent
as a period of separatist tendencies by the nobility. He convincingly argues that the nobility were instead
working within the same power framework to gain control of the political center in Gondar. Shiferaw
Bekele, “Reflections on the Power Elite of the Wara Sch Masfenate (1786-1853)” Annales d 'Ethiopie, Vol.
15, 1990.

143 This brief biography relies on the work of Ismael Ali, “The Career of Mikael Sihul of Tigre (1692-
1780),” BA thesis, Addis Ababa University, History, 1972.

82

youngest daughter Alitash to Mikael’s son, Wolde Hawariat in marriage. Mikael
himself had asked for the hand of Walata Israel, another daughter of the Queen,
but this was not seen appropriate due to the advanced age of Mikael. Mikael’s
intention of positioning himself in proximity to the royal court by marriage was
nonetheless bearing fruit.144

Empress Mentewab who was Bakaffa’s wife and later the regent-empress
(1730-1769), was actively trying to strengthen the weakening power center by
establishing marriage links with notable nobility. The daughter of a prominent
family from the Qwaran district, Mentewab was faced with the difficult task of
managing the hostile attitudes of chiefs from Gojjam, Lasta and Amhara against
herself and her relatives. Linking her family to others of potential power was the
only viable alternative to ceding political ground,'and this was accomplished
through a series of marriage arrangements between Minitwab’s descendants and
surrounding important families.

Under his mother’s directions, the heir and son lyasu ll banished his
former wife of royal Amhara background, and took on an Oromo wife by the
name of Wabi. A daughter, Walata Israel was given to Yosedeq, thus creating
links with Gojjam, although Yosedeq was also said to be Oromo in origin.“5
Another daughter, Aster, was married to Chariqin Nacho, the governor of

surrounding peripheral districts. The Tuloma Oromo especially became a central

 

'“ See Isrmel Ali, ibid., p. 18.
“5 She would later marry Dejazmach Goshu of Amhara, an important regional noble who was earlier
married to Mikael’s daughter, thus creating a political front with the latter.

83

feature of the royal family with descendants who could claim legitimate right to
the throne.“6

Mikael arrived in Gondar in 1755, soon after the death of lyasu II who was
succeeded by Iyoas (1755-1769). Cautiously watching the lntemal struggle over
the question of succession in Gondar, Mikael emerged as the strong man in
Tigre who would ultimately assist in containing political troubles in Gondar. He
was promoted Ras by Emperor Iyoas and, as the only person who commanded
an organized sizeable army at the time, proved to be an indespensable military
ally against the rebelling chiefs.147

Iyoas was deposed with the skillful political maneuvering of Ras Mikael
whose own choice of emperor, Yohannes II, was placed on the throne. This
signaled the beginning of the era of king-makers in 1769 and the onset of the
Zamana Masafent which was characterized by the authority of the king-maker to
place his own puppet figure in position while remaining in the background.
Yohannes II, a pious man who had led a religious life while imprisoned by his
brother Emperor Bakaffa, was deemed unfit by conservative members of the
Gondarine courts, due to the fact that he had lost one of his hands at his
brother's orders when he tried to escape from prison.

With a constant eye to strengthening relations with family alliances to the

royal center, Ras Mikael was undeterred and forced the marriage of Yohannes

 

"6 See Ismael Ali, ibid., pp. 28-30.

m Isnuel Ali’s study recounts that Ras Mikael harbored obvious contempt for the Oromo and was involved
in a long clash with an Oromo chief, Maryam Barya. The latter was eventually killed by an uncle of the
king, and his widow was left in the protection of Ras Mikael, whom she eventually married. This was an
alliance that was disapproved by Emperor Iyoas, who understood that the destruction of an enemy had
invited an opening that was filled by a potential competitor in Ras Mikael. Creating such links were
obviously advantageous for the latter in his quest for influence in the Gondarine court. See ibid., pp. 37-38.

84

with his own grand—daughter, Walata Sellassie. Eventually, Yohannes did not
prove as useful to Mikael as he had hoped so he poisoned him and prepared the
15 year-old son and successor, Takla Haimanot II (1769-1777) for the throne.
Ras Mikael continued to build on his power base by marrying his descendants to
surrounding nobility of influence. Hence, Dejach Wand Wassen, who had
impressed the Ras with his military prowess, was appointed the Governor of
Begemidir and was to be married to the grand-daughter of Ras Mikael, the
daughter of Walda Hawaryat and princess Alitash. Dejach Goshu of Amhara
was also married to a daughter of Ras Mikael.

It was these two chiefs that were called upon to campaign against a rebel,
Fasil Warana, on behalf of Ras Mikael. Both chiefs ultimately decided to revolt
against Mikael while the rebel decided to ask Mikael for reconciliation. This tnlce
was marked by the marriage of Fasil to the grand-daughter of Mikael, Walata
Sellassie. Ras Mikael agreed to this arrangement, and appointed his new son-in-
law as governor of Macha, Agaw, Damot and Gojjam.

Mikael’s power waned some time later and he lost his position of influence
in clashes with the Gondarine king, Susenyos. Goshu was proclaimed Ras of
Gondar and the last period of Mikael’s life slipped into obscurity. He is said to
have died in Adwa in 1780, and buried in a church in Dagna. Although Ras
Mikael Sihul’s dominance of central politics was short-lived, it was the most
dramatic example of nobility exercising their power and ambitions in monarchical

courts.

85

Particular to this study, it is significant to note the extent of marriage
alliances that were initiated to create the necessary social and political context
for the sharing of power. Thus despite the relative position of strength of Ras
Mikael to Gondarine powers, he continued to create familial links with the royal
center. Besides adding legitimacy to his actions, this would ensure that his
descendants remained an integral part of the political framework. The larger
implication was also that this elite group of actors, much like the consequent
power elite, could claim descent from Gondar, Oromo, Tigre, Gojjam and
Amhara.

GONDAR & YAJJU

The period between 1786 to the beginning of the 19th century has barely
been studied by modern scholars, so only preliminary remarks can be made here
based on an insightful article by Shiferaw Bekele on the social history in relation

148

to elite families of the era. In the last quarter of the eighteenth century, a man

by the name of Ali Gwangul, himself a king-maker and influential personality,
took power in Gondar, initiating what came to be known as the Yajju dynasty.149
Oromo and Muslim in origin, the Yajju ruled from Dabra Tabor in Gondar for the

next eighty years. According to Shiferaw, the power elite that emerged from this

period had two notable, if perhaps universal characteristics: first, the high level

 

"' Shiferaw Bekele, ibid.

“9 Wudu’s study indicates that before the Yajju rulers established themselves in Gondar, there was a period
of Lastans emulating the actions of Mikael Sehul as decisive actors of imperial power. Dejach Wand
Bawassan was one such figure, and his own descent from medieval emperors provided an added impetus to
gain central place in the royal court of his ancestors. See Wudu ibid., pp. 106-108.

86

of inter-relationship and second, continuity.150 In practical terms, this meant that
members of the provincial ruling houses of the Mamadoch family of Wara
Himano and Wallo were intemlarried with those of Semen, Yajju and Lasta.

One unique characteristic of the national elite of this period was the high
level of intermarriage between Christian and Muslim families, consistent with the
political arrangement. The religious homogeneity maintained to a large degree
among the elite in the preceding or subsequent eras was here reconfigured to
accommodate the hybrid reality. This strengthens the observation that the
driving force behind the union of elite families may well be the converging of
interests and values in relation to power.151

These marriage alliances also extended to Tigre and Shoa, thus creating
a sizeable coalescence of northern families who shared certain aspirations,
common value systems, self-interests and perceptions.152 For instance, All 1, his
siblings and their descendants, could claim belonging and loyalty for Wallo, Yajju,
Lasta, Gojjam, Semen and Tigre. These marriages occurred across regional,
ethnic and sometimes linguistic boundaries no doubt expanding the parameters

of identity.153

 

'” As indicated earlier, the term power elite is adopted here in the same vein as it is used by Shiferaw to
mean princes, provincial governors, high court officials and high ecclesiastical dignitaries as well as the
women in these families. See ibid., p. 162.
'5 ' Despite the fact that the Christian Orthodox religion was the one most closely identified with the ruling
elite, it is difficult to assume that this history of inter-married Muslim elite did not contribute and shape the
larger group’s legacy in some way that would require futher investigation.

”The movement of professional soldiers, matchlockmen, and priests among these regions suggests that
other groups besides the elite formed nationally integrated social units as well.
' 3 As Wudu points out, the people of the borderlands between Wag and Tigre were bilingual, speaking
both Agawenna and Tegrenna. The people of Lasta enjoyed greater linguistic, cultural and trade links with
the Amharic speaking people of Bagemder and Wadla Dalanta, ibid., p. 115.

87

Tewodros

Although not studied as an important factor to his rise in power, the
political career of Kasa, later Emperor Tewodros (r. 1855-1868) also involved
marriage alliances. His early marriage was to Tewabech, variously described as
the daughter or sister of Ras Ali, whose authority in Gondar was constantly
challenged by his vassals.154 By this act, Kasa was invited to “come in” to the fold
thus declaring his loyalty and being forgiven for his past deeds as well as being
offered appointment as governor of Qwara, his birthplace and land over which he
had some inherited claim. This marriage did not stop Kasa from rebelling against
the Res and his mother, Empress Menen, and he emerged victorious from the
struggle eventually being crowned under his throne name Tewodros in 1855.

In September of the previous year, Kasa confirmed his marriage with
Tewabech by partaking of the Holy Communion with her.155 European accounts
paint a romantic albeit unconfirmed story of the meeting between Tewodros and
Tewabech. She was captured by the enemy army of Egyptian Mohamed Ali who
was fighting against her grandmother, Itege Menen, and rather than submit, had
stabbed herself with a poison dagger. Tewodros rushed to her rescue, sucked
the poison from her wound by his own lips, and fell in love with her. His request
for her hand was turned down by Itege Menen, and it was not until the defeat of

both Ras Ali and the Itege that Tewodros was able to bargain their release for the

 

'“As Sven Rubenson conveys, Tewabech is identified in oral traditions of Dembiya and the anonymous
chronicle of Tewodros as both sister and daughter of Ali. Sven Rubenson, King of Kings Tewodros of
Ethiopia, (Addis Ababa: Haile Sellassie I University, 1966), p. 37.

'5’ Ibid., p. 44.

88

hand of the princess.156 Tewodros’ love for and complete devotion to Tewabech
is recounted by other contemporary travelers, and her calming effect on his fiery
temperament lauded. His grief at her death in 1858 apparently left him
inconsolable, driving him to drink and other women.157 A

From his survey of several European sources, Haile Gabriel Dagne cites
that Tewodros was linked to several women: the daughter of Gobeze of Gojjam;
Tewabech, the daughter of Res All; Tiruwork (also referred to as Tirunesh), the
daughter of Ras Wube and Yetemegnu, a Yajju Oromo widow. His marriage to
Tewabech and Triuwork are the ones most often mentioned, although other
wives and concubines were said to have been present in his court. Despite the
difficulty of exploring the nature of these marriages, one can easily observe the
political significance of at least two of these connections. Both Tewabech and
Tirunesh were from important Yajju and Semen families respectively, whose
fathers were engaged in the power struggle of the 18405 and 50s and had allied
against the then Kasa Hailu. Wube’s own ambitions to the imperial throne were
crushed by his defeat at the battle of Deresge in Semen in February 1855. Wube
and his sons were imprisoned at Maqdala and freed briefly when Tewodros
married Tirunesh in 1860. 15"

Wube was also the uncle of Taitu Betul who would become empress at

Menilek’s side in 1889. The importance of Semen and Yajju as regional powers

 

'56 See Major Polson Newman’s account in Haile Gabriel Dagne, “The Letters (1) of Emperor Teodros to
Itege Yetemegnu,” Ethiopia Observer, 7-8, 1963-64, p. 117.
| .

Ibrd.
I”'I‘ir'uneshfl'iruwork was the mother of Alemayehu, Tewodros’s ill-fated son and heir, who was taken to
England by the British army after the dramatic death of his father at Maqdala. His mother died near
Chelicut, while accompanying her son, and Alermyehu himself died a few years later in England.

89

was apparent in both Tewodros’ and Menilek’s choice of wives. Also relevant to
note is that while a prisoner at Maqdala, Menilek had been married to Alitash, the
daughter of Tewodros. Tekle Tsadiq Mekuria writes that when Tewodros Ieamed
of Menilek’s escape, he asked why he had not taken Alitash with him. This was
taken to indicate Menilek’s future as emperor and Tewodros’s hope to continue
imperial legacy through his progeny.

As late nineteenth and twentieth century family histories indicate, many
Yajju and Semen descendants married Shoan nobles and royalty, directly
reflecting the rise of Shoa as the center of the empire after the fall of Tewodros.
Married to the consequent generations of this mixed group of elite families were
political personalities who were instrumental in Menilek’s rise to power. Among
them were Dejazmach Girmame, Ras Makonnen, Ras Demissew and
Dejazmach Wolde Hanna, who played important supportive roles at different
stages of Menelik’s reign.

Menelik’s own marriage to Taitu marked a significant union between Shoa
and the power elite of the preceding era. As has been discussed by various
scholars, Empress Taitu, herSelf a seasoned designer of political marriages, was
situated in the center of a potent network of regional elite families and support,
owing to the fact that there was practically no ruling house to whom she was not
related in some way. The combined effect of these marriage alliances was the
creation and continuity of a power elite that provided the basis and peopled the

frame of the political structure over several centuries.

90

CHAPTER III

EMPIRE BUILDING & MARRIAGE ALLIANCES UNDER MENILEK

The latter half of the nineteenth century continued to reflect the struggle
for unification begun by Emperor Tewodros. The brief nlle of Emperor Takla
Giyorgis that followed, his overthrow by the man crowned Emperor Yohannes,
and the growing influence of Menilek in Shoa, are all well documented in the
historical narrative. Marriage alliances between and amongst the nobility of
northern regions were built or broken in accordance with these political shifts.

LASTA, GOJJAM, SHOA AND TIGRE: POWER STRUGGLES AND
MARRIAGE HISTORY

The tenuous reign of Wagshum Gobaze of Lasta who, upon the death of
Tewodros at Maqdala, crowned himself Emperor Takla Giyorgis (1868-71 ), is
illustrative of the importance of family alliances in power negotiations.159 Takla
Giorgis was faced with the same difficulties of regional unrest and religious
divisions encountered by his predecessors. Soon after his crowning, three
contenders to the throne emerged: Ras Adal Tassama, later Nigus Takla
Haimanot from the central region of Gojjam; Kassa Mercha, later Emperor
Yohannes IV, from Temben; and Nigus Menilek, who had escaped in 1865 from

imprisonment by Emperor Tewodros in Maqdala and was expanding north into

 

"9 Born around 1836, Wagshum Gobaze was the son of Wagshum Gebre Medhin whose mother was the
daughter of Wagshum Kinfu. On his mother’s side, Woizero Aitchesh was the descendant of Irnete
Yeworq Weha of Gaza and so able to claim Solomonic lineage, claims well supported in Europe. Zewde
Gabre-Sellassie, Yohannes IV of Ethiopia: A Political Biography, (Oxford: Oxford University Press,
1975), P- 21.

91

Wallo from his base in Shoa. Marriage alliances between the families of these
three contenders and Emperor Takla Giyorgis’s family were sought, most
probably to mediate the potential threat of displacement for the emperor.

Early in his reign, the marriage of Menilek’s cousin Tissime Darge to
Wagshum Hailu in November 1868, provided a diplomatic front between Shoe
and Lasta. Even before he became emperor, Takla Giyorgis appreciated the
political potential of marriage alliances. To garner support in Gojjam, he
arranged marriage between his maternal sister Beletech and Desta, the youngest
son of Tedla Gualu, an early supporter of Takla Giyorgis and the rebel ruler of
the region from 1855-67. Though initially submissive to the emperor, Desta soon
after rebelled against Takla Giorgis at the battle of Santera Meda, leaving the
latter with little choice but to pursue and consolidate relations with the alternative,
Adal. Adal Tassama, was appointed Ras by Emperor Takla Giyorgis in 1869 and
given Gojjam, Damot and Agew Midir to govern. The emperor also gave him the
hand of his sister, Wzo. Laqech Gebremedhin, in marriage.160

Where Takla Giyorgis’s gamble with Adal appeared successful, he was
soon faced with a more serious threat from Kassa Mercha. Takla Giyorgis’s
marriage to Kassa’s only sister did not deter the latter's rebellion against the
emperor. A decisive battle in 1871 found Kassa victorious and, the following

year, he was crowned Emperor Yohannes IV. Born in 1831, Kassa Abba Bezbez

 

"0 A brief look into the regional history of Gojjam preceding the rise of Ras Adal reveals the importance of
marriage connections among local nobility. Until the middle of the 18th century, the rulers of Gojjam were
imperial appointees of the Gondarine court. Under Emperor lyasu ( 1730-55), Dejazrnatch Yosedeq and
Dejazrnatch Worena governed Gojjam and Damot respectively. Yosedeq grew in strength and influence
and soon declared himself independent of imperial authority. Because he would not submit, a rmrriage
alliance forged the solution. Emperor Iyasu’s sister, Walata Israel, duly married Yosedeq and their
descendants continued to rule Gojjam and Damot well into the twentieth century.

92

was the son of Shum Temben Mercha and Wzo. Silas. His family ancestry could
be traced to the prominent nobility of the region including Ras Mikael Sehul, Djz.
Sibagadis and Ras Wolde Sellassie. Yohannes’s authority was immediately
challenged by some chieftains, and the loyalty of others was not readily
forthcoming, leaving the emperor in an initially precarious position. Despite this,
his political character as one satisfied with complete loyalty but indirect rule has
been commented upon by scholars, and is indicated in his dealings with his
vassals, Adal and Menilek.

Ras Adal Tassama, who had wagered his support on the side of Takla
Giyorgis against Kassa, fled the scene in view of these political developments
and was replaced by Desta who was hiding his time and had allied himself with
Kassa. It was not until June 1874 that Ras Adal came out of hiding to defeat and
kill Desta and submit to Emperor Yohannes through the intervention of the
clergy. Ras Adal was reinstated as the ruler of Gojjam and Damot, and
continued to be a loyal vassal until the political dynamics shifted with the
reckoning presence of Menilek of Shoa.

Menilek’s success in Wallo signalled the strength of a potentially powerful
rival to the throne. Emperor Yohannes’s preoccupation with the impending
Egyptian menace increasingly allowed both for internal ambitions to crystallize
and lucrative political connections to be nurtured with external forces. Menilek
advanced from Wore Illu, the garrison base he had founded in Wallo, through
Begemidir en route to Gondar. Once again, the clergy intervened to divert a

confrontation, this time between Yohannes and Menilek.

93

In March 1878, Menilek carrying the traditional stone of penitence, asked
for forgiveness and swore his allegiance to Emperor Yohannes IV. Among the
terms of what came to be known as the Leche Agreement were that Meniek was
to use the title “King of Shoe” and not the previously purported “King of Kings“
and would pay annual tribute and support the imperial army when in Shoa. In
return, the Emperor willingly confirmed Menilek as the hereditary ruler of Shoa
and agreed to protect him in the event of an incursion, as he would his other
vassals.

Yohannes’s efforts to maintain a balance of military and political power
between Menilek and Adal interfered with Menilek’s thinly veiled imperial design.
The emperor increasingly favored Adal, drawing him into the family with the
marriage of Yohannes’s nephew to Adal’s daughter in 1879, and Adal’s
appointment soon after as Nigus of Gojjam and Kafa with the name Takla
Haimanot in January, 1881. Menilek continued to challenge Takla Haimanot’s
territorial holdings, until matters came to a head with the latter's defeat at the
Battle of Embabo the following year.

Yohannes, angered by the unrest caused by these rivalries, summoned
Menilek and Takla Haimanot to Boru Meda to chide them for their actions and
redefine their spheres of influence. To this end, Yohannes took Agew Midir from
Gojjam and Wallo from Shoa. Menilek was further instructed to give up all the
arms he had secured from the Battle of Embabo to Ras Alula, the trusted general
of the emperor. Takla Haimanot was pardoned and the emperor retLrned all his

confiscated arms. Both in military and political terms, this dealt a severe blow to

94

Menilek. The administration of Wallo was divided into two and given to
Mohammed Ali (later Nigus Mikael) and to the emperor’s young son, Ras Araya
Sellassie. At this critical juncture, Yohannes proposed the marriage of this same
son to Wzo. Zawditu, Menilek’s daughter by his former wife.

Most accounts agree that the proposal was initiated by the emperor,
adding to the plausibility of existing reasons. The first was that Yohannes
wanted to soften the impact of his decisions at Boru Meda on Menilek’s pride. A
marriage alliance between the two families would indicate that they were
potential partners in power. Other speculations include that Yohannes had
hoped to create family links with Menilek‘s', quite possibly due to reasons of
succession since Menilek did not have a male heir. Menilek’s official chronicler,
Tsehafi Taezaz Gebre Sellassie writes that the emperor was displeased with
Menilek’s actions in Wallo implying that this arrangement would help keep
Menilek in proximity.162 Each interpretation holds some truth and, taken in
combination, confirm Menilek’s significance as the impending successor to
imperial authority.

Historians hint that the young age of Zawditu and Araya Sellassie, six and
thirteen respectively, and the death of Araya five years later, made the marriage
an event of symbolic union rather than a practical one. Despite his youth,
Emperor Yohannes had entrusted Ras Araya Sellassie with the command of

Wallo in 1882. His rule was termed “repressive" and fueled the revolt of local

 

‘5' Zawde Gebre-Sellassie, ibid., p. 106.
‘62 Tsehafi Taemz Gebre Sellassie, Tarike Zemen ZeDagmawi Menilek Niguse Negest ZeItyopia, (Addis
Ababa: Berhanenna Selam Printing Press, 1909 EC), p. 109.

95

rulers.‘63 After his marriage to Zawditu, Ras Araya was transferred to Begemidir
and Dambea in 1886 and remained as administrator there for two years.

Tsehafi Taezaz Gebre Sellassie writes that Menilek responded with some
appreciation to Yohannes’s proposal with: “It is only that the girl is too young for
marriage, or this would not have displeased me.” Yohannes rejoined that the
children of kings should‘ indeed be transported “... bankelba bemadego...” (in
leather slings and carriers) to their destinies, and that the wedding should
proceed.

Gebre Sellassie details an imaginative account of the preparations that
followed. The heavens, it seemed, had blessed the union by sending a streaking
star in the sky. A large canvassed area was leveled and carpeted with a
curtained section prepared for the throne and attendants trained to be waiting on
the guests. Adorned in gifts of beautifully fashioned and embroidered clothes,
the royal entourage completed the stage set for the Ceremony to take place. On
Sunday Tir 13 (Feb 1883), festivities commenced with full gibir or royal feast for
the armies. Ras Araya received gifts of different armaments, clothes, soldiers,
tents and gold.

The next morning, the celebration continued until noon, when the bride
prepared to leave for her new home. Atwelve gun salute and the rumbling
sound of drums signaled the occasion, as Zawditu emerged accompanied by
beautiful attendants adorned in gold and silver. A basket covered with-an
intricately embroidered skirt was carried in front of this group that followed

singing, and showering religious blessings for the union.

 

'63 Bahru Zawde, A History of Modern Ethiopia I 855-! 974, (London: James Currey Ltd., 1991 ), p. 49.

96

The marriage between Araya Sellassie and Zawditu was important in the
indirect way it recompensed Menilek for losing Wallo, the same region to be
governed by his new son-in-Iaw. His letter to Emperor Yohannes details his
sentiments:

“... soon again, when you said; “I have taken Wollo and wish to be its
Apostle,” I said I would be sorry if you were to give it to Ras Mikael, while I
would be pleased to hand it to your Majesty.

When later it was given to Ras Araya, I told myself that it had gone
into the family, as the saying goes, ‘When the calf milks the cow, it only
returns to the stomach,’ and was therefore pleased.” ‘64

The young couple’s marriage ended in 1888 when Emperor Yohannes
returned from a campaign against enroaching Italians at Saati, and Ras Araya
died from his infliction with smallpox on 12th June. Zawditu stayed a few more
months and returned in November to her father’s court in Shoa. That same year,
Menilek and Takla Haimanot secretly joined forces against Yohannes. The
emperor’s sense of betrayal at his two vessels was apparent in the vengeance
his troops unleashed on Gojjam. His anger was further fueled by the failure of
his more lenient policies towards Takla Haimanot, who had counted on Menilek’s
support in this venture, and when it was not forthcoming, had eventually
submitted to Yohannes.

In the meantime, Menilek continued to cause unrest in Yohannes‘s

territory by involving Italians and appearing to mobilize his army to defend Shoa

 

'“ Letter from King Menilek to Emperor Yohannes cited in Zewde Gabre-Sellassie, ibid. Appendix C. The
letter is dated 10 Tir 1881 EC. (January 1889) and is quoted from a manuscript by Herui Wolde Sellassie’s
“History of Ethiopia.”

97

against the emperor. One written source evokes the reaction of a traumatized
eleven-year old Zawditu to this politically volatile situation. In grief-stricken
words, she implored her father not to confront Emperor Yohannes for had her
husband, Ras Araya Sellassie, been alive, this impending war would never have
been provoked. According to the story, when word of her grief reached the ears
of Yohannes, he himself cried fresh tears for his son.‘“5

In February 1889, Emperor Yohames died in a military expedition against
the Mahdists at Matamma. Menilek promptly pronounced himself emperor and
successor to Yohannes and was crowned in November. His former rival and
sometime ally, Nigus Takla Haimanot, though weakened by the armed ventures
he undertook in Kafa, pledged allegiance to Menilek.

SHOA & TIGRE: MARRIAGE RELATIONS AND POLI'I1CAL HISTORY
AFI'ER YOHANNES

In the years between 1889 and 1894, Mengesha Yohannes, the emperor’s
heir, often under the mentoriship of Ras Alula, continued to struggle for local
control and autonomy from Menilek who made little effort to bestow the coveted
title of Nigus on the Tigrean prince. Menilek’s attempt to send his own
appointee, Dejazmach Seyoum Gabre Kidan, a nephew of Emperor Yohannes,
as overlord of Tlgre failed in its aim of establishing Shoan authority.166 All parties
involved - rival Tigrean chiefs, Mengesha and Menilek - actively sought Italian

support for political and military leverage. From their base in Eritrea, Italian

 

"5 Morse Hamn Wolde Kirqos, Ye Zemen tarik Tezitaye be Negeste Negest Zawditu Zemena Mengist,
Unpublished Manuscript, 1938 E. C., Institute of Ethiopian Studies, Addis Ababa Univers'ty, p. 523.
'66 Dejazmach Seyoum Abba Gobez was the son of Emperor Yohannes’s sister Dinqinesh who was
previously married to Emperor Takla Giyorgis, followed by Ras Bitwoded Gabre Kim

98

officials deployed their divide and rule tactics alternately drawing Tigre and Shoa
to their side as they explored options of expansion from the north.

Marriage continued to play an important role both in attempts to bridge
internal rivalries, and after 1894, in drawing the ruling house of Tigre closer to
that of Shoa. In 1892, with intent of guiding local politics towards Tigrean unity
under Ras Mengesha’s and Alula’s cause, the latter wed his niece Wzo.
Shoanesh to Dejazmach Sebhat Aregawi and his daughter Wzo. Demekech to
Sebhat’s brother, Dejazmach Abbay. Within Tigre, in the spirit of forgiveness and
future co-operation, Mengesha’s daughter Attenesh was wed to Abreha Hagos in
1897 to pardon Ras Hagos for his collaboration with Italy. This created a critical
temporary rapprochement for Mengesha and secured Tamben for Abreha.167

Because of his political and military leadership and perhaps as a mark of
their friendship, Emperor Yohannes had previously ordered the marriage of Ras
Alula to his 19 year-old niece Amsalu, the daughter of the emperor's uncle Ras
Araya Dimtsu in 1878.168 Ras Alula had begun his service as a follower in the
courts of Ras Araya in the late 18603. The marriage occurred when Alula’s
indispensable command and loyalty was demonstrated in the north at a time
when Yohannes was pre-occupied by religious and political problems in Shoa,

Gojjam and Wallo. Despite its potential, according to Ras Alula’s political

biography, the marriage and the Ras’ affection for his new wife did not afford him

 

"7 Mekonnen Berhane, “A Political History of Tigre: Shawan Centralization versus Tigrean Regionalism
(1889-1910),” BA thesis, Addis Ababa University, History, 1994, p. 75.

'6' It is worth noting here that Menilek’s foremost general, Ras Gobena Daci, was also linked by marriage
to the imperial family. This was Ras Alula’s second marriage, the first being to Bitwata, a farmer’s
daughter from Tamben and the mother of his 3 daughters. Haggai Erlich, Ras Alula and the Scramble for
Afi'ica, (Lawrenceville: Red Sea Press, 1996), p. 22.

99

acceptance by the Tigrean hereditary elite, nor was Yohannes able to provide
him with gult or territorial fief lands to expand his power.169 Alula‘s humble
background as a son of a farmer kept him, in many ways, an outsider.

In June 1894, frustrated by Italian reticence, Ras Mengesha and his
entourage arrived in Addis Ababa to submit to Menilek. The emperor granted his
pardon at the traditional ceremony of penitence by the Tigrean nobles who
returned after pledging allegiance and accepting Menilek’s demands, among
which were the renewal of Zawditu’s crown grant over Enderta bestowed to her
by Emperor Yohannes at the time of her marriage to his son. Although property
rights granted during elite marriages has not been studied in detail, no doubt it
was an important aspect of political and economic negotiations.170 Contrary to his
expectation, the crown of Tigre was not granted to Ras Mengesha partly because
Empress Taitu had taken an active interest in northern politics, and had an eye
on the crown for her brother Ras Wole. Upon his return to Tigre, Ras Mengesha
fought against Italians in June 1895, playing an important political and military
role preceding the Battle of Adwa.

The attempt to secure Ras Mengesha’s allegiance not surprisingly led to a
marriage between him and Taitu’s niece, Wzo. Kefei Wele, an arrangement
whereby the empress’ initial impulse to appoint her brother to Tigre were cleverly

resolved. In June 1896, Mengesha was ordered to divorce his wife to whom he

 

"’9 The Tigrean ruling class derived its power from hereditary land rights in combination with imperial
office. Erlich, ibid., p. 26.

170 In his work on land and property in the Christian kingdom of Ethiopia, Donald Crummey makes such
references to land endowed upon the occasion of elite or royal marriages. See Donald Crummey, Land and
Society in the Christian Kingdom of Ethiopia —fi'om the Thirteenth to the Twentieth Century, (Urbana and
Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2000).

100

was attached, and many Kefei, who was also quickly divorced from her husband
Nadew Tassama for this occasion.171 Menilek’s chronicler Gebre Sellassie
devotes a short paragraph to Ras Mangasha’s appointment to Tigre after Adwa
which according to him, was followed by the Ras' request to be granted a wife
from the imperial court. Menilek complied and oversaw the marriage before he
returned to Shoa having seemingly settled matters in the north.172

Quite obviously, the marriage of Mengesha and Kefei was an effort to
draw the northern region closer to the center by strengthening control. At first
interpretation, this would seem an alliance between the Shoan and Tigrean royal
families. Although regional power and identity were strongly pronounced on
particular occasions, relations among the elite continued to weave the matrix of
an increasingly shared identity in proximity to power. Thus, though Kefei Wele
would have claimed Yajju, Semen and Lasta as the land of her ancestors, she
represented the Shoan court in this alliance and remained a devoted wife and
mother of their three daughters even during his imprisonment. This arrangement
may not have yielded the desired political outcome of Ras Mengesha’s
acceptance of imperial rule and he was soon after imprisoned in Ankober where
he died in 1906. What lay beyond the success or failure of such marriage

alliances was the increasingly widening network of elite families and the often

accompanying complexity of layered identities.

 

'7' Mengesha’s first wife, Tewabech Wolde-Gabriel, is said to have bad links to the royal house of Fasil in
Gondar and is also described as the daughter of the hereditary chief of Agewmidir. She was the mother of
Seyoum Mengesha (1887-1960). Prouty, Empress Taytu, ibid., p.114 and Hadera Tesfaye, “Ras Seyoum
Mengesha, 1887-1960,” BA thesis, Addis Ababa University, History, 1994.

”1 Gebre Sellassie, ibid., p. 269.

101

Nineteen months of rule of Tigre by Ras Makonnen, the emperor’s cousin,
followed while rebellions against Ras Mengesha’s imprisonment continued, led
by his son Seyoum and his nephew, Gugsa Araya Sellassie. Ras Makonnen then
appointed Dejazmach Gebre Sellassie governor of Adwa in northern Tigre shortly
before he himself was replaced as overlord by Ras Wele, who was Ras
Mengesha’s father-in-law and who shared a dislike of Ras Makonnen with his
sister, empress Taitu.

In 1902, Tigre was divided into three govemorships ruled by Gebre
Sellassie, Abraha Araya and Shum Agame Desta Sibhat. Of these, Gebre
Sellassie would emerge a key figure in central and regional politics. He traced his
ancestry from an important family in Tigre, that of Shum Agame Woldu who was
also an ancestor of Emperor Yohannes. His father, B’arya Gabir, enjoyed a
close friendship with Emperor Tewodros who had allegedly proposed B’arya
Gabir’s marriage to his daughter, and is also said to have aided Menilek in his
escape from Maqdala.173

Gebre Sellassie’s early political life included service to the Italian cause
from which he constantly defected, and intermittent disaccord with Ras
Mengesha whom he eventually challenged. With his appointment as governor of
the richest northern area by Makonnen, Gebre Sellassie was launched into his
role as indispensable member of the central government. He was active both in

managing the internal affairs of Tigre and facilitating diplomatic efforts between

 

"3 B’arya Gabir joined the court of Emperor Yohannes after the death of Tewodros and was given sizeable
territory to rule. He died at the Battle of Matamrna fighting besides Yohannes. Tshaye Haile, “A short
biography of Dejazmach B’arya Gabir, 1873-1930,” BA thesis, Addis Ababa University, History, 1972.

102

Eritrean and Ethiopian authorities, a position to which he was ideally suited due
to his previous experience as basha or native officer under Italian command.

In 1903, following a year of unprecedented peace in Tigre, Gebre
Sellassie strengthened his ties to the imperial court further by complying to
Menilek’s wishes that he marry a beautiful grand niece, Wzo. Amarech Walelu.174
Carlo Annarato‘ne, an Italian traveler reports Menilek’s words to Amarech who
was already married at the time:

“You will abandon your husband and daughter and go as a bride to
Dejazmach Gebre Sellassie, my governor of Tigre. I give you this as a

sign of my great imperial attention and benevolence, putting you at the

side of a great, rich and potent region.”175

Gebre Sellassie was given wedding gifts of 150 slaves, 20 horses, 1, 500 guns
and 20, 000 talers. Sebastiano Martini, the Italian governor of Eritrea observed
how Gebre Sellassie referred to Ammarech with deference as “my lady" and not
“my wife”. Upon inquiry, he was told by Ras Abreha Araya nephew of Emperor
Yohannes to whom Gebre Sellassie was also related, that this was because
Wzo. Ammarech outranked Dejazmach Gebre Sellassie. "6

Secure with the support and affection of Menilek, Gebre Sellassie was
able to garner the peaceful submission of Dejazmachs Seyoum and Gugsa, long-
time dissenters of central authority, in 1903. Seyoum was appointed to a sizeable

area to govern in exchange for his loyalty thereafter. Gugsa was sent to

 

'" Wzo. Ammarech was the daughter of Wzo. Semaetwa, grand-daughter of Nigus Sahle Sellassie,
therefore a niece to Ras Wolde Giorgis and cousin to Ras Makonnen and Menelik.

"5 See Mekonnen Berhane, “A political history of Tigre: Shoan centralization versus Tigrean regionalism,
1889-1910,” MA thesis, Addis Ababa University, June 1994, and Tsehaye Haile, ibid., p. 26.

'7‘ Prouty, ibid., p. 264.

103

Wellegga under Ras Demissew, where he remained until 1916 and his eventful
return to the political scene. As political concerns flared and Abatad in the north,
the internal mechanisms of strengthening alliances through marriage continued
to cast networks amongst the subsequent generation. Tigrean presence at the
imperial court remained a feature of politics into the twentieth century. Through
the marriages of Ras Mengesha, Dejach Gebre Sellassie and other marital
arrangements engineered by Empress Taitu, the nobility of Tigre, Gondar, Lasta
and Shoa mixed to form a recognizeable elite unit.

THE RULING FAMILIES OF WELLEGGA
Background
Nineteenth century power in the western province of Wellegga was

situated in two main centers that created hereditary monarchical structures over
surrounding small independent kingdoms. The rule of the Bakare family was
established in Leqa Neqamte by Moroda Bakare while to the south west of
Neqamte, Dejazmatch Jote Tullu governed Leqa Qellem and its neighboring
lowlands bordering Illubabor and Sudan.177 Consistent with similar regional
patterns in the mid 1800’s, the traditional Gada system was beginning to weaken
and give way to influential war figures and men of authority.178

Although it may have been founded by ancestors that preceded him, a

man named Amo is credited for founding the ruling house of Naqamte in the first

 

'77 Pesent day Wellegga was divided during the reign of Emperor Menilek into more than three territories.
Wellegga proper was governed by Dejazmatch later Ras Demessiew Nasibu; the Bakare family ruled the
two halves of Leqa, split by the Didesa river; Qellam was governed by Dejazmach Jote. See Bairu Tafla,
“Four Ethiopian Biographies,” Journal of EthiOpian Studies, Vol. VII, No. 2, July 1969, pp. 11-13.

m The Gada system was the prevalent social fi'amework based on generation-grading which produced a
warrior class among the Oromo. Bakare is said to have been elected as the “physically perfect” man to
bless Gada convocation. He was invited to ask for anything he desired in exchange for the blessing, and
requested a forest from which he made money from hunting, charging people for grazing their animals and
from producing honey. Bairu Tafla, ibid.

104

half of the nineteenth century. Amo had two sons, Bararti and Godana who in
turn had two sons, Jijo and Bakare, respectively. Bakare rose in rank, extending
the family’s sphere of rule and unifying the area.179 Moroda succeeded Bakare
upon his death in 1868 and was reputedly welcoming to outsiders who came to
his region for trade and work. When Ras Daraso arrived from Gojjam in the late
1870’s on behalf of Nigus Takla Haimanot, Moroda decided to avoid bloodshed
and to submit peacefully. Impressed by his action, Ras Daraso asked to become
Moroda’s godfather following the latter’s baptism.180

Moroda further negotiated rule of his own territory in exchange for
remaining neutral in the struggle between Nigus Takla Haimanot and Menilek,
both of whom contested Oromo territories seeking to extend their influence and
partake in the wealth of the region. The earlier claims of Gojjam soon gave way
to Shoan primacy. Menilek promoted Moroda to Dejazmach and a complex
relationship developed between them largely predicated upon the govemment’s

desire to control the region’s economic riches in the form of tributary

payments.181

Even though there was implicit imbalance, Wellegga had a measure of

local autonomy which allowed Moroda, and later his son, to follow their own

 

"9 He had around thirteen children among whom Amante and Moroda were important actors in subsequent
occurrences. Amante was the father of Blat. Deressa, the progressive intellectual of Haile Sellassie’s era.
Blat. Deressa had also enjoyed close relations with Lij lyasu.

m The details of Moroda’s and Darasso’s interaction can be found in Terefe Woldetsadik, “The Unification
of Ethiopia (1880-1935): Wellegga,” Journal of Ethiopian Studies 6 (68), pp. 73-86.

m For more on the relationship between Moroda and Menilek, see Alessandro Triulzi, “Nekemte and
Addis Abeba: Dilemmas of Provincial Rule,” in Donald Donham and Wendy James, eds., The Southern
Marches of Imperial Ethiopia: Essays in History and Social Anthropology, (Cambridge: New York:
Cambridge University Press, 1986).

105

expansive pursuits so long as they did not threaten imperial interests.182 Moroda
died around 1889 and was succeeded by his eighteen year-old son Kumsa who,
following ecclesiastical education, was baptized Gebre Egziabher with Menilek
as his godfather in 1888. Dejach Gebre Egziabher took active interest in the
development of his region, was liberal in thought and humanitarian in action.183
Until his death from diabetes in 1923, relations with Menelik were stable with
Gebre Egziabher remaining loyal if somewhat aloof from central politics and
drawing from his rich govemate to pay the annual tribute in gold and ivory.

Born in June 1910 in Neqemte, Habte Mariam inherited his father's
govemorship soon after. From the age of seven, Habte Mariam had church
education supervised by Gojjame priests who had migrated to Wellegga. Along
with other children of nobility and their servants, Habte Mariam also had early
instruction in French and English which no doubt influenced his cosmopolitan
taste in clothes and food. In 1924, Dejazmach Habte Mariam and his entourage
traveled to the capital to have his hereditary rule sanctioned by imperial decree.
This was planned to pre-empt regent Ras Tafari’s intention to appoint his son-in-
law, Ras Desta Damtew as administrator of Wellegga and direct its rich
resources towards the capital. Meanwhile, Habte Mariam, with his background in
French and court procedures, was to remain in Addis Ababa as a salaried

functionary of the imperial court. Tafari’s plans were countered by Empress

 

"2 Based upon the exchange of correspondence between Moroda and the central government from the mid-
1890’s and the early 1920’s, Alessandro Triulzi reconstructs the complexity of this center-periphery
relationship. He convincingly illustrates that such a relationship could only be understood within the
'cular matrix of time, space and political convenience. See Alessandro Triulzi, ibid.
'3 Gebre-Egziabher abolished forced labor and was against the slave trade. He planted coffee trees and
ordered the building of the bridge over Didesa, the largest river of Wellegga. See Bairu Tafla, ibid., p. 13.

106

Zawditu who successfully supported imperial sanction based on her own affinity
to the family through the god-parent relationship of Menilek to Dejach Gebre-
Egziabher, Habte Mariam’s father.

Family Histories and Marriages

What is available on the histories of the ruling family of Wellegga suggest
a measure of inter-marriage with neighboring nobility. Of Bakare’s grand-
children, Gebre Egziabher married a woman named Wzo. Qenatu (christened
Wzo. Walata Giyorgis), who was the daughter of an important family residing
northwest of Nekemte, between Najo and Gimbi. She would later become the
mother of Dejazmach Habte Mariam. Bakare’s grand-daughter, Do’ee, married
Dejazmach Jote Tulu. This connection was critical in consolidating a political
front between the two centers of power in Wellegga.

More detailed information is available on the twentieth-century marriage
history of Dejazmach Habte Mariam.184 He married his first wife who was from
the Aria clan of the Oromo, and soon divorced her as she could not bear
children. In quick succession, he then married Wzo. Taitu, a woman from Anfillo,
a neighboring kingdom with distinct linguistic and religious roots.185 Six months
later, Habte Mariam divorced and married a third wife from Najo where he had
been to visit the region of the new bride’s father. One week later, she was

replaced by a certain divorcee, Wzo. Atsede Tegegn.

 

m The first part of this description relies on Kebede Kejela, “A Biography of Dejazmach Habte Mariam
Gebre-Egziabher,” BA thesis, Addis Ababa University, History, 1989: 18-25. The description of Habte
Mariam’s wedding to Wzo. Yeshimebet is taken from an interview of a principal historical actor in this
narrative. (Informant 2, 1997).

'8’ See Dejazmach Jote Tulu’s section below.

107

Because Wzo. Atsede was divorced, the relationship was deemed
inappropriate by custom and the courtship remained secret until their eventual.
marriage. Wzo. Atsede was from Gojjam, and was the sister of the wife of Habte
Mariam's official, Fitawrari Qan'a Abbalikassa, with whom Habte Mariam hadr
disagreements. This marriage was a conciliatory arrangement designed to bring
about a truce. Although she was the mother of his first son, Habte Mariam-was:
persuaded by his advisors to send his wife away for fear that she might poisons
him to favor her brother-in-law. About a year after his marriage to another. woman-
named Shashitu Dinq of Haru, Dejazmach Habte Mariam prepared to welcome:
his new bride, Wzo. Yeshimebet Guma, with more pomp and ceremony than:
previously seen.186 This marriage marked a monogamous change in Dejazmach
Habte Mariam and carried significant political weight in the region due to the-
importance of Wzo. Yeshimebet’s family.

Wzo. Yeshimebet’s grandfather was Dejazmach Jote Tullu, the headzofl
the ruling family in Qellam, the other power center of Wellegga.187 His ambition
to become the primary leader of the region was evident in his expansion oven
neighboring territories of Gidaml, Horro, Saye, Dare, Lale and Aira.188 Around:

1886, Jote submitted peacefully to Nigus Menilek and became his autonomous

 

"6 None of the marriages thus far seem to have been formal or traditionally arranged. Instead, the father of
the potential bride was sent for, and since hurrying with the ruling family was desired, consent was
assumed in most cases. The women were often sent away with provisions and slaves. Kebede Kejela, ibid.,
. 19-24.
V8 The origins of Dejazmach Jote’s family is said to be Gojjam, seven generations removed. Although not
conclusively proven, there are repeated claims both in written and oral traditions to make this noteworthy.
See Bahru Zewde, “Biography of Dejazmach Jote Tulu (1 SSS-1918),” BA thesis, Addis Ababa University,
1970. This claim is refitted by Tsegaye Namarra in his work on regional history. See Tsegaye Narmrras
“Power Consolidation over Conquered Territories: The case of Wollega,” BA thesis, Addis Ababa
University, History, 1973.
'" Bahru Zewde notes that it is unclear if this expansion took the form of military incorporation or peaceful
submission. See ibid., p. 11.

108

vassal with the rank of Dejazmach. In this mutually beneficial relationship, Jote
relied on Menilek for firearms, and Menilek on Jote for local power. Jote also
converted to Christianity although he did not change his name as did his
counterpart, Kumsa, in Neqemte.189 His family members were involved in the
administration of Qellem and they served as war council, political advisors, and
rulers over newly conquered areas as necessary.

As was occurring in regions further north and east, Jote created links with
families of importance in the immediate vicinity. Of particular strategic
significance was his marriage to Do’ee, Gebre-Egziabher’s sister and the
daughter of Moroda from Leqa Neqemte.190 Securing such family relations
strengthened the political ties of the two govemorships and gave unified frame to
their affiliation.191 Marriage relations also extended to neighboring Anfillo where
Jote’s expansion was met with strong resistance. Anfillo was a monarchical
kingdom that retained linguistic and religious connections with the Sidama and
was ruled by the Busasi aristocracy headed by Kajela Abba Ghimbi.192
Notwithstanding the resistance, Jote continued military expeditions while trying to
draw Anfillo closer into his realm by marrying the daughter of the ruling family,
Wzo. Menkele Akayu.

The desired result of peace and submission remained elusive, and despite

attempts to temper the growing animosity, the situation worsened. In a renewed

 

"9 The younger members of the royal family did take on names reflecting Christian Amhara influence.
Their Oromo names of Adaba, Gemechu, Oda and Chala were changed to Solomon, Yosef, Yohannes and
Belete. See Bahru Zewde, ibid., p. 46.

190 According to Informant 2,, they had three or four children.

'9' Bahru Zewde notes that Jote had four wives in 1881 and the numbers may have increased later. They
were named Ghifare, Tife, Unke and Chenete with Ghifare being senior. It is unclear if these were serial or
simultaneous arrangements. See ibid., p. 26.

'92 Bahru notes that this was a hereditary monarchy with its own symbol of succession. Ibid., p. 18.

109

effort to suppress the revolt, Dejazmach Jote killed seven members of the ruling
family, all of whom were brothers of his wife. One can only imagine the traumatic
toll this took on Wzo. Menkele, and her refusal to ever discuss it even with her
grandchildren indicated the price political marriages exacted in human tenns.‘93

Heeding complaints from Anfillo and charges of insubordination, Menilek
imprisoned Jote in Addis Ababa for about five years until 1913, when he was
freed upon the accession of Lij lyasu. As noted by lyasu's chronicler Aleqa
Gebre Egziabher, the heir apparent had married Jote’s daughter, Askale, by
common-law ceremony, thus marking a brief reversal of Jote’s fate and an early
marriage link to the power center. According to this same chronicler, Lij lyasu’s
proposal to marry Wzo. Dasshe, the daughter of Dejach Kumsa (Gebre
Egziabher), was not approved on grounds of the god-parent relationship of
Menilek to Gebre Egziabher. 19‘

Wzo. Yeshimebet, the new bride of Dejazmach Habte Mariam, was raised
by her grandmother this same Wzo. Menkele, who arranged for the ceremony.
This marriage would mark a third generation connection between Qellem and
Leqa Neqemte, and an indirect link between Leqa Neqemte and Anfillo with
obvious political merits. As a first hand account of such a marriage ceremony, it
is worth considering the following description in full.

Wzo. Yeshimebet was twelve years of age when she was selected to be

Dejazmach Habte Mariam’s wife, the one with whom he vowed to turn a new

 

193 Interview with Informant 2, 1997. Wzo. Menkele died in the 1950’s EC. and had become a nun by
then.

'9‘ Askale Jote is listed as one of Lij Iyasu’s ten wives in the chronicle. Aleka Gebre-Igziabiher Elyas,
Prowess, Piety and Politics - The Chronicle of A beta lyasu and Empress Zewditu of Ethiopia (I 909-1930),
ed. and transl. by Reidulf K. Molvaer, (Germany: Rudiger Koppe Verlag Koln, 1994), p. 336 and p. 359.

110

leaf. He sent a letter through his trusted confidante, Kegnazmach Ferenji to
Dejazmach Jote, asking for the hand of any available relative for marriage. The
young Wzo. Yeshimebet was overlooked by her grandfather who sent Ferenji to
other households for his quest. Meanwhile, both Ferenji and Dejach Habte
Mariam had decided that no matter how long negotiations took, Yeshimebet was
the chosen bride. In a creative effort to persuade Dejach Jote of his compatibility,
Dejach Habte Mariam sent another group from Neqemte with a photograph'of
himself a few years younger and an accompanying letter that read: “You say that
your daughter is too young for marriage, I also am a young boy and we will grow
up together.”

Wzo. Menkele would not be rushed in deciding her grand-daughter's
future, weighing out her youthful vulnerability and possible isolation once she left
home. In the meantime, the new emissary group dressed in their finest clothes,
asked to meet Yeshimebet who appeared in her cloak from behind drawn
curtains. They rose to greet her, which indicated that despite her young age she
was destined to an important future. Though aware of the proposal, Yeshimebet
was understandably afraid, taking refuge in the deliberately loud consolation she
overheard from a relative: “Unless she’s thinking of taking off with them, we
certainly are not giving her away.”

Dejazmach Habte Mariam’s messengers continued their courtship with
more visits and negotiations until Wzo. Menkele relented and the date was set for
Yeshimebet’s ceremony for departure. Yeshimebet then began the eleven day

mule-back journey to her new home and husband in Leqa Neqemte. Restricted

111

from drinking water from the Didesa river for fear of malaria and limited to
traveling at night for perhaps the same reason, the likely exhausted Yeshimebet
was met and escorted by Fitawrari lstifanos Beshah, who came with a beautifully
decorated mule, her wedding attire, and fresh provisions, for the last stretch of
her journey.

She arrived in Neqemte in February 1920 (Ethiopian Calendar) to the
celebrations already in progress and received her blessings with her nineteen-
year old groom. True to his word, Dejazmach Habte Mariam wasted no time in
hiring a woman to instruct Yeshimebet, who already knew how to read, in church
education.195 Thus began her new life which lasted until 1937 and the death of
Dejazmach Habte Mariam. Wzo. Yeshimebet and the descendants Wellegga
nobility remained a part of the power elite by inter-marrying with the imperial
family and contributing in various capacities as active and distinguished
members of Haile Sellassie’s government.

ELITE FAMILIES OF GOJJAM

In Gojjam, north of Shoa, Nigus Takla Haimanot’s death in 1902 marked
the end of the reign of one of the last provincial kings of Ethiopia. Menilek
divided the kingdom of Gojjam into three administrative units thereby effectively
' consolidating his power over the entire region. These units were to be governed
by three men directly responsible to him. They were Dejach Seyoum for Gojjam,

Ras Mengesha Atikem for Damot, and Dejach Demissie for Agew Midir.

 

'95 Her instructor’s name was Adi Aster and she was a student of Onesirnus Nesibu, the man who had
translated the Bible to Oromo. According to Informant 2, there was a conscious effort to ensure that
women in both Dejazmach Jote’s and Dejazmach Habte Mariam’s household Ieamed rudimentary reading
and Bible recitation. Wzo. Yeshimebet had fust learned to read in her native Oromo, then in Amharic.

112

Although Gojjam as a regional power was permanently weakened thereafter, its
importance at the center continued as illustrated by the family histories and
marriage patterns of elite families. Based on the most complete primary
documentation, one case worth examining in detail is provided in Ras Mengesha
Atikem’s family history. He grew in prominence during Menilek’s reign, and his
descendants entered elite circles largely through intermarriage and without prior
claims of blood links to the traditional royal house of Gojjam (descendants of
Nigus Takla Haimanot).

Ras Mengesha was linked to three different women in his lifetime, two of
Shoan background, one from Wallo. His first marriage was to Wzo. Tenagne
Walata Rufael, a descendant to Sahle Sellassie, his second to Wzo. Sifrashbizu
Yifru, and his third to Wzo. Debritu All from Wallo.196 While these marriages
were not particularly noticeable for their political intent, each of his children
widened the network and produced descendants of key prominence. Thus Ras
Kebede Mengesha was married to Empress Taitu’s niece Mentewab Wele, then
to Emperor Menilek’s grand-niece, Astede Asfaw.197 Askalemariam Mengesha ,
married the last scion of the ruling house of Gojjam, Ras Seyoum Takla
Haimanot (later named Ras Hailu), and gave birth to Seblewongel who went on

to marry Lij lyasu.

 

'96 Wzo. Sifrashbizu Yifru was the mother of Ras Mulugeta Yigezu (one of Menilek’s generals) from an
earlier marriage. Ras Mulugeta’s daughter Yeshiworq married Dejach Gebre Egziabher, the son of Empress
Menen’s brother. They had Li’ilt Zuryashqorq who became the wife of Leul Ras Asrate Kassa.

197 Astede Asfaw was later married to Ras Seyoum Mengesha. Mentewab Wele’s first marriage was to Ras
Makonnen. Her daughter with Ras Kebede, Wzo. Tsigemariam went on to marry Dejach Desta Gabru, Ras
Makonnen’s nephew.

113

Ras Mengesha’s two daughters from his second union branched out to
further extend links. Wzo. Laketch Mengesha married Gebre Rufael the son of
Ras Gobena, her father’s colleague in Menilek’s court. Their daughter, Wzo.
Tsigemariam, was the wife of Ras lmru, the progressive intellectual, close
confidant and cousin of Emperor Haile Sellassie. The young and shy looking
Wzo. Wesenyelesh Mengesha married General Abebe Damtew and had three
daughters, one of whom married the Crown Prince Asfa Wossen Haile Sellassie.
Wzo. Zawditu the daughter from Ras Mengesha’s third marriage was the first
wife of Ras Makonnen lndalkachew, a prominent member of Haile Sellassie’s
court. Descendants of this extended family thus had links from Gojjam to Yajju,
Wallo , Shoa and Shoa Oromo and continued to be active participants in the
social and political events of the following century.

ELITE FAMILIES OF SHOA A

Shoan elite families of this period were a mixed group who traced their
ancestry from the 19''1 century Shoan king Sahle Sellassie, or individuals who
had distinguished themselves through service to Emperor Menilek. Conforming
to Empress Taitu’s design, most of Sahle Sellassie’s descendants were married
to her relatives, considerably widening the social base of the political center.
Thus Ras Makonnen Wolde Mikael, father of the future Emperor Haile Sellassie,
was married though in name only, to Mentewab Wele, Taitu’s niece.198 His
nephew, Dejach Biru Haile Mariam was one time husband to Sehin Mikael,

daughter of the Wallo Nigus. Ras Makonnen’s son Yilma, who was favored over

 

m Ras Mekonnen allegedly spurned the marriage suspecting Taitu’s hand in the death of his beloved wife,
Yeshimebet. Prouty, ibid., p. 16.

114

Tafari by the empress, married Asselefech Wolde Hanna, Taitu’s niece, and
together they had Yeshashwork before his untimely death.

Ras Wolde Giorgis, who had distinguished himself in the 1897 conquest of
Kafa, was a grandson of Sahle Sellassie and therefore Menilek’s cousin. He was
among the most powerful nobles both because of his royal descent and his
marriage to Wzo. Yeshimebet, Taitu’s cousin. Bulatovich, a medical officer of the
Russian Red Cross Mission described her as such:

“Yeshimebet was light skinned like her cousin Empress Taytu but older

and dressed far more richly. She absolutely glittered with gold and silver

jewelry even wearing a little diadem on her head. The ras, her third

husband, adores her and they have been united bygghe rite of religious

mamage after many years of a clvrl arrangement.
Ras Darge, who was married to a woman from Gurage, had three daughters,
only one of whom married outside of the Shoan elite.200

Other Shoan nobles who held positions of importance in Menilek’s
government also married Taitu’s relatives. Ras Demissew Nesibu was probably
the most notoriously adept at changing his wives as quickly as the political
dynamics demanded. Between 1890 and the end of Lij lyasu’s reign around
1916, Ras Demissew had three wives: Wzo. Asselefech Wolde Hanna, Wzo.
Abonesh Tekle Mariam, and Wzo. Mentewab Mikael. His first wife, who in 1900
was unceremoniously taken from him probably under Taitu’s order to marry

Dejach Yilma Mekonnen, was returned soon after, but not before her brief liaison

with Menilek’s foremost generals, Ras Leulseged. Not surprisingly, Ras

 

'99 Prouty, Empress Taytu, ibid., p. 199.
m This was Wzo. Tissime Darge who married the heir to the Wag and Lasta dynasty, Wagshum Hailu
Wolde Kiros.

115

Demissew was a strong element in the anti-Taitu movement. During the
consequent regency of Ras Tassama (1909-1911), Ras Demissew then the
governor of the rich southern province of Wellegga, was married to the regent’s
half-sister, Wzo. Abonesh. Upon Ras Tassama’s death, Ras Demissew found it
prudent to be associated with lyasu and Nigus Mikael and after some effort was
able to marry Wzo. Mentewab Mikael. Despite his stand against lyasu, this
marriage connection later rendered Ras Demissew suspect in the eyes of Ras
Tafari and the anti-lyasu opposition.201

As his father had done for Menilek at the request-of Haile Melekot, Ras
Tassama was selected as the traditional advisor-guardian entrusted with safe-
keeping of the throne until lyasu was deemed ready. Ras Tassama himself was
at the center of a cluster of marriage relations designed to align others with this
regency (1909-11). His two half-sisters were married to Ras Abata Boiyalew and
Ras Demissew and were later pitted against Taitu. Ras Tassama’s daughter
Laqech was the second wife of Negadras Haile Giorgis, Menilek’s Minister of
Commerce who was previously married to Taitu’s niece Wzo. Yetemegnu Alula.
Ras Leulseged. a cousin of Ras Tassama, was married to Taitu’s niece until the
politics of Lij lyasu’s reign indicated a need to align with the ruling family of
Wallo’s Nigus Mikael, at which time he married Wzo. Menen, the future empress
and wife of Ras Tafari.

Ras Tassama’s own wife was Wzo. Beletshachew Abba Jobir, the

daughter of an Oromo king of Guma. She had been baptized before her marriage

 

2‘" Aleme Eshete, “Political Marriage and Divorce in Ethiopian History (late l9"I and early 20"I century),"
Paper read at the Italian Cultural Institute, Addis Ababa, 14 April 1984, p. 12.

116

and Empress Taitu was her godmother, which may have added to Ras
Tassama’s obligatory deference not to take a stand against the empress in the
power struggle.202 Indeed, throughout this period, the institution of god-parenting,
by which individuals chose to assume the responsibilities of the birth parent
before the church, served to tie important regional families to the royal center.
Part of this ritual was conversion to Christianity, an assumed feature of the
power elite after the nineteenth century?” Among the newly converted were
Dejach Kumsa Moroda and Dejach Jote from the ruling families of Wellegga, and
Ali Mohammed who became Nigus Mikael of Wallo. Ras Daraso, Emperor
Menilek and Emperor Yohannes were their respective god-parents. Empress
Taitu was god-mother to Wzo. Altayeworq Germame, wife of Menilek’s Oromo-
Gurage general, Fitawrari Habte Giorgis, who later became his powerful Minister
of Defense. As in the case of Fitawrari Habte Giorgis, who remained with his one
wife and aloof from the marriage chess game of Taitu’s, Ras Nadew’s, and Lij
Iyasu’s rule, god-parenting provided a useful mechanism of connection. The
seriousness by which such relationships were measured is suggested in
instances such as Menilek’s initial hesitation to allow his “son“ Ras Mikael to
marry his birth daughter Shoaregga, or when Nigist Zawditu appealed Dejach
Habtemariam’s case in imperial court based on his being god-son to Menilek,

and therefore extended kin.

 

”2 Prouty, ibid., p. 219 and p. 323.
1‘” It is worth underscoring here that the nature of earlier elite had been one of mixed Christian and Muslim
background. See Shiferaw Bekele, “Reflections on the Power Elite of the Wara Sch Masfenate 1786-1853,”
Annales d'Ethiopie, Vol. 15, 1990.

117

Menilek drew valued officials who were outsiders to nobility lineages
closer to the imperial court through marriages that reflected his favor and were
designed to encourage loyalty. Ras Gobena Daci, another general and close
confidant, was of Shoan Oromo descent and was married to the notable Wzo.
Ayelech Abrasa, reputedly related to Menilek’s mother.204 Their son, Wedajo
Gobena, had the distinction of being a dwarf and was married briefly to Menilek’s
daughter, Shoaregga. Menilek is said to have claimed her asdaughter after
persuasion by Wzo. Ayelech.205 Wedajo and Shoaregga had a son, Wasan
Sagad, around 1884. Twenty-four year old Dejach Wassan Sagad was a
possible perspective successor to Menilek’s throne, were it not for his physical
deformity and poor health which led to his early death in 1908.206 Ras Gobena’s
son Gebre Rufael married Lakech, the daughter of Gojjam’s Ras Mengesha
Atikem. His descendants continued to be a part of twentieth century elite with the
likes of Wzo. Tsigemariam Gebre Rufael, wife of R33 lmru and Wzo. Ketsela
Tulu, Ras Gobena’s niece and wife of Azaj Workineh Eshete (also known as
Hakim Workineh), the earliest formally educated medical doctors and Menilek’s
aflendant

Other outsiders, such as Dejach Germame, were well situated in the
political structure further augmenting their influence through marriage ties
between their descendants and those of Sahle Sellassie’s. Dejazmach

Genname’s biography as documented in a short manuscript written by one of his

 

1‘“ Prouty, ibid., p. 13.

’°’ Prouty, ibid., p. 103.

1“ Harold G.Marcus, Life and Times ofMenilek II: Ethiopia, 1844-1914, (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1975),
p. 230.

118

grandsons, provides some glimpses into the life of an influential courtier of
nineteenth century Ethiopia?07 Though an active presence in Nigus Haile

Melekot’s Shoa, Germame is best known as a governor and military leader who i

i
l
l
l
l

oversaw the incorporation of neighboring Oromo communities to Shoa and
served as a councilor of senior standing in Menilek’s court.

Dejach Germame is also popular for his role in planning and executing the
escape of young Menilek’s from Tewodros at Maqdala. As was mentioned
earlier, Tewodros gave his daughter Alitash’s hand in marriage to Menilek,
perhaps to enhance his own legitimacy and with an eye to keeping a descendant
represented at imperial court. Around the same time, Germame was wed to Wzo.
Qetero Merso, the daughter of Dejach Merso of Semen, and uncle to the future
Empress Taitu. Both marriages were intended to keep Menilek and Germame
under close supervision. As Germame continued to concoct the plan of escape,
he feigned sickness and advised his wife to stay away from what could be a
contagious disease, thus getting transferred to another house from which he
turned his plan into action in July 1865.

In 1877, Menilek’s consort Wzo. Bafena, and his cousin Meshesha Seifu,
plotted a rebellion against the emperor. Much to his embarrassment and possibly
at the cost of some of his influence, Dejach Gerrname’s son Semu Nigus was

alleged to have participated in the plot. This incidence provides an interesting

 

207 This unpublished manuscript entitled “Ye Dejazrmch Germame Tarik” is dated 1936 EC. and is about
60 pages long. It has a foreward by Merse Hazen Wolde Kirqos and is written by Qangazrnach Hayle
Zeleka. Bairu Tafla has made use of another version of this same document in his article, “Fourth Ethiopian
Biographies: Dajjazmac Garmame Abba- Mala (c. 1810— c. 1889); Dajjazmac Gabra-Egzi’abeher Moroda
(c. 1871-1923); Dajjaznnc Balca, Abba-Nafso (c. 1863 -l936) and Kantiba Gabru Dasta (c. 1855-1950),”
Journal of Ethiopian Studies, Vol. VII, No. 2, July 1969.

119

l’
l
I
I
l
I

i

insight into the nature of families and politics.208 Proximity to power and marriage
connections could not assure indefinite loyalty. In other words, the men and
women that made up such elite families had distinct responses to political events
that could not be assumed under the connection of one family member to the
center.

By way of admiring Genname’s confidence and outspoken nature, the
author of the manuscript relates another story that provides an impression of the
concerns of court politics. Germame had an unfriendly relationship with Taitu
whom he felt that Menilek should not have married since she was unable to have
children. The empress herself was looking for a way of ridiculing Genname in the
eyes of Menilek, and that occasion presented itself at a certain gibir. One of the
two people that joined Taitu in this plan was Wzo. Banchi Abba Wallo , the
mother-in-law of Genname’s grandson, Habte Sellassie Habte Mikael.

Wzo. Banchi was apparently insulted by Germame when she approached
him for the divorce of her daughter from Germame’s grandson. He called her
“Zelzala zelzeltu," the equivalent of loose woman, and inquired, “Where is your
husband anyway?” She expressed her anger but Germame Was unrepentant
claiming that all women who did not have husbands were always labeled loose
and that the time-wom term would not change to suit her pleasure. Menilek
suppressed a laugh at this response, but Wzo. Banchi did not back down. She

retaliated that she may indeed be young in certain ways, but it was more

 

2“ The other person was Dejach Worqe who questioned Germaine on the issue of his loaning grain and
overcharging interest. During the famine of 1889-92, Germamc’ 3 interest in the possession of land and the
accumulation of grain had earned him a respectable reputation as a provider of food for the army. This was
an attenuated slight of that reputation.

120

shameful that Germame at his advanced age continued to have relations with
concubines and made mistresses of important men’s daughters. Empress Tatiu
and Dejach Meshesha closely monitored the interaction, acting appropriately
dismayed by Wzo. Banchi’s account. After some thought, Germame responded,
“I may have Ieamed my ways from my historical ancestors, King David and
Solomon, but what references of the past validate your actions?” No answer was
forthcoming from Wzo. Banchi and Taitu and Meshesha were also silent on the
subject.

Though the appearance of this anecdote in the manuscript seems
incidental, the occurrence must have been one of notable scandal to have been
recorded. That male/female relations could be discussed in such gatherings
suggests its integral nature to politics. With what seemed the sanction of
historical reference and his quick wit, Germame had the last word in this instance
and, as is apparent in the following brief consideration of his family history, had
other sources of influence upon which he could rely.

Dejach Germame was married three times. His first marriage is not
mentioned in written or oral sources, but his second and third marriages were to
Wzo. Walata Giorgis, the daughter of an important balabat, and Wzo. Qetero
Merso in Tewodros’ captivity. Although his descendants numbered too many to
detail here, by the third generation, they were inter-married with children of

nobility from Gojjam, Wellegga and Lasta.209 Others married descendants of

 

20’ By most oral accounts, Wzo. Walata Giorgis was not beautiful but the marriage was considered
opportune as she was the sister of Ayelework who had married the daughter of Sahle Sellassie. The fast-
born child of Germame and Wzo. Walata Giorgis was Wzo. Zeleqaworq who married F itawrari Habte
Sellassie who had accompanied Germame to and from Maqdala and had been promised her hand before

121

Sahle Sellassie and Empress Menen.210 They comprised of reputable judges, an
Ethiopian consular in Eritrea and women who were married to prominent
ministers such as lndalkachew Mekonnen and Yilma Deressa in in Haile
Sellassies’s government.211 Dejach Genname’s descendant and namesake
along with his brother Mengistu, were distinguished for instigating the 1960’s
coup that was the watershed moment of Ethiopian imperial history.
NINETEENTH CENTURY WOMEN, POLITICS AND MARRIAGE ALLIANCES
Wzo. Bafena and Empress Taitu, the two women who were at the center
of power by Menilek’s side, were actively engaged in the politics of the period.
Taitu’s predecessor and Menilek’s companion, Wzo. Bafena shared her sense of
purpose in politics and dramatically maneuvered events in an attempt to place
herself and her children in control. In 1877, the beautiful, shrewd and ambitious
Bafena plotted to thwart the Shoan crown from Menilek’s cousin and potential
heir apparent Meshesha Seifu and give it to her sons. Bafena had married
several times before and though she had no children with Menilek, her sons were
awarded titles and positions while her daughters were married or promised 'to

prominent men in Menilek’s service.

 

their departure. They had eleven children together. Their grandchildren were married to the family of Ras
Mesfin and his wife, Wzo. Yeshimebet Guma of Wellegan nobility. Others like Zeleka Habte-Mikael was
married to Bitwoded Negash of Gojjam, a descendant of Nigus Takla Haimanot, and Wzo. Yeshi Tafesse
was married to Wagshum Wesson.

2” Among them, Fitawrari Manyahlihal Germame rmrried Askale Darge, daughter of Ras Darge. Their
granddaughter married lndalkachew Mekonnen, Haile Sellassie’s Prime Minister. A great grandson of
Sahle Sellassie, Dejach Andargachew married a great-granddaughter of Germame, Wzo. Medemdemya.
Fitamari Membere Yayehrad, grandson of Germaine married Ayne Tsehai Mengesha, a granddaughter of
Empress Menen.

2” Dejach Yemaneh Hasan was known as a fair judge and was called upon as witness to the 1960’s coup in
which his relatives were implicated. Kegnazmach Haile Zeleka, remembered by most for having taken his
mother’s maiden name as his last name, served as the Ethiopian Consulate in Eritrea under Haile Sellassie.
Wzo. Kidist Tesemrm, Dejach Germame’s great grand-daughter three times removed was the fust wife of
Haile Sellassie’s Finance Minister, Yilrm Deressa, himself a Wellegga noble.

122

Bafena’s first plan to distance Meshesha from Menilek included marrying
her daughter, Meshesha’s would be bride, to another, and having him forfeit his
land to Bafena on account of having allegedly insulted her. Despite the lack of
widespread support for Bafena’s actions, Menilek continued to acquiesce to her
demands. Bafena then cast her nets wider, approaching Emperor Yohannes with
her scheme to overthrow Menilek, temporarily place Meridazmach Haile,
Menilek’s aging but ambitious uncle on the throne, then replace him with one of
her sons who would pledge his loyalty to the imperial crown.

Yohannes was receptive and Bafena proceeded to convince Menilek to
attack the emperor. He took his reluctant and fatigued army as far as Gojjam
where they halted and were joined by Bafena, possibly to spy on activities for
Yohannes. Meanwhile, Meridazmach Haile entered Ankober and was locally
declared king of Shoa. The Shoan government, entrusted to Azzaj Wolde Tsadeq
and Dejach Germame, responded and eventually coordinated their attack to
capture and imprison Haile.

Not suspecting Bafena’s involvement, Menilek agreed to send her to
investigate the situation in Shoa, where she arrived with his written edict naming
her regent until his return. Although Wolde Tsadeq and Germame preferred not
to recognize Bafena’s authority, they were persuaded by her presentation of
Menilek’s seal. She promptly freed Meshesha, who seemed more likely to cam
on her plan, gave him the daughter originally intended for him, and proceeded to

send munitions and supplies to Tamo, a highly secure amba or fort in Shoa.

123

Meshsesha along with troops who shifted allegiance, took over the fort displacing
Bafena.

Despite reports of Bafena’s cunning, Menilek’s return to Shoa was forced
more by his military predicament in Gojjam than his suspicions of Bafena’s plot.
As outward appearances suggested, Meshesha seemed to be the culprit while
Bafena remained innocent in Menilek’s eyes. A potential battle at Tamo between
royal troops and Meshesha’s supporters was averted and a general council
recommended Meshesha's command of his soldiers and the administration of a
government with a corresponding title. The council further recommended
Bafena’s exile to a remote region.

Menilek initially opposed these proposals and was distracted by a
campaign against Mohammad Ali in Wollo who was then allied against the Shoan
king. At the time, Mohammad was also married to Wzo. Manalebish, Bafena’s
daughter, and his actions could well be interpreted in support of his mother-in-
law’s ambitions as well as a political gamble to remain connected to the leader
with assumed imperial longevity, Yohannes?12 Although Mohammad Ali would
later emerge at the center of the political stage, his gamble was unsuccessful at
this juncture and victory was won by Menilek. Upon his triumphant return,
Menilek acquiesced to the two recommendations of the council but remained
concerned about the well-being of Bafena who died a few years later and was

buried in Debre Libanos.213

 

212 Prouty, Empress Taytu, ibid., p. 20.
2" Prouty, ibid., p. 23.

124

Clearly, Bafena was a woman of considerable means, guided by her
intelligence and ambition while drawing power from several sources. The first
source derived from her sway over Menilek’s political and military decisions
which, as detailed above, she persuaded to fit her design. Another source of
power was the inter-marriage and placement of her children and relatives who
probably served as eyes and ears within central government. They also gained
valuable experience thus preparing important foundation on which to structure an
alternative government, had the coup succeeded.

Bafena’s approach of using legitimate descendants of Sahle Sellassie as
decoy for her own ends indicates her political awareness and sophistication. She
was not limited to Shoa in her planning and must have felt enough confidence to
approach Emperor Yohannes who, in turn, informally endorsed her efforts. Lost
in all accounts of Bafana’s actions, is the possible love story of a thirty-year old
Menilek who refused to believe the worst of his companion, unusually nearly
twice his age. Menilek’s eventual agreement to Bafana’s exile illustrates an
instance when matters of the government took precedence over matters of the
heart, even where kings and emperors were concerned.

Empress Taitu was similar to Bafana in terms of her assertive character
and involvement in the affairs of government. Discussed in numerous scholarly
studies, creative writings and accounts of travelers, are details of Taitu’s
independent mind, her influence over Menilek, her military participation at Adwa,
her strong suspicion of foreigners and pioneering interest in the progress of her

country. Considering this in its entirety would be repetitive, although important

125

points shoUld be noted here. Taitu Betul who was the descendant of several
northern royal families, was an adult woman in 1883 when she married Menilek,
the king of the southern province of Shoa and her fifth husband.214 She appeared
in definite charge of her own destiny regarding marriage, bestowing her own
hand and marrying opportunistically.

Taitu’s comportment and connections outside of Shoa no doubt appealed
to Menilek. Her marriage marked among the earliest trends of the pattern
following the locus of power and shifting south, even while Shoa maintained
family ties with Tigre with the betrothal of Zawditu Menilek to Araya Sellassie
Yohannes a few months earlier in October 1882. Her role in politics was strongly
supplemented and underscored by her artful management of marriage relations
around the imperial court. Her success at creating links with considerable political
bearing that further extended the reaches of her influence was remarkable.
Governor Martini of Eritrea shared his perception of Taitu’s power base in 1900:

Ras Wele (her brother) controlled Tigre and Yajju; Ras Gugsa Wele (her
nephew) governed Begemder; Dejazmach Gessesse (her nephew) ruled

Kafa; and Ras Mekonnen was presumed to have fallen into her orbit by

his marriage to her niece Mentewab Wele.215

Early in 1908, Menilek’s health showed signs of deterioration from
advanced syphilis. The year before the emperor had taken measures to

safeguard the empire beyond his death and had formed a cabinet to which nine

 

2" Taitu’s possible husbands were an officer in Tewodros’ army (known variously as Welde Gabriel,
Welde Maryam, Welde Giyorgis and Maru), Janterar Udie, governor of Yejju, Kegnazmach Zikargachew
(the brother of Bafena, Menilek’s consort) and a fourth man not described by name. Prouty, p. 34-41.

2" Prouty, ibid., p. 216.

126

ministers were appointed?” A Crown Council of great chiefs and ministers was
also created in which Ras Tassama was appointed as advisor-guardian of the
young Lij lyasu who was perceived, but had yet to be publicly proclaimed, heir to
the throne. Menilek’s presence, although considerably weakened physically,
afforded Taitu the protection she needed to concentrate power into her own
hands. To further ensure her political position, she could rely on the support of
her well placed relatives including the very powerful Ras Wele and Dejach
Seyoum (later Ras Hailu) of Gojjam, who was married to her cousin, Wzo.
Asselefech Wolde Hanna. Tigre’s support seemed attainable.217 She planned on
the neutrality of other powerful men such as Ras Wolde Giorgis who was married
to her niece Yeshimebet and Ras Tassama, whose stand against the empress
may have been initially tempered by his marriage to Wzo. Beletshachew Abba
Jobir, Taitu’s god-daughter.

Taitu hoped for the ascendancy of Zawditu, Menilek’s daughter, instead of
Lij lyasu. Zawditu was married to Taitu’s nephew Ras Gugsa Wele, who would
supposedly act as regent of the throne and administrator of the government.
Although she maintained some support among such people as Ras Wolde
Giorgis, Taitu stirred strong opposition particularly among Menilek’s Shoan
officials and followers whose privileged positions were threatened. As a potential

compromise that would guarantee Tigrean presence at court, maintain Taitu‘s

 

2" They were Afenigus Nasibu Minister of Justice, Fitawrari Habta Giyorgis Minister of War, Liqa
Makwas Katama Minister of terior, Nagadras Haile Giyorgis Minister of Finance, Kantiba Wolda Tsadeq
Minister of Agriculture, Ato ebre Sellassie ‘Minister of the Pen’, Qagnazrmch Makonnen Minister of
Public Works and Azzaj Matafariya Minister of Court. See Harold G. Marcus, The Life and Times of
Menilek, ibid., p. 228.

217 Taitu may have courted Tigre’s loyalty in exchange for the release of Dejach Gugsa Araya, the grandson
of Emperor Yohannes under house arrest in the capital. Harold G. Marcus, The Life and Times, ibid., p.
236.

127

involvement in the political loop and keep Lij lyasu on as the emperor’s desired
successor, his marriage to Aster/Romanworq Mengesha, granddaughter of
Emperor Yohannes and daughter of Taitu’s niece Kefei Wele and Ras
Mengesha, was arranged in May 1908. Both were very young but not too young
to effect the political and symbolic implication of such a union.

Immediately after, Ras Abata. Ras Tassama’s brother-in-Iaw, was named
Wagshum and governor of Tigre perhaps to create a wedge between Ras Wele’s
powerful presence and other northern politicians including the descendants of
Emperor Yohannes to whom Wele was linked by marriage.218 Abata’s
appointment was resented by the hereditary rulers and led to a revolt by the new
generation of Tigreans, Dejach Abraha Araya Sellassie, Dejach Seyoum
Mengesha and Dejach Desta Gwangul, which was eventually quelled by Abata.

Taitu’s involvement in the affairs of the state continued as she appointed
her favored supporters and demoted opposing individuals. In 1908, Lij lyasu was
publicly mentioned as heir but Taitu persisted in undermining the authority of
successor and Ras regent. As the eminent and anticipated return of Dejach
Abata to Addis Ababa drew near, Taitu faced a crisis of confrontation with his
supporters which she tried to manage by enlisting the help of the imperial army.
Had tensions conspired to a military confrontation, Taitu could summon troops
estimated close to 60, 000 men.219 In the end, Abata's march was halted and
anti-Taitu forces backed down to bid their time until a unified force plotted to rid

themselves of the empress once and for all.

 

1" Harold (3. Marcus, ibid., p.238.
2" The Italian Office estimated 120, 000 men though Harold 0. Marcus adjusts this to 60, 000. Harold (3.
Marcus, ibid., p. 242.

128

lnforrned in advance of their conspiracy, Taitu had taken measures to
protect the palace and surround Ras Tassama’s residence. Ras Tassama and
Fitawrari Habte Giorgis were persuaded to join the insurgents. In the final public
confrontation, Taitu was accused of allegations which included her unilateral
decisions of appointment. The empress was refused her request to return to her
ancestral land and was given the choice of joining a convent of caring for the ill
emperor with no political involvement. She chose the latter until Menilek’s death
in December 1913. As Taitu’s political network framed by marriage alliances was
duly dismantled, the empress lived the last of her days attending church service
and maintaining her garden until her death on 11 February 1918.220

Both Taitu’s and Bafena’s force of personality and position make them
obvious studies of exceptional Ethiopian women in proximity to power. Tracing
the exercise of power by other women of elite families beyond institutions is more
challenging since they are invisible in the narrative. Still, there is enough to
suggest that even while they did not take matters into their hands as Bafena,
Taitu and later Wzo. Tsehaiworq Dargedid, women were active on several
fronts. As messengers of mercy, elite women were involved political negotiations
presenting cases of those out of favor with the court. Wzo. Kefei Wele was one
such example of devotion, pleading for the pardon of her husband, Ras
Mengesha Seyoum, for three years after his imprisonment in 1899.221

A whole chapter in a manuscript on Ras Gugsa Wele’s life describes Wzo.

Kefei’s visit to her brother, detailing the preparation undertaken to welcome a

 

22° Prouty, Empress Taytu, ibid., p. 339.
12' Prouty, ibid., p. 215.

129

woman of her stature.222 Ras Gugsa’s home was thoroughly cleaned and
pleasingly arranged with carpet lining and curtains while an entourage was sent
ahead with horn players and drummers to accompany Wzo. Kefei to the
residence.

Their meeting was infused with the etiquette of the day with Wzo. Kefei
insisting on disembarking from her mule before she reached her brother, who just
as adamantly wanted her carried in, and him later relinquishing his private
sleeping quarters for her comfort. The moment was made all the more poignant
by the fact that the siblings had not seen each other since the death of their
father Ras Wele, and their brother, Dejach Amede Wele, for whom they grieved
together. Wzo. Kefei’s prestige is suggested by the size of her entourage
provided by her previous husband Ras Nadew, to whom she had returned after
Ras Mengesha. She received gifts of glittering clothes and jewelry from her
brother as did members of her retinue according to their rank and standing.

Wzo. Kefei’s involvement with the central court is hinted both with the fact
that much time had elapsed before her visit to her brother, and his suggestion
that she request permission to stay a while longer from Empress Zawditu who
would then inform her husband. Ras Nadew was soon after appointed governor
of Illubabor and Wzo. Kefei rather unceremoniously divorced him and stayed in
Addis Ababa where she bestowed her brother an unforgettable favor by
requesting that he be granted ammunition which Ras Gugsa later put to practical

use at the Battle of Anchem against Ras Mulugeta.

 

222 Grazmach Asfaw Tassama Worqe, Ye Ros Gugsa Wele Tariq, (MS IES 998).

130

That elite women used their informal and formal good offices for political
bargaining is apparent though barely documented. Taitu’s position as empress
and advisor of Menilek meant that she had the emperor‘s ear and could influence
the outcome of appointments or demotions. Even after Menilek’s death, Taitu’s
family connections were considered important leverage to intervene between
Nigus Mikael and Ras Wele. Women of elite families also served as informants
by spying on political occurrences to which they were privy. Thus when Wzo.
Qetero was made to marry Dejach Germame, it was with the intent of observing
and reporting on his plan of escape with young Menilek from Maqdala.

Being of elite birth did not always proteCt women from the perils of politics.
According to oral history, Mentewab Takla Haimanot’s lament when captured by
Mahdists from whom neither her father, the provincial king of Gojjam, nor her
other relatives could protect her, starkly records her wretched fate:

My father the Nigus, my brother, the Ras, went to Gogora

where my husband fired cartridges in vain. 0 men who did not stay with

me, tell them she died of eating cats.

And again from her prison at Maqdala: “Those who return to our country, tell
them, ‘She died from eating garbage.”'223 Similarly, Wzo. Menkele Akayu’s
marriage to Dejach Jote did not result in the protection of her brothers from the
wrath of her husband, who killed her seven siblings in Anfillo. Such elite women
faced very difficult circumstances whereby their marriage partner was pitted
against their blood relatives but the outcome was geared toward the stability of

rule and the real and symbolic personal kinship and political affinity forged by the

union.

 

2” Prouty, ibid., pp. 59-60.

131

The rate at which marriages were arranged and dissolved and the number
of men elite women were married to over their lifetimes seems to place them as
vulnerable victims of their political machinery. Wzo. Bafena and Empress Taitu
certainly did not shy from participating in the system and marrying their nieces
and cousins to men of power. Although marriages consecrated by Holy
Communion before the church were duly noted, it is not always clear what the
legal standing of such alliances were, or what occurred in terms of property rights
and acquisition. Almost all marriages were, however, recognized as socially
binding and politically significant. Thus Wzo. Asselefech Wolde Hanna was
married four times, while Wzo. Kefei Wele was taken off her husband Ras
Nadew to many Tigre’s Ras Mengesha, then returned.224

The fact and frequency of these marriages belie the uncharted power elite
women wielded by virtue of their birthright and position.225 Men who sought to
strengthen their political standing and widen their networks could do so by linking
themselves to the right woman. It was not unusual for men to be promoted to
Ras or dejazmach to match the standing of a woman of nobility. Even men who
were already enjoying the favor of the emperor, such as Dejach Gebre Sellassie,
stood to enhance their ranking. This is recorded by the keen observation of

Martini who noticed that Gebre Sellassie referred to Amarech as “my lady" and

 

22‘ Wzo. Asselefech was said to been very beautiful and not unlike Taitu in temperament. She married Ras
Demissew Nassrbu, Dejach Yilma Mekonnen (from whom she had Yeshashworq), Ras Leulseged and
finally Ras Hailu Takla Haimanot. See Aleme Eshete, “Political Marriage Patterns in Ethiopia 1890-1916,”
ibid.

225 There is at least one recorded instance of a woman named Desta who was of humble birth, greatly
favored by Menilek and bestowed with the honorific title of Weyzero. She was one of very few allowed
into the palace through the back door, a privilege not extended to her husband Afenigus Nessibu Masqale.
Aleme Eshete, ibid.

132

not “my wife" and was told by Ras Abreha Araya that this was because she
outranked him.226

The movement of these women in marriage also indicates a certain fluidity
and layering of identity which arguably provided a measure of connectedness
and a matrix of stability. Elite women sometimes represented the center, as Wzo.
Kefei Wele in her marriage to Ras Mengesha, or could be a part of consolidating
power regionally, as Wzo. Menkele’s marriage to Dejach Jote in Wellegga, or
were critical personifications of bridging differences on both local and national
levels, such as Wzo. Walata Israel’s marriage to Dejach Gebre Sellassie in 1922,
and later to Crown Prince Asfa Wossen Haile Sellassie.

As suggested by their marriage patterns, the response of women of elite
families to political developments was as varied as their male counterparts. For
instance, two of three daughters of R33 Darge married within somewhat
predictable parameters with Askale Darge marrying Manyahlehal Germame and
Tissime branching out to many the Wag and Lastan Dejach Hailu Wolde-Kiros.
As will be seen later, Tsehaiworq Darge was the more radical of the three,
asserting her preference by remaining single then linking herself to Tassama
Eshete, Lij lyasu’s guardian, duly participating in efforts to re-instate the young
heir in the 19203. Like the men of the empire, the response of elite women was
not bound exclusively by blood ties, but were rather shaped by particular loyalties
and grievances of their time.

In conclusion, several observations can be made regarding marriage

alliances of this era. First, marriage was not a device used exclusively by the

 

22‘ Prouty, ibid., p. 264.

133

expanding Shoan empire. It served the political ends of families of regional
powers in their own struggles for supremacy, as can be gleaned from the
previous chapter. The notable distinction was that at this time, centralization
focused the direction of marriage activities - the pattern of marriage alliances
followed the locus of power in its movement from Gondar to Tigre to Wallo then
Shoa, laterally including Gojjam and Wellegga. Within these parameters, a
critical playing field of power would be defined. Second, and in relation to this,
elite marriages carried considerable weight both for the political center and
regional powers. They provided the much needed lateral support of a widening
political base to the center, and the guarantee of representation or survival
through assimilation for regional nobility. I

Third, the building of empire in the territorial and political sense was in its
early stages. The Battle of Adwa in 1896 was probably the earliest instance
provoking the response of a unified empire newly forged. This was apparent in
the marriage alliances that reflected the lntemal state of affairs and the highs and
lows of political accord. At the end of Menilek’s era, the ethnic composition of the
elite included nobility from Tigre, Wellegga, Shoa, Yajju, LaSta, Gojjam and
Gondar. Marriage arrangements were obvious, designed to serve as bridges
across inter-regional rivalries and categories of class and ethnic identity. By the
early years of the twentieth century, an increasingly Ethiopianized elite of

remarkable continuity had been launched.

134

‘ CHAPTER IV
IYASU, ZAWDITU & TAFARI: POWER STRUGGLES, FAMILY

ALLIANCES AND WOMEN IN ELITE FAMILIES

The short reign of Lij lyasu (1911-1916) has been termed enigmatic by
some contemporary scholars - both because of his colorful personality traits and
his progressive policies. The years between his fall and Ras Tafari’s rise to
power portray the weighty bearing of family connections and marriage alliances
on political outcomes. This chapter will highlight some of those examples and
also attempt to locate elite women, their presence and activities in relation to the
history of the period.
LIJ IYASU AND RAS TAFARI: EARLY YEARS 8r ACCESSION TO POWER

Tafari Makonnen was born in Harar on 23 July 1892 to Ras Makonnen
Wolde Mikael and Wzo. Yeshimebet Ali. Surprisingly little is known of his mother
who died at his young age. Ras Makonnen was a descendant of Sahle Sellassie
and cousin to Emperor Menilek whom he served as governor of the economically
important eastern region of Harar, and as a distinguished diplomat in dealings
with European powers towards the end of the nineteenth century. As a young
boy, Tafari was taught Ge’ez and Amharic by clerical tutors and French by
foreign missionaries, which meant early and continual exposure to Western
education.

In 1905, Tafari began his political career when he was appointed as
dejazmach and titular governor of a small region in southwest Harar. Ras

Makonnen celebrated this occasion with formal acknowledgment of Tafari as his

135

heir. At his father's side, Tafari Ieamed the mechanics of provincial governing
and the skills of leadership and personality. Unfortunately, Ras Makonnen fell
fatally ill with typhoid only one year later leaving his young son, who had already
lost his mother at the age of two, under the care and protection of Emperor
Menilek. At the emperor’s court, Tafari joined other sons of nobility and attended
Menilek ll School in Addis Ababa. His elder half-brother, Yilma who had been
chosen over the relatively inexperienced Tafari to administer Harar, died of
pneumonia in 1907. While at the capital city, Tafari met personalities of
importance in Menilek’s government, no doubt observing and absorbing
experiences in politics and statecraft administration.227

In January 1909, Menilek suffered a stroke and despite increasing
opposition, Empress Taitu assumed power and acted in his stead. The struggle
for control over government that ensued between the empress, the designated
heir and his supporters, including the regent Ras Tassama Nadew, and other
enemies of Taitu, intensified. Tafari wisely refused to join both the conspiracy
against the empress or attempts to identify the plotters. This placed him in a
politically acceptable position to all parties involved, and resulted in his
appointment to Harar in 1910.

Events in Addis Ababa unfolded quickly. Ras Tassama's death in April
1911 preceded that of the incapacitated Emperor Menilek’s in December 1913.
Sixteen-year old Lij lyasu refused the supervision of another regent, and the

ministers reassembled to form a regency council with the heir at its helm. His de

 

227 Harold G. Marcus, Haile Sellassie- The Formative Years 1892-1936(Berkeley: University of
California Press, 1987), p. 7.

136

facto reign, which lasted from 1913-16, was ambitious in its attempt to redress
past injustices and create a ruling elite with no religious and ethnic rivalries. By
appointing his own officials, lyasu further added fuel to the growing discontent of
Menilek’s “old guard” administrators. He enacted policies that alienated the
church even while drawing Muslim clerics and followers closer. His personal
behavior, including numerous sexual escapades, some with the daughters of
Muslim rulers, confirmed the fears of the Shoan elite of eminent demise. In turn
threatened, humiliated and chagrined, they planned Lij lyasu’s removal from

, government.

Although he admitted little by way of direct involvement, most scholars
agree that Ras Tafari’s hand in maneuvering events was more than likely. The
Shoan coup led to the deposition of Lij lyasu. This was announced in his
absence in 1916 and was read by Menilek’s War Minister, Fit. Habte Giorgis, to
which the church’s chief executive officer, Etchege Wolde Giorgis, added
excommunication. At this same occasion, Menilek’s daughter Zawditu was
crowned Empress and Ras Tafari appointed Regent and heir to the throne. By
bidding his time and tempering his responses, Ras Tafari was finally firmly
placed at the center of successive political events.

POWER STRUGGLES AND FAMILY HISTORIES

The time between Lij Iyasu’s denouncement in 1916 and his final arrest
around 1921 provides a good illustration of politics and family connections. Lij
lyasu and Ras Tafari were second and third cousins by virtue of their having

descended from Sahle Sellassie. Both had, at one time, been raised in the court

137

of Menilek and although very different in character, had enjoyed reasonably
amicable relations. Furthermore, in an early attempt to strengthen ties with the
regency regime and lessen the possibility of being seen a threat to lyasu, Tafari
had married Wzo. Menen, lyasu’s niece, in 1911.

The formal dismissal of Lij lyasu from government was an occasion for
articulating the concerns of the Shoan elite families who feared their own
displacement from power by Wallo nobility. Their anxieties heightened by one of
Lij Iyasu’s first acts upon ascending the throne. In May 1914, with the
explanation that he wanted his father to receive the honorific title before he could
be considered King of Kings or emperor, lyasu crowned his father, Ras Mikael,
king with jurisdiction over Tigre, Begemder, Gojjam and Lasta.228

The elaborate ceremony was celebrated in the presence of nobility from
Gojjam, Shoa and Tigre, and Menilek’s royal imperial garments and crown were
transported to Wallo for the occasion. Nigus Mikael’s coronation symbolically
placed him as the most powerful person in the country at the time, and Wallo
“instantly transformed from buffer zone to political center.”229 Through his own
marriage alliances and those of his children, Mikael further activated networks of
power which both widened the scope and strengthened the depth of his

influence.

 

22' Nigus Mikael, formerly known as Mohammed Ali, was a military and political presence to contend with
in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. A capable and well positioned leader, he was a key
player in the struggle over Wallo between Emperor Yohannes and Menilek. Iyasu’s chronicler notes that
being Menilek’s grandson and Mikael’s son would make him kin to emperor and king thus serving as an
innovation for his history and family pride. Gebre-lgziabher Elyas, Prowess, Piety and Politics: The
Chronicle of lyasu and Empress Zewditu of Ethiopia (1 909-1930), ed. and transl. by Reidulf K. Molvaer,
Gerrmny: Rudiger Koppe Verlag Koln, 1994, p. 346.

2” Bahru Zawde, History of Modern Ethiopia, [855-1974, (London: James Currey Ltd., 1991), p. 125

138

Mikael was linked in formal and informal marital arrangements with at
least five women. Although it is difficult to date and sequence these marriages,
the names of the women were: Wzo. Manalebish Bafena (Menilek’s step-
daughter, the child of his consort Wzo. Bafena), Wzo. Fantaye Gebru, Wzo.
Zenebech Ali, Wzo. Alitash Wahde, and Wzo. Shoaregga Menilek. At least three
of these marriages were politically significant, strengthening links with Shoa
(Manalebish and Shoaregga) and Tigre (Alitash being first cousin to Emperor
Yohannes)?“o Ras Mikael had five children with Wzo. Fantaye of whom three
were possibly daughters who were very deliberately positioned to create
networks with Shoan and Tigre nobility and were instrumental in extending his
reaches of influence.231

Wzo. Sehin Mikael was formally married to three different men. From her
first husband, Janterar Asfaw, she had Menen who went on to become the wife
of Ras Tafari Makonnen. Around 1911 or 1912, Wzo.'Sehin was wed to
Dejazmach BII'U Haile Mariam, first cousin to Haile Sellassie and a close official
of his court. Next, she married Bitwoded Haile Giorgis the naggadras who
greatly increased Menilek’s treasury and was later appointed ‘prime minister’ of
Iyasu’s brief reign.

h232

Her sisters Mentewab and Tewabec were also critical in strengthening

political alliances. Mentewab was married to Dejazmach Gebre Egziabher

 

23° Fantaye Gebru’s father was from Wadla in Wallo. Wzo. Zenebech Ali may have been Ras Mikael’s wife
after Shoaregga. See Asnake Ali, “Aspects of the Political History of Wallo, 1872-1916,” MA thesis, Addis
Ababa University, History, 1983. Wzo. Shoaregga and Ras Mikael were parents to the heir Lij lyasu.

23' Ras Mikael had two sons, Dejazmach Ali and Dejazrmch Desta. Dejach Ali was the father of Dejach
Amede, Wzo. Amakelech and Dejach Belay.

”2 In her obituary announcement, Tewabech is reported to be the daughter of Manalebish Bafena although
Gebre Igziabiher Elyas says she was the daughter of Fantaye. Gebre-lgziabher Elyas, ibid., p. 347 fn.

139

Amede from Wallo. His local roots may have seemed redundant to Ras Mikael
who had her divorce him and marry Ras Demissew, governor of the rich province
of Wellegga during Menelik. Tewabech married the grandson of Emperor
Yohannes, Ras Seyoum Mengesha. This marriage took place in 1914 or 1915
and Dejazmach Seyoum, as he was at the time, was promoted to Ras by Mikael
with the right to govern Tigre over other lords.233

In 1916, tensions escalating against Lij lyasu in Addis Ababa led to his
deposition and the designation of Zawditu Menilek as empress with Ras Tafari a3
regent and heir. Lij lyasu was defeated on his way to the capital from Harar, and
became a fugitive for the following five years. In defense of his son’s claim to the
throne, Nigus Mikael mobilized an army estimated at about 80, 000 men and
marched towards Shoa. lnforrned by reports of the relatively loosely guarded
Addis Ababa by his daughter Sehin, Mikael made haste towards the city?“ The
inevitable military showdown took place between Nigus Mikael’s soldiers and
Shoan forces of about 120, 000.235 Nigus Mikael was initially victorious and the
commander of the Shoan army, Ras Leulseged Atnafsaggad was killed in this
Tora Mask encounter.

The final clash, the largest and bloodiest since the battle of Adwa, took

place in October 1916 at Sagale. Ras Tafari and the War Minister, Fitawrary

Habte Giorgis, worked out a battle plan that led to the defeat of Nigus Mikael’s

 

2” This actually marked a second link between the two families, as Lij lyasu had been married very briefly
to Aster Mengesha in one of Empress Taitu’s early attempts to shift the political tide in 1906.

23‘ According to Richard Greenfield, Taitu may have been pressured by Shoan nobility to tell Mikael that
lyasu was captured in Addis Ababa and for him to come to his rescue. The idea being that he would not be
prepared for a full scale war if he came alone. Richard Greenfield, Ethiopia: A New Political History, (New
York: Praeger, 1965), p. 142.

2” Bahru Zawde, ibid., p. 128.

140

forces and his capture and imprisonment. lyasu and his small group of followers
roamed from the Afar desert to Dessie, temporarily resting at the mountain
fortress of Maqdala from where he won a few victories under siege. lyasu
continued to elude government troops until December 1920, when an all out
campaign was mobilized against him even while the seventh year anniversary of
Menilek‘s death was conducted with great ceremony in the capital. He was
eventually caught in Tigre by Ras Gugsa Araya and placed in custody.
Meanwhile, Ras Seyoum of Tigre was suspected of having given brief
refuge to lyasu and facilitating his escape to the desert before his arrest.
Although he claimed innocence, Ras Tafari was enraged by the possibility and
prepared to march against the northern prince to ensure loyalty. A plausible
reason why Ras Seyoum’s aid to lyasu was suspected was, of course, the
marriage relations between the two families. Seyoum was Iyasu’s brother-in-Iaw
as his wife Tewabech was lyasu’s sister, and lyasu himself had briefly married
Seyoum’s sister Aster Mengesha in 1906. Ras Seyoum decided to avoid
confrontation, and arrived in Desse to renew his allegiance to the central
government. Ras Tafari remained unsatisfied, and removed him from his
hereditary rule of Tigre ordering him to join their march back to Addis Ababa.
Despite this situation and earlier disagreements with Menilek, Ras
Seyoum was often rendered by circumstances as the favored ruler of Tigre and
took certain measures to mark his loyalty. To outbid other men such as Ras
Gugsa Araya, who had equal hereditary claim, Ras Seyoum had sought an early

marriage alliance between regent Tafari’s daughter Tenagneworq and his own

141

son, Kassa.236 After the death of his first wife, Tewabech Mikael, Ras Seyoum
had himself wed Wzo. (later Li’ilt) Astede Asfaw, the grand-daughter of Ras
Darge Sahle Sellassie, hence Tafari’s second cousin.237

Kassa, who rejected the authority of Tafari and Zawditu and was a
personal friend and admirer of lyasu, would not accept the marriage proposal
and openly rebelled against the government with some success. 238 Ras
Seyoum was ordered to march against his son, and did so reluctantly when
negotiations failed. Kassa was eventually persuaded to turn himself in with
promise of clemency, but was met with punishment of a whipping ordered
supposedly by his father. Soon after, he was sent to Addis Ababa and confined
to Ras Biru’s house and then to his brother-in-Iaw’s, Ras Getachew's,
compound.239 Kassa’s fellow Tigreans tried to facilitate his escape, and he did
manage to crawl his way through a window opening, only to be apprehended by
guards and killed in the ensuing exchange of fire.240

Emperor Haile Sellassie was soon preoccupied with the running of affairs
in the capital. Lij lyasu would make a final attempt to escape his incarceration

and his accomplice this time was Ras Hailu, the vociferous hereditary ruler of

 

23‘ Hadera Tesfaye, “Ras Seyoum Mengesha 1887-1960,” BA thesis, Addis Ababa University, History,
1976,p.12.

2” She remained his legal wife until his death in 1960. Ras Seyoum had eight children from other women.
Five were daughters: Assegedech, Beyenech, Kebedech, Li’ilt Walata Israel and Wzo. Askalemariam.
Three were sons: Dejazmach Kassa Abba Yilak, Lij Fassil and Leul Ras Mengesha, the latter being his
successor and only surviving son. Hadera Tesfaye, ibid., p. 2.

2” As a descendant of Emperor Yohannes, he may also have envisioned a return to former power when his
gem-grandfather had ruled.

9 Ras Getachew’s father, Ras Abata Bwayalaw, was among the earliest challengers to Iyasu’s succession.
Rumors that he had his own ambitions to the throne that he hoped to access with marriage to Empress
Zawditu were heightened by Abata’s attempt to enter the palace soon after the downfall of Taitu, his arch
enemy. Abata was persuaded against a military conflict by religious heads, but was imprisoned in 1911 at
Maqdala by Ras Mikael of Wallo, who hoped to minimize the challenges to his son’s succession.

2“ Richard Greenfield, Ethiopia,, ibid., p. 145.

142

Gojjam, who may have wanted to use lyasu to gain favors from the regent
crowned emperor. In May 1932, lyasu escaped from Fiche where he had been
under the watchful eye of Ras Kassa’s family who were mostly absent at this
opportune moment. He then wrote a letter to Ras Hailu detailing his success of
reuniting with a small group of his old followers that were equipped with arms by
Ras Hailu. The latter was granted audience with Haile Sellassie with whom he
shared the letter.

The emperor consulted with Ras Kassa, who asked for Ras Hailu to
produce the messenger that delivered the letter, as he would have no doubt
detained him for questioning. Ras Hailu could not bring forth such a messenger,
and though the emperor did not immediately charge him with complicity,
evidence mounted against the Gojjami nller when incriminating letters were
found in his house. As with Ras Seyoum, Ras Hailu’s familial link to lyasu could
only have worsened suspicions against him. His daughter, Wzo. Seblewongel,
was listed as Lij Iyasu’s second wife, possibly the only official one apart from his
short-lived marriage to Aster Mengesha.241 Soon after, Ras Hailu was
imprisoned and later charged with treason. His sentence of death was
commuted to the confiscation of all his property and life imprisonment.

Lij lyasu was captured for the last time and would die around 1935 under
mysterious circumstances. His short, albeit enigmatic reign, was riddled by
contradictions in his personality and his policies that nonetheless centered on
addressing social injustices while remaining fiercely nationalistic. As a study in

marriage alliances and political history, Lij Iyasu’s reign affords certain insights.

 

2" This union that may have not been consummated due to their young age.

143

First, Iyasu’s vision of creating a united Ethiopia rested on connecting through
marriage to important regional families. His scope expanded beyond northern
families to include those in the south and Muslim families. Shoan nobility who
had enjoyed primacy during Menilek were threatened not only by Iyasu’s
crowning of Ras Mikael but by his unorthodox habit of marrying so many women.
Detailed in their complaints was a list of the women, many of whom were
common-law wives. Most of these marriages took place between 1909 and 1916
strengthening ties between the central government and Wallo , Gojjam, Shoa
and Adal in the north, as well as Kaffa and Wellegga in the south and southwest.
Marriages stretched a bridge of access to power and in exchange offered
protection, inclusion and representation at the center. These were not symbolic
acts only, as evident by the Adal uprising in 1913 which was allegedly averted
due to lyasu’s marriage to the family of Neggadras Abu Beker.“2

Second, aside from Lij Iyasu’s own marital affairs, this period attests to a
certain coming of age of the power elite. By then in its second and third
generation, the power elite exhibited signs of coalescing interests. Ras Seyoum
Mengesha and Ras Hailu were implicated in aiding Lij lyasu but, in the larger
scheme, this indicated that the nobility of Tigre and Gojjam as well as Wallo and
Wellegga under Dejazmach Jote, were choosing to support a ruler under whom
they perceived their common interests to be protected. Although this could
arguably be cast as a stnlggle ostensibly against Shoan control, elite

intermarriage complicated and ultimately clouded such clear parameters by

 

2‘2 Aby Demissie, “Lij lyasu: A Perspective Study of his Short Reign,” BA thesis, Addis Ababa University,
History, 1964, p.8. .

144

placing lyasu’s niece, Menen, besides the contender to the throne, Ras Tafari.
Nigus Mikael’s legacy would be maintained by her presence as empress and the
appointment of the Crown Prince, with direct and legitimate lines of heritage both
to Wallo and Shoa, as governor of Wallo with headquarters in Dessie.

Even in the face of conflict and political struggle, such marriage links thus
provided the critical thread of continuity. lntemal stability depended on the
support of regional nobility and their sense of inclusion at. the center. However,
as can be seen by Kassa Seyoum’s reaction to marrying into the imperial family,
the responses of individual members were varied. This made elite marriages a
mechanism that needed constant attention and adjustment according to the
political barometer.

WOMEN IN ELITE FAMILIES OF THE TIMES

The new and noteworthy element to introduce on Lij lyasu’s reign and the
ensuing power contest with Tafari, is the opportunity it affords to study elite
women and their position in the unfolding events. The sparse nature of sources
on Ethiopian women in general and elite women in particular, makes this a
challenging but fruitful exercise in examining their role in political history. The
three women considered here are: Menen Asfaw, (also known as Menen Mikael),
Menen’s mother, Sihin Mikael and Tsehaiworq Darge
Menen Asfaw

Wzo. Menen, the wife of Dejazmach Tafari and later empress of Ethiopia,

had already been divorced several times at the young age of twenty when she

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was married to the regent to be.243 Menen’s third husband before Tafari was Ras
Leulseged, one of Menilek’s foremost generals. His first wife was the much
sought after and beautiful Asselefech Wolde-Hanna, the niece of Taytu and
widow of Yilma Makonnen, Tafari’s deceased half-brother. Menen and
Leulseged’s liaison was to last only briefly, as she was then reportedly whisked
off by lyasu to marry Tafari and thus strengthen ties with the newly appointed
governor of Harar.

Understandably, Ras Leulseged did not take kindly to this act and
according to one source, he took the case to the Abun who sympathized with his
story. The Abun then excommunicated Tafari until he returned to the angry Ras
the “property that still belonged to him.”2‘“ This warning did not deter Tafari who
went on to marry Menen around July or August 1911. In 1916, when lyasu called
Tafari to the capital from Harar, Menen had just had her first born son, Asfa
Wossen. lyasu detained Tafari in Addis and traveled to Harar with Ras
Leulseged, leading to speculations that he might return Menen to her former
husband.

The struggle between Tafari and lyasu clearly rendered Menen in a
difficult position. Her husband was fighting her uncle for power. When Negus
Mikael battled on behalf of lyasu at Sagale. it meant that her husband went to
war against her grandfather. To add further twist to the story, the man who was

sent to conduct the initial military campaign on the Shoan side was none other

 

2‘3 Menen was married briefly to Fitawrari Ali Mohammed, whose father was aligned with Abba Watew,
Ras Mikael’s rival in Wallo. She then married Dejazmach Amede Ali, who was the brother of Zenebech,
one time wife of Ras Mikael. See Asnake Ali, ibid., p. 42.

2“ Aleme Eshete, “Political Marriage and Divorce in Ethiopian History (late 19'“ and early 20'h century),”
Paper read at the Italian Cultural Institute, Addis Ababa, 14 April 1984, p. 25.

146

than Ras Leulseged, her former husband, who died in the same battle. The pain
and irony caused by these events and suffered by Menen can only be imagined.
Indeed, her predecessors, like Tewabech, the wife of Emperor Tewodros, were
lauded as heroic for forsaking their families and binding their fate irrevocably with
their husband’s — even when that was not the most convenient choice to have
made.245

Menen’s decision to remain with Tafari throughout this turbulent struggle
had important political implications which came to the forefront when Tafari
considered ascending the throne with the grand-daughter of Emperor Yohannes,
Wzo. Aster Mengesha, at his side?"16 This occurrence was never publicly
announced and continues to be a closely guarded secret among living informants
who acknowledge it as the widely-held “rumor” of the day. According to oral lore,
popular prophesy predicted Tafari’s union with Aster would make for a short-lived
but stable reign, whereas if he were to stay with Menen, there would be initial
difficulties followed by longer rule.

Wzo. Aster was considered a very “modern” woman, beautiful and
cosmopolitan in her ways. She had already been to France with her husband
Ras Getachew, then the Ethiopian Minister in Paris. He himself had had to fight
for her affections in a near military confrontation with Ras Kebbede Mengesha,

the son of Mengesha Atikem, then considerably older and married to Astede

Asfaw Darge. A tribunal presided by Ras Tafari was assembled for deliberations

 

2“ Tekle Tsadik Mekuria, Atse Tewodros inna ye Ityopia Andinet, (Addis Ababa: Kuraz Publishing
Agency, 1988 EC), p. 183.
2 W20. Aster was the daughter of Kefei Wele and Mengesha Seyoum.

147

on the case ruled in favor of Ras Getachew who was deemed the more
compatible partner for Wzo. Aster.

Ras Tafari’s alleged proposal was supported by those like Wzo.
Yeshashworq Yilma, a woman of some court influence, who was equally related
to Ras Tafari and Wzo. Aster.247 If indeed this was true, it suggests that elite
interrnarriages of the previous era had reproduced and created individuals who,
like Yeshashworq, by virtue of their birth, had more channels to access influence
and widening scopes of interests to protect. Objections to the proposed marriage
were vociferous. The Patriarch, Abune Petros along with Ras Kassa and Blatta
Herouy, all spoke out against the union allegedly citing Menen’s position as
mother of Tafari’s children, granddaughter of Nigus Mikael and niece of lyasu,
would add insult to injury for Wallo. Wallo was already angered by the thwarting
of power from Lij lyasu, and should Ras Tafari marry Wzo. Aster, he would also
be “stealing” his wife.248 Thus advised, Ras Tafari dropped the matter and
ascended the throne With Wzo. Menen at his side.

Wzo. Menen’s predicament was one of a woman caught in the cross-fire
of political power play. As evident by the fact that she remained wife and became
empress, Menen’s family connections and presence at the imperial court could
not easily be dismissed. Menen’s sacrifice in personal terms were great, but if

some perceptions of Tafari’s early and unforgettable love for Aster are credible,

 

2‘7 Yeshashworq was the daughter of Tafari’s half-brother Yilma Mekonnen and Asselefech Wolde Hanna.
Yeshashworq’s grandmother, Wzo. Desta and Kefei’s father, Ras Wele were siblings.

2“ As will be recalled, lyasu and Aster were married in May 1909 in one of Empress Taitu’s earliest moves
to align political power. It is interesting to note that in light of Ras Abata Bwayalew's staunch opposition to
Lij Iyasu’s ascension and his rumored ambition to marry Empress Zawditu and rule the country himself, his
son’s marriage to Wzo. Aster could also be interpreted as an attempt to “steal” what once belonged to

lyasu.

148

personal sacrifice may have had more to do with demands of state stability than
gender. Thus, although tendencies towards personal preference were muted in
part by the weight of accountability in a conservative culture, more importantly,
they were directed by political considerations. Though women, with few tangible
political benefits had more than their share of hardships to contend with, the
hand one was dealt in elite marriages seems dependent on whether one was
male or female and more critically shaped by the bearing of one’s family
background on specific power alignments.
Sehin Mikael

Sehin Mikael’s importance is suggested first by her own marriages and
those of her children. Along with Tsehaiworq Darge, Wzo. Sehin was a favored
relative of Lij lyasu. Her marriages detailed above created alliances with key
personalities in Wallo and then with Shoan nobility. Upon her marriage to
Nagadras HaileGiorgis, he was promoted to Bitwoded and made Chief Minister
of Lij lyasu whom he served until his persuasion to join the plot to overthrow him.
One source confirms that Sehin Mikael’s presence in the capital meant that she
could relay information about the rising opposition to lyasu while the latter was in
Harar and Ras Mikael in Wallo. Sehin is said to have warned them of political
developments in September 1916 and then advised the hasty appearance of
Mikael from Dessie in the interest of protecting lyasu’s right to succession?49 To

whatever extent this may be true, Sehin 'Mikael’s inclusion in the list of individuals

 

2‘9 Wzo. Tsehaiworq Darge‘s husband and Iyasu’s long-time trusted confidante, Tassama Eshete is also
said to have provided lyasu with early warning of the coup against him. See Solomon Gashaw, “Power
Struggle in Addis Ababa 1906-1916,” BA thesis, Addis Ababa University, History, 1971, pp. 64-67.

149

exiled due to their connection to Lij lyasu, indicate that she was a woman of key
political significance.250

The announcement of her death in October 1927 lamented the passing of
a truly benevolent and generous woman with a religious core. Carefully avoiding
her possible involvement in Iyasu's and Tafari’s struggle, the government paper,
Berhanenna Selam, spoke almost reverently of Wzo. Sehin as the daughter of a
king and the mother of the future empress and described her passing that was
recognized with a state funeral befitting her noble countenance.251

The seventh year observance of her death, though couched in similar
language, is somewhat more revealing. After a brief description of her children,
two of whom had died previously in quick succession causing Wzo. Sehin much
grief and consequent ailments, the author alludes that she then fell prey to the
seductive nature of worldly power. Thus, when Zawditu and later Haile Sellassie
assumed the political reign, Wzo. Sehin fate to partake in the hardships of exile
as she had once enjoyed the luxuries of power, was sealed. Her ailments
reportedly worsened then. The author continues that it was not until her brother
Iyasu’s power declined and the regent’s accordingly strengthened that she was
reinstated to a home matching her stature. Framed amongst other philosophical
statements is the curious rhetorical question: “Despite her generosity, had
[Sehin Mikael] forgone her own immediate interests and known that her
descendants would continue to rule Ethiopia, would she have grieved less for her

father’s death or her brother's deposition?”

 

25° Gebre Igzaibhcr, The Chronicle of lyasu, ibid., p. 278.
2" Berhanenna Selam, 16 mm 1920 EC. and 27 October 1927 EC.

150

The tempered tone of both pieces is most probably due to the fact that

Wzo. Sehin's was the mother of Empress Menen, against whom overt
statements of disapproval would not have been tolerated. Her political activity is
reproached in this context as near-sighted maneuvers for control, but once again
attests to the awareness that elite women had of the dynamics of power. The
rhetorical query indirectly acknowledges the strength of elite continuity based on
multiple networks interwoven in the fabric of power. Thus, if Wzo. Sehin was
distanced for her involvement and blood-relations to lyasu, she was duly re-
instated to respectful status for being the mother of the empress.
Tsehaiworq Darge

Sometime in the 1920’s, Lij Iyasu’s great aunt Wzo. Tsehaiworq Darge
staged a dramatic gesture to restore him to the throne, thus marking a rare
instance of overt political action taken by a woman of elite background whose
influence was based on family rather than institutional positioning. 252 The third
daughter of Ras Darge Sahle Sellassie, Wzo. Tsehaiworq was related equally to ‘
both Tafari and lyasu. An unusually independent woman, Tsehaiworq was
described as one who shunned the habit of “staying home behind a curtain” as
women of noble birth often did. Instead, she was an adept horsewoman and a

good shot, even while being accomplished at knitting gloves and making shirts

 

252 There are two conflicting dates for this event. Aleqa Gebre lgziabher places this in 1921/22 G.C. while
it was reported four years later in 1924/25 in Berhanenna Selam newspaper.

151

and socks. Held in high esteem by both Menilek and Taitu, she was by birth and
choice among the most favored women courtiers of her time.253

Wzo. Tsehaiworq may have already been distanced from central court
when the death of her sister, Tesseme Darge provided the excuse for her to
return to the capital. Her personal attachment to lyasu soon led her to plot and
supposedly pay for an attempt on Tafari’s life.254 Part of the larger scheme
included releasing the imprisoned heir and preparing the ground through
propaganda for his return to rule.255 Tsehaiworq’s accomplices included
unnamed nobility who were probably promised rewards upon Iyasu’s release,
and a certain Mohammed Abba Shanqo from Wallo, who curiously shared the
nom de guerre of Nigus Mikael, and was well known for his accurate shooting
skills.

The plot came to an abrupt and unexpected end when an Armenian
restaurant owner, whose establishment was close to the proposed point of
ambush asked the frequenting officers, seemingly innocently, why there was an
armed guard watching his vicinity. Mohammed Abba Shanqo, who was laying
wait for Tafari ironically by Ras Makonnen Bridge, was apprehended and
arrested and the entire plot revealed.256 The imperial law court met to decide the
fate of five suspects, including Mohammed Shanqo, Wzo. Tsehaiworq and her

husband, Ato.Tassama Eshete. The initial sentence of death was changed to

 

2” Herui Wolde Sellassie, Yehiwot Tariq, Addis Ababa, 1915 EC, p. 100. Chris Prouty, Empress Taytu
and Menilek 11; Ethiopia, 1883-1910, (London: Ravens Educational and Development Services, 1986), p.
222.

25‘ According to an informant whose father, also a Darge descendant, was implicated in this plot and
consequently imprisoned, this was the third attempt by Wzo. Tsehaiworq. Informant 3, 1997.

2” Merse Hazan Wolde Kirqos, YeZemen Tarik tizitaye be Negeste Negest Zawditu zemene Mengist.
Unpublished Manuscript, 1938 E. C., p. 295. Gebre lgziabher, ibid., p. 419.

”‘Gebre lgziabher, ibid.

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imprisonment, due reportedly to Tafari’s clemency. Wzo. Tsehaiworq was exiled
and lived until her death some years later.
Her husband, a traditional poet of great skill and himself guardian and

confidante of lyasu lamented his wife’s fate in two couplets:

'lCfl H tilla- Mam- u-M
m» 12m am am

MW! ”'0 AW?
”41‘0- ‘llfl- all" In!”

The first roughly translated reads:

While all slaves were emancipated by your call to freedom

My life-line/sun was imprisoned and killed
Play on word Tsehai or Ta’y - my sun and short for Tsehaiworq’s name.
The second:

Those like Lemma Demis and Tsehaiworq

Deserve the attention of the word for their beauty
Play on word mamarachew - which here can mean both beauty and “by whose
compassion?” So the hidden meaning in the second line would read: Let them
go free so the world may wonder at your compassion.257

Unlike Empress Taitu or others before her who occupied symbolic and
political offices within the structure, Tsehaiworq probably relied on her birthright
as Ras Darge’s daughter and her personal closeness to lyasu to summon
support and draw attention to her‘plan and its eventual execution. She was
described by Bejirond Takla Hawariat as a woman who was financially

independent and “used to living in exile,” which suggests her early and continual

 

251 Tassama Eshete, Seminna Worqu, (Addis Ababa: Bole Publishing Agency, 1985 EC), p. 79 and p. 88.

153

political involvement. His caustic remarks demean her withering beauty which
made her look older than a mother to her husband Tassama Eshete. Sexual
transgression is implied in her closeness to lyasu, for whom she allegedly
prepared food and cleverly discussed political matters in the flow of other
conversations, an approach the author found particularly well-suited for Iyasu's
character?58

The intent investigation and tenacity of officers that led to Tafari
Makonnen’s discovery of Wzo. Tsehaiworq’s secret scheme is lauded in a short
paragraph in Berhanenna Selam. With thinly concealed disgust, the unknown
author describes Wzo. Tsehaiworq as a woman of important birth but lowly
intellect for having challenged the progressive wave of change personified by the
future emperor Haile Sellassie.259 Despite the failure of her plan and its relatively
unique documentation, Wzo. Tsehaiworq’s actions suggest an alternative
influential path to politics, power and protection of particular interests especially
available to women who could access and galvanize support through family
alliances when positioned outside formal institutional structures.
Zawditu

Wzo. Zawditu Menilek's crowning as empress in 1916 was one which
placed a woman ruler on the Ethiopian throne for the first time since the Queen
of Sheba announced that there would be no more women rulers after her

reign?60 Her ceremony on 11 Febmary was an impressive affair with one-

 

253 Quoted from Bejirond Takla Hawariat’s autobiography, see Aleme Eshete, ibid., p. 44.

”9 Berhanenna Selam, Nehase 1917 EC.

26° Chris Prouty and Eugene Rosenfeld, Historical Dictionary of Ethiopia, (London: The Scarecrow Press,
Inc., 1981), p. 191.

154

hundred thousand pageantry in attendance and countless people lining the
streets to St. George cathedral where the coronation would take place. Zawditu’s
ladies in waiting, identified as “awalde mengist” to indicate their royal birth in the
language of the day, were awarded golden headbands and seated according to
their rank?61 Zawditu took communion before the crown was placed on her
head and her coronation address harked back to the days of her father which she
hoped to recreate through her diligent protection of the poor and committed
exercise of good judgement.

Although Zawditu’s speech intimated her direct and active involvement in
government affairs, she did little to openly seek, grasp or wield political and
military power.262 Nonetheless, her sense of her own place at the apex of the
hierarchical power structure was indicated by her appointment of her nephew,
Ras Wolde Giorgis Aboye, as Nigus of the north and governor of Semen,
Agewmidir. Ambassel and Sayint?63 Zawditu's strength lay in her mediation role
between the ruling triumvirate of herself, Tafari and Fit. Habte Giorgis. The
progressive element was spearheaded by Tafari who pushed towards reform and
Ethiopia’s involvement in the world economy and politics while the conservative
old guard, headed by Fit. Habte Giorgis, resisted change and was suspicious of
cultivating foreign relations.

Opposing viewpoints of these competing factions escalated to antagonism

on several occasions. Junior officers known as “mahal safari” formed an

 

26' These were listed by Merse Hazen as Wzo. Tiserne Darge, Wzo. Zerfeshiwal Seifu, Wzo. Sematoi
Aboye, Wzo. Asselefech Wonde (also known as Asselefech Wolde Hanna), and Wzo. Astede Haile. See
Merse Hazen, ibid., p. 103.

2‘2 Harold G. Marcus, ibid.

2‘3 He died one year later in 1910. See Merse Hazen, ibid., p. 123.

155

executivecommittee or derg that demanded such reform as the suspension of
ministers-M1918, or support for Ethiopia’s entry into the League of Nations in
1919. Zawditu’s conciliatory intervention avoided mass disturbance and
demonstrated her ability as a capable leader. By 1919, it was clear that
comparedto the conservative reaction of fear and resistance to change, Tafari’s
vision~seemed better informed and oriented for the future of the country. Zawditu,
who herself had strong leanings toward the conventional, was persuaded by the
need forforesight offered by Tafari and eventually declared her full support of his
reforms: by: transferring executive power to him.264

Judging by the fact that she was married four times, Zawditu’s birthright as
Menilek’s daughter held immense political possibilities. Her first marriage to
ArayaSellassie Yohannes in 1883 ended abruptly with his death in 1888.
Curiously little is known of her second and third marriages to Gwangul Zegeye
and WebeAtnaf Seged, respectively. Wag Shum/Dejazmach Gwangul Zegeye
was from Wag, a close and respected member of Menilek’s court.265 Zawditu had
one daughter-with him who only lived to be two years old.266 Dejazmach Webe
Atnaf Seged; Zawditu’s husband for four years, was also a man favored by
Menilek and a warrior from Shoa whose father, Liqemeqwas Atnafseged,

enjoyed equally good relations with the emperor?67

 

2“ Hamid G. Marcus, ibid., p. 46.

2" Mahatama Sellase Walda Masqal, “Che Belew,” Journal ofEthiopian Studies, Vol. VII, No. 2, July
1969, p. 288.

2“ Merse Hazen Wolde Kirqos, YeZemen tarik Tezitaye be Negeste Negest Zawditu Zemena Mengisr,
Unpublished Manuscript, 1938 EC, Addis Ababa University, Institute of Ethiopian Studies, p. 523.
2" Mahatarm Sellase Walda Masqal, ibid, p. 270 and Merse Hazen Wolde Kirqos, ibid.

156

More is available in a manuscript written by Grazmach Asfaw Tassamma
on the life of Zawditu’s fourth husband, Ras Gugsa Wele, who remained a bane
to Tafari until his death in 1930.268 His 1900 marriage to Zawditu was arranged
by his aunt Taitu, and Dejach Gugsa became Ras on the occasion. He was
exiled with her in Afkira and Fale during Ras Tassama’s regency and Lij Iyasu's
reign, presumably because he would pose a threat by staking his own claim in
the power struggle. When Zawditu was crowned empress, she officially
separated from Ras Gugsa who was not invited to attend the ceremony, and
gave him permission to marry a woman of his choice. He married Wzo. Bizunesh
from Lasta, who was a beautiful woman according to the author’s glimpses of her
in her trips to church surrounded by Ras Gugsa's men.

Zawditu and Gugsa continued to have amicable relations which was not
welcomed by those who sought his political alienation. His independent spirit,
best captured in the author’s description of Gugsa’s choice of clothes, could have
only added aggravation to the situation.269 As his temporary ally Ras Hailu in
Gojjam, Ras Gugsa was displaced by the progressive wave set in motion by Ras
Tafari and his supporters. He belittled the Western education and non-aristocratic
birth of the Young Ethiopians running the government and was critical of the
foreign experts whose methods made those of the traditional nobility appear

outdated?7o

 

2“ Grazmach Asfaw Tesemma Worqe, Ye Ras Gugsa Wele Tan'q, 1969, MS 1133 998.

269 Ras Gugsa had preference for finely spun cotton and was particularly averse to the jodhpur—like Tafari
trousers which had such tight fit below the knees that they had to be put on by sliding them in over
newspapers. No doubt in a subtle political statement of rejecting the regent as well as avoiding
discomfiture, he opted for widely cut pantaloons with his signature red, yellow and green drawstrings. See
Asfaw Tesemma Worqe, ibid., p. 5 and p. 7.

27° Harold G. Marcus, ibid., p. 93.

157

Banned from Addis Ababa, Gugsa was given Sayint and lmbaboto rule,
although the importance of keeping his family in the political loop was indicated
by the marriage of Gugsa’s brother, Dejach Amede Wele, to an unnamed woman
previously selected for him by Taitu. The ceremony was arranged by Zawditu on
the groom’s side and Ras Tafari on behalf of the bride. Dejach Amede was then
appointed to rule Begemidir but lived only a week after his marriage.271 Zawditu
later asserted personal politics by restoring Gugsa to his previous rule of
Begemidir after the death of Nigus Wolde Giorgis in 1917.272

According to Grazmach Asfaw, whose manuscript is partly based on Ras
Gugsa’s own reminiscences, small misunderstandings such as Gugsa’s breach
of protocol by greeting Tafari indoors while visiting Zawditu, were the cause of
friction between Gugsa and the regent. As tensions escalated between them,
Zawditu was drawn into actively persuading Gugsa to submit. The phone
messages sent from Zawditu to Gugsa reveal the angst of an elite woman of
royal birth once again caught in the cross-fire that tore apart her personal
commitment from her political responsibility.

In these messages, Zawditu assured Gugsa that she found the rumors
about him exaggerated and was waiting for his explanation. In an almost
maternal tone which noted the passing of both Empress Taitu and Ras Wele,
who would presumably have guarded Gugsa’s interests, Zawditu expressed her

personal closeness to him and her availability to hear his grievances. In her

second message Zawditu warned Gugsa that as empress she was privy to

 

21'His death was hidden from Ras Gugsa for some time. Asfaw Tesemma Worqe, ibid., pp. 45-46.
2’2 Merse Hazen Wolde Kirqos, ibid, pp. 501-502.

158

rumors that implicated her involvement in tensions between him and Tafari. She
urgently pleaded that he considered mending his ways to avoid falling from grace
over simple matters and respond to the regent’s summons to appear in Were llu.
She beseeched in the name of Menilek, Taitu and Wele, to trust the guarantee
she provided that he would not be harmed in any way. Ras Gugsa's response is
recorded as a one line retort that he had not betrayed the empress, implying that
he was no traitor to the rightful ruler. Around February of 1929 (30 Yekatit 1922
E. C.) Zawditu sent her last message that registered her impatience at Gugsa's
vague replies. Her resignation and final resolve on the matter was succinct, “You
are not more important to me than my father’s throne.”273

Between 1928 and 1929, the north was suffering from drought and locusts
resulting in widespread unrest as communities struggled over what meager
resources were available. The malcontent grew and took on religious, class and
ethnic overtones pitting Christians against Muslims, and the Oromo against the
Afar and Somali. Central government feared opportune Italian infiltration through
Ogaden. Ras Gugsa was ordered to establish order in Oromo Raya country
which he did by possibly striking a secret deal that ended the raiding on the
Eritrean front. As the unrest continued, an anxious Ras Tafari requested Ras
Gugsa's presence at a meeting to discuss strategy at which point Ras Gugsa
thought he had been found out?74

Ras Gugsa directed his anger at Ras Tafari, accusing him of treason and

cooperation with Italy as well as apostasy to Roman Catholicism. He rejected the

 

273 Merse Hazen Wolde Kirqos, ibid., pp. 508-514.
’7‘ Harold 6. Marcus, ibid., p. 94.

159

changes he felt were imposed on the country, and joined the rebels. Zawditu
presided over what would be her last council which ordered immediate war
against her husband. Tafari, now in a strengthened position which included the
services of the one aircraft introduced in 1929, mobilized a campaign against the
defiant Ras Gugsa and the northern rebels.

The campaign lasted about one month within which time the Oromo and
Afar resistance was destroyed by Ras Mulugeta and bombing raids were carried
out over Gugsa’s ten thousand terrified troops. The use of air power displayed
the tangible benefits of advanced technology and once again confirmed Tafari’s
progressive foresight in the face of conservative resistance. Empress Zawditu,
ailing from paratyphoid fever further complicated by her diabetic condition, would
not be informed of her husband’s death. She died one day after the victorious
announcement on 2 April with a grief-stricken Tafari tending her bedside.
Following the appropriate obsequies for Zawditu, the Council of State

unanimously elevated Tafari to emperor the next day.275

 

2" Harold G. Marcus, ibid., p. 96.

160

CHAPTER V
HAILE SELLASSIE’S ERA: FAMILY & POWER IN A MODERNIZING
STATE

lf unification is considered one of the dominant themes of nineteenth
century Ethiopian history, then political consolidation would be among the over-
riding concerns of the first half of the twentieth century. Consolidation took place
both under the person of Emperor Haile Sellassie, and the increasing
centralization of state machinery. Scholars have engaged in numerous studies
and discussions on aspects such as the personality of the emperor, the socio-
economic conditions that allowed for the transformation from a “traditional” to a
“modern” autocracy, and the lntemal and external events that shaped Haile
Sellassie’s reign of enduring longevity.

Elite families of the period exhibited continuity from Menilek’s era, even
while marriages adjusted to accommodate the new and more progressive
policies. In line with the lntemal struggles that ensued with the emperor’s
attempts to strengthen control from the center, elite marriages before the Italian
invasion of Ethiopia in 1935 had overtly political intent that seemed muted in the
post-war years. This chapter will use available secondary and primary sources
to trace the history of elite families and, where possible, reconstruct their
marriage patterns in the foreground of an increasingly modernizing state. When
and where sources allow, the varied position of elite women will also be
presented and discussed with an aim to explore their presence and activities

behind or beyond the institutional power structure. Despite the difficulty of precise

161

evaluation, underscoring this feature of contemporary Ethiopian history will serve
as a preliminary query on what bearing an interrnarried elite with common
interests and an increasingly shared identity had in the act of creating nation both
in political and social terms.
PROGRESS & POWER UNTIL 1935

In the years leading up to his coronation until 1935, Haile Sellassie
actively resumed and expanded the process of modernization began by his
predecessors. The introduction of electricity Which predated that of automobiles
in 1922 were early signs of the comforts of progress of which, not surprisingly,
the elite were first beneficiaries. Haile Sellassie’s twin concerns of consolidating
power and establishing modern institutions and programs to actualize his vision
were mutually complimentary. Functional control of the economy, the
institutionalizing of government and an initially fledgling then expansive program
on education were among the key features characterizing this period which lay
the foundation for the forty-four year reign of the monarch?76

Contemporary scholars have noted how Menilek’s expansion south
resulted in increased opportunities for the enlargement of the northern elite as
they became a class of landowners due to land alienation and accumulation in
conquered provinces?" The economic base of the ruling elite in post-Adwa days

was further broadened by their developing business instincts that nurtured

 

27‘ Other important developments included the establishment of a centralized and standing army, the
specialized training of the Imperial Body Guard as well as the founding of military academies (Bale in
1933 and Holeta in 1934). This weakened and eventually dismantled the armies of the regional nobility.
Ethiopia’s increasing involvement in world politics was also a significant effort undertaken by the emperor
who hoped for greater protection and economic opportunities for the country.

2" Markakis, Ethiopia - Anatomy ofa Traditional Polity, ibid., pp. 9991.

162

relationships between its members and expatriate members and
concessionaries. Thus Menilek had a thriving business lending money to Indian
traders, and Taitu tested her entrepreneurial skills by establishing the first hotel
and organizing the most ambitious venture of the time, the Ethiopian bank.278

The death of Fit. Habte Giorgis in 1926 removed the overlord of the south
and control over appointments there added to Tafari's wealth?79 The
transformations continued with the advent of cash crops and commercial
agriculture in the 19203 which created new opportunities for profits that were
controlled and mediated by the imperial family and ruling elite. The completion of
the railroad from Djibouti to Dire Dawa in 1902 and its extension to the capital in
1917 further facilitated trade?80

Taxes from trade in the provinces supplied most of the revenues for the
central government and provided the root cause of conflict with some regional
rulers. Haile Sellassie’s fiscal policy focused on centralizing customs through an
elaborate system of customs administration. Rases like Kassa and Seyoum had
conceded to central control over taxes while others like Gugsa Wele and Hailu
resented and fought against these measures. Officials of the central government
were the head of regional merchants and mayors. By accepting such mandates,

provincial rulers were implicitly encouraged to place the needs of the capital and

the nation before their own. Among other things, revenues from these taxes were

 

2’” Bahru Zawde, History ofModern Ethiopia, ibid., p. 98.

”9 Harold G. Marcus, Haile Sellassie, ibid., pp. 78-79. In addition, Fitawarari Habte Giorgis’s personal
force of 15 thousand was assumed by Tafari and his function as Minister of War was divided between
officials with less influence.

230 Princess Menen governed Deder in Chercher, an area rich in coffee and collected fees from dealers
wishing to conduct business there. Both she and Tafari owned lands that traded produces grown by
sharecroppers. Harold G. Marcus, ibid., p. 80.

163

funneled into building roads, facilitating commerce and expanding the range of
govemment?81

In 1930, parallel reforms in the government reflected Haile Sellassie’s
selection of largely non-aristocratic and progressive men to run the bureaucracy
while remaining sensitive to the position of traditional nobility over hereditary
regions. Makonnen Habte Wolde was appointed Director General in the Ministry
of Finance which was headed by Ras Getachew Abata, soon replaced by
Bejirond Takla Hawariat. Dejazmach Nasibu Zamanuel, distanced by most
courtiers because of his Catholic missionary education, was respected for his
leadership abilities and commitment to progress. He spoke Italian and French
and was indispensable in training a disciplined gendarrnerie force for the
emperor, who elevated him to the director of the Ministry of War, nominally
headed by the weaker Fit. Biru who had replaced Ras Mulugeta.282 With
background in church education and secular training in French, Blatta Herui
Wolde Sellassie served as the acting Foreign Minister (1878-1938). Most of
these Young Ethiopians shared three things in common: loyalty to the emperor
whose favor and patronage determined their status, commitment to progressive
idea, and often, exposure to Western education or culture.

The 1931 promulgation of the first Ethiopian constitution provided the
framework for modern government and achieved unprecedented national
consensus in its endorsement by the ruling elite?83 By placing Haile Sellassie as

the ultimate power over the Senate, the Chamber of Deputies and the army, the

 

2" Harold G. Marcus, ibid., p. 133.
2” Harold 6. Marcus, ibid., p. 114.
1” Harold (3. Marcus, ibid., p. 117.

164

constitution confirmed the emperor’s supremacy over all legislative, executive
and judicial matters. The constitution was drafted by Bajerond Takla Hawariat
and modeled after the Japanese Meiji constitution?84 The decade of the 19203
had seen an increased interest and discussions among Ethiopian intellectuals on
the history of Japan, a country that had, like Ethiopia, maintained its
independence and had successfully charted and embarked on its own path to
progress which some proposed to emulate?85

Secular education was the emperor’s vehicle of choice to promote
progress and sustain the activities of the centralized and increasingly complex
state machinery. Funds from the private imperial treasury were used to finance
the education of those sent abroad as early as 1920, while the educational work
of foreign missionaries were encouraged and schools were built in the capital.
Following Menilek’s 1908 precedence of establishing Menilek ll, the first
government school in Addis Ababa, the Prince Regent founded Tafari Makonnen
School on palace grounds in 1925.

Local governors, nobility and elite women took active interest by joining

the effort of promoting education. Wzo. Sehin Mikael established a French

language primary school in Dessie and in 1931 her daughter, Empress Menen,

 

2“ An analysis of the concept of Japanization among Ethiopian intellectuals and a sample of similarities
and differences between the two documents is available in the annex of Bahru Zewde, “The concept of
Japanization in the Intellectual History of Modern Ethiopia,” Proceedings of the F ifth Seminar of the
Department of History, Addis Ababa University Press, 1990.

2” For a more recent discussion on why the Japanese approach to modernization was more successful than
the Ethiopian one, see Messay Kebede, “Japan and Ethiopia: An Appraisal of similarities and Divergent
Courses,” in Ethiopia in Broader Perspective - Proceedings of the 13“ International Conference of
Ethiopian Studies, Vol. 1, Kyoto, 1997.

165

opened a school specifically geared for the education of women.286 Middle
Eastern and European instructors were hired, as were foreign educated
Ethiopians. Western oriented training was not designed to displace indigenous
church education but serve the functionary role of providing trained civil servants
for the bureaucracy. Amharic language schools were opened in Jima, Adwa,
Debre Markos and Jijiga as well as Addis Ababa, Gore, Nekemte and Dire Dawa
becoming a tool of indoctrination as well as one of national unity and integration.
By 1935, twenty government schools were functioning in different parts of the
country though largely concentrated in the capital.
ELITE FAMILIES & MARRIAGES UNTIL 1935
The Imperial Family

Haile Sellassie’s act of balancing traditional forces with progressive ones
in government was reflected in the marriage patterns before the ltalo-Ethiopian
war. The marriage of his daughter Zenebework and his son Asfa Wossen in 1931
and 1932 respectively, indicated the importance of maintaining close relations
with the Tigrean royal family. Zenebwork Haile Sellassie was wed to Haile
Sellassie Gugsa on (9 SENE 1924), coinciding closely with an occasion of Lij
Iyasu’s capture. Both bride and groom partook of the Holy Communion, setting
the perfect example to others, according to an invited guest who wrote a

description of the wedding in Berhanenna Selam.

 

2“ Academic subjects were studied as well as dressmaking, drawing and household management.
Qualifying exams for the French certificate of competency in primary studies could also be taken. See
Claire Kobcs Jasperdean, “Modernization in Ethiopia 1916-1966: Politics and Education,” MA thesis,
1970, p. 28.

166

In preparation, a house in Akaki owned by Sehin Mikael was appropriately
remodeled and outfitted with new roads and bridges for a smoother automobile
ride. A certain Kegnazmach Wolde Yohannes Woldeab had accomplished his
buildingltask so efficiently, that he was awarded an automobile of his own by the
pleased emperor! The astounding beauty of the bride and groom had guests
speculating on the kinds of children they would bear, according to the
anonymous author. Select students who were studying foreign languages
entered the hall where celebrations were taking place and spread rose petals to
the delight of the wedding party. Others who were trained to play European
instruments performed for the guests, led by their Armenian musical director
Nalbandian. The French government representative offered a toast that was
translated as champagne was poured to the invited diplomats.

Their departure signaled a noticeable shift in the evening’s program which
became more Ethiopian in content. The two hundred or so guests of Ras Gugsa
Araya were presented with gifts and a certain Grazmach Geraze staged a mock
fukera or war poem seemingly to protest the meagemess of his share, an
oversight quickly amended by more gifts from the emperor. The celebrations
continued with enthusiastic crowds cheering the bride and groom on their way to
Ras Gugsa’s home where feasts were held for two more days.287

The Western elements incorporated in this wedding ceremony contrast
sharply with the description of an earlier wedding at the imperial palace. On 18
Tir 1922/23, Wzo. Romanworq Haile Sellassie, the daughter of the then

Dejazmach Tafari and a woman named Wzo. Weynitu Amde from Wallo , who

 

2" Berhanenna Selam, 16 Scne 1924 EC.

167

attended the wedding288 was married to Fitawrari Beyene, the son of Dejach
Merid Habtemariam who was a member of Menilek’s court?89 This was a
communion wedding, considered a rarity by Merse Hazan Wolde Kirqos who
indulges us in a detailed description of the prayers and rituals that began at 1
am. in the morning and lasted until 5 am. with only Romanworq allowed to
recline on a short bed as directed by sacred laws. Liturgy resumed at 6 am. and
the bride and groom took communion after which festivities commenced at
Prince Regent Tafari's compound. The following day, a platform was prepared for
the departure ceremonies of Romanworq. Ras Nadew, Dejach Haile Sellassie
Abayneh, Aleqa Gebre Medhin, Blatta Herui and Lij Makonnen lndalkachew
accompanied Tafari on the platform. The bride, clad in a gold embroidered dress
with a crown on her head, was carried out in traditional style on an attendant’s
back, to her husband’s side?90

In contrast, the description of Crown Prince Asfa Wossen’s marriage to
Walata Israel Seyoum on 8 April 1932 further emphasized the inclusion of foreign
features at such occasions. The elevated position of the educated elite, who
were implicitly encouraged to attain lessons in nation building from this union
were underscored. On behalf of the groom, Bitwoded Wolde Tsadik presented
Ras Seyoum Mengesha with finely embroidered clothes, 70 mules and 100

horses all handsomely decorated. Other gifts too numerous to detail by

 

28"Her mother was named Wzo. Lomita and she was from Borena and Legahida while Ato. Amede Aliye
who served in Ras Makonnen’s household in Harar. Merse Hazen, Ye Zemen Tarilr Tizitaye be Nigiste
negest Zawditu Zamana Mengist, ibid., p. 247.

2”He was Menilek’s Agafari and Ilfign Askelkai “Che Belew,” Journal of Ethiopian Studies, Vol. VII No.
2, July 1969, p .215.

29° Merse Hazen, ibid., pp. 242-247.

168

Blattengeta Mahateme Sellassie Wolde Meskel, who recorded his observations,
were also exchanged and a communion ceremony marked the occasion with
church sanctity.

In celebration of this union, Berhanenna Selam described the imperial
feast to which members and employees of the Ministry of Education as well as
teachers and students were invited. The anonymous author notes that guests
clothed in Ethiopian traditional attire were shown to one hall while those clad in
European clothes, indicating their newly arrived from abroad status, were shown
to the newer hall. Dejach Aberra Kassa hosted the event and the guests were
treated to the violin of Muse Nalbandian and Muse Albert, two Armenians from a
group who were invited to Ethiopia to teach European music. The champagne
toast to the newlyweds was offered, among others, by the Minister of Education
Melake Hiwot Wolde Hanna, followed by Bitwoded Getachew Abata.

Bitwoded Getachew, who was married to the niece of the bride, stressed
the importance of the occasion not just for the couple but for the younger
generation of guests and to the nation as a whole. Another stirring toast hailed
the greatness of the bride and groom’s ancestry, blessed Ethiopia's
independence and unity symbolized by this marriage as Wallo , Tigre and Shoa
were seen to be tied together with familial love, spiritual brotherhood and kinship
that would inspire strength and grace in each citizen to guard the nation's

sovereignty. The article further noted the reaches of modernity, as the bride was

169

seated to the right of the groom in view of the guests, whereas before she would
have been covered and hidden?91

In view of the presumed future succession of the Crown Prince to the
Ethiopian throne, the significance of this dynastic alliance was major.
Contemporary oral informants have mixed impressions of this marriage which
they perceive as having been forced upon the Crown Prince. A gentler viewpoint
is provided by family members of Walata Israel who describe her as having been
a very religious woman with an amazing capacity for generosity. She played the
begena, a string instrument associated with incantations of the Psalm of David
and painted religious icons, some of which she donated to churches. Her first
marriage to Dejach Gebre Sellassie B’arya Gabir, a man only about three years
younger than her grandfather, Ras Mengesha, gave Walata Israel an air of
maturity beyond her years. This marriage was considered the classic “blood
drying” arrangement that brought an end to the altercations between Ras
Seyoum and Dejach Gebre Sellassie.292

Her marriage to the Crown Prince was also highly political and, perhaps
with the help of hindsight, many consider it Haile Sellassie's effort to placate the
Tigrean ruling family who missed the chance of being represented at the palace
when the emperor did not marry Wzo. Aster Mengesha. In fact, the Crown Prince
was said to have been so traumatized by the earlier possibility of his mother

being displaced that he never quite forgave his father and was unwilling to make

 

29' Berhanenna Selam, 19 April 1932.
292 Informant 4, Summer 1997.

170

the attempt between himself and Walata Israel work. 293 Whether or not these are
mere speculations, the noticeable distance between father and son could not
have been aided by such tensions.

Walata Israel had prior connections to Wello through close relations with
her step-mother, Wzo. Tewabech, the daughter of Nigus Mikael. There, she had
also struck friendship with the future Empress Menen so that when she left as the
Crown Prince’s bride to his Dessie headquarters, she was essentially returning to
family.294 Her experience was not unique as it was very much in the age-old
practice of the imperial palace to take in and raise the sons and daughters of
nobility, sometimes referred to collectively as “yechewa Iij.” These young girls
and boys were taught the necessary skills and etiquette before they came of age
and were married to suitable partners that matched their standing?95

Though the specific evaluation of this practice is difficult to assess, its
contribution towards elite socialization and cohesion was major. Elite values and
practices were reproduced while certain uniformity was maintained between
groups of different regional identities and languages. According to the
grandchildren of Walata Israel, who were products of Wallo lShoa, Tigre and
Oromo nobility, this hardly avoided the confusion experienced by a young child
who was expected to understand the language of heavy protocol and formality at
the palace, and the spoken languages of Tigre and Oromo in the homes of
parents, grandparent and related kin. Despite the sometimes thinly veiled hostility

such imposition caused and the innate fragility of intermarriage, it provided an

 

”3 Informants s, 6 & 7, Summer 1997.
2" Informant 4, Summer 1997.
2” Mahteme Sellassie Wolde Meskel, Zikre Neger, Addis Ababa, 1962 no, p. 581.

171

enduring framework for diverse families from around the country to coalesce
around their shared interests over and above their cultural and linguistic
differences.

As it was, both Zenebeworq's and Asfa Wossen’s marriages did not
endure for different reasons. Crown Prince Asfa Wossen and Li’ilt Walata Israel
had a daughter, Ijigayehu, and were together until around 1943 when they parted
ways after prolonged separation during the Italian invasion and presumable
marital enstrangement. Zenebworq Haile Sellassie died very soon after her
marriage to Haile Sellassie Gugsa. Not one to let an opportunity on modernizing
cultural habits go astray, the emperor used her death as an occasion to issue a
proclamation on modifying grieving customs. Though burdened by her loss, Haile
Sellassie admonished that grieving indefinitely would liken him to those who had
little hope in the world, which would set a bad example to the nation. As the
chosen guardian of his people's well-being, he was compelled to issue detailed
rules on how many days should be set aside for the dirge and encouraged
women to desist from bringing bodily harm to themselves while grieving.296
Model of Progress & Potential Marriage?

By far the most ambitious venture in marriage alliances was the one
proposed between the emperor’s nephew “prince” (actually Lij) Araya Abebe and
the Japanese “princess” Kuroda Masako. This event stirred popular excitement in
Japan whose economic, political and cultural interest in Ethiopia had heightened
in the 19305. Though not in official capacity, Lij Araya had accompanied Blat.

Herui on his grand tour of Japan in 1931 following the signing of a Treaty of

 

29° The proclamation was issued on 19 Megabit 1925 EC. See Merse Hazen, Ye Zemen Tarik, pp. 592-593.

172

Friendship and Commerce with Tokyo in 1930?97 The desire to marry a
Japanese woman was supposedly initiated by Lij Araya himself to fulfill his “long
cherished ambition."298 The twenty-three year old Kuroda Masako. the
descendant of a feudal lord, was selected over almost twenty respondants to Lij
Araya's announcement seeking a Japanese bride. Her enthusiastic preparation
as candidate included studying the customs and habits of Ethiopia.

Within Ethiopia, intellectuals who approved of “Japanizing” the path to
progress found the proposed marriage appealing. This would seal close relations
between imperial families and pave the way for mutually beneficial commercial
ventures between the two countries. The international dimensions of this alliance
were perceptible as Japan sought to undercut European designs on Ethiopia,
even evoking racial unity against colonial powers. The alarmed reaction of
European countries, especially Italy, attested to the encroachment on interests
such a marriage would cause and its potential as a political unifier of two
historically independent nations.299

As it was, Japanese business enterprises with less than transparent intent
raised the suspicion of Ethiopians who reported much less on the proposed
marriage than their Japanese counterparts and European critics.3°° Largely due
to lntemal and external pressures, Lij Araya Abebe was eventually instructed not

to respond to letters he received from his potential bride.301 By 1935, the matter

 

”7 J. Calvitt Clarke 111, “Marriage Alliance: The Union of Two Imperiums, Japan and Ethiopia?” Selected
Annual Proceedings of the Florida Conference of Historians, Vol. 6/7, December 1999, pp. 105-116.

2” J.Clavitt Clarke 111, ibid., p. 108.

2” Kato Kanju, the president of the National Council of Trade Unions in Japan went so far as to accuse
Mussolini of blocking the marriage. Ibid., p. 113.

3°° J. Clavitt crarrte 1n, ibid., pp. 111-112.

3“ Interview with his son Amaha Araya in the Reporter, v61. 1 No. 5, Yekatit 1990 EC.

173

was dismissed as groundless by the New York Times and soon forgotten with the
looming threat of the Italian invasion later that same year. Lij Araya was married
to Wzo. Mulumebet Abebe and sent to New York to aide Dr. Melaku Bayen’s
efforts towards raising awareness of Ethiopia’s plight among sympathetic black
communities in the US.302 Despite the fact that the wedding did not occur, its
very attempt underscored the political potential symbolized by such unions even
at the lntemational level.
Elite of continuity from Menilek’s era

Beyond such dramatic efforts, many families from the previous era
maintained their positions close to the power center and continued to inter-marry
amongst each other and with the descendants of Sahle Sellassie. Although most
of these marriages are difficult to date precisely, the general divide of pre- and
post war unions provides a working time-line for organizing purposes. From the
ruling families of Tigre, Ras Seyoum had by this time been widowed by the death
of his wife Tewabech Mikael and was married to Wzo. Atsede Asfaw, the grand-
daughter of Ras Darge and the previous wife of Ras Kebede Mengesha from
Gojjam.303

Another descendant of Ras Darge, Dejach Aberra Kassa was married to
Ras Seyoum Mengesha’s daughter, Wzo. Kebbedech. Gugsa Araya, the
grandson of Emperor Yohannes and Wzo. Yeshashworq Yilma, the daughter of

Haile Sellassie’s older half-brother Yilma Makonnen and Wzo. Asselfech Wolde

 

302 His wife is the daughter of Ras Abebe Damtew and Wzo. Wosenyelesh Mengesha Atikem of Gojjam
She had previously been married to Fit. Biru, the War Minister.
”3 Tewabech Mikael died on 12 Tir 1917 E.C. Merse Hazen, YeZernen tarilt Tizitaye, ibid., p. 274.

174

Hanna, were noted as husband and wife in 1921 EC, although by 1926 EC.
she was the wife of Ras Makonnen Demissew.

ln Gojjam, though Ras Kebbede’s liason with Wzo. Astede had not lasted,
Bitwoded Makonnen lndalkachew had married Wzo. Zawditu, the daughter of
Menilek’s governor Mengesha Atikem. Mengesha’s granddaughter, Wzo.
Mulumebet Abebe, the daughter of Ras Abebe Damtew and Wzo. Wesenyelesh,
was married to the Minister of War, Fit. Biru Habtemariam (also known as Biru
Wolde Gabrie)l on Sene 6, 1924 EC. A brief description of this wedding recalls
the blare of loud horns and drums that seemed to reach the sky followed by
festivities and gift giving.304 Wzo. Mulumebet was the same woman who later
married Lij Abebe Araya of Japanese proposal fame.

Following his fall from grace, relatives of Gojjam’s Ras Hailu were
ostensibly distanced from the imperial palace. An article on Ras Hailu’s alleged
deceit since the time of Menilek appeared in June 1932, detailing his seemingly
opportunistic political maneuvers.305 His sister Nigist Takla Haimanot had already
quarreled with him on account of land inheritance, an issue resolved by the
emperor's involvement. According to Berhanenna Selam, her children Dejach
Kassa Mesfin and Fit. Admasu spent time in the capital awaiting audience and
word of their fate from the emperor until he capitulated and sent them to Gojjam
with gifts and the order that Ras lmru grant them land.306

Other descendants of Nigus Takla Haimanot continued to interrnarry with

important regional families. Wzo. Zenebeworq, a daughter of Nigist Takla

 

3“ Berhanenna Selam, l6 Sene 1924 EC.
”5 Berhanenna Selam, 23 June 1932.
3“ See Berhanenna Selam, 23 Ginbot 1926 EC.

175

Haimanot and Ras Mesfin of Damot, married the son of Ras Kassa, Dejach Asfa
Wossen. In 1928, Berhanenna Selam reported the marriage of Dejach Girrnay
Mengesha, grandson of Emperor Yohannes, with another daughter of Nigist
Takla Haimanot’s and Ras Mesfin’s. Less than half a year from his wedding, the
death of this 33 year-old groom was reported in September 1921.307 His sister,
Almaz Mengesha, the daughter of Kefei Wele and Mengesha Yohannes, married
Dejach Taye Gulelate, a descendant of Sahle Sellassie from a contending family '
line.

Nobility from Lasta and Wag were also absorbed into the royal center. The
son of Ras Kassa, Dejach Wondwossen was married to a woman named Wzo.
Zerfeshiwal Gwangul from Wag. Though it is unclear if they were related in
February 1926, Dejach Kebede Gwangul was married to Wzo. Abebech, the
daughter of Dejach Mekuria Germame and Wzo. Asselefech Wolde Hanna?08
Wzo. Asselefech, the niece of Empress Taitu with Yajju Oromo, Semen and
Gondar heritage was, as can be recalled, married several times in the previous
era and was here paired with the son of Menilek’s general Dejach Gerrnarne.

Her nephew Dejach Ambachew Gessese, was first married to Wzo. Konjit
Abinet, the emperor’s cousin then to Wzo. Ayehubirhan Haile Sellassie, the half-
sister of Ras lmru in May 1931.309 Wzo. Ayehubirhan was raised in the palace

and the occasion of her marriage made front page news and was reported in two

 

”7 She later married Dejach Matebe then Fit. Tasew, then returned to Dejach Matebe with whom she
remained until her death in September 1933. See Berhanenna Selam, 12 October 1933.

3°” Berhanenna Selam, 4 February 1926.

309 In Menilek’s era, Dejach Ambachew’s father Gessesse Welde Hanna had been one of the two
competitive suitors of Nigist Tekle Haimanot, the daughter of the Gojjame king (the other being Merid
Mengesha Atikem). She asked the emperor’s advice but he told her the decision was hers. Her choice of
Gessesse almost resulted in a war between the two suitors which was resolved by the threat of troops going
from Addis Ababa to support Gessesse. See Chris Prouty, Empress Taytu and Menilek, ibid., p. 235.

176

more articles that detailed the festivities. On this occasion, favorable mention
was made of the emperor’s modernizing ways, such as not allowing the bride
and groom to spend the night in the bride’s parent’s house or ending the tradition
of bride decoys set up to confuse the groomsmen of the real identity of the wife
who is then carried away — all considered signs of progress.310 From Wallo , the
empress was the symbol of Nigus Mikael’s ancestry and her nephew, Dejach
Amede Ali, was married to Ras Kassa’s daughter Wzo. Tisseme in 1923 EC.
Absorbing the new

Progressive individuals and the newly selected men of the emperor along
with the educated few were also absorbed into the power center. Perhaps as an
early sign of his importance to Haile Sellassie, Dejach Nasibu Zamanel who was
then in his eariy 303 and the Ethiopian Consular in Eritrea, was married to the
thirteen-year old Wzo. Konjit Abinet. She was the granddaughter of the
emperor’s aunt, Wzo. lhitemariam Wolde Mikael, but had been raised in the
palace as close friends to and age-mate of Tenagneworq.

They were married in the palace, and the curious Wzo. Konjit opted to
leave to Asmara with her groom — though both missed catching the train and had
to be sent on the emperor’s special train instead.311 Dejach Nasibu and Wzo.
Konjit did not stay married for long as his betrothal to Mademoiselle Merusiyan

(later identified as Astede) Babichef was announced in 1917 EC?12 Wzo. Konjit

 

"° Berhanenna Selam 14 May 1931,26 Ginbot 1923 EC. and 18 Sene 1923 EC.

3" Informnt 8, Summer 1997.

312 Berhanenna Selam, 7 Tikimt 1917. Her father, Ensign Babichev was a Russian who had come to
Ethiopia with the Russian Red Cross Mission in 1896. He married an Ethiopian wormn and became an
administrator in Wellegga. He remained in Ethiopia working for Emperor Menilek and Haile Sellassie until
his death in Addis Ababa in 1955 at age 84. Chris Prouty, Empress Taytu, ibid., p. 197.

177

married Dejach Ambachew Gessese, followed by the young Abebe Aregay who
was soon after promoted to blambaras at the head of the city’s security
guards?” He rose to greater prominence following his heroic role during the
Italian invasion.

Another significant marriage occurred when Fitawrari, later Ras, Desta
Damtew wed the daughter of the emperor, Wzo. Tenagneworq. No description of
the ceremony is available, although the birth of the first child for the couple is
announced in the June 1927 edition of Berhanenna Selam that notes Empress
Zawditu as godmother. Fit. Desta, who was the governor of Kafa and Gera in
1928, was not appointed Ras until 1933 when he was given the govemorship of
Sidamo and Borena in the agriculturally rich south from which revenues in taxes
for the central government were secured?“ .

Among the educated elite, several were the second generation to have
been exposed to Western schooling and languages. Kantiba Gabnl, Hakim/Azaj
Workineh and Blat. Deressa were men whose experiences were useful both to
the person and government of emperor Menilek.315 Their children were sent
abroad to Europe in the 1930s and 40s, and a few women like Wzo. Sinidu

Gabru distinguished themselves as patriot, educator and public servant. Along

with Wzo. Ketsela Belachew, she was one of two women elected to the

 

3'3 Berhanenna Selam, 31 August 1933.

3“ Berhanenna Selam, 8 March 1928 and 19 June 1933.

3'5 For more biographical information on Kantiba Gabru Desta, see Bairu Tafla, “Four Ethiopian
Biographies - Dajjazmac Garmame, Abba Mala (c. 1810-c. 1889), Dajjazmac‘ Gabra-Egzi’Abher Moroda
(c. 1871-1923), Dajjazmac Balca, Abba Nafso (c. 1863-1936), Kantiba Gabru Dasta (c. I855-1950),”
Journal of Ethiopian Studies, Vol. 7, No. 2, July 1969 and Col. Dawit Gabru, Kantiba Gabru Desta -
Yeltyopia Kirs, (Addis Ababa: Bole Publishing House, 1985 E. C.).

178

Legislative Council."16 Others like Blat. Herui and Blat. Tekle Hawariat were
brought into the fold as men who shared Haile Sellassie’s progressive vision and
would contribute to its realization in their respective capacities as director of
Foreign Affairs and author of the first Constitution. There were also a group of
Eritreans, of whom Blat. Lorenzo Taezas was one, who were educated by the
emperor and later placed in important positions in the government.

Examples such as Kantiba Gabru's two descendants pairing up with
partners like Kebede Mikael and Lorenzo Taezaz, indicate that members of
educated elite families intennarried. Others married with descendants of Sahle
Sellassie, in both cases maintaining their own continuity. One such wedding
ceremony of Lij Sirak Herui to Wzo. Weynishet Beyene (a fifth generation
descendant of Sahle Sellassie) was praised in its simplicity while Wzo. Sinidu
Gabru’s to Blat. Lorenzo Taezaz was considered a fitting match for two people of
educated families.317 Although the sense of wonder and enjoyment of elaborate
ceremonies were difficult to contain in many descriptions, newspaper articles on
weddings of the educated elite emphasized their progressive style. Extravagance
wasc chidingly reproved as short-sighted pleasure that, if foregone, would have
better served the newlyweds in their future. Comparisons with other societies
were lauded as examples of modem ways to follow and the insights of
progressive practices were heralded.318

The introduction by educated elite of new values particular to marriage is

best captured in the following description. On the occasion (of his two daughters’

 

3" Menen, Special Issue 8 Hidar 1950 EC.
3" Berhanenna Selam 9 Yekatit 1925 EC.
3" Berhanenna Selam, 4 February 1926 and 18 February 1926.

179

wedding, Azaj Workineh Martin offered a toast reminding the gathering that there
were three main occurrences in life: birth, marriage and death. While birth and
marriage were inevitable, marriage happened by choice and unenlightened
parents who forced their children to marry should accept the responsibility of
these marriages failing. Thus, he advised his daughters (Wzo. Aster and Wzo.
Elsabet) that they had been allowed to marry men of their choice and whatever
the outcome, the parents had thereby fulfilled their duty?19 Sometime later, Wzo.
Elsabet separated from Lij Tedla Haile and married Yilma Deressa, the London
School of Economics graduate son of Blat. Deresa and future Finance Minister
whom she had met in England.

Wzo. Elsabet was the fourth of eleven children that Hakim/Azaj Workineh
had with Wzo. Ketsela Tulu, the niece of Ras Gobena Daci through her father. A
granddaughter of Ras Gobena, Wzo. Tsigemariam Gebre Rufael was married to
the emperor’s cousin, Ras lmru Haile Sellassie. The son of Askale Gobena, thus
another grandson of Ras Gobena, Abebe Aregay (later Ras), was married to
Wzo. Admasworq Seyoum, the granddaughter of the empress’s previous
husband, Ras Leulseged.320 Like Ras Gobena, who had distinguished himself by
service to Emperor Menilek, other “outsiders” to noble birth also embodied the
same remarkable continuity and intricate inter-connections that characterized the

power elite.

 

3" Berhanenna Selam, 14 Hidar 1926 EC.
32° Ras Leulseged’s son, Dejach Assefa was married to Wzo. Zenebworq Tilahun, a third generation Sahle
Selassie descendant. Hilkwe Tiwlid. ibid., p.15.

180

 

' 5.2;- “5:1:- 1 .

One such example was the family of Afenegus Nasibu Masqele, Menilek’s
Chief of Justice.321 He was the father of Ras Demissew, the notorious wife
seeker who married Wzo. Asselefech Wolde Hanna, Wzo. Abonesh Tekle
Mariam and Wzo. Mentewab Mikael in succession. Ras Demissew’s son, Ras
Maknonnen Demissew had married Wzo. Yeshasworq Yilma, the emperor’s
older niece who, according to oral sources, is remembered as a woman of
considerable influence in court.322 The complexity of relations is sampled here
when we consider that Wzo. Yeshashworq was the daughter of Asselefech
Wolde Hanna, and she went on to marry Lij Makonnen lndalkachew, the son of
Wzo. Abonesh. Therefore, when Yeshashworq married Makonnen, her father-in-
law would have also been her one time step-father, Ras Demissew. When she
married the second Makonnen, his step-father would have also been this same
Ras Demissew.

Such intricate relations were a common feature of elite families as were
continuity over generations and the capacity to absorb select newcomers to the
core. Despite certain political differences and resistance to co-option by regional
nobility, overall stability was maintained in immeasurable part due to the inter-
related nature of the power elite. Emperor Haile Sellassie’s modernizing policies
were interrupted by the Italian invasion of Ethiopia in 1935 and his subsequent
departure in May of the following year, ostensibly to seek international support for

the Ethiopian cause at the League of Nations. The imperial family left with him

 

32' He was married to a woman named Wzo. Yetnebersh by whom he had Ras Demissew and Wzo. Gesgisu
and later, a woman from Gurage named Wzo. Desta. Aleme Eshete, “Political Marriage Pattern in Ethiopia
18905-1916,” ibid., p. 27.

322 Li’ilt Yeshashworq was married to Ras Gugsa Haile Sellassie, Ras Makonnen Demissew then Bitwoded
Makonnen lndalkachew.

181

and members of other elite families soon followed into exile to Jerusalem and
Cairo.323 Others like Ras lmru remained behind, entrusted with the responsibility
of setting up a provisional government as the emperor’s Viceroy in Gore, western
Wellegga.
THE ITALIAN INVASION AND ELITE FAMILIES

The call to defend Ethiopia’s sovereignty against foreign invasion was
taken up by countless citizens despite the unthinkable odds faced by small
armies that lacked co-ordination confronting a larger enemy equipped with
modern artillery. In the early years of the war, many among the nobility took
leadership roles on the battlefield with Rases Seyoum, Kassa and lmru,
Wagshum Hailu Kebede and Dejach Gabre Hiwot organizing in the north and
west, Dejach Nasibu in the east and Ras Desta in the south. Intellectual and
strategic resistance was spearheaded by the nobility and young graduates of
local and European military academies who formed such groups as the Black
Lions and the Patriotic Association (formed by Blat. Takala Wolde Hawariat in
1935). Along with training young patriots to adapt traditional fighting techniques
to the more effective guerilla warfare, they organized intelligence operations and
raids behind enemy lines to acquire arms and ammunitions.

The Ethiopian resistance effort suffered a major setback with the
massacres that followed the attempt on Graziani’s life in February 1937. The
anger unleashed in the capital targeted educated Ethiopians — an estimated loss

of a generation of intellectuals - along with indiscriminate killings, looting and

 

”3 A list of those who went into exile can be found in Kebede Tessema, YeTarilt Mastawasha, Addis
Ababa, 1962 EC, pp. 162-68.

182

burning. As many as ten thousand people died following this incidence, seriously
hampering the morale of the resistance movement.324 Many among the nobility
perished in the struggle, among them two sons-in-Iaw of the emperor, Dejach
Beyene Merid and Ras Desta. Wzo. Romanworq, the emperor’s daughter and
Dejach Beyene’s wife, died in Italian prisons some time later. Ras lmru was
captured in December 1936 and held in Italy until his release in 1943.

Women of elite families were a part of the resistance activities. Wzo.
Kebedech Seyoum was an early participant in the battlefields, later joining the
exiles in Jerusalem?25 Others like Wzo. Sinidu Gabru participated in the Black
Lions, helping care for the‘wounded. Women prepared food and supplies,
sharpened swords and cleaned shields in army camps?26 Even those living as
madamismo (mistresses) with Italian officers aided the struggle by passing along .
highly classified information and intelligence. Among the most heroic Ethiopian
women fighters was Shoaregged Gedle who was involved in the attempt to
assassinate Grazianni. She later suffered at the hands of Italians who killed her
adopted son before her eyes and flogged her publicly.327

At least one oral account suggests that even when not directly involved in
the patriotic effort, the wives of military leaders were targeted as potential pawns

in war negotiations. Wzo. Konjit’s vivid story of displacement, two childbirths

while in hiding, long journeys on foot with little food, water or shelter, and

 

32‘ Estimate in Harold G. Marcus, Haile Sellassie, ibid., p. 199.

”5 Kebede Tesema, ibid., p. 168. Her husband Dejach Aberra Kassa had been instrumental in the attempt to
free the capital in 1936 and was soon after nmrdered by Italians for breach of their safe conduct. Richard
Greenfield, Ethiopia, ibid., p. 238.

3“ Salome G. Egziabher, “The Ethiopian Patriots 1936-1941,” Ethiopia Observer Vol. XVII, No. 2, 1983.
32" Greenfield, ibid., p. 246.

183

eventual capture by Italians who hoped to force the submission of Ras Abebe
Aregay, are unique individual testimonies of survival under harrowing
circumstances. 328

Along with their military strategies, Italian policies courted people with
grievances against the central government, emphasizing ethnic and religious
differences real and imagined to attain their colonial goals. Italy favored
predominantly Oromo and Muslim regions while playing Tigre against Shoa in
their “politica Tigringa” and “politica Scioanna”. Not surprisingly, elite
collaborators to the Italian cause were drawn from disgruntled nobility who
sought redress from political alienation and restoration to their earlier prestige
and hereditary land claims.

Dejach Haile Selassie Gugsa, the former son-in-Iaw of the emperor, had
been offended by the latter's choice of Ras Seyoum as governor of Tigre in
exchange for central control over the provinces finances. As early as May 1934,
Dejach Haile Sellassie expressed his interest and availability as a potential ally to
Italy to whom he defected with fifteen hundred well-armed men in October
1935.329 Ras Hailu was another Italian favorite living in relative luxury in Addis
Ababa and recognized as the first noble of the land. Even when he surrendered
and arrived to pay homage in 1941, Ras Hailu continued to wield influence over

maintaining order in Gojjam.330 Ras Getachew also joined the ltalianside after a

 

32' Infomnnt 8, Summer 1997.
3” Harold G. Marcus, Haile Sellassie I, ibid., p. 259.
33° Richard Greenfield, ibid., p. 259.

184

disagreement with the emperor in Jerusalem and was later relegated to
provincial exile.331

The political and social turmoil caused by the Italian invasion make 1936-
41 difficult years to trace elite marriage history. Of the few examples available,
unusual liaisOns can be detected, suggesting the disrupted nature of social
relations. While in Jerusalem, the widowed wife of Ras Desta Damtew, the young
Princess Tenagneworq, had a secret liaison with her English tutor, Ato. Abebe
Retta, a man of Tigrean origin. They had a daughter, Wzo. Mary, (also known as
Tsige Mariam), who was not awarded full recognition or title (she was addressed
as lmebet Hoy and not Li’ilt) and was raised in relative isolation from the
palace?32

While imprisoned in Azinara, Sinidu Gabru was linked for a time with
Dejach Amede Ali, the grandson of Nigus Mikael of Wallo , who had fallen out of
favor and had earlier been exiled from the capital, no doubt due to his family
background. He was courted by Italians while Wzo. Sinidu was part of the Black
Lions patriotic resistance. Another curious marriage took place between Wzo.
Ketsela Tulu and Dejach Taye Gulelate, who was a leading “pretender” to the
throne, a male descendant of Sahle Selassie from a line that challenged central
authority since Menilek's era. He had also incurred the displeasure of the

emperor and was the former husband of Almaz Mengesha, Emperor Yohannes’s

granddaughter, while Wzo. Ketsela was the wife of Hakim Workineh, the

 

3’ ' Although entirely speculative, it is hinted that latent personal rivalry over Wzo. Aster Mengesha may
have contributed to this decision. According to her death announcement, she had already passed away in
1928 E. C. Berhanenna Selam, 8 Hidar 1928 EC.

”2 Dawit, Abebe Reta’s son, later married lndalkachew Makonnen’s daughter Rosa.

185

Ethiopian Minister in England. The scandalous nature of this union was due to
close blood relations between Wzo. Ketsela and Dejach Taye — he was a third
generation descendant of Sahle Sellassie and she a fourth, thus violating the
seven generation custom of marriage between relatives held in high esteem by
the Ethiopian Orthodox Church.
POST-1941 BACKGROUND

Immediately after Liberation, Emperor Haile Sellassie was faced with the
arduous task of rebuilding government and reinstating central authority. Patriots
and leaders of insurgence movements expected rewards and appointments while
some were openly resentful of what they perceived to be the emperor’s desertion
and the inclusion and promotion of traitors or collaborators in the new
government?33 The British capitalized on their military presence as part of the
liberating Gideon force, placing limitations on government activities. Along with
aims to expand influence in areas of finance and administration, Britain took
control of both Eritrea and Ogaden with plans to sever ties of these territories
from Ethiopia.334 In an effort to establish his position as head of a sovereign
state, Haile Sellassie issued ministerial appointments effective on 10 May 1941,
five days after his official return to the capital and five years to the day of Italian
arrival. He selected men who had served him well before the war and during

exile, as well as one notable leader of the resistance?35

 

”3 Among these were famed patriotic fighters Belay Zelleke and Negash Tekle Haimanot from Gojjam and
Takele Wolde Hawariat.

33‘ Bahru Zawde, History, ibid., p. 180.

”5 The first list of ministerial appointments included: Ras Seyoum as Governor-General of Tigre, Ras Birru
as Governor-General of J imma, Ato. Yilma Deressa as Director-General of the Ministry of Finance, Ato.
Akale Wold Habte Wald as Director of the Municipality of Addis Ababa. The complete list can be found in
Negarit Gazetta, 1" Year no. 3, 1942.

186

National and provincial administration was overseen by members of the
traditional nobility and by functionaries composed of newly elevated patriots, ex-
collaborators and exiled returnees. The need to counter. the power and influence
of the nobility with the presence of recruits who depended on the emperor’s
patronage for their position was a persistent feature of the post-Liberation
government. Because many of the educated elite had perished at the hands of
Italians, the emperor made use of the combined experiences available, thus
ensuring a measure of continuity and stability in this transition. The impact of the
first post-war graduates in government was not apparent until 1955 -1960, when
most influential noblemen had died or retired from public office?36 This was
accompanied with the slow replacement of traditional methods of government
with more administrative methods, although personal connections remained
important.

In the decades following, the emperor foresaw reforms that more fully
integrated provincial administration and increasingly centralized power in the
state machinery and in his person. Emperor Haile Sellassie presented the
physical embodiment of unquestionable authority, responsible for final decision-
making in legislative, judiciary and administrative areas. He took an active role in
the appointment of ministers and high officials as this was the primary method by
which he balanced internal factions and forces of dissent.

Although the bureaucratic complexity of the government grew with the
establishment of 11 ministries and the office of the Prime Minister in 1943, major

decisions awaited the emperor’s approval which meant that officials were unable

 

”6 Clapham, Haile Sellassie '3 Government, (New York: Fredrick A. Praeger, 1969), p. 88.

187

to act independently. This in turn created administrative difficulties especially
after Haile Sellassie’s increasing involvement in international affairs which left
domestic matters to the ministers. The revised Constitution of 1955 reinforced
this absolutism with a legal frame. Dissenting political views had little room for
expression and the high priority given to the reorganization of the police force
and the military between the 1940s and 505 paved the way for growing reliance
on the army as the coercive element of the state.

The personal nature of power extended to the workings of government. In
his 19605 study of Haile Sellassie’s government, Christopher Clapham observed
how channels of recruitment to power depended on strong personal links to the
emperor or family connections at court. Officials were chosen from members of
established families, but outsiders who entered government service through their
own merits could also establish similar genealogical links through marriage to
such families. Other paths to office included education and military training, both
of which were connected to the emperor’s modernizing intent. The younger
generation of noblemen had both their foreign education and family connections
to access positions in government. Nonetheless, whether officials were of noble
background or of the new meritocracy, the emperor had no tolerance for the
independent assertion of power. Personal initiatives were often met with
demotion or transference to foreign service or less desirable posts.

Opposition to the government occurred both in rural and urban
communities as evidenced by resistance against the encroachment of the state

that manifested as peasant uprisings as early as 1943. The Weyane rebellion, as

188

it came to be known, occurred in eastern Tigre and was triggered by
maladministration, corruption and excessive taxation. According to Gabru
Tareke, who has done the most comprehensive study of the rebellion, the
restorationist orientation of regional nobility, which was partly based on pre-
existing rivalry with Shoan primacy, played a key role in the outcome?37

Gabru’s conclusions indicate that the Weyane revolt was designed by
disenchanted groups with converging interests to challenge the weakened
monarchical state without questioning its legitimacy or the ideological basis of the
mling aristocracy. Although the rebellion was a failure from the perspective of
peasants, by 1947 Ras Seyoum was appointed governor general while dissident
nobility and implicated associates were reinstated to positions of provincial
administration with diminished individual power and primarily as instruments of
the state.

In the capital, the growing discontent of Ethiopian intellectuals to bring
about change for accelerated development and their impatience with the
backward state of the country, compared to the recently independent nations of
Africa, culminated in the coup of 1960. The coup was masterminded by two

brothers, Gerrname and Mengistu Neway, who were members of the power elite

 

”7 The major participants in the rebellion were: semi-pastoralist communities like the Raya and Azebo,
whose communal ideals were threatened by centralization; a peasantry subjected to the corrupt activities of
state officials; and regional nobility who wanted to counter the steadily eroding traditional autonomy and
access power and economic resources. New appointees displaced local chiefs while the two perennial
rivals, Ras Seyoum and Dejach Haile Selassie Gugsa, were respectively detained in Addis Ababa and
exiled in Seychelles in solitary confinement for twenty-three years. With the help of British air power and
two seasoned generals, one of whom was Ras Abebe Aregay who remained as governor, the emperor dealt
decisively and violently with the uprising which lasted from around 16 September - 7 October 1943. See
Gabru Tareke, “Peasant Resistance in Ethiopia: The Case of Weyane,” Journal of Afiican History 25
(1984) and Ethiopia: Power and Protest — Peasant Revolts in the Twentieth Century, (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1991).

189

both by birth and service. Birgadier-General Mengistu who was the commander
of the Imperial Bodyguard since 1956, was part of the Holeta graduates who
started the Black Lions resistance and whose tenets included allegiance to the
emperor. He shared his patriotic sentiments with his brother Germame, who
provided the intellectual tone of the coup and was the more radical of the two. .
Gerrnarne had attended college and graduate school in the US, writing a
master's thesis that explored Kenyan resistance to colonialism entitled “The
Impact of White Settlement Policy in Kenya,” (1954, Columbia University).338 He
returned to serve as a civil servant with a heightened sense of civic responsibility
and concern for the underprivileged?”
The emperor was away on a state visit to Brazil when the coup took place
on the evening of 13 December 1960. Ministers and officials were rounded up
and placed in the Ganata Leul palace and the following day, a new government
with the Crown Prince as a constitutional monarch, the liberal aristocrat Ras lmru
as head, and the popular general Mulugeta Buli as chief of the armed forces, was
publicly declared. Although this marked the biggest challenge to Haile Sellassie’s
regime, the coup lacked good organization and despite the support of the police
force and the Imperial Bodyguard, it failed to include other units of the armed

forces (the army and air force) in their plan. Loyalists to the emperor were

victorious in the two-day exchange of fire that ended with the Neway brothers

 

3” Harold G. Marcus, A History of Ethiopia, (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994), p. 167.

3” Bahru Zawde, History, pp. 211-213. The obituaries of those killed in the palace shoot out were
published in Menen newspaper. Among them were Ras Seyoum Mengesha, Ras Abebe Aregay, Ato.
Makonnen Habtewold, Major General Mulugeta Buli, Afenigus Eshete Geda, Abba Gebre Hanna J ima. See
Menen November-December, 1960.

190

shooting the hostages and finally meeting their own fate — Germame died in the
shootings while Mengistu was captured wounded, then hung after a trial?“

By the late 19605, less investment was available for development
programs and economic deterioration was prevalent. The coup had broken the
mystique surrounding the emperor’s person and the govemment’s response
further undermined the regime’s credibility in the eyes of the public. University
students were especially receptive to the message of progressive change
advocated by coup leaders. Reliance on the military to curb expressions of
opposition did little to control the growing Ethiopian student movement which
took to the streets of Addis Ababa in annual demonstrations that became more
radical in response to government repression and the condition of the country
and peasantry. 3‘"

POST-1941 ELITE FAMILIES'AND MARRIAGES

Source materials on family histories after the Italian invasion are scarce
and information is difficult to attain, especially after the first decade of
reconstruction. A number of reasons contribute to this scarcity. First, given the
traumatic experience of most members of the power elite after the fall of Emperor
Haile Sellassie, remaining informants are reluctant to speak on the subject of
marriage and politics without risking perceived harm to themselves or others
living relatively anonymous lives. Second, though the oral accounts collected
may mention names and marriages, they have few biographical backgrounds or

dates to specify and elucidate the context. Third, the scanty secondary sources

 

3“ Bahru Zawde, ibid., pp. 213-214.
3" Bahru Zawde, ibid., p. 222.

191

available make no mention of the names of elite women, thus rendering the
picture of family continuities incomplete and complex identities obscure. Despite
these research difficulties, certain preliminary remarks can be made on the
pattern and significance of elite marriages of this period.

Easily observable is that, in general, elite marriages with obvious political
intent occurred less and less frequently, especially after the 19508. This did not
mean that they ended, or that their social significance waned, but that the central
govemment’s reliance on marriage as a means to consolidate empire was less
critical. The administrative integration of provinces and the accessibility of
peripheral areas through Italian-built roads allowed other avenues for
government control while the importance of education for political mobility
opened alternate paths for recruitment.

With some degree of overlap, certain themes remained consistent for the
pattern of elite marriages in the post-Liberation years. First, the character of
continuity of the power elite was reproduced by a new generation of nobility,
regional aristocracy, educated elite, and other outsiders that were absorbed to
the center after the 1940s. Second, imperial marriages with regional nobility
continued well into the second generation, indicating that the social symbolism
represented by these alliances still upheld the concept of a diverse national elite.
Third, this diversity becomes more difficult to trace because of the increasingly
bureaucratized nature of the state and the passing of prominent nobility from
public life, especially after 1960. This would in turn suggest the eventual

displacement of these families, were it not for the fact that many of the wives of

192

ministers and key army officers in Haile Sellassie’s government drew from the
same power elite that traced its origins to Menilek’s era.
Marriages of the Imperial Family

From the pattern of post-Liberation imperial family marriages, one can
infer that many alliances of political significance, with the exception of the one
mentioned below in 1955, took place in the 1940s. Of the emperor’s children, his
eldest daughter Tenagneworq was intended in marriage to one of the most
powerful figures in the post-Liberation government, Tsehafe Taezaz Wolde
Giorgis Wolde Yohannes. Born into a humble family, Wolde Giorgis was the
Minister of Pen and the most influential politician under the emperor until his
removal in 1955. Sometime before 1945, the emperor proposed the marriage of
his widowed daughter to Wolde Giorgis but the fierce opposition to such a union
by the nobility of birth, who were already threatened by Wolde Giorgis’s fame and
success, halted any plans?‘2-Tenagneworq eventually married Ras Andarge
Messay, among the pre-war educated individuals who served as Councilor in
Eritrea .3“? Tenagne’s Ato. Abebe Retta’s daughter, Mary/Tsigemariam Abebe,
was married on Tikimt 18 1955 to an Eritrean man, Seyoum Haregot, who was
duly appointed Councilor in Eritrea.

The Crown Prince quietly separated from Wzo. Walata Israel Seyoum,

whom he had married with Communion, and had a purported liaison in Desse

 

”2 Makonnen Tegegn, “Walda-Giyorgis Walda-Yohannes and the Haile Sellassie Government,” Northeast
African Studies, Vol. 4, No. 2 1997. Also see, “Comments on a New Generation of Ethiopians,” Foreign
Service Dispatch to the Department of State, Washington, National Archives and Records 875.41/4-2155,

1955,p.l3.
3” Andarge Messay’s mother, Wzo. Tsedeqeworq Abinet, was the paternal sister of Wzo. Konjit Abinet

(Ras Abebe’s wife and cousin of the emperor).

193

with a beautiful woman named Wzo. Zeleka Tafesse, the daughter of
Kegnazmach Tafesse, Ethiopian ambassador to Egypt, and the goddaughter of
Tenagne?“ According to informants, this was not approved by the emperor and
separation was encouraged.345 Soon afterwards, Wzo. Zeleka went on to marry
Bitwoded Negash Bezabeh, the grandson of Negus Takla Haimanot of Gojjam.
He was a leader of the resistance movement in Gojjam and had been appointed
vice-minister of Post, and later president of the Senate. In 1951 Bitwoded
Negash led a conspiracy to assassinate the emperor and proclaim the country a
republic. The conspirators were‘caught in their planning stage and meted
different terms of imprisonment.346

As it was, Crown Prince Asfa Wosen married a woman identified as
Shoan through her paternal lineage but who was also the maternal
granddaughter of another important Gojjame family, that of Ras Mengesha
Atikem’s?47 His marriage to Wzo. Medferiashworq Abebe, whose uncle Ras
Desta Damtew was the emperor’s son-in-Iaw before he was killed in the war, was
an event that took place away from the capital and was tacitly acknowledged only

by a reception at the palace in the absence of the bride and groom.

 

3“ Her sister, Wzo. Yeshimebet, had married Wagshum Wesen Hailu from Wag nobility on 27 July 1947.
See Wedding Invitations Scrapbook, Vol. 1, Addis Ababa University, Institute of Ethiopian Studies.

3" Informant 6 and 7, Summer 1997.

3“ Bahru Zawde, ibid., p. 210. The ironic speculation is if part of Wzo. Zeleka’s displeasure of rejection as
potential wife of the Crown Prince drove her to marry the disgruntled Gojjame noble. The conspirators
were apprehended by the Imperial Bodyguard on July 5, 1951. Among those listed in US Foreign Office
correspondence were Fitawrari Wolde Berhan Akalu, Girma Abayneh, Yohannes Rirnha, Aleka Fetene
Gazai, Berkela Anasimos, Iquale Beyene and Kebede Yirnar. The trial was conducted secretly and all seven
pleaded guilty to the charges. See “Conspiracy to Assassinate His Imperial Majesty Haile Sellassie 1,”
Records Relating to Ethiopia 1950-62, National Archives and Records.

3‘7 Wzo. Medferiashworq was the daughter of Ras Abebe Damtew and Wzo. Wesenyelesh Mengesha.

194

On 10 February 1946, Leul Makonnen married Wzo. Sara Gizaw. A memo
to the Department of State from the American Legation in Addis Ababa recounts
that the bride’s father, Dejach Gizaw Abara of lndarta Begemdir, was of
distinguished Tigre parentage, but not wealthy nor a prominent leader whereas
her mother Wzo. Kebedech, was an Oromo from between Shoa and Gondar.
Wzo. Sara was selected from the Empress Menen’s school by the empress and
lived in the palace with four other girls for two months, all candidates for the
marriage.

According to this letter, the choice of a part Oromo bride stimulated
discussions among Ethiopians, some of who commented on it not being “in the
best traditions of the imperial family." Though this comment is not explained, the
author states that “while not makingfor the purity of the imperial line. . ." the union
was interpreted as a gesture toward the Oromo “... who are continuously in a
state of discontent (not necessarily disaffection).” 3"? Interesting to note is the so-
called “purity" of the imperial family and the fact that most present-day informants
identify Wzo. Sara as Tigre and seem unaware of the Oromo connection?49 -
Apparently, the wedding itself was “no ‘shotgun’ affair" with a reception at the
palace to which the Diplomatic Corps was invited.

Another such letter dated 8 February 1949 reports the marriage of “a
favorite granddaughter of the Emperor, Princess Aida Desta to Dejazmach

Mangasha Seyuum, a son of the hereditary ruler of Tigre: Ras Seyoum.”35° This

 

3“ “Marriage of the Duke of Harar,” 6 March 1946, National Archives and Records, 884.0011/3-646.
349 Informant 5 and 6, Summer 1997.

35° “Political Marriage of princess Aida, Granddaughter of Emperor of Ethiopia,” 8 February 1949,
National Archives and Records, 884.0011/2-849.

195

took place on 30 January with much ceremony and elaborate entertainment
hosted by the royal couple. The letter notes that this marriage was considered
important from a dynastic standpoint that linked the old kingdom of Shoa to the
rulers of Tigre. The twenty-one year old princess is described as “charming and
intelligent, with a good command of English, having spent many years in England
and having attended Newnham College at Cambridge.” The twenty-three year
old groom is described as pleasant though a “rather listless young man
dominated by his vigorous and shrewd father, Ras Seyyumf?51
The political significance of this marriage did not escape the American
Legation. The letter discusses that separative tendencies at the time of the
Weyane uprising in Tigre were suspected to have received support from the
family of Ras Seyoum, though not he himself. The eighteen-year old Dejach
Mengesha Seyoum, then Acting Governor of Tigre for his father, who was in
forced residence in Addis Ababa, was suspected of an ambiguous attitude
toward the revolt and was tried in Addis Ababa and sentenced to be hung. A
special appeal tribunal intervened to change the sentence, and the alternative of
sending Dejach Mengesha to the American University in Beirut was approved by
the emperor. Oral informants add that the plan to marry Aida was also included in
the amnesty. (ADD FN)
The memo further connects this marriage to another important event, the

union of Eritrea with Ethiopia:

The marriage is of particular significance at this moment in the

history of Ethiopia, at the time when the Emperor seems likely to acquire a
substantial part of Eritrea. Because of the natural affinity between Tigre

 

3" Ibid., p. l.

196

(and, to a lesser extent, the Province of Begemdir) and parts of Eritrea
inhabited by the racial cousins of the Ethiopians in Tigre and Begemidir,
the Ethiopians of the north may acquire a relatively stronger position in the
Empire, if, and when, a major part of Eritrea is attached to Ethiopia by
virtue of a decision of the United Nations Assembly. The trend of the
Empire’s expansion has heretofore been to the south; and Addis Ababa,
which is, in effect, an enclosure in almost Galla [sic] country, is far south
of the traditional center of the Amhara. The Tigreans, as well as the
neighboring Ethiopic Eritreans, regard themselves, with some reason, as
superior and of purer blood than the .mixed population of Shoa, and of the
south as a whole. Therefore, it is understandable that the Emperor
should wish to establish an effective dynastic alliance between his family
and that of the most powerful Tigrean: Ras Seyyum, who is a direct
descendant of the Tigrean Emperors, Theodore and Johannes.”

Such dynastic alliances thus continued to carry their own political weight
among the first generation of imperial descendants and regional nobility. Three of
the emperor’s grandchildren were married to members of Wellega nobility: Seble
Desta to Kassa Wolde Mariam, the son of Askale Jote; Ijigayehu Asfawossen to
Fikre Sellassie Habte Mariam352, the heir to Wellega’s traditional nobility whose
sister Mahetsente was married to the emperor’s youngest grandson, Sahle
Sellassie. In addition, lskinder Desta was married to Sara Ammanuel, the
daughter of Ato. Ammanuel Abraham, a Wellegan who had served as secretary
at the Consular in England in the years of exile and as a trusted minister and
diplomat in various capacities.

Other Elite Families

Continuity of elite families could be traced in the above examples of

imperial marriages with nobility from Wellegga, Gojjam, Tigre and Shoa. Other

elite marriages reflected similar patterns. From Ras Kassa’s family, Dejach

 

3” According to one Foreign Dispatch, Lidj Endalkachew Makonnen, the son of the Prime Minister, was
one rejected suitor. “Comments on a New Generation of Ethiopians,” Foreign Service Dispatch to the
Department of State,.Washington, National Archives and Records, 875.41/4-2155, 1955, p. 18.

197

Asfawossen Kassa was married to Wzo. Zenebeworq Mesfin, the daughter of
Nigist Takle Haimanot of Gojjam and Ras Mesfin of Damot. Leul Asrate Kassa,
the Emperor’s Representative in Eritrea from 1964 and the only surviving son of
an important Lasta/Shoan marriage took Li'ilt Zuryashworq, a descendant of
Nigus Mikael and Ras Mulugeta as his wife. Ras Kassa’s grandson, Dejach
Berhane Meskel Desta married Wzo. Menbere Admasu, whose father was
Wagshum Admasu Wesen and whose mother was Belaynesh, the daughter of
Ras Seyoum of Tigre.

Ras lmru’s children belied their intellectual leanings in two instances: the
second marriage of Wzo. Yemisirach lmru to Blat. Herui’s son, Fikade Sellassie,
and Lij Mikael’s to Almaz Takla Hawariat, both spouses being a part of or kin to
the educated elite.353 Wzo. Alemseged, the daughter of Yemisirach and Fikade
Sellassie married Lij Abata, the son of Wzo. Aster Mengesha (Emperor
Yohannes’s granddaughter) and Ras Getachew Abata, Menilek’s trusted general
and official. Wzo. Marta lmru married Col. Tamrat Yigezu, the grandson of
Menilek’s Nagadras who had been married to Ras Hailu’s daughter,
Seblewongel.

Of other prominent nobility, some married descendants of Sahle Sellassie.
Among these were lndalkachew Makonnen whose wife was lnkenyelesh
Shiferaw (a fifth generation Sahle Selassie descendant) and Ras Mesfin’s
brother, Dejach Bezabih Sileshi, who married Wzo. Dinqinesh Tafari, the
granddaughter of Tesseme Darge and Dejach WoldeTsadik of Menilek’s times.

Ras Mesfin married the Wellegan noble woman, Wzo. Yeshimebet Guma while

 

3” Almaz Tekle Hawariat was the sister of Girrnachew Takla Hawariat.

198

her brother Col. Kenea was one time husband of the Crown Prince’s love
interest, Wzo. Zeleka Tafese. As mentioned earlier, the Minister of Finance,
Yilma Deressa was married to Wzo. Elsabet Workineh and two of Dejach
Habtemariam’s children were in-Iaws of the imperial family. The third, Wzo.
Astede Habtemariam was married on 15 January 1950 to the emperor’s powerful
Imperial Bodyguard, General Mulugeta Bull?“

Indeed, many notable army officials were linked to the power elite through
their wives. General Abiye Abebe was briefly married to the emperor’s daughter,
Li'ilt Tsehai. After her untimely death, he married the daughter of Menilek’s
Afenigus Nasibu, Wzo. Amarech. A granddaughter of the emperor, Li’ilt Hirut
Desta, was married to Col. Negga Tegegn. Of those pushing for progressive
change early on, Takele Wolde Hawariat was connected in marriage to a relative
of the emperor’s, Wzo. Askale Wolde Ammanuel.

In addition, of the key players in the 19605 coup, General Mengistu
Neway’s wife was Wzo. Kefei Tafere, the granddaughter of Wagshum Hailu
Kebede, a distinguished patriot and heir of Wag nobility.355 Gerrnarne Neway’s
wife, Wzo. Ayalnesh Zewde, was a granddaughter of Wallo ’s Ras Gebrehiwot

Mikael. Generals Merid Mengesha’s and Negga Haile Sellassie’s wives, Wzo.

 

35"I'he wedding invitation is found in the first volume of the invitations scrapbook at Addis Ababa
University. As early as 1959 and more so after the 1960 coup, correspondence speculating on the problem
of succession to the Ethiopian throne and possible contestants, General Mulugeta Buli’s name was
repeatedly cited along with Mengesha Seyoum, Ras lmru, Empress Menen (if she outlived the emperor),
and Ras Abebe. See “The Problem of Succession to the Throne” (June 1959), “Confidential” (from the
British Embassy, Febnrary 1959), and “Succession to the Ethiopian Throne,” Letter from Robert D. Baum
to Mr. Hugh S. Cumming, Jr., (December 1960) in Records Relating to Ethiopia 1950-62, National
Archives and Records.

3” Wzo. Kefei Tafere and her sister Wzo. Belaynesh Tafere were married to Birgadier General Mengistu
Neway and Fitawrari Gebrewahid Aberan on 15 February 1950.Wedding Invitation Scrapbook, Vol. 1,
AAU. Though unclear if it was this sister or another, a younger sibling was also married to the brother of
Li’ilt Sara, Duchess of Harar.

199

Gebeyanesh and Wzo. Kefei, respectively, were sisters whose father was Dejach
Haile Sellassie Abba Jebel and whose mother was Berhane Mengesha Seyoum,
a granddaughter of Emperor Yohannes IV.

Among the seeming outsiders, Ras Abebe Aregay’s children from his
marriage to Wzo. Admasworq Seyoum Leulseged had themselves married into
the power elite while Ras Abebe remained husband to Wzo. Konjit Abinet, an
imperial relative, until his death in the 1960 shoot-out.356 Mention must be made
here of the Habtewold brothers who arguably created their own recruitment
channel through family connections, but demonstrated the relatively unique
occurrence of having no marriage links to the power elite while maintaining
importance in the government?57
Elite Women of Twentieth century Ethiopia

The fact that Ethiopian women were seldom in institutionally visible
positions makes their presence in politics or government almost impossible to
trace. This did not mean that they were absent. For instance, along with other
members of the royal family, the emperor's eldest daughter Tenagneworq, was
said to have enjoyed considerable leverage in the advisory Crown Council and

according to oral informants, had staked her own claim for her son’s ascension to

the throne in the final days of the emperor?58 Older elite women like Li’ilt

 

”6 Daniel Abebe married Yeshimebet Habte Mikael Biru (a Sahle Sellassie descendant), followed by
Konjit Atnafseged and may have been linked to the daughter of Feleke or Kifle Irgetu. Sosina Abebe
nnrried General Debebe Haile Mariam.

”7 Aleka Habtwold married a wormn from Bulga named Yitot Yadegdigu and had five children. Among
them, Mekonen married Yeshimebet Abebe then Belaynesh Beza; Akalewold married Almaz Dehne and
Aklilu lmrried Mademoiselle Collette.

”8 Bahru Zawde, A History, ibid., p. 206.

200

 

Yeshasworq, the emperor’s cousin, were considered powerful in court politics
and were awarded special gifts of acknowledgement befitting their stature?59

Beyond the palace, the twin concepts of education and progress were
launched to women in numerous newspaper articles that serve as useful
documentation of social commentary. Enthusiastic calls to transforrn oneself
through education that would better everything from personal hygiene, hairstyles
and nail care, to making for a better wife, mother, and citizen were published in
the government paper. Women were simultaneously encouraged to take off their
headscarves, do away with their long hair, and wear shorter skirts for better
mobility on the path to progress while stemly admonished to keep from
involvement in matters of men by remaining firmly in their own sphere of
influence -.that of the home.

Elite women pioneered and represented most of these ideals with their
access to education, their “modern” appearance, and visible involvement in
social work. Thus among the royal family women, beauty pageants were
organized by lmebet Hirut Desta, who also had an interest in promoting tourism,
her sister Sophie was involved in education, Li’ilt Tsehai was a nurse promoting
health issues while an Ethiopian women charity organization headed by the
Empress and overseen by Li’lt Tenangeworq set up orphanages and undertook
several efforts to help the poor and needy.

Elite women were at the forefront of those sent abroad for education. As
early as 1927, the story of seven year-old Princess Yeshimebet (T sehai) being

sent with Amsale Herui on a ship headed to Cambridge to pursue her education

 

3” Berhanenna Selam, 24 November 1932.

201

was reported in Berhanenna Selam. Her strong conviction that princes and
princesses who acquire education would be the hope for Ethiopia was expressed
in an interview that echoed the emperor’s push for progress.360 A 1957 list of
those studying abroad contained several names of elite women, among them:
Mhatsenta Hapte Mariam, Mary Retta, Miss Lorenzo Taezaz, Mulumebet Mesfin,
Princesses Seble Desta, Sophia Desta, Hirut Desta, Igigayehu Asfa Wosen,
Sergut Senegiorgis, Sofia Abraham (studying in the United Kingdom); Azeb
Andom (studying in India) and Elene Babitcheff (studying in France)?61 It is
difficult to track what work these women engaged in upon their return, and only
one example, that of Ras Imru’s daughter Hirut, who worked in the Foreign
Ministry, provides for their absorption in an official capacity.

Despite this, no doubt education widened the career choices of Ethiopian
women though the appeal of remaining dutiful wife while being an emancipated
woman was emphasized. An elightened woman would free her husband from
worries of home or children’s education while in rare cases such as that of Wzo.
Ketsela Tulu, actively support her husband’s endeavors.362 In relation to
marriage, elite women of the early twentieth century, such as Wzo. Tsehaiworq

Darge, Wzo. Tesseme Darge and Wzo. Aster Mengesha, had themselves

 

36° Berhanenna Selam, 28 July 1927. Amsale was the daughter of Herui Wolde Sellassie, the early
intellectual and progressive supporter of the emperor. She returned and was married to Lij Legesse
Gebremariam then died soon after in childbirth on 4 Ginbot 1925 EC. A yrnero, 5 Ginbot 1925 EC.

3" These were the daughters of Dejach Habte Mariam , Abebe Retta, Lorenzo Taezaz, Ras Mesfln,
grandchildren of the royal family, the sister of Mulugeta Buli (according to “Notes and Anecdotes,” a letter
detailing the 1959 visit of the Crown Prince to the US of which Wzo. Sirgute was a part), the daughter of
Amanuel Abraham, and the Russian, Babitcheff. It is interesting to note the ethnic diversity of the group -
Oromo, Tigre, Shoan and Eritrean. Ethiopia Observer, Special Issue dedicated to “The Ethiopian Woman,”
Vol. 1 No. 3, February 1957, pp. 100-101.

“2 Wzo. Ketsela Tulu, was the wife of Azaj Workineh Martin. Berhanenna Selam, 9 June 1927.

202

 

exercised choice when “marrying down” men of lesser social standing?“
Education further widened such alternatives 353 seen in the 14 Hamle 1926
Berhanenna Selam announcement of Sara Workineh Martin’s wedding where
she was noted to have had a prolonged engagement to Lij Seife Mikael — an
insight she was praised for as having acquired through education. Others, like
several of Ras lmru’s daughters opted not to many at all.

Foreign perceptions of the mid-19505 educated elite is provided in a
lengthy dispatch from the American Embassy in Addis‘Ababa which found them
to be “by far the most interesting class of Ethiopians from a political point of
view”.364 Although by its own admission a generalized treatment, this 1955 piece
attempts to document the “...composition, attitudes, problems and the future of
an important generation.”365 The general categories of those British, American or
locally trained individuals with further divisions into a variety of fractions are
discussed and their activities detailed. The conflict that many of those educated
felt with family and the preceding generation is supported by anecdotes although
the most worrisome personal problem facing the group was said to concern
marriage, and more particularly, finding a suitable life partner.

According to the findings of this letter:

“Of those that have married only two or three known to the reporter seem

happy. Nearly all complain that the modern Ethiopian girl is far inferior in

intellectual and social development to the male. Since most educated
Ethiopians wish to marry into wealth this makes competition keen for the

 

3‘3 These were: Ato. Tessema Eshete, Lij Iyasu’s guardian; Bitwoded Wolde Tsadiq, at the time, the
secretary of Ras Darge; and Balambaras Ashebir, an educated but not politically powerful man,
respectively.

3“ “Comments on a New Generation of EthiOpians,” Foreign Service Dispatch to the Department of State,
Washington, National Archives and Records, 875.41/4-2155, 1955.

3“ Ibid., p. l.

203

relatively few educated, socially poised Ethiopian girls, with boys of wealth
and position usually winning out."366

Of the three illustrative examples presented (Lij Endalkachew Makonnen,
son of the Prime Minister, Lij Daniel Abebe, son of Ras Abebe and Colonel
Emmanuel Andom), one had arranged for his fiancee to be sent abroad “to
civilize her”, another had been banished from court for having left his first wife, a
relative of the imperial family, and was refreshingly in love with his second wife
who attended social functions with him, and a third complained of his wife’s
social adjustment despite her promising start as a bright student in the Empress’
school.367 This document suggests that even among the power elite, education,
along with family background, may have increasingly become a measure of
compatibility among potential partners.

In conclusion, the two-hundred year process that had created an
intricately connected power elite with family relations across different ethnic,
linguistic and cultural backgrounds, arguably completed its evolution in the final
years of Haile Sellassie’s reign. The need to rely on marriages to cement
alliances for political intent had lessened considerably, though the social
significance of these arrangements remained. The marriage of imperial
grandchildren, for instance, was less monitored than those of their parents with
some, like Li’lt Hinlt, credited with having made independent choices for
husbands.

As discussed above, a number of reasons contributed to the conclusion of

this process — among them, the level of power consolidation and centralization

 

3“ Ibid., p. 17.
3" Ibid., p. 18.

204

achieved under Haile Sellassie, the gradual effacing of regional nobility, and the
replacement of traditional modes of government by more institutional and
bureaucratized structures, as well as the role of education in creating another
path to power and a merit based system of evaluation. When the Ethiopian
revolution erupted in 1974, ethnic fragmentation was not a major political or
social concern. In no small part, an inter-married power elite at the center
represented the interwoven fabric of the nation — symbolically and literally
upholding the sense of togetherness and belonging similarly reflected through

intermarriage among other levels of Ethiopian society.

205

CONCLUSION

On the basis of this research, certain observations can be made on the
nature of elite marriages in the broad categories of Haile Sellassie’s era
(especially post-Liberation years) and the preceding era, mainly Menilek’s reign
but including lyasu and Zawditu’s time. First, in accordance with the fact that
Menilek’s empire of the late 19th century was still newly assembled, regional
identities and power bases were highly pronounced in marriage alliances. Both in
political and symbolic terms, inter-marriage between the royal houses of Shoa,
Tigre, Wallo , Wag, Lasta, Wellegga and Gondar carried substantial weight. This
is demonstrated by the changing political and marriage alliances, especially
during the last years of Taitu, under the regency of Ras Tessema Nadew and the
reign of lyasu in the first fifteen years of the 20th century. In Haile Sellassie’s era,
particularly his rule after the Italian invasion, regional powers were systematically
incorporated to the center and the shifttoward meritocracy greatly reduced
previous privileges enjoyed by the provincial nobility. Elite marriages continued to
carry symbolic significance, but their political indispensability was lessened.

Second, and in connection to this, in the climate of the new empire,
marriages were important both for both the imperial family and regional nobility.
The imperial family could be drawn in and divided over the outcome of
marriages, as Menilek’s and Taitu’s disagreement over the issue of Nigist Tekle

Haimanot's suitors, a measure of the political consequences of such

206

arrangements. By mid-20th century, although marriages between the imperial
family and those of regional nobility continued to occur, it seems less attached to
political purposes. So, for instance, the marriages of Haile Sellassie’s children
seem more carefully chosen for political mileage than those of his grandchildren.

Third, because regional identities were more pronounced in the previous
era, marriages were more obvious. One can easily point to the Gondar-Tigre,
Shoa-Tigre, Wallo -Shoa, Wallo -Tigre, Gojjam-Shoa, Wellegga-Shoa and the
one later example of Kaffa-Shoa marriages. It is also possible, where such
information is available, to trace that newly married elite would relocate to the
husband’s region where he or his family enjoyed hereditary rule. With the
effacing of provincial power, and the more complete political and administrative
centralization after the 19405, marriage alliances became less obvious.
Education injected a new value system into the society where, although family
connections continued to matter for social mobility and political promotion,
education presented alternate access to imperial favor.

By the late 19505 and 605, while most of the educated elite had been
absorbed into the power elite through marriage, it became less important to
highlight regional identity though the links between the largely Addis Ababa
based regional nobility and their hereditary land of rule were maintained through
imperial appointments. For instance, Lij Kassa Wolde Mariam served in the
capacity of president of a national institution (Haile Sellassie I University). His
family was of Welleggan nobility and he was married to the grand-daughter of

Emperor Haile Sellassie. Although appointed as Governor-General of Wellegga

207

in 1969, he would less readily be identified as a Welleggan noble than as an
educated member of the power elite with certain family connections. Besides the
issue of their invisibility, the difficulty of tracking the family genealogies of women
or wives of elite men after the 19505 both in oral interviews and written
documentation also demonstrates that the question of “which region or which
regional elite did he/she come from?” seem irrelevant. Informants could readily
place the regional roots of most elite families of the previous era, but the inquiry

appears a moot point in the latter years of Haile Sellassie’s reign.

 

_ 1‘ .1...‘ “

In this dissertation l have attempted to create a chronological narrative for
the history of elite marriages from the 19th to the 20‘" century. I have relied on
secondary sources, oral histories, family genealogies, newspaper articles and
announcements, as well as the few scholarly works available on the subject to
build this narrative. The material was organized around the intersection of three
themes: state formation, marriage and ethnicity. The history of the Ethiopian
state is one that has been amply considered by contemporary scholars and my
interest here was not to debate the ways in which the state was shaped but how
marriage alliances contributed to the process. In this sense, the Ethiopian empire
as marked in the 19‘” century under Menilek and consolidated by Haile Sellassie
in the 20th century provides the geographical, economic and political frame of
reference.

Marriage is brought to the foreground of empire-building activity as a way
of including previously overlooked factors, such as elite families and women, in

our understanding of Ethiopian political history. What exploration was possible on

208

elite Ethiopian women suggests their not so negligible role in politics — often in
the hidden, subtextual workings of power. Within the limits of their social and
cultural constraints, women did not all respond uniformly to their political
environment. Some paid painful sacrifices in their choices of spouse (and the
elusive notion of national well-being, or loyalties thereof) over family — this was
seen, for instance, with Tewabech and Tewodros, Menen and Ras Tafari, or
Wzo. Menkele and Dejach Jote in Wellegga. Others reproduced the power
structure in their socialization of daughters and involvement in future elite
marriages (also best seen in Wzo. Menkele’s reaction to Wzo. Yeshimebet’s
betrothal). Still others made choices emboldened by family connections and
sense of political entitlement, such as Wzo. Tsehaiworq Darge’s defense of Lij
lyasu. Although more documentary sources would be needed, this beginning
indicates the involvement of elite women in politics a worthwhile line of inquiry.
By presenting the intricate relations across religious, linguistic and ethnic
groups sustained in elite marriages over 200 years, I hoped to explore just how
complex issues of identity could be. The most potent example that I encountered
of this complexity comes from a casual conversation with a great-grandchild of
Haile Sellassie. A true product of extensive inter-marriage, she recalled as a
young girl, the challenge of navigating through the cultural and linguistic variables
of her Wellegga paternal family members, her Tigre grand-mother and the strict
palace protocol of her grand and great-grandfather’s world. As can be imagined,

internal tensions and rivalries between family members are detectable though

209

elusive to explore. Whatever the lntemal state of affairs, the grand scheme of
creating and maintaining a national elite sustained itself for a lengthy period.

The greatest difficulty of this dissertation lies in measuring precisely what
implications the existence of a national elite had on the politics of the country.
The inclusive nature of elite marriages allowed certain families from regional
nobility to participate in central politics, in part because their support was critical
to the activities of the state. Marriage alliances point to the subtextual power and
influence latent in both men and women of the elite - power that is often visible
when outwardly expressed in relation to the state but may have to be inferred
once it moves beyond formal structures. In other words, it is easier to understand
what power negotiations were at stake when members of the regional nobility
rebelled or objected to central authority and harder to detect what the timing of
certain marriages had to do with political occurrences. This is partly due to the
intimate nature of marriage and family histories and the outward denial, even by
most contemporary informants, that politics motivated or had anything to do with
certain marriage arrangements.

Added to this is the dichotomy of monarch vs. nobility in Ethiopian history
with focus on the divisive characteristics of the nobility as compared to the
integrative efforts of the monarch. The inherent fragility of elite marriages, the
frequency in which they occurred, and the difficulty of assessing their impact may
lead one to dismiss their role as insignificant even when they were an essential
mechanism of Ethiopian statecraft. The valrie of considering such unifying

features as marriage alliances here is in complementing the existing discourse

210

and debates of forceful incorporation and subjugation by the Ethiopian state with
a different process of a more peaceful nature that was, nonetheless, tied to the
same outcome — that of forging a nation.

What needs to be underscored is that from this process emerged a
national elite that could claim origins from several parts of the country. Despite its
imposed elements, the process of ‘Ethiopianizing’ the power elite indicated a
certain arrival of the center and regional nobility to mutual gains and shared
values. Neither the terms of negotiation nor the benefits were necessarily ever
apparent. What the marriage histories and patterns suggest though, is that this
‘Ethiopianizing’ process that began in Menelik’s times was closer to completion at
the end of Haile Sellassie’s reign. By the 19605, there was little need to monitor
the marriages of the emperor’s grandchildren and at least some of them seemed
to have made independent choices for partners. Based on this trend, one can
speculate that had the revolution not interrupted, perhaps the supra-ethnic reality
of this Ethiopianized elite would well have created the desired impact of an
integrated center which would in turn shift public perception.

Although the language and approach of the 1974 revolution made no
provisions for family connections and alliances, marriage as a mechanism to
align loyalties around power is still a part of the political landscape??? Due in no
small measure to the symbolic existence of a united elite at the center of “official
culture’, the immediate aftermath of the revolution did not result in ethnic

fragmentation. Notwithstanding the challenging task of evaluation, hindsight

 

3“ Paulos Milkias briefly notes the dynamics of family relations within the current govemment whose
members are connected in marriage. See Paulos Milkias, “Ethiopia, TPLF and Roots of the 2001 Political
Tremor,” Forthcoming Northeast A fiican Studies, 2002.

211

suggests that, along with other elements such as cultural, economic and social
ties over hundreds of years, marriage among the diverse power elite of the

country may have had its part in upholding shared national identity.

212

APPENDIX

213

Nigus Mikael of Wello
Ffig.1.1

Manalebish Bafena

Shoaregga Menilek
Lij lyasu m/
m.

 

 

 

 

 

m.
Nigus Alitash Wahede
/ Mikael
m.
Zenebech Ali / \m.
m. Bajeba rn. ?
Fantaye Gabru Ras Gebre Hiwot

 
  

\

ewabech m. Ras Seyoum Mengesha

     
  

Dej. Ali m. ?
Amede
Amakelech m. Ras Biru W.Gabrie
Dej. Belay
Amsaleworq m. Worku Gobena

Mitntiwab
m. Dej. Gebre Egziabher Amede
Amede
m. Ras Demiss
Sehin Mikael
rn. Janterar Asfaw
Menen m. Fit. Ali Mohammed
m. Dej. Amede Ali
rn. Ras Leulseged
m. Ras Tafari
in. Bit. Wele
Yetemegnu m. Abraha Araya Dimtsu
m. Dej. Biru Haile Mariam
rn. Bit. Haile Giorgis

Key
m = married
Name of children indicated below name of father

214

Ras Mengesha Atikem of Gojjam
Fig. 1. 2

Tenagne Welete Rufael
1. Askalemariam m. Ras Hailu
Seblewongel m. Dej. Yigezu Behabte
m. Lij lyasu
Alemtsehai m. Dej. Abebe Asfaw
m. 2. Ras Kebede m. Mintiwab Wele

Tsigemariam rn. Dej. Desta Biru
Ras Kebede m. Atsede Asfaw

Mengesha Atikem

m

 

m.

( m.1 Yigezu Yishalu had Ras Mulugeta
Sifrash Bizu Yifru (his g.dtr. Zuryash m. Ras Asrate Kasa)

1. W20. Laketch m. Gebrerufael Gobena

Li’ilt Tsigemariam m. Ras lmru
2. Dej. Merid

3. Lij Wolde Leul
4. Wzo. Wesenyelesh m. Gen. Abebe Damtew
Wzo. Mulumebet m. Ras Biru Habtemariam
m. Lij Araya Abebe

Medferiashwork m. Crown Prince Asfa Wosen
5. Wzo. Aklog m. Tekle Roro

 

Debritu Ali
Wzo. Zawditu rn. Makonnen lndalkachew (m2 Li’ilt Yeshashworq)
lndalkachew
Wzo. Berhane

Key

m = married

m2 = second marriage

Name of children indicated below father

215

Ras Gobena Daci
Fig. 2

RAS GOBENA DACl m. Wzo. Ayelech
Menilek’s General

Afenigus Aregay m. Askale (also rn. Fit. Mulugeta Bantyiwalu)
1. Aynalem
2. Lakech _
3. Ras Abebe m. Admasworq Seyoum (Ras) Leulseged
Daniel m. Konjit Atnafseged (niece of Ras lmru)
Sosena m. Gen. Debebe Hailemariam

Ras Abebe m. Konjit Abinet (niece of Haile Sellassie)
Lij Ayelework
Lij Wondwossen

Key
m = married
Name of children indicated below

216

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Name Under Taitu R88 Tassama Lil lyasu
(1390 _ 1909) Nadew (1911-1916)
(1909-191 1)
Yeshimebet
Ras Wolde Giorgis (niece of Taitu) Same Same
Fit. Habte Giorgis Altaye Same Same
Ras Mengesha Kefei Wele
Yoharmes
Ras Makonnen Wolde Mentewab Wele
Mikael
Ras / Nigus Mikael Shoaregga Zenebech A new wife?
Afenegus Nasibu Desta
Mesqele
Ras Tassama Nadew Beletshachew
Ras Leulseged Asselefech Wolde Menen
Hanna
Ras Abate Boiyalew Getenesh
(sister of Ras
Tassama)
Dej. Abraha Araya Yetemegnu Same Same
_ (niece of Ras Mikael)
Dej. Seyoum Mengesha ' Tewabech
Mikael
Ras Demissew Nasibu Asselefech Wolde Abonesh Mentewab
Hanna Mikael
Dej. Tafari Makonnen Menen
Dej. Yilma Makonnen Asselefech Wolde
Hanna

 

 

 

Fig. 3

Political Marriage Pattern in Ethi0pia (18905 -1916)

Source: Aleme Eshete, “Political Marriage and Divorce in Ethiopian History (late 19‘'1 and

early 20th century).”

217

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Name Under Taitu Ras Tassama Nadew Lij lyasu
(1890-1909) (1909-1911) (1911-1916)
Dej. Bezabih Takla Zenebework
Haimanot Mikael
Dej. Seyoum Takla Asselefech Wolde
Haimanot Hanna
(later Hailu)
Dej. Gessese W. Nigist Takla Laqech Tassama Sehin Mikael
Hana Haimanot
Dej. Merid
Mengesha
Yetemegnu Alula
Nagadras Haile
Giorgis
Ayelech
Nagadras Hailu
Behabte
Fig. 3

Political Marriage Pattern in Ethiopia (18905 -1916)

Source: Aleme Eshete, “Political Marriage and Divorce in Ethiopian History (late 19'“ and
early 20th century)."

218

Complicated Inter-relations
Fig. 4

Afenigus Nasibu Masqale m. Wzo. Yetnebersh
Chief Justice of Menilek

Ras Demissew m. Asselefech W. Hanna
(with Yilma Makonnen had Yeshashworq)

m. Abonesh Takla Mariam m.
( had Makonnen lndalkachew)

m. Mintiwab Mikael

 

Mekonnen Demissew m. Yeshashworq

Key
m = married

219

 

Regional Interconnections
Fig. 5

Tigre
Gondar

Yajju

 

   

 
  

 

 

 

 

220

 

Fig. 5. 1

_LI_ T or MARRIAGE ALLIANCES

Gondar — Tigre
Ras Mengesha Seyoum & Tewabech Wolde Gabriel

Gondar — Lasta
Ayichesh Tedla & Dej. Megabi Kiros (had Dej. Hailu)

Gondar - Wag
Ayichesh Tedla 8r Wagshum Gebre Medhin (had Gobaze, later Emperor
Takla Giorgis)
Gojjam - Semen/Yajju
Dej. Betul Haile Mariam & Wzo. Yewibdar
Dej. Gessese Wolde Hanna & Nigist Takla Haimanot

Gojjam — Shoa
Makonnen lndalkachew & Zawditu Mengesha Atikem
Asfawossen Kasa 8r Wzo. Zenebworq (g. dtr. of Ras Mesfin of Damot)

Gojjam/Shoe - Shoa -
Li’ilt Medferiashworq & Asfawosen
Wzo. Mulumebet & Ras Biru

Gojjam - Tigre
(Nephew of Emperor Yohannes & Ras Adal’s daughter)

Gojjam - Wag
Beletech (maternal sis. of Gobaze) & Desta Tedla Gualu (Ruler of
Gojjam, 1855-67)
Yajju — Gondar
Tewabech Ali 8 Emperor Tewodros

Lasta - Shoa
Dej. Hailu Kiros & Tisseme Darge
Ras Kasa & Li’ilt Tsige Beshah

Lasta — Wello
Asrate Kasa & Zuryashworq

221

 

Semen/Yajju — Shoa
Empress Taitu & Emperor Menilek
Ras Makonnen & Mintiwab Betul
Ras Gugsa Wele 8 Zawditu Menilek

Semen — Shoa
Qataro Merso & Dej. Germame

Semen/Yajju — Tigre
Yewibdar Haile mariam & Sebagades (d. 1812)

Shoa — Wallo
Tisseme Kassa & Amede Ali
Sehin Mikael & Dej. Biru Haile Mariam (nephew of Ras Makonnen)
Amakalech Ali & Ras Biru Wolde Gabriel
Shoaregga Menilek & Nigus Mikael
Manalebish Bafena & Nigus Mikael
Tafari Makonnen & Menen Asfaw

Shoa — Tigre
Abraha Araya & Menen Asfaw’s younger sister by Yetemegnu
Araya Sellassie & Zawditu
Ras Seyoum Mengesha & Li’lt Atsede Asfaw
Zenebworq Haile Sellassie & Haile Sellassie Gugsa
Gugsa Araya & Yeshashworq Yilma
Asfawosen & Welete Israel Seyoum
Abera Kassa & Kebedech Seyoum

Shoa — Gondar
Menilek & Alitash Tewodros

Tigre — Wag
Dej. Hailu Kebede & Shoanesh Abraha Araya

Tigre — Wallo
Nigus Mikael & Alitash Wahde (niece of Emperor Yohannes IV)
Tewabech Mikael 8r Ras Seyoum Mengesha Yohannes
Abraha Araya & Yetemegnu Wele

Wag — Tigre
Emperor Takla Giorgis & Dinqinesh Mercha

222

Wallo/Shoa — Gojjam
Lij lyasu & Seblewongel Hailu

223

 

Interconnections Charted

 

 

Fig. 5. 2
Ras Mikael Sihul
1692-1780 Shum Agame Woldu
' Tigre
3 generations)
(1 generation Woman m. B’arya Gabir
(4 generations) ertcha é. Silas Ras Araya
| |
Ras Mikael‘m> Alitash Takle Giorgis m Dinqinesh Abraha
(Wello) (Wag) |
Yohannes IV Shewanesh m. Hailu Kebede
(Tigre) (Wag)
Zawditu Menilek m. Ras Araya Sellassie
(Shoa)
m1
Kefei Wele Ras Mengesha

  
  

(Were Sch/Semen)

\21 2
ster

‘ Tewabech Wolde Gabriel
(Gondar)

Taye Gulilate m. Almaz
(Shoa)

 

Haile Sellassie Abba J ebel m. Berhane
Ras seyoum m1 Atsede Asfaw (Shoa)
m 2 Tewabech Mikael (Wello

m1
Welete Israel Gebre Sellassie m. Ammarech
Zewde (Shoa)
(Wellegga) m I m 2 Asfa Wossen Haile Sellassie
Fikre Sellassie Habte Mariam <—> Ejigayehu (Shoa/Wello)

224

 

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225

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