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AN URBAN PUBLIC SCHOOL PRINCIPAL'S
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6/01 cJCIFiC/Dateouepssrp. I 5

AN URBAN PUBLIC SCHOOL PRINCIPAL’S PROBLEM—SOLVING PRACTICES
VIEWED THROUGH A F REIREAN LENS: AN ETHNOGRAPHY

By

Robert Dale Dalton

A DISSERTATION
Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
Department of Educational Administration

2003

ABSTRACT

AN URBAN PUBLIC SCHOOL PRINCIPAL’S PROBLEM-SOLVING PRACTICES
VIEWED THROUGH A FREIREAN LENS: AN ETHNOGRAPHY

By

Robert Dale Dalton

My purpose in this study was to examine the problem-solving practices of an
urban public school principal to see how the principles of Freirean critical pedagogy were
reflected in the carrying out of the principal’s problem—solving duties. The practices that
I examined in this study were decision making, managing dilemmas, and problem
solving. This study was concerned with the praxis of Freirean thought and the liberatory
or emancipatory qualities of the principal's problem solving.

Paulo Freire was a critical theorist who wrote extensively about issues pertaining
to oppression and public school systems. He advocated for oppressed students living in
various parts of the world, including the United States. F reire was one of the pioneers of
applying critical theory to public schooling. This study was intended to increase readers’
understanding of the applicability of Freirean thought to school leadership as it pertains
to problem solving, as well as the value systems to which public school leaders ascribe.

The two methodologies chosen for this study were ethnography and
phenomenology. Neither of the two chosen methodologies alone could adequately
address the issues of interest in this study. Ethnography usually is concerned with
studying the culture of a group of people (Wolcott, 1999), and phenomenology is

concerned with examining the cognitive process and the essence of a phenomenon

(Moustakas, 1994). Although the culture of the principalship is worth studying, this
study was more concerned with the culture surrounding the principal in reference to his
or her problem solving.

There are many opinions as to how public school administrators should run their
schools. Examining public school leadership through the lens of Freirean critical theory
is controversial because critical theory is based on the assumption that there are
traditionally oppressed groups who historically have suffered the consequences of
oppression (Held, 1980). Many people in the educational community are interested in
issues of social justice, and F reirean critical theory provides a basis for analyzing how
social justice is reflected in the problem-solving practices of public school administrators.

In this study I discovered that four principles guided the principal’s problem-
solving practices: (a) utilizing alliances and partnerships, (b) critical leadership and
management, (c) focus on learning, and (d) praxis. Each of these four principles was
reflected in the vignettes that emerged from the field research. Six Freirean constructs
also were reflected in the principal’s problem-solving practices. These constructs are
(a) dialogue with a purpose, (b) conscientization, (c) praxis, (d) banking education versus
problem-posing education, (e) the universal common ethic and the politics of education,
and (t) humanization. Both sets of principles and constructs helped to explain the
principal’s problem-solving practices. However, there were also examples in the data
where F reirean critical theory was an inadequate lens for analysis. In addition, there was

problem solving in which F reirean critical theory was not reflected.

Copyright by
ROBERT DALE DALTON
2003

I dedicate this dissertation to my first two teachers, my mother, Verda, and my
father, Grant. I will forever be gratefiil for their love, compassion, honesty, and all of
their sacrifices. I am thankful that my parents believed in my abilities and encouraged

me to realize my dreams.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would like to thank the many people who offered their guidance and moral
support to the writing of this dissertation. I am very grateful to my committee members,
Drs. Maenette Benham, John Dirkx, Chris Dunbar, and Kris Renn, for their guidance and
support throughout the dissertation process. I am especially grateful to Dr. Benham, my
dissertation advisor, for all of her hard work, our frequent meetings, and for challenging
me to reflect and to contemplate the meaning of my work. I also wish to thank Susan
Cooley Miller for her excellent editing skills.

I am grateful to all of the participants in this study, who graciously allowed me to
conduct interviews and to talk to them. They gave me the precious gifl of their time, and
I am extremely thankful. I wish them all the best in their professional and personal
endeavors. I am also very pleased to have met “Mr. Kent,” who has inspired me through
his enthusiasm and moral purpose.

I would like to thank all of my family members, friends, and neighbors for their
support, understanding, and concern for my welfare during this arduous process. I am
especially thankful for the inspiration of my brother, Gary. His witty comments, his love
for academics, and his advice were truly helpful.

I am grateful to God for His guidance and inspiration. I have prayed for the
success of my colleagues as well as for myself on many occasions, and I am pleased to
see that all of us have been successful with our studies. I pray that we all will continue to
successfully serve our constituencies.

I am grateful for the life of the last Hawaiian monarch, Queen Lili'uokalani. I

have been inspired by her example. She could not bear the thought of her people dying

vi

for her throne, so she abdicated. She worked hard to preserve her government, culture,
and language when colonialists dominated Hawaii. Her life and example can serve as an

inspiration for all of us.

vii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

 

LIST OF TABLES ............................................................................................................. xi
LIST OF FIGURES .......................................................................................................... xii
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY .................................................................................. 1
Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1
Statement of the Problem ................................................................................................ 3
Purpose of the Study ....................................................................................................... 5
Importance of the Study .................................................................................................. 6
Assumptions .................................................................................................................... 7
Research Question .......................................................................................................... 8
Definitions of Terms ....................................................................................................... 9
CHAPTER 11
REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE AND DEVELOPMENT OF
FREIREAN CONSTRUCTS ............................................................................................. 11
Introduction ................................................................................................................... 11
A Brief Biography of Paulo Freire ................................................................................ 12
History of the Development of Critical Theory ............................................................ 21
Defining Critical Theory and Its Relevance to Urban Public Schools ......................... 25
The Development of Critical Pedagogy ........................................................................ 27
Identification of Freirean Constructs ............................................................................ 29
Dialogue With a Purpose ......................................................................................... 30
Conscientization ....................................................................................................... 34
Praxis ........................................................................................................................ 37
Politics and a Universal Common Ethic (Pedagogy of Politics) ............................. 40
Banking Education Versus Problem-Posing Education ........................................... 44
Humanization ........................................................................................................... 47
Implementation of F reirean Critical Pedagogy and Implications for Research ............ 51
Problem Solving ............................................................................................................ 58
Chapter Summary ......................................................................................................... 63
CHAPTER III
METHODOLOGY ............................................................................................................ 65
Introduction ................................................................................................................... 65
Why Two Methodologies? ............................................................................................ 65
Inspiration for the Methodology: Wolcott’s The Man in the Principal’s Office .......... 66
What Is Ethnography? ................................................................................................... 69
What Is Phenomenology? ............................................................................................. 7]
Uses of Ethnographic and Phenomenological Approaches ..................................... 73
Procedures ................................................................................................................ 77
Ethical Considerations ............................................................................................. 77

viii

Selection of the Principal ......................................................................................... 78

Interviews With the Principal .................................................................................. 78
Observations of the Principal ................................................................................... 79
Interviews With Various Focus Groups ................................................................... 79
An Interview With the Principal’s Immediate Supervisor ....................................... 79
Selection of the Vignettes ........................................................................................ 80
Interview Probes Reflecting the Freirean Constructs ................................................... 80
Issues of Trustworthiness and Triangulation ................................................................ 82
Limitations .................................................................................................................... 86
Procedures for Data Analysis ........................................................................................ 86
CHAPTER IV
PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS OF THE DATA .................................................... 90
Introduction ................................................................................................................... 9O
Demographic Characteristics of the Community .......................................................... 90
Description of Macedo High School ............................................................................. 91
The Principal’s Background ......................................................................................... 92
Four Vignettes Illustrating the Principal’s Problem-Solving Practices ........................ 94
Vignette 1: Empowering Through Inclusion: The Gay, Lesbian, and
Straight Student Club .......................................................................................... 9S
Vignette 2: Collaboration and Teamwork: A Tale of Two Academies ................. 99
Vignette 3: Utilizing Alliances and Partnerships to Achieve a Solution:
A Program to Develop and Encourage Self-Esteem and Manners ................... 107
Vignette 4: The Dilemma of Race: The Ethics of Athletic Coaching ................. 113
What Was Learned About the Principal’s Practice ..................................................... 119
The Local View: Mr. Kent’s Practice as a High School Principal ............................ 121
Theme One: Utilizing Alliances and Partnerships ................................................ 121
Theme Two: Critical Leadership and Management .............................................. 124
Theme Three: Focus on Learning ......................................................................... 127
Theme Four: Praxis ............................................................................................... 130
Theorizing About Mr. Kent’s Practice: F reirean Implications .................................. 132
Dialogue With a Purpose ....................................................................................... 132
Conscientization ..................................................................................................... I34
Praxis ...................................................................................................................... 134
Banking Education Versus Problem-Posing Education ......................................... 135
The Universal Common Ethic and the Politics of Education ................................ 136
Humanization ......................................................................................................... 137
Summary ................................................................................................................ 137
CHAPTER V
DISCUSSION OF THE FINDINGS ............................................................................... 143
Introduction ................................................................................................................. 143
Revisiting the Research Question ............................................................................... 144
The Principles of the Instructional Leader’s Problem-Solving Practices .............. 144
F reirean Critical Theory and Educational Leadership ................................................ 145
Emerging Issues Unexplained by Freirean Critical Theory ................................... 149
Extending the Theory .................................................................................................. 150
First Concept to Consider: Naming the World ..................................................... 150

ix

Second Concept to Consider: Pedagogy of Place ................................................. 153

Third Concept to Consider: The Spirit of Problem Solving ................................. 161
Actualization: From Theory to Practice ..................................................................... 163
Implications for Further Study .................................................................................... 165
My Own Liberation ..................................................................................................... 166

APPENDICES
A. The Vignette .......................................................................................................... 168
B. Field Note Protocol for Observations of the Principal .......................................... 174
C. Interview Probes .................................................................................................... 177
REFERENCES ................................................................................................................ 185

LIST OF TABLES

4.1 Coaching-Dilemma Matrix .................................................................................... 1 14

4.2 Cross-Reference Summary of Freirean Constructs and Vignettes:
Mr. Kent’s Direct Problem Solving ...................................................................... 138

4.3 Cross-Reference Summary of Freirean Constructs and Vignettes:
The Products of Mr. Kent’s Problem-Solving Practice ........................................ 139

xi

LIST OF FIGURES

4.1 Three-Layered Analytical Approach Used in This Study ...................................... 120

xii

CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY

Introduction

In this dissertation, I attempt to redefine the limits of administrative action. I
have consciously espoused a position that suggests that administration must, at its heart,
be informed by critical models oriented toward social justice and individual freedom.
This is not just “nice”; it determines our entire way of life and the purpose of our most
important social institution, education. Most current administrative theories are models
of control; they cannot address the question of what makes administration a worthy
discipline (Foster, 1986). Freirean critical pedagogy is an appropriate vehicle with which
to analyze the problem-solving practices of an urban public school principal because
urban public schools are places where issues of social justice are reflected in the policies
of local, state, and federal governments. This study is focused on educational leadership
and the potential it has to promote change in oppressive practices through the principal's
problem-solving practices, policies, or behaviors in the public school setting.

Paulo Freire was a critical theorist who wrote extensively about issues pertaining
to oppression and public school systems. Freire advocated for oppressed students located
in various parts of the world, including the United States. He was one of the pioneers of
the application of critical theory to public schooling. This study is intended to increase
readers’ understanding of the applicability of F reirean thought to school leadership, as it
pertains to problem solving, as well as the value systems to which urban school leaders

ascribe.

Traditionally, educational administrators have been concerned with the pragmatic
side of running a school (Foster, 1986). Scientific management shaped the pragmatism
of early researchers in the field of school leadership (Watkins, 1983). Over the years,
educational administration has evolved to the extent that, today, there are many
paradigms for examining administrative theory (Foster, 1986). Two such paradigms are
critical theory and critical pedagogy. For the purpose of this research, critical pedagogy
was defined as the application of the principles of critical theory to the school setting,
specifically, the field of educational administration (Bates, 1983; Foster, 1986).

Certain ethical and political issues pertain to the principal’s problem-solving
practices. In an urban school setting where students and the entire school community
suffer the consequences of skewed funding, students are assessed with the same
standardized tests as their wealthier suburban counterparts (Kozol, 1991). Good school
leadership practices are not sufficient because there are political issues of exploitation
and oppression that liberatory practice needs to address (Anyon, 1997). Freire believed
that overcoming one’s Oppression is the responsibility of the oppressed (Freire, 1972);
this implies that the school leader is responsible for leading the school community toward
a praxis of profound and fundamental change. In other words, the principal leads the
school community through dialogue with a purpose and conscientization.

All urban school principals must eventually resolve problems, manage dilemmas,
and make decisions on a regular and frequent basis. For urban school principals, problem
solving takes on an additional aspect when one considers that their resolutions can have

emancipatory implications for their students, staff, and other members of the school

community. Urban public school principals can mitigate Oppression through their
problem-solving practices. For the purpose of this dissertation, oppression was defined
as one group, or individual, receiving more goods or resources at the expense of another
person or group of people. The skewed delivery of goods and resources may be the
result of history, tradition, law, policy, attitude, and other factors.

The principles of the critical pedagogy developed by Paulo F reire have been
applied to a variety of educational situations, including adult literacy, mental health
counseling, and school discipline. However, there is a lack of research regarding the
application of Freirean critical thought to the problem-solving processes of urban school
- administrators. It is particularly appropriate to look at the application of F reire’s
principles to the administration of urban public schools because Freire’s constructs
evolved from the assumptions of oppression being reflected in the public schools of a
society that exhibits elements of oppression in its history, traditions, and policies. It is
true that his experience and exile from Brazil prompted Freire’s initial writing. However,
Freire’s philosophy has influenced a number of educators in the United States, such as Ira
Shor, Donaldo Macedo, Michael Apple, and Peter McLaren. The F reirean constructs
identified in the next chapter transcend the educational environment in any country that

has oppression as a part of its history.

Statement of the Problem
In general, urban public schools suffer from covert oppression; this oppression is
the result of various laws, policies, hidden curricula, and attitudes. Because urban public

schools represent students from the lower end of the socioeconomic scale, multiple

problems of oppression and inequality exist in these schools. One Of the primary
challenges of an urban school principal is the development Of problem-solving skills that
potentially address the issues of social justice. Urban public schools predominantly
comprise populations from the lower end of the socioeconomic scale, whose students are
more likely to be oppressed by a variety of issues. The type of oppression experienced in
urban schools is most likely to occur in schools that are predominantly African American
(Kozol, 2000).

One example of covert Oppression is the insufficient funding available for urban
public schools. According to critical theorists, this lack of funding is representative of
the politics of power. In other words, the lack of funding is a reflection of oppressive
policy. It is common for urban schools to have insufficient or outdated textbooks, as well
as overcrowded classrooms in older buildings that are becoming inadequate (Anyon,
1997; Kozol, 1991).

Another example of covert oppression is Michigan's policy that state aid is
awarded to high school students who score well on the high school proficiency test for
attending a public university in the state. In general, urban school students do not score
as well as suburban school students (Heller & Shapiro, 2000), thus perpetuating the
skewed delivery Of resources in which suburban schools are favored over urban schools.
The fundamental problem is that suburban school students receive a better education than
their urban counterparts, in part because the allocation of resources is skewed and there
are laws and policies that favor suburban schools over rural and urban ones. One of the
primary challenges for urban school principals is to mitigate this social injustice through

their problem-solving practices.

Purpose of the Study

There are many opinions as to how urban school principals should run their
schools. Examining public school leadership through the lens of Freirean critical theory
is controversial because critical theory is based on the assumption that there are
traditionally oppressed groups who have historically suffered the consequences of
Oppression (Held, 1980). Many people in the educational community are interested in
issues Of social justice, and F reirean critical theory provides a basis for analyzing how
social justice is reflected in the problem—solving practices of public school
administrators.

My purpose in this study was to examine the problem-solving practices of an
urban public school principal to see how the principles of Freirean critical pedagogy were
reflected in the carrying out of the principal’s problem-solving duties. The practices that
I examined in this study were decision making, managing dilemmas, and problem
solving. This study is concerned with the praxis of F reirean thought and the liberatory or
emancipatory qualities Of the principal's problem solving.

There is a tensiOn between the theoretical side of Freire and the praxis of F reirean
thought (F acundo, 1984). Freire successfully applied his principles to adult literacy and
to educational leadership when he was a school superintendent in 850 Paulo, Brazil; this
is the praxis Of F reire’s theory. Freire’s principles also have been applied to educational
programs in the United States (Braaten, 1987; F acundo, 1984). However, Braaten’s and
F acundo’s writings did not pertain directly to problem-solving duties in educational

administration.

Importance of the Stugy

This study is important because it will indicate to what extent the problem-
solving practices of an urban school principal are emancipatory. There is a dearth of
research regarding public school administration and F reirean critical theory. Paulo Freire
represents critical theory in a pragmatic way. An examination, through the lens of
F reirean critical theory, of how a public school administrator navigates through problem-
solving processes during key times in the school year will benefit school leaders by
illuminating the thoughts and practices of school leaders who use Freirean principles of
leadership.

The findings can be used to categorize different ways that public school
administrators apply Freirean principles to problem solving. It is likely that an
administrator may not know much about Paulo F reire but still execute her or his
problem-solving practices in a Freirean way. This would indicate that the administrator
believes that Oppression in one of its many forms affects the Operation of the school and
that there is a need for emancipatory problem solving.

There are numerous examples of critical theory being applied to school
administration (Foster, 1986). However, few, if any, researchers have applied Freirean
principles to the problem-solving practices of urban public school administrators.

F reirean critical pedagogy could serve as a new paradigm for administration of urban
public schools. According to Foster, the application of critical theory is a valid approach

to school leadership.

Assumptions

The constructs Of critical theory generally are concerned with the Oppression
found in relationships between groups of people. The Oppression may be the intentional
or unintentional result of traditions, practices, or policies (Held, 1980). Critical theory is
based on several assumptions: that power relations mediate all thought that may result
from historical or social relationships, that certain groups Of people are privileged over
other groups, and that oppression occurs when subordinated groups accept their social
status as natural or necessary (Freire, 1972). This study was focused on educational
leadership and the potential it has to promote change in oppressive practices through
emancipatory problem solving, policies, and behaviors in the urban public school setting.

McLaren (1995) described critical pedagogy as a way of learning and taking

action:

Critical pedagogy commits itself to forms of learning and action that are
undertaken in solidarity with subordinated and marginalized groups. In addition
to interrogating what is taken for granted or seemingly self-evident or inevitable
regarding the relationship between schools and the social order, critical pedagogy
is dedicated to self-empowerment and social transformation. (p. 32)

The self-empowerment and social transformation that McLaren spoke of are important
aspects Of critical pedagogy; schools reflect the social reality of their location.

Critical theorists must seek a balance in their approach to assumptions about
education. Michael Apple is a critical theorist who has written extensively about critical
pedagogy and the various issues of dominance in school systems. Apple (1996)

described some of his assumptions about schooling and critical pedagogy as follows:

At times, some critical educators have been so critical that we too ofien assume—-
consciously or unconsciously—that everything that exists within the educational
system bears only the marks of domination. It’s all capitalists; it’s all racist; it’s
all patriarchal; it’s all homophobic. As you would imagine given my own efforts

over the past 3 decades, I do not want to dismiss the utter power of these and
other forms of oppression in education or in anything else. Yet, in taking a stance
that assumes—without detailed investigation-that all is somehow the result of
relations of dominance, we also make it very difficult to make connections with
progressive educators and community members who currently are struggling to
build an educational system that is democratic in more than name only. (p. xvii)

In the preceding quotation, Apple encouraged a balance between the sometimes
passionate arguments made by criticalists and the realization that not every relationship is

a result of some form of domination.

Research Question

Ethnographic research is descriptive in nature (Denzin, 1997; Wolcott, 1999).
Research questions that reflect an ethnographic approach must have a descriptive aspect
as well as a framework that guides what the etlmographer observes. Wolcott (1999)

explained:

There has to be an idea guiding what we choose to describe and how we choose
to describe it. Ethnographers do not engage in what has been referred to
lightheartedly as “immaculate perception.” We do not and cannot simply observe,
watch, or look; we must Observe, watch, or look at something. That fact surely
tamishes any notion that ethnography has somehow transcended the inherent
human limitations of those who conduct it. (p. 70)

The guiding framework of this research comprised the constructs of F reirean critical
pedagogy and recent thinking regarding decision making, management of problems, and
dilemmas by researchers such as Larry Cuban, Joan Polimer Shapiro, Donald J.
Willower, and Joseph W. Licata. In the next chapter, six constructs of Freirean thought
are identified. These constructs guided the field research. Current thinking about
problem solving, managing dilemmas, and decision making also guided the field research

for this study.

The research question posed in this study is appropriate for an ethnographic study
because it implies a descriptive aspect as well as a guiding framework: In what ways, if
any, is Freirean critical theory reflected in an urban high school principal’s

problem-solving practices?

Definitions of Terms

The following terms are defined in the context in which they are used in this
dissertation:

Dilemma-A situation in which competing forces or values require resolution,
where the forces or values are equally important and an ethical and ready solution is not
apparent without extensive reflection and analysis.

Emancipatorv problem-solving process_£s_-The various ways that a secondary
school principal resolves problems, manages dilemmas, and makes decisions that
emancipate, liberate, or change oppressive situations.

Freirean pedagogy—Principles and constructs of the pedagogy and principles
espoused by Paulo F reire.

I_,e_adg—A person who has established herself or himself in any of the following
positions: public school union Official, parent activist, student activist, teacher activist,
other public school advocate, or public school administrator.

Oppression—When one group, or individual, receives more goods or resources at
the expense of another person or group of people. The skewed delivery Of goods and

resources may be the result of history, tradition, law, policy, attitudes, or other factors.

Practices—Problem-solving processes, writings such as memoranda and letters to
parents, how policies are elaborated, how conflict between various members of the
school community is resolved, and how various meetings are conducted and who is
invited to participate.

Problem—A situation that requires resolution which is either apparent to the
principal or is routine in nature.

Problem solving-The resolution of a conflicted situation, which may imply the
management of a dilemma, solution to a problem, or decision making by a group or
individual.

Public school administrator—A person who works in a public school in any of the
following capacities: assistant principal, principal, central Office administrator, or a
person serving on an interim basis in any of the aforementioned administrative positions.

Urban school-A school in a metropolitan area that has a population of 200,000 or

more people.

10

CHAPTER 11

REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE AND DEVELOPMENT
OF F REIREAN CONSTRUCTS
Introduction
Freedom is not an idea located outside of man; nor is it an idea which becomes

myth. It is rather the indispensable condition for the quest for human completion.
(Freire, 1972, p. 31)

Paulo F reire has had a worldwide following since the appearance Of his book
Pedagogy of the Oppressed. which was first published in 1970. In this book, Freire
explained the rationale for his method of teaching adult literacy. Freire also explained his
views on oppression and the role that critical pedagogy plays in addressing such issues as
humanization, conscientization, and praxis. This chapter begins with a brief biography of
Paulo Freire, highlighting some of the life experiences that shaped his thinking. Next is a
discussion of the development of critical theory, followed by a definition of critical
theory and its relevance to urban schools. The development of critical pedagogy is then
described, followed by a discussion Of the Freirean constructs that were used in carrying
out this study. Last, there is a discussion of problem-solving issues and their implications
for emancipatory resolutions.

In this chapter, I demonstrate that a F reirean approach to education has been
implemented in certain academic areas but not in educational administration. Further, I
show that there is a need for research that includes F reirean principles in relation to

problem-solving practices in educational administration.

11

A Brief Biography Of Paulo Freire

Paulo Freire was born into a middle-class family on September 19, 1921, in the
city Of Recife, which was located in a poor section in northeastern Brazil. His mother,
Edeltrudes Neves Freire, was a devout Roman Catholic (Elias, 1994). Freire’s father,
Joaquim Themistocles Freire, who was not a practicing Catholic, spent time with his
children writing in the sand in the shade of a mango tree. He wanted his children to do
well in school, so he taught them how to decode words at an early age. As a result of
J oaquim F reire’s efforts, young Paulo could read and write when he entered school
(Freire & Macedo, 1987). Freire had a warm and positive relationship with his father.
When Paulo told his father that he wanted to become a Roman Catholic and intended to
go to his first communion, Joaquim told the young Paulo that he respected his decision
(Jeria, 1984). Paulo cited this experience and others like it as his early introductions to
the importance of dialogue (Jeria, 1984).

The F reire family moved from Recife to Jatatao in 1931 because Joaquim Freire
lost his job as a military police Officer. Six years later, J oaquim died. As a consequence
of the Great Depression of the late 19205, Brazil was in an economic crisis, and life
became difficult for the Freire family, who were living on a modest widow’s pension.

Until Joaquim F reire lost his job as a military Officer, the family had lived a
middle-class life; however, as their economic situation began to deteriorate, they
maintained only a tenuous connection to the middle class. During the early years in
Jatatao, the Freire family experienced great economic difficulty, and Paulo knew hunger
for the first time in his young life. The hunger Paulo Freire experienced affected him in

three ways. First, he did not do well in school and would often fall asleep while studying,

12

due to hunger and fatigue. F reire claimed that some of his teachers thought he suffered
from mild mental retardation. Second, he vowed to dedicate his life to people less
fortunate than himself, even after the F reire family’s economic situation improved
slightly when Paulo’s Older brothers began to work. Third, Paulo and his brothers
interacted with other young people who were from poor and working-class families.
These interactions with people from other social classes helped Paulo appreciate families
that were worse Off than his own family (Jeria, 1984).

Paulo F reire’s mother was determined to help her son continue his education. She
found a school for him in Recife’, where the family originally had lived, and negotiated
what was probably a deferred payment plan (Sawyers, 1994). Dr. Alvizio Pessoa de
Araujo, the director of the school, took a chance on the young Paulo Freire because of the
family’s economic difficulties and the fact that some of the youth’s teachers had
suspected he was mildly mentally retarded (Sawyers, 1994). Paulo proved to be an
excellent student and developed a long-standing interest in grammar and syntax. He was
grateful for the Opportunity that Dr. Pessoa de Araujo and his wife, Genove, had afforded
him. He eventually taught Portuguese grammar at Dr. Pessoa de Arar'rjo’s school,
Cole'gio Oswaldo Cruz, while he took his preparatory course for law school (Freire,
1996).

In 1943, Paulo Freire married an elementary school teacher, Elza Maria Costa de
Oliveira. While he was in law school, Freire and his wife joined the University Catholic
Action group, which worked to promote the Catholic faith as well as social change. They

soon became disenchanted with the group, however, because of the members’ middle-

13

class values, which F reire considered bourgeois, and withdrew from it. After Freire
married he became more interested in academia, especially Portuguese language and
education.

Freire completed his law degree at the University of Recife in 1945 (Jeria, 1984),
but he practiced law for only a short time. One case that Freire cited as significant in his
brief law career was that of a young dentist who had overextended his credit and was
facing bankruptcy. Representing the creditor, F reire confided in the dentist that he had
recently decided to quit the practice of law. Freire told the young man that this would
benefit him because it would give him more time to reconcile his debt as Freire would not
send a letter advising his client that he was dropping the case for at least a week (Freire,
1996). Freire had just recently been invited to participate in an adult literacy program,
and his meeting with the young dentist was significant in that it made him see that
working in adult literacy would be more gratifying than practicing law. Freire described
the influence of this experience in his book Pedagogy of Hope (1996). He also described
how he had been invited to participate in an educational program sponsored by the
Industrial Social Service (SESI) and how important that experience was for his writing

career:

That evening, relaying to Elza what had been said, I could never have imagined
that, one day, so many years later, I would write Pedagogy of the Oppressed,
whose discourse, whose proposal, has something to do with that experience of
that afternoon, in terms of what it, too, meant, and especially in terms of the
decision to accept Cid Sampaio’s invitation, conveyed to me by Paulo Range]. I
abandoned the practice of law for good that aftemoon, once I had heard Elza say,
“I was hoping for that. You’re an educator.” Not many months after, as the night
that had arrived in such haste began, I said yes to SESI’s summons to its Division
of Education and Culture, whose field of experience, study, reflection, and
practice was to become an indispensable moment in the gestation Of Pedagogy of
the Oppressed. (Freire, 1996, p. 16)

14

His experience with the young dentist motivated F reire to accept an invitation to
participate in SESI. The invitation had come from a respected friend, Paulo Range]

Moreirea. Freire described his contact with Moreirea as follows:

One bright afternoon in Recife, he came to our house in the Casa Forte district,
224 Rita de Souza Street, and told us—Elza, my first wife, and me—of SESI’s
existence and what it would mean for us. He had already accepted the invitation
extended to him by the young president of the organization, engineer and
industrialist Cid Sampaio, to coordinate its social service projects. Every
indication was that he would soon move to the legal department of the
organization—his dream—to work in the field of his own expertise. (Freire, 1996,
pp. 13-14)

F reire’s interests turned to adult literacy and education. He viewed his experience
with SESI as significant in relation to writing Pedagogy of the Oppressed. The
beginnings of Freire’s teaching methodology and the major constructs of his philosophy
of education were being developed as he worked with the urban and rural poor through
SESI.

Another life experience had a profound effect on Freire’s approach to education.
While Freire was working for SESI, he completed a study regarding authority and
freedom and its implications for reward and punishment in education (Freire, 1996).
Freire wanted to share the results Of that study with parents who sent their children to
primary schools run by SESI, so he organized a series of talks on various subjects, which
he gave throughout the region. “Back then, I was accustomed to give long talks on the
subjects that had been selected. I was repeating the traditional route of discourse about
something that you would give an audience" (Freire, 1996, p. 22). Following one such
talk, a man in the audience raised his hand because he wanted to ask F reire some

questions:

15

“We have just heard,” he began, “some nice words from Dr. Paulo Freire. Fine
words, in fact. Well spoken, some Of them were even simple enough for people to
understand easily. Others were more complicated. But I think I understood the
most important things that all the words together say.” (F reire, 1996, p. 24)

The man continued to describe the modest conditions in which he and his
compatriots lived; he then speculated that Freire’s living conditions were better than his
own and his neighbors’. Freire admitted that the man’s suspicions about his living
conditions were correct. During the course of the audience member’s questioning, Freire
realized where the person was headed with his argument. Finally, the man concluded his
argument by saying:

“Now Doctor, look at the difference. You come home tired, sir, I know that. You

may even have a headache from the work you do. Thinking, writing, reading,

giving these kind of talks that you’re giving now. That tires a person out too. But
sir,” he continued, “it’s one thing to come home, even tired, and find the kids all
bathed, dressed up, clean, well fed, not hungry—and another thing to come home
and find your kids dirty, hungry, crying, and making noise. And people have to
get up at four in the morning the next day and start all over again—hurting, sad,
hopeless. If people hit their kids, and even go beyond bounds, as you say, it’s not

because people don’t love their kids. No, it’s because life is so hard they don’t
have much choice.” (Freire, 1996, pp. 25-26)

When Freire lefi the talk that night he felt humiliated, embarrassed, and defensive.
Driving home, Freire said to Elza, “I thought I’d been so clear. . . . I don’t think they
understood me” (Freire, 1996, p. 26). She listened to him and then asked a question that
helped Freire put the experience into perspective: “Could it have been you, Paulo, who
didn’t understand them? . . . I think they got the main point of your talk. The worker
made that clear in what he said. They understood you, but they needed to have you
understand them. That’s the question.” (Freire, 1996, p. 26). F reire found this
experience with the worker to be significant in developing his construct Of dialogue with

a purpose:

16

The fact that I have never forgotten the fabric in which that discourse was
delivered is significant. The discourse of that faraway night is still before me, as
if it had been a written text, an essay that I constantly had to review. Indeed, it
was the culmination Of the learning process I had undertaken long ago—that of the
progressive educator: even when one must speak to the people, one must convert
the “to” to a “wit ” the people. And this implies respect for the “knowledge of
living experience” of which I always speak, on the basis of which it is possible to
go beyond it. (Freire, 1996, p. 26)

The incident described above illustrates how Freire’s experiences influenced the
development of his constructs. One can see how that experience affected Freire’s belief
that dialogue should be approached with humility and faith in humankind.

Eventually, Freire became the director of SESI’s Department of Education and
Culture. In 1954 he resigned from SESI and accepted a teaching position with the
University of Recife’, where he taught history and philosophy (Sawyers, 1994). Miguel
Arraes, considered a radical democrat, was running for mayor of Recifé in 1959 and
wanted to benefit from the votes of the rural poor, who were denied the vote due to
literacy laws. SO Arraes formed a grassroots program entitled the Popular Culture
Movement (PCM) as a way of teaching adult literacy (Sawyers, 1994). Freire became
director of the PCM and henceforth began to develop his methodology of teaching adult
literacy.

F reire completed his doctorate in 1959 at the University of Recife; his {dissertation
was entitled “Educao e Actualidade Brasileira” (Taylor, 1991). Freire later reworked his

dissertation and published it as Educacjro Como Pratica da Liberdade, which was the

 

forerunner of Pedagogy of the Oppressed (F reire, 1996). Freire had been active in the

teaching of adult literacy before completing his doctorate as well as his law degree.

17

F reire’s method Of teaching adult literacy was proving to be successful, and he
gained notoriety for being a leftist educator (Elias, 1976). He formed political contacts

during the populist government Of Joao Goulart.

F reire’s literacy program was extended to the entire nation after June 1963, when
Paulo de Tarso, a friend of Freire, became Minister of Education. He was a
member of Catholic Action groups, a liberal reformer, and popular among student
leaders. De Tarso was instrumental in getting F reire’s method used in the entire
country. Through him F reire was appointed director of the national literacy
campaign. Between June 1963 and March 1964, training programs for adult
literacy educators were developed in almost all the state capitals. In Guanabara
State alone, almost 6,000 people were enrolled. There were also courses in the
states of Rio Grande do Norte, Sio Paulo, Bahia, Sergipe, and Rio Grande do Sul.
These training courses were developed within eight months, with college students
serving most vigorously as coordinators. (Elias, 1976, p. 14)

Freire achieved national renown as a result of his political appointment and the success of
his literacy program. Some scholars have questioned the success of the Paulo Freire
method of teaching adult literacy (DeKadt, 1970) and whether Freire’s teaching methods

were really for teaching adult literacy or more for teaching preliteracy (Taylor, 1991).

This was the Método Paulo F reire. In its short period of existence it gathered
substantial momentum, although at the time Of its repression in April 1964 it was
still characterized by potential rather than actual achievements, by promise more
than realization. (DeKadt, 1970, pp. 102—103)

Because of Freire’s fame, he became a target of the newspaper m (Elias, 1994),
which ran stories about Paulo Freire and his literacy campaign almost daily. The articles
were not flattering.

The lefiist political parties were trying to improve their power base with various
literacy programs, and the right-wing parties were concerned that the actual purpose of
the literacy programs was to encourage the peasants to revolt (Elias, 1994). Finally, the

military carried out a successful coup in April 1964. Freire was arrested and spent 75

18

days in jail. F reire’s arrest made him realize that his reformist activity was inadequate to
change the oppression of Brazil’s proletariat (Elias, 1994). While in jail, Freire began
writing his first book about education, E_dugg§m Como Practica de Liberdafie (Education
as the Practice of Freedom) (Collins, 1977). After he was released from jail, Freire
sought political asylum in Bolivia; however, the altitude in La Paz was detrimental to his
health and there were few employment possibilities (Elias, 1994).

Another military coup took place in Bolivia shortly after the Freire family arrived
there. Freire then took his family to Chile, where he prospered for five years as a
professor at the University of Chile, Santiago (Elias, 1994). Freire also worked for a
literacy program directed by Waldemar Cortes Of the Eduardo Frei government. The
Chilean literacy program received recognition from international organizations such as
the United Nations Education, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) (Collins,
1977). F reire used the teaching method he had developed in Brazil but soon realized that
he would have to adapt it to meet the needs of his Chilean students (Collins, 1977).

During F reire’s stay in Chile, he began the first of his three periods of writing
(Roberts, 2000). The first of the two books he wrote at that time was Educacgro Como
Practica de Liberdade, published in 1967. He had begun writing this book when he was
in jail in Brazil. The English version, Education for Critical Consciousggss, was first
published in 1973. According to F reirean scholar John Elias (1994), Education for
Critical Consciousness is a better introduction to Freire’s philosophy and method than is
the more popular Pedagogy of the Oppressed, F reire’s second book Of this period.

Pedagogy of the Oppressed was first published in 1968; the first English version of that

19

book was published in 1970. Pedagogy Of the Oppressed received wide acclaim as well
as criticism. Because of the acclaim Freire received for this book, he was invited to teach
at Harvard University in 1969.

During Freire’s time at Harvard he alternated work between Cambridge,
Massachusetts, and Cuemavaca, Mexico (Jeria, 1984). In Cuemavaca, Freire worked at
the Center for Intercultural Documentation (CIDOC) with Ivan Illich, who had similar
ideas regarding education. Freire wrote two articles while working at Harvard: “Cultural
Action and Conscientization” and “The Adult Literacy Process as Cultural Action for
Freedom.” Freire also befriended Jonathan Kozol, who espoused similar ideas about
educational issues (Kozol, 1977). About the time Freire was invited to teach at Harvard,
he was also invited to work for the World Council Of Churches in Geneva, Switzerland.
The latter invitation was significant because at that time few, if any, Roman Catholics
held positions of leadership in that organization (J eria, 1984). In January 1970, F reire
and his family left the United States for Switzerland.

During the next four years, Freire continued to work on the seminar “Alternatives
in Education” with Ivan Illich in Cuemavaca. Illich had founded CIDOC with two
friends, Jerry Morris and Theodoro Stancioff. CIDOC, which was located in Cuemavaca,
was considered controversial by many and generated a variety of articles that were
critical of the Roman Catholic hierarchy as well as other institutions representing the
status quo (Elias, 1976). Around that time, Guinea Bissau, an African nation that had
been a colony of Portugal, became independent. Freire again was called on to participate

in an adult literacy program. Freire led the efforts to design and implement a program in

20

Guinea Bissau that respected the native culture and reflected the needs of the newly
independent nation (F reire, 1978). As a result of this experience, Freire wrote Pedagogy
in Process: Letters to Guinea Bissau. which was published in 1978. Egdagogy in Process
represents the second period of Freire’s publications (Roberts, 2000).

In 1979, the Figuerado government approved a general amnesty for Brazil’s
exiles. Paulo F reire returned to Brazil in June 1980. He accepted teaching positions at
two universities: Pontificia Universidade CatOlica de 350 Paulo and Universidade de
Campinas in $50 Paulo (Taylor, 1993). In keeping with his belief in dialogue, Freire
wrote books with other scholars, based on dialogues he had with them. “Freire became
more productive in his writing than ever before, collaborating in a series of coauthored,
‘talking’ books with Ira Shor, Donaldo Macedo, Antonio Faundez, Myles Horton and
Others” (Roberts, 2000, pp. 5-6).

From 1989 to 1991, Freire served as the Secretary of Education of SE10 Paulo. He
served as administrator for two and a half years but then decided that he would rather be
a political educator than an educated politician (Taylor, 1993). Freire made several trips
to the United States to participate in conferences and seminars during the last 10 years of

his life. Paulo Freire died of a heart attack on May 2, 1997.

History of the Development of Critical Theory

A group of German philosophers, sociologists, historians, economists, and others
developed the basic philosophy of critical theory in Frankfurt, Germany, during the 19205
and 19305. The Institute for Social Research was founded in 1923 by Felix Weil, the son

of a wealthy grain merchant, who led the efforts to procure private funding for the

21

Institute (Held, 1980). The Institute for Social Research was a part of the University of
Frankfurt and thus is often referred to as the Frankfurt School (Macey, 2000). The first
director of the Frankfurt School was Carl Griinberg, the first Marxist to hold a university
post in Germany (Held, 1980). After Grfinberg’s retirement in 1929, Max Horkheimer
became the director. Horkheimer was a social scientist as well as an intellectual Marxist
who was critical of the communism practiced in the Soviet Union (Macey, 2000).
Horkheimer hired several of Germany’s most influential intellectuals to work at the

Frankfurt School.

The Institute’s key figures were Max Horkheimer (philosopher, sociologist and
social psychologist), Friedrich Pollock (economist and specialist on problems of
national planning), Theodor Adomo (philosopher, sociologist, musicologist),
Erich F romm (psychoanalyst, social psychologist), Herbert Marcuse
(philosopher), Franz Neumann (political scientist, with particular expertise in
law), Otto Kirchheimer (political scientist with expertise in law), Leo Lowenthal
(student of popular culture and literature), Henryk Grossmann (political
economist), Arkdaij Gurland (economist, sociologist), and, as a member of the
“outer circle” of the Institute, Walter Benjamin (essayist and literary critic). The
Institute’s membership is Often referred to as the Frankfurt School. But the label
is a misleading one, for the work of the Institute’s members did not always form a
series of tightly woven, complimentary projects. (Held, 1980, pp. 14-15)

Many of the members of the Frankfurt School were Jewish. In January 1933, the
Nazi Party assumed power in Germany, and the Institute was forced into exile (Macey,
2000). The Institute relocated to Geneva, Switzerland, and then eventually found a home
at Columbia University in New York City (Held, 1980). The Institute was able to
relocate to its native Frankfurt, Germany, by 1953. Max Horkheimer became rector of
the University Of Frankfurt in 1955, and Theodor Adorno became a co-director of the

Institute in 1958 (Held, 1980). Other members of the Frankfurt School, such as Marcuse,

22

Lowenthal, and Kirchheimer, remained in the United States. Marcuse became an
important voice for the New Left of the 19605 (Held, 1980).

The most contemporary and perhaps one of the most influential members Of the
Frankfurt School is Jiirgen Habermas (Macey, 2000). Habermas was born in 1929 and
lived through the historical events of Nazi Germany. Habermas believed that his
generation was distinctly different from the one that had embraced Nazism. According to
Outhwaite (1994), the shock of what was revealed in the Nuremberg trials and liberal

democratic education were important factors in Haberrnase’s development:

As Habermas notes, the shock Of the Nuremberg revelations and the fact that his
first education in liberal democratic theory was in the context of “reeducation”
separates his generation from those who had known the “half-hearted bourgeois
republic” of Weimar, which made some of them impatient with the elements of
restoration in post-war Germany. (p. 2)

Habermas was radicalized during the late 19505 and became an assistant to
Theodor Adomo. Habermas began to see how Marxism and Freudian psychology could
be put to systematic use. Held (1980) summed up the importance of Habermas to the

field of critical theory:

The thought of the Frankfurt School has been a major source of stimulus to the
man who has now become the leading spokesman for a new generation of critical
theorists—Jiirgen Habermas. Born in 1929 and brought up in Nazi Germany,
Habermas did not become radicalized until the late 19505. Under the influence
of, among others, Adomo (to whom he became an assistant), Habermas
discovered the systematic use that could be made of Marx and Freud. (p. 249)

Habermas began contributing to the philosophy of the Frankfurt School with various
publications, such as Structural Transforrmtion in the Public Sphere (translated to

English in 1989), Towards a Rational Society: Student Protest, Science and Politics

23

(translated to English in 1970), and Theory of Communicative Action (translated to
English in 1984) (Nordquist, 1986).

One of the reasons for the development of critical theory was the Frankfurt
School’s concern that positivism was considered the only path to true knowledge
(Outhwaite, 1994). One of the major criticisms of positivism is that it may be
inappropriate for analyzing the social sciences and education (Carr & Kemmis, 1986).
To understand the development of critical theory, it is important to define positivism.
According to Good (1973), positivism is

. . . historically, a philosophical trend, based on the thought of Auguste Comte

(1798-1857), that sought a unified view of phenomena, both physical and human,

through the application of the scientific method. His theory of three historical

stages in philosophy includes first, the theological, depending on supernatural and
divine being for explanation of phenomena; second, the metaphysical, depending

on rational entities as explanatory principles; third, the positive, which facts and
their relations are understood in their empirical certainty. (p. 430)

The scientific method has yielded some impressive results. When one looks at the
scientific and technological advances of the past hundred years, one sees dramatic
changes in the lives of those living in the first world. Many of these advances have been
a result of the application of the scientific method to research. There are affordable
personal computers, rapid and abundant communication options, more efficient
transportation systems, improved medical care, and many other advances. Most of these
advances have been based on the results of objective scientific research. The scientific
method (logical empiricism, positivism) has a place in research. On the other hand, is the
scientific method appropriate for the study of all phenomena? Critical theorists have

questioned the use of positivism in the social sciences and education (Popkewitz &

24

F endler, 1999). Are positivistic, scientistic, empirical approaches to social science
always appropriate?

One Of the central aims of critical theory has been to reassess the relationship
between theory and practice in the light of the criticisms Of the positivist and
interpretive approaches to social science which have emerged over the last
century. Early critical theorists, such as Max Horkheimer, Theodore Adomo and
Herbert Marcuse, were concerned with the dominance of positivist science and
the degree to which it had become a powerful element in twentieth-century
ideology. The success of research in the physical sciences led to attempts to
emulate that success in the social sciences. The animate world was being treated
as “methodologically” equivalent to the inanimate, and the forms of reasoning
appropriate for dealing with the inanimate world were being applied increasingly
and impetuously to the human and social worlds. (Carr & Kemmis, 1986, p. 131)

As Carr and Kemmis indicated in the preceding citation, critical theorists have questioned
the application of logical empiricism to all types of research.

The preceding sections provided a brief history of the life of Paulo Freire,
highlighting events in his life that affected his thinking. The concept of critical theory
was defined, and the development of critical theory in the social sciences was discussed.
In the next section, the influence that critical theory has had on critical pedagogy is

considered.

Defining Critical Theog and Its Relevance
to Urban Public Schools

TO understand the development of critical theory and its historical foundation, it is
helpful to define critical theory. According to Torres (1999), critical theory is a negative
phiIOSOphy

. . . because it challenges the tenets of the philosophy of positivism (a positive
philosophy). However, it is a negative philosophy as well because, as it has been
argued independently from critical theory by the Italian Marxist Antonio Gramsci,
critical theory helps to deconstruct and critique the premises of the principle of
common sense—which guides the daily construction of social interactions—as a
contradictory and building hegemony. Or as Horkheimer puts it, “Among the vast

25

majority of the ruled there is the unconscious fear that theoretical thinking might
show their painfully won adaptation to reality to the perverse and unnecessary.”

(pp. 90-91)

Critical theorists have questioned whether a positivistic approach to research is
appropriate for studying the social sciences (Carr & Kemmis, 1986).
Another definition Of critical theory can be found in The Cambridge Dictionary of

Philosophy (Audi, 1995):

Critical theory [is] any social theory that is at the same time explanatory,
normative, practical, and self-reflective. The term was first developed by Max
Horkheimer as a self-description of the Frankfurt School and its revision of
Marxism. It now has a wider significance to include any critical, theoretical
approach, including feminism and liberation philosophy. When they make claims
to be scientific, such approaches attempt to give rigorous explanations of the
causes of Oppression, such as ideological beliefs or economic dependence; these
explanations must in turn be verified by empirical evidence and employ the best
available social and economic theories. (p. 170)

It would be possible to devote an entire dissertation to the definition,
development, history, and application of critical theory. However, only a brief account of
the development Of critical theory is provided here. It is important to understand critical
theory in order to comprehend critical pedagogy. As noted in the preceding definitions,
critical theory is based on the underlying assumptions of oppression and emancipation
(Popkewitz & Fendler, 1999; Torres, 1999). The issues of oppression and emancipation
are directly related to the social sciences; they are also related to public school education
(Freire, 1998c; Freire & Shor, 1987). In urban public schools, oppression and
emancipation are reflected in the policies that are imposed on them by the state and
federal government, as well as in the amount, or lack of, funding they receive (Anyon,

1997; Kozol, 1991, 2000). The urban public school administrator plays an important role

26

in the school community and works daily with issues concerning oppression and

emancipation.

School is more than simply a class to attend or a degree to attain; rather it is a
living statement of culture and of values that forms a part of the consciousness of
every social member. The administration of education is perhaps one of society’s
most central concerns; yet when administrative programs neglect social analysis,
they neglect the possibility of choosing a more attractive future. (Foster, 1986,

p. 10)

Given the importance of leadership in urban public schools and the underlying issues of
oppression, emancipation, and appropriate approaches to educational research, we will
now look at the history and development of critical theory, which is the predecessor of
critical pedagogy.
The Development of Critical Pedagogy

F reire was a pioneer in the development of critical pedagogy (McLaren, 1995).
Freire developed his constructs throughout his writing career, which began in a Brazilian
jail cell in 1964 (Elias, 1994). In one of his early books, Mgogy of the Oppressed
(1970), F reire developed an approach to the teaching of adult literacy based on critical
pedagogy (Elias, 1994; Roberts, 2000; Taylor, 1993). The major difference between
critical theory and critical pedagogy is the praxis of the theory. Critical theory comes
from the social sciences (Held, 1980), whereas critical pedagogy is the application of the
constructs of critical theory to the multiple aspects of schooling (McLaren, 1995; Torres,
1999).

Because critical theory involves issues of politics and oppression, it was
inevitable that critical theory would eventually be applied to public school systems

(McLaren & Giarelli, 1995), particularly urban ones (Anyon, 1997; Foster, 1986; Kozol,

27

2000). McLaren and Giarelli explained that critical theory includes issues of oppression
and emancipation “at the core of inquiry”:

Critical theory is, at its center, an effort to join empirical investigation, the task of
interpretation, and a critique Of this reality. Its purpose is to reassert the basic aim
of the Enlightenment ideal of inquiry: to improve human existence by viewing
knowledge for its emancipatory or repressive potential. In this way, a statement
of judgement and values becomes possible. Like interpretivism, critical theory
holds that knowledge is socially constructed, contextual, and dependent on
interpretation. In contrast to interpretivists, critical theorists see a need and a
basis for forming and understanding hierarchies of contexts and types of
knowledge and evaluating them for their possibilities of contributing to
progressive material and symbolic emancipation. Of course, this does not settle
the debate. What kinds of knowledge best serve human emancipation? However,
unlike positivism and interpretivism, mainstream quantitative and qualitative
approaches, critical theory puts this problem at the core Of inquiry. (p. 2)

Knowledge, according to McLaren and Giarelli, has the power to either oppress or
emancipate the individual, which is in keeping with the spirit of the Enlightenment.

Critical theory from the Frankfurt School has influenced the thinking of educators
and has provided the basis for the development of critical theory in education (Popkewitz
& F endler, 1999). One important characteristic of critical theory in education is the
position of the public school in reference to social and historical contexts. As Popkewitz
and F endler asserted, “The idea of a critical theory . . . is not only of the internal politics
of schooling, but of the social conditions and historical relations in which schooling is
positioned” (p. 1). According to these authors, then, the historical context in which we
live will directly affect the evolution Of critical theory as it relates to schooling.

According to critical theorist Henry Giroux (1995), critical pedagogy has evolved
in the United States during the last 15 years:

Within the last fifteen years a radical theory of education has emerged in the
United States. Broadly defined as “the new sociology of education” or “a critical
theory of education,” a critical pedagogy developed within this discourse attempts

28

to examine schools both in their historical context and as part Of the social and
political relations that characterize the dominant society. While hardly
constituting a unified discourse, critical pedagogy nevertheless has managed to
pose an important counterlogic to the positivistic, ahistorical, de-politicized
discourse that often informs modes of analysis employed by liberal and
conservative critics of schooling, modes all too readily visible in most colleges of
education. (p. 29)

Critical pedagogy mirrors the basic constructs of critical theory. Critical theory
from the Frankfurt School is concerned with the issues of positivism, antipositivism,
implications of politics, the historical context of oppression, and emancipation (Fletcher,
2000; Held, 1980). Critical pedagogy is the praxis of critical theory in the realm of
schooling (Giroux, 1995; McLaren, 1995). There is a direct link between the

development of critical pedagogy and critical theory (Popkewitz & Fendler, 1999).

Identification of Freirean Constructs

From reading Paulo F reire’s books as well as the research conducted by Freirean
scholars John Elias, Peter Roberts, and Paul Taylor, I identified six basic constructs of
Freirean thought. The book Education, Literacy, and Humanization: Exploring the Work
of Paulo Freire (Roberts, 2000) was particularly useful in identifying Freirean constructs
and understanding F reire’s various writings.

By analyzing the works of Freire, it was possible to identify many major
constructs. However, for the purpose of this research, I identified six constructs using the
following criteria: Each construct had to appear in at least two of F reire’s writings, and
one of the writings had to have been from his third and last period of writing (1987 to
1997). Finding a Freirean construct in more than one of his writings made this a more
scholarly endeavor. F reire’s third period of writing was reflective in nature (Roberts,

2000) and provides a mature reflection of F reire’s earlier thinking. The third period was

29

also a prolific one, in which Freire often referred to his earlier publications with the
intention of clarifying and explaining his point of view. This is exemplified by the
following quotation, in which Freire referred to his revision of Pedagogy of the

Oppressed, which was first published in 1970.

In this phase of the resumption of Pedagogy, I shall be seizing on certain
particular aspects of the book, whether or not they have provoked criticism down
through the years, with a view of explaining myself better, clarifying angles,
asserting and reasserting positions. (Freire, 1996, p. 65)

Using F reire’s clarifications helped me identify constructs conducive to the present
research. Last, I chose Freirean constructs that would be conducive to analyzing the
practices and opinions of public school leaders.

Using the criteria described above, I identified the following six constructs:
(a) dialogue with a purpose, (b) conscientization, (c) praxis, ((1) politics and a universal
common ethic (pedagogy of politics), (e) banking education versus problem-posing
education, and (t) humanization. In the following pages, I describe each of these
constructs and support each one with appropriate citations from two of Freire’s

publications and from works by Freirean scholars such as Roberts, Taylor, and Elias.

Dialogue With a Purpose

Roberts (2000) identified F reire’s explanation of dialogue as dialogue with a
purpose. For Freire, dialogue has a variety of characteristics that make it conducive to
educational endeavors. When used properly, dialogue involves an exchange of ideas that
demonstrates a deep and mutual respect for the participants (Freire, 1972). Dialogue is

more than a conversation between two people; it has several aspects that give it a

30

humanizing quality (Taylor, 1993). Freirean scholar Paul Taylor (1993) identified the

core construct of dialogue:

The core construct of Freirean Dialogue is revealed: against the matrix that
Dialogue is “loving, humble, hopeful, trusting and critical,” it expresses [Freire’s]
ontological view of humankind. More simply put, F reire is arguing that, without
dialogue, one cannot be human. In a very real sense, dialogue precedes
Monologue. (p. 62)

There is a direct relationship between two F reirean constructs—dialogue with a purpose
and humanization. Dialogue makes us human, and without dialogue we cannot fully
realize our human potential (Freire, 1972, 1996).

In the revised 20th-anniversary edition of Pedagogy of the Oppressed, Freire
(1998b) explained that there is a need for dialogue between teacher and student,
researcher and those being researched (or studied), and leaders and followers. Dialogue,
according to F reire, should be mutually beneficial and should reflect the characteristics of
love, humility, faith in humankind, hope, and critical thinking (F reire, 1972). Dialogue
also has elements of oppression; if one denies others the possibility of dialogue, then that

person is being oppressive.

Dialogue is the encounter between men, mediated by the world, in order to name
the world. Hence, dialogue cannot occur between those who want to name the
world and those who do not wish this naming—between those who deny others the
right to speak their word and those whose right to speak has been denied them.
Those who have been denied their primordial right to speak their word must first
reclaim this right and prevent the continuation of this dehumanizing aggression.
(Freire, 1998b, p. 69)

In many of his publications, Freire discussed at great length his ideas about
dialogue. When I examined F reire’s texts and the work of Freirean scholars such as John

Elias, Peter Roberts, and Paul Taylor, dialogue emerged as an important F reirean

31

construct. Engaging in dialogue without the qualities that Taylor (1993) summarized—

“loving, humble, hopeful, trusting and critical”—makes dialogue an oppressive endeavor.

A dialogic relationship—communication and intercommunication among active
subjects who are immune to the bureaucratization of the minds and open to
discovery and to knowing more—is indispensable to knowledge. The social nature
of this process makes a dialogical relationship a natural element of it. In that
sense, authoritarian antidialogue violates the nature of human beings, their
process of discovery, and it contradicts democracy. (Freire, 1997, p. 99)

Authoritarian antidialogue is the opposite of dialogue with a purpose. Dialogue implies
an interaction between participants that has a quality of critical thinking and is mutually
respectful. Authoritarian antidialogue is synonymous with Oppression.

Last, F reire said that silence is an important part of dialogue because it allows us
to listen to others and ourselves. Silence permits a true commitment to the process of the
dialogue by all of those involved. When we listen to others, our silence will allow us to
enter the rhythm of the speaker and more fully appreciate his or her point of view. Freire

(1998b) wrote:

The importance of silence in the context of communication is fundamental. On
the one hand, it affords me space while listening to the verbal communication of
another person and allows me to enter into the internal rhythm of the speaker’s
thought and experience that rhythm as language. On the other hand, silence
makes it possible for the speaker who is really committed to the experience of
communication rather than to the simple transmission of information to hear the
question, the doubt, the creativity Of the person who is listening. Without this,
communication withers. (p. 104)

Freire believed that dialogue should be liberating and not oppressive. Denying
others the Opportunity to engage in dialogue is, itself, an oppressive act. For dialogue to

be meaningful, it must be liberating. According to Roberts (2000),

The wider purpose of liberating education is, as the name suggests, liberation,
through the posing and addressing of problems. This involves, in part, the
formation of dialogical settings devoted to questions of oppression. Each

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educational program has, or ought to have, more specific purposes: for example,
learning, to read and write, acquiring, knowledge in a given subject, discovering,
how to perform particular tasks, and so on. Moreover, in any liberating educative
effort, the concern is not to address this oppressive situation, or that one, nor some
abstract notion of “oppression in general.” The purposeful character of liberating
education also relates to the Freirean concept of an ontological vocation: the
“purpose” of all human lives, simply through being human, is humanization, and
all liberating educative efforts are ultimately directed toward this end. (pp. 62-63)

The six Freirean constructs I identified are related to each other in some respect.
Dialogue with a purpose lends itself to the idea of an ontological vocation, which is the
humanizing quality of dialogue that contains the elements that Freire identified: love,
humility, faith in humankind, hope, and critical thinking. F reire (1998b) was clear that

dialogue must have a quality of mutual respect:

Critical and liberating dialogue, which presupposes action, must be carried on
with the oppressed at whatever the stage of their struggle for liberation. The
content of that dialogue can and should vary in accordance with historical
conditions and the level at which the Oppressed perceive reality. But to substitute
monologue, slogans, and communiqués for dialogue is to attempt to liberate the
Oppressed with the instruments of domestication. Attempting to liberate the
Oppressed without their reflective participation in the act of liberation is to treat
them as objects which must be saved from a burning building; it is to lead them
into the populist pitfall and transform them into masses which can be
manipulated. (p. 47)

How does the construct, dialogue with a purpose, pertain to public school problem
solving and leadership? What would dialogue with a purpose look like in a public school
setting? How do public school leaders apply the principles of Freirean dialogue to their
problem-solving practices as leaders? Whether or not public school leaders or
administrators can identify this F reirean construct, it would be interesting to see whether,
in fact, these leaders consider love, humility, faith in humankind, hOpe, and critical

thinking in their dialogue with themselves and other members of the school community.

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Conscientization

Conscientization pertains to a development of consciousness and, according to
F reire, has a transforming quality. Freire did not coin the word conscientization (Taylor,
1993), although he is probably the person most re5ponsible for popularizing it in his
writings. Freire frequently used the word conscientizaccio in the original Portuguese
version of his works. The use of conscientizaeao is particularly frequent in the 1972

edition of Pedagogy of the Oppressed. Taylor elaborated:

Freire has never claimed to be the author of the idea. It is now clear that the word
conscientizaca‘o emerged from a discussion group within the Higher Institute of
Brazilian Studies where it was popularized particularly by Dom Helder Camara,
the Bishop of Recifé, at a time in the mid-19603 when the Catholic Church was
increasingly involved in the Moviemento de Educacao de Base (MEB),
successfully using radio learning and the national media for its literacy campaign.
Freire does claim, however, to have been consistent in use of the word. (p. 52)

In this dissertation I use the English word, conscientization, for this construct.
What is conscientization and how does it pertain to the issues that public school leaders
must resolve? When Freire used the word conscientization in one of his earlier books,
Pedagggy of the Oppressed. he described in great detail three different stages of
conscientization: magical, naive, and critical consciousness. Smith (1976) described
these stages and believed that they were sequential. According to Smith, in the magical
stage a person would start “naming” his or her world. This first stage would involve the
identification of problems that are dehumanizing. In the second or naive stage, which is
reflective, the person identifies the causes and consequences of the dehumanizing
problems from the first stage. The third or critical-consciousness stage is an active one,
in which the person determines what can be done to solve the dehumanizing problems.

Some scholars believe that these stages are rigid and that one can navigate through them

34

consecutively (Smith, 1976). Roberts (2000), on the other hand, believed that the stages
are less rigid and that one can fluctuate from one stage to another depending on the

circumstances. He stated,

In his essay, “The Process of Political Literacy,” . . . F reire suggests that
conscientization involves “a constant clarification of what remains hidden within
us while we move about the world.” Conscientization “cannot ignore the
transforming action that produces this unveiling,” and “occurs as a process at any
given moment” (in Freire, 1985, p. 107). This suggests that Freire intended
conscientization to be seen not as a progression through a finite series of steps
with a fixed set of attitudes and behaviors to be achieved, but rather as an ever-
evolving process. This construct of conscientization stands in marked contrast to
a theory based on distinct stages of consciousness. (p. 145)

Conscientization, then, is a process Of consciousness raising, and it depends on
the process of dialogue described earlier in this chapter. Conscientization implies an
emerging realization Of one’s own Oppression; it is a process that requires dialogue and

reflection. Freire (1998b) explained it this way:

Reflection upon situationality is reflection about the very condition of existence:
critical thinking by means of which people discover each other to be “in a
situation.” Only as this situation ceases to present itself as a dense, enveloping
reality or a tormenting blind alley, and they can come to perceive it as an
Objective-problematic situation—only then can communication exist. Humankind
emerge from their submersion and acquire the ability to intervene in reality, as it
is unveiled. Intervention in reality—historical awareness itself—thus represents a
step forward from emergence, and results from the conscientizaca‘o of the
situation. Conscientizaca‘o is the deepening of the attitude of awareness
characteristic of all emergence. (p. 90)

Becoming aware of one’s Oppression or oppressive situation is part of
conscientization. We eventually emerge into a realization or conscientization due to our
efforts of reflection and dialogue. Freire (1998b) reflected on his concept of

conscientization during his third period of publishing:

1 like being a human person because even though I know that the material, social,
political, cultural, and ideological conditions in which we find ourselves almost

35

always generate divisions that make difficult the construction of our ideals of
change and transformation, I know also that the obstacles are not eternal.

In the 19605, when I reflected on these obstacles I called for
“conscientization,” not as a panacea but as an attempt at critical awareness of
those obstacles and their raison d’étre. And, in the face of pragmatic, reactionary,
and fatalistic neoliberal philosophizing, I still insist, without falling into the trap
of “idealism,” on the absolute necessity of conscientization. In truth,
conscientization is a requirement of our human condition. It is one of the roads
we have to follow if we are to deepen our awareness of our world, of facts, of
events, of the demands of human consciousness to develop our capacity for
epistemological curiosity. Far from being alien to our human condition,
conscientization is natural to “unfinished” humanity that is aware of its
unfinishedness. (p. 55)

Clearly, Freire believed that conscientization is an important process for people’s
development as human beings. Further, conscientization is dialogic in nature because it
requires us to reflect on our interactions with others as well as the internal dialogues we
have with ourselves.

Last, F reire used the term conscientization primarily in his early writings. He
later avoided the term because he thought it had been overused and, consequently,

misunderstood. As Elias (1994) noted:

Freire has now expressed some reservations about using the term because of the
many misunderstandings that abound and the many usages to which it has been
put. He is so identified with the term, however, that he cannot be dissociated
from it, just as John Dewey cannot be separated from progressive education even
though he became its severest critic. (p. 122)

Does this Freirean construct, conscientization, have a place in public school
leadership or an administrator's problem-solving practices? Do public school
administrators move between the stages of conscientization that Smith (1976) identified
when they interact with colleagues, administrators, parents, students, teachers, and other

members of the school community? 15 conscientization among school leaders an ongoing

36

process, as Roberts (2000) thought? What does conscientization look like in the

problem-solving practices of public school leadership?

Praxis

Freire frequently used the word praxis in his writings; this is especially true in
Pedagogy of the Oppressed (1972). In that work, Freire defined praxis as reflection and
action:

One of the gravest obstacles to the achievement of liberation is that oppressive

reality absorbs those within it and thereby acts to submerge men’s consciousness.

Functionally, oppression is domesticating. To no longer be prey to its force, one

must emerge from it and turn upon it. This can be done only by means of the
praxis: reflection and action upon the world in order to transform it. (p. 36)

Here, again, we can see an interrelationship between the Freirean constructs that I have
identified. Praxis is related to the construct of conscientization because both of these
constructs require reflection. One of the characteristics of conscientization is that a
person becomes aware of his or her oppression. Praxis, then, is the active stance that the
Oppressed take after their reflection, their conscientization, and their realization that they
are, indeed, oppressed. In other words, praxis is the fruit of conscientization. When
conscientization occurs, it involves the process of reflection, which, for Freire, leads to
action.

Freire revisited this notion of being aware of one’s Oppression in The Politics of
Education (1985). He discussed the situation in which illiterate people may not be aware
of their oppression, in part because of their sense of “natural inferiority.” Ironically,

though, the action of illiterates can be transforming. In Freire’s words:

Illiterates know they are concrete men. They know that they do things. What
they do not know in the culture of silence—in which they are ambiguous, dual

37

beings—is that men’s actions as such are transforming, creative, and re-creative.
Overcome by the myths of this culture, including the myth of their own “natural
inferiority,” they do not know that their action upon the world is also
transforming. (p. 50)

Although Freire cited the example of illiterates, who were one of his major interests, this
construct transcends the status of illiterate people. Later in this dissertation, I contend
that the praxis construct, as well as the others developed herein, transcends F reire’s focus
on the teaching of adult literacy to other areas such as educational leadership. I believe
that the sense of inferiority that illiterate people feel is similar to the sense of inferiority
that working-class people feel.

Here I would like to share my own experience with a sense of inferiority. I come
from a working-class background and once worked in a noisy, insufficiently ventilated
factory where hot metal chips would fly into my eyes despite the safety glasses I wore.
Later I worked in a factory where large rolls of paper weighing a ton or more were
stacked to the ceiling, with nothing more than small wooden blocks holding them in
place. Part of my job was to go to that storage area and remove the rolls of paper, using
an electrical crane. More than once the rolls would slip dangerously and I would have to
run or jump aside to avoid being hit by a one-ton roll of paper. I spent 10 years of my
young adulthood working in those two factories. I attended college part time through
those years, and I soon realized that my humble public school education was not equal to
that of many of my wealthier middle-class classmates. Therefore, I can relate the
F reirean construct Of praxis to my own life experience.

I went through the phase of conscientization, reflected, and then took action so
that my life would have more meaning for me. 1 went to college part time and looked
with envy at my classmates who were able to be full-time students. I sometimes

38

confused my ignorance with inferiority and mistook their great good fortune for
superiority. The real difference was that they, my middle-class peers, had a fuller and
richer formal educational experience. I believe there is a direct, positive correlation
between the kind of community in which one lives and the kind of education one
receives. If a person lives in a community that is predominantly professional and upper
middle class, then his or her education will be superior to that of most other people
(Kozol, 1991). If one lives in an urban or a working-class neighborhood, then his or her
education will reflect that community and the resources available there (Kozol, 1991).

F reire’s idea that praxis is a result of reflection and action appears more than once

in his writings. In The Politics of Education (1985), he wrote,

Prevented from having “structural perceptions” of the facts involving them, they
do not know that they cannot “have a voice,” that is, that they cannot exercise the
right to participate consciously in the sociohistorical transformation of their
society, because their work does not belong to them.

It could be said (and we would agree) that it is not possible to recognize
all this apart from praxis, that is, apart from reflection and action, and that to
attempt it would be pure idealism. (p. 50)

In the preceding citation, Freire again referred to praxis as reflection and action.
Roberts’s (2000) analysis of conscientization and praxis supports their mutual

dependency:

Freire speaks of conscientization as “the process by which human beings
participate critically in a transforming act” (p. 206), and stresses “there is no
conscientization outside of praxis, outside the theory-practice, reflection-action
unity” (p. 160). Conscientization, Freire notes elsewhere, “can only be
manifested in the concrete praxis (which can never be limited to the mere activity
of the consciousness)” (1976, p. 147). I propose, therefore, that rather than
separating the two concepts out, as many people attempting to apply F reirean
ideas do, conscientization and praxis ought to be seen as necessarily intertwined.
Conscientization occurs in the transforming moment where critical reflection is
synthesized with action. (p. 146)

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At this point it is important to address the following question: If conscientization
and praxis are intertwined, why not treat them as one construct rather than two? The
main reason is that it is possible for a person to go through the process of conscientization
but-never to realize praxis. Conscientization is, in part, the realization that one is
oppressed; it is possible that one may realize her or his oppression and yet choose not to
act upon it. One example of this would be a gay individual who lives in a culture or
religious context that does not condone or tolerate homosexuality. This person most
likely has gone through the process of conscientization but may choose not to act on his
or her oppression; therefore, praxis is not realized.

The transcending quality of the construct of praxis may be different in the school
community. Do educational leaders go through a process of conscientization and
reflection when they analyze the situation of their students or when they are solving
problems? 15 F reirean praxis likely to occur in an urban school setting or a working-class
community? Does this same reflection lead to action, which would be the application of
the Freirean idea of praxis? Are an urban school principal's problem-solving practices
related to Freire's idea of praxis? This research is intended to enhance the understanding
of a public school principal‘s problem-solving practices and leadership and how they

relate to the Freirean issues of praxis and conscientization.

Politics and g Universal Common Ethic

(Pedagogy of Politics)

For F reire, the educational process could not be neutral (Freire, 1998c; Freire &

Shor, 1987; Roberts, 2000). Freire believed that educators need to understand that their

40

profession is political and that each teacher should ask the fundamental question, “What
kind of politics am I doing in the classroom? That is, in favor Of whom am I being a
teacher? . . . and against whom am I educating?” (Freire & Shor, 1987, p. 46). There is a
dichotomy of moralistic implications to the two questions, “In favor of whom am I being
a teacher?” and “Against whom am I educating?” Most educators probably would have
no problem answering the first question; most educators probably would say that they are
teaching in favor of their current students. The second part of this dichotomy is the
difficult part: “Against whom am I educating?” Most educators would find this question
difficult to answer because they would not want to admit that they were teaching against
anyone.

The writings of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, as well as many other
philosophers, influenced Freire (Freire, 1998b; Roberts, 2000; Taylor, 1993). Marx
(1844/1970) wrote a critique of Hegel’s “Philosophy of Right,” and the introduction to
this work contains Marx’s famous statement: “The wretchedness of religion is at once an
expression of and protest against real wretchedness. Religion is the sigh of the Oppressed
creature, the heart of a heartless world and the soul of soulless conditions. It is the opium
of the masses” (p. 131). Freire embraced a socialist political perspective throughout his
professional career. Freire’s religious beliefs perhaps mitigated his socialist political
beliefs; whereas Marx believed that religion was the “Opium of the masses,” Freire

believed that Christ was, indeed, the Son of God and chose to live a Christian life.

At one level, given that he is both a product of, and a mirror of, the ambivalent
response of the Catholic Church in Latin America to Marxism, F reire might deny
any underlying tension between the Christian and Marxist elements which
converge in his use of the word “praxis.” Although he was able to say . . . “God

41

led me to the people and the people led me to Marx,” he had to reaffirm his
orthodoxy by adding, “When I met Marx, I continued to meet Christ on the
comers of the street-by meeting the people.” (Taylor, 1993, p. 56)

In Pedagogy of the Heart, F reire (1997) discussed his faith and how it had

influenced his stand regarding educational issues. Freire believed that his Christian faith

was responsible for his opinions regarding oppression. Although he found it difficult to

write frequently about his Roman Catholic faith, Freire eventually developed his thoughts

in Pedagogy of the Heart, one of his latest publications:

I do not feel very comfortable speaking about my faith. At least, I do not feel as
comfortable as I do when speaking about my political choice, my utopia, and my
pedagogical dreams. I do want to mention, however, the fundamental importance
of my faith in my struggle for overcoming an oppressive reality and for building a
less ugly society, one that is less evil and more humane.

All arguments in favor of the legitimacy of my struggle for a more people-
oriented society have their deepest roots in my faith. It sustains me, motivates
me, challenges me, and it has never allowed me to say, “Stop, settle down; things
are as they are because they cannot be any other way.” (p. 104)

The preceding quotation helps to show that Freire’s political beliefs had been influenced

by his readings of philosophers such as Marx and Engels, as well as his own Christianity.

It is paradoxical that Freire’s political and educational views cannot be described

accurately without mentioning both Karl Marx and Jesus Christ.

Throughout many of Freire’s writings, one finds references to moral and ethical

dilemmas. The word oppression or one of its derivatives is used abundantly throughout

F reire’s work. The word oppression, itself, has a political connotation because, by
definition, one person or group Oppresses another person or group. The following

quotation will help clarify Freire’s (1997) political and moral stand:

It is important to be clear that I am speaking not about a restricted kind of ethics
that shows obedience only to the law of profit. Namely, the ethics of the market.
It seems that there is now a global tendency to accept the crucial implications of
the New World Order as natural and inevitable. One of the speakers at a recent

42

international meeting of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) reports of
hearing an Opinion, frequently bandied about in the first world, that third world
children suffering from acute diarrhea ought not be saved because we would only
prolong lives destined for misery and suffering. Obviously, I am not speaking of
that kind of ethics. (p. 23)

On the one hand, one might criticize F reire for choosing to use such an obviously
immoral statement, that “children suffering from acute diarrhea ought not be saved
because we would only prolong lives destined for misery.” We do not have the specifics
of this statement. Who said this? Where was it said? What groups were representing
which countries or organizations? Without those details, one is at the mercy of Freire’s
brief and cryptic account. It would also be helpful to know who, from the first world, is
“bandying about” this kind of unethical proposal. On the other hand, the statement
provides a summation of Freire’s belief system. He cited a universal human ethic that he
had mentioned elsewhere in his writings (F reire, 1998). There is also a political tension
between the first world and the third world because some unknown first-world person is
proposing that third-world children should not be saved due to their bleak prospects.
Freire attacked the capitalist system when he mentioned the “ethics of the market,”
implying that there is a higher and better ethic; this, also, is in keeping with his Marxist
political orientation.

Freire (1998) described his universal common ethic by giving several examples of

injustices. The following is a continuation of the preceding citation:

On the contrary, I am speaking of a universal common ethic, an ethic that is not
afraid to condemn the kind of ideological discourse I have just cited. Not afraid
to condemn the exploitation of labor and the manipulation that makes a rumor
into truth and truth into a mere rumor. To condemn the fabrication of illusions, in
which the unprepared become hopelessly trapped and the weak and the
defenseless are destroyed. To condemn making promises when one had no
intention of keeping one’s word, which causes lying to become an almost
necessary way of life. . . . The ethic of which I speak is that which feels itself

43

betrayed and neglected by the hypocritical perversion of an elitist purity, an ethic
affronted by racial, sexual, and class discrimination. For the sake of this ethic,
which is inseparable from educative practice, we should struggle, whether our
work is with children, youth, or adults. (pp. 23-24)

F reire claimed that his universal common ethic had implications for educative
practice. At the heart of his ethic is the phrase “hypocritical perversion of an elitist
purity.” The implication of oppression is found in this phrase because of Freire’s use of
the words elitist and hypocritical. According to Freire, educators should be cognizant of
this ethic and work to avoid oppressive pedagogy and policy so that oppressed students

may become liberated.

That Freire remained essentially a modernist is perhaps most vividly highlighted
in Pedagogy of Freedom, where he argues for a “universal human ethic.” . . . This
is, in essence, a reinterpretation of the notion of humanization in response to both
new forms of global capitalism and the increasing fragmentation of oppositional
movements. F reire insists that we should not be afraid to condom the policies
and practices of neoliberalism, nor to speak of the illusions, lies, and ideological
manipulation necessary to maintain gross inequities under globalization.
Neoliberalism represents a perversion of the quest to become more human.
(Roberts, 2000, p. 117)

One of Freire’s major ideas is that pedagogy is political and that educators and
educational leaders should embrace a universal common ethic. What does this construct
look like in the problem-solving practices of urban public school principals? Do public
school principals use language like Freire’s, or do they express the same ideas using
different terminology? What kinds of Observations regarding a universal common ethic

do public school leaders make that are Freirean in nature?

Banking Education Versus Problem-Posing Education

F reire identified two general approaches to education—banking and problem

posing. With the banking approach, students are asked to memorize information that

44

their teachers deposit in their minds; the students are then asked to repeat the data to the
teacher. In problem-posing education, students are asked to resolve a problem with a
feasible solution. At first it seems that Freire was proposing a dichotomy of teaching
approaches, but in looking at his descriptions Of these two basic approaches, one can see
that each approach has broader implications for teaching and school leadership.

Freire described in detail the meaning and implications of the banking concept of
education in Pedagogy of the Oppressed (1998b). The banking concept depends on the
teacher narrating information to the students. The deeper meaning of what is being
narrated is lost in the process. This kind of education has an oppressive nature because

there is no dialogic basis for learning. The students are mere receptacles of data.

In the banking concept of education, knowledge is a gift bestowed by whose who
consider themselves knowledgeable upon those whom they consider to know
nothing. Projecting an absolute ignorance onto others, a characteristic Of the
ideology of Oppression, negates education and knowledge as processes of inquiry.
The teacher presents himself to his students as their necessary opposite; by
considering their ignorance absolute, he justifies his own existence. (Freire,
1998b,p.53)

There is no inquiry or dialogue in the banking concept of education because it is
based on the assumption that students are ignorant and that teachers are all knowing.
Freire (1998b) saw a dichotomy in the banking approach to education, whereas in the

problem-posing approach there are more forms of learning:

The banking concept (with its tendency to dichotomize everything) distinguishes
two stages in the action of the educator. During the first, he cognizes a
cognizable Object while he prepares his lessons in his study or his laboratory;
during the second, he expounds to his students about that Object. The students are
not called upon to know, but to memorize the contents narrated by the teacher.

(p. 61)

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The Opposite of banking education is problem-posing education. Using this kind
of approach, the teacher poses problems to the students, who in turn look for solutions
(Freire, 1972). Some of the problems that teachers pose may have solutions; others may
not. This kind of process involves dialogue between the teacher and the students and

among students. As Freire (1998b) explained,

The problem-posing method does not dichotomize the activity of the teacher—
student: she is not “cognitive” at one point and “narrative” at another. She is
always “cognitive,” whether preparing a project or engaging in dialogue with the
students. He does not regard cognizable objects as his private property, but as the
Object of reflection by himself and the students. In this way, the problem-posing
educator constantly re-forms his reflections in the reflection of the students.

(pp. 61-62)

The problem-posing approach to education allows students and teachers to
become engaged in dialogue with a purpose, which is one of F reire’s fundamental
principles of education. The broader implication is that problem-posing education is
liberating in the sense that students begin to associate reasons and meaning with their
learning, with the ultimate goal of becoming more human and liberated. Roberts (2000)
summed up Freire’s problem-posing approach by describing how it relates to dialogue

and consciousness raising:

9, ‘6

A new conception of the relationship between “consciousness, action,” and
“world” emerges through critical dialogue. Where under the banking system
social reality is posited as a fixed inevitability, through problem-posing education
students confront, explore, and act purposely on a dynamic, ever-changing world.
. . . As participants enter into dialogical relations with others and discover the
dialectical interaction between consciousness and the world, they begin to sense
that dominant ideas can be challenged and oppressive social formations
transformed. (p. 55)

The problem-posing approach to education implies that there is more than one

teaching technique. It would be reasonable to call banking education versus problem-

46

posing education a dichotomy. However, it would be a very broad dichotomy because

problem-posing education involves a dynamic and always~changing world.

Banking education resists dialogue; problem-posing education regards dialogue as
indispensable to the act of cognition which unveils reality. Banking education
treats students as objects of assistance; problem-posing education makes them
critical thinkers. (F reire, 1972, p. 71)

What implications does banking versus problem-posing education have for the
problem-solving practices of an urban public school principal? If the construct of
banking versus problem-posing education were applied to problem solving and
leadership, what would it look like? How might a public school administrator encourage
teachers to employ methods conducive to problem-posing education? Does the
principal's development of problem-posing education help that principal with her or his
problem-solving practices? Would the practice of problem-posing education actually

have liberating results for students, teachers, and the school community?

Humanization

Humanization is a Freirean construct that is related to some of the other constructs
described earlier. For example, dialogue is a part of the process of humanization because

the capacity for dialogue is humanizing (F reire, 1972, 1997, 1998b).

The ability to reflect, to evaluate, to program, to investigate, and to transform is
unique to human beings in the world and with the world. Life becomes existence
and life support becomes world when the conscience about the world, which also
implies the conscience of the self, emerges and establishes a dialectical
relationship with the world. (Freire, 1997, p. 34)

Freire (1972, 1996) used analogies of humans and animals throughout much of
his writing, particularly in Pedagogy of the Oppressed. The human-animal analogy is a

device that allowed Freire to expand on his theme of humanization and the capacity for

47

dialogue. Many human beings are incapable of speech due to physiological limitations,
yet everyone is capable of a level of abstraction. For example, many deaf people do not
speak with their vocal cords, yet they might communicate richly and fully through sign
language. The ability to communicate is directly related to the human capacity of
abstraction, which is what enables humans to far surpass animals in communication
skills. Humans’ capacity for dialogue permits reflection, and the ability to reflect on
one’s actions and experience is a unique human experience. Animals may reflect on their
experience to a limited extent, but they cannot attain the same level of reflection as

humans.

One may well remember—trite as it seems-that, Of the uncompleted beings, man is
the only one to treat not only his actions but his very self as the Object of his
reflection; this capacity distinguishes him from the animals, which are unable to
separate themselves from their activity and thus are unable to reflect upon it. In
this apparently superficial distinction lie the boundaries which delimit the action
of each in his life space. (Freire, 1972, p. 87)

The ability to reflect with oneself is part of the process of dialogue. This self-reflection is
unique to human beings.

The banking concept of education is related to humanization because it is
dehumanizing. Conversely, the problem-posing concept of education is humanizing

because it involves dialogue with a purpose. Roberts (2000) elaborated:

Freire was always explicit in declaring his ethical and political position: his
concern was to work toward the liberation of the oppressed. Of course, not all
teachers, policy makers, and politicians share this goal. Freire believes, however—
given his conception of humanization—that all teachers who are against the kind
of dehumanization fostered through banking education ought to “side with” the
oppressed in pursuit of a better social world. (p. 58)

Freire (1972, 1998b, 1998c) used the word humanizing several times in his

writings; he claimed that becoming human has both ontological and historical aspects.

48

Becoming more human, or humanization, is a perpetual process set in our historical

context. According to F reire, people never become completely human.

The dream of humanization, whose concretization is always a process, and always
a becoming, passes by way of breach with the real, concrete economic, political,
social, ideological, and so on, order, moorings that are condemning us to
dehumanization. Thus, the dream is a demand or condition that becomes ongoing
in the history that we make and that makes and remakes us. (F reire, 1996, p. 99)

Humanization is a process that is influenced by our historical context. Because
our endeavors are related to our ever-changing historical context, whatever we choose to
pursue will be affected by a series Of events that may or may not abruptly change,
causing us to adapt to the changes. The process of becoming human is never really

complete because our varied experience causes us constantly to change.

It is important to emphasize that, in speaking of “being more,” or of humanization
as ontological vocation of the human being, I am not falling into any
fundamentalistic position-which, incidentally, is always conservative. Hence my
equally heavy emphasis on the fact that this “vocation,” this calling, rather than
being anything a priori in history, on the contrary is something constituted in
history. (Freire, 1996, pp. 98-99)

Freire contended that humanization is a perpetual process that requires dialogue in the
form of self-reflection within one’s historical context.

The Freirean construct of humanization is also reflected by his Christian faith.
Dialogue is a necessary part of the humanization process and, according to Freire
(1998a), should have the characteristics of love, faith, hope, and humility. It is
paradoxical that Karl Marx, who believed that religion was the “opium Of the masses,”
heavily influenced Freire, albeit Freire was a Christian (Elias, 1994; Mackie, 1981;
Taylor, 1993). Taylor (1993) also described the paradoxical nature of the Marxist

influence on Freire:

49

Freire . . . was never converted to Marxist, revolutionary politics. When he makes
his appeal for the creation of those conditions which will combat oppression, his
core argument is couched not in the language of Marxism but in the biblical terms
of love, faith, hope and humility. . . . As with his idealizing of revolutionary
leadership, or his view that Conscientization is primarily a process of
“humanization” and that Dialogue itself is the fulfillment of one’s “ontological
vocation,” the language of the Christian faith is more than the mere clothes for
dressing and presentation: it is actually the skeleton or underpinning of his
philosophy and social analysis. (p. 56)

In the preceding citation we also see that another F reirean construct, conscientization, is
part of the process of humanization as well as of the construct, dialogue with a purpose.
Last, what did F reire mean by “becoming more human?” Part of what Freire
meant when he discussed becoming more human is that this is an evolving process. We
are incomplete human beings who are constantly searching within our historical context.
This is why Freire used the term ontological vocation—because becoming more human is

our goal.

In my own case, taking up a theme again and again has to do principally with the
oral status of my written word. It also has to do with the relevance of the theme
of which I speak to the array of objects in which I invest my curiosity. And it has
to do with the relationship that certain things have with other things, as they
emerge during the course of my reflection. It is in this sense, for example, that I
once again touch on the question of the unfinishedness of the human person, the
question of our insertion into a permanent process of searching. (Freire, 1998,

p.21)

F reire (1998) contended that people can transform the future by their praxis. Humans
want to improve the Opportunity that the future offers by taking action. This desire to

transform the future is part of the evolutionary process.

One of the most important tasks of critical educational practice is to make
possible the conditions in which the learners, in their interaction with one another
and with their teachers, engage in the experience of assuming themselves as
social, historical, thinking, communicating, transformative, creative persons;
dreamers of possible utopias, capable of being angry because of a capacity to
love. (Freire, 1998, p. 45)

50

In the preceding citation, we see other characteristics that F reire believed make people
more human: “social, historical, thinking, communicating, transforrnative, creative
persons; dreamers of possible utOpias, capable of being angry” (p. 45).

1f the Freirean construct of humanization were applied to the problem-solving
practices of public school leadership, what would it look like? DO public school
administrators use language that reflects humanization? Does F reire’s view of
humanization mirror, in any way, the current practices of public school leaders or their
problem-solving practices? 15 F reire’s construct of humanization relevant to the

administration of urban public schools?

Implementation of Freirean Critical Pedagogy
and Implications for Research

The first person to apply F reirean pedagogy to teaching was Paulo Freire himself.
F reire applied the constructs of his pedagogy to the teaching of adult literacy in Brazil
and Chile during the 19505 and 19605 (Freire, 1972). In Brazil, the application of his
principles was successful and, paradoxically, led to his exile (Freire, 1996). While living
in exile in Chile, F reire used the method that he had developed in Brazil but soon realized
that he would have to adapt it to meet the needs of his new Chilean students (Collins,
1977). During Freire’s exile from Brazil, he also implemented and adapted his adult
literacy program with and for the people of Guinea Bissau (Freire, 1978). After Freire
returned from exile to Brazil, he continued to collaborate with critical theorists in the
United States; among the many people with whom Freire wrote were Ira Shor (Freire &

Shor, 1987), Donaldo Macedo (Freire & Macedo, 1987), and Antonio F aundez (Freire &

51

Faundez, I992). Freire’s work with Shor, Macedo, and F aundez was dialogic in form, an
application of F reire’s construct of dialogue with a purpose.

Freire also applied his constructs of critical pedagogy in educational
administration when he became the superintendent of the public school system in S50
Paulo, Brazil (Freire, 1993). In the introduction to F reire’s Pedggogy of the City,
Raynolds (1993) described how the educational system perpetuates the

disenfranchisement of the urban public school:

What Paulo F reire experienced in $50 Paulo is not unique. For more than ten
years the United States has reduced its proportionate share of support for public
education, turned away from full funding of early childhood education and
literacy campaigns. But the great assault has come on the public schools
themselves. It is an orchestrated effort by education conservatives to retain and
foster the grth of an elitist system of schooling insulated from and impervious
to students from increasingly varied economic, social, and ethnic backgrounds.

(p. 10)

Raynolds believed that the conservative agenda of the Reagan and Bush
administrations perpetuated a system that negatively affected the early education of
children from low-income families. Parents from the middle classes are more able to
afford high-quality daycare and preschool programs than are those living in working-

class and urban school districts (Kozol, 1991). Raynolds wrote:

Increased testing, which is fundamentally useless, has stigmatized students and
schools for “failing” to meet the prescribed, accepted, or “received” truth based
on the concept of a static and finite body of knowledge.

The result is a widening gulf, reduced resources, and such clever income
transfer mechanisms as “choice” and voucher plans to take firnding from the
public treasury and give the dollars (vouchers) to advantaged parents. Thus,
competition to the contrary, the public schools are further weakened, tested again,
and punished in a round of punitive efforts that miss the mark of a public school
in which students make knowledge of their own experience and learn to take an
active role in the continuing transformation Of society. (pp. 10-1 1)

52

The state Of Michigan requires a proficiency test for all high school students who
want to graduate with an “endorsed” high school diploma. This is important because
students with high enough scores are awarded money toward their college-level studies.
As Raynolds pointed out in the preceding citation, testing favors students from upscale
suburban schools and punishes those from urban schools and low-income areas. This
testing and possible monetary award would be concerns for any public school
administrator, but they are particularly so for urban public school administrators whose
students, due to low test scores, are less likely to benefit from this type of economic
assistance (Heller & Shapiro, 2000).

Freire served as the Secretary of Education for the public school system of 850
Paulo for two and a half years (Taylor, 1993). During his tenure as a public school

administrator, he attempted to apply his principles of education. Freire (1993) wrote:

I do not see a contradiction in the fact that today, as Secretary of Education, I try
to cany through some of the proposals or put into practice some of the ideas for
which I have been struggling for so long. I try to use the power derived from
being a part of the city’s government to, at least, realize part of the old dream that
moves me: the dream of changing the outlook of schools; the dream of
overcoming authoritarian elitism, all of which can only be done democratically.
Can you imagine trying to overcome the authoritarianism of schools authoritarily?

(pp. 68-69)

Freire realized that applying his principles was challenging and that administrators often

are caught up in the bureaucratic maze of mundane activities. He continued:

Of course, it is not easy. There are all sorts of obstacles slowing down
transformative action. Piles of paper taking our time; administrative mechanisms
blocking the development of projects, deadlines, time limits: it is a mess. In fact,
this bureaucracy even gets in the way of the dominant class, but after all, the
dominant class ends up adjusting the bureaucracy to its own interests. The hard
thing is to have this bureaucracy at the service of the progressive dreams of a
peOple’s government, rather than a populist one. (p. 69)

53

F reire realized that administrators could be burdened with paper work and bureaucratic
procedures.

F reire had an opportunity to apply his principles to both adult literacy and school
administration. We have seen how Freire attempted to apply his principles to urban
schools in Brazil, but what we have not seen is the application of his principles to urban
public schools in the United States. How would an urban public school administrator
apply Freire’s principles in the context of an urban school in the United States?

In Braaten’s (1987) doctoral dissertation, “An Overview of Several
Implementations of the Educational Philosophy of Paulo Freire From 1967-1987,” she
identified six groups that applied Freirean principles in various ways in educational
settings in the United States. Of these six groups, she described in detail the following
three: (a) educators who had transplanted the total F reirean concept; (b) educators who
believed in the total F reirean concept and who worked in public secondary or higher
education classrooms; and (c) educators, administrators, psychologists, and social science
researchers who used Freire’s concepts selectively to fit their unique contexts.

An organization that illustrates the first group is the Information and Resources
Center for Educacién Liberadora (IRCEL) (Facundo, 1984). IRCEL was a network of
Latino organizations that applied Freirean principles to their various projects in the
United States and Puerto Rico. According to Facundo,

IRCEL (Information and Resources Center for Educacién Liberadora-liberating
education) had two beginnings. “Officially” it started in September, 1980 when
we received a federal grant to finance it. Unofficially, however, it started in 1978
when a group of representatives from some Hispanic Liberating Education
projects surprised each other at a conference in Wisconsin. It was a Project
Directors’ meeting convened by a federal funding agency. I had been working
with a group Of Freire-inspired educators in Puerto Rico, trying to discover

54

through practice and based upon Freire’s theories, a relevant alternative for the
education of urban low-income adults. (p. 54)

F acundo believed that it was necessary to find an alternative to the educational process
and that F reirean principles were worth applying to various projects. However, Facundo
also believed that Freire was relevant in a theoretical sense and that F reirean pedagogical

principles would need to be adapted for educational programs in the United States:

I must state that we did not see F reire’s education phiIOSOphy as a source for a
literacy “method” or “technique.” As stated, out of 24 Latino projects I dealt
with, only t_w__o had literacy programs, and of these only pp; tried to replicate
Freire’s method. We were not in search of a literacy technique, but of a total
overhaul, both in the process and contents of adult education in the United States.
Our stand was that as long as there is oppression in the United States, Freire
would be relevant, at least at the theoretical level, but that practices for the United
States had to be discovered in the United States based upon the realities of a
complex, technologically-advanced industrial society that no one had succeeded
at explaining. (p. 64)

F acundo (1984) criticized academicians for being “talkers” rather than “doers.”
She believed that academicians are more likely to use Freirean critical pedagogy as a
pretext for academic discussion rather than the pragmatic adaptation and application of
Freire’s principles:

. . . A series of frictions . . . took place between elite members of minority groups
who were “inventing their way through” the application of F reire’s pedagogy,
right there in the field, and what they saw as mostly “WHITE” or “ANGLO”
academicians who argued endlessly about the meaning and accuracy of F reire’s
theoretical formulations. We also argued endlessly. But we saw ourselves as
“doers” and “them” as “talkers.” We became separatists: a great gap developed
between the Latino grassroots and all university-based people, Latino and Anglo
alike. We felt that Freire was “used” as the subject of many publications and
dissertations written by academics who were only moved by the publish-or-perish
syndrome on behalf of their professional advancement. “Our” quest was felt as an
endless, frustrating endeavor to make sense out Of what we were learning in the
field as compared with what F reire wrote. (p. 65)

Facundo noticed a friction between well-intentioned academicians who discussed

Freirean critical pedagogy and professionals in the field who applied Freire’s principles.

55

Perhaps this friction is inevitable because Freire himself was an academician, but he also
practiced his own principles as demonstrated by his initial work in Brazil with adult
literacy programs and his various stints as a university professor. I am also interested in
the application of Freirean critical pedagogy in the field. Urban public schools exemplify
issues of oppression (Anyon, 1997; Kozol, 1991). Facundo participated in a group of 28
small organizations that applied the principles of F reirean critical pedagogy in the field.
None of those groups applied the principles Of Freirean critical pedagogy to the
administration of an urban public school. What would the application of Freirean critical
pedagogy by an urban public school principal look like?

Mental health and counseling are fields in which Freire’s principles have been
applied (Demmitt & Oldenski, 1999; Stacey, 2001). Youth partnership accountability is
an example of an application of the principles of Freirean critical pedagogy to the field of
mental health (Stacey, 2001). Stacey wrote about the application of F reirean pedagogy as

it pertains to youths and their relationships with adults:

Youth partnership accountability directly addresses the realm of relationship
requiring an exploration of trust, respect and reciprocity, and therefore, ethics.
Any approach to human services work needs to clearly identify the theoretical
threads that inform it, articulating both epistemological standpoints and defining
concepts. There is also the need to examine praxis through a process of critical
reflection. This paper takes praxis, in the F reirean sense, . . . as the meeting place
of theory and practice, the juncture at which words and actions meet and
discourse and experience merge. (p. 209)

Demmitt and Oldenski (1999) made a case for applying Freirean principles to the

mental health diagnostic process:

As counselors, our reading and understanding of Freire leads us to struggle with
many issues in relation to the mental health profession. It seems that the mental
health profession has evolved in such a way as to perpetuate Oppression. That is,
the profession seems to suggest that a person is never a whole person and never

56

liberated from their neurosis or dysfunction. In other words, a person is always
oppressed by his or her very nature, by being who he or she is, and by what his or
her life experiences have been and continue to be. In this same vein, it seems that
the major trend in psychotherapy is to perpetuate the oppression of individuals.
These concerns and issues lead counselor educators to reflect on the intended and
unintended consequences of the choices that people make concerning their
behaviors and life situations. (p. 232)

One Of the constructs described in Chapter I of this dissertation was
humanization. F reire (1996) believed that people are always trying to be more human
and that most of us will carry on that attempt throughout our lives. The concept of
humanization parallels Demmitt and Oldenski’s idea of the perpetual neurosis implied in
psychotherapy. Those researchers used F reirean principles to analyze the potentially
oppressive aspects of the diagnosis and services provided to public school children with
special mental health needs. This is another example of the application of F reirean
principles of critical pedagogy in a school setting. We have yet to see the application of
F reirean principles to urban public school administration. Urban public schools are
places where forms of oppression exist, and F reire’s principles apply directly to situations
of Oppression. This is especially true in public school settings, particularly in urban
locales, where oppression may be as subtle as a single bumed-out teacher giving up the
fight to teach low-income students, or as extreme as statewide funding policies that favor
the suburban middle class and provide less funding for urban public schools where the
needs are greater. Another example of oppression in urban public schools is standardized
testing’s being tied to monetary awards for students who attain certain scores. Suburban
middle-class students tend to receive these awards, whereas urban public school students

tend to miss yet another opportunity.

57

Problem Solving

As with all professions, public school administrators regularly and frequently are
confronted with problems and dilemmas. Problems require resolution, and dilemmas
require management (Cuban, 2001). According to Cuban, there is a difference between
problems and dilemmas. Problems are routine in nature, and experienced professionals
usually have a repertoire of solutions based on past experience. In contrast, dilemmas are
more complicated and involve undesirable consequences of either competing resources or
competing values (Cuban, 2001). Many problems must be resolved throughout the
course of a public school administrator's professional career. Some public school
principals seem to excel at their jobs due to their excellent problem-solving skills,
whereas others are less successful because they are not skilled at solving problems
(Leithwood & Steinbach, 1995).

Another important aspect to consider is the emancipatory quality of problem
solving. Currently, there is little research on the emancipatory aspects of a school
principal's problem solving. Skill in problem solving is important to the success of any
administrator (Cuban, 2001; Greenfield, 1986; Simon, 1945, 1997). It is unlikely that
there is particular a formula for problem solving that will work in all situations and for all
administrators. According to Leithwood and Steinbach (1995), prescribing a set of

specific behaviors for all administrative situations is not practical because

[the] reductionism they entail so poorly reflects the complicity of adminstrators'
real worlds. Problem-solving is one of the primary skills for successful school
principals:

In contrast, cognitive perspectives redefine expertise or effectiveness in
terms of problem-solving processes rather than behaviors. From this perspective,
although behavior may be contingent, expert administrative problem-solving
processes may be quite constant; that is, the same kinds of expert thought

58

processes applied to different school circumstances may produce appropriate

variation in administrative behavior. Improving the sophistication Of

administrative problem-solving processes is also emancipating. One need not be
chained to a prescribed set or practices, however large one's repertoire of practice

might be. (p. 8)

In the preceding citation, one can see that cognitive perspectives are important in more
fully understanding the problem solving of administrators. The word emancipating is
used in the context of liberating the principal because with improved problem-solving
ability the principal has more options and alternatives instead of being obliged to use a
prescribed set of behaviors. If improving the sophistication of a principal's problem-
solving skill is emancipating for the principal, what emancipatory implications does the
principal’s improved problem solving have for the school community and, more
specifically, the students? There is a lack of research on the emancipatory aspects of
principals’ problem-solving ability.

One of the first researchers to study administrative problem solving was Herbert
Simon. In Administrative Behpvior: A Study of Decision-Making Processes
Administrative Organization (1945), he examined various aspects of administrative
behavior, emphasizing the importance of decision making. Leithwood and Steinbach
(1995) cited Simon's book as the catalyst for the study of problem solving:

The decision-making focus on school administration dates back at least to Simon's

seminal work in 1945 (see Simon, 1957). This focus was part of a more

comprehensive effort to undergird administrators' practice with social science
knowledge (the New Movement in educational administration) and was based on
positivistic assumptions. In principle, the focus seems promising and well
intentioned. For example, although Greenfield (1986) was well known as an
articulate critic of science in administration, he was prepared to recommend that

"we might well return to one of Simon's original starting points and seek to

understand the logic and psychology of human choice" (p.45). He did not

criticize this orientation to administrative inquiry but rather the ways in which it

has been employed—in particular, the narrow focus on only rational aspects of
the educational issues about which administrators must make decisions, and with

59

the reification of the organization in place of understanding the phenomenology
of the individual administrator. (pp. 38-39)

Leithwood and Steinbach implied that a phenomenological approach to studying
and understanding the school principal's problem solving is another viable alternative.
Simon (1945, 195 8) contended that a scientific approach using social science
methodologies was the most appropriate way of studying administrative problem solving.
He acknowledged the human aspect of the consequences of decision making in the last
edition of his seminal work, Administrative Beh_avior: A Study of Decision-Mm
Processes Administrative Organization (1997).

What managers know they should do, whether by analysis or intuition, is very
often different form what they actually do. One common failing of managers,
which all of us have observed (sometimes in ourselves), is the postponement Of
difficult decisions. What is it that makes decisions difficult and tends to cause
postponement? Often, the problem is that all of the alternatives had undesirable
consequences. When people have to choose the lesser of two evils, they do not
simply behave like Bayesian statisticians, weighing the bad against the worse in
the light of their respective possibilities. Instead, they postpone the decision,
searching for new alternatives that do not have negative outcomes. If such
alternatives are not found, they are likely to continue to postpone choice. A
choice between undesirables is not a choice but a dilemma, something to be
avoided or evaded. "Disutility" minimization turns out to be an acceptable
answer. . . . The bad consequences that lead a manager to postpone a decision are
often bad for other people. Managers sometimes have to dismiss employees or,
even more frequently, have to speak to them about unsatisfactory work. Dealing
with such matters face to face is stressful to many, perhaps most, executives.
(pp. 137-138)

Despite Simon's acknowledgment of the human aspect of decision making, that
administrators tend to postpone making decisions that can negatively affect other peOple,
the main point is that, according to Simon, scientific positivism is the only valid approach
to the study of administration. Simon did not discuss emancipatory issues regarding an

administrator's problem solving; he was more concerned with the efficient operation of

60

the organization and how effective decision-making skills promote organizational
success.

Thomas Greenfield (1986), a critic of Simon's work, believed that the human
dimension is lacking in the scientific approach to problem solving:

Because positivistic science cannot derive a value from a fact or even recognize
values as real, we have a science of administration which can deal only with facts
and which does so by eliminating from its consideration all human passion,
weakness, strength, conviction, hope, will, pity, frailty, altruism, courage, vice,
and virtue. Simon led the science of administration down a narrow road which in
its own impotence is inward-looking, self-deluding, self-defeating, and
unnecessarily boring. These shortcomings are created by the blinkered view of
choice and administrative action afforded by a narrowly empiricist science which
lets us see but a pale and reduced reflection of the human will to achieve a
purpose, to mobilize resources, to influence others—to do all that people in fact
do as they make choices and strive to transform their values into realities. (p. 61)

Greenfield was suggesting a paradigm shift in how researchers of educational
administration should look at problem solving. According to Greenfield, the emphasis on
research through methodology reflective of scientific positivism is shifting to an analysis
of how administrators view their practice. With Greenfield's paradigm shift, a
phenomenological approach would be appropriate for the study Of decision making and
problem solving by a public school principal. Greenfield suggested that administrative
scientists should learn from practitioners:
What is required now is a transformation of the administrative scientist's attitudes
toward the reality he studies. Scientists inspired by positivism approach
administrators with the conviction that their theories and methods enable them to
know administration in a way mere practitioners never could. The reverse
assumption now seems a better point of departure: administrators know
administration; scientists don't. The point of such inquiry would be to enable
scientists to come to know what administrators know and to bring a fresh and
questioning perspective to it. To accomplish this purpose, we might well return to

one of Simon's original starting points and seek to understand the logic and
psychology of human choice. (p. 75)

61

Both Greenfield and Simon agreed that a good starting point is to understand the
logic and psychology of human choice (Greenfield 1986). What is missing is how the
logic and psychology of human choice can have emancipating and liberatory effects for
members of the organization. In the case of urban public schools, the principal solves
problems that may have an emancipatory or liberatory result for students, teachers, and
other members of the school community.

Little, if any, research has been done in reference to the emancipatory qualities of
a public school principal's problem solving. Fletcher made a case for emancipatory
practices in schooling. He proposed a new constellation of emancipatory theory and
practice for public schools:

Liberal, critical, postmodern, and care-based educational theories share important

commitments that place them in opposition to the dominant, neo-conservative

discourse in American public education. One way of summarizing the critical
agenda of emancipatory theories is in terms of their analysis Of the many and
complex ways that school policies and practices can have a limiting or
constraining effect on individuals, especially insofar as they thwart the efforts of
individuals to understand and pursue diverse identities and life-plans. Each
emancipatory theory recognizes some means by which relations between
differentially situated groups (e.g., women and men, cultural minority and
majority members, homosexuals and heterosexuals, etc.) can (and have) become
hierarchically organized in one group or another. The response of emancipatory
educational theorists has been to promote therole of schools (among other

institutions) in resisting the various forms of oppression and exploitation that
grow out of these hierarchies. (pp. 30-31)

Problem solving is one practice that has emancipatory potential. Currently,
students from the lower end of the socioeconomic scale (Kozol, 2001) predominantly
populate urban public schools in the United States; traditionally and historically, these
students have been oppressed. Because the problem solving of an urban school principal
may have emancipatory qualities for students, teachers, and other members of the school

community, it is appropriate to study the problem solving Of an urban school principal.

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Chapter Summary

Critical theory is a school of thought that influenced many of the pioneers of
critical pedagogy in the United States. A group of German philosophers, sociologists,
historians, economists, and others develOped the basic philosophy of critical theory in
Frankfurt, Germany, during the 19205 and 19305. Because critical theory involves issues
of oppression and emancipation, which are directly related to the social sciences, it was
inevitable that this theory would eventually be applied to public school systems (F reire &
Shor, 1987; McLaren & Giarelli, 1995), particularly urban ones (Anyon, 1997; Foster,
1986; Kozol, 2000). One of my major Objectives in this research was to examine the
issues of Oppression and problem solving in urban schools.

Through reviewing Freire’s writings and the research by Freirean scholars, I
identified six constructs for use in this study: (a) dialogue with a purpose,

(b) conscientization, (c) praxis, ((1) politics and a universal common ethic (pedagogy of
politics), (e) banking education versus problem-posing education, and (f) humanization.
Each of the constructs was supported with appropriate citations from Freire’s
publications and those of F reirean scholars Peter Roberts, Paul Taylor, and John Elias.
These six constructs or principles of Freirean thought were used in analyzing the
problem-solving practices of an urban public school principal chosen for this study.

Last, problem solving in public school administration was discussed. One of the
first researchers to study problem solving through decision making was Herbert Simon
(1958, 1997), who wrote extensively on the topic from a scientific point of view
(Greenfield, 1986; Leithwood & Steinbach, 1995). Generally speaking, problems tend to
have routine qualities, and professional administrators are able to draw on their

experience for resolution. Dilemmas, on the other hand, are conflict-filled situations in

63

which the resolution has negative consequences (Cuban, 2001). In an urban school
where forces are competing for limited resources, the principal is challenged to resolve
these dilemmas and problems so that students will benefit from his or her liberatory

problem-solving practices.

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CHAPTER III

METHODOLOGY

Introduction

This is a qualitative inquiry in which research strategies from ethnography and
phenomenology were used to gather and analyze data in order to examine a particular
urban school principal’s problem-solving practice through a Freirean lens. This chapter
begins with a description of the inspiration for one of the chosen methodologies, which is
The Man in the Principal’s Office, an ethnographic study by Harry Wolcott (1973).

Next, ethnography is defined, followed by a discussion of the appropriateness of that
approach for this study. Then there is discussion of the phenomenological method and
how it pertains to this research. The procedures that were used in carrying out the study
are explained, and interview probes reflecting the six F reirean constructs identified in
Chapter II are set forth. The issues of trustworthiness and triangulation are discussed,

limitations are delineated, and data-analysis procedures are described.

Why T wo Methodologies?
Neither of the two chosen methodologies alone could adequately address the
issues of this study. Ethnography is usually concerned with studying the culture of a
group of people (Wolcott, 1999), and phenomenology is concerned with examining
cognitive process and the essence of a phenomenon (Moustakas, 1994). Although I was
interested in the culture of the principalship, I was more concerned with the culture

surrounding the principal in reference to his or her problem solving. I was also

65

concerned with the principal's cognitive processes for problem solving and the essence of
the emancipatory implications for that same problem solving.

Both of the methodologies used in this study are qualitative and share research
procedures that are available to qualitative researchers (Moustakas, 1994; Wolcott,
1999). In The Man in the Principgl’s Office: An Ethncgaphy, Wolcott (1973) described
the workings of an elementary school principalship and the culture that surrounded it.
Wolcott's work did not examine one specific aspect of the principalship. In contrast, in
this study I examined the phenomenon of the problem-solving practices of an urban
public school principal. This study was not a full ethnography; rather, I used certain
strategies of the ethnographical approach. Because this study concerned a principal's
problem-solving efforts, the strategies derived from an ethnographical approach were
appropriate. Further, because I examined the essence of the principal's problem solving,

a phenomenological approach was also apprOpriate.

Inspiration for the Methodology: Wolcott’s The M_an in the Principal’s Office

Before writing The Man in the Principal’s Office, Wolcott (1973) conducted
research in the field for nearly one full academic year. He considered his research to be
inspired by cultural anthropology. During the research period, he became the “shadow”
of an elementary school principal in a medium-sized city. Wolcott triangulated his data
by interviewing the principal’s staff, family, and fellow principals, as well as observing
various school functions and meetings both formally and informally. In the resulting
book, Wolcott revealed many facets of the various influences on an elementary school
principal and described how the principal, Edward Bell, undertook the daily tasks and

met the challenges of being a public school administrator.

66

Wolcott (1999) said that, to write a successful ethnography, he had to treat the
principalship and the culture of an American elementary school as strange rather than
familiar. In selecting a methodology for this research, I was inspired by Wolcott’s book.

However, there are some differences between the two investigations because the present
study was concerned with urban public schools.

One of the striking features of Wolcott’s ethnography is the context in which the
experiences of the principal were described and analyzed. This contextual aspect would
be missing if the research had been quantitative in nature. In the preface to his book,
Wolcott (1973) compared the context of ethnography to that of other methods of social

science research:

The attention to context and to complex interrelationships in human lives is what
makes ethnographic accounts different from accounts written from the
perspective of other social sciences. Ethnographic accounts deal with real human
beings and actual human behavior, with an emphasis on social, rather than on
physiological or psychological, aspects of behavior. (p. xi)

The appeal, then, of using an ethnographic approach is that the researcher can address the
issue of “real human beings and actual human behavior.” In this study, I was concerned
with an urban public school principal’s interacting with various people and tasks; as
such, the study reflects “real human beings and actual human behavior.”

One of the ways the data in ethnographies can be analyzed is through role
analysis (Langness, 1965). Wolcott was more concerned with the role of the principal
than with the man who was the principal. This was also the case in the present research.
An urban public school principalship presents a wide variety of challenges, which

ethnography can aptly illustrate.

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In explaining how he focused on the principalship rather than the principal in IE

M_an in the Principal’s Office, Wolcott (1999) stated:

My early study, The Map in the Principgl’s Office: An Ethnography, . . . provides
another example in which one individual serves not only as a major informant but
also as the central figure, although the focus is on a role and its cultural setting.
The account is not a personality study, yet neither does it deny the importance of
the individual acting in a professional role. In a person-centered account, by
contrast, we expect the individual to hold center stage. When that individual’s
life provides the basis for organizing and presenting an ethnographic study,
anthropologists have traditionally assigned it to a special category mentioned
earlier and discussed next, the anthropological life history. (p. 159)

The anthropological life history concerns the cultural context of a person’s life
and how lives can affect and be affected by the culture (Langness & Frank, 1981;

Wolcott, 1999). Langness and Frank researched how people can shape culture as well as

be shaped by it. They found:

When Melford Spiro reviewed culture-and-personality research in 1972 and
called for a reorientation, he argued that whereas personality in such studies had
always been seen as explanandum it should be changed to become explanans. . . .
For life-history studies this distinction means that rather than concentrating on
how the particular individual was shaped by the culture we should concentrate on
how the individual shapes or perpetuates the culture. How, that is, do the
motives, beliefs, and acts of individuals interact with the environment and with
significant others to create and maintain that abstraction we conceive of as
culture? (p. 73)

One of my concerns in this research was how the principalship affects the culture of an
urban public school and how the culture of that school affects the problem solving of the
principalship.

Wolcott (I999) warned that it is important to have a contingency plan when doing
an anthropological life history. He contended that certain variables outside the

researcher’s control could jeopardize a study’s success:

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Life histories, or person-centered ethnographies in some form that does not hinge
so singularly on an entire life span, can bring a sharp focus to research efforts
during fieldwork and a workable format and alternative to writing a traditional
ethnography. The approach also introduces some uncertainty; the ethnographer is
wise to work in such a way that a more general ethnography can be salvaged on
the chance the focused life history does not pan out. Numerous things can go
wrong when working with an unknown informant on such an ambitious
undertaking. Too late one may discover that the informant is not well “informed”
after all (and may be inclined to make up answers rather than admit to not
knowing); loses interest in the project along the way; grows reluctant to divulge
information; becomes concerned that the ethnographer has too much to gain, the
informant too little; or begins to draw the account out, quite possibly in more than
one way. SO while one should always be on the lookout for an exceptional
informant, it may be prudent to keep a more traditional ethnography in mind as a
fall-back option. Person-centered ethnography represents a fortuitous relationship
that may or may not present itself. (p. 161)

In Chapter 11, life experiences that formed and shaped Paulo Freire’s thinking
were discussed. In ethnographies that are centered on anthropological life histories, or as
Wolcott (1999) termed them “person-centered ethnographies in some form that does not .
hinge so singularly on an entire life span” (p. 161), it is likely that key life experiences
can be cited as having influenced the thinking Of the individual being studied. On the
other hand, due to time constraints on the research, these life experiences might not be
revealed. Therefore, Wolcott’s idea of having a contingency plan is prudent. Although it
was possible that not enough data would be generated in this study to write a life history,
it was logical to assume that there would be enough information “that does not hinge so

singularly on an entire life span” to write about.

What Is Ethnoggaphy?

One of the methods that was used in conducting this research was an ethnography
of an urban public school principal. Ethnography is a qualitative research approach that

has gained wide use among educators, social scientists, and other researchers during the

69

past several years (Creswell, 1998; Hammersley & Atkinson, 1983; Wolcott, 1999).
Several scholars have defined the term ethnography. Wolcott (1999) defined the term,
coined by Margaret Mead, as “a way of seeing” (p. 288). Social scientist Norman Denzin
(1989) defined ethnography as “the study of lived experiences, involving descriptions
and interpretations” (p. 141). Hammersley and Atkinson explained what ethnography

entails and indicated that it is synonymous with participant Observation:

For us ethnography (or participant observation, a cognate term) is simply one
social research method, albeit a somewhat unusual one, drawing as it does on a
wide range of sources of information. The ethnographer participates, overtly or
covertly, in people’s daily lives for an extended period of time, watching what
happens, listening to what is said, asking questions; in fact collecting whatever
data are available to throw light on the issues with which he or she is concerned.

(P- 2)

Creswell’s (1998) definition is also helpful in understanding the meaning of

ethnography. He, too, said that participant observation is closely linked to ethnography:

An ethnography is a description and interpretation of a cultural or social group or
system. The researcher examines the group’s observable and learned patterns of
behavior, customs, and ways of life. . . . As both a process and an outcome of
research, . . . an ethnography is a product of research, typically found in book-
length form. As a process, ethnography involves prolonged observation of the
group, typically through participant observation in which the researcher is
immersed in the day-to-day lives of the people or through one-on-one interviews
with members of the group. The researcher studies the meanings Of behavior,
language, and interactions of the culture-sharing group. (p. 58)

The three definitions given above share some common characteristics. One
important commonality is that ethnography includes a variety of techniques, such as
interviews, observations, and examination of artifacts. Another common characteristic is

that some form of participant observation is part of an ethnographic study. Finally, all

70

three definitions implied what Wolcott (1973) referred to as observations of “real human
beings and actual human behavior” (p. xi).

According to Gold’s (1958) typology of participant Observation, the observer can
take one of four different roles: (a) complete participant (“The true identity and purpose
of the complete participant in field research are not known to those whom he observes”
[p. 219]), (b) participant-as-observer (“Both field worker and informant are aware that
theirs is a field relationship” [p. 220]), (c) observer-as-participant (“used in studies
involving one-visit interviews” [p. 221]), and (d) complete observer (“The complete
observer role entirely removes a field worker from social interaction with informants”
[p. 221]).

The type of participant observation used in this study was participant-as-observer
because it does not require the researcher to take on an occult role and enables the study
to have more depth. The complete-observer role poses an ethical dilemma because it
does not allow the peOple being studied to give or withdraw their consent. The other
types, observer-as-participant and complete participant, are not conducive to the

triangulation strategies that were used in this field research.

What Is Phenomenology?

Phenomenology is founded on the work of Edmund Husserl, who was a German
philosopher concerned with the role of consciousness in phiIOSOphy (Creswell, 1998;
Mitchell, 1990). Before Husserl's work, early 19th-century philosophy was dominated
by the concept of Cartesian dualism developed by Descartes, which assumed that there

were two realms: mind (subject, consciousness) and matter (object, extended substance,

71

bodies) (Kazanjian, 1998; Stewart & Mickunas, 1990). Husserl resolved the issue of
Cartesian dualism by arguing that consciousness and extended substances are part of a
continuum (Moustakas, 1994; Stewart & Mickunas, 1990). This shift from Cartesian
dualism to a continuum was highly significant for philosophers; however, there are many
different views as to what phenomenology is and how it should be applied to research
(Stewart & Mickunas, 1990).

There are different philosophical camps of phenomenological study, such as
empirical phenomenology, hermeneutic phenomenology, reflective/transcendental
phenomenology, and psychological phenomenology (Creswell, 1998). Because there are
different types of phenomenology, it is difficult to find a definition that encompasses all
of the approaches. The following is a definition of phenomenology provided by Stewart

and Mickunas (1990):

Anyone about to venture forth on a new journey would be well advised to get a
general idea of where he is going, to grasp the lay of the land, and to familiarize
himself with some of the principal landmarks. As good a place to begin as any is
the meaning of the term phenomenology itself. It is derived from two Greek
words: phainomenon (an "appearance") and logos ("reason" or "word," hence a
"reasoned inquiry"). Phenomenology is indeed a reasoned inquiry which
discovers the inherent essences of appearances. But what is an appearance? The
answer to this question leads to one of the major themes of phenomenology: an
appearance is anything of which one is conscious. Anything at all which appears
to consciousness is a legitimate area of philosophical investigation. Moreover, an
appearance is a manifestation of the essence of that of which it is the appearance.
Surprising as it may sound, other philosophic points of view have refused to make
this move. (p. 3)

In the preceding definition, one can see some central themes of the phenomenological
approach to research: appearance, essence, and consciousness.
This section is not intended to give a detailed analysis of the philosophical

characteristics of phenomenology. Rather, the purpose of this section is to provide some

72

basic concepts underlying phenomenology. With this in mind, there is one more general
point to make before continuing to the next section. To understand a phenomenological
methodology and analysis of data, it is important to consider the concepts of noesis and
noema. Noesis and noema are terms Husserl developed for understanding the
fundamental idea of a continuum rather than Cartesian dualism (Moustakas, 1994;
Stewart & Mickunas, 1990). According to Stewart and Mickunas, these two concepts,

noesis and noema, are basic to phenomenology:

To underscore the phenomenological view of consciousness, Husserl introduced
new terminology which would avoid the subject-object dualism of older
philosophical views while respecting the polar structure of consciousness. The
activity of consciousness he called noesis (from the Greek word meaning "mental
perception, intelligence, or thought"), whereas the essence to which this mental
activity is correlated he called noema (from the Greek word meaning "that which
is perceived, a perception, a thought"). The adjective forms of noesis and noema
are noetic and noematic. Still a word of caution is needed: the subject-Object
way of thinking is so ingrained in habits of thought that one would fail to
understand Husserl if he identified the noetic with the subject and the noematic
with the object. Husserl stressed repeatedly that noetic activity cannot be
identified with psychological activity, for it deals not with psychic processes but
with the meaning of those processes. Similarly, the noematic cannot be identified
with the empirical object, for it deals not with the physical experience but with
the meaning of that experience. (p. 37)

At the heart of understanding noesis and noema is the idea of understanding the meaning
of the process and the meaning of the experience. These concepts, noema and noesis,
have implications for analysis; the noema and the noesis always have a correlation to

each other, and their fundamental meanings need to be determined (Moustakas, 1994).

Uses of EthnogrthiC and Phenomenological Approaches

According to Wolcott (1999), one of the most important things to consider when

deciding what method of research is appropriate is the research question. He explained,

73

“To pose an ethnographic question is to ask a question in such a way that ethnographic
research is a reasonable way—although not necessarily the only way—to go about finding
an answer” (p. 68). Other researchers have concurred with Wolcott that the research
method one selects depends on the research question (Creswell, 1998; Marshall &
Rossman, 1999; Thomas, 1998). The research question posed in this study has
descriptive implications: In what ways, if any, is Freirean critical theory reflected in an
urban high school principal’s problem—solving practices?

It was appropriate to use an ethnographic approach for this study because this
method is conducive to descriptive studies (Hammersley & Atkinson, 1983). Another
reason I chose ethnography as one of the methodologies is that it includes a variety of
research techniques, such as one-on-one interviews, focus group interviews,
observations, and examination of artifacts (Creswell, 1998). Using a variety of research
techniques is conducive to both triangulation and data analysis (Hammersley &
Atkinson, 1993). The observations and interviews with various members of the school
community allowed me to see whether the principal’s practices reflected his policies.
Further, because the research question was descriptive in nature, flexibility was needed to
explore the unfolding story of the principalship. Flexibility is a characteristic of the
broad category of qualitative inquiry, which includes ethnography and phenomenology
(Eisner, 1998; Lincoln & Guba, 1985).

I have discovered the following consensus regarding phenomenological research
methods; this consensus is by no means definitive but served as the point of departure for

conducting the phenomenological aspects of the research for this study. According to the

74

research of Creswell (1998), Mitchell (1990), Moustakas (1994), Polkinghome (1989),
and Stewart and Mickunas (1990), phenomenology is based on the following four beliefs:

1. There is an intentionality of consciousness; this means that consciousness is
always directed at some object.

2. There is a refirsal of the subject-Object dichotomy; this means that an object is
perceived through the experiential meaning of an individual.

3. Phenomenologists believe that philosophy should return to the Greek
conception that philosophy is a search for wisdom; phenomenologists contend that
scientific empiricism is not the only way to study a phenomenon.

4. Last, the idea of phenomenological reductionism is important; this is
sometimes referred to as the essence, or eidos. Arriving at an essence is one of the
primary objectives of phenomenological research.

According to Mitchell (1990), deriving an essence is essential to phenomenology:

The phenomenological method incorporates a world view as well as a way of
viewing the world, just as the "scientific method" is a way of conceptualizing, or
modeling, meaning within the physical world as a whole. Phenomenology is not
a way to present either empirical or logical evidence to deduce truths or induce
generalizations and predictions. Rather, phenomenology is a way of getting at the
"is-ness," the kernel of meaning, of the phenomena being examined. (p. 256)

Other researchers have believed that it is possible to conduct phenomenological
research that is empirical. Moustakas (1994) provided the following explanation, which

highlights the importance of considering experience:

The empirical phenomenological approach involves a return to experience in
order to obtain comprehensive descriptions that provide the basis for a reflective
structural analysis that portrays the essences of the experience. The approach
"seeks to disclose and elucidate the phenomena of behavior as they manifest
themselves in their perceived immediacy" (van Kaam, 1966, p. 15). The human
scientist determines the underlying structures of an experience by interpreting the

75

originally given descriptions of the situation in which the experience occurs.
(p. 13)

Phenomenological methodology includes bracketing, which comes from the
mathematical tradition of setting aside a part of a problem (Mitchell, 1990). Husserl
referred to bracketing as epoche, which means that the researcher suspends all judgments
about reality until it is possible to establish judgment on a firm basis (Stewart &
Mickunas, 1990). During this epoche process, it is important to treat every statement as
equal in value; this is referred to as horizonalization. Moustakas provided the following

summary of the process of a phenomenological research model:

Epoche:
Setting aside prejudgements and Opening the research interview with an
unbiased, receptive presence

Phenomenological Reduction
Bracketing the Topic Question
Horizonalization: Every statement has equal value
Delimited Horizons of Meanings: Horizons that stand out as invariant
qualities of experience
Invariant Qualities and Themes: Nonrepetitive, nonoverlapping
constituents clustered into themes
Individual Textural Descriptions: An integration, descriptively, of the
invariant textural constituents and themes of each research participant
Composite Textural Descriptions: An integration of all of the individual
textural descriptions into a group or universal textural description. (p. 180)

Moustakas's summary is useful for getting a broader view of phenomenological research
methodology. Further, the summary has implications for data analysis.

Ethnography and phenomenology are different methodologies; however, they
share similar data-gathering strategies. From the ethnographic methodology I borrowed
the data-collection strategies of interviewing, observing, and analyzing documents; these

three strategies are similar to those of phenomenology. From phenomenology I took a

76

look at how I framed the question and how I analyzed the data. I was interested in the

phenomenon of problem-solving practice for an urban school principal.

Procedures

The procedures that were used in the field research for this study are described in
this section. Topics discussed are (a) ethical considerations, (b) selection of the
principal, (c) interviews with the principal, (d) observations of the principal,

(e) interviews with various focus groups, (0 an interview with the principal's immediate
supervisor, and (g) selection of the vignettes. All of these procedures were chosen for the
purpose of Obtaining rich qualitative data as well as triangulating the data. All

informants were asked to give their written consent before any research was conducted.

Ethical Considerations

To maintain the ethical integrity of this research, all participants were informed of
the following: (a) that their consent was voluntary, (b) that they did not have to answer
every question and that they could refuse to participate or answer any question without
penalty, (c) that I would transcribe all of the information gathered during the research and
keep it on a password-protected computer, (d) that the identities of all people and places
would remain confidential, (e) that appropriate pseudonyms would be assigned to
participants and places, and (t) that only the members of the dissertation committee and I
would see the data. However, despite all of my efforts to maintain confidentiality, it may
be possible to identify participants and places; all participants were notified of this

possibility in both the letter of introduction and the consent form.

77

Selection of the Principal

I selected the principal after taking into consideration the following criteria: The
principal should have at least six years of administrative experience, as either a principal
or an assistant principal, in an urban public school and should currently be employed in
an urban public school with a diverse student population. The student population should
number at least 1,500 students, who should reflect a wide range of socioeconomic
indicators. Finally, the principal should have a reputation for treating students and
parents fairly and encouraging inclusion of all groups. I sought the advice and Opinion of
my dissertation committee members as well as others when I selected the urban school

principal.

Interviews With the Principgfl

Three in-depth interviews were conducted with the principal, each at an important
time of the school year. The first interview took place in the late spring, when the school
year was coming to a close. During the first interview, I used the concept of a life map,
which was developed by Benham (1995), Colflesh (I995), Phendla (1999), Sanders-
Lawson (1999), and Smith-Carnpbell (2001). In the first interview, I asked the principal
to reflect on seven critical moments in his professional-personal life that had influenced
the development of his problem-solving skills. The life map consisted of the seven
critical points that served as a catalyst for discussing various aspects of the principal's
personal-professional life as it related to problem solving. In the second interview, the
principal was also asked to consider and respond to various aspects of a vignette that
posed problems and dilemmas requiring resolution. In the third and last interview, I

followed up on the emerging themes of the first two interviews as well as questions that

78

were inspired by the Observations. I tape recorded all of the interviews and also took

field notes during the interviews.

Observations of the Principal

I observed the principal on three different occasions, representing three times
during the school year that present unique challenges: late spring, late summer, and early
fall. During the observations, I took field notes and asked questions at appropriate times
throughout the course of the day. If time allowed, the principal and I had brief follow-up
conversations regarding the observations so that we could discuss the events of the day

while they were still fresh in our minds.

Interviews With Various Focus Groups

I selected diverse focus groups comprising teachers, parents, and the assistant
principals assigned to the principal's high school. Each focus group was exclusive in the
sense that only teachers were in the teacher focus group, only parents were in the parent
focus group, and only assistant principals were in the assistant principal focus group.
Each focus group was interviewed once; members were asked to consider and respond to
various questions regarding the principal's problem-solving practices. The interviews

were tape recorded, and I took notes during the interviews, as well.

An Interview With the Principal's Immediate Supervisor

I conducted an interview with the principal's immediate supervisor because this
person was not in a subordinate role, as were the teachers, and might have Observed

situations from an entirely different point of view. This individual was also asked to

79

consider and respond to various questions regarding the principal's problem-solving
practices. The participant was asked how he thought the principal would resolve the

issues currently facing the school.

Selection of the Vignettes

There were two primary criteria for selecting the vignettes that emerged from the
data analysis. The first criterion was that I found several participants talking about a
specific set of events involving the principal’s problem-solving practice; from these
vignettes I chose the four that were richest in detail. The second criterion was the
saliency that the four vignettes demonstrated for illuminating Freirean critical theory. As
the process Of vignette selection progressed, I became aware that the vignettes made my
initial notion of emancipation and liberatory problem-solving processes more
problematic. In the end, the vignettes that were selected show varying degrees of
liberatory problem-solving practice. That is, one vignette firlly illuminates Freirean
elements, one does not, and the last two reveal some tenets, hence, a spectrum of

Oppression or the lack of attending successfully to Oppression.

Interview Probes Reflecting the Freirean Constructs
The Freirean constructs identified for this study were (a) dialogue with a purpose,
(b) conscientization, (c) praxis, ((1) politics and a universal common ethic (pedagogy of
politics), (e) banking education versus problem-posing education, and (t) humanization.
The probes listed under each construct in the following pages were used in the various
interviews. Because the principal and the focus groups of teachers, parents, and assistant

principals were seeing and experiencing events from different perspectives, in some

80

cases the interview probes were modified for particular interviews. The following probes
were used when the participants were discussing the problem-solving practices of the
principal:

1. Dialogue with a purpose. What role, if any, does dialogue play in the
principal's problem-solving practices? If dialogue plays a role, what purpose do you
believe it serves?

2. Conscientization. What role does consciousness-raising play in the
principal's problem-solving practices? Has anyone become aware of his or her
opportunities or lack of opportunities in anything that the principal has said or done? If
this were so, how would you explain it?

3. Praxis. How important was reflection regarding that experience (decision,
problem)? Did reflection help resolve that problem (dilemma)? What role did reflection
play in reference to that decision (experience)?

4. Politics and a universal common ethic (pedagogy of politics). What
spiritual or moral basis guides (or guided) your (his) decision (experience)? What ethical
considerations help (helped) you (him) make that decision (or resolve that problem)?

5. Banking education versus problem-posing education. Did memory play a
part in that decision? Would that decision or experience be of a routine nature? What
helped you (him) the most when resolving a difficult problem or dilemma? What helped
you (him) the most with forming an opinion?

6. Humanization. Did you observe people becoming more aware of the needs or
desires of others? What changes did you notice in your (his) own level of awareness of
the suffering (or joy) of others? What changes did you notice in other people's awareness

of the suffering (or joy) of others?

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Issues of Trustworthiness and Triangulation

It is common for qualitative researchers to use terminology employed by
quantitative researchers when discussing issues of trustworthiness (Johnson, 1997;
Lincoln & Guba, 1985). According to Johnson, there are researchers who propose
abandoning traditional measures of validity and reliability and others who prefer a more

moderate viewpoint:

Discussions of “validity” have traditionally been attached to the quantitative
tradition. Not surprisingly, reactions by qualitative researchers have been mixed
regarding whether or not this concept should be applied to qualitative research.
At the extreme, some qualitative researchers have suggested that the traditional
quantitative criteria of reliability and validity are not relevant to qualitative
research (e.g. Smith, 1984). Smith contends that the basic epistemological and
ontological assumptions of quantitative and qualitative research are incompatible,
and, therefore, the concepts of reliability and validity should be abandoned. Most
qualitative researchers, however, probably hold a more moderate viewpoint.
Most qualitative researchers argue that some qualitative research studies are
better than others, and they frequently use the term validity to refer to this
difference. (p. 282)

Assuming that “some qualitative research studies are better than others” (Johnson, 1997,
p. 282), the issue of validity or trustworthiness is important in determining whether a
qualitative study is trustworthy or valid.

Other terms have been used as synonyms for validity. Wolcott (1999), for
example, used the term corroboration. Creswell and Miller (2000) offered three
paradigms to help researchers establish validity, one of which they called the
constructivist position. In the following excerpt, they listed several procedures for
establishing validity using the constructivist approach:

The constructivist or interpretive position emerged during the period of 1970 to

1987, . . . and it is reflected in stances toward validity today. Constructivists

believe in pluralistic, interpretive, Open-ended, and contextualized (e.g., sensitive

to place and situation) perspectives toward reality. The validity procedures
reflected in this thinking present criteria with labels distinct from quantitative

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approaches, such as trustworthiness (i.e., credibility, transferability,
dependability, and confirrnability), and authenticity (i.e., fairness, enlarges
personal construction, leads to improved understanding of constructions of others,
stimulates action, and empowers action). (pp. 125-126)

The constructivist paradigm of validity was appropriate for this research. However, due
to time and budgetary constraints, not all of the procedures that Creswell and Miller
mentioned were applied.

An important research technique that helps lend trustworthiness and credence to
qualitative studies is triangulation (Lincoln & Guba, 1985). Triangulation provides a
system of checks and balances that help determine the accuracy and trustworthiness of
the various informants’ responses (Wolcott, 1999). According to Denzin (1978), there

are four basic types of triangulation:

(1) Data triangulation has three subtypes: (a) time, (b) space, and (c) person.
Person analysis, in turn, has three levels: (a) aggregate, (b) interactive, and

(c) collectivity. (2) Investigator triangulation consists of using multiple rather
than single Observers of the same Object. (3) Theory triangulation consists of
using multiple rather than single perspectives in relation to the same set of
objects. (4) Methodological triangulation can entail within-method triangulation
and between-method triangulation. (p. 101)

Generally speaking, most researchers think of using multiple data sources when
they think of triangulation (Lincoln & Guba, 1985). Because of time and budgetary

constraints, 1 relied on data-source triangulation, which Denzin (1978) said

. . . forces the researcher to go to as many concrete situations as possible in
forming the observational base. It forces the researcher to situationally check the
validity and reliability of the specimens and emerging causal proposition. The
attitudes a man expresses in private, for example, might be compared with those
he Offers when in the company of his larger social group. (p. 101)

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The field research for this study entailed collecting data from various sources, such as
one-on-one interviews, focus group interviews, and observations of the principal on the
job.

Researcher reflexivity is another technique for establishing trustworthiness
(Creswell & Miller, 2000; Johnson, 1997; Lincoln & Guba, 1985). According to

Creswell and Miller, reflexivity refers to researchers’ disclosure of

. . . their assumptions, beliefs, and biases. This is the process whereby researchers
report on personal beliefs, values, and biases that may shape their inquiry. It is
particularly important for researchers to acknowledge and describe their entering
beliefs and biases early in the research process to allow readers to understand
their positions, and then to bracket or suspend those researcher biases as the study
proceeds. (p. 127)

Thus, in this study, trustworthiness was established through triangulated data sources as
well as researcher reflexivity.

This study was based on the critical theory elaborated by Paulo F reire. In the
19205, the Frankfurt School first developed critical theory (Held, 1980). The basic
principles of critical theory influenced educators, and a critical pedagogy was thus
developed. Paulo Freire was a pioneer in the development of critical pedagogy (McLaren
& Giarelli, 1995). Later, other researchers such as Jean Anyon, Michael Apple, Donaldo
Macedo, Peter McLaren, Henry Giroux, Alberto Torres, and Jonathan Kozol began to
embrace the principles of critical pedagogy. Both critical theory and critical pedagogy
are based on the assumption that there are groups of people who historically have been
oppressed (Giroux, 1995; Held, 1980; McLaren & Giarelli, 1995). Carspecken (1996)

described some Of the attributes of “criticalists”:

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Those of us who openly call ourselves “criticalists” definitely share a value
orientation. We are all concerned about social inequalities, and we direct our
work toward positive social change. We also share a concern with social theory
and some of the basic issues it has struggled with since the nineteenth century.
These include the nature of social structure, power, culture, and human agency.
We use our research, in fact, to refine social theory rather than merely to describe
social life. Together, we have begun to develop critical social research. (p. 3)

Freire (1972, 1976) claimed that all people are Oppressed in some way. However,
it seems that some groups such as African Americans, Native Americans, women,
Mexican Americans, gay people, working-class people, and many others are more
oppressed than others. Yet critical theory involves more than just the assumption of
historical oppression. The intensity and perpetuation of oppression are other issues.
Traditionally and historically, women have had fewer opportunities and rights than men;
this is true in more than one culture and nation. Also, there are only a few places in the
United States where gay people’s rights are legally protected, and even fewer in other
parts of the world. Thus, because Oppression is historical, intense, and continual, there is
a place for critical theorists and critical pedagogues in conducting research about issues
of social justice and inequality.

Urban public schools are a particularly appropriate place to study issues of
oppression and social justice in educational systems. Policies are in place that perpetuate
oppression and affect the opportunities of traditionally Oppressed groups of people.
Because critical pedagogy is concerned with broad issues of oppression in school
systems, universities, and other educational institutions, it is an apprOpriate lens through

which to view the practices of an urban public school administrator.

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Limitations

This study has the following limitations:

1. Time is the first limitation. To conduct a full ethnographic study, it would be
necessary to have 1 to 2 years (if not more) of research time. Conducting the field
research for this study took approximately 7 months, with an average of 2 hours a day
spent on research activities.

2. Budget constraints are another limitation. This study was paid for entirely
with my personal funds. There was no money for such things as transcription services,
which might have facilitated the accuracy of the tape-recorded transcripts.

3. One way to enhance the trustworthiness of a qualitative study is to have more
than one researcher conduct interviews and Observations. This study had only one
researcher.

4. It is possible that the F reirean constructs chosen for the study may not be
reflected in the data.

5. Reflections of the F reirean constructs in the principal’s practices may be

coincidental.

Procedures for Data Analysis

A primary task of an ethnographer is to look for emerging patterns in the various
data collected during the fieldwork (Wolcott, 1999). One of the primary tasks in a
phenomenological study is to look for the essence of the data (Moustakas, 1994, Stewart
& Mickunas, 1990). Initially, these tasks may seem overwhelming, and too many

patterns may be identified (Creswell, 1998; Wolcott, 1999). As Wolcott noted,

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There is always too much happening in any setting selected for study; observation
presents an impossible task. The observer feels torn between finding patterns
everywhere and entertaining serious doubts as to whether there is any systematic
patterning at all in what is being observed. (p. 256)

Because it was necessary to analyze a variety of data, the analysis procedures that
Creswell ( 1998) and Moustakas (1994) suggested were appropriate for both the
ethnographical and phenomenological aspects of the research. Creswell suggested that,
in analyzing the various data generated in a study, it is best to think of the data-analysis
process as various loops of a spiral rather than in a linear sense. Each of the IOOps
represents a process that may be revisited in order to sort out emerging patterns that
might not have been detected in the first analysis. The following is a brief description of
the data-collection and -analysis procedures that Creswell recommended; this depiction is
followed by some recommendations by Moustakas. The data-analysis methods may
overlap, and I needed to determine which methods were the most appropriate for the field
research.

Data collection: This is the process of doing the field research. In this research,
the data-collection procedures included observations, one-on-one and focus group
interviews, and examination of artifacts.

Organization of data: The data were organized according to type. I transcribed
the tape recordings and noted my initial impressions in the margins. I organized the field
notes and checked them for clarity; this was an ongoing task from the start of the data-
collection process.

Managing of data: I continually studied the data so that I could get a general

idea of what was available in the entire data base.

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Reading and memo writing: I read over the entire data base several times,
immersing myself in the details before breaking the data into parts.

Reflection and note writing: Writing memos in the margins of the field notes
and transcripts helped in the initial exploration of the data base.

Context, categories, and comparisons: In this phase of the data analysis, I
determined initial and tentative categories and emerging patterns. I examined the data
for their reflection of Freirean constructs.

Describing, classifying, and interpreting: I took apart the text of the qualitative
data and reexamined emerging themes. The goal was to establish five or six general
themes. The data were interpreted on the basis of the Freirean constructs identified in
Chapter II.

Development of visuals: In this phase of the analysis, I developed various
visuals (i.e., matrices, trees, webs) in the hope of visually reflecting the outcomes of the
data analysis.

Representing and visualizing: The data were organized and are presented in
Chapter IV as the study findings. This step included editing the visual devices, such as
tables or figures, developed in the preceding phase.

Discussion: The final analysis includes a discussion of the Freirean constructs
and how they are reflected in the practices of the principal selected for study.
Moustakas (1994) modified a data-analysis method originally developed by van Kaam.
The following items, based on that modification, were added to Creswell’s suggestions in

order to meet the requirements of a phenomenological data analysis.

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1. Listing and Preliminary Grouping:

List every expression relevant to the experience. (Horizonalization)

2. Reduction and Elimination: To determine the Invariant Constituents: Test each
expression for two requirements:

a. Does it contain a moment of the experience that is a necessary and sufficient
constituent for understanding it?

b. Is it possible to abstract and label it? If so, it is a horizon of the experience.
Expressions not meeting the above requirements are eliminated. Overlapping,
repetitive, and vague expressions are also eliminated or presented in more exact
descriptive terms. The horizons that remain are the invariant constituents of the
experience.

3. Clustering and Thematizing the Invariant Constituents:

Cluster the invariant constituents of the experience that are related into a thematic
label. The clustered and labeled constituents are the core themes of the
experience.

4. Final Identification of the Invariant Constituents and Themes by Application:
Validation

Check the invariant constituents and their accompanying theme against the
complete record of the research participant. (1) Are they expressed explicitly in
the complete transcription? (2) Are they compatible if not explicitly expressed?
(3) If they are not explicit or compatible, they are not relevant to the co-
researcher's experience and should be deleted.

5. Using the relevant, validated invariant constituents and themes, construct for
each co-researcher an Individual T extural Description of the experience. Include
verbatim examples from the transcribed interview.

6. Construct for each co-researcher an Individual Structural Description of the
experience based on the Individual Textural Description and Imaginative
Variation.

7. Construct for each research participant a T extural-Structural Description of the
meanings and essences of the experience, incorporating the invariant constituents
and themes. (pp. 120-121)

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CHAPTER IV
PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS OF THE DATA

Introduction
In this chapter I provide contextual information on the community of West
Starville, the setting for this study. I describe the high school itself and the principal’s
professional background. Next, I present four detailed vignettes that illuminate the
principal’s problem-solving practices. Throughout the discussion, pseudonyms are used
to maintain anonymity. Last, I discuss emerging themes based on a textual analysis of
the four vignettes and present a matrix of qualities exhibited in those vignettes, which

assisted me in building a local theory of practice, presented in Chapter V.

Demographic Characteristics of the Community

According to the US. Census Bureau (1983), the population of West Starville
was 130,414 in 1980; by the year 2000, the population had declined to 119,128. West
Starville’s change in demographics is typical of American cities with populations of more
than 100,000. The city’s racial distribution in the year 2000 was approximately 65%
Caucasian, 22% African American, 18% American Indian and Alaskan Native, .1%
Native Hawaiian and other Pacific Islanders, 4% other races, and 4% two or more races
(US. Census Bureau, 2000).

West Starville’s many manufacturing facilities provide the city with jobs and a tax
base. Unfortunately, most of the employees (along with their incomes) no longer live
within the city limits of West Starville. When West Starville’s industries are doing well,
the city benefits from higher tax revenues, but the converse is true when economic times

are poor. The city has had to Offer tax benefits to its industries because they have
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threatened to leave the community in search of less expensive labor as well as lower
taxes.

During the early 19705, the West Starville School District experimented with a
desegregation plan for its elementary schools. However, this voluntary plan met with
Opposition, and many members of the school board were recalled. When the new school
board took office, they rescinded the desegregation plan. In 1978, a US. district court
ordered the West Starville School District to desegregate its schools; this meant that
many students would be bused to various schools within the district in order to achieve
racial balance. Teachers and administrators also were reassigned to different buildings so
that there would be racial balance among the professional staff. Despite the court-
ordered desegregation plan, there were no violent or passionate demonstrations. Most
scholars who have studied the West Starville desegregation order do not believe that it
caused the Caucasian community to flee the city. In 1980, Caucasians constituted about
81% of the total district population, yet in 2000 the percentage of Caucasians had fallen

to 65%.

Description of Macedo High School

Construction of the new Macedo High School began in August 1958; its doors
were opened in fall 1959 to a student population just under 1,000. There had not been
enough time to plant grass and do other landscaping before school opened in the fall, so
students and staff had to contend with a muddy campus during the first two months or so
of school. The original building, which was located about four blocks away, had become
too small for the growing number of students enrolled there. There had already been four
major renovations as well as several additions to the old school. The first class to

graduate from the new high school was the class of 1960. Initially, Macedo High School
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was predominantly Caucasian; however, over time, the school has become racially
diverse.

Today, Macedo High School reflects the racial diversity of West Starville. About
40% of the students at Macedo High School qualify for free breakfast and free lunch
programs; qualification for these programs is based on low family income. About 1,800
students currently are enrolled, which is the maximum capacity according to the
architect’s original plan. Approximately 550 students are freshmen. The school is
typical with regard to its staffing. There are about 150 firll-time teachers, a principal, 3
assistant principals, 8 secretaries, a school nurse, various custodial and kitchen staff, and
3 security guards. One of the assistant principals works primarily with curriculum,
scheduling, and special projects. The other two assistant principals work mainly with
student discipline, but they also perform a variety of other duties.

Although Macedo High School is more than 40 years old, it has been well
maintained over the years, and it is difficult for most people to guess its age. A four-
story classroom wing has an elevator for use by custodians, as well as by students and
staff with physical challenges. It is sometimes difficult to navigate the sprawling
building because it is so large. The total gross area of the building is 301,150 square feet
on what was originally a 57-acre site. The total cost of the original building was a little

more than $5.5 million. Today, it would cost significantly more to build such a facility.

The Principal’s Background
Michael Kent, the principal who was the subject of this study, attended a one-
room schoolhouse in a rural community. He lived so close to the school that occasionally
the chiming of the school bell would awaken him. When he overslept, he would dress

quickly and run all the way to school before class started. He was the only child in his

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family, which included both a mother and a father. His father expected the boy to help
out around the farm. As he grew older, his duties increased; in fact, by the time the youth
was in high school, he worked as many as 60 hours a week during the summer months.
His father paid him for this work, so when he was a teenager he always had spending
money as well as a car. Michael Kent was popular in high school; he rarely studied
because getting good grades was easy for him.

On Michael Kent’s first day of college, he changed his major from agriculture to
mathematics. At the time, he was not sure what he would do with a major in
mathematics; he simply preferred this subject to agriculture. Upon reflection, though, he
decided to become a teacher. One of the reasons he wanted to be a teacher was that one
of the few teachers who had challenged him was a mathematics teacher. Both of Michael
Kent’s parents also had been teachers. His father had attended a normal school and
taught for two years before dedicating the rest of his working years to farming. His
mother studied to become a teacher after her son reached young adulthood. She began as
a junior high school teacher in the rural district where her son had attended school; later
she taught in West Starville, where her son was employed, because the pay there was
significantly higher there than in the rural district.

Mr. Kent began his teaching career in the West Starville School District. Early
on, he became interested in computers and eventually was one of the first teachers in the
district to organize a computer laboratory. He also became interested in administration
early in his career and was principal of the high school adult education program for 25
years. This part-time position allowed him to gain administrative experience. In 1987,

Mr. Kent became an assistant principal of one of the high schools in the district. In 1995,

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he became interim principal of Macedo High School, and two years later he was named
the permanent principal.

Throughout the interviewing process and observations of Mr. Kent, 1 was
impressed with his personable nature. When Mr. Kent spoke about Macedo High School,
he preferred to stress its strengths and rarely, if ever, talked about any anguish he was
having about administering a large urban high school. I am not sure why Mr. Kent did
not discuss any of his shortcomings regarding the challenges he faced, nor did I ask him
directly. I did, however, query his responses to my interview probes so as to get the best
picture of his perception regarding his problem-solving processes. In addition, I queried
other interviewees (e.g., teachers, community members, his supervisor), and generally
they described Mr. Kent’s work ethic, problem-solving capacity, and human relationship
building in very positive ways. Much of Mr. Kent’s success can be attributed to the fact
that he is a seasoned school administrator and has worked most of his professional career

in this school district, first as teacher and then at different levels of administration.

Four Lignettes Illustra_tir_rg the Principal’s Problem-Solvingjractices

In the following sections, 1 present four vignettes that I develOped from the data
collected for this study. These vignettes illustrate the principal’s problem-solving
practices and amplify patterns that emerged regarding the Freirean principles that guided
Mr. Kent and his practice. The four vignettes are titled (a) Empowering Through
Inclusion, (b) Collaboration and Teamwork, (c) Using Alliances to Achieve a Solution,
and (d) The Dilemma of Race. It is important to note that the vignettes show varying
degrees of emancipation and liberatory practice. That is, the first vignette, Empowering
Through Inclusion, is the strongest as it illuminates many of the Freirean constructs. The

second and third vignettes, Collaboration and Teamwork and Using Alliances to Achieve

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a Solution, demonstrate moderate degrees of Freirean constructs. The last vignette, The
Dilemma of Race, does not reflect F reirean constructs. What we learn in this last
vignette is that institutional barriers often hinder liberatory practices. These vignettes
serve as a foundation for a three-layer analysis of the principal’s problem-solving
practices. The first two layers are included in this chapter, and the third appears in
Chapter V.

Vignette 1: Empowering Through Incluaion:

The Gay, Lesbian,and Straight Student Club

During the fall of the 2001-02 school year, two students, a male and a female,
asked to speak to Mr. Kent privately. These students, both of whom had been on the
honor roll their entire time at Macedo, wanted to form a club at the high school that
would promote human rights, especially those of gay people. They asked Mr. Kent what
they would need to do to form such a club. He told them they would have to do what
everyone else did—find an advisor and write a description of how the club would be
organized and who would be allowed to join. The two students said they wanted the club
to be open to both gay and straight students, and the principal thought this was a positive
direction to take.

The students told the principal that they knew some students who might be
interested in joining their club but that many potential members would be hesitant to join
because they were afraid to admit to an alternative sexual orientation. Mr. Kent told the
two students that he was willing to give them permission to form the club, provided they
write up a proposal for the club, find a faculty advisor, and speak to the assistant principal

who was responsible for overseeing events and the organization of school clubs. Mr.

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Kent believed that gay students should have the same rights as other students, as
illustrated in the following excerpt from the field notes:

The kids come to me and they want to do it; I’ll back [them]. You know, the

Gothic Kids’ Ball, that kind of thing. The idea that just because you have a

different sexual orientation, well, what’s the difference between that and the color

of your skin? And there are some gifted people. Macedo High School’s tolerant.

Could you have done that in other systems? Could you have done that around

West Sikeston? Oh, God, no! (Michael Kent, tape transcripts)

The two students told Mr. Kent they were surprised that forming the club would
be so simple, and they asked if he was afraid of repercussions. They knew that forming
such a club could be controversial because there was sure to be opposition from
fundamental religious groups, which generally opposed human rights for gay people.

The principal replied that he did not think he had any reason for concern. He was aware
that this school club had potential to be controversial; however, he believed that it was
ethically correct to recognize gay students as part of the school community.

At that point, Mr. Kent asked a counselor and a social worker to help him deal
with derogatory statements that students or staff might make about the club or its
members. The guidance counselor, Delores Owens, had several years of experience in
various kinds of counseling and readily agreed to accept the position of club advisor. She
was impressed with the students and enjoyed her role as their club advisor. She stated,

There were kids who were fabulous students, who were involved, every one of

them; they were concerned about human rights more than homosexuality. And so

our discussions were about equality, about legislation, about civil rights, about
tolerance and not in just one facet; it was truly across the board. And the group
was formed to raise awareness and in addition to give a group of students who felt
like they were a minority and that they were Often ridiculed, persecuted, a place
where they could talk about things that they cared about. Even if it was TV
shows; if it was whatever tOpic that was important to them, that they had a place

where other people had similar things going on in their lives, and that just made
them comfortable. (Delores Owens, tape transcripts)

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The social worker, Candice Janeway, was a veteran of the school district and agreed with
Principal Kent that forming a gay and straight student club would be beneficial to the
school community.

About two weeks after the students met with the principal, representatives from
the Gay Rights Organization United for Peace (GROUP), a national organization that
promotes fair treatment of gay people, made an appointment to meet with Mr. Kent. At
that meeting, six representatives of GROUP explained the purpose of their organization
and offered Mr. Kent their support. They gave him a thick packet of background
information, as well as their business cards, so that if he were ever challenged he would
have a resource available.

The students did all of the things that Mr. Kent had asked them to do. They met
with the assistant principal who oversaw student clubs, and they found a faculty advisor.
They also wrote up a proposal in which they explained that any Macedo High School
student could join the club, regardless of sexual orientation. The students named their
club the Gay, Lesbian, and Straight Students Club (GLASS). At the time, there was
much diversity in the building, and GLASS was just another diverse group. The way the
club was founded indicates the diversity at Macedo High School. According to assistant
principal Gomez,

1 think that the way it was conceived and the way we proceeded to handle it and

the advisor who was over it had a lot to do with making it so that it didn’t come

across as either offensive, or brash, to the rest of the student body or staff. And it
didn’t really ruffle any feathers. And there is so much [diversity] even within that

group; there’s so much diversity in this building and more than just tolerance. I

think that there’s a quasi acceptance of differences, and these students worked

side by side with other students all of the time. And it wasn’t that each one of
those students in that organization was labeled particularly one way or the other.

I think that there was enough of a mixture there of people being empathetic to the
plight of others. (Linda Gomez, tape transcripts)

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The six original members of GLASS reflected the diversity within the high
school; both genders and several racial or ethnic groups were represented. The club grew
slowly because the principal wanted to make sure that staff members were prepared to
provide support to students who admitted to an alternative sexual orientation and were
subjected to negative comments from prejudiced classmates.

At times, members of GLASS suffered repercussions from joining the club. On a
few occasions, when club members were hanging posters to promote club membership,
they overheard fellow students making derisive comments. Initially, most posters were
ripped down as soon as they went up. However, over time, when members of GLASS
put up posters, fewer and fewer of them were ripped down. Mr. Kent believed this was
an indication that students were slowly accepting the GLASS club and its members.

Mr. Kent was unaware of the precise number of students who belonged to
GLASS. He believed that the faculty advisor and the students should run student clubs:
“I’m hands-off on all organizations. If it’s the chess club, do I go and count the number
of players? Why would I count the number of players here? Other than I had the guts to
take it. It’s like having a Gothic Kids’ Ball” (Michael Kent, tape transcripts). However,
Delores Owens, the GLASS advisor, informed Mr. Kent that the membership had
increased significantly since the club’s founding. GLASS had regularly scheduled
meetings, and club members continued to hang posters inviting interested students to
attend their meetings. In January 2001, the local chapter of GROUP invited Mr. Kent to
a banquet at which he was given an award for supporting the formation of a gay and

straight student organization at his high school.

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Vignette 2: Collaboration and Teamwork:
A Tale of Two Academies

During late winter of the 2001-02 school year, Principal Kent and Linda Gomez,
an assistant principal, talked about the possibility of establishing two academies at
Macedo High School. They were concerned that the building’s curriculum lacked
direction and believed that the various academic disciplines were not unified in any way,
other than being aligned with the district curriculum. Both agreed that one way to
address this lack of direction would be to form academies. Mr. Kent had been thinking
about forming an International Performing Arts Academy (IPAA) for the past 10 years,
but for a variety of reasons the time never had been right. He explained,

I’m a math major, but I know that people in performing arts gather confidence,

and whether or not you’ve got brains, if you can stand on your feet and talk,

present yourself, you can make a living. So that was important to me. [Also], in

order to maintain the population here of all the standard students, performing arts

people tend to be academically more advanced. (Michael Kent, tape transcripts)
Thus, one of Mr. Kent’s primary reasons for wanting to form the IPAA was that learning
a performing art increases a person’s confidence, which carries over to other academic
areas, as well. He had observed that students who were successful in a performing art
tended to do better in their academic courses than those who had no such training.

One of the principal’s strategies for initiating this innovation was to build
consensus among interested people. He realized that when there was consensus, an
innovation was more likely to be successful because like-minded people were working
toward similar goals. One disadvantage of consensus building was that it could be
excruciatingly time consuming. Previously, Kent had built consensus by forming
committees of motivated teachers and providing them with resources to develop a

program. However, he also had seen committees that dissipated without producing much

in the way of tangible results. He wanted teacher input, but he sensed that forming a

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teacher committee might not be the best way to establish the academy. Assistant
principal Gomez also had observed this dichotomy between including teachers in
decision making and needing to complete the work in a timely manner. She stated,

There has to be a buy-in, I think, for all parties. Sometimes you are really

fortunate and you get teachers outside of that area that have a direct interest or a

passion for whatever subject area. In this particular instance, why try to reinvent

the wheel when you already had a performing arts and visual arts department who

were already working very well together, very cemented? We already had a

ninth-grade team that, through a connected model, were just cemented and very

well founded on their feet. You take the best of two worlds and put it together,
and there is a marriage there. (Linda Gomez, tape transcripts)

Mr. Kent knew that the performing arts teachers would be interested in
developing the IPAA, and that the business teachers would be interested in developing
the Write It Right Academy of Teaching and Commerce (WRATC). So even though
some teacher committees he had formed had not achieved beneficial results, he generally
preferred to work with committees because they were more inclusive and allowed
teachers to have a voice. Mr. Kent’s preference was reflective of Freire’s dialogue with a
purpose because it was inclusive (Freire, 1972). The principal thought that the time was
right for founding the academics and that there were skilled and talented teachers who
had great potential for developing those academies. However, he was not sure that
formal committees could produce the necessary work in a timely manner. He said,

Formal committees, I’ve found over the years, unless you are personally involved

and they do not have a vested interest, then there won’t be much that will come

after that. So, I needed a commitment. . . . That’s why we kept them in the two
areas. You’ve got a business department that worked together for the first time in

its life. They actually even talked to each other. That’s basically what we did

with performing arts. (Michael Kent, tape transcripts)

The principal was also concerned about involving enough people in each department for

the academies to be successful. If any people were not sufficiently motivated, the

likelihood of success would be compromised.

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Mr. Kent did not have many resources at his disposal for carrying out his plans.
There were no economic incentives for potential committee members, and the only
benefit that he had to offer was an academy that would highlight their departments. With
only a few potential committee members, the principal wondered how he would be able
to form two productive committees. He also questioned how effective his committee-
forming strategy might be. He wanted the two academics to come to fruition the
following school year and was not willing to wait for a slow-moving committee to
develop a new curriculum and an implementation plan.

The two academies would provide a focus to the education of students at the high
school; the academics were unique and therefore met different student needs. Freshmen
could select an academy upon enrolling for their first semester and generally would stay
with the academy during their four years of high school.‘ The primary goal of the first
academy, the IPAA, was for students to attain proficiency in a performing art. The other
academy, the WRATC, would stress attaining advanced computer and business skills.
These two academies are reflective of Freire’s construct of problem-posing education as
opposed to banking education. The purpose of the academies was to help students
develop higher-order skills, which is also the purpose of problem-posing education.
Students in the WRATC would take a variety of technology classes, such as accounting,
cOmputer science, and business writing. They would also take several courses in
advanced word-processing. Helping students develop advanced skills is what Freire
would classify as problem-posing education, in contrast to banking education, which is
focused on lower-level skills that promote rote memorization.

Linda Gomez, the assistant principal responsible for curriculum development and

curriculum maintenance, supported the formation of both academies. She was especially

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interested in the IPAA, due to her long-time attraction to the performing arts. One of the
reasons Mr. Kent had wanted Ms. Gomez to be an assistant principal at his school was
that she shared his long-time passion for performing arts; eventually, he would be able to
tap her skills to implement the IPAA. In an interview, he had this to say about his
relationship with Ms. Gomez: “She’s my detail person. She may be the front [person],
but I’m the one that has to get the money and pull the miracles to get things to happen”
(Michael Kent, tape transcripts). Their different skills would complement each other as
the two academies were developed.

The other two assistant principals, Ethyl Fontaine and Norma Flowers, were also
involved in planning the academics; however, their participation was more in the sense of
proofreading and providing technical support. Generally speaking, Mr. Kent and the
three assistant principals considered themselves a team. During observations and
interviews, I noticed that the four administrators worked together well. Ms. Flowers
corroborated this observation:

I think we do really well with each other because, first of all, we accept each other

as individuals. And we accept the strengths and weaknesses that we have. But

we also work very hard to support one another. There is no member of this team
that runs around behind the other one, undercutting. We have our responsibilities.

It’s not uncommon for somebody to walk in and ask me a question and I’ll say,

“You know what? That’s Ethyl’s thing. She’s working with that.” Then some

kid will come in, “I want my schedule changed.” “No, it’s midway through the

semester and I can’t touch a schedule at this point; I’m not authorized to touch
schedules during this period of time. You want to talk about a schedule, you
better go talk to Ms. Gomez.” We know what our responsibilities are and we take
care of our responsibilities, and we take care of each other as a team. And we
function very well as a team. I would dare say that we are probably one of the
best-functioning teams in the district. (Norma Flowers, tape transcripts)

The administrators frequently consulted each other during work hours, held

im rom tu meetin s, finished each other’s sentences when conversin , and assisted each
P

other with a variety of administrative tasks. Mr. Kent was notorious for changing

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direction in the middle of expressing a thought; as a result, his sentences Often were
convoluted and difficult to understand. When this happened, the assistant principals felt
confident enough to ask him to explain himself.

Ms. Gomez was the primary advocate of the two academies. She regularly
consulted with Mr. Kent about progress that was being made in curriculum development
and the implementation plan. Like Mr. Kent, she was eager to institute the academies at
the beginning of the next school year and was concerned that forming teacher committees
might retard the process of curriculum development and eventual implementation. At the
time of this research, 150 full-time teachers were employed at Macedo High School.
Various part-time and rotating special education faculty also served other buildings in the
district. Among these faculty members were several teachers who were interested in
supporting and participating in the academics, but some teachers resisted change and
were unlikely to be helpful.

Because skeptical teachers could stall the timely implementation of the two
academies, for the remainder of the school year, Ms. Gomez and Mr. Kent met with
interested teachers as a group and individually so that they could share ideas about the
curriculum, course offerings, and selection of people to teach the academy courses. The
performing arts teachers had been in favor of an academy featuring performing arts and
enthusiastically embraced the proposal by writing curriculum and developing courses.
Ms. Gomez and teachers who participated in writing the curriculum were enthusiastic
about the proposed academies.

On two occasions, Mr. Kent talked to the Parent and Faculty Senate about the
academies. He was optimistic that additional funding for the academies would become

available in the future, but he stressed that the organization of the academies would not

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be contingent on receiving any special funding. Therefore, he was confident that the
academics would come to fruition the following school year, 2002-03.

The first peOple to start planning for the academics were Ms. Gomez and Mr.
Kent; they met a few times to talk about the process. Mr. Kent thought some of his
veteran teachers would be key to making the academies successful. The performing arts
teachers had received awards for their innovations, and the business teachers were known
for being hard working and for challenging their students. The principal did not want to
form another committee of well-intentioned but slow-moving professionals who were
unlikely to complete the proposal for the academies in a timely manner. However, he did
want to include teachers in the process; in fact, he generally included teachers in much of
his decision making as well as in developing programs for the high school. Andrew
Parker, a Macedo High School teacher, spoke of Mr. Kent’s success in including teachers
and other administrators in his problem-solving practices:

I think the problem solving not only with students, but he’s very good with the

teachers and administration, combining them both. Because he’ll listen to both

sides, and when someone feels they’ve given an answer that’s going to be used,
that’s the positive thing. He will use some answers fiom the teachers. But just
the way he connects administration with the teachers as far as the problem
solving, 1 think that’s awesome. (Andrew Parker, tape transcripts)

Mr. Kent and Ms. Gomez started inviting people to come to the school and talk to
them about potential resources for the academies. Representatives from the nearby
university’s performing arts program provided help during the year. For a nominal fee, a
local performing arts institute also assisted in writing the curriculum. Thus, the principal
included teachers, outside consultants, and his administrative team in developing the two

academies. Freirean scholar Peter Roberts (2000) defined F reire’s idea of praxis as being

closely intertwined with another F reirean construct, conscientization:

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F reire speaks of conscientization as “the process by which human beings
participate critically in a transforming act,” and stresses “there is no
conscientization outside of praxis, outside the theory-practice, reflection-action
unity.” Conscientization, F reire notes elsewhere, “can only be manifested in the
concrete praxis (which can never be limited to the mere activity of the
consciousness)” I propose, therefore, that rather than separating the two concepts
out, as many people attempting to apply F reirean ideas do, conscientization and
praxis ought to be seen as necessarily intertwined. Conscientization occurs in the
transforming moment where critical reflection is synthesized with action. (p. 146)
In forming the two academies, Mr. Kent was taking action or realizing praxis by
providing an educationally enhanced program for his students. His action, his praxis, was
a result of conscientization or coming to the realization that the curriculum lacked
direction.

Mr. Kent and Ms. Gomez talked to Buellah Carter, a business teacher and head of
the business department, about the potential for a business-related academy. The
principal was apprehensive about meeting with Ms. Carter’s colleagues because they
were not known for consulting and sharing ideas. They were all independent-minded
professionals who might not have been able to engage in the consultation and teamwork
that would be required for working on joint projects toward implementation of the
WRATC. Both Mr. Kent and Ms. Gomez believed the ninth graders would need to be
included in the academies for them to be successful, and the veteran business teachers
were accustomed to teaching students in the higher grades. During the winter of the
2001-02 school year, Mr. Kent and Ms. Gomez met with Ms. Carter and described their
ideas about forming the academies and the role her department would play in that effort.

Ms. Carter was receptive to the idea and met with teachers in her department, who
had many questions about the organization and implementation of the WRATC. Ms.

Carter suggested that they meet with Mr. Kent and Ms. Gomez. During that meeting,

there was much discussion and questioning regarding the curriculum and organization of

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the WRATC. The business teachers finally agreed with the formation of the academy
and began writing a curriculum. When they finally completed their curriculum and
delivered it to Mr. Kent, he was pleasantly surprised and impressed with the progressive
nature of that curriculum. He stated,

The business piece was the biggest gamble I ever took in my life because of the

personalities of the people. Other than Palmer—he is what I would call the only

mainstream teacher. Josephine is a recluse. Bill Mulligan is, in his own way, a

recluse—very open, always goes to parties, always does that, but he’s still a

recluse. Buellah is like a quiet program. But they wrote me—together as a team,

as people who don’t really get along—the most progressive curriculum in this
state. (Michael Kent, tape transcripts)
At a board of education meeting in spring 2002, Mr. Kent made a computer presentation
(using PowerPoint software) on the founding of the two academies. The academies came
to fruition at the same time, at the beginning of the 2002-03 school year.

NO formal teacher committees were formed because Mr. Kent and Ms. Gomez
believed they would be unnecessary. They thought that, by working with motivated
teachers, the process of developing curriculum and designing an implementation plan
would be more expeditious than if large committees were formed. Initially, it seemed
that forming committees might have been the best approach. However, it became clear to
both Mr. Kent and Ms. Gomez that meeting with concerned and motivated teachers
individually and in small groups was their best option for achieving a timely
implementation of the academies.

The IPAA and WRATC benefited students by giving them more opportunities to
develop skills that are reflective of Freire’s problem-posing education. As of spring

2003, the two academies had been in existence for about seven months. Thus, it is

premature to evaluate whether they have met their goals of providing direction and

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enhancing students’ learning experiences. However, it is important to look at the reasons
for implementing the academies, in light of Mr. Kent’s problem-solving practices.

A major purpose of implementing the IPAA was to help students develop a
variety of skills in the performing arts that would carry over to other academic areas. Mr.
Kent had observed that students who did well in the perforrrring arts tended to succeed in
other academic areas, as well. Researchers have indicated that his observation was
accurate (Chapman, 1998a; Sylwester, 1998). Many scholars have found that education
in the performing arts helps students develop skills and attitudes that enhance their self-
confidence, organization, time management, and public-speaking abilities (Chapman,
1998a, 1998b; Gardner, 1999; Sylwester, 1998). l

The WRATC was intended to help students develop business and computer skills,
which is currently considered a best practice for public schools (Daniels, Bizar, &
Zemelman, 2001). Skill in mathematics, language arts, and science is necessary in
business; however, the business community often finds it necessary to train employees in
these areas (Enrich, 1990). The WRATC was designed to improve students’ skills in
both technology and business. Skills in these areas enhance students’ employment
opportunities and improve their success in postsecondary education. Hence, Mr. Kent
was providing his students an opportunity to enhance their educational experience by
participating in these academies.

Vignette 3: Utilizing Alliances and Partnerships
to Achieve aLSolution: A Progr_am to Develop
and Encourage Self-Esteem and Manners

Principal Kent was adept at using alliances; he had a unique talent for including
various concerned people in a way that prevented them from feeling left out. He made

everyone believe they were the ones he consulted and asked for advice.

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What Mr. Kent is extremely talented at, or knowledgeable of, is the processes that
are there so that he’s able to work those to Macedo High School’s benefit. And in
doing so he allows himself to get to know the people as they come on board well
enough to be able to know which piece he wants to approach them with so that he
can pull all of the things together to make things happen. (Norma Flowers, tape
transcripts)

In this vignette, I show how Mr. Kent used his skill in forming alliances and partnerships

to establish a motivational program for students.

During the fall semester of the 2002-03 school year, Mr. Kent identified major
problems that ninth graders were presenting to the high school. According to several
teachers, public safety personnel, the assistant principals, and his own observations, many
of the freshmen were being disrespectful, skipping classes, wandering the hallways, and
getting low grades. Various members of the high school staff approached the principal
and expressed their concern about many ninth graders’ lack of discipline. Ethyl Fontaine,
the assistant principal in charge of ninth-grade discipline, had received more than 800
written disciplinary referrals from teachers during the first four months of the school
year. She told Mr. Kent several times that this number was significantly higher than in
previous years. The school nurse also complained that ninth graders had been going to
see her disproportionately more than upper-class students did. She said one ninth grader
had gone to see her every class period one school day, and not once did the visit warrant
her attention. During all of these dialogues, Mr. Kent was listening and observing. This
illustrates the Freirean construct of dialogue with a purpose, which entails listening to one
another with mutual respect. Silence is another aspect of Freire’s dialogue with a
purpose. Silence can be interpreted in many ways; for F reire, silence meant actually
listening without interrupting (Freire, 1986b).

As a result of this dialogue with a purpose, Mr. Kent was willing to admit that his

school needed help. He decided to consult with someone who could offer him some

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assistance. In the past, he had worked with several people who were experienced in
improving adolescents’ behavior. The principal decided to call Garth Thompson, a
community member, because he know from experience that Garth would have useful
ideas for resolving the ninth-grade discipline problem. When Mr. Kent was looking for a
way to resolve a dilemma or problem, be frequently called people with whom he had
previously established alliances. His assistant principal, Norma Flowers, observed that
Mr. Kent had a talent for talking to people in a way that indicated mutual respect, thereby
promoting the alliance or partnership. She stated,

He meets people easily, and he’s very good at understanding people and where

they’re coming from, which is a gift or a talent that I don’t necessarily possess.

He will be able to bring insight to me sometimes when I’m not seeing the picture.

He’s able to look at the picture and understand what the picture is, where people

are coming from. He’s very attuned to other people and their feelings. . . . He’s

able to see what’s important to them, and he can be sensitive to those things. And
so it makes it something that he’s good at as far as talking to people and being
able to relate to them in such a way that they feel comfortable. (Norma Flowers,
tape transcripts)

Principal Kent called Garth Thompson in October and asked to talk to him at the
high school. Mr. Thompson was a community activist and had not always agreed with
the way things were done in the district. He had opposed a bond issue promoted by the
school district about two years before. The bond was intended to raise money to improve
the district’s aging infrastructure. West Starville voters had defeated the bond proposal,
partly because of Mr. Thompson’s vocal Opposition to it in the press. Yet Mr. Kent know
about the kind of program Mr. Thompson would bring to the high school. He explained:

I asked them to bring their program in; I already knew about their programs. And

I had to change the momentum of what we were doing other than a punitive act.

And I knew that Mr. Thompson threw dollar bills around as an incentive-type

thing and with high energy. But I could predict exactly what they would do and

what they would respond to, and they have done just that. I sought them out; they
did not seek me out. (Michael Kent, tape transcripts)

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Another person who Mr. Kent knew would be a good resource was Norman
Anderson, a former employee of the district. The principal remembered that Mr.
Anderson had developed a successful program when he had worked at Macedo High
School; he was known and respected by the faculty and student body. When Mr.
Anderson had worked at Macedo High School, he had established a program to help
resolve conflicts between students, and he had defused numerous violent altercations
between students. The faculty often consulted with Mr. Anderson about conflicts
involving their students. He had recently retired, though, after much carefiil
consideration and might not be interested in accepting even a temporary consultation
position. i

In previous years, most of the behavior problems had occurred during the hour-
long lunch period. Students had the privilege of an open campus, so they could leave the
high school grounds at lunch time and go to local fast-food restaurants. Because most
ninth graders were too young to drive, they would walk to the restaurants and then back
to school. During that time, some ninth graders would harass residents of surrounding
neighborhoods. Mr. Kent and Superintendent Cunningham were determined to stop this
negative behavior; they decided that, starting the next year (2002-03), freshmen would no
longer have an hour-long open campus lunch period. Mr. Kent, Mr. Cunningham, and
the principal’s supervisor, Shawn Roberts, decided that freshmen would have a closed
campus, with a half-hour lunch period and a half-hour class. One half of the ninth
graders would go to the first lunch period and then their half-hour class; the others would
go first to their class, followed by lunch. Most of the freshmen were upset with this
solution and complained bitterly to Mr. Kent and the assistant principals, as well as their

teachers.

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In addition to lunch-hour problems, Mr. Kent knew that he needed to resolve the
broader issue of student misbehavior. Ninth graders were skipping school and cruising
through the surrounding neighborhoods, shouting Obscenities at peOple who were leaving
their homes, and indulging in other disruptive behavior. Residents had telephoned and
visited Principal Kent to report the problems and even had called the local police
department to complain about students’ behavior. Mr. Kent believed that it was his
responsibility to resolve this issue.

The principal hoped that Mr. Thompson and Mr. Anderson would accept his
invitation to try to improve the behavior Of ninth graders as well as motivate them to be
better students. He was concerned that Mr. Thompson might be a political liability
because of his opposition to the proposed bond two years before. If the principal attained
authorization from central office administration to hire Mr. Thompson, he and his
supervisors would risk being accused of pandering to an active and skilled critic. In fact,
Mr. Thompson himself might not accept the challenge because of the possibility of being
seen as a political liability. Further, Mr. Kent realized that Mr. Anderson was enjoying
his retirement and might not want to come out of retirement, even temporarily.

Nevertheless, the principal asked Mr. Thompson and Mr. Anderson to work
together on this project. They had excellent reputations and had previously collaborated
on similar projects in West Starville. Mr. Kent asked the two consultants to write a
description of a program to foster and improve ninth-grade students’ manners and self-
esteem. They accepted the challenge, and together they wrote a description of such a
program, to be called Development and Encouragement of Self-Esteem and Manners
(DESEM). Mr. Kent, Mr. Anderson, Mr. Thompson, and Ms. Gomez met several times

to share ideas and improve the program and implementation plan as much as possible

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before approaching central office administrators for approval and firnding. This
partnering of the two consultants, Mr. Kent, and Ms. Gomez is illustrative of F reire’s
dialogue with a purpose because all four participants were engaged in a dialogue about
how to help students who were engaging in self-defeating behaviors. Their purpose was
to devise a motivational program that would inspire students to change their negative
behavior. The implementation of this plan is an example of praxis because the plan of
action had resulted from the dialogue.

The next dilemma that Mr. Kent needed to resolve was obtaining funding for the
DESEM program. Mr. Kent and Mr. Thompson attended several meetings with various
central office administrators to promote the DESEM program with the hopes of obtaining
funding. Mr. Kent made a case to his supervisor, Shawn Roberts, Superintendent
Cunningham, and other central office administrators for the need to address and alleviate
students’ misbehavior. Mr. Kent then suggested possible sources Of funding for the
DESEM program. One source, in particular, seemed promising; this was Title Six
funding, money given to school districts through what public school administrators call
categorical spending. This money comes from the federal government and is directed to
disenfranchised groups in the United States.

Mr. Kent was eager to begin the DESEM program and took the plan to his
immediate supervisor, central office administrators, and then the school board for
approval. He realized that he needed to enlist the help of school board members so that
they would help to sell his plan. Therefore, he made a detailed presentation to the board
in early November 2002, hoping that a majority of board members would approve the
plan. Mr. Kent knew that most of the board members were reluctant to seek funding for

programs proposed after the school year began. Further, certain board members might

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still be upset about Mr. Thompson’s vocal opposition to the bond proposal. Finally, Mr.
Kent was concerned about where the school district might Obtain funding for the
program. Eventually, the program was approved, and it was funded through Title Six
categorical spending.

The DESEM program was aimed at students whose success in school was being
jeopardized by their antisocial behavior, inappropriate language, and poor attendance.
The program organizers—Mr. Thompson, Mr. Anderson, and Mr. Kent—believed that
the primary approach in the DESEM program should be to motivate students to improve
their behavior, rather than to punish them for misbehaving. In the program, students
would engage in various activities designed to improve their self-esteem and study habits.
Mr. Thompson was a charismatic and motivating speaker. Students enjoyed listening to
his presentations, in which he told funny stories and anecdotes to illustate his points. One
assignment that Mr. Thompson gave the students was to look at their family’s budget and
determine monthly costs. The students were asked to consult with their parents and then
write down their family’s household costs, such as electricity, telephone, natural gas,
water, and'groceries (field notes, 2003).

Vignette 4: The DileanOf Race:
The Ethics of Athletic Coaching

In spring 1995, Maxwell Cunningham, superintendent of the West Starville
School District, called and asked Mr. Kent to meet with him. (Mr. Cunningham retired in
2001, and Chloe Larsen became superintendent that same year.) Mr. Cunningham had
become aware that Macedo High School’s coaching staff were having serious
disagreements. At that time, Mr. Kent was an assistant principal at another high school in

the district. In the past, he had been sent to other buildings to help resolve problems

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involving students, staff, and administrators, and over the years he had developed a
reputation for being a fair-minded peacemaker. During the meeting in Mr.
Cunningham’s office, the superintendent told Mr. Kent there was a serious problem with
the coaching staff of a particular sport at Macedo High School.

Mr. Kent was aware that the former principal of Macedo High School recently
had accepted a new position at a large suburban school near a major city in the Midwest.
Superintendent Cunningham informed Mr. Kent that the former principal had been
having problems with the coaches for the past two years but had not been able to resolve
their disagreements. Mr. Cunningham was concerned because the conflict had racial
overtones; four Caucasian coaches, four African American coaches, and one Hispanic
coach were involved. The racial distribution of the coaching staff, their years of coaching

experience, and each coach’s attitude toward the conflict are shown in Table 4.1.

Table 4.1: Coaching-dilemma matrix.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Years of Coaching Attitude Toward the
Name Race . .
Bxpenence Conflict
Andrew African American 7 Definitely hostile
Mike African American 8 Definitely hostile
Fred African American 4 Somewhat hostile
Justin Afiican American 3 Avoided conflict
Gonzalo Hispanic 3 Avoided conflict
George Caucasian 2 Peaceful observer
Ron Caucasian 4 Definitely hostile
Rich Caucasian 4 Somewhat hostile
Joe Caucasian 3 Avoided conflict

 

 

 

 

 

 

Mr. Cunningham was aware that there had been heated exchanges, including
racial slurs, between the Caucasian and African American coaches. Justin, an African
American, and Joe, a Caucasian, were trying to stay out of the conflict. Two other

Caucasians, Ron and Rich, were hostile; Ron was definitely hostile, and Rich was
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somewhat hostile. Further, two African Americans, Andrew and Mike, were definitely
hostile. Two Caucasian coaches were trying to stay out of the conflict: George was a
peaceful observer, and Joe avoided the conflict altogether. The Hispanic coach also
avoided the conflict. Superintendent Cunningham, believing that Mr. Kent would be an
excellent candidate for resolving the animosity among the coaches, invited him to be the
interim principal of Macedo High School (field notes, 2003).

The superintendent offered Mr. Kent the position as interim rather than permanent
principal because he intended to place Mr. Kent in another building as principal at a later
time. Mr. Kent had been successful in his previous position as assistant principal; he
enjoyed working with the current curriculum and developing new curriculum. Thus, he
was in no particular hurry to move on to another post. Yet he realized that if he was
successful at Macedo he would be made assistant principal or principal of another school
in the district. SO after consulting his wife about the offer, he decided to accept the
challenge.

Mr. Kent began as interim principal in fall 1995. His task was to resolve the
coaching dilemma; then he would move to another administrative post in the district. At
Macedo High School, the disagreement regarding coaching style had become apparent to
many staff members, parents, and students. For the most part, the arguments did not
erupt in public places; however, most observers could detect that a problem existed
among the coaches, even though most of the conflict was expressed at meetings attended
only by coaches. On Sunday afternoons the coaches would meet at the high school to
review videotapes of the previous Friday’s game. During these review sessions, heated

arguments often erupted among members of the coaching staff.

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Mr. Kent became aware that the coaches were arguing vehemently at the Sunday
afternoon coaches’ meetings. Some had even begun pushing and shoving one another
during heated exchanges while viewing videotapes of the previous Friday’s game. Many
racial epithets were hurled, especially between the four Caucasian coaches and three of
the four African American coaches. The other African American coach and the Hispanic
coach were staying out of the heated exchanges and trying to calm the situation; however,
their efforts were inadequate. Student athletes were aware of the animosity, but it is
difficult to say whether they realized how emotional the arguments had become. Mr.
Kent was concerned that the pushing and shoving might escalate to fisticuffs. He also
was concerned that the coaches were setting a bad example for the athletes and
undermining their morale.

Macedo’s athletic director, William Preston, was aware of the conflict, but his
position was just part time, and he had few resources and little time to devote to
alleviating the problem. Because the issue involved racial conflict, he asked Mr. Kent to
help him relieve the tension. Mr. Kent began attending the Sunday afternoon coaches’
meetings because he was afraid the coaches might resort to violence. He explained,

It got to the point that I would have to come in on Sunday afternoons and sit

because I was afraid that there would be a fistfight between the two groups of

guys. It was purely racial. But those same coaches still work for me, some of
them do. One of them is the head coach. It was nothing personal; the thing was,
they couldn’t work together. I was never attacked racially, but the athletic
director, Preston, was. (Michael Kent, tape transcripts)

The teams were also suffering from this dissension. The varsity team had lost
every game during the past four years. This 1055 record had become a bone of contention

and source of embarrassment for the student athletes and the school community as a

whole.

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Another problem that interfered with the teams’ success was that the head coach
did not communicate well. Further, most of the coaches had trained under different head
coaches and had learned varying approaches to managing their teams. Each coaching
group was convinced that its style of coaching was superior to the others’. They enjoyed
so much autonomy that there was no consistency in how the freshman, junior varsity, and
varsity teams were coached, and there was no overall team spirit. Although such
autonomy is relatively common in many high schools, Mr. Kent believed that this was
detrimental in Macedo’s situation. The head coach was skilled in designing strategies;
however, he was not successful in inculcating team spirit among the coaches and student
athletes. Mr. Kent believed that the inconsistency in coaching styles and lack of team
spirit had been demoralizing to the student athletes, and it was beginning to affect the
coaching staff’s ability to recruit players. He believed that if the coaches were consistent
in their approaches, student athletes would better understand their coaches’ expectations,
thereby increasing their potential to win some games. Also, because athletic programs
are highly visible, Mr. Kent was well aware that the coaching strife was unhealthy for the
school community. It was obvious to him that he had to take action and that ultimately
some peOple would be unhappy with his decisions.

Mr. Kent examined the problems involving the coaching staff and decided that he
would first try to alleviate the animosity among coaches. He did not believe he could
help the current coaches resolve their conflict; he would have to take a more dramatic
step.

There were too many racial overtones. Even though the white head coach had a

father who had been a successful coach of minority students, he could never

overcome it in the real world. Afterwards he went to an all-white school, where

he was fairly successful. There was at that point so much hostility that even with
sitting and talking they could never work it out. (Michael Kent, tape transcripts)

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The tradition in Macedo’s sports program had been to automatically renew
coaches’ contracts each year. However, the principal decided to reorganize the coaching
staff and not to renew any of the coaches’ contracts for the following year. Instead, all of
the coaching positions, including head (varsity) coach, were posted at the end of the
season, and coaches were given an opportunity to apply for those positions. Assistant
coaches for the freshman and junior varsity teams would be under the leadership of the
varsity coach. Mr. Kent believed this would add consistency to the coaching styles.

The coaches were upset with Mr. Kent’s decision. The African American coaches
accused him of being racially biased, and they filed civil rights charges. There was
negative publicity in the local newspaper, as well as on local television and radio stations.
However, during his long tenure in the district, Mr. Kent had established a reputation
among all ethnic groups for being fair minded. In fact, he was one of the first Caucasian
administrators to promote the hiring of African American administrators and teachers.

He also had cultivated positive relationships with other ethnic groups in the district.
Hence the charge of racial prejudice would be difficult to prove.

Some of the coaches applied for coaching positions at the school, and one of them
was made head coach. The former head coach received an offer to be head coach at a
different district, and he accepted the position. Gonzalo Rivas, the Hispanic coach, who
had remained neutral during the time of dissension, became the assistant athletic director.
Other members of the original coaching staff still worked in the school district, either in
other schools or as coaches of other sports. Mr. Kent even hired one of the coaches,
Mike Hubinger, to be head coach in a different sport. Mr. Kent explained:

[Mike] never attacked me even in the most hostile moment. His hostility was

directed to the head coach. But I had to fire everybody in order to get it changed

because it just wouldn’t work. And anytime you pick one race over the other,
you’re dead meat. SO I just fired everybody and went from there. But he is a

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quality coach, and you can’t argue with that. So, when he came back and asked,

“Can I work for you?” I said, “In what?” He said in a different sport. SO I said,

“Yes. My argument with you is not black or white or your coaching ability; it

was just the incompatibility I had in the first sport.” (Michael Kent, tape

transcripts)

The following school year, the teams began to improve. The freshman and junior
varsity teams actually won some games, although the varsity team’s losing streak
continued. However, even though the varsity team was still losing, they were playing
better and the final scores were less humiliating. Finally, the varsity team won a game,
and there was much celebrating throughout the school community. The win was
exhilarating, especially for the student athletes and the new coaching staff; during the
remainder of the season they won a few more games. Although the varsity team lost
more games than they won that season, at least they had put an end to their four-year
losing streak.

Mr. Kent was exonerated of the civil rights charges. There was no compelling
evidence that he had based his decision not to renew the coaches’ contracts on racial
prejudice. Further, most of the former coaches were still working at West Starville
schools. Many faculty members were pleased with the manner in which Mr. Kent had
resolved the coaching problem, as well as his efforts to bring more resources and
programs to Macedo High School. Therefore, they circulated a petition, which they then

presented to the superintendent, requesting that Mr. Kent’s interim status be changed to

permanent.

What Was Learned About the Principal’s Pragfice
In analyzing the data, I developed a three-layered analytical approach to help
explain Principal Kent’s practice. The first two layers are presented in this chapter, and

the third layer is included in Chapter V. The two layers presented in this chapter are
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(a) an analysis of Mr. Kent’s local practice as a school leader (high school principal), and
(b) an analysis of Mr. Kent’s practice employing Freire’s constructs. The third layer,
presented in Chapter V, is a universalization of the principal’s local practice. This
analytical approach can be characterized by the telescoping bulls-eye shown in Figure
4.1. The innermost circle represents the principal’s local or particular practice. The
middle circle represents how the principal’s practice might be viewed from a Freirean
perspective. The outermost circle represents the extending of the local or particular

practice.

 

1. The
local/particular
practice.

 
 
  
 
  
 
  
   
 

 

 

 

 

2. Freirean
implications of
the
local/particular
practice.

 

 

 

local/particular practice

 

 

 

Figure 4.1: Three-layered analytical approach used in this study.

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The Local View: Mr. Kent’s Practice airy High School Principal
From the analysis of the vignettes presented earlier, four themes emerged as
guiding Mr. Kent’s problem-solving practices: (a) utilizing alliances and partnerships,
(b) critical leadership and management, (c) focus on learning, and (d) praxis. In the

following sections, 1 describe these four themes.

Theme One: Utilizing AllianLces and Partnerships

A common theme that emerged from the vignettes was that Mr. Kent was skilled
in utilizing alliances to resolve problems and dilemmas. For the purpose of this research,
I defined alliance building and a partnership approach to educational leadership as the
active pursuit of establishing professional contact with a variety of people who indicate
promise and a willingness to work in mutually beneficial ways to resolve issues of
common interest in a public school setting. When Mr. Kent and Ms. Gomez undertook to
initiate the two academies, the principal tapped into his network of contacts in the local
university’s performing arts program. He also contacted a local performing arts institute
for help in writing up the curriculum. When he decided to do something about ninth
graders’ negative behavior, he also accessed his alliances and partnerships by consulting
with a former district employee and a community activist. These two men’s help in
developing the DESEM program and in locating funding was invaluable. In the case of
the gay student club, Mr. Kent was not able to access any alliances of his acquaintances,
but he did form new alliances with members of GROUP. Last, in the case involving the
high school coaches, Kent’s partnership-building skills resulted in his being named
interim principal of Macedo High School. He was not pleased to have to resolve the

dispute among disgruntled coaches, but he was not one to run away from a challenging

assignment.
12 1

Mr. Kent’s skill at utilizing alliances helped him be a successful principal.
Further, his alliance-building skill helped in problem solving because he had many
resources and contacts at his disposal. When Mr. Kent needed advice about how to solve
a problem or if he needed help in implementing a new program, he almost always knew
someone who could give him advice or provide a particular resource. Norma Flowers, an
assistant principal, substantiated Mr. Kent’s talent for utilizing alliances and partnerships:

What Mr. Kent is extremely talented in, or knowledgeable of, are the processes

that are there, so that he’s able to work those to Macedo High School’s benefit.

And in doing so he allows himself to get to know the people as they come on

board well enough to be able to know which piece he wants to approach them

with so that he can pull all of the things together to make things happen. (Norma
Flowers, tape transcripts)

Using alliances and partnerships in one’s problem-solving practices is considered
by leadership researchers as a desirable leadership approach. Spillett (1999) said that the
effort to create partnerships and alliances is important for effective leadership. He

continued,

Although partnership opportunities sound very inviting—and they are—it takes a
special style of leadership to make them work for your organization. It is
important for the leadership in partner organizations to Openly embrace the
partnership and encourage its development. Indeed, such strategic thinking is a
very important aspect of the leadership role in most organizations today. (p. 269)

Not only did Mr. Kent Openly embrace and encourage the development of
partnerships, he also actively sought them out so that he would have a variety of people
whom he could consult on pertinent issues. Eisler (2000) defined the partnership model
and what it means for educators:

The four core elements of this configuration are a more democratic and egalitarian
family and social structure, gender equity, a low level of institutionalized violence
and abuse (as there is no need for fear and force to maintain rigid rankings of
domination), and a system of beliefs, stories, and values that supports and
validates this kind Of structure as normal and right. After much pondering, I
chose the term partnership model to describe this template for structuring
relations. (p. 5)

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Mr. Kent’s practice was closely related to Eisler’s partnership model because he worked
to be inclusive. For example, he built an alliance with Mr. Anderson and Mr. Thompson
with the goal of motivating students to improve both their behavior and their study skills.
The approach was innovative because Mr. Kent stressed the aspect of motivation rather
than punishment. Motivation is reflective of Eisler’s partnership model, which he
believed has implications for educational leaders. In Eisler’s words,

Hierarchies of actualization are primarily based not on power over, but on power
to (creative power, the power to help and to nurture others) as well as power with
(the collective power to accomplish things together, as in what is today called
teamwork). In hierarchies of actualization, accountability flows not only from the
bottom up but also from the top down. That is, accountability flows in both
directions.

In other words, educational structures orienting to the partnership model
are not unstructured or laissez-faire; they still have administrators, managers,
leaders, and other positions where responsibility for particular tasks and functions
is assigned. However, the leaders and managers inspire rather than coerce. They
empower rather than disempower, making it possible for the organization to
access and utilize the knowledge and skills of all its members. (p. 21)

Again, the definition of alliance building and a partnership approach to
educational leadership is the active pursuit of establishing professional contact with a
variety of people who indicate promise and a willingness to work in mutually beneficial
ways to resolve issues of common interest in a public school setting. Freire (1998)
contended that people could transform the future by their praxis. Humans want to
improve the opportunity that the future offers by taking action. This desire to transform
the future is part of the evolutionary process. According to Freire,

One of the most important tasks of critical educational practice is to make

possible the conditions in which the learners, in their interaction with one another

and with their teachers, engage in the experience of assuming themselves as
social, historical, thinking, communicating, transformative, creative persons;

dreamers of possible utopias, capable of being angry because of a capacity to
love. (p. 45)

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We can see many examples of this in Mr. Kent’s practice. For example, Mr. Anderson,
Mr. Thompson, and Mr. Kent formed an alliance so that they could transform the future
capacity of the school to meet the needs of its diverse pOpulation. They wanted to
improve ninth graders’ chances for success by motivating them to improve both their
behavior and their study skills. Mr. Kent formed an alliance with the two consultants,
which reflects his strategy of alliance building for solving problems. Ms. Flowers made
the following observation regarding Mr. Kent’s strategy for alliance and partnership
building:
One of the things that makes him so effective as an instructional leader is that he
does have a very extensive network of people that he's affiliated with. He belongs
to a lot of outside organizations; he sits on a lot of boards. He's active in the local
police precinct, for example, and he's made sure that he is a force within the
community also. So that when we come up with these things and when we start
throwing out our ideas in our meetings and as we are listening to them, we hit on
things. And there's almost nothing that you can come up with that Mr. Kent
doesn't know someone who isn't connected in some way with some organization,
or some person, that he can then tap into to see how we can make this happen the
way we want it to. (Norma Flowers, tape transcripts)
Theme Two: Critical Leadership and Management
Another theme that emerged from the data was that Principal Kent frequently
used critical leadership and management in his problem solving. Critical leadership and
management are defined here as negotiating consensus among the school community
especially the staff, empowering staff and students to make decisions that affect their
school, engaging in dialogue as a necessary step in problem solving, and having a
participatory leadership style. We saw that Mr. Kent employed this strategy in
partnership with alliance building. For example, in the Two Academies vignette, Mr.

Kent and Ms. Gomez built an alliance (a network of committed individuals) and

employed a critical leadership approach to empower faculty, staff, and students to

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develop a curriculum emphasis in the performing arts. His partnership made a lot of
sense because he knew that she had had a long-time interest in the performing arts.

In addition, Shawn Roberts, the principal’s immediate supervisor, observed
characteristics of critical leadership in Mr. Kent’s practice.

I think the way he's operating he's got to believe it's the best way, the best start,

and that it's the best way for him to make his best decision because he's able to

have the dialogue, do the consensus building, and make the consensus decision
and then go from there. He deals with a diverse global pOpulation. . . . He's got
good judgment of character, of ethnicity, of genders, and keeps that in mind like
he always has, because those practices that he puts into his decision making,
whether it be presentation or whether it be staffing, he keeps that as a foundation
as an equality statement, which has allowed him to make some of his best
decisions. (Shawn Roberts, tape transcripts)

Important aspects of a critical leadership approach are negotiating consensus
among staff and students, as well as empowering staff and students to make decisions
that affect themselves (Gooden, 2001). This type of negotiation liberates both teachers .
and students. Bates (1983) believed that a participative approach to educational
administration includes negotiation:

One common example of such negotiation results from the widespread conflict

between those holding representative and participatory views of democracy.

The representative view is readily compatible with forms of bureaucratic,
centralized control. It is also compatible with banking education and with certain
forms of social control. The participative view is often opposed to centralized,
bureaucratic control and decision-making and embraces a liberationist, activist,
constructivist view of learning and the learner. It is a view which argues . . . that
only through participation in the struggle to shape institutions in their own image
can people find purpose and meaning in their lives. (pp. 269-270)

Mr. Kent knew that certain teachers would be interested in helping plan and
develop the two academies, and he invited them to participate in this initiative.
Empowering the teachers is another example from the same vignette that exemplifies the

application of a critical leadership approach to resolving problems, reflecting what Bates

said about a participative‘view that “embraces a liberationist, activist, constructivist view

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of learning and the learner” (p. 270). When Kent wanted to develop the DESEM
program, he enlisted and empowered Mr. Anderson and Mr. Thompson; their diligent
work resulted in swift implementation of a program that had not been anticipated the
previous year, when the current year’s budget was being formulated.

Mr. Kent’s practice evidenced a critical leadership style because he applied
principles of that approach to his decision making. Gooden (2002) defined critical
leadership as

. . . leadership that seeks not only to serve those traditionally subjugated but also

to empower them. Using these notions of leadership, it becomes apparent to the

administrator why it is necessary to filter through specious evidence of
intelligence surrounding IQ tests and unfounded claims about Obvious economic
and social problems facing students in this type of environment as reasons not to
teach these students. Critical leadership is expected to focus on teaching students
in a manner that does not devalue their culture and does not make light of their
differences in the context of a discriminating world. This leadership seeks to

educate before attempting to control. (p. 142)

The approach Mr. Kent took with the DESEM program corresponds to Gooden’s
definition of critical leadership. The goal of that program was to motivate students to
improve, not to punish them. By motivating students, Mr. Kent was teaching them in a
manner that did not devalue their culture. Freire (1997) expressed ideas that are
reflective of Bates’s participative view and Gooden’s cultural view when he discussed
dialogue and antidialogue:

A dialogic relationship—communication and intercommunication among active

subjects who are immune to the bureaucratization of the minds and open to

discovery and to knowing more—is indispensable to knowledge. The social
nature of this process makes a dialogical relationship a natural element of it. In
that sense, authoritarian antidialogue violates the nature of human beings, their

process of discovery, and it contradicts democracy. (p. 99)

Both a dialogical relationship and what Bates referred to as a participative view imply

two-way communication. Freire’s authoritarian antidialogue is similar to what Gooden

criticized as an attempt to control; according to Gooden, educating should be preferred

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over attempting to control. Similarly, Freire believed that an authoritarian antidialogue
contradicts democracy and violates the nature of human beings.

In the GLASS vignette, it was seen that Mr. Kent entrusted authority to an
assistant principal because one of her duties was to oversee the formation and activities of
student clubs at the high school. He also gave students the responsibility for organizing
the GLASS club. In the Coaches vignette, Kent delegated authority to the head coach
after reorganizing the coaching staff so that the varsity, junior varsity, and freshman
teams all would be under the leadership of that one head coach. Both of these vignettes
illustrate the principal’s participatory administrative style. Shawn Roberts, Mr. Kent’s
immediate supervisor, observed that Mr. Kent empowered the three female assistant
principals to make important decisions.

They are one of the most unique teams I have ever seen operate, and I would say

one of the strongest teams that I‘ve seen pinch hit, come to blows. Well, not come

to blows but come to disagreement, but agree to disagree and be professional
about it. All of them work very hard. . . . But Dale's not afraid to let go of that
authority. . . . All of them have ability, and I think what Dale has done, he didn't

know how that was going to work out, but he gave it a chance. And by giving it a

chance, and being able to play second fiddle at times, allowed him to be very

successful and empowered some women who were very, very competent. (Shawn

Roberts, tape transcripts)

Theme Three: Focus on Learni_ng

A third underlying theme that emerged from the vignettes is a focus on learning,
which guided all of the principal’s decisions. I have defined a focus on learning as the
perpetual search for new programs as well as the effort to improve existing ones; this
constant effort also pertains to curriculum and staff development, attainment of a variety
Of resources, and anything that indicates promise to benefit students. He sought out

programs that would benefit his students. His supervisor corroborated this Observation,

stating that the principal looked for what was best for his students. Because Mr. Kent
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focused on learning for his students, everyone in the school community learned, as well.
His entire decision-making approach was based on how the outcome would benefit
students. Norma Flowers stressed this idea in one of the interviews:
When he looks at things, if it’s not good for kids, if it’s not going to benefit kids
or the majority of the kids, it’s not an issue. That’s gone. We’re not even going
to consider that because how does that help kids? And so he’s able, through his
“Aw, shucks” kind of demeanor, to articulate that genuine care for people in the
things he says. There are things that he does and people respond positively to
them. (Norma Flowers, tape transcripts)
In another interview, Shawn Roberts, Mr. Kent’s supervisor, corroborated what
Ms. Flowers said. He stated that Mr. Kent ensured that any school event, program, or
resource would benefit his students. According to Mr. Roberts, this was one of the
principal’s strengths. He said,
Mr. Kent’s my maverick because he’s going to try to find a win-win for most
peOple. . . . It’s hard to anger him because he’ll figure a way around you or he’s
going to wrap you around his finger. You know, he takes multiple roles and shifts
gears. Kent’s strength is he focuses on kid outcomes. And that keeps him in
good light with everyone because how can you argue with what’s best for kids?
And sometimes I think he favors his kids so much that sometimes he overlooks,
not the rights, [but] the perceived rights of teachers. (Shawn Roberts, tape
transcripts)
Mr. Roberts asked, “How can you argue with what’s best for kids?” The obvious answer
is, “You can’t!”
Mr. Kent had worked to establish a focus on learning at Macedo High School.
The DESEM program demonstrated such a focus because students were motivated to
learn new study skills and to change unproductive habits. The two academies also
demonstrated a focus on learning because the basic rationale for their existence was to
give students purpose and direction; in other words, the academies would help students

learn in a purposeful manner. In addition, the IPAA illustrated a focus on learning

because a performing arts curriculum enhances students’ success in all of their courses.

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Mr. Kent had learned from his experience as both a teacher and an administrator that
students who excelled in the performing arts also did well in their other classes.

One way to illustrate the importance of a focus on learning, according to Law and
Glover (2000), is to compare the business manager with the school manager. According
to these authors, teachers face a wider variety of tasks than do employees in commercial
settings. Therefore, management in the school setting must focus on learning geared to
school leaders rather than business leaders. Law and Glover quoted various scholars who
supported the importance of school leaders’ having a focus on learning:

Education organizations are different from commercial organizations because

“teachers perform multiple roles . . . an important factor in distinguishing schools

from other organizations” (Buckley & Styan 1988:7). Echoing this, Shipman

(1990) reminds us that educational leadership and management “cannot be

confined to the classroom and staffroom” and calls for a “synOptic view of

management,” where:

0 Promoting learning is the focus of management;

0 Management training improves teaching quality and raises levels of
attainment;

0 School management has an evidence base from studies of school excellence
which can support improvement;

0 Managing teaching and learning through the curriculum involves paying
attention to breadth, balance, continuity and progression. (p. 167)

Beck (1994) supported the idea of the principal’s being an instructional leader
with a focus on learning rather than management:

Early in the history of educational administration, persons who filled leadership
roles considered themselves to be, first and foremost, teachers. In the early part
of this century, the emphasis shifted from pedagogy to management, and school
leaders began to look to business for models and methods. . . . Recently, theorists
and practitioners alike have begun to focus again, on the administrator as an
instructional leader. . . . Administrators guided by an ethic of care would certainly
embrace this role, for they would recognize that schools promoting optimum
development would be those in which students are taught well. (pp. 87-88)

Mr. Kent fit the definition of a principal who considered himself a teacher first; in
fact, he had been a teacher before becoming an administrator. His focus on learning

benefited the entire school community because everyone was learning.
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Theme Four: Prax_is
Mr. Kent did not allow petty egos to interfere with his interactions with other

people. In each of the cases described in the four vignettes, there was potential for

emotional reactions from the principal, but he approached each dilemma with praxis. I

defined praxis as the action that the principal took, keeping in mind a set of ethical

principles that enabled him to hear and see all sides and to propose a fair process to find a

solution. He applied praxis to his problem-solving practices. In the Coaches vignette,

Mr. Kent easily could have become angry with the coaches and resorted to antagonistic

behavior such as shouting. During the field research, more than one participant

commented, “He doesn’t take it personally.” As Ms. Flowers said,
You know, he’s pretty good about reminding his assistant principal of that
[laughter], to not take it personally. Linda does a pretty good job; she goes out
there and says, “It’s business, it’s just business.” I’m not always able to make that
distinction as quickly, but Michael is pretty good about not taking things
personally. (Norma Flowers, tape transcripts)

A parent of students at Macedo High School agreed with Ms. Flowers’s assessment:
You get upset about things, and in principals’ situation I think that probably
happens to them more than they’d like—people getting in their face about things.
And I think he, at least in my experience, he doesn’t seem to take that personally.
He tries to keep it in perspective. (Samuel O’Conner, tape transcripts)

Principal Kent’s effectiveness in mediating dilemmas facilitated his interactions with

people who were upset. In a large high school like Macedo, situations often arise that

cause people to become upset; Mr. Kent had to confront these emotional issues every
day.

Freire (1972) defined praxis as people’s reflection on their oppressive state and
the action they take to alleviate it. It is possible to be oppressed by a wide variety of

issues; lack of money can be oppressive when it interferes with buying the essentials of

life. Being illiterate also can be oppressive as it interferes with the kind of work people

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are able to attain, as well as their daily lives. Emotions can oppress people by causing
them to make decisions that may not be in their best interests. Freire believed that people
can overcome oppression by taking action after reflecting on their Oppressive state.
One of the gravest obstacles to the achievement of liberation is that oppressive
reality absorbs those within it and thereby acts to submerge men’s consciousness.
Functionally, oppression is domesticating. To no longer be prey to its force, one
must emerge from it and turn upon it. This can be done only by means of the
praxis: reflection and action upon the world in order to transform it. (Freire,
1972,p.36)
Arendt (as cited in Young, 1989) defined praxis by contrasting it with poiesis.
Young explained,
In her major work, The Human Condition, Arendt explored the nature of praxis as
distinct from poiesis. Poiesis is making, it involves technique and craftsmanship,
whereas praxis is acting or doing, and it includes political-ethical actions based on
prudent practical judgments. (p. 26)
The challenge for Mr. Kent and other urban school principals is to reflect and then act.
Taking the time to reflect before taking action is a luxury that not all principals can
afford. However, educational leaders who invest time initially in reflecting on their
challenges tend to be successful problem solvers (Leithwood & Steinbach, 1995). In
Principal Kent’s practice, praxis was reflected in all of the situations described in the
vignettes. He had no choice but to take unpleasant action in the coaches’ conflict; he
reflected on how to change the coaching hierarchy and followed through on a difficult
decision. In instituting the two academies, Mr. Kent and Ms. Gomez developed and
promoted a new curriculum that would benefit both students and staff; this decision also
required reflection, collaboration, and action. The GLASS vignette also reflected praxis
because Mr. Kent allowed a traditionally oppressed group of students to form a club that

would provide support in what could be an alienating high school experience for many

gay students. His action was to support the students in forming that club, which had the

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potential to be controversial. The DESEM vignette also reflected praxis. In this case,
Mr. Kent came to realize that he needed help to resolve a challenging issue; his reflection
comprised making his own observations, consulting with his assistant principals, and
listening to his staff. His reflection led to collaboration with Mr. Thompson and Mr.

Anderson and then to a plan of action.

Theorizing About Mr. Kent’s Practice: Freirean Implications

 

I began this dissertation by questioning whether F reirean constructs were
applicable to the problem-solving practice of urban school principals. There are
reflections of Freirean critical theory in the problem-solving practices of Principal Kent.
There are also many aspects of the principal’s problem solving that do not reflect
F reirean critical theory. In addition, there are aspects of Mr. Kent’s practice that Freirean
critical theory does not adequately address.

In Chapter II, I identified six major constructs of F reirean critical theory:

(a) dialogue with a purpose, (b) conscientization, (c) praxis, (d) banking education versus
problem-posing education, (e) the universal common ethic and the politics of education,
and (f) humanization. In the following section I will discuss the reflections of the
Freirean constructs as they relate to the four vignettes. Later in this chapter, I also will

discuss the significance of the degree of these reflections.

Dglogue With a Purpose

One of the aspects of the first construct, dialogue with a purpose, is that it requires
mutually respectful dialogue between people as they discuss an issue. This construct was
reflected in the DESEM, Two Academies, Coaches, and GLASS vignettes. Teachers

collaborated with Ms. Gomez and Mr. Kent on planning and implementing the two

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academies. This is an example of F reire’s dialogue with a purpose because the teachers
were empowered to make decisions about the curriculum. Dialogue with a purpose
reflects the idea of an ontological vocation, which is the humanizing quality of dialogue
that contains the elements F reire (1972) identified: hope, love, faith in humankind,
humility, and critical thinking. In the DESEM vignette, dialogue with a purpose was
reflected in a positive way because the program developers, Mr. Anderson and Mr.
Thompson, wanted students to develop self-esteem and manners. The principal promoted
these qualities to the students by demonstrating his own respect for them; he had
developed a program that would benefit them.

Another aspect of dialogue with a purpose is that its objective is to help another
person realize the level of his or her oppression. Mr. Kent was trying to help students see
that their negative behavior would have oppressive consequences and to do this in a way
that would motivate them to do better. He chose motivation over punishment, which is
also indicative of the mutual respect between the adults involved—Mr. Kent and the two
consultants—and the students. In the GLASS vignette, Mr. Kent decided to approve
students’ request to form a club for gay students. This is another example of dialogue
with a purpose; it meets Freire’s requisites of being mutually respectful and of helping
people realize the level of their oppression.

The Coaches vignette contained a good example of what happens when mutually
respectful dialogue does not take place. Mr. Kent solved this problem by reorganizing
the coaching staff. If he and the coaches had been able to engage in mutually respectful
dialogue, the parties might have been able to resolve the problem more satisfactorily.
However, such dialogue did not take place, and many people, including the principal,

were dissatisfied with the outcome.

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Conscientization

The second construct, conscientization, was evident in the GLASS vignette as
well as the DESEM vignette. The GLASS students went through the process of
determining the level Of their oppression; this is precisely what conscientization is about.
The students then decided to take action, which is also part of conscientization. Even
though this is a classic example of what Freire meant by conscientization, it is not a
strong reflection of the principal’s problem solving because he had little, if anything, to
do with the GLASS students’ conscientization process. Mr. Kent did, however, allow the
students to form their club, so in this respect he facilitated their plan of action. The
GLASS group had the potential to be controversial; however, during my time at the high
school, no negative publicity about the club appeared in the news media. Mr. Kent’s
decision to support a potentially controversial group brings us to the third construct,

praxis.

fla_xi_s

Praxis involves taking action to alleviate one’s oppression. In the GLASS
vignette, praxis was illustrated by students’ approaching Mr. Kent about forming a club;
his role was to facilitate the process. In the Two Academies vignette, praxis was
illustrated by the action that Mr. Kent, Ms. Gomez, and the teachers took to establish an
innovative and flexible curriculum that ultimately would improve the students’ schooling.
In the DESEM vignette, Mr. Kent led a campaign to organize and implement a program
that would benefit students by motivating them to learn more acceptable ways of
expressing themselves in a variety of situations. The Coaches vignette demonstrated how

the opposite of praxis resulted from a damaging dispute among the coaches.

134

_B_an_kim; Education Versus Problem-Posing Education

The fourth F reirean construct reflected in the principal’s problem-solving
practices is banking education versus problem-posing education. This construct was
reflected in the Two Academies, DESEM, and GLASS vignettes. Forming the two
academies gave direction to the students’ coursework. Because the curriculum of the two
academies led to higher-level thinking skills in business accounting and the performing
arts, students would benefit from problem-posing education. The DESEM vignette
illustrated how students were involved with problem posing. In the DESEM project,
students were presented with a variety of problems they needed to resolve. I observed
one example of problem-posing education when Mr. Thompson asked students to look at
their family budgets and determine monthly costs. Students were supposed to consult
with their parents and then write down the family’s expenditures for electricity,
telephone, natural gas, water, groceries, and other typical household needs (field notes).

Problem-posing education also was reflected in the GLASS vignette because the
students were acting upon their lack of inclusion at the high school. One aspect of the
problem-posing construct is that it involves a dynamic of change. According to Roberts
(2000), problem posing is a remedy for a fixed inevitability.

” 6‘

A new conception of the relationship between “consciousness, action,” and
“world” emerges through critical dialogue. Where under the banking system
social reality is posited as a fixed inevitability, through problem-posing education
students confront, explore, and act purposely on a dynamic, ever-changing world.

(p. 55)
By forming the GLASS club, students were purposefully acting to alleviate their

Oppression. They were confronting a world that traditionally had oppressed them.

135

The UniverselCommon Ethic and the Politics of Edugaflon

The fifth construct reflected in the data is the universal common ethic and the
politics of education. Freire (1998) elaborated on this ethic:

The ethic of which I speak is that which feels itself betrayed and neglected by the

hypocritical perversion of an elitist purity, an ethic affronted by racial, sexual, and

class discrimination. For the sake of this ethic, which is inseparable from
educative practice, we should struggle, whether our work is with children, youth,

or adults. (pp. 23-24)

In the Two Academies vignette, the curriculum was designed so that students would
develop skills that helped them in other academic areas. In the DESEM vignette, the
principal and Mr. Thompson met several times with various central office administrators
in their efforts to obtain funding for the program. They endeavored to convince these
administrators that the program could be funded through Title Six of the Civil Rights Act
of 1964. Among other things, Title Six provides for the funding of environmental or
grass-roots groups that promote improving the environment. These meetings exemplified
the Freirean construct of the politics of education.

Another reflection of the universal common ethic and the politics of education is
found in the GLASS vignette. The gay students did not believe that they were an integral
part of the school community and chose to act on this belief by founding the GLASS
club. The founding of GLASS at Macedo High School reflects the Freirean construct of
the politics of education because students were working formally to be included in the
school community. Many gay students in the United States have complained about
lacking a sense of inclusion (Human Rights Watch, 2001), and forming clubs in which
gay as well as straight students are welcome to participate is an act of inclusion. The

founding of GLASS at Macedo High School is an example of the principal’s promoting

inclusion at his school, as well as of students working to improve their sense of inclusion.

136

Humanization

Last, we see the reflection of Freire’s construct of humanization. Freire believed
that all people strive to be more human. According to Freire, people want to feel loved
and want to love others. Humanization is a perpetual process that requires self-reflection
within one’s historical context. The Two Academies vignette reflected the construct of
humanization because students were experiencing a new direction and purpose to their
academic studies. The DESEM vignette also reflected this construct because developing
manners and study skills is humanizing. Further, the newly formed GLASS organization
would allow gay students to feel they were a more integral part of the high school, thus
making their high school experience more humanizing. Finally, the Coaches vignette
demonstrated humanization because the coaches were relieved of a troubling situation
and the student athletes began to win some games. The coaches’ argumentative attitudes

had been dehumanizing, especially for the athletes.

Summag

There are important patterns that emerged from an analysis of the vignettes
through a Freirean lens. A5 a means to better understand this second level of analysis,
theorizing practice through a Freirean lens, I present two matrices. The first (see Table
4.2) presents a summary of Mr. Kent’s emancipatory problem-solving practices. The
second (see Table 4.3) presents the impact of Mr. Kent’s problem-solving practice. In
essence, I provide an overview of the emancipatory actions of other people as a result of
Mr. Kent’s problem-solving practice.

As we can see, in the GLASS vignette, Mr. Kent employed liberatory practices to
empower a group of gay and lesbian students. The students were never treated

differently from their peers. This is an example of Mr. Kent’s commitment to inclusion

137

 

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139

and diversity. Mr. Kent honored the students’ request, and although he acknowledged
that endorsing a gay and lesbian club would be controversial, he welcomed their
application and told them that they would have to seek out an academic advisor. In fact,
in the second table, we can see that Mr. Kent’s efforts resulted in students’ and teachers’
taking ownership and creating a sanctioned school club. The GLASS club would never
have been created if Mr. Kent had not given his initial approval; however, the students,
with the help of their advisor, were successful in founding the first school club to
encourage interaction between straight and gay students.

In the second and third vignettes, we see some effort on the part of Mr. Kent to
employ emancipatory and liberatory practices. He attempted to move the school’s
capacity to provide engaging learning opportunities with the creation of the two
academics and the DESEM program. These two programs benefited students by helping
them develop improved study skills and gain a sense of direction for their studies. Both
of these vignettes illustrate the products of Mr. Kent’s problem-solving practice because
he did not actually implement the programs as an individual; however, he helped plan the
implementation of both programs yet it was the professionals that he brought together
who attempted to reach praxis of the actions. And in fact, students, teachers, and
community members attempted to be self-determined, but did not quite reach the level of
action necessary for emancipatory praxis.

Finally, in the Coaches vignette, we see very little in the way of F reirean
constructs. Although Mr. Kent attempted to facilitate a more collaborative dialogue, he
resorted to dismantling the coaching staff. This vignette raises an important question:
Why are F reirean constructs not seen in some of the situations? In both tables we notice

that there are blank spaces that require our attention. It appears, if we take a closer

140

reading of the vignettes, that the lack of reflections of the Freirean constructs, represented
by the blank spaces in the tables, can be attributed to the institutional barriers that
pervade the structure of an urban school. Urban high schools, like most public schools,
are highly bureaucratized places where there are academic departments, elaborate state
and district rules and regulations, and time constraints. These institutional structures
interfere with such Freirean concepts as collaboration, teamwork, developing alliances or
partnerships, and empowering students and staff.

Urban public schools are places where rigid school structures exist. This is
especially true in public school settings, particularly in urban locales, where rigid state
and district rules, regulations, and policies can interfere with innovative school practices.
Some of the policies put in place for urban schools by state and local officials can result
in oppressive situations (Anyon, 1997; Kozol, 2000). Some policies can be so extreme
that statewide funding policies favor the suburban middle class and provide less finding
for urban public schools, where the needs are greater. Another example of rigid policies
that are potentially detrimental in urban public schools is standardized testing being tied
to monetary awards for students who attain certain scores. Suburban middle-class
students tend to receive these awards, whereas urban public school students tend to miss
yet another opportunity (Heller & Shapiro, 2000).

In conclusion, the six F reirean constructs were reflected to varying degrees in the
problem-solving practices of the principal. Freirean constructs also were reflected in the
products of the principal’s problem-solving practice; these decisions, or this problem
solving, resulted from Mr. Kent’s empowering other people to make decisions as well as
to solve problems. Further challenges remain, due to politics, organizational history,

culture, fiscal constraints, and national trends. Freirean critical theory does not

141

adequately address these issues. A deeper, telescoping assessment of this work suggests
that one way one might think about school leadership and Freirean theory is through a

discussion of pedagogy of place. Such a discussion is the focus of Chapter V.

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CHAPTER V

DISCUSSION OF THE FINDINGS

Introduction

My purpose in this study was to examine the problem-solving practices of an
urban public school principal to see how the principles of F reirean critical pedagogy were
reflected in the carrying out of the principal’s problem-solving duties. In other words, I
examined Freirean constructs in Mr. Kent’s problem-solving practice. The practices that
I examined in this study were decision making, managing dilemmas, and problem
solving. I was concerned with the praxis of Freirean thought and the liberatory or

emancipatory qualities of the principal's problem solving.

In Chapter IV, I developed four vignettes that illuminate the principal’s problem-
solving practices. These vignettes emerged from the data gathered for this dissertation.
From the four vignettes, I identified four principles that guided the principal’s problem-
solving practices; I referred to this part as the principal’s local or particular practice. I
also looked at reflections of F reirean critical theory in the principal’s problem-solving
practices. In this chapter, I revisit the research question, beginning with an overview of
the findings, followed by illustrations of Freirean constructs in the principal’s problem-
solving practices, and issues that emerged from the data that F reirean critical theory does
not adequately address. Last, I extend the theory by presenting for your consideration

three concepts: naming the world, pedagogy of place, and the spirit of problem solving.

143

Revisiting the Research Question

The research question posed in this study is: In what ways, if any, is F reirean
critical theory reflected in an urban high school principal’s problem-solving practices? In
Chapter IV, I described and developed four principles that guided the school
administrator’s problem-solving practices: (a) using alliances and partnerships, (b)
critical leadership and management, (c) focus on learning, and (d) praxis. Each of these
four principles was reflected in the vignettes presented in that chapter. The six Freirean
constructs developed in Chapter II were reflected in varying degrees in the principal’s
problem-solving practices. In the end, I found that institutional barriers and cultural
norms (see Coaches vignette, in particular) tempered the reflection of the six constructs in

three of the four vignettes.

The Principles of the Instructional Leader’s
Problem-Solving Practices

For the purpose of this research, I defined alliance building and a partnership
approach to educational leadership as the active pursuit of establishing professional
contact with a variety of people who indicate promise and a willingness to work in
mutually beneficial ways to resolve issues of common interest in a public school setting
(Eisler, 2000). In building alliances and partnerships, Mr. Kent maintained contact and
developed associations with a variety of people from different situations. He then used
these sources when he needed advice, resources, or information. Mr. Kent used his skill
at alliance building throughout much of his problem solving.

The second local or particular principle is critical leadership, the major focus of
which is its participative approach. An important element of a critical leadership

approach is negotiating consensus among staff and students, as well as empowering staff

144

and students to make decisions about issues that affect them (Gooden, 2002). Critical
leadership was reflected in Mr. Kent’s problem-solving practices. In other words, he
sought to empower people and include them in the decision-making process whenever
possible.

Focus on learning is the third principle; that is, all of Mr. Kent’s efforts were
focused on how to improve students’ learning. As Mr. Roberts, the principal’s
supervisor, said, “Mr. Kent’s strength is he focuses on kid outcomes. And that keeps him
in good light with everyone because how can you argue with what’s best for kids?” Mr.
Kent had been a teacher for several years before becoming an administrator; his
leadership practices had been focused on learning. One of the primary concerns of the
instructional leader is teaching and learning (Beck, 1994).

The fourth principle is praxis, which encompasses reflecting and then taking
action (Freire, 1972). Instructional leaders do not always have the luxury of time when
they are making decisions. However, educational leaders who invest more time initially
with their challenges tend to be more successful problem solvers (Leithwood &
Steinbach, 1995). This investment of time is reflective of Freire’s idea of praxis. Praxis
is the actions that the principal takes in order to improve students’ and staff members’

chances for success. Mr. Kent applied praxis to his problem-solving practices.

F reirean Critical Theory and Educational Leadership
In this section, I discuss the major themes that emerged from Mr. Kent’s practice
and the implications they have for educational leadership. Included in this discussion are
the issues that emerged when the principal’s problem-solving practices were viewed
through a F reirean lens, as well as issues that Freirean critical theory does not adequately

address. In this discussion I also revisit the research question and discuss the possible

145

answers as well as issues surrounding the research question that either were not answered
in this study or require explanations other than those provided by Freirean critical theory.
Last, I develop the construct, pedagogy of place, and explain how it relates to both Mr.
Kent’s practice and Freirean critical theory.

Certain ethical and political issues pertain to the principal’s problem-solving
practices. In an urban school setting where students and the entire school community
suffer the consequences of skewed funding, students are assessed with the same
standardized tests as their wealthier suburban counterparts (Kozol, 1991). Good school
leadership practices are not sufficient because there are political issues of exploitation
and oppression that liberatory practice needs to address (Anyon, 1997). Freire believed
that overcoming one’s oppression is the responsibility of the oppressed (Freire, 1972);
this implies that the school leader is responsible for leading the school community toward
praxis of profound and fundamental change. In other words, the principal leads the
school community through dialogue with a purpose and conscientization.

In urban public schools, Oppression is reflected in the policies that are imposed on
these schools by state and federal governments, as well as by the amount of funding (or
lack thereof) they receive (Anyon, 1997; Kozol, 1991, 2000). The challenges that
confront urban schools are multiple and complex. According to Hill (1996), a variety of
issues have caused urban schools to be less effective than they might be:

Why did Americans get schools that are different from what everyone wants?

The answer is complex and, because it lacks a single villain, unsatisfying. The

situation has come about through the gradual accretion of small decisions, not by

design. Since the mid-19605, when schools first became the focus of social
policy, they have been subject to wave after wave of rules and regulations, court
orders, teacher-contract provisions, and other formal rules that bind and delimit
what teachers and principals can do. Do schools have too few or too many
minority students, or does a desegregated school have too many segregated

classes? The answer is a rule of court order. Are handicapped children neglected
in some schools? The answer is a new legal principle and access to the courts for

146

aggrieved parents. Do some students need extra help in school? The answer is a
series of federal and state categorical programmes, each with its own set of
controls designed to ensure that the services bought with federal and state funds

go to the intended beneficiaries and no one else. (p. 177)

Hill contended that it is difficult to specify one specific reason for the inadequacy of
urban schools. Students who attend urban schools simply do not receive the same quality
of education as their suburban school counterparts (Anyon, 1997; Kozol, 2000).

Urban schools are places where the principal’s problem-solving practices have the
potential to be liberatory. In other words, the decisions that the principal makes have the
potential to enhance students’ success. In the case of Mr. Kent, some decisions helped
improve the students’ chances of success, and others were not liberatory. The GLASS,
DESEM, and Two Academies vignettes illustrated liberatory problem-solving practices
because they reflected the constructs of Freirean critical theory and demonstrated how
students’ potential for success was improved. In the GLASS vignette, the principal
decided to allow the establishment of a gay student club, which was controversial
because there were conservative and religious groups that would oppose the formation of
such a club under any circumstances. This example illustrates Freirean praxis because
the decision was the result of both conscientization (the students realized that they were
not included in the school community) and dialogue with a purpose (the students engaged
in a dialogue with the principal for the purpose of taking action). Mr. Kent’s approval of
the club is an example of praxis because he took action to improve the gay students’
status in the school community.

In the Two Academies vignette, there were also reflections of F reirean critical
theory in the principal’s problem-solving practices. Perhaps the most salient example of

Freirean critical theory in this vignette is the construct of banking education versus

problem-posing education. The purpose of forming the two academies was to improve

147

and enhance students’ educational opportunities. This vignette illustrates the Freirean
construct of dialogue with a purpose for the adults involved in the planning. There is also
a reflection of problem-posing education because the students would be using higher-
level thinking in the academies

In the Coaches and the DESEM vignettes, we see examples of Freirean critical
theory as well as examples of F reirean constructs not being reflected in the principal’s
problem-solving practices. In the Coaches vignette, we see the antithesis of Freirean
critical theory. The coaches were not engaged in mutually respectful dialogue with a
purpose among themselves or with the principal. The principal was unable to promote
conscientization among the coaches. The student athletes were aware of the conflict, yet
they were powerless to resolve it; this was a dilemma for them. In general, coaches
should set an example for their athletes; in this case, however, the adult example was
inconsistent with what the coaches would have expected of their student athletes. There
was another example of a lack of reflection of Freirean critical theory in the DESEM
vignette. The students were not given a voice in how their problem would be resolved.
Perhaps it is naive to think that a principal could have included students’ voice in
planning the DESEM program. On the other hand, he could have consulted the freshman
class officers or other student representatives.

When Mr. Kent’s problem-solving practices reflected the constructs of Freirean
critical theory, his practice was liberatory. When his problem solving was not Freirean, it
became tacitly oppressive. It does not appear'that Mr. Kent purposefully oppressed the
coaches or the students in the DESEM program. He relieved the coaches of their
positions but gave them an opportunity to apply for other positions that were open.

Students were not involved in the development or planning of the DESEM program, but

148

the focus of the program was motivational, which would be Freirean, rather than punitive,

which would be anti-Freirean.

Emerginngsues Unexplained by Freirgn Critical Theogv

F reirean critical theory does not adequately explain all aspects of the four
vignettes developed in Chapter IV. There were examples in the data in which Freirean
critical theory was an inadequate lens for analysis, and there was problem solving in
which F reirean critical theory was not reflected. Issues in which F reirean critical theory
was not reflected are discussed in the following paragraphs.

In the Coaches vignette, there was no dialogue with a purpose. The conflict had
begun before Mr. Kent came to Macedo High School. Likewise, conscientization did not
occur in this vignette, other than, perhaps, with the students. The whole coaching
dilemma was more closely reflective of banking education than problem-posing
education because no one but the principal was attempting to resolve the problem; in a
problem-posing situation, all of the participants would have had a voice. Freire’s
universal common ethic was not reflected in this vignette because there was
overwhelming animosity on the part of the coaches. One way that the universal common
ethic could have been reflected would have been if the coaches had resolved their
differences on their own, without intervention. When the coaches left, however, there
was humanization because the teams began to win games, which they had not done in
four years. The whole school community, especially the students, benefited from the
change in coaches. Thus, we have an example of a situation in which Freirean constructs
were not reflected, yet Mr. Kent’s decisions ultimately led to a better athletic program.

The six Freirean constructs are by no means exhaustive; there are other constructs

that were not a part of this dissertation. Additional Freirean constructs might illuminate

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the principal’s problem-solving practices from another point of view. Perhaps Freirean
theory was an inappropriate lens for the Coaches vignette, or perhaps some characteristic
of Macedo High School prevented the application of the six Freirean constructs to that

vignette.

Extending the Theory

Wolcott’s (1973) The Man in the Principal’s Office was the inspiration for using
an ethnographical approach in this study. One analytical technique that Wolcott used to
bring together his data was to extend his theory. Essentially, Wolcott looked at some
broad themes that emerged from his data, such as socialization of the principal, the
principal as socializer, and the image of the principal. He took these issues and then
developed explanations based on his field research as well as the work of other
researchers. I used Wolcott’s analytical strategy as a model for developing my extension
of theory in this section.

The third layer of the bull’s-eye diagram (Figure 4.1) in Chapter IV is presented
in this section. The first two layers pertained to Mr. Kent’s local or particular practice
and the Freirean implications of that practice. The third layer, extending the local or
particular practice, is developed in this section. Three concepts emerged from my
Freirean analysis of Mr. Kent’s problem-solving practice: (a) naming the world,

(b) pedagogy of place, and (c) the spirit of problem solving.

First Concept to Consider: Naming the World

Freirean scholar Antonia Darder (2002) believed that theory is an ongoing and

perpetually developing entity. In Pedagogy of the Oppressed, Freire (1972) discussed the

idea of naming the world. For Freire, naming the world meant that a person going

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through conscientization would begin by seeing things from his or her own perspective.
A conservative politician might say that most people who live in urban communities are
poor, yet the people themselves might say that they are not poor, but rather they are
exploited. In short, naming the world is a necessary part of dialogue with a purpose,
conscientization, and praxis, F reirean constructs that were reflected in the principal’s
problem-solving practices. Darder wrote:
Theory, then, as a product of a historical process of knowledge construction is
ongoing and regenerative. It is never complete but always exists within a
particular set of conditions shaped by particular relations of power. In the process
of teaching, dialogue is considered the self-generating praxis that emerges from
the relational interaction between reflection, naming of the world, action, and the
return to reflection once more. It is a continuous, purposefully motivated, and
open exchange that provides participants the space in which, together, to reflect,
critique, affirm, challenge, act, and ultimately transform our collective
understanding of the world. (p. 82)
Darder’s idea, then, is conducive to allowing theory to evolve and change due to the
dynamic concept of education. Even Freire believed that his ideas and theory ought to be
reinvented. Darder continued,
Freire’s literacy project has been ofien mechanized into a “method” and stripped
of its revolutionary intent. In their foreword to Teachers asQCultural Workers
(1998), Donaldo Macedo and Ana Maria Araujo Freire discuss Paulo Freire’s
serious concern with such reification of his work. In a conversation with Macedo,
F reire emphasizes, “It is impossible to export pedagogical practices without
reinventing them. Please tell your fellow American educators not to import me.
Ask them to re-create and rewrite my ideas.” (p. 150)
Paulo F reire was inviting us to reinvent his ideas so that they do not become a
mechanized method but serve as a way to understand the world. This is conducive to
Freire’s idea of naming the world; our place would affect how we name that world. In

other words, we reinvent F reire’s naming the world because it will change according to

our cultural and geographical context. A good example of what Freire meant by naming

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the world is the preceding example of a person’s deciding that he or she is not poor but
rather is exploited. The term exploited has a different connotation from the word poor.
Freire (1973) defined naming the world as the process by which people name
things as they relate to their reality. In other words, people are empowered to name
things in the world; this is important because people also name things according to their
life experiences. According to F reire (1998b), naming the world has political
implications of control and being controlled:
Dialogue is the encounter between men, mediated by the world, in order to name
the world. Hence, dialogue cannot occur between those who want to name the
world and those who do not wish this naming—between those who deny others
the right to speak their word and those whose right to speak has been denied them.

Those who have been denied their primordial right to speak their word must first
reclaim this right and prevent the continuation of this dehumanizing aggression.

(p. 69)

Pe0ple are empowered when they can name the world because they have a choice as to
what word and its connotation they will use in their dialogue.

The concept of naming the world can be reflected in the problem-solving
practices of a school principal. For example, Mr. Kent allowed the GLASS club to be
established; this is an example of naming the world because the students had chosen to
refer to themselves as gay and lesbian. Some of their classmates referred to them by the
derogatory word faggots when they were putting up posters announcing the club. The
students were prepared to respond to this treatment because they had been empowered
and had named their world. In the Two Academies vignette, two new programs were
developed and named in order to give a more logical purpose to the course sequences and
the curriculum. The principal’s naming the world is an example of power. When the

principal encourages others in the school community to name the world, they are

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empowered. Mr. Kent empowered his students and teachers by encouraging them to
name their world.

Naming the world is important for the principal’s problem-solving practices
because it is one way that the principal can empower other members of the school
community. Naming the world strengthens the process of humanization and praxis
because people are empowered. When you empower someone, you are demonstrating
your faith and trust in that individual’s judgment, which can lead to greater intrinsic
motivation on his or her part. Naming the world is part of the ethical process of problem

solving; to do otherwise is dehumanizing (Freire, 1998b).

Second Concept to Consider: Pedagogy of Place

Place, as a concept, can have numerous implications. It might seem
counterintuitive to think of place as a complex concept; however, when we consider
several aspects of place, it soon becomes apparent that place can have a profound
influence on us. Casey (1993) wrote about place and its importance in how we interact
with others:

The power of place such as a mere room possesses determines not only where I

am in the limited sense of cartographic location but how I am together with others

(i.e., how I commingle and communicate with them) and even who we shall

become together. The “how” and the “who” are intimately tied to the “where,”

which gives to them a specific content and coloration not available from any other
source. Place bestows upon them “a local habitation and a name” by establishing

a concrete situatedness in the common world. This emplacement is as social as it

is personal. The idiolocal is not merely idiosyncratic or individual; it is also

collective in character. (p. 23)

According to Casey, we attach social and personal meaning to our place. In an urban

high school, a variety of issues relate to place. The word urban has significance as a

place because the term has demographic implications. Thus, the context and the place of

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working in an urban school will influence the decision-making practices of an urban
school principal.

In the following discussion, I address several issues that emerged from the data
gathered for this study. I look at the four principles that guided Mr. Kent’s local or
particular praxis, reflections of F reirean critical theory in the principal’s problem solving,
and the concept of pedagogy of place as a unifying way to bring all three of these
phenomena together. It is important to consider the concept of place because it
determines the different contexts in which an urban school principal must function. Mr.
Kent had to keep in mind the politics of his local school district, as well as state and
federal regulations. Not only did he need to understand how these rules and regulations
worked; he also needed to know the nuances of how to navigate through all of these
requirements and still bring the best education possible to his students. To be successful,
Mr. Kent needed to know his place, not in the sense of his status or social standing, but in
the sense of the personal, social, cultural, and legal aspects of the school community.

Gruenewald (in press) believed that, for educators, extending our consciousness
of place will help ameliorate our sense of isolation from the rest of the world:

The point of becoming more conscious of places in education is to extend our

notions of pedagogy and accountability outward toward places. Thus extended,

pedagogy becomes more relevant to the lived experience of students and teachers,
and accountability is reconceptualized so that places matter to educators, students,
and citizens in tangible ways. Place-conscious education, therefore, aims to work
against the isolation of schooling’s discourses and practices from the living world
outside of the increasingly placeless institution of schooling. Further, it aims to
enlist teachers and students in the firsthand experience of local life, and in the

political process of understanding and shaping what happens there. (p. 3)

For Mr. Kent to resolve problems successfully, he had to know the community and, as

Gruenewald advised, not let the school operate in isolation from the rest of the

community.

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Mr. Kent’s four basic principles—utilizing alliances and partnerships, critical
leadership and management, focus on learning, and praxis—-reflect the place where they
evolved. For example, his use of the principle of utilizing alliances and partnerships was
closely related to place because his allies and partners were a part of either the school
district or the local community. If Mr. Kent left Macedo High School and went to a
suburb of a large city, he would not be able to use the alliances and partnerships that he
had worked so hard to establish at Macedo because they were place specific. He would
need to begin developing new alliances and partnerships in his new community, which
would be a time-consuming process.

Place is also important to the principle of critical leadership and management
because an urban school is a place where people traditionally are not empowered (Anyon,
1997; Apple, 1996; Kozol, 1991). One of the important aspects of critical leadership is
that people who traditionally have been subjugated are empowered (Bates, 1986;
Gooden, 2002). The place where Mr. Kent practiced critical leadership was an urban
setting where many of the families had low incomes and little, if any, political power.
The GLASS vignette illustrates how students were empowered, the Two Academies
vignette illustrates how teachers were empowered, and the DESEM vignette illustrates
how Mr. Anderson, a community activist, and Mr. Thompson, a retiree, were empowered
to implement a motivational program for students.

The third principle, focus on learning, is also relevant to the basic ideas of
pedagogy of place. Mr. Kent was always looking for what was, according to his
supervisor, Mr. Roberts, “what’s best for kids.” This mantra seemed to underlie Mr.
Kent’s problem-solving practices. The Two Academies vignette demonstrated a focus on

learning because the basic rationale for the academies’ existence was to give added

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purpose and direction to students; in other words, the academies would help students
learn in a purposeful manner. The two academies also related to pedagogy of place
because their foundation was based on what were perceived to be the needs of students at
Macedo High School. The DESEM vignette also relates to both the principle of focus on
learning and pedagogy of place because students were being motivated to learn and adopt
new behaviors. Mr. Kent and others in the school community had identified behaviors
that were not reflective of the community’s values. These behaviors were in need of
change. Gruenewald (in press) believed that places should matter to educators:

The point of becoming more conscious of places in education is to extend our

notions of pedagogy and accountability outward toward places. Thus, extended,

pedagogy becomes more relevant to the lived experience of students and teachers,
and accountability is reconceptualized so that places matter to educators, students,
and citizens in tangible ways. Place-conscious education, therefore, aims to work

against the isolation of schooling. (p. 3)

The vignettes illustrate place-specific events that reflect their origin. Mr. Kent’s
problem-solving practices were also place specific; in other words, his problem solving
was based on the events in each vignette as well as on the principles that guided his
practice.

In Mr. Kent’s practice, we see praxis reflected in all of the vignettes. He had no
choice but to take unpleasant action in the situation described in the Coaches’ vignette; he
reflected on how to change the coaching hierarchy and followed through on a tough
decision. In the Two Academies vignette, Mr. Kent and Ms. Gomez developed and
promoted a new curriculum that would benefit both students and staff; this decision also
required reflection, collaboration, and action. The GLASS vignette, too, reflects praxis
because Mr. Kent allowed a traditionally oppressed group of students to form a club that

would provide many gay students support in what could be an alienating high school

experience; his action in supporting the students had the potential to be controversial.

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Last, the DESEM vignette also reflects praxis. In this case, Mr. Kent came to realize that
he needed help to resolve an issue that he found to be challenging; his reflection
comprised making his own observations, consulting with his assistant principals, and
listening to his staff. His reflection led to collaboration with Mr. Thompson and Mr.
Anderson, and this collaboration led to a plan of action. Praxis is the action that one
takes after reflecting (F reire, 1972). Praxis is related to pedagogy of place (Gruenewald,
in press):
While natural history and cultural journalism are two pathways to greater
experience with and understanding of the ecological and cultural life of the places
we and others inhabit, the significance of action research to place-based education
is its potential to engage teachers and students as problem-solvers and place-
makers. This means extending experience with the study of places to
participation in the political process that determines what they are and what they
will become. (p. 34)
Action-based research is reflective of praxis, yet the difference here is that Mr. Kent used
praxis as a principle for his problem solving and the preceding citation looked at action-
based research as a tool that reflects pedagogy of place.
There is a relationship between pedagogy of place and the six Freirean constructs
developed in Chapter II: (a) dialogue with a purpose, (b) conscientization, (c) praxis,
(d) banking education versus problem-posing education, (e) the universal common ethic
and the politics of education, and (t) humanization. I grouped the first three constructs
together for the purpose of discussing their relationship to pedagogy of place. However,
each of the first three constructs is independent of the others. It is possible to realize the
first two constructs, dialogue with a purpose and conscientization, but not necessarily

come to praxis. Praxis is the reflection and action one takes based on dialogue with a

purpose and conscientization; it is the culmination of the first two constructs.

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In the Freirean tradition of critical praxis, the school leader, the principal, has an
important role of facilitating the actions of students, teachers, and other members of the
school community. The principal also has the role of empowering others. A more
traditional principal might resort to performing a dictatorial role rather than being a
facilitator and one who empowers others. There are examples of Mr. Kent’s facilitating
the actions that people wanted to take. In the GLASS vignette, Mr. Kent empowered
students to form a group. He also facilitated the action that the students wanted to take,
despite the potential for controversy. In the DESEM vignette, he took action by
facilitating and empowering the work of Mr. Thompson and Mr. Anderson, both of
whom were members of the community. The lack of student voice regarding the
planning and implementation of the DESEM program contradicted Freirean praxis as
well as the principle of critical leadership. However, the resulting program was
motivational rather than punitive in nature, which closely relates to F reirean praxis as
well as the principle of critical leadership.

The construct of problem-posing education versus banking education also has
implications for pedagogy of place. In problem-posing education, students attempt to
resolve problems that their teachers pose to them. Conversely, in banking education,
students are asked to memorize facts (like depositing money in a bank) and then write
them down on work sheets or tests (like withdrawing money from a bank) (Freire, 1973).
Problem-posing education is a valid strategy for all students, regardless of where they
live. However, students in an urban community have the benefit of engaging their local
community in a unique way; they can address a variety of problems as part of the
problem-posing process. Mr. Kent applied this construct to his resolution in the DESEM

vignette; he contacted two members of the community to help resolve the problem of

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inappropriate student behavior. By selecting members of the local community, Mr. Kent
was using concepts of pedagogy of place. However, the practice portrayed in the
DESEM vignette was not strictly F reirean because the students did not have a voice in
helping to plan or implement the program.

The Freirean construct of the universal common ethic and the politics of
education also pertains to pedagogy of place. Mr. Kent chose to support the formation of
the GLASS club, which helped gay students become more a part of the school
community. He could have chosen not to support the formation of such a club; a weaker
administrator might have wanted to avoid the potential for controversy. In reference to
pedagogy of place, it was important for Mr. Kent to consider the local political risks of
choosing to support students in establishing the GLASS club. In the DESEM vignette,
Mr. Kent had to convince the central administration that his program met the
requirements for Title Six funding. This was not an easy task, but the principal met the
challenge because he believed that the program was “good for kids.” To be successful,
he needed to know how best to propose the plan to his supervisors, which required
knowledge of the local school district’s politics.

Humanization was reflected in all four vignettes. Humanization is a perpetual
process that requires dialogue in the form of self-reflection within one’s historical context
(Freire, 1973). The DESEM vignette reflected humanization because the manners and
study skills developed in the program would help students be more successful in school.
The GLASS organization allowed gay students to feel more a part of the high school,
thereby making their high school experience more humanizing. And the Coaches

vignette demonstrated humanization because the coaches were relieved of a troubling

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situation and the student athletes finally began to win some games. Conversely, the
argumentative attitudes of the coaches were dehumanizing, especially for the athletes.

According to Gruenewald (in press), place-conscious education is intended to
strengthen the relationship between school and community. “This treatment of place-
conscious education aims at strengthening the connection between education and the
places where we, and others, live” (p. 4). The examples from the vignettes illustrate how
Mr. Kent’s problem-solving practices helped strengthen the connection between school
and community. The athletic program traditionally is a highly visible part of the public
high school; Mr. Kent’s efforts to resolve the coaching dilemma resulted in the team’s
eventually winning games. This outcome was humanizing for the student athletes as well
as the community at large. The GLASS vignette was humanizing for the students
because they became a more integral part of the school community.

Examining pedagogy of place is one way to extend Freirean critical theory. As
illustrated in the preceding section, place-conscious education illuminates the constructs
of Freirean critical theory. The principal’s problem-solving practices were related to
pedagogy of place, the six Freirean constructs, and the four basic principles that Mr. Kent
applied to his problem solving. Whereas the Freirean constructs emerged to different
degrees, another question needed to be addressed: What is the nature of this leadership?
The answer is that the pedagogy of place defines the leadership process. There are other
ways, as well, to view the principal’s problem-solving practices and how they relate to
Freirean critical theory. In the next section, I discuss some of the spiritual aspects of the

principal’s problem-solving practices.

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Third Concept to Consider: The Spirit of Problem Solving

When one discusses the spirit, it often conjures up religious connotations.
Although the spirit is an important aspect of many religions, it also has meaning in a
secular context. It is common for a coach to talk about the spirit that his team exhibits.
Many schools actively promote the idea of school spirit, which usually means pride in
one’s school. Many of us get into the spirit of an upcoming holiday. In much the same
spirit, the good school principal comes to problem solving with a disposition that reflects
respect, pride, care, and celebration.

The Dalai Lama (2001) believes that a sense of caring for others is an important
teaching of all religions. He also believes that those who prefer a secular belief system
can appreciate basic human values. He wrote,

I believe that the methods by which we increase our altruism, our sense of caring

for others and developing the attitude that our own individual concerns are less

important than those of others, are common to all major religious traditions.

Though we may find differences in philosophical views and rites, the essential

message of all religions is very much the same. They all advocate love,

compassion, and forgiveness. And even those who do not believe in religion can

appreciate the virtues of basic human values. (pp. 8-9)

The Dalai Lama (1999) also believes that there is a missing element in schools, which
pertains to the spirit:

From my rough impression of the Western educational system, although it is very

impressive to see the high standard of the facilities, the many material resources,

and the perfection of so many different aspects of intellectual development, the
thing that seems to be lacking is the dimension of enhancing and developing the
heart. The questions we must ask are how to promote these human values. How

to teach the develOpment of a good heart? (p. 87)

Having a good heart and caring for others is also a basic belief in Christian

religions. According to the GOSpel of Matthew, a Pharisee lawyer asked Jesus which was

the greatest commandment in the law:

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But when the Pharisees had heard that he had put the Sadducees to silence, they
were gathered together. Then one of them, which was a lawyer, asked him a
question, tempting him, and saying, Master, which is the great commandment in
the law? Jesus said unto him, Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thy heart,
and with all thy soul, and with all thy mind. This is the first and great
commandment. And the second is like unto it, Thou shalt love thy neighbour as
thyself. On these two commandments hang all the law and the prophets.
(Matthew 22:34-40, King James Version)
Jesus believed that these two commandments were important because he said, “On these
two commandments hang all the law and the prophets.” The second commandment that
Jesus mentioned, “Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself,” is in accord with the Dalai
Lama’s (2001) message of “developing the attitude that our own individual concerns are
less important than those of others” (p. 8). It is also important to note here that Jesus said
that to love our neighbors as we love ourselves is equal to loving God. The Dalai Lama
also believes that other religions share this fundamental belief in putting others first.
What do the teachings of Jesus Christ and the Dalai Lama have to do with an urban
school principal’s problem-solving practices? Both Jesus Christ and the Dalai Lama
taught that we should be altruistic in our dealings with other peOple.
This same sense of spirit, a foundation of altruism, guided Mr. Kent’s problem-
solving practices. During Mr. Kent’s first interview, he shared,
I learned real quick from Bill Jostens, he was a principal at Macedo, that in order
to solve any problem you had to personalize it, and put the individual first. And if
you had a family problem or an injury, that that was always a first priority to
whatever happens, the humanistic side. (Michael Kent, tape transcripts)
Putting the individual first anchors the four principles that guided Mr. Kent’s problem-
solving practices. Each of the four principles has characteristics that are illuminated by
Mr. Kent’s belief in putting the individual first. In the first principle, utilizing alliances

and partnerships, the principal sought out relationships with other individuals in the hope

of accessing their skills and resources, with the ultimate goal of improving his school.

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The second principle, critical leadership and management, also illustrates how Mr. Kent
put others first because he chose to empower teachers and students. The third principle,
focus on learning, also demonstrates the principal’s spirit of altruism; by promoting the
DESEM program and the two academies, he was encouraging learning. Mr. Kent was
not required to pursue either of these programs, but he voluntarily chose them over other
options.

Praxis is guided by the spirit of putting others first. Essentially, “praxis is acting
or doing, and it includes political-ethical actions based on prudent practical judgments”
(Young, 1989, p. 26). Paulo F reire (1972) defined praxis as “reflection and action upon
the world in order to transform it” (p. 36). Mr. Kent’s altruistic spirit and ethical
treatment of students and staff guided his use of praxis.

All six Freirean constructs share a common theme of altruism. The spirit of
altruism extends F reirean thought because it adds a new dimension to his ideas. The
spirit of altruism has implications for the principal’s problem-solving practices. The
ethical approach of putting other people first enhanced the principal’s problem-solving
practices because it increased the likelihood that decisions and problems would be

resolved in a way that would benefit the most people.

Actualization: From Theory to Practice
In this section, I discuss some pragmatic applications of the principles that
emerged from my analysis. In this section I present an approach to problem-solving
practices that stresses ethical considerations. I borrow two of the Freirean constructs.
The first is praxis because it is directly related to taking action; the second is

humanization because it involves the perpetual process of being and becoming more

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human. From Mr. Kent’s practice, I borrow utilizing alliances and partnerships, critical
leadership and management, focus on learning, and praxis.

Freirean praxis requires that one realize the steps of dialogue with a purpose and
conscientization; these two constructs are embedded in the construct of praxis. Praxis
requires reflection and then action. For the principal’s problem solving to approach an
ethical standard, it is necessary for these steps to occur. The challenge is that dialogue
Bwith a purpose, conscientization, and reflection can be time consuming, yet by investing
in this process, one can resolve the problem in a more ethical way. According to
Leithwood and Steinbach (1995), investing time initially in the problem-solving process
results in better decisions with fewer complications when they are implemented.

The second F reirean construct, humanization, reflects Mr. Kent’s practice of
putting people first, as well as his spirit of altruism. This spirit of altruism underlies an
ethical problem-solving practice. One of the most challenging problems that a principal
has to resolve is the need to lay off an employee. Sometimes this decision is not actually
made by the principal due to language in the teachers’ union contract. Nonetheless,
putting the person first by carefully examining all other alternatives is important in
reaching an ethical resolution. Unfortunately, education is like all professions in that
there will be times when jobs are threatened by economic conditions.

Utilizing alliances and partnerships is a skill that requires political knowledge.
Mr. Kent was a gifted conversationalist who used his skill in establishing a variety of
alliances and partnerships. One of the purposes of building alliances is to find sources of
programs, resources, and funding; however, this is not the only purpose. It is difficult to
predict who might give valuable advice or be a valuable source for solving a problem in

the future. One of the most valuable aspects of alliance building is that, having a wide

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variety of contacts, there is a likelihood that people, especially those outside of the school
district, will be able to provide different and invaluable perspectives that the principal has
not anticipated.

It is not possible to list all of the problems that an urban school principal might
encounter and then suggest ethical approaches to solving them. However, by applying
the F reirean constructs of praxis and humanization, guided by a spirit of altruism, ethical

problem solving would be the likely result.

Implications for Further Study

The findings from this study suggest some implications for further study. The six
constructs of F reirean critical theory developed in this study are by no means exhaustive.
It would be helpful to see more development of Freirean constructs because they might
shed more light on practices such as problem solving. In addition, the development of
additional constructs might lead to other applications of F reirean critical theory that I did
not contemplate. One pragmatic application of Freirean critical theory could be the
elaboration of case studies for teaching purposes. The proposed case studies would have
strong characteristics of emancipation and liberation; these case studies could help
improve the practice and education of leamer—practitioners as well as other educators by
allowing them an opportunity to contemplate issues of social justice. This approach
would teach not only pragmatic skills for problem-solving practice but also
humanization.

It would also be interesting to see this study duplicated, as such research would
broaden the understanding of problem-solving practices as well as the applications of
Freirean critical theory. This study could be duplicated in order to understand issues of

power and empowerment in an urban setting. Another study would yield a varying

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perspective on problem-solving practices because the emerging vignettes would be
different and would require a unique analysis. Also, it would be interesting to see an
analysis of diverse practices, such as the principal’s efforts to organize professional
development or perhaps to meet the requirements of standardized testing.

One voice that is absent from this research is that of the students at Macedo High
School. Adding their voice to this research would not only have illuminated the
principal’s problem-solving practices from a unique perspective, but it also would have
been in harmony with the philosophy of Paulo Freire, who believed that people need to
have the right to name the world. I would strongly recommend that, if this study is

replicated, students be included as active participants.

Mv Own Liberation

Embracing the challenge of writing a doctoral dissertation has taught me some
important lessons. I have learned to respect rigorous qualitative research procedures at a
higher level. I have also learned the value of sharing my work with others who are
pursuing doctoral studies. When I participated in study groups with other doctoral
candidates, I gained valuable insights regarding the evolution of my colleagues’ research
as well as my own.

Carefully examining F reirean critical theory also has opened my mind to new
ways of seeing the world. The forms that oppression takes can be so subtle that we may
not readily see them. Because I have studied Freirean critical theory, I now see
oppression where it was not so obvious to me in the past. I also have become more aware

of the oppression of other people in ways that I had not anticipated.

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APPENDICES

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APPENDIX A

THE VIGNETTE

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Vignette

Ms. Anderson has been the principal at Big City High School for the past five
years and during this time has made a reputation for being an effective high school
principal by students, teachers, parents, and the school superintendent. Ms. Anderson has
made a successful and sincere effort to manage the high school to the best of her ability.
One of her strengths has been to successfully include diverse groups of students, parents,
and teachers in a variety of programs that have brought much needed resources to her
urban high school. The school has a large racially diverse group of students; the student
body is made up of 70% African-American, 15% Hispanic, 10% Caucasian, and 5%
Asian. Currently the student population is at about 1,800 students. The number of
Hispanic and Asian students is significantly increasing every school year and the majority
of them have limited proficiency in English. A little more than half the students qualify
for reduced and free lunch programs.

Big City is located in the Midwest and has had an industrial base as the largest
source of employment. During the past ten years, however, the industrial base has been
declining. The city has lost about eight thousand jobs during the past eight years. No
other business or organization has been able to replace the lost jobs and as a result the
city as well as the school district have less resources than in the past.

Ms. Anderson has recently received two proposals for two new programs at Big
City High. Both of the proposals come from veteran teachers who have excellent
reputations for planning, implementing, and seeing projects through completion. Neither

teacher gives up easily when confronted with obstacles. Both teachers have filled out the

169

prOper forms and written their proposals for funding according to school district policies
and guidelines.

Ms. Hughes, a mathematics teacher, has written a detailed prOposal that has the
purpose of increasing the enrollment in college by Big City High students. The program
also proposes to help students receive financial aid. The program would be available to
all students who are interested in attending traditionally black colleges. A non—profit
organization known as, the Foundation for Increasing Afiican-American College
Enrollment (hence F .I.A.C.E.), has contacted Ms. Hughes and has committed itself to a
significant number of resources to the high school provided that certain conditions are
met. F .I.A.C.E. has implemented the same program in other high schools similar to Big
City with great success. Here are the highlights of the program:

0 95% of F.A.I.C.E. participants in other high schools that are similar to Big City
High have been accepted to colleges and have received financial aid.

0 The foundation has offered to pay 50% of the cost to participate in a one-week
tour of traditionally black colleges; the tour would include tour guides, first-class
charter buses, food, and lodging.

o The foundation will also provide preliminary promotion of the tour, a responsible
tour guide/contact person, extensive help with filling out financial aid forms, and
post-tour meetings to encourage students to follow through with college
applications.

0 There will also be an after school-tutoring program with paid qualified tutors.

0 Due to legal reasons F.A.I.C.E. must have a written commitment as well as an
initial payment of five thousand dollars from the school in order to participate in

their program.

170

o The program is renewable each following year for up to five years at no extra

charge.

0 F.A.I.C.E. has given Big City High the first opportunity to commit to the

program, however, the foundation is also considering other high schools should
Big City High decline the offer. Ms. Hughes knows that other teachers in other
school districts will not hesitate to accept the program.

City of the Towers Publishers (hence C.T.P.) is a large publishing company that
wants to implement a new teaching methodology at Big City High for limited English
proficient students. A representative from C.T.P. has contacted Mr. Sanchez, the ESL
teacher, and has made an interesting offer. Instead of a textbook the company will
provide a laptop computer to each student enrolled in the English as a second language
program. Currently, Mr. Sanchez has no curriculum from the district and there are no
specific textbooks. The number of limited English proficient students has been increasing
every year. The district has, however, provided several resource books and a liberal
photocopy budget for the ESL program. In the past Mr. Sanchez has used books from the
publishing company and has been impressed with their usefulness. He is convinced that
the interactive software that is loaded on the computer will definitely help his limited
English proficient students to significantly improve their English skills. Here are the
highlights of the program:

0 City of the Towers will subsidize the program for a period of five years; each
student will receive a free laptop computer.

0 The program looks very promising and is based on the latest research.

171

The interactive characteristics of the software will allow students to learn at
their own rate, which will benefit students with a wide range of language
skills.

The company has committed itself to provide initial training as well as on-
going support; there will be a technician on campus during the first four
weeks that the program is implemented to help with any computer problems.
There will be ongoing contacts with the developers of the program so that
adjustments can be made quickly.

The legal department at City of the Towers Publishers will require a written
commitment from the school district as well as a one-time payment of five
thousand dollars. 1

City of the Towers Publishers has given Big City High the first opportunity to
commit to the program, however, the company is also considering other high
schools should Big City High decline the offer. Mr. Sanchez knows that other

teachers in other school districts will not hesitate to accept the program.

Ms. Anderson wants to implement both programs but the budget is extremely

tight and there is only enough money for one of the programs. The superintendent, Dr.

Smith, is pressuring her to find a way to get both programs but has warned her that the

budget must be balanced. Both Ms. Hughes and Mr. Sanchez have asked interested

parents to call the principal and convince her of the need for their respective programs.

So far, Ms. Anderson has taken several phone calls from parents regarding both

programs. Ms. Anderson is well aware that both programs will provide students with

more goods and services than their five thousand-dollar costs.

172

The school secretary, Ms. Jones, has just informed Ms. Anderson that she has an
urgent call from City of the Towers Publishers which is on hold on line one, the
superintendent is on line two, and that a representative from the F.A.I.C.E. foundation is
waiting in the outer office and would like to speak to her for just a moment. How should

Ms. Anderson resolve which program should get her approval?

173

APPENDIX B

FIELD NOTE PROTOCOL FOR OBSERVATIONS OF THE PRINCIPAL

174

Field Note Protocol for Observation of the Principal

o What type of problem was resolved?
0 How was the problem resolved?
0 What was the outcome?

Time: Comments: Freirean Construct:
7:30AM

7:45AM
8:00AM
8:15Am
8:30AM
8:45AM
9:00AM
9:15AM
9:30AM
9:45AM
10:00AM
10:15AM
10:30AM
10:45AM
11:00AM
11:15AM
11:30AM
11:45AM

12:00 Noon

175

Field Note Protocol for Observation of the Principfl

o What type of problem was resolved?
0 How was the problem resolved?
0 What was the outcome?

Time: Comments: F reirean Construct:
12:15PM

12:30PM
12:45PM
1:00PM
1:15PM
1:30PM
1:45PM
2:00PM
2: 15PM
2:30PM
2:45PM
3:00PM
3:15PM
3:30PM
3:45PM
4:00PM
4:15PM
4:30PM
4:45PM

5:00PM

176

APPENDIX C

INTERVIEW PROBES

177

First Interview Protocol for the Principal

Interviewer: Thank you for agreeing to participate in this interview. The purpose of this
interview is to better understand the seven life experiences that have helped
you develop your problem-solving skills.

As a reminder, this interview should take from one to two hours. I will tape
record our conversation and take notes. Please know that at any time you
may request to turn off the tape recorder. You also have the right to refuse to
answer any particular question. The tape recordings will be kept in a safe
place—in a locked file cabinet—and your identity and the school where you
are employed will not be disclosed.

I will be transcribing the tape recorded interviews which will be kept on a
password protected computer. I will send you a copy of the transcription as
well as any documents or artifacts that you may share with me. The only
people who will have access to the tape recordings and transcriptions will be
my dissertation advisor, Professor Maenette Benham, and the members of
my doctoral committee: Professors Chris Dunbar, John Dirkx, and Kris
Renn.

You have already identified seven experiences that have helped you develop
your problem-solving skills. During this first interview I will ask you to
elaborate on these seven experiences.

Do you have any questions?

Interview Probes:

1. Select one of the experiences that you have listed and describe it with as
much detail as possible.

2. If you were to draw a diagram that helps explain the connections or
relations between your problem-solving experiences what would it look
like?

3. If you were to draw a diagram that helps explain the development of
your problem-solving skills what would it look like?

4. You have listed seven experiences that have helped you develop your

problem-solving skills. In your opinion are any of these experiences

more important for you than others? Which ones have had the most
importance for you?

What are some of the differences in these seven experiences?

What are some of the similarities?

What characteristics do all of your experiences have in common?

Is there anything else that you would like to add?

.°°>’.°‘S"

178

Second Interview Protocol for the Principal

Interviewer: Thank you for agreeing to participate in this interview. The purpose of this
interview is to better understand how you would resolve a dilemma
involving two teachers and two groups of students who are competing for
the same limited resources. We will be talking about a vignette that you
have read prior to today's interview.

As a reminder, this interview should take from one to two hours. I will tape
record our conversation and take notes. Please know that at any time you
may request to turn off the tape recorder. You also have the right to refuse to
answer any particular question. The tape recordings will be kept in a safe
place—in a locked file cabinet—and your identity and the school where you
are employed will not be disclosed.

I will be transcribing the tape recorded interview which will be kept on a
password protected computer. I will send you a c0py of the transcription as
well as any documents or artifacts that you may share with me. The only
people who will have access to the tape recordings and transcriptions will be
my dissertation advisor, Professor Maenette Benham, and the members of
my doctoral committee: Professors Chris Dunbar, John Dirkx, and Kris
Renn.

You have already read a vignette that describes a principal's dilemma
regarding the selection of one of two programs for her school. During this
first interview I will ask you to elaborate on how you would resolve this
dilemma.

Do you have any questions?

Interview Probes:

Select one of the experiences that you have listed and describe it with as

much detail as possible.

1. Generally speaking, how would you resolve the dilemma that confronts
Ms. Anderson?

2. Do you see any other alternatives to resolving the dilemma?

3. If you were Ms. Anderson, which program would you support? Please
explain why?

4. If you needed to resolve a dilemma like this at your school who would
you ask for advice?

5. Have you ever had to resolve a dilemma similar to this? If so, how did
you resolve it?

6. If you could change one aspect of this dilemma what would you change?
Why?

7. Is there anything else you would like to add?

179

Third Interview Protocol for the Principal

Interviewer: Thank you for agreeing to participate in this interview. The purpose of this
interview is to better understand how resolve problems. We will be talking
about your personal and professional experiences that have helped you
develop problem-solving skills.

As a reminder, this interview should take from one to two hours. I will tape
record our conversation and take notes. Please know that at any time you
may request to turn off the tape recorder. You also have the right to refuse to
answer any particular question. The tape recordings will be kept in a safe
place—in a locked file cabinet—and your identity and the school where you
are employed will not be disclosed.

I will be transcribing the tape recorded interview which will be kept on a
password protected computer. I will send you a copy of the transcription as
well as any documents or artifacts that you may share with me. The only
people who will have access to the tape recordings and transcriptions will be
my dissertation advisor, Professor Maenette Benham, and the members of
my doctoral committee: Professors Chris Dunbar, John Dirlor, and Kris
Renn.

Do you have any questions?

Interview Probes:

1. How do most principals develop their problem-solving skills?

2. What do you believe is the single most important thing that has helped
you with your own problem-solving?

3. What advice would you give a novice principal that would help her or
him with their problem-solving?

4. Is there anything else that you would like to add?

180

Interview Protocol for the Focus Group of Teachers

Interviewer: Thank you for agreeing to participate in this interview. The purpose of this
interview is to better understand the experiences you have had with your
principal and problem-solving.

As a reminder, this interview should take about an hour. I will tape record
our conversation and take notes. Please know that at any time you may
request to turn off the tape recorder. You also have the right to refuse to
answer any particular question. The tape recordings will be kept in a safe
place—in a locked file cabinet—and your identity and the school where you
are employed will not be disclosed.

I will be transcribing the tape recorded interview which will be kept on a
password protected computer. I will send you a copy of the transcription as
well as any documents or artifacts that you may share with me. The only
peOple who will have access to the tape recordings and transcriptions will be
my dissertation advisor, Professor Maenette Benham, and the members of
my doctoral committee: Professors Chris Dunbar, John Dirkx, and Kris
Renn.

Do you have any questions?

Interview Probes:

1. Select a problem-solving experience that you have had with the principal
and describe it with as much detail as possible.

2. What do you believe are the principal's strengths regarding problem-
solving?

3. In your opinion, what has been one of the greatest problem-solving
challenges that your principal has faced? How did she or he resolve the
problem?

4. If you were to give your principal advice about how to resolve problems

what would you say to her or him?

What have you learned from your principal about problem-solving?

6. What do you believe is the single most important thing that has helped
the principal with his or her problem-solving?

7. Is there anything else that you would like to add?

5"

181

Interview Protocol for the Focus Group of Parents

Interviewer: Thank you for agreeing to participate in this interview. The purpose of this
interview is to better understand the experiences you have had with the
principal and problem-solving.

As a reminder, this interview should take about an hour. I will tape record
our conversation and take notes. Please know that at any time you may
request to turn off the tape recorder. You also have the right to refuse to
answer any particular question. The tape recordings will be kept in a safe
place—in a locked file cabinet—and your identity and the school where you
are employed will not be disclosed.

I will be transcribing the tape recorded interview which will be kept on a
password protected computer. I will send you a copy of the transcription as
well as return documents or artifacts that you may share with me. The only
documents I will keep will be my field notes and the tape recorded
transcription of the interview. The only people who will have access to the
tape recordings and transcriptions will be my dissertation advisor, Professor
Maenette Benham, and the members of my doctoral committee: Professors
Chris Dunbar, John Dirkx, and Kris Renn.

Do you have any questions?

Interview Probes:

1. Select a problem-solving experience that you have had with the principal
and describe it with as much detail as possible.

2. What do you believe are the principal's strengths regarding problem-
solving?

3. In your opinion, what has been one of the greatest problem-solving
challenges that your principal has faced? How did she or he resolve the
problem?

4. If you were to give your principal advice about how to resolve problems

what would you say to her or him?

What have you learned from your principal about problem-solving?

6. What do you believe is the single most important thing that has helped
the principal with his or her problem-solving?

7. Is there anything else that you would like to add?

i"

182

Interview Protocol for the Focus Group of Assistant Principals

Interviewer: Thank you for agreeing to participate in this interview. The purpose of this
interview is to better understand the experiences you have had with your
principal and problem-solving.

As a reminder, this interview should take about one or two hours. I will tape
record our conversation and take notes. Please know that at any time you
may request to turn off the tape recorder. You also have the right to refuse to
answer any particular question. The tape recordings will be kept in a safe
place—in a locked file cabinet—and your identity and the school where you
are employed will not be disclosed.

I will be transcribing the tape recorded interview which will be kept on a
password protected computer. I will send you a copy of the transcription as
well as return documents or artifacts that you may share with me. The only
documents I will keep will be my field notes and the tape recorded
transcription of the interview. The only people who will have access to the
tape recordings and transcriptions will be my dissertation advisor, Professor
Maenette Benham, and the members of my doctoral committee: Professors
Chris Dunbar, John Dirkx, and Kris Renn.

Do you have any questions?

Interview Probes:

- Select a problem-solving experience that you have had with the principal
and describe it with as much detail as possible.

0 What do you believe are the principal's strengths regarding problem-
solving?

0 In your opinion, what has been one of the greatest problem-solving
challenges that your principal has faced? How did she or he resolve the
problem?

0 If you were to give your principal advice about how to resolve problems
what would you say to her or him?

0 What have you learned from your principal about problem-solving?

o What do you believe is the single most important thing that has helped
the principal with his or her problem-solving?

o Is there anything else that you would like to add?

183

 

Interview Protocol for the Principal's Supervisor

Interviewer: Thank you for agreeing to participate in this interview. The purpose of this
interview is to better understand the experiences you have had with your
principal and problem-solving.

As a reminder, this interview should take about an hour. I will tape record
our conversation and take notes. Please know that at any time you may
request to turn off the tape recorder. You also have the right to refuse to
answer any particular question. The tape recordings will be kept in a safe
place—in a locked file cabinet—and your identity and the school where you
are employed will not be disclosed.

I will be transcribing the tape recorded interview which will be kept on a
password protected computer. I will send you a copy of the transcription as
well as return documents or artifacts that you may share with me. The only
documents I will keep will be my field notes and the tape recorded
transcription of the interview. The only people who will have access to the
tape recordings and transcriptions will be my dissertation advisor, Professor
Maenette Benham, and the members of my doctoral committee: Professors
Chris Dunbar, John Dirkx, and Kris Renn.

Do you have any questions?

Interview Probes:

0 Select a problem-solving experience that you have had with the principal
and describe it with as much detail as possible.

0 What do you believe are the principal's strengths regarding problem-
solving?

0 In your opinion, what has been one of the greatest problem‘solving
challenges that your principal has faced? How did she or he resolve the
problem?

0 If you were to give your principal advice about how to resolve problems
what would you say to her or him?

What have you learned from your principal about problem-solving?
What do you believe is the single most important thing that has helped
the principal with his or her problem-solving?

o Is there anything else that you would like to add?

184

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185

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