Sammy ‘ 1» A. 3. 2).; E\1 1 ,9 1&5...) is. .Jntr‘deaflx,5m...y magnuéfih... Z ‘ . . : , . , , .. hiya . “.9“?!th ms Deaf 1/5393 w 3 LIBRARY Michigan State University i“. This is to certify that the dissertation entitled PASSING FOR BLACK: A CULTURAL W1C PERSPECTIVE ON THE SIGNIFICATION OF (IDNTEMPORAPU IMAGES OF BLACK W IN MAINSTREAM MAGAZINE ADVERTISEMENTS TO '10 AFRICAN-AMERICAN FEMALE CDNSIMERS presented by Marilyn Skinner Britt has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for Doctoral . Mass Media degree 1n Major professor Date May 9, 2003 MS U is an Afflrmatiw Action/Equal Opportunity Institution 0-12771 PIACE IN RETURN Box to remove this checkout from your record. TO AVOID FINES return on or before date due. MAY BE RECALLED with earlier due date if requested. DATE DUE DATE DUE DATE DUE 6/01 cJCIRC/DateDue.p65-p.15 PASSING FOR BLACK: A CULTURAL HEGEMONIC PERSPECTIVE ON THE SIGNIFICATION OF CONTEMPORARY IMAGES OF BLACK WOMEN IN MAINSTREAM MAGAZINE ADVERTISEMENTS TO AFRICAN-AMERICAN FEMALE CONSUMERS By Marilyn Skinner Britt A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Mass Media Ph.D. Program Department of Advertising 2003 ABSTRACT PASSING FOR BLACK: A CULTURAL HEGEMONIC PERSPECTIVE ON THE SIGNIFICATION OF CONTEMPORARY IMAGES OF BLACK WOMEN IN MAINSTREAM MAGAZINE ADVERTISEMENTS TO AFRICAN-AMERICAN FEMALE CONSUMERS By Marilyn Skinner Britt Hegemony theory explains that one mechanism through which advertising influences a subculture is by its ability to shape or redefine that subculture. It does so by creating new or more palatable representations of important features of the subculture in promoting products and services to mainstream audiences. One possible example of hegemony in American culture is the evolution of the portrayal of the African-American female in advertising. The derogatory stereotypic images used in the early part of the 20th century (e.g., dark complexioned, sexless characters such as Aunt Jemima) have given way to more contemporary images of blackness, which commonly depict African- American females as sensual beings with light skin and long, straight hair. As a result, the standard of what is considered an “attractive” African- American female, according to mainstream advertisements, is Eurocentric- looking models who are merely “passing” for Black. This study explored the question of whether the images used to portray African-American females in mainstream magazine advertising today reflect how these women perceive themselves. The study used qualitative methodology, employing two sets of focus groups to collect data. Initially, focus groups were used to explore the perceptions of African-American models held by middle—class African-American females aged 24 and older. Participants’ responses were analyzed using the CATPAC program. These responses were then used to develop a battery of facial features, using a cultural palette, which was intentionally loaded with “cultural meanings and nuances of meanings” that are relevant to contemporary African-American females. Participants in the focus groups were then instructed to create two facial portrayals: one that represented the type of Black woman they see most often in mainstream magazine advertisements, and one that represented themselves. Semantic differential scaling was used to evaluate the completed facial composites created by participants. The study found that contemporary images used to portray Black women in mainstream advertisements are not representative of how middle- class African-American women see themselves. This finding indicates that these individuals did perceive a ‘hegemonic effect’ of magazine advertising, although it may be much more subtle than that produced by the stereotypical imagery of the past. One other finding was that, based upon the significant differences between participants’ perceptions of themselves and that of African-American models, ‘leaky hegemony’ may partially explain their ability to form counter-hegemonic meanings that reflect their own sense of what is attractive. COpyright by MARILYN SKINNER BRITT 2003 This dissertation is dedicated to the memory of my parents, Lucille and Attorney Floyd H. Skinner, and to my beautiful daughters, Raven, Tia, Fan, and Ariel ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The present study was made possible by the encouragement and assistance of many people that God has placed in my path. For that, I am extremely grateful. I wish to extend my sincere appreciation to my Committee Chairperson, Dr. Bruce G. Vanden Bergh (Dr. V.), for his guidance on this dissertation, especially, for his standard of excellence, invaluable time and expertise. Dr. V., thank you for your confidence and enthusiasm for my endeavor. I am also indebted to the other members of my dissertation committee: Dr. Gretchen Barbatsis, Dr. Lucinda Davenport, and Dr. Ida Stockman for their wisdom, remarks, and guidance. Many thanks to the Department office staff: Gloria Baird, Connie Williams, Ilene Young, Linda Tallman, Raye Grill and both Nancy Seek and Nancy Ashley for their help and encouraging words. Special thanks are extended to my fellow colleagues, past and present: Dr. Karen Alman, Dr. Allison Clark, Dr. Karan Wyre, Dr. Teresa Mastin, Dr. Judy Foster Davis, Dr. Melissa Camacho, James Stephens, Lucette Cardona Estrada, Azuka Morah and Adele Brumfield. vi Thank you to all the women of the African-American community, who gave freely of their time, and of themselves, to serve as judges and study participants. Many additional thanks to family and friends who gave me encouragement along the way: Dr. Valerie Scott, Carol A. Johnson, Charlotte Drew, Miriam Jan Hill, Linda Arterberrie, Dr. James Nevels and Carmen L. Gear for their mental and financial support; Michelle R. Moore, Sherrie Montgomery, Tara James, Lynn Younger, Bethany Spotts, Andrea Morgan-Floyd, Dr. Gloria Stephens Smith, Dr. Lawrence Redd, Thomasina Canty, Barbara Curtis and Gwendolyn Thomas. Finally, a very special thanks to my mom who tried to hang in there for me and to my daughters without whose sacrifice, patience and help I could not have completed this work. vii TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES ......................................................................... x LIST OF FIGURESXI CHAPTER I Introduction .................................................................................. 1 CHAPTER 11 Literature Review ......................................................................... 12 A Historical Perspective of the Portrayals of African-American Females in Advertising and Other Media ....... 12 Derogatory Images of Black Women .......................................... 12 Skin Color and Its Political and Social Ramifications ................. 17 Black Features and Attractiveness .......................................... 22 Cultural Hegemony .................................................................. 27 Research Questions .................................................................. 37 CHAPTER 111 Research Methods ........................................................................ 39 Research Design ...................................................................... 39 Focus Groups .......................................................................... 39 Instrument Development ........................................................... 42 Developing the Cultural Palette ................................................ 43 Pretest Study .................................................................. 50 SUDJCCISSI Procedure ....................................................................... 53 Measurement and Analysis .............................................. 57 Part I ............................................................................. 57 Multidimensional Scaling ....................................... 58 Categorical Package ............................................... 59 Preparing the Focus Group Text ..................... 60 Dendogram ................................................... 63 Galileo Software........................................65 Part II ............................................................................ 65 Semantic Differential Scaling ................................. 66 Constructed Portrayals .................................. 67 CHAPTER IV Results ......................................................................................... 70 Part I ............................................................................. 70 Focus Group I Discussion ....................................... 71 Images of Black Women in Mainstream Magazine Advertisements .................................................... 76 viii African-American Female Perceptions of Themselves ......................................................... 78 Galileo Three-Dimensional Perspective ................... 80 Focus Group 11 Discussion .................................... 82 Images of Black Women in Mainstream Magazine Advertisements .................................................... 86 African-American Female Perceptions of Themselves ......................................................... 88 Galileo Three-Dimensional Perspective ................... 88 Part II ...................................................................... 90 Focus Group I and II Cultural Palette ...................... 90 Image Bank ........................................................... 91 Age ....................................................................... 98 Hair and Hair Style ................................................ 98 Skintone ................................................................ 99 Judges’ Ratings of Facial Composites ...................... 99 CHAPTER V Discussion ................................................................................. 105 Portrayals in Mainstream Magazine Advertisements ......... 107 Acceptance or Lack of Acceptance of the Portrayals ........ 109 Perceptions of Self ........................................................ 111 Creating Images ............................................................ 117 Limitations of the Study ................................................ 122 Future Recommendations .............................................. 124 APPENDIX A - CONSENT FORM ................................................. 127 APPENDIX B — MODERATOR GUIDE .......................................... 129 APPENDIX C - CULTURAL PALETTE ......................................... 134 APPENDIX D — DEMOGRAPHIC INFORMATION ........................ 142 APPENDIX E — RATING SCALE ................................................... 150 REFERENCES .............................................................................. 152 ix LIST OF TABLES Table 4.1. Focus Group — I Images that Best Represents Most African-American Females in Mainstream Magazine Advertisements ......................................................................... 92 Table 4.2. Focus Group — I Images that Best Represents African-American Female Perceptions ........................................... 93 Table 4.3. Focus Group — II Images that Best Represents Most African-American Females in Mainstream Magazine Advertisements ................................................... , ...................... 94 Table 4.4. Focus Group —- II Images that Best Represents African—American Female Perceptions ........................................... 95 Table 4.5. Focus Group — I J'udges’ Ratings ................................... 100 Table 4.6. Focus Group — II Judges’ Ratings .................................... 101 LIST OF FIGURES Images in this dissertation are presented in color. Figure 1.1. A Cultural Hegemonic Framework ................................... 9 Figure 3.1. Common Facial Shapes ............................................... 47 Figure 3.2. Rating Scale for Finished Prototypes ............................. 68 Figure 4.1. Focus Group I — Dendogram ......................................... 72 Figure 4.2. Focus Group I — Dendogram ......................................... 75 Figure 4.3. Focus Group I — Three-Dimensional Analysis of Concepts ...................................................................... 81 Figure 4.4. Focus Group II — Dendogram ........................................ 83 Figure 4.5. Focus Group II — Dendogram ........................................ 85 Figure 4.6. Focus Group II -— Three-Dimensional Analysis of Concepts ................................................................. 89 Figure 4.7. Sample Prototypes ..................................................... 98 Figure 4.8. Focus Group I — Ratings of Prototypes ......................... .103 Figure 4.9. Focus Group II — Ratings of Prototypes .......................... 104 xi CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Regularly, issues of popularl mainstream publications such as Vogue, Cosm0politan, Glamour, Women ’5 Day and Ladies' Home Journal are filled with faces of women providing tips, techniques or solutions illustrating what it takes to look attractive and what is needed to be beautiful. Yet, for African-American females who may use the models featured as a point of reference for ideals of beauty in American culture, one possible conclusion drawn may be that the Eurocentric standard of beauty frequently portrayed is often not attainable for them. Essentially, many African-American females may have been socialized to believe they must look white in order to be considered beautiful in American society (hooks 1992). In American advertisements, feminine beauty has often been portrayed by women possessing Eurocentic features (Perkins 1996). Perkins (1996) points out that these features of the “all American” ideal of beauty are “blond-haired, blue eyed, and thin” women. Eurocentric beauty is also the standard for the images of Black models who appear to be merely passing/or Black.2 An example of this can be seen when Popular in this case means mainstream women s magaznnes ranking high in circulation according to “The Annual Top 300 Magazines by Gross Revenue" Advertising Age 200l. 2 Note that passing for Black is a reversal of passing for White, a concept that has classically been used when African-Americans looked Caucasian. By choice, they crossed the color line to experience Whiteness with the hopes of acceptance in the dominant white culture. An early example of this comes from the film, Imitation of African-American models appear in mainstream ads. These women often possess a variety of Eurocentric features including fair to Caucasian skin tones, straight or naturally wavy long hair, and lightened hair color. Specific facial features include eyes that are light in color, a narrow nose, and thin lips (Brown 1993). Advertisers and their agencies, who create and produce our culture’s images of women, help to define what is beautiful. With respect to the images of Black women presented in mainstream ads, it has been suggested that these social institutions may also create and help shape the expectations of African-American female audience members. Feminist and cultural critic bell hooks (1992) notes that, “[while] images of race and representation have become a contemporary obsession...” “...little progress is made if we transform images without shifting paradigms, changing perspectives, ways of looking [at ourselves]” (p. 4- 7). This author suggests that while the role of advertising is to help define the boundaries of how we interpret the Black subculture in American society, it must take into account its role in shaping audience - 3 perceptions. Life (1959). Therefore, the present study uses the phrase passing for Black to refer to occurrences when the dominant culture has created images of blackness with the intent that they can freely cross the color line in mainstream magazine advertising. 3 Schiff(l980) defines perception(s) as being aware of the world, its characteristics, objects, places, and events. Similarly, Gibson (1979) views perception(s) as the way people maintain contact with the environment or obtain information about the world. For example, how African-American females perceive the world and their relation to it (the dominant [white] culture), or how, or what contact they have with their Within the past two decades, African-American females have become a more integral part of American society. This progressive integration is evidenced by significant advances in their educational achievement and income status (US. Bureau ofthe Census 2001). As a reflection of their increased economic power, advertisers have begun to include and present African-American females more prominently in their ads. This occurrence has fostered a variety of contrasting views regarding the portrayals of African-American females in mainstream advertising. For example, some are critical of advertising for creating what they view as negative, racist, and low-class caricatures of Black women in the United States (Hine and Thompson 1998; Gray 1995; Kern- Foxworth 1994; Roberts 1994; hooks 1992). Others argue that today’s advertising has made efforts to generate more positive, racially sensitive images of middle and upper-class African-American females which in turn motivates them to purchase products advertised in mainstream magazine advertisements (Crouch 2001; Green 1999; Bowen and Schmid 1997; Staples 1994). Perhaps these contrasting views have emerged as a result of advertising’s apparent efforts to update its portrayals of African-American females. While the later view is consistent with the economic view of advertising (e.g., its role is to inform the public), the former view is consistent with the social school, which criticizes advertising for its environment (e.g., exposure to advertisements); it may include how they obtain unintended social consequences (Vanden Bergh and Katz 1999). For example, while these more positive portrayals of this desirable market may positively influence its spending on the products featured in these ads, they may also be contributing to the development of an idealized image of African-American women, which does not truthfully reflect what exists. In essence, the portrayals may be a figment of the advertising institution’s imagination of what African-American females should look like. The danger here, according to some critics, is that given this industry’s ability to define our culture’s notions of reality and other social constructs, it may also change or create the ways we view ourselves (Coover 2001; Gray 1995; Berry 1980; Martin and Gentry 1987). Further, if these new ideals of Black American female beauty are merely colorized versions of Eurocentric characteristics, then advertisers may indeed be developing a social construction of beauty with images that are merely trying to pass for Black. The broad effect of this situation would be that many African-American females, by virtue of their God-given features, would effectively be precluded from attaining this ideal image, regardless of whatever products are featured in the ads which use these portrayals. This effect might be viewed by some as a form of hegemony because the Black female cannot hope to realize the dominant culture’s image of beauty. information about what is beautiful or attractive. The framework of cultural hegemony (Artz and Murphy 2000; Semmes 1992) provides a potential explanation of how and why social institutions like advertising look to create and maintain social meanings for the members of a society’s cultural and sub-cultural groups. In general, hegemony contends that a dominant culture within a society works to maintain its dominance over subordinate groups through a system of coercion (e.g., allowing these individuals to achieve a measure of social economic and political power) in an effort to have them conform to the views held by the dominant cultural group (Artz and Murphy 2000). Two ways in which advertising may wield its hegemonic influences on the African—American female subculture are reflected by the characteristics possessed by the models chosen to appear in advertisements. First, given the history of advertising’s reluctance to feature Black models (Dates and Barlow 1993), the mere inclusion of African-American models in mainstream magazine ads may result in a sense of empowerment for African-American females (Collins 1991). Second, in light of past stereotypes,4 the effect of seeing models that are attractive and appear to be successful may also represent to this population that they are now accepted by the dominant culture. As a 4 A stereotype(s) according to American journalist Walter Lippmann (1922), {are} “a partial and inadequate way of seeing the world.” Lippmann further suggests,”for the most part we do not first see, and then define, we define first and then see...” “...we pick out what our culture has already defined for us, and we tend to perceive that which we have picked out in the form stereotyped for us by our culture." As a result, a result of this new found acceptance and sense of empowerment, they may be willing to assimilate with (and conform to) the views held by the culture at large, thereby subordinating African-American culture to the larger mainstream culture. Few studies have taken into account the framework of cultural hegemony in attempting to explain advertising’s institutional influences upon sub-cultural groups in the United States. However, more and more books are being written on this topic even as this dissertation is being written. Additionally, no studies have been found which have examined advertising’s hegemonic influence upon the African-American female consumer. Therefore, the present study will attempt to provide an in- depth analysis of middle-class African-American female perceptions of how mainstream magazine advertising’s portrayals of contemporary images of Black women compare to their self-perceptions of beauty. Specifically, it will explore how self-perceptions held by middle-class African-American females compare to the portrayals of Black women used by the advertising industry, and the signification of this potential contrast to them. This study may establish a benchmark for assessing how well contemporary images of Black women in mainstream advertisements incorporate the perceived self-images of the target audience. If these stereotype comes from other sources than one’s direct experience. (Lippmann, W. (1922) Public Opinion, New York: Harcourt, Brace and Company p. 81. images are seen as consistent with African-American female’s self- , perceptions, then advertising has “truly come along way.’ If, however, these images are not consistent with their self-perceptions, it may indicate that the contemporary images have resulted in a reversal of past stereotypes. This reversal may tend to shape how today’s Black females perceive themselves in the larger dominant culture. In essence, past stereotypical images of Black women were images that African- American females shied away from because of their derogatory nature. However, due to their Eurocentric focus, these new millennium images may be images that are unattainable for Black women who want to assimilate into the mainstream. Thus, keeping them in a subordinate position to the dominant culture. On the positive side, some researchers suggest that, recently, there has been a move away from blatant stereotypical portrayals of African- American females. Hewstone (1989) says that there has been an effort across various media to include counter stereotypic images, or images that are the reverse of the old cultural stereotype. These counter- stereotypes contain what Hewstone calls “disconfirming information that directly contradicts the prevailing stereotypes” (Murphy 1998). For example, efforts to alter or change past stereotypic mammy images disseminated by the media (e.g., dark complexion, sexless Black female) are being reversed in favor of contemporary images of blackness (fair complexion, sensual Black female). As a result, when African-American models do appear in mainstream ads, there tends to be an over-presence of models who are passing for Black. The concept behind this and other counter-stereotypic images is that, through exposure to counter- stereotypic images, past stereotypes will be “disconfirmed” and terminated. Thus, the prejudice that often accompanies them will end. Although this is beginning to help eliminate a type of racist portrayal of African-American models in media, it still has not eliminated racist portrayals in their entirety. The newer more Eurocentirc portrayals of African-American females (while representing some progress) present a potential problem not previously addressed. This new ideal might have a hegemonic effect that is less obvious than those of past stereotypes. Figure1.l presents a diagram of the framework for this study. This conceptual framework was developed to illustrate the antecedent conditions that may influence African-American female’s perceptions of how advertising’s portrayals of contemporary images of Black women compare to their self-perceptions of beauty. Essentially, this diagram asserts that the nature of representations used by advertising in portraying Black women in the media may interact with and influence African-American females’ perceptions of their place in society. Figure 1.1 diagrams the relationship between the power of advertising and African-American females' expectations for what constitutes beauty in our culture. As a result, advertising's power sets the stage for what is Figure 1.1 A Cultural Hegemonic Framework Dominant Ideology Asserts Power Asserts Power Ad Portrayals Nature of Representation Portrayals Gaps/Leaks' Si gnification o Opposes Dynamics of Cultural Hegemony Adjusting ‘The dynamics of hegemony work only to the degree that ideologies “fit" hegemonic interaction (Artz & Murphy, 2000). Since, hegemony can never remain constant (the dominant culture will always be challenged) the gaps or leaks in hegemony allow the adjustment of hegemony (Brown, 1994). beautiful or attractive. This is a potentially dynamic effect that reinforces the existing relationship between the dominant and subordinate culture. In the chapter that follows, the historical, theoretical and empirical context of the study will be examined. This will be followed by a research methods chapter. The next chapter will describe the results of the in-depth study of African-American females’ perceptions of their portrayals in advertising. The final chapter will discuss the findings and the conclusions to be drawn. Specifically, Chapter II will contain a review of the historical, theoretical, empirical literature relevant to the portrayals of African-American females in media. In it, the historical evolution of the images will be traced. This discussion will provide a foundation for why a cultural hegemonic perspective is important to how we interpret portrayals of Blacks in advertising. Further, the importance of advertising to the broader issue of cultural hegemony will also be considered. From the empirical perspective, the various approaches to the task of operationalizing Gramsic's theory will be discussed. Attention will be given to recent literature that has pioneered the use of cultural palettes to improve designer's sensitivity to cross-cultural portrayals in the media. In Chapter III, the main design of the study will be presented. Specifically, there will be a description of the sample population and of the instruments administered. In addition, the procedures followed in 10 acquiring the volunteer population, the focus group sessions, and in analyzing the data using CATPAC (a neural network software program) will be set forth. In Chapter IV the findings of the study will be described and discussed. The results of the focus group data analysis will be reported in light of the research questions presented. Finally, in Chapter V, the results of the study will be discussed and conclusions relating to the theoretical constructs and future direction of research will be drawn. ll CHAPTER II LITERATURE REVIEW A Historical Perspective of the Portrayals of African-American Females in Advertising and other Media Derogatory Images of Black Women In the United States, media portrayals of African-American females can be traced to the time of slavery (Hine and Thompson 1998; Gray 1995; Kern-Foxworth 1994; Roberts 1994; Jewell 1993; Collins 1991; hooks 1992; Berry 1980; Harley and Terborg-Penn 1978). Although some portrayals (e.g., that ofthe docile and childlike slaves) are no longer common in terms of how Black women are depicted in media and advertising, [due to] “the economics of slavery...” “...the normative stereotypical mental representations” of Black women still exist in media (Kern- Foxworth 1994; White 1994; Jewell 1993; Berry 1980). For example, K. Sue Jewell’s (1993) work underscores the point that several stereotypical images of Black women such as the mammy, jezebel and sapphire, which originated during the antebellum years, have survived and remained prevalent throughout American history. Jewell further argues that these portrayals of African-American females, created by the media, are designed to keep Black women positioned at the bottom of the social hierarchy. Historically, African-American females have commonly been portrayed as mammies in movies, television and advertising. In most instances, a primary criterion for being a mammy was to be characterized with ebony (dark) skin and frizzy or tight curled kinky hair. Jewell (1993) notes, “As a symbol of African-American womanhood, the image of mammy has been the most pervasive of all images constructed by the privileged and perpetuated by the mass media” (p.37). The following elaborates on this image: [The Mammy]...reinforced the notion that Black women want to, and are suited for, work in white homes. To justify the role in which white society consigned Blacks, media projections convinced Whites that Blacks were, in fact, content in their service. The mammy was traditionally a large, dark African- American woman dressed in a calico dress with a bright do-rag on her head and a happy white smile on her face. She is submissive to her master or employer, but her outlets for aggressive behavior are African-American males, her mistress, and the White children of whom she takes care. When she scolds “her” White family in a nurturing manner, she is tolerated and sometimes even heeded, but when she is “pushy” about it, she is scolded, mocked, and she usually pouts. Her exaggerated features also manifest the desires of Whites to justify their harsh treatments of slaves and to portray them as satisfied and content to serve Whites. Her exaggerated white teeth are reminiscent of EurOpean’ fascination with the strength of the teeth of their slave, which to them signified health and endurance, and of the need of proponents of slavery to depict happy slaves. Her exaggerated breasts and buttocks act as symbols of maternal femininity and thereby lessen sexual threat (The Birmingham- Pittsburgh Traveler 1999-2000). Media historian Donald Bogle (1994) identified the mammy as one of the main historic stereotypes of African-Americans in films. Motion pictures such as Gone with the Wind and The Birth ofa Nation present classical stereotypes of the mammy character as the antithesis of the 13 White mistress. She was obese, sexless, and non-threatening to whites who trusted her matronly qualities. The most notable mammy portrayed in advertising was and still is Aunt Jemima. Early advertised illustrations of Aunt Jemima presented her as plain looking, with “shiny” dark-skin, big eyes, a large smiling mouth and her head wrapped in a rag. Although fictitious, the core significance of Aunt Jemima’s asexual appearance in ads was to depict the loyal, obedient southern Black slave. Consequently, her survival in American culture mirrored common perceptions of life in the antebellum south, and her role as the satisfied, happy, servile cook has had an impact throughout American society, particularly, on how African- American females have been seen in past ads (Brown 1994). Since the mammy image has been one of the most enduring portrayals of Black women in American culture, it may have taken this image to perpetuate the myth that Blacks were carefree, happy slaves. As a result, the consequences of such a message relates to the concept of spontaneous consent or consensual control, where individuals voluntarily assimilate the world-view of the dominant group (Artz and Murphy 2000). Thus, the practice of or the depictions of those in slavery such as the mammy character could be seen as acceptable, and therefore go unquesfioned. l4 Based on radio and early television programming (e.g., Amos and Andy) the sapphire image, unlike the portrayal of the mammy, was created to portray a harsh, loud talking Black woman whose main purpose was to criticize and degrade the Black man. The basis of the sapphire image was derived principally from the stereotypic portrayals of Black women that had been seen through several decades of popular American culture, particularly, in movies. Interestingly, she was not considered a threat to the culture at large because of her role to emasculate Black men (Jewell 1983). The following characterization expresses this persona nicely: [The Sapphire} ...is stout, medium to dark brown, headstrong and Opinionated and usually not taken seriously by African-American males, but she usually has a female counterpart who allies with her. She requires a male to fulfill her image and she asserts her personality by attempting to expose the immorality of the African- American male though cunning, thereby exposing her own virtues. The Sapphire image is a comfort to Whites because she is not sexual and because she is not often taken seriously even by members of her own race because of her constant “runnin at the mouth” (The Birmingham-Pittsburgh Traveler 1999-2000). The historical origins of the sapphire image suggest that African- American women do not possess, by any means, the American standards of beauty. They are not seen as feminine and they are regarded as pushy. Their sole purpose is to reduce the masculinity of the Black male through a verbal battle (Collins 1991). White (1994) contends that these 15 images were designed to subjugate African-American women, while reflecting the dominant group’s interest in maintaining the status quo. The jezebel image in character incorporates the sensual and tragic 5 mulatto. This character is usually of mixed decent (that of the White master and Black slave). She has prominent Eurocentic features, light- skin and long hair. The jezebel image is a forerunner of current portrayals of Black women in the media as this description suggests: The Jezebel/bad-Black-girl image portrayed by a thin fair complected Black female with thin lips, a thin nose, and long straight hair. She conforms to the American, not African, standard of beauty. Jezebel is seductive, and fulfills the White concept of sexuality but is more street-wise than a White girl. She plays on the White notion of the hyper-sexuality of the Black female, and in doing so attracts the blame for any sexual relationship she might have with a White man. White comfort level was assaulted by a sexual relationship between a Black woman and a White man, and so needed to know that it was the woman who initiated the contact. They needed some explanation as to why a White man would seek companionship in an African-American woman, and so created an image of a Black woman with an unsatiable sexual appetite (The Birmingham-Pittsburgh Traveler [999-2000). Jewell (1993) argues that the images of the mammy, sapphire and jezebel have helped to define how we interpret the Black subculture in America. In turn, this may influence the way in which African- Americans relate to themselves and others. For example, [the] “internalization” of such images [may] lead to negative perceptions that 5 The Tragic Mulatto described by Donald Bogle (1994) is the fair-skinned Black trying to pass for White. The mulatto is often portrayed as likable (because of their white blood) and the audience believes that their life could have been productive and happy had they not been a victim of divided racial inheritance (Gray 1995). 16 [can also] “affect Black male/female relations,” [and] “cultural conflict among members of the Black community” (Jewell 1993). Although stereotypes may not be viewed as necessarily negative, the mammy, sapphire and jezebel have indeed created strong images of African-American female characters in media. By so doing, these depictions have also been consistent in historically documenting the role of Black females in American society. Skin Color and Its Political and Social Ramifications The images of women and the history of their struggle for equal rights in the United States are far from ideal. While most women share a history that has dealt with issues regarding sexism and the struggle for status in American society, for African-American women, racism has been an added obstacle to the battle (Harley, S. and Terborg-Penn 1978). David Wellman (1993), author of Portraits of White Racism, defines racism as a “system of advantage based on race.” One such example is that the advantages of being white means receiving societal privileges like access to betterjobs, or better housing (Wellman 1993). Tatum (1997) maintains, although, some use racism and prejudice6 interchangeably, racism in American society “cannot be fully explained as an expression of prejudice alone.” Tatum (1997) further defines racism and explains: 6 Prejudice can be defined as having negative attitudes toward a distinct social group. Tajfel, H. (1981), “Cognitive Aspect of Prejudice,” Journal of Social Issues, (43) 22-34. 17 Racism is [not only] a personal ideology based on racial prejudice, but a system involving, cultural messages and institutional policies and practices as well as the beliefs and actions of individuals. In the United States, this system clearly operates to the advantage of Whites and to the disadvantage of pe0ple of color (p.7). St. Jean and Feagin (1998) explored "gendered racism" in Black women's work, in notions of beauty, and in the media. They interviewed middle-class African-American women and citing examples of negative images in media and the over-presence of fair-skinned Black women in the Miss America Pageant, they concluded that racism stigmatizes Blacks physically, morally and spiritually. Although race7 is not a color, it is color that people often use to determine societal status. As a result, because of their skin color, African-American females have been affected by the politics of color in their daily lives (Perkins 1996). Skin color has been an issue among African-Americans as well as Caucasians since slavery, over four hundred years ago. With shades ranging from ivory to black, the social hierarchy of skin color has typically set the standards for African-Americans in such areas as intelligence, success, and attractiveness. At one time, in the African- American community, to be considered affluent and accepted into the elite class of the Black Bourgeoisie (middle/upper-class), Blacks were Race 18 defined as a group of mdrvrduals sharing common genetic attributes. l8 required to pass the brown paper bag test.8 If the test was passed, Blacks were granted status, which was key in opening many doors in society. Some will argue that this is true today. For example, Hughes and Hertel (1990) found that light-skinned African-Americans finished more years of schooling, had better jobs, and made more money than dark-skinned African-Americans. Another area where color appears to matter is in the media (Johnson 2001; Edwards 1993). And, this appears to matter most in advertising. African-Americans are appearing in ads featuring darker- skinned males with lighter-skinned females, therefore, giving the impression that Black men prefer Caucasian looking women and vice- versa (Johnson 2001). Fair-skinned females are also popular in women’s magazines, where they have ignored the darker-skinned woman (Lacey 2002). Recently, Thompson and Keith (2001) examined the way gender interacts with the importance of skin tone when evaluating self-worth and self-competence. To eliminate potential interviewer bias, they surveyed African-American male and female subjects using Black interviewers. This study revealed that the concept of skin tone was different for males than it was for females. For males, it was reported that skin color was not a significant “predictor of self-esteem,” however, 8 The Brown Paper Bag Test meant that to be included into the upper status of Black Society your skin could be no darker than a brown paper bag from the grocery store. 19 it was an important “predictor of self-esteem” for the female participants. Additionally, Thompson and Keith found that color predicted “self-efficacy” for Black males but not for Black females. They also concluded that skin tone influenced self-esteem (although less so for women from higher social classes) producing lower self-esteem scores for dark-skinned working-class women and dark-skinned women who were considered as not attractive. Although African-American females may be identified by their skin color perhaps more than any other feature or characteristic, there have been limited empirical studies addressing this issue. Earlier studies have examined skin color involving adolescents and doll preference (Clark and Clark 1947) but few have directly addressed the adult population. In the pioneer study conducted by Clark and Clark (1947), Black and White children between the ages of three and seven were asked to select their preference between black and white dolls. They were asked questions, such as which doll did they prefer to play with, which one would they prefer to be, which one has a nice color, or which one looks bad, etc. Interestingly, it was found that the majority of Black children selected the white doll as having more positive characteristics than the black doll. Clark and Clark concluded that African-American children perceived “themselves as inferior, and were filled with self- hatred” (Hraba and Grant 1970). Herman (1999) “DOPA forever!” Global Cosmetic Industry. 20 More recently, Hraba and Grant (1970) replicated the Clark and Clark study. Prior to their study, Blacks were interacting less with Whites, which could explain Black children’s preference for white dolls. However, in their 19705 study, they felt Blacks were “proud of being black, and would select the black doll regardless of the amount of contact with Whites” (p.3). Their study concluded that sixty percent of the Black children participating preferred the same race doll. While Black children’s desire for white dolls might be explained by their level of comfort with white children, today’s prejudice for light- skin-tone beauty of Blacks appears to be more a result of the dominant culture’s attempt to define what is beautiful. Black women now have the ability to take on white characteristics if they choose to. It’s not clear whether this is an advancement for the self-esteem of African-American females or not. Despite previous literature suggesting that skin color may be significant in shaping perceptions and studies arguing that self—esteem may be instrumental in helping to create a person’s self-perception, advertising by defining what is “attractive” for Blacks may influence social status for many African-American females. Therefore, to understand its possible influences, one has to take into account how adult African-American females compare themselves to societal standards of beauty. 21 If skin tone is important to how Blacks perceive themselves, then the manipulation of Black models’ skin color interestingly has the potential to have a similar effect to that seen in the dolls studies. Black Features and Attractiveness While African-American females are faced with comparison to the larger society’s standards of beauty, there are many more visible physical characteristics other than skin color. For example, hair color and textures, facial features such as eye color, and the nose and mouth (e.g., their shape and size) have also become distinguishing features used to determine standards of beauty in the dominant culture. These characteristics may also serve as a basis for many African-American females who compare themselves to Eurocentric standards of beauty when evaluating their individual attractiveness.9 Interestingly, a popular principle used to promote products is that of association (Vanden Bergh and Katz 1999; Moriarty 1986). In advertising, images of women have been frequently used to link their attractiveness or beauty to products. This association implies that perceptions of attractiveness may help in recall of the product. 9 Although much remains to be learned about factors that influence attractiveness, research suggests that physical attractiveness is important to consumers (Englis, Solomon, and Ashmore 1994). However, little is known about how consumers internalize ideals of beauty. Psychologist Robert B. Cialdini (1984) notes that people who are considered attractive have more social advantages in our culture due to the halo effect. The halo effect occurs when a positive feature of a person, (e.g., attractiveness) dominates the way a person is perceived by others. This effect or attractiveness stereotype has been the basis for many past and current ideals of beauty (Dion, Berscheid, and Walster 1972). 22 For years, African-American women have tried to alter their appearance to adapt to social norms regarding attractiveness by using skin lighteners, wearing colored contacts in light hues and straightening their hair to casually embrace White social values (Buchman 2001). This tendency has created a significant cosmetic and beauty aid market that is reflected in features of Black models in fashion advertising. In a 1997 study done by Target Market News of wages and salaries, Black women's personal care purchases grew (e.g., makeup and toiletries) to nearly $400 million, and hair care products (e.g., hair straighteners and hair colors) alone jumped to $113 million, helping to drive a 7 percent increase in the spending power of African-Americans (Jet 1999). As a result, advertisers are recognizing this increase in Spending and are making efforts to respond to the growing power of this target audience. However, while estimates of purchasing power vary, these figures may indicate that more money is being spent on cosmetics and hair care by African-American females who have achieved social class success (e.g., middle and upper-class, economic buying power, status) or more specifically, by African-American females who are more likely to try to assimilate into mainstream culture to achieve social class success. This trend has been consistent throughout American history. For example, since slavery, one of the most notable characteristics of Black 23 women has been their hair. Hairstyles and textures ranging from natural hair (e.g., Afros, braids, cornrows) to permed hair (e.g., relaxed, hot combed and weaves) have been a marking device that has been used to help identify members of the Black subculture. Although there appears to be a growing appreciation for natural hair styles, for years, African— American females have altered their hair by bleach, color, hot combs, perms, and have added weave extensions to achieve the look of “good . ”10 hair. Perhaps the reason for the increase in the purchases of African- American hair products for women is that it has become one of the easiest ways to imitate the dominant cultures’ standard of attractiveness. Psychologist Nancy Etcoff (1999) suggests that when one race is dominant (e.g., in “economic or political power”), the subordinate race’s members are likely to imitate the dominant group’s characteristics. Not surprising, this holds true for most media too. Since the majority of images of Black models are created by the dominate culture, African- American females who are comfortable with the power wielded by the dominant group may hold the same beauty values as the larger culture. However, as the United States becomes a more diverse society, it may be more complicated to find a shared view of what is beautiful. Etcoff contends that members of the same racial group often see members of different racial groups as “unattractive” when they first I0Good hair denotes, long straight hair that flows and moves. Bucliman, R. (2001). “The Search for Good Hair." The World and I, Washington. February. 24 meet. Using an example from an early cross-racial study, Etcoff explains that Japanese visiting the United States in the 18605, at first 9 sight, thought that American women had “dog-eyes.’ In turn, when early Americans visited Japan, they thought the Japanese eyes make them look like they were “asleep.” For some, any deviation from what is considered normal to them may not be considered attractive (Perrett 1999; Langlois 1998). Etcoff further argues that the idea that beauty is irrelevant or a “culture construct” is the real “beauty myth,” and people need to understand beauty or they will always be “enslaved” by it (1999). However, studies have shown that people who are considered attractive are noticed more often, paid more money, are more confident, and healthier (Langlois 1998). Langlois (1998) had adults rate photos of human faces on a spectrum from attractive to unattractive to use in an experiment with babies. After showing pairs of high and low rated photos of faces to 6-month-old babies, she concluded, “the babies looked longer at the attractive faces, regardless of the gender, race, or age of the face.” Interestingly, the study did not indicate if the infants were viewing their exact racial type. Although cultural influences may have a role in the perceptions that people have about themselves and each other, cultures often use facial features to judge others (Perrett, May, and Yoshikawa 1994). In 25 doing so, perhaps one of the strongest effects of the face is the overall characteristic of attractiveness. Perrett, May and Yoshikawa (1994), assert that the shape of beautiful faces differs from the common shape of all faces in a population. “An average face may be attractive but may not be optimally attractive” (p.298). In a study established to compare the importance of face shape, Perrett, May and Yoshikawa (1994) found that people preferred the same composite faces created from persons previously regarded as attractive. Using computer-generated images of 60 faces, an average image was constructed, as was a face that was given the highest attractiveness scores. A third image was created with exaggerated differences using both the average and the highly rated images. Nearly all participants rated the second composite as more attractive (the one with the most attractive features). However, even though the second face was considered more attractive than the first composite, the third facial composite (with the exaggerated differences) was rated the most attractive of the trio. In Science News (1991) research directed by Michael R. Cunningham argues that attractive faces do not present uncommon features and that face shapes can be placed into several categories such as faces that appear “childlike” displaying trust; faces that are sensual or sexual; aging faces, which denote wisdom; or a face of friendliness, in which most instances it is a face with a large smile (p. 234). 26 However, Langlois (1998) discards the entire concept of “facial attractiveness” being divided into categories and contends that people in general have grown to see average faces as closer to a model of facial beauty. Nevertheless, if average facial features are regarded as more attractive within the dominant culture, advertisers’ desire to define what is beautiful may in turn create “average” images of African-Americans (the subordinate culture) to make them more appealing to the larger culture in general. Thus, establishing a cultural hegemonic effect of current Eurocentric standards of beauty that is acceptable in the mainstream. Cultural Hegemony Hegemony,ll coined by Italian Marxist Antonio Gramsci (1971), is the favored means by which cultures can “maintain an unjust social order.” For example, a ruling class’s domination of subordinate groups through the penetration of ideas into their everyday practice is “the systematic engineering of mass consent to establish order” (Gitlin 1980). In effect, it is through ideological hegemony that advertising can influence Blacks by defining contemporary stereotypical images of blackness. Accordingly, in the present instance, hegemony can be defined as the process by which social institutions such as advertising (a l l Hegemony is pronounced ha-GEM-a-knee. 27 predominately white industry) maintain their dominant position in the marketplace by portraying a more Eurocentric looking Black stereotype in magazine advertisements. Popularly defined, hegemony is most often equated with dominance. In accordance with Gramsci’s original concept, hegemony is “a relationship in which one consents to the leadership of another because it is beneficial” (Artz and Murphy 2000). For example, dominant groups in society can maintain their dominance by establishing (creating) cultural, ideological, political, and moral leadership through a combination of coercion and consent of subordinate groups. Researchers have used the concept of hegemony as a guide for describing and interpreting particular aspects of culture(s) in the United States (Semmes 1992). Furthermore, it has been associated with, and used to explain various social structures such as class, gender, race, and women’s roles (Artz and Murphy 2000; Semmes 1992). Since the above are often key in setting a standard for influencing power within a cultural framework, hegemony assumes that society is an area of continuous conflict for dominance by competing ideologies (Artz and Murphy 2000). An early example is the dominance that Caucasian Americans held over African-American slaves. Media’s depictions of the “happy” slave projected a message that slaves are accepting of their situation to serve their master (Hall 1995). As a result, their devotion allows a White audience to deny any “guilt” about their history of 28 slavery. Therefore, individuals can “voluntarily” assimilate the world- view or hegemony of the dominant culture. Weems (1999) comments that the consequence of such a message relates to Aunt Jemima’s character. White consumers who purchase products associated with the mammy portrayal have easily embraced this image. Her smiling face allows them to symbolically bring home a “slave in a box” while at the same time they can transfer any feelings of “guilt” they may have about the impact of past slavery practices in American society to this more acceptable image of the Black subculture. Gramsci’s concept, like Marx’s, contended “that all societies in human history have been divided into two basic groups: the privileged and the marginalized, the oppressor and the oppressed, the dominant and the subordinate...” “...The marginalized groups of history include not only the economically oppressed, but also women, racial minorities and many criminals” (Fonte 2000). This position in Gramsci’s work is key in reevaluating Marx’s thought. Fonte (2000) further articulates Gramsci’s position: Classical Marxists implied that a revolutionary consciousness would simply develop from the objective (and oppressive) material conditions of working class life. Gramsci disagreed, noting that “there have always been exploiters and exploited”——but very few revolutions per se. In his analysis, this was because subordinate groups usually lack the “clear theoretical consciousness” necessary to concert the “structure of repression into one of rebellion and social reconstruction.” Revolutionary “consciousness” is crucial. Unfortunately, the subordinate groups possess “false consciousness,” that is to say, they accept the conventional assumptions and values of the dominant groups, as 29 9 “1egitimate.’ But real change, he continued to believe, can only come about through the transformation of consciousness (p.2). This view is grounded in Gramsci’s belief that social circumstances change if people take action. In other words, social transformation begins at the instant when subordinate classes become aware of their situation (Lukacs 1971). For example, at one time, the portrayals of Black women seen in motion pictures, on television, in newspapers and magazines were those that were belittling in character. These images portrayed them at their lowest level (Kern-Foxworth 1994). However, after the Second World War, “a new found political consciousness and a new awareness of the importance of [portrayals of African-Americans in media] emerged” within the Black subculture (Bogle 1994). African-Americans became more vocal in their fight against racial discrimination and their protests at that time eventually lead to the demise of many stereotypic caricatures. As Semmes (1992) discusses cultural hegemony, it is apparent that advertising can have the significance and power to cross the color line when creating images of blackness that can move with ease through social barriers on the pages of mainstream magazine ads. Hegemony is the systematic negation of one culture by another...by this process; the internal dynamics of one culture evolves in such a way that it calls into dissolution the independence, coherence, and viability of another culture to which it has a socio-historical connection. In a sense, the one culture bases its existence and well- being on the ability to absorb, 3O redirect, or redefine institution building and symbol formation in the other (p.l). Central to the notion of systematic negation is advertising’s role in perpetuating ideologically reinforcing images and belief systems when creating portrayals of Black women in the United States (Jewell 1993). Perhaps it is in this sense that advertising’s significance and power is key in shaping the frame of reference by which African-American females read the images of Black women in ads. Consequently, contemporary images passing for Black are created as acceptable to the mainstream. Advertising advances white dominance when the “subordinate” group accepts its world-view. The subordinate group, then, must incorporate the cultural habits such as “beliefs and traditional aspects of national origin and ethnicity” if it is to achieve the status of the “hegemonic” class (Lull 1995; Semmes 1992). Given this circumstance, some interesting issues can be addressed as to how African-American females arrive at defining themselves, or how they feel about the way the dominant culture represents them in advertising. Still, as Artz and Murphy (2000) describe, since hegemony can never remain constant and has to be continually re-adjusted, there will always be factors that challenge the dominant culture. Hegemony is not simply a process of indoctrination, nor merely another term for ideological and cultural activity...hegemony appears as a consensual culture and politics that meet the minimal 31 needs of the majority while simultaneously advancing the interests of the dominant groups (Sassoon 1987, p.94). Gramsci (1967, 1947/1971, 1988) used the term in two qualitatively different ways...hegemony provides a means for a dominant class to effectively govern. Hegemony also provides a strategy for organizing a historical bloc of oppositional classes, which can challenge and replace existing social structures and relations. Hegemony has not always been necessary, possible, or even desirable as a means of political leadership (Artz and Murphy 2000, p. 20-21). Noteworthy are advertising’s re-adjustments and refrains from the frequent use of previous stereotypes. Although the images used were often thought to misrepresent the cultural and physical appearances of African-American females, many of the obviously negative portrayals that are now absent, in retrospect, can be explained by understanding hegemonic situations, particularly those depictions that appear as subservient characters to whites (Bogle 1994; Kern-Foxworth 1994; Ward 1992; Allen and Bielby 1979). However, even more interesting, with advertising’s efforts to develop more contemporary representations, is Gramsci's view that hegemony can be applied to today’s updated or revamped stereotypes. Therefore, if the hegemonic theory can be understood as one social class having the ability to “elaborate and articulate” another social class for its own purposes (and where stereotypes are reinforced), then contemporary advertising can be seen as an instrument through which the hegemonic state produces acceptable constructions of blackness. 32 Currently, this may appear even more common when viewing roles and images of African-American females in other media. One study that has examined women’s roles in the dominant culture suggests that there is a hegemonic gap. This research conducted by Brown (1994) tests the gaps of hegemony on women’s networks that produce soap operas. ...although hegemony is very powerful, there are always alternative politics or counter-hegemonic consciousnesses struggling for recognition and thus for economic and political power. These may in various ways be mobilized in opposition to hegemonic culture. This is the basis for the notion that hegemony is leaky. It is this leaky hegemony that allows a cultural form that appears to reinforce dominant conceptualizations of women to create gaps to which women actually relate (p.5). Focusing on this “leaky hegemony,” Brown suggests that the gaps in hegemony allow women to create counter-hegemonic readings of popular culture (Underwood 2001). In sharing experiences, women can in turn use their experience of soap operas, to reexamine their roles in the dominant culture (Underwood 2001, p.2). Artz and Murphy (2000) suggest that hegemony to some extent in the United States depends on how, well dominant institutions make beliefs popular, and how well they organize ways that encourage consumption. In the case of the advertising industry, for example, many popular commercial icons that are used to sell products have as their main purpose the goal of adding distinct selling characteristics to the 33 products they represent. However, they can also assume significance far beyond what is inside the packages. Such is the case of several popular early advertising ethnic icons like Uncle Ben, Rastus and Aunt Jemima (Kern-Foxworth 1994). Not only have they become well-recognized trademarks, they also are profound reflections of American cultural history and ideology. More recently, after several months of research in twelve cities across the United States, including focus groups with African-American consumers, Quaker Oats, Aunt Jemima’s creator, was convinced that she needed a makeover (e.g., weight loss, new hairstyle, etc.) (Erickson 1991). As a result, her skin was lightened, pounds were dissolved to make her thinner, and she was given finer (Eurocentric) facial features. Additionally, the rag on her head was removed and she currently sports straightened, permed hair (Kern-Foxworth 1994; Erickson 1991). Still, even with the "beauty" update, Aunt Jemima remains a popular African- American "mammy" image, and a reflection of American cultural history and ideology (Woods 1995; Blumenstyk 1995; Kern-Foxworth 1994; Jewell 1993; Berry 1980). Advertising’s current portrayals of Black women are commonly being accepted by the mainstream, making the images we most often see appear attractive and normal. This allows meanings preferred by the dominant group to appear as normal. Thus, advertising is giving the impression that the world-view or common consent is that using Black 34 models featured with Caucasian characteristics is the only practical way to see African-American females in mainstream advertisements. As a result, for some African-American females living within the larger white American culture, it is through this culture that they may develop or have developed preferences to what is beautiful such as skin tone, hair texture and color, hair length, color of the eyes, and preferences to size and shape of the mouth and nose. Accordingly, some African-American females who view colorized versions of Eurocentric images of beautiful women in mainstream magazine ads may feel they have to adapt or adjust their appearance to look more Eurocentric if they want to be considered beautiful. Recently, this issue has been addressed globally. In Nairobi, Kenya, where there is a large population of Blacks, skin lighters and bleach creams are currently being marketed to African females who want to have lighter-skin to make themselves appear more beautiful. According to cosmetologist Irene Njoroge (2002), light-skin is viewed not only as a sign of beauty but also it is believed that one has more wealth and prestige. As a result, Njoroge further comments that African women “are buying into a dream of a better life” when they purchase the bleach creams and skin lighteners. Ironically, even in this society, it is socially implied that the fairer one’s skin, the more attractive you are (New York Times 2002). In essence, the continuation of hegemony is contingent upon this ideological effect. This notion relates to Gramsci’s idea of “spontaneous 35 consent” (Strinati 1995) or “consensual control” where [Black women] willingly assimilate the world-view or hegemony of the culture at large. However, while it may often appear as if hegemony is instrumental in creating new images of Black women in ads, at the same time, “leaky hegemony” may allow others [Black women] to form counter hegemonic meanings of the images they see. Consequently, the portrayals of Black women in mainstream advertisements may not be representative of today's middle-class African-American females. Therefore, it is important to learn directly from African-American females about their perceptions of "themselves" in these ads. Only through firsthand feedback from African-American females can we start to understand the dynamics of cultural hegemony to include its gaps and influences. This study investigates to what degree hegemony, as expressed through the portrayals of African-American females in mainstream ads, is well thought-out and organized or is “leaky” with gaps through which African-American females can express their own beauty. More specifically, if the images of Black women in advertising are of a particular Eurocentric type, do we know how these portrayals are received in the African-American community? Since advertising’s possible influence may take on a range of meanings, addressing these meanings may account for variation in the experience of hegemony that is not “additive but combined in distinctive ways given a particular social context” (Semmes 1992). 36 Research Questions The goal of this study was to observe the dynamic interplay between images produced by the dominant culture and how African- American females respond to them. Therefore, due to the complex nature of cultural hegemony, the study’s research questions are knowingly open-ended. These questions allow for the analysis of consistencies and inconsistencies in how mainstream advertising images of Black women and subjects’ self-perceptions play out. Based on the ideas and research needs outlined, the study was designed to answer the following questions concerning the hegemonic influences of advertising on the subjects’ perceptions of themselves and how they are portrayed. 1. When asked to discuss the portrayals of Black women in mainstream advertisements, is there evidence of a gap between the portrayals and how African-American females see themselves? 2. In discussing the portrayals of Black women in mainstream advertisements, does the evidence support acceptance or lack of acceptance of the portrayals? 3. When asked to create images of African-American females in mainstream advertisements and of themselves, how do these images compare? 4. Are there specific cultural characteristics that represent how African-American females are portrayed in ads that support a potential hegemonic effort? 37 5. Are there specific cultural characteristics that represent how African-American females see themselves that provide evidence of gaps/leaks in hegemony? 6. Is there evidence in the comparison of images that cultural hegemony has an even or uneven effect on African-American females? Answers to these questions may help provide insights into cultural hegemony theory, which in turn will help enhance our understanding of the continual issues that African-American females may have regarding the appearances of Black women in mainstream magazine advertisements. The proposed study’s methods are particularly well suited to the investigation of the dynamic quality of advertising’s influence. The purpose of this study is to leave open the possibilities of a rich “tapestry” of interaction between African-American women and how they are portrayed in advertising. 38 C HAPTER III RESEARCH METHODS Research Design As a qualitative data collection method, focus groups were conducted in two parts. Part one of the focus group session was led with discussion by the moderator. In part two of the focus group session, the participants were asked to complete a hands-on-project. Focus Groups Given the limited number of studies examining African-American female perceptions, the focus group method was believed to be an effective way for participants to further express ideas, Opinions, and perceived perceptions of themselves in their own words. Using an original guide and interview format, a specific goal for using this method-was to gain more in-depth (creative) information that would be helpful in identifying the possible presence of cultural hegemony and its reinforcement by advertising. The focus group method is a socially-oriented research procedure that offers distinct advantages over more quantitative techniques. It allows the moderator to draw concepts from participants that are often missed by more traditional methods. Specifically, two key features are that it facilitates participant interaction in a normal setting while it enables the moderator to capture the essential make-up of the groups' 39 interactions (Garrison, Pierce, Monroe, and Sasseretaal 1999; Morgan 1988). These features are considered necessary in this study because there is not a lot of research about the topic of interest in advertising, marketing, communications or related literature. A benefit in using a focus group in the present study is that a facilitated, meaningful small group exchange provides the African- American female participants a better opportunity to openly discuss sensitive issues. For example, often darker skinned African-American females, as previously stated, may feel reluctant to openly discuss their skin tone among fair-skinned women because of the stigma that dark- skin color makes you appear less appealing or unattractive. Additionally, this may also be a sensitive topic for the lighter-skin-toned participants who have similar yet contrasting concerns of being viewed as looking better or more attractive than the darker participants. Discussing sensitive issues in a focus group where African- American females could be supportive of each other in self-disclosure in a way they may not have been able to share with an interviewer face to face seemed most appropriate (Lunt and Livingstone 1996; Morgan 1988). Therefore, compared to individual interviews, focus groups offered the chance to observe a large quantity of interactions of “personal” issues in a controlled period of time. Moreover, focus groups also provided rich data while stimulating the interests of the participants (Garrison, Pierce, Monroe, and Sasseretaal 1999; Morgan 1988). As a 40 result, the focus group was instrumental in identifying the important characteristics of advertised images of Black women in mainstream magazine advertisements and the important characteristics of the African-American female's self-image. In turn, by acknowledging these two sets of images (advertised images of Black women and African— American females’ self-image), certain attributes or attitude patterns may be identified within Black women subgroups that consequently may lead to a better understanding of African-American females’ self-image. While a focus group can be an effective research instrument, it is not without limitations. The small number of participants in the focus group may limit generalization to larger populations, a dominant participant could influence the results, the interpretation of the results could be a difficult process, or the moderator may bias the results. When these circumstances are evident, a focus group may not be advisable, or even an adequate basis for decision-making (Morgan 1988). However, in this study, the focus group effectively accommodated the moderator’s need for flexibility in exploring unanticipated issues (key words) with the African-American female participants. Additionally, at the same time, the focus group provided a more rapid and cost-efficient means for investigating the study (Stewart 1990). Another crucial consideration for using the focus group method was to gather information about precise language, issues and concerns discussed among the women in the sessions (Krueger and Casey 2000). 41 This was accomplished early in the first part of the focus groups. To keep the sessions as informal as possible and to encourage all of the women to openly discuss their thoughts, a middle-class African- American female was employed to moderate the discussions. Having years of experience in guiding focus groups, the moderator had the ability to draw information from the women when she asked them to speak freely about their attitudes toward advertising’s portrayals of Black women. Although a focus group session can often bring out spontaneous reactions and ideas that could provide rich data, the limited time that is needed to conduct the group can easily be wasted. Therefore, an original guide was developed that provided the moderator with an overall direction for discussing the perceptions of the African-American female participants (Krueger and Casey 2000; Babbie 1998). Instrument Development The topics and issues on the guide for the moderator were carefully arranged from general to specific and were outlined to directly relate to the literature and the proposed research questions (Garrison, Pierce, Monroe, and Sasseretal 1999). The questions on the guide consisted of a series of items to elicit from the participants areas and concerns about how Black women are portrayed in mainstream advertisements. Additionally, the questions were composed and written 42 as broad, open-ended questions and probing questions that were designed to be unbiased and non-threatening so that participants would feel at ease to freely interact and to facilitate Open communication among the women. Developing the Cultural Palette Understanding that future designers in visual communication or graphic design often begin class projects intuitively drawing on their own culture to solve visual problems, Moriarty and Rohe (1992) introduced the idea of the cultural palette to address the need to promote a more sensitive perspective in a cross-cultural communication situation. A cultural palette is a collection of symbols, colors, layouts and art styles that are formed to guide culturally appropriate visuals that help designers create specific cultural communication projects. Judges for cultural acceptability and representativeness of the images initially test the image bank created for a cultural palette. The key idea here is to develop a cultural palette that will be used to sensitively approach visual problems when dealing with identifiable subcultures and marginalized groups (e.g., in this case, African-American females). Moriarty and Rohe (1992) further explain that a cultural palette should be detailed to hold cultural meaning and nuances of meaning that can be filled positively or negatively with symbols and colors. For example, in a positively filled palette, blatant or obvious associated 43 stereotypical images should not be incorporated in the palette. Because, a primary goal of such a cultural palette would be to have it filled with elements (images) that are free ofbias while purposely avoiding the offensive ones. Although today’s middle-class African-American females are integrating more into mainstream culture, (e.g., have advanced education, better jobs, or higher income, etc.) they may be more likely to 12 Unfortunately, in cross-cultural support their cultural identity. communication, advertisers creating images of Black women for magazine ads may be faced working with stereotypes and cliche's (e.g., mammy images). Consequently, in an effort to avoid prior racist portrayals, advertisers may be inclined to imitate their own culture while transforming past images into new stereotypical images to fit a mainstream market. While it is evident that the advertising industry (the dominate culture) is producing (one-way communication) images of Black women in advertisements, advertising research has been less devoted to the area of middle-class African-American females, specifically in addressing the facial attractiveness of the constructed images of Black women in '2 Advertisements are often created to “guide" consumers to purchase goods. However, they are also used to provide “role models" that consumers can identify with and aspire to be like (Liess, Kline, and Jhally 1990). Since there still remain few images of Black women in ads and those that do appear are often Eurocentric looking, some African-American females may find the current images unattainable. Therefore, they may be more likely to support their own cultural images. 44 mainstream advertisements. Therefore, this study adapted a cultural palette loaded to carry cultural meanings and nuances of meanings Eight hundred and twenty-nine images were reviewed for the creation of the cultural palette. Ninety total images were included in the completed image bank. The images were selected and cut from five mainstream women’s magazines between the years 1995 — 2000 (Vogue, Cosmopolitan, Glamour, Women 's Day, and Ladies' Home Journal). These magazines were selected not only because of their devoted readers and loyal audiences, but also because these publications ranked in the top thirty by gross revenue from advertising and circulation in Ad Age 300 (2001). However, due to the limited amount of portrayals of Black women available in mainstream magazines mentioned previously, one African-American women’s magazine was included in the mixture (Essence, ranking at 110 in the top 300 magazines by gross revenue in the 2001 Ad Age 300). Since Essence magazine was created to target or capture the interests of African-American females, it was added to provide more available, noticeable ethnic features or characteristics of Black models. Only frontal head poses were selected so the features (face shape, eyes, nose, mouth, hair) could be easily read (observed) and evaluated. At this time, it is important to note that, the shape of an “average” human head and the placement of most features will in many cases follow the same universal proportions (Hoddinott 2001). For example, 45 there are several familiar shapes of the top half of a human head and several facial shapes for the bottom half, the face. There are approximately nine standard head/facial shapes. Five of the most common shapes seen were selected for use in this study: round, oval, heart, square, and oblongl3 (see Figure 3.1). Each of the five facial shapes was illustrated by a designer to separately fit onto a standard 8%.” x 11” letter size paper. These facial shapes were used as a “canvas” and a guide'4 for the participants to position their items from their image banks into the frame of the facial shape. Eleven skintones were selected from color samples of makeup foundations on the market. Eye shapes and five eye colors were selected from photographs of models used in magazine advertisements used to promote tinted or colored contact lenses. Although hairstyles were taken from the magazines, six hair colors were selected from advertising swatches for human hair wig colors. ‘3 Although there may be many exceptions or variations of face shapes, these facial shapes are the most familiar and are recognized most often by hair stylist and make- up artists. ” The outline of the facial shape or facial canvas in effect helped guide or determine the participant’s individual placement of the features (eyes, nose, mouth, and hair) they select. 46 wcoEO 02>» mm x :2: cow—54 wee—no 52>» 06mm on» :« 3:528 333 a 6:: BE. wcotm 325m EEQ a 3 2093 :20 :96 3 3:85 «.33; moconxooso :wE 5:5 30:38 2: 52: 3323: 323: m_ :20 ISO mucosa—ooze 3 H333 comm .w:o_ fl 3 mm 023 venom 3.33m omgm :32; 33cm :moI .30 330% monasm 232$ :oEEoO em 2%; 47 A committee of three African-American females who judged the cultural “fit” and “representativeness” of the African-American facial characteristics were consulted extensively (Moriarty and Rohe 1992). One committee member was an art therapist practicing in a Midwest facility, one was a retired principal and one was a college professor. These judges were selected because of their middle-class background, professional status and their ethnicity. The judges were asked to examinethe plethora of images and to carefully identify those images that best represent the spectrum of African-American females. For an image to be assigned to the image bank a rule was used where all three of the judges would have to agree. In instances where there were duplicate images, they were also eliminated from consideration in the study. A total of one hundred and thirty-three images were finalized for placement in the image bank. An image bank was then constructed for each participant. Each image bank held the same combination of facial shapes, hairstyles (including textures and lengths), eye shapes, and nose and mouth sizes. Great care was taken to make the image bank representative of a broad range of facial characteristics. The researcher did not want to create an instrument that the African-American female participant would visually read and think she had to agree with. Instead, each image was selected as objectively as possible, with enough detail so as to avoid vagueness and ambiguity. This allowed the participant to discriminate according to 48 how she felt about the image.ls Additionally, to eliminate further confusion, all images in the bank were reproduced in a black and white monochromaticl6 gradation format and proportionally sized to fit within any of the selected facial shaped canvases. Full-color skin tones, eye and hair color charts (key components of the individual cultural palettes) were kept separate from the primary palettes. These “color” features were presented to each participant for their selection after they had completed their monochromatic prototypes. In the second part of the focus group session, each participant was given a mirror, paper, a glue stick and two cultural palettes that included duplicate image banks of facial shapes, cutouts of facial features and hairstyles of African-American females. Using one cultural palette, the moderator asked the participants to complete a hands-on exercise to produce their first portrayal. To develop the portrayal, the participants were asked to create from the culture palette a visual of a Black woman that represents the type they see most often in mainstream magazines. When they had finished with first palette, they were asked to develop a '5 Because artistic talent was not required, the construction and technical placement of the facial images did not need to be anatomically correct. However, when given the completed cultural palette, the participant had the potential to create visually realistic prototypes. '6 Monochromatic (having one color) is the use of several tints, shades, and intensities of one color (Morton 1998). The study used white paper as a background hue with tones and shades of black as color. Interestingly, tonality was used to simplify and describe the images in the cultural palette. This allowed the participants to “see" the shapes and sizes of the images first and not their varying original colors. 49 second portrayal. This time, the moderator asked the participants to create a visual that best represented themselves. Lastly, a short demographic questionnaire was developed and administered. The demographic characteristics considered to be most relevant to the present study include age, education and income. These items were directly related to the literature associated with the study, specifically in relating to the status of middle-class African-American females. This instrument was used only as a means of separating respondents into similar groupings by age. It was not used to identify specific individuals. Pretest Study A pretest was conducted to establish whether the focus guide questions and the instructions for using the cultural palette were clear, to learn whether the items in the image bank were valid, and to determine how long it would take to complete the two hands-on assignments and the short demographic questionnaire after the focus group discussion. A sample of eight African-American female participants was selected for the pretest. All of these women had a reputation for being strong figures and leaders in the community, and were considered to have middle-class backgrounds. Five of the eight African-American females agreed to participate. These women were used to pretest the focus group questions and the process. They were also instructed to 50 share and comment on any portion of the session that was vague or difficult to understand. For example, some of the questions in the guide dealt with the participants’ ideals of themselves with regard to their beauty or attractiveness (e.g., are you beautiful?). Several of the participants expressed they were uncomfortable when asked if they thought they were beautiful (e.g., if Black women are beautiful?). The researcher was concerned with the participants’ reluctance to openly share their responses on what the women perceived as a sensitive or personal topic. For that reason, based on the comments from the pretest, in the area of beauty, questions were deleted or altered and questions using the word attractive were added to the moderator’s guide. Additionally, debriefing questions were used with the participants in the pretest group to solicit feedback about the focus group process. In completing the second part ofthe focus group session, the hands-on assignment did not require or need any corrections. As a result, the pretest study participants’ comments and participation helped in shaping and formulating the final focus group formats. Subjects Samples of middle-class African-American female volunteers between the ages of 24 and older were recruited from the listings of Black Graduate Chapter sororities and Black professional organizations in the Midwestern region of the United States. Two groups of women 51 24-39 and 40-older were used. To achieve the desired sample, these participants were identified using a public database of names, addresses and phone numbers of local organizations known to include African- American women. However, the initial contact was through the president of each individual organization. This helped provide proper time slots as to when and where the group would assemble so they could be personally contacted. Participants were also identified by using snowball sampling (Miles and Huberman 1994; Patton; 1990). Snowball sampling is a process where participants identify other available subjects who may have interest in the study. Although this approach could result in participants knowing and contacting the same people, the compromise for the present study was to directly recruit as many Black females affiliated with African-American organizations in the sampling area the first time around. Based on a list of women who had expressed interest in participating in the focus group study, a contact person identified and helped recruit the women using a variety of methods such as the telephone calls and computer email. The potential participants were called and asked to participate in the focus groups. After establishing initial contact and assuring confidentiality, the researcher asked several questions to assess whether the participant fit the desired characteristics for participation and to clarify expectations. For example, a primary criterion at this point was that all the African- 52 American participants were regular readersl7 of mainstream women’s magazines. Next, the researcher assessed potential interest on the part of the respondent. If there was a verbal confirmation of participation, it was followed by a written confirmation, and the participants where again contacted by phone two days before the focus group session. Two focus group sessions were conducted. One group session was composed of nine participants and the other group session consisted of eight participants. Ninety percent of the women reported that they were college graduates while 10% had some college or were still in college. Formal education is conceived by Blacks as an important element in social mobility (Parker and Kleiner 1964) and was noted above as the most important basis of prestige among Blacks (Glenn 1963). Procedure An African-American female moderator was used to facilitate two different focus group sessions for the purpose of exploring the middle-class African-American female participants’ attitudes and perceptions of mainstream magazine advertisements. Each group was held in a comfortable room on the campus of a Big Ten University that was set up for this type of procedure. As the participants arrived, they were asked to sign in at the door and the moderator allowed each participant to select a seat in the designated area for I] In the study, the women were asked what type of magazines they look through or read. All of the participants reported they read seven or more magazines yearly. 53 discussion. The seating area with tables was designed in a “U” pattern, with the moderator seated at the open part of the “U” shape. When all the participants had arrived and were seated, the purpose of the study and the general instructions were read aloud by the moderator. It was at this time that the participants were informed that the approximate time for completing the focus group session was two hours. Additionally as required by the University Committee on Research Involving Human Subjects (UCHRIS), participants were told that the session would be videotaped as well as audio taped. They were also told they could leave at anytime. However, they were reassured that the taping and the discussion of the focus group would be kept completely confidential and used only for the purposes ofthis research project. The first part of the focus group session was lead with discussion by the moderator and began with brief introductions (using first names only) and lasted approximately fifty minutes. This gave participants time to express their ideas and Opinions using their own language and perceived associations about the topic. Collecting information in this method allowed for more detailed and original information than fixed quantitative instruments and elicited ideas from the women that may have been missed by more traditional designs. 54 After a ten-minute intermission, the second part of the session began with the moderator explaining specific instructions for developing the hands-on projects. Each participant was a given a piece of 8'/2”x 11” paper, a glue stick and a cultural palette that included an image bank of facial shapes and cutouts of facial features. On one end of the cultural palette the participants were instructed to write only their first name on a white label and to wait for further instructions. They were then told to open the folder and to select one of the five facial shapes they see most often in mainstream magazine ads. Once everyone had singled out a facial shape, they were told to pass the remaining face shapes forward to the moderator. They were told they were going to use the facial shape they had selected as a canvas or background to create a visual of what type of Black woman they see most often in mainstream magazine advertisements. The women were told to Open the cultural palette and use the bank of images. They were to cut and paste their selected images onto their chosen facial shape. Working independently, they were asked to complete the task with as little conversation as possible. Once they had completed the prototype, they were asked to neatly place everything back inside of the folder (cultural palette) and to wait for further instructions. When all participants had finished, each one was given the rest of their palette which contained the color skin tones, eye and hair colors. The women were asked to look at their constructed portrayal and from the color charts select and circle one skin tone, one eye color and 55 one hair color they felt best represented the characteristics of the type of Black women they see most often in mainstream magazine advertisements. After their selection, everything was put back into the palette and picked up by the moderator. Next, each participant was given a second piece of 8'/2” x 11” paper, a glue stick and this time, a small hand mirror and an identical cultural palette that included the same images as the previous palette (facial shapes and cutouts of facial features). They were instructed to once again write only their first name on the white label and to wait for further instructions. They were then told to open the folder and to select a face shape from the set of five facial shapes. However, they were told to look into the mirror and select a facial shape that was shaped most like their own. Once everyone had singled out a face shape, they were told to pass the remaining face shapes forward to the moderator. They were then instructed to use the facial shape they had selected as a canvas or background to create a visual of themselves. They were instructed to cut and place their selected images onto their chosen facial shape. Working independently, they were again asked to complete the task with as little talking as possible. Once they were finished, they were asked to neatly place everything back inside of the folder (cultural palette) and to wait for further instructions. When all participants had finished, each one was given the rest of their palette, which was a duplicate of the first palette. A second set of color skin tones, eye and hair colors were given 56 to the participants. The women were asked to look at their portrayal they had created and from the color charts select and circle one skin tone, one eye color and one hair color they felt best represented their characteristics. After their selection, everything was put back into the palette and picked up by the moderator. At the end of this session, as compensation, the participants were allowed to keep the mirrors the moderator had given them for the project. They were then given a short demographic questionnaire to complete. When the questionnaire was completed and returned to the moderator, they were given a card thanking them for their participation and three dollars for parking. Measurement and Analysis Data was analyzed using Categorical Package analysis and semantic differential scaling, with results presented in two parts. Part 1 describes the procedure for the analysis of the focus group discussions. Part II involves the evaluation of the facial composites created by the participants using the cultural palette. Partl This study uses Multidimensional Scaling (MDS)18 to provide insights into the perceptions African-American females have toward 18 . . . . . . . . . . . Multidimensmnal Scaling shows data as relationships on pOints in a multidimenSional space. The dimensions of the space represent attributes or properties where items are 57 advertising’s portrayal of Black women in mainstream advertisements. MDS was used to explore the underlying factors which may have accounted for how subjects compared advertising images of Black women to themselves. Multidimensional Scaling Theorists Quillian and Collins (1972) contend that words are hierarchically clustered in memory. Therefore, perceptual maps that display the associations between words are representative Of meaning (Barnett and Woelfel 1998). MDS analysis is an effective mathematical technique that can organize verbatim responses by representing the similarities of items spatially on a map (Schiffman, Reynolds, and Young 1981). This method was used to generate the subjects' perceptions by finding a natural grouping of their spoken words. For example, two words from the focus group text that clustered together 3 were “black” and “women.’ This created the concept African-American women. When the words “color,” “looks” and “different” appear near or close to the words “black” and “women,” this may suggest that the participants (African-American women) consider their color and looks different. Given the focus of the study, this interpretation can be either positively or negatively based depending on the cluster Of words or concept groups that lie near or away from each other. compared (Green, Carmone, and Smith 1989; Schiffman, Reynolds, and Young 1981; Green and Rao 1972). 58 As a result, the scaling of (words) perceptions provided useful representations of how the images of Black women were perceived in mainstream magazine advertisements (Green and Carmone 1970). Furthermore, MDS produced a visual expression of the African-American females’ perceptions of the ideals they have about themselves. Categorical Package Because focus groups can contribute a rich amount of data expressed in the participants' own words, the analysis and interpretation Of the groups can often be very arduous, tedious or demanding to review. Consequently, numerous pages of transcripts documenting the group's interaction had to be read, confirmed, and deciphered. Whereas these conditions are not unique to focus group investigations, this was a primary concern of the present study. However, several popular artificial neural network19 software programs have been developed to help analyze qualitative data for advertising, marketing, communications and related research. This study used Category Package (CATPAC),20 a non-biased computer-based program that reads and analyzes focus group transcripts '9 Artificial neural networks have been inspired by the way the brain processes information. Based on studies “conducted by neuroscientists, physicist, computer scientists, psychologists, linguists and communication scientist” several successful software programs (e.g., ATLAS/ti, NUD.IST, HyperResearch, Wordstat, CATPAC, etc.) have been specifically developed for reading text (Woelfel and Stoyanoff 1998). 20 CATPAC by Terra Research is a self-organizing neural network designed for 59 to “identify clusters in speech.” Interestingly, CATPAC’S clustering of words in the recorded text originates from the “perspective that people’s speech reflects their thoughts” (Salim, Colfer, and McDougall 1999). Thus, the importance of these clusters in the present study provided key insights that helped enhance our understanding of the continual issues that African-American females have regarding the appearances of Black women in mainstream magazine advertisements. Distinct from standard textual analysis packages, CATPAC requires no “precoding of text” [to] “determine what or how many categories of [data] might lie in the text” (Woelfel and Stoyanoff1998). Additionally, the multivariate software provides several analyses of the focus group text such as neural network analysis, a count of word frequency, cluster analysis and multidimensional scaling. Preparing the Focus Group Text The tape-recorded verbal comments of the participants were transcribed onto a computer disk and analyzed with CATPAC software (Woelfel and Stoyanoff1998). However, it is important to note that not all of the words in the focus group transcripts were used. An exclude file included in the program was utilized to eliminate non content- bearing words. For example, words such as prepositions or verbs of reading text. The program identifies the most important words in the text and is able to recognize their patterns of similarity based on their associations in the text (Woelfel 1998). 60 being were removed because they did not add meaning to the understanding of concepts pertaining to the study. The list of excluded words was placed in a separate file. This allowed the most important or key words to be categorized by frequency (e.g., names, words indicating understanding, preference, etc)”. In the present study, the total unique words (important words) were limited to twenty.22 CATPAC analyzed each word in the text as a neuron. The neuron represented a key word and was activated when it was scanned through a window23 that read seven24 words at a time. It was at this point when the word was visible in the window (the associations between words were within seven words of each other) that they become “positively” linked. For example, the window first contained words 1 through 7 for an n of 7. The next group of words 2 through 8 was then scanned. This was repeated until the entire focus group text had been read and scanned. 2| . . . . . . Zelf—anaIySis identifies self—references based on preset claSSitications. 22 Woelfel and Stoyanoff(l998) suggest disregarding the words that were seldom used while examining “only the top n words” (total unique words) used. This study used twenty total unique words as input for a hierarchical clustering procedure. Furthermore, to help avoid complex clusters that were difficult to explain, the Ward’s Clustering Method was used. 23 Once a window size has been determined, CATPAC passes a moving window of size n through the text on the computer disk. The slide size determines how many words the window will slide through before it reads the text. These inputs to neurons are transformed by the transfer function. However, if any neuron “exceeds a given threshold (the default threshold is zero), that neuron is activated. Clamping the neurons stops it from de-activating and the decay rate (default .9) indicates how soon the neurons come back to “rest” after activation (Terra Research and Computing 1995). 4 . 2 Note, seven words at a glance are apprOXimately how many words a “human reader” sees at one time (Woelfel and Stoyanoff 1998). 61 Upon completion, those words that rarely or never appeared in the window together were considered to be “negatively” linked. The interconnected neurons function similar to that of the human brain. In one respect, “knowledge is acquired by the network through a learning process, and interneuron connection strengths known as synaptic weights are used to store the knowledge” (Stertiou 2001). Unlike the brain, “the rates of speed vary throughout the network, and neurons become active and inactive at different times.” Therefore, CATPAC’s system periodically updates or cycles25 all at one time in an effort to “allow second and third order relationships among the words to be considered” (Terra Research and Computing 1995).26 Although there are several network variations (Options) that can be used to run CATPAC, modifying the settings of the software can affect changes in the results when they are applied to the same data. For that reason, in order to maintain consistency, this study used the following settings (Terra Research and Computing 1995). Unique Words Window Size Slide Size Cycles Threshold Decay Rate Learning Rate OOOfl—‘NN COO 05 25 CATPAC’S default value is 1 cycle (Terra Research and Computing 1995). 26 . , - . . ,, Neurons act alike; the ‘strength of the connection between them is strengthened. As a result, “the learning rate (default .001) is how much they are strengthened in each cycle” (Terra Research and Computing 1995). 62 Zelf Analysis none Transfer Function Sigmoid -1 - +1 File Type Raw Text Dendogram The scanning of the focus group text produced a matrix with “weights that [showed] associations [covariance] between words” (Schmidt 2000; Woelfel, Danielsen, and Woelfel 1995). However, the list of frequency statistics of the unique words alone does not lend itself to significant interpretations. Therefore, to further explore the underlying concepts of the data collected in the focus group sessions, the results are presented in a dendogram27 to visually illustrate the most frequent (key) words used in the groups. Based on the text entered and analyzed in the computer, the dendogram displays an output of words at the top of the page. This generated a visual of a “city skyline” of “buildings” across the page. In essence, the building skyline illustrates “how the words clustered together by shading the area underneath the words that go together” (Woelfel and Stoyanoff1998). Accordingly, each building on the skyline “represents a concept which is indicated by the set of words” shown above the buildings (e.g., see pretest dendogram, Figure 3.2). 27 A dendogram graphically provides a matrix “representing the cognitive clusters Of concepts” and shows how closely associated one word is to another (Salim, Colfer and McDougall 1999). As a result, the relationships between words can be discussed in various ways, in terms of their clustering, their distance matrices and the closest and furthest words. 63 <<<<<<<<<(((<<<(<<<<((<(<<<<(( (<<<(<(<(<<<(<(<((( (<((<(((<< <<<<(<( (<<(<(< (<( <(( (1“ <<< <<( (<< (<( <<< (<( 34234 rumour—1m ((< <(‘ (<( ‘<< <<< (<< (‘< (1“ i-JOOiC <(<(((<((<( <<<“<(<<< <<<<<<<<<<< <<<<<<< << <<<<<<<<<<< <<<<<<< << (<< <<<<<<< <<<<<<< << (<( ((<<<<< <(<<<<( << <<< <<< (<< <<<<<<< << <<< . . <<< <<<<<<< << <<< . . . . <<<<<<< << <<< . . . . <<<<<<< << . . . . . . <<<<<<< << . . . . . . <<<<<<< << . . . . . . <<<<<<< << . . . . . . <<<<<<< << . . . . . . . <<<<< << . . . . . . . <<<<< << . . . . . . . <<< . << . . . . . . . <<< . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . m . . . . . . . m . . > . . . . . . m E . . H . . . . Z . m 2 . . B . . . . 4 . m H . . U . . . . U . D N I . fl E . . B H m B 4 U U m 2 3 . _ m U i 0 ¢ 2 B H O . 2 m H m 4 A O B E Z . O E Z L E m H 4 H x H D 4 oEmem Eaewoccofl am 33: <(<<((( <<<<<<< <((<<<< <<<<<<< <(‘(<<< (<<<(< < <<<< < <<<< <<<< <<<< ((< (< << (< -(<< °((<(<(<<<<< -(<<(<<(<<< fitlulIHUKCZ Bozmz z:<+4m mzrr+z < < < < (<(<<<<(<<< -((<(((<<<<< < < < < BJmE4H01HZZU 64 Galileo Software Although dendograms are precise and accurate, the level at which they graphically display the distance between clusters is one- dimensional. For added detail to further help visually interpret the clusters of words, Galileo28 software made it possible to present the participants’ perceptions in a three-dimensional format (Terra Vision 1995; Barnett and Woelfel 1988; Woelfel and Fink 1980). More specifically, Galileo produced a three dimensional cognitive map of the “approximate thinking” of the participants’ thoughts. Additionally, by creating a means matrix, the matrix mirrors the mean distance perceived by the participants. As a result, Galileo was able to visually determine a mean matrix for every pair of concepts, which included the mean response from all the participants in the focus group. Part II The measure developed for this section was a modified semantics differential scale. This scale was designed after careful analyses of the perceptions collected from the pretest group of African-American female 28Galileo software by Terra Vision (Woelfel 1995) may sometimes contradict findings on the dendogram. Therefore it is “strongly recommended” that if“the two methods are conflicting" the dendogram is “more accurate" (Salim, Colfer, and McDougall 1999). 65 participants who created the initial set of prototypes using the cultural palette. Semantic Differential Scaling The semantic differential scale is used to find underlying attitude dimensions of the participant’s “evaluation” of a concept, the perception of “potency or power” of a concept, and the perception of “activity’ of the concept (Osgood, Suci and Tannenbaum 1957). In totaling the scores, each dimension shows the position of the participant’s attitude towards the concept. In this instance, the participants’ reactions (e.g., evaluation, potency or power and activity of the concept) are visually finalized in their constructed portrayals. Since semantic differentials can be used to measure similarities or differences between participant’s perceptions, this scale is often used for assessing bipolar adjective scales. Therefore, in most instances, bipolar adjectives are selectively set up to correspond with the research interests (Osgood, Suci and Tannenbaum 1957). For example, to help eliminate confusion, and to save time and expense, this study used a single dimensional scale and asked judges29 to rate the participants’ finished prototypes on a seven-point scale using the bipolar adjectives 29 The same judges used to select the images for cultural acceptability and representativeness for the cultural palette were asked to rate the final portrayals developed by the focus group participants. 66 Afrocentric-Eurocentric30 (see Figure 3.3). Based on the results of the pretest, this scale was considered well suited to the investigation on the participants’ perceptions of themselves and how they are portrayed in mainstream magazine advertisements. Constructed Portrayals The images and colors used in the palette where selected to be culturally appropriate for the demographic profile of both focus group sessions (Moriarty and Rohe 1992). As a result, the African-American female participants were able to create culturally relevant portrayals that were geared to their particular backgrounds and consumer market. Using the cultural palette, the participants were asked to construct a portrayal titled, “An Image that Best Represents Most Portrayals Of African-American Females in Mainstream Magazine Advertisements.” Upon completion of the first image, the women were then instructed to create a second portrayal titled, “An Image that Best Represents You.” Additionally, to avoid the risk of distorting the visual interpretations of the constructed portrayals (e.g., overlooking details of characteristics of the selection of images the participants used from the palette), the same judges that assisted in finalizing the cultural palette were asked to evaluate the finished portrayals. This also helped to 30 Afrocentric (African-American) and Eurocentric (Caucasian-American) was defined as the mean of three judges ratings of the facial images constructed by each focus group participant. 67 .Am_m>§:oa cemceoiom of 2.0353 3 Emcflh x33 of $3a32$ag Barnum :aoCoE<ému_C< of 23353 9 03:2: 83>» ..wdv c333: 3:252:85 33> 33:2: 2.; N. o w v m N _ oCEoooEm” ”33:88.34 tom («o flmzmntom D figmetom $032334 ’ 893805 3525 mo mmcsmm 3 23w; 68 palette), the same judges that assisted in finalizing the cultural palette were asked to evaluate the finished portrayals. This also helped to eliminate bias and provide a powerful summary that enabled comparisons between the advertised portrayals of Black women and the self portrayals of the women in the study. The African-American female judges (mean age 38) were given guidelines to study. Then, they were asked to rate all of the final portrayals“ (see Appendix E). Next, the judges were instructed to independently evaluate and rank each face. They used a value of 4 as the mean (e.g., neither Afrocentric nor Eurocentric) from which to move up or down the scale when they assigned a rating to each prototype. 3| The judges were given untitled portrayals. They were not told which perception they were evaluating. 69 CHAPTER IV RESULTS In this Chapter (IV), the findings of the study will be described and discussed. The results of the focus group data analysis in Part I and Part II will be reported in light of the research questions presented. Partl As noted earlier, the task of CATPAC in concept relationship analysis is to help find associations between perceptions that are reflected in textual information. After transcribing the tapes of the focus group sessions onto computer disks, CATPAC by design uses word frequencies, word co-occurrences, cluster analysis and multidimensional scaling to present data from multiple participant responses.32 Based on those results, CATPAC presents a mapping of the statistics and cluster analysis data of the concepts and associations between them. This section displays CATPAC’s statistical output of multiple responses based on text from two focus group discussions with middle- class African-American females ages 24-39 and 40 and older. The general topic of both sessions was the participants’ perceptions toward 32 Although the moderator was used to provide a critical link in the focus group discussion by initiating interactions among the participants, the moderator’s remarks were subsequently edited from the text. This was done to eliminate moderator biases to ensure the integrity of the study was meaningful. 7O advertising’s portrayals of contemporary images of Black women and their compared self-perceptions (e.g., attractiveness or beauty). Focus Group I - Discussion Figure 4.1 shows the data from the empirical analysis of Focus Group I. The findings are gathered together into a square matrix of summary statistics where the rows and columns represent the words and the cell value represents the association among every pair of words. The participants in this group were between ages 24-39, with a mean age of 30. All of the participants reported that they either had some college education or they were four-year college graduates. One participant claimed an advanced degree. The majority of the women stated that they earned yearly salaries that ranged from $30,000 to $50,000. Of the women in this sample, five were single, two were married and one reported being divorced or separated. The Ward's Clustering Method33 was used with the words in the co-occurrence matrix (Figure 4.1). In this instance, text was clustered based on the likelihood that the occurrence of a word would show the occurrence of another word. In other words, CATPAC used this 33 The Ward’s Cluster Method proposes that the loss of data that results from the grouping of words into clusters is “measured by the total sum of squared deviations of every point from the mean of the cluster to which it belongs.” All possible pair of clusters are measured and the two clusters whose combination results in the minimum increase in the error sum of squares are combined” (Everitt 1980; Cormack 1971). 71 0.Hm H.HN >.NH 0.0V m.qN 0.0H H.0N 0.0H N.0N 0.vm 0.00 0.nH 0.0a 0.0m 0.0 0.Nm v.0H 0.0a 0.hH N.0N 9200 0040 00H ONH Nb 00m 00H N0 MvH >0 00H 00H v00 HOH vb hva 0v >0H 00 vb >0 mad Ommm wmfiu BmHA H.0 mm v.0 Hm 0.N ma 0.> 0v 0.0 mm H.m NH 0.v 0N m.N 0H v.0 Hm 0.0 00 m.nN nma H.m 0H 0.N 0H N.v vm 0.H 0 H.> av 0.H HH 0.H Ha v.m va H.m 0H 820m Ommm zmzoz mBHmz BZdZ KZHIB m2 mmwéz mmzHN¢0¢2 OZHKOOA $004 3020 H dem madzmm H.200 B_Z¢U Mudqm wfisdmm zmonmzm ZdUHmmfl wszHHmm>Q¢ DMBmOm %444UHBmm¢mqu 00H.0 000.0 mm» Hiv encamam 88onqu i H 0:30 3000 3 2%; Homi—leNmPr-‘lr—lCOKDVMr-IGNONKO [\PKDKDWVVMMMMNNNNNHHH 0 HH HH NH 0H vH 0H 0H 0H 0H Hm mm vm 0N am 00 mm 0v Hv hmH Ommb H.Z¢U MBdem Z¢UHmmZ¢ mmwmz UZHXOOA 240Hmbd 9243 mqflzmw mHmm UZHmHBmm>Q¢ mHHmB m: 8.200 mmZHmdwmz $009 szOZ 3020 xZHmB Kqum Hqu Mozmaommm wzHoszmmo 0.0 0v v.0H 00 0.0a vb 0.0a N0 0.0H >0 0.nH hm >.NH Nb 0.0a qh 0.hH HOH N.0N mHH H.HN 0NH m.vm 00H 0.0m hva H.0N mva N.0N 00H 0.Hm 00H 0.vm 00H 0.0v 00m m.mm >0H 0.00 v00 H200 Ommm ammo mmdo wszzflqo ZOHBUZDm mmqowo momom OZHmOBmmm QAOImmmmB 00v 000 cm 050 meOWHmm QOOZ MDOHZD mmZHQ ddHOB AdHOB AdHOB momoz H*mtfl pQOCDM <<<<<<<<<<<<< <<<<<<<<< ((<<<<<<(EQQSBF4WFHZ(D 75 directly below those words that cluster together. More specifically, the dendogram constructs each of the clusters to represent a perception. Those perceptions are indicated by the set of words across the top of the 3 buildings.’ As each of the clusters grows wider from the bottom of the dendogram as it includes more words, it peaks at the top as fewer words are linked. In this instance, the visual representation of data is used tO describe or recognize the subclusters by forming the illusion of a building skyline in a city. At the right Of Figure 4.2, cluster one identifies the associations among the words: black, 1, magazines, and think. Cluster two identifies: maybe and look. Cluster three shows: me and women. Cluster four recognizes: don’t, know, and white. The significance of these clusters derives from their representation of the relationships between the unique words and the perceptions of the focus group participants. Images of Black Women in Mainstream Magazine Advertisements Figure 4.2 reveals patterns of association with perceptions of the advertising images of Black women that are consistent with the focus group discussion. Given the primary intent of this study, and the transcribed tapes of the African-African female participants, the words, “I, black, think, magazines, maybe, look, me, women, don’t, know, white,” cluster very sharply together in this analysis. These cluster solutions suggest that some of the most frequently elicited perceptions in 76 the study involved the above words. For example, the African-American female participants stated that when they read mainstream magazines they “know” that the images of “Black” “women” “don’t” “look” like them [“me”]. All of the participants in this focus group described the contemporary advertised images of Black women in similar fashion: Participant: In magazines, they use light-skinned women, nearly white [looking] Black women, that don’t look like me. The [models]have long or curly, not nappy, hair. Black women know they have different features than other women, too. They have bigger noses, bigger lips, and their hair and skin color is darker. Although this Eurocentric standard of beauty of Black models constitutes a departure from conventional stereotypes, in most instances, the participants commented that the portrayals of Black women in magazines were limited. They additionally reported that when they read mainstream magazines they did not expect to see any images of Black women in advertisements. Participant: I read magazines for my [own] interest because Black women have been conditioned that we are not going to see anyone who looks like us [Black women] in magazine ads. Participant: I am noticing that sometimes ifI open a magazine and there's like one or two African-American women in an ad, I think that's a lot. But when you compare how many pages of the advertisements there are, it [Black models in advertisements] still pales in comparison [to Caucasian models in advertisements]. 77 Regardless of how sparse the images of Black women are in advertisements, nearly all of the participants claimed they enjoyed seeing the display of the current images, if any, in magazines. Participant: If you see a Black model in an ad that is not in a Black [targeted] magazine...you are just so happy a Black person is in there [the magazine advertisement]. However, the women further explained that they “think” that “maybe” [bottom-line], Black women have to “look” “white” [Eurocentric] to even be considered as a model in a mainstream advertisement. Participant: When I see African-American women portrayed in magazine advertisements, maybe they need model type features. Usually like white looking skin and straight hair. I think the advertisers select them [Eurocentric looking models] to put in the magazines and I find that interesting. I could never look white like she [the Black model] does no matter how much I try. African-American Female Perceptions of Themselves The participants acknowledge they feel “advertising” consistently portrays a certain type of “female” in magazines that promote Eurocentric standards of beauty. In contrast, the women express that 9, £6 ’5 66 “looking African American” was taboo. For example, if the features of Black women are too Afrocentric (wider nose, larger lips, dark skin, ‘6 etc), they (the images Of Black women) “can’t” be used in advertising” to promote “beauty” in mainstream magazines. 78 Participant: The images of Black women in magazines are beautiful. Beauty to me would be what I want to be which would be [to have] nice long hair, nice features and a nice looking body, of course. This is because it is what society says is the most attractive. For African-American women to be in ads, they must have long straight hair, look white, and have nice narrow features. Although, what the participants express they “want” and what they presently see [e.g., Eurocentric looking “hair”] in mainstream advertisements cluster fairly close together (see Figure 4.2), the women in the focus group disclose that attaining the ideal standards of beauty advertised in magazines is often not attainable for them. Participant: They [advertisers] always use light-skinned women, with long straight hair. So you automatically think they are using this model because of her beauty. I don’t look like them... Yet, viewing the beautiful images of women does not keep African-American females from wanting or accepting the mainstream standards of beauty currently presented in the advertisements. Participant: ...so when I look at an ad with a white looking model [fair-skinned African-American female], I know I can’t look white but I know I want long hair, so I buy it [hair]. Clearly, the comments by the participants in the session support the grouping of the perceptions the women have of the advertised images of Black women and their perceptions of themselves. Moreover, the 79 dendogram has successfully constructed a one-dimensional visual of the respondents’ perceptions. Galileo Three-Dimensional Perspective For further visual clarity, Figure 4.3 illustrates a close fit between the data and the perceptual map, showing the associations among the clusters and the words by projecting them onto a three dimensional space.The clustering words are given positions in the evaluative space and each word’s position is assigned a small cube. Connecting the individual words is a rod that extends from the cube, marking the base where the concept is located. The dimensional map shows the words in proper relative position to one another with a spatial configuration of rods varying in length, and the perceptions ranked by the length of each rod with every other rod. For example, the majority of words are clustered closely together on the grid with rods that are similar in length. However, the word "black" is extended by the longest of the rods away from the mass of clustered words, as is the word "I" with a smaller rod to the far right. “Magazines,” although attached with a short rod, is positioned away from all of the concepts. Although, each participant may view the dimensions differently in relating the meaning of each word, in this instance, the distance of each 80 33250 0o 22223‘ Reommnofimflboenh I H 0:30 250m 3. 253m 81 word from the ideal point represents the differential "stretching" of the perceptions of the advertising images in the evaluative space. Using a positioning strategy (Zinkhan, Saxton, and Roth 1990), the "nearness" or "closeness' of any two words in the space creates an Operational measure of their "competitiveness.” The perceptions positioned in the attribute space reflect ideal points (Coombs 1950). For instance, the perceptions the women have of advertising’s images of Black women are closer to their ideal point. In this case, the smaller the distance between the word and the ideal point, the more it is perceived that the women accept the contemporary images that they see. Focus Group II - Discussion Figure 4.4 displays the findings from the empirical analysis of Focus Group II. The participants in this group were between the ages 40 and older, with a mean age of 61. All of the participants reported they were four-year college graduates. Six participants claimed advanced degrees. The majority of the women reported that they earned yearly salaries over $70,000. Of the women in this sample, two were single, one was married, three were divorced or separated and three were widows. H.0m 0.0a N.H0 0.HH v.0 N.ma 0.5a 0.0a H.0N 0.0a N.0H 0.NN N.0m b.0N m.NH m.mm b.0H 0.va b.0a 0.0 8200 mm¢0 N0 50 00H hm mm 00 0v vN hm Nv 00 H0 0am hv 0N mm 00 mm 0m 0m 0000 mmmu Bqu C O O O O O O H VKDKDMHVLDONr-‘IKOI‘t—lOr-li—IHKDKOCN MNNQ‘NMMMNNVNMNNNHNO (V) \OKO r—l (\ (\I H [\ mookotooinoooocxtnkot—itnhmtnm r-i DmBmOm wdgdoHBmmdmmqm AH+ mmml‘KOKOKDKOLOLOLOLDIDLDLD 0H HH 0H 5N 0m 0000 mmqwem Adam 040002 mmwfiz UZHEOOA 0000 ADmthdmm Bzdz 0&009 HzmmmmmHQ mOAOU ME mH.m mm H.m esze m.mH om H.N mmgxem o.oH am H.N nqmm «.mH om H.N mqmooz m.NH mm H.m m2 w.m om H.m mmwmz m.mH em e.m mszaoez m.wH Na o.m meooq e.eH mm m.m oszoog m.VH mm m.~ zozx $.5H ca o.m H e.om ea v.m mHam e.mH mm v.m oooo m.m~ Hm m.m B.zoo m.mm mm m.v ezmmmuuHo H.mm em e.v moqoo H.0m mm m.o moo ANN ooH.o momou oszoemmm om ooo.o oqommmmme mmm 3. 23: 6300380 - : 0:30 3000 mmZHq QmBOB meOmHmm AflBOB momoz MDOHZD AflBOB mDmOB A4509 83 Figure 4.4 presents the frequency statistics that indicate which perceptions occurred most often in Focus Group II.36 The first set of summary statistics at the top left side ofthe page concludes that the total number of words used by the respondents in the group was 233.37 Twenty total unique words were used in the analysis. The total episodes (227) are the number of windows that were used in the analysis. The total number of lines analyzed in the focus group text was 289. Again, the network Options at the top right remained at their default settings. In the left hand column below the first set of data, the second group of statistics reports each unique word by frequency. These unique words are dually recorded in alphabetical order in the right column. On the list of high-frequency words: “1” occurred 78 times, which was 33.5% of all occurrences. Therefore, “I” appeared in 216 or 95.2% of the scanned windows. Other high—frequency words were: “think” (27, 11.6%), “women” (16, 6.9%), “magazine” (1 l, 4.7%), “don’t” (10, 4.3%), “know” (9, 3.9%), “black” (8, 3.4%), “hair” (8, 3.4%), “me” (7, 3.0%), “color” (6, 2.6%), “different” (6, 2.6%), “looks” (6, 2.6%). 36 The Ward’s Clustering Method as used with the words in the co-occurrence matrix. 37 . . The exclude file was use to remove non-content bearing words from the text. 84 302E112 UJLxJi-Ili—I 24:0:thqu E—lIHZM (<<<<<<<<((<((<<<<<<<<<<< << <<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<< << <<<<<<<<<<< <<<<<<<<<< (< <<<<<<<<<<< <<<<<<<<<< << <<<<< <(l\/\( <<<<<<<<<< << <<<<< <<<<< <<<<< <<<< . << <<<<< <<<<< <<< <<<< o o 0 << <<<<< <<<<< (((< o o o 0 << <<<<< <<<<< << 0 o o o a << <<<<< <<< << 0 o o o 0 << (<<<< (<< << 0 o o o o o (( <<<<< <<< o o o o n o o 0 << <<<<< E-t GOOD - OHEuEuLmeLIJZB i—‘lOObfiHZO i—JOOMU) CDAKCUDC Z‘CZE-l ZOQLxJi-JU) SKEWCDBJ X203 002- 000802 m .0042 8200250 .. 2 0520 £800 3. 25mm UOr—IOII mE—twqmm 32:1sz mLzJfiIIDE-lHfiaDr—"l 85 Figure 4.5 illustrates the output from the hierarchical cluster analysis in the dendogram. The important words}8 are vertically positioned across the top of the page. At the right of Figure 4.5 cluster one identifies the associations among the words: I, think, women, sell, and magazine. Cluster two identifies: different, good, and don’t. Cluster three shows: looks, black, and looking. Cluster four recognizes: maybe, models, and want. Cluster five: color, know, and me. Cluster six: beautiful, hair, and styles. Images of Black Women in Mainstream Magazine Advertisements Figure 4.5 reveals patterns of association with perceptions of the advertising images of Black women that are consistent with the focus group discussion. The words, “I, think, magazine, sell, women, don’t, good, different, looking, looks, black,” cluster very sharply together in this analysis. In this instance, the participants commented that it was “good” to see the “different” portrayals of African-American women in magazines because they “don’t” blatantly possess the old stereotypical “Black” “looks” that use to appear in advertisements (e.g., large round rolling eyes, head scarf and wide grin). Participant: Since they changed the portrait of Aunt Jemima on the pancakes, African-American women look better. But since it’s a better picture she [Aunt Jemima] doesn’t appear much. 38 In Figure 4.5, from left to right, the important words at the top of the page read: beautiful, hair, styles color, know, me, maybe, models, want, black, looks, looking, different, good, don’t, I, think, magazine, sell, women. 86 All Of the participants commented that they liked the contemporary images of Black women in advertisements. They also “think” that the African-American “women” that are selected to “sell” the products in mainstream “magazines” were selected for their cross- over appeal. Participant: I think some ads make an effort to have 3 Halle Berry type person [bi-racial model]. Well, sometimes by coloring [fair- skin], certainly by figure. But I won’t say that it is all negative because I think they [advertisers] do that when it comes to Caucasian females. They want them as near perfect as possible when it comes to beauty. Participant: I really think in the ads that I see, most of the African-American women look very attractive. They [Black models] need to be extra-attractive [stunning] to be in a predominately white magazine. However, the participants expressed when viewing the current images of Black women in advertisements they felt left out. Participant: When you see young Black women model types that’s nice. But, I don’t think you see many mature Black women, like us. Participant: When I do observe the middle-age or older women of color in ads, most of the time they over do it. Especially with the hair styles. Participant: I think people like to buy things from attractive people. But, unless you read Ebony or Jet magazines, you are not going to see us very much. Maybe one in a crowd so it makes it look like a multi-ethnic crowd. But we are just not there. 87 African-American Female Perceptions of Themselves The participants “know” that “beautiful” “models” are being used to sell products or services to them. They reported it is pleasant to see more images of African-American women in advertisements. However, 3 the “color’ Of the Black model and their “hair” “styles” did not make a difference in how they personally viewed themselves. Participant: The Halle Berry’s and other beautiful models don’t come from the general population of African-American women. You don’t see enough of them to be so much influenced to want to look like them. Participant: My older granddaughter wants to go into modeling. I know you have to be beautiful. It doesn’t really matter what color you are. My granddaughter has a good figure. But, I don’t think she is very attractive. So I ask her what she thinks she can do. Participant: It is more than the color of your skin or the style of your hair. I would kind of assume that the whole point is to sell. Galileo Three-Dimensional Perspective Figure 4.6 show the unique words in a three dimensional space. Most of the words are clustered close together. However, the words women, sell, think, I are shown farther apart. From the grid the rods connecting women and sell are parallel and nearly the same lengths in distance. The word "I," with a smaller attached rod to the far right (e.g., the farther a concept is from the participant’s ideal point, the less the participant prefers the concept). 88 33250 00 mix—.22 _a:omm:oEm0-ooEH i E 0:20 3000 a... use”: 89 The participants express comfort with viewing more beautiful images of themselves in advertisements. But, when asked if they felt they were attractive, similar to the women in the advertisements, they believed that they were attractive in a different sort of way (e.g., different than advertising portrays Black women). The work clusters made it apparent that the participants think advertising has its own agenda for rating how women should look to sell products or services to the masses. Part II The focus group has been recognized as an important tool for exploring attitudes, perceptions, and language. In this study, Part I of the focus group was geared toward the African-American female participants’ words and comments they made during the discussions. Part II of Focus Group I and II were designed as hands-on sessions. This stage of the focus group was carried out for the purpose of gathering detailed visual information about the perceptions the participants held about the images Of Black women in mainstream magazine advertisements and the perceptions they have of themselves. Focus Group I and II - Cultural Palette Using identical cultural palettes, each participant was asked to work independently to create two separate facial composites (e.g., advertised image and self image). Given the diversity and quantity of 90 images in the cultural palettes, the task of creating the prototypes was kept manageable and did not require more than the allotted time. As a result, a total Of eight completed sets or sixteen individual portrayals for Focus Group I were created. Focus Group 11 produced eighteen separate portrayals or nine finished pairs of portrayals. Image Bank Tables 4.1 — 4.4 indicate and summarize the images that were chosen from the cultural palette by the individual participants. Each row displays the participant’s selection. The columns of numbers directly specify the selected cultural palette items that were used by the participants to create their set of prototypes. Age A common pattern found in the selection of characteristics was that Focus Group II (ages 40 and older) selected more Eurocentric features (e.g., facial shape, nose and mouth shapes) from the image bank to use on their self portrayals than Focus Group I (ages 24 - 39). As previously noted, today, traditional mammy images are not as prevalent as they once were. In recognizing the age ofthe more mature participants, it is possible that being exposed over-time to the distorted (although limited) images of Black women in advertisements (e.g., wide grin, bulging eyes or dark skin), many of the older participants may have opted to avoid internalizing the exaggerated portrayals. However, the newer images or 91 3 3 N 0 0 N0 m N S 2 N m m 2 v 0 3 N m m m 2 v m E 3 N m 0 2 v m 0 N N m m N_ m _ a m N m 0 o m w v 2 N N m a N N v m 0 N 0 o N N 0020 5:02 0920 802 8.00 Km omfim 2am 830 0:0 250 0:0 23:0 30:0 28:55 3:083:8354 053me 83:20:30 5 3380.0 :motofixxéaomta‘ $.32 3:03.230 “mom :2: momma: i 0 0:80 3000 0;: 03:0. n 00 m 0 0 00 m 0 N0 2 N 0 0 00 m m 0 N N m 0 N v m 0 0 N 0 m w v N N. 0 N m m N m v m 0 N m m N m v v m N m m N m m m 2 N 0 m N m 0 90900 5:22 0030 802 00—00 000 0030 900 .5000 00:0 200 030 00:20 380 0:00:30 2030330030 m.o_m8o0 :mo?o§<-:ao€0< 35300.0 :30 :2: 30:60 i 0 0:80 380 New 03:0. 93 0 00 N N 0 m_ m N 00 m 0 N N m 0 m v 2 m N m 0 N0 m N 00 v N m 0 m0 0 N 2 m 0 m m 0 3 v v 0 N N 0 m N. v N N m 0 N 0 m m v N 0_ m N m m w m v 2 3 N N m 0 m w 00:00 00:02 00:00 802 00000 000 00:00 000 00.00 00:0 0030 00:0 00:00 30:0 0:00:30 $0080m0t0>0< 001.5032 8:265:02 E 33800 ::0C0E<-::020< 0002 300000000 500 0:5 30:80 i : 0:000 3000 mé 03:0. 94 n m N m m 3 w v 2 2 N N m S v m 3 _ N g o m m v 2 ON N fl m m m w m N N m N c N m N_ 3 N m N v n v 3 2 N m N o v v 2 E N fl w v v N 3 N N N o m m v 39% £302 009% 0:02 830 gm 003m Rm .830 5:3 03% :83 3:5 BBQ 0:02:05 maota030m¢~0m 92:8; ::0€0E<-::0_¢< $=0m0a0m “m0m 0:5 m0w::: I S 9.80 mzoom vé 03:.H 95 characteristics of Black women may be more appealing or acceptable to them because they themselves (over-time) have been able to become more assimilated into the dominate culture. Participant: I basically look at the pictures [in the mainstream magazines], but ifI do happen to see an ad with an African- American person in it, then I tend to stop and look at the ad because you know, I have probably flipped through 20-30 pages without seeing one [an African-American women]. Generally they are not in those types of magazines and if they are they are very young. Participant: I haven’t looked at a Vogue in years so I am not sure if we [African-American females] are in there. But the ones [African-American females] in Glamour look like my granddaughter. It is just good to see us [African-Americans] in a magazine where we can look nice. The images the participants selected for their self portrayals may indeed conform to the cultural standards they already hold of themselves. On the other hand, the younger group of participants has grown up viewing the more “attractive” portrayals of Black women in advertisements. Nevertheless, despite the frequency of images, the Black models they are seeing are often Eurocentric looking. Consequently, younger African-American females are faced with and encouraged to emulate the dominate culture’s standard of beauty; which in most instances may be unrealistic for them to do. Participant: I think I am attractive. I have nice hair. I am not over weight. But I know they [advertisers] would not think I looked good in one of their magazines because I do not look like the models they use. 96 In essence, the participants may hold indirect ideals that conform to the dominate culture’s standards of beauty, as once again indicated by their choice of features from the image bank. For example, nearly all of the women in Focus Group I selected features for their advertised prototype that were different from their self portrait. One obvious observation was that the majority of these portrayals were created to have longer, straighter hair versus the shorter style used on their self portraits (see sample prototypes, Figure 4.7). Interestingly, the women did comment that the advertised portrayals of Black women “usually 9 have straight or nice curly hair.’ They did not express that they wanted to see more images with shorter hair. The women in Focus Group II differed only slightly in their selection of images between the two portrayals. Their choice of hair lengths and hair textures was relatively the same and the facial features were similar. Again, this may be attributed to age or possibly fashion. All of the women in Focus Group II sported shorter hair styles, one wore a wig and another wore her hair in the style like that of a tight “bun.” Although hair color, eye color and eye shape selections were considered an important aspect of the study, these features were moderately consistent throughout both sets of the prototypes. Black or brown hair, brown eyes and rounded shaped eyes were the most dominate selections used by the women in both of the groups. 97 .3030 0:: E =0Co EOE =00m 250; 03. 05 R3233: 5.: 05m; .zftom :00 : 00:05 3 “000?: 00.: 0003 A05 ”3:053:53: 0=_N:w:E E30353: E =0Co .moE 00m >020 3000.: 2:58 03:5 mo 20230000“: :05 .00 0230800 2:03 : 00:05 3 000?: 0.03 3:50 05 E :0EoB 05 mo :: 622:0 223—20 0:. 80¢ 00mg: of wEmD 1:520; 0.0m Kitten u0220>u< 0093905 0_QE:m Z. 22w; 98 A (J l Skintone An interesting result of the final prototypes was the selection of skintones. Focus Group I picked darker skintones for their self portraits than they did for their advertised images. Group II chose skintones for their self portrayals that were closer to the shades they used in the advertised images. Nearly all of the women claimed that skin color was not an issue for them. However, the skintones they used to make the facial composites may prove differently. The women did remark that as long as African-American females have “nice hair and keen features” it did not make any difference what shade they were. Participant: Sometimes you see a Black woman in an advertisement and you know she is Black. But I bet they [the advertisers] do not know. Black people can always tell when someone is Black. They can be as white as this paper. But you always know. Judges’ Ratings Table 4.5 and 4.6 display the results of the judges’ ratings of the battery of images used to complete the final facial composite. In Focus Group I, advertised images were averaged 6.8, self images recorded at 1.8. In Focus Group II, advertised images were 4.7 and self images were 2.8. These findings suggest that the participants’ ages 24-39 (Focus Group I) did not closely identify (1.8) with the advertised images (6.8). However, in Focus Group II, the findings of the African-American 99 E a a; M: o _ ad w c m: N ~ g N. n o m N N N n n N. n fl N # o o o o N N N n n h m N N N o n n v N N N n N. n m N N g n n n N N fl N n o n _ 2:08.505 m m g m N _ 80:: 0mg: 30m 0923 n< $503” .3qu I H @3006 Soon mé 03:. 100 3 A 2. QN QN EN xé mé M; m N m m n v m N N N m m m m N N N m m m n m m N m m m o v v m m m m m m m m m m n v m m m m m m m m v m m .n. m N m m m 0 n 0 fl £980.08 m m _ m m fl 892: 0mg: bum owns: c< , mmctfim .3303. I Z 9800 maoom 9v 03:. 101 females ages 40 and older are positioned (2.8) nearer the advertised images with a rating of 4.7 (see Figures 4.8 and 4.9). Results of these sets of prototypes (advertised portrayals and portrayals of self) on the semantic differential scale support the expectation that the African-American female participants do indeed claim differences in their appearance when they compare themselves to the images of Black women in mainstream magazine advertisements (see Figures 4.8 and Figure 4.9). 102 n o w v m N _ 02800003. H ’ D 0CE000¢< 20m mo 2:30:25 D 2:3:th 00030033 > 2:030:30 mo mwctfim - H 9.20 0:00.» we 23:: 103 N. o w v m N _ 0mtc0oo§m ” > D ”2:20oo¢< 20m mo 2:35.25 D 2:030:02“ 00mmt0>n< ' 23:00:52 3503* - 2 9.80 300% 3. 23a 104 CHAPTER V DISCUSSION This study was designed to explore the question of whether the images used to portray African-American females in mainstream magazine advertisements today reflect how these women perceive themselves. Introducing the concept of cultural hegemony to advertising, Figure 1.1 provided a cultural hegemonic framework which guided the study. This conceptual model asserts that the nature of representations used by advertising in portraying Black women in the media may interact with and influence African-American females’ expectations for what constitutes beauty in our culture. In this section, based on the conceptual model, the results of the focus group data analysis in Part I and Part II will be discussed. A brief description of the findings regarding the following research questions will be addressed: 1. When asked to discuss the portrayals of Black women in mainstream advertisements, is there evidence of a gap between the portrayals and how African-American females see themselves? 2. In discussing the portrayals of Black women in mainstream advertisements, does the evidence support acceptance or lack of acceptance of the portrayals? 3. When asked to create images of African-American females in mainstream advertisements and of themselves, how do these images compare? 4. Are there specific cultural characteristics that represent how African- American females are portrayed in ads that support a potential 11 egemonic effort? 105 5. Are there specific cultural characteristics that represent how African- American females see themselves that provide evidence of gaps/leaks in hegemony? 6. Is there evidence in the comparison of images that cultural hegemony has an even or uneven effect on African-American females? The implications of these findings and the limitations of the study, as well as recommendations for future directions for this research will also be presented. Collectively, the findings from the focus group discussions (Part I) and the evaluation of the facial composites created by the participants’ using the cultural palette (Part 11) clearly demonstrate that the contemporary images used to portray Black women in mainstream advertisements are not representative of how middle-class African- American females see themselves. This finding indicates that these individuals did perceive a ‘hegemonic effect’ of mainstream magazine advertisements, although it may be much more subtle than that produced by the stereotypical imagery of the past. Additionally, based upon the significant differences between participants’ perceptions of themselves and that of African-American models, “leaky hegemony” may partially explain their ability to form counter-hegemonic meanings that reflect their own sense of what is attractive. 106 C0 l0 "3: Portrayals in Mainstream Magazine Advertisements The concept of hegemony explains that one means through which advertising influences a subculture is by its ability to shape or redefine that subculture. It does so by creating new or more acceptable representations of significant features of the subculture in promoting products and services to mainstream audiences. For example, traditional offensive portrayals of African-American women (e.g., dark complexioned, sexless characters such as Aunt Jemima) have given way to more contemporary images of blackness, which commonly depict African-American females as sensual beings with lighter skin and long straight hair. As a result, today’s standard of what is considered an “attractive” African-American female, according to mainstream advertisements, is Eurocentric-looking models who are merely “passing” for Black. While many of the women in the study commented that they enjoy seeing the contemporary portrayals of Black women in advertisements, they also hold similar viewpoints about the way in which the images are portrayed. An example of this is evident when one participant’s response illustrates her acknowledgment of today’s standards of beauty in mainstream magazines. 107 Participant: To be a model in a beauty magazine like Cosmo [Cosmopolitan] you [if you are African-American] usually have to be mixed-looking [bi-racial] and that’s not like most of us [African-American females]. Additionally, like many ofthe women in the study, a key factor for this participant is that African-American models of “mixed” heritage possessing prominent Eurocentric characteristics are more likely to be featured in mainstream women’s magazines. In contrast, this leads one to believe that models with interracial backgrounds possessing more prominent Afro centric features may not be so easily embraced by the mainstream readers. At any rate, advertising’s rationale behind the uses of the contemporary portrayals of Black women is an area that warrants consideration. On the other hand, if the logic is that the new images of blackness have been created in the attempt to end the offensive past portrayals of African-American females then this feeling is reinforced and clearly expressed by another participant in the study: Participant: Aunt Jemima now looks cleaned up. She has a new appearance. She’s not heavy; she has straight hair and looks lighter. But I don’t imagine she’s as popular with the folks as the fat, darker mammy-looking Aunt Jemima with the bandana on her head because you don’t see her as much as you use to. Noticeably, past subservient portrayals of Black women in advertisements are not as prevalent as they once were. At the same time, however, recent depictions of African-American females in mainstream 108 .\. 95 MC. 7 A l. .u\ advertisements remain limited. Consequently, for some of the participants, finding any image of a Black model in mainstream women’s magazines is an accomplishment: Participant: I basically look at the pictures [in the mainstream magazines], but ifI do happen to see an ad with an African- American person in it, then I tend to stop and look at the ad because you know, I have probably flipped through 20-30 pages without seeing one [an African-American woman]. Generally they are not in those types of magazines and if they are they are very young. Participant: I haven’t looked at a Vogue in years so I am not sure if we [African-American females] are in there. But the ones [African-American females] in Glamour look like my granddaughter. It is just good to see us [African-Americans] in a magazine where we can look nice. Interestingly, it may appear as if the elimination of negative stereotypes has indirectly helped foster the exclusion or limitation of the number of African-American female images currently seen in mainstream advertisements. Perhaps not surprisingly, since these new portrayals are essentially invisible, the participants’ perceptions in this study may be attributed to the way in which they have been exposed to the representations of Black women in mainstream advertising. Acceptance or Lack of Acceptance of the Portrayals More specifically, the images of blackness or lack there of, may indeed communicate to some African-American females that the way 109 they look may not be attractive which in turn may cause the women to discount their own natural beauty. While simultaneously, encouraging them to consent or conform to advertising’s construction of mainstream cultural ideals of beauty they see daily in magazine advertisements. As a result, the consequences of “it is just good to see an [attractive] African-American face” in an advertisement, by default the women may be reflecting acceptance of advertising’s construction of what is beautiful. Therefore, linking to Grimace’s concept Of spontaneous consent whereby the women willingly assimilate advertising’s view or hegemony of the dominant culture. This is exemplified in the following participant’s response: Participant: We have been conditioned that we [African-American females] are not going to see us [African-American females] in popular magazines. So, when we [African-American females] are in advertisements [in mainstream magazines] you see us with more white features or white looking skin. Those women [Black models] are beautiful. I would love to look like them. I would love to be around someone who looked like them. The participant’s quote above illustrates the way she views the current portrayals of Black women in mainstream advertising. Yet, rather than comparing herself with the new millennium images that may be images that are unattainable for her, she is willing to accept being in the company of someone who displays the mythical representation of an attractive Black women from an advertisement. Obviously, this would definitely be an African-American female who wants to assimilate into 110 4‘. _\. P \ 1 Ni V» the mainstream by any means necessary. Thus, keeping her in a subordinate position to the dominant culture. In all fairness, when marketing to mainstream female consumers, advertisers spend billions of dollars each year in selecting media and developing politically correct images for their advertisements. However, to completely understand what is involved to reach these women, it should be noted that in today’s marketplace the industry employs professionally trained advertising directors to create the “right” image. In most instances, in efforts to gain or sustain mainstream acceptance, advertising’s primary objective is often to establish symbolic images that perhaps all women can readily connect with or respond to. Perceptions of Self Mindful of the expertise it takes to generate profitable advertisements targeted to female readers of mainstream magazines (e.g., middle-class African-American women), it might be reasonable to believe that the participants in this study would respond favorably to those images created to reflect them. However, the results of this study indicate that the images do not significantly relate to how the women perceive images of themselves. Take into account the views expressed below by several of the participants: lll Participant: I think I am attractive. I have nice hair. I am not over weight. But I know they [advertisers] would not think I looked good in one of their magazines because I do not look like the models they use. Participant: I think we [African-American females] have always looked attractive. I think advertisers have to make us look whiter so they can use us [African-American models] in advertisements. To them that probably makes us [African-American females] look better. Participant: I can’t look like those Black models no matter how hard I try. I think most women Black or White can’t look like those models in the magazines. Aware of the stereotypic images of women in general (e.g., youthful good looks and extremely slender bodies, etc.), can the new advertised images of blackness reach the African-American female consumer through regular advertising aimed at mainstream markets? Judging from the above comments, if the primary concept of hegemony is the idea that institutions such as advertising can control (in this case, African-American female) consumers through subtle ways of consent or acceptance, that may be advertising’s reason for using the Eurocentric images of Black women. For example, although advertising has the power to appeal to the masses, it may be giving the impression that the world-view or common consent is that using Black models featured with Caucasian characteristics is the only practical way to see African-American females in mainstream advertisements. 112 Accordingly, the newly created images may be hiding stereotypical traces of the past that were once exposed through advertising (e.g., the jezebel image). Consequently, given advertising’s attempts to include more positive portrayals of Black women in mainstream advertisements, it is questionable whether redefining past images would result in changes in the perceptions of those who read the magazines. This belief, regardless of the intentions involved, helps to maintain the status quo. In other words, in creating these new images of blackness, advertising has found another avenue to recreate favor and subordination under the gauge of “passing.” The example above addresses the question whether there is the presence of cultural hegemony when depicting African-American females in mainstream magazine advertisements. It appears that if the participants are content with or consenting to the present images (e.g., this includes not challenging the portrayals), hegemony need not be adjusted. As a result, advertising can continue in its hegemonic state to depict cosmetically altered, narrow views of African-American women. Interestingly, the women in the study expressed that today’s symbolic images of beauty created by advertising would only be representative if they (the participants) possessed Eurocentric features. The participants’ responses also reveal that viewing the contemporary portrayals do not appear to affect the perceptions they have of 113 themselves. In fact, most of the women in the focus groups indicated they liked the new images and labeled them as “tools” created by advertisers for the sole intent to sell products. The participants below offer the following comments: Participant: Advertisers basically want to sell to as many people as they can. I think it’s about the money. I really don’t think they want us to look like those skinny models. How many Black women do you know who look like the models in there [the magazines]? None, right? Participant: You know, looking at what the advertisers are featuring [fair-skinned Black models], they want to have someone who is going to appeal to everyone. So, I wonder, is that suppose to be important to me or [to] the advertisers? The participants’ held that while they felt that advertisements in mainstream magazines were not really targeted directly toward them as a group, they felt comfort in the fact that advertisers were recognizing them as potential consumers for personal products, and not just in advertisements as homely “maids” or “mammies” to service the needs of others. Most of the woman expressed something similar to the following statement: Participant: I don’t look for us [African-American females] in advertisements and ifI see any Black people [in ads] they are just stuck in there. I would never buy that product. But it is nice to see us as regular people and not maids or mammies. 114 Differences from the standard norm of beauty presented by advertising relates to Gramsci’s notion of hegemony. The perceived meaning of the portrayals of Black women by the African-American females may “account for the fact that social orders and structures [advertising] dominates [African-American females] without being overtly coercive” (Hall 1979). As a result, in their perceptions of themselves, the African-American female participants’ can draw conclusions and generalize those characteristics they see in the advertisements to other Black women. For example, advertising’s continued use of selecting only Black models with Eurocentric features may eventually affect the way African-American females are held by society at large, and by members of their own minority group. Yet, despite the fact that more images of Black women are gracing the pages of mainstream women’s magazines, we might also ask just to whom are these images aimed. With this thought in mind, it can be argued that mainstream magazine advertisements may not represent today’s African-American females because they are actually designed to create an illusion of beauty that is easily accepted by a dominate culture of Caucasian women. As a result, for those who predominately read the magazines, their perceptions of what is attractive will not be altered by the integrated images of Black women used in the mainstream advertisements. Unmistakably, this underlying assumption of easing 115 white comfort levels to promote advertising populated to a dominate culture of Caucasian women is an example of hegemony at its best. Given the few integrated images of African-American females among the numerous depictions of Caucasian models in mainstream magazine advertisements, does the power of advertising appear as desirable and real to African-American women who view it? Or do the images even reflect the perceptions of the African-American female’s role as a consumer? Judging from the previous viewpoints, perhaps the Black models the participants actually see in mainstream magazines and how they interpret those images, rather than their exposure to them, may hold significance for the perceptions they have of themselves. Using perceptual mapping techniques and Moriarty and Rohe’s (1992) cultural palette to identify groupings of concepts was successful in identifying the participants’ perceptions of the images of Black women in mainstream magazine advertisements and those perceptions of themselves. The findings of the study clearly suggest the dynamic interplay between images produced by the dominant culture and how African-American females respond to them. However, it is important to note that the majority of participants in the study, to a great extent, are supportive of advertising’s efforts to update its portrayals of African- American females. 116 While integration with the dominant culture may explain variations in perceptions among the middle-class African-American female participants, the study found no support for this idea. Nevertheless, as African-American women continue to gain more social status, it might be evident that they may want to or need to conform to the dominate culture’s standards. Obviously, not all African-American females will want to identify with the dominant culture. As a result, hegemony (e.g., advertising) will begin to adjust to keep its position when necessary. Creating Images Interesting, in this study, certain ideals of beauty were expected to be more evident than others. Specifically, when the women were asked to complete the hands-on sessions of the focus group designed for the purpose of gathering detailed visual information about the perceptions the participants held about the images of Black women in mainstream magazine advertisements and the perceptions they have of themselves. For example, while it is typical to think of African-American females in terms of their skin color, skin color was thought to be a primary concern of the study. An obvious finding would be if a participant in the study with fairer skin and perhaps less connected with her culture (e.g., middle-class status, more mainstream), she may be Viewed as more accepting which in turn may influence her perceptions of 117 the millennium images she sees. As a result, it was thought that her selection of features from the cultural palette would possess more Eurocentric characteristics when constructing both prototypes. In contrast, a participant with a darker complexion and perhaps considered more connected with her culture (e.g., because of her darker Skintone), she may have selected features from the image bank that would possess more Afrocentric characteristics when creating her prototypes. However, this was not established to be the case. There were no major differences in the advertised images that the participants had created, nor were there many differences in their portrayals of themselves. An interesting pattern in their visual perceptions (prototypes) was that the advertised portrayals had more Eurocentric features while their self portrayals had more Afrocentric features. This finding illustrates that the African-American female participants’ Skintone did not appear to affect their perceptions of what they see in mainstream advertising or how they perceive images of themselves. Another noteworthy aspect of the findings demonstrates that hair length and hair texture were issues of concern. This is particularly likely to have occurred, as the Black models in mainstream advertisements often are featured with longer straight hair. 118 For the most part, the majority of the participants’ expressed that “nice hair” makes you attractive. However, despite advertising’s portrayals of Black models with “long” hair, hair texture seemed more important to the women. Needless to say, hair “texture” according to the participants can bluntly be defined as “straight” hair (e.g., long or short “good” hair). Thus, images of idealized African-American females are attractive if they have “straight” hair. Surprisingly, the largest gap in the participants’ perceptions appears to be with age. The participants’ responses in Group 11 (women aged 40 and older) revealed that age was as a factor when viewing the Black models in the advertisements. In most instances, they commented that the models were “very young” and if mature African-American models were portrayed, they were “larger in stature and not as 9 glamorous.’ As a result, the women in Group 11 may be positioned to disassociate from the Black models they see in mainstream advertisements not necessarily from the beauty that is depicted but the youthful looks that are presented. What is apparent, though, is that the participants in Group II grew up in the early part of the 20th century exposed to the distorted images of low-class, subservient Black women in advertisements. Understandably, they may have consciously chosen to separate themselves from past 119 portrayals they deemed as ugly or unattractive, and unlike the dominate standards of beauty. On the contrary, in more recent years, advertisers have included “nicer” images of African-American females more prominently in advertisements depicting them as educators or professionals who reflect their increased economic power. The latter depictions may be more appealing or acceptable to the women in Group 11 because these portrayals present them as beautiful or attractive, and are more like the images of the dominate culture. In essence, the participants in Group II have progressively become more assimilated into the dominate culture due to status (such as achieving social class, e.g., middle and upper-class, economic buying power, etc.). No doubt this has made it easier to embrace the millennium portrayals of blackness. On the other hand, participants in Group I (aged 24-39) have grown up viewing the more “attractive” portrayals of Black women in advertisements. Additionally, they have not been exposed to the grotesque images like those of the past. Nevertheless, despite the infrequency of the portrayals of African-American females in mainstream advertisements, these younger participants have grown up seeing Black models with fairer skin tones, straight or “nice” curly hair and fine narrow facial features. As a result, the women in Group I have been encouraged to emulate the dominate culture’s standard of beauty. Which in most instances may be unrealistic for the majority of them to achieve? Yet, the majority of the participants in Focus Group I claimed not to be aware of the historical implications of the past stereotypical portrayals of Black women because they felt that “those” images have not personally been directed toward them. The younger participants acknowledged they would like to see more Black women in advertisements. However, they did not feel that advertising was trying to get them to transform into the “norms” of the dominant culture’s definition of beauty. They did agree that there was a certain type of Black model that continually emerges in mainstream advertisements. What they described was that of the “sensual Jezebel” type (e.g., light skinned mulatto). Nonetheless, they also felt that Caucasian models were presented as a certain type, too (e.g., long straight blonde hair, fair skin, blue eyes, and young with extremely thin bodies). Consequently, for those women who may use the advertised images as a reference for beauty, the age of the participants in the study may play a role in the perceptions they have of the Black models in advertisements and how they see themselves. 121 Limitations of the study This study was designed to select a sample as representative as possible. However, a number of limitations should be addressed. One such limitation is the fact that a larger sample should be drawn, thereby increasing the validly of the study. The size of the sample was comparatively small, so extensive generalizations should not be inferred. The selection of the sample was drawn from the African-American community and included a diverse age group (24 and up), with middle- class women. However, a majority of the participants were selected from several African-American sororities due to the methods of data collection (e.g., snowball technique). As a result, because ofthe limited nature of the small sample of African-American females, this sample of middle-class women may have characteristics that are different from other non-sorority middle-class African-American females who did not participate in the study. Therefore, the sample is not reflective of the larger middle-class African-American community. Another limitation of the study relates to the participants’ responses. Although the study’s research questions were designed to be open-ended, many of the questions on the moderator’s guide in the focus group discussion required the women to discuss personal aspects of themselves as well as to comment on their perceptions of the facial characteristics of the Black models in mainstream advertisements. Some 122 the participants may have found it awkward to honestly discuss the attributes of other women. However, the hands-on session of the focus group using the cultural palette helped visually support the participants’ perceptions. Another limitation was that this study examined only advertisements from mainstream women’s magazines. In addition to print advertisements, advertisements from African-American women’s magazines (e.g., Jet, Essence, etc.) can be analyzed and compared. Furthermore, the original model created specifically for this study (see Figure 1.1), asserts that the nature of representations used by advertising in portraying Black women in the media may interact with and influence African-American females’ expectations for what constitutes beauty in our culture. However, it is clear that there is a need to extend this cultural hegemonic framework to other popular media (such as e.g., television, movies, music videos, or video games) that reach different demographic groups to find whether the images used in mainstream magazine advertisements today reflect how the various groups perceive themselves and how they are positioned culturally. Because advertising has been used to validate cultural domination through its portrayals, it would be interesting to study subgroups that are more likely to use other media. From a practical standpoint, other demographic groups may respond similarly to the dominate culture’s standards of beauty. As a final point, an important limitation of this study may question the success of Category Package (CATPAC), a non-biased computer based program that read and analyzes focus group transcripts to “identify clusters in speech.” Although, the network analysis’ output corresponds directly to the participants’ perceptions of the representation of their “social environment,” CATPAC’s clustering of words requires “human” interpretation. In light of its limitations, the importance ofthese clusters provides key insights that have highlighted the potential contribution of multidimensional scaling to successfully study the exploration of perceptions of the focus group participants. This is an important step in building the database on African-American female issues. Future Recommendations While current advertising portrayals of Black women in mainstream magazines are seemly pleasant to view, the new portrayals do not represent most African-American females. But is there a “normal” looking African-American woman? Even more specific, one might also ask whether the depiction of age dually plays an important role in advertising’s construction of what an attractive Black woman is 124 in mainstream magazine advertisements than it does in defining other females. Bottom-line, advertising sells. Since women in general comprise a sizeable segment of the population, the large percentage of African- American females is an indicator that they are an important subgroup that has received little attention in advertising research. Therefore a concern with the “new” stereotypical portrayals may be not whether they are reflective of Black women but what meanings do they convey not only to African-American females but also to the masses. Is it fair for advertising to dismiss the natural beauty of Black females in popular mainstream women’s magazines or for that matter, ignore the subtleties of their idealistic representations? Future research can make a valuable contribution to advertising, by continuing to examine the portrayals of African-American females in media. Additionally, African-American males are often omitted from this kind of research. Therefore, a further question is whether a gender difference in advertising may exist. Further, exploring the perceptions that middle-class African-American males have about the images they see of themselves in mainstream advertisements would also be an added contribution. 125 Advertising’s portrayals of subgroups and the cultural messages it markets, may affect perceptions that do not represent the audiences they are targeting. While this study chose to focus only on perceptions of African-American females, the potential application of this approach to other audiences and products is unlimited. Are other under- representative audiences being portrayed as more Eurocentric so they too can be seen in mainstream advertisements (e.g., Black males, Hispanics, Asians or sexual minorities such as lesbians, gay males, bisexuals, and transgender people, etc.)? Since advertiser’s need to continually increase and expand markets for their products, future research should explore advertising’s constructed images of the underrepresented who are portrayed in ways where social hierarchies can often be easily established. 126 APPENDIX A — CONSENT FORM 127 CONSENT FORM You are being asked to participate in a focus group that will explore the portrayals of African-American females in magazine advertisements. Participants in this study are African-American women ages 24 and older. We will be discussing your attitudes and perceptions of magazine ads. The group discussion will be taped. However, the tape and the discussion will be kept completely confidential by the researcher and will be used only for the writing of this research project. Your participation in this study is completely voluntary and will take approximately ninety minutes. You may refuse to participate at any time without penalty, even if you agree to participate now. Furthermore, even if you agree, you may refuse to answer any of the questions. Anytime you desire to break or leave, tell the moderator. You may leave at anytime. Your responses will be withdrawn. Your participation in the study will be kept confidential; no last names will be used or recorded. Only first names will be used to provide a friendly atmosphere. Please note that your privacy will be protected to the maximum extent allowable by law. This study is being conducted by M. Skinner Britt, under the supervision of Dr. Bruce Vanden Bergh in the Department of Advertising at Michigan State University. Please feel free to contact the researcher at 353-6879 or at brittmar@msu.edu with any questions about this project following this discussion. Any concerns or questions about your role and rights as a subject of research should be directed to Dr. David E. Wright, Chair, University Committee on Research Involving Human Subjects (UCRIHS) at 355-2180. If you agree to participate in this study, please sign and date this form below. Thank you for your time. Signature__ Date 128 APPENDIX B - MODERATOR GUIDE 129 MODERATOR GUIDE Prepared by Marilyn Skinner Britt Introggction The purpose of this discussion is to: explore middle-class African-American female '5 attitudes and perceptions ofmagazine advertisements. It is organized by: Marilyn Skinner Britt, a doctoral student in Mass Media at Michigan State University. _(_)_pening Questions (begin with group introductions) Please tell us your name, where you live, children, where you work if you are employed, or anything else you would like to say about yourself. [will start. My name is . (Say something about yourself.) Now, let’s go around the room. (Make sure that everyone says something. Show on interest in each individual. Ask a question or two ofthe quieter participants). Introductory Questions (to introduce general topic and let participants connect with it) Now that we know more about each other, I would like to explain the reason why we are here. This focus group discussion is part of a study of Mass Media that is being conducted through Michigan State University. I am interested in learning what participants think about magazine advertisements. I will ask you very general questions about magazine advertisements, and I will ask you to complete a short exercise. There are no right or wrong answers to the questions and the exercise. However, I am interested in your honest thoughts, feelings and Opinions. Although I will be taping the group discussion, I want to reassure you that the tape and the discussion will be kept completely 130 confidential and will be used only for the writing of this research project. Are there any questions before we begin? Transition Questions (to help envision the topic in a broader scope) 1. In the last month, how many magazines have you read or looked through? Purpose: How often do they read or look through magazines? Purpose: What types of magazines do they read or look through? 2. How often do you notice portrayals of African-American females in magazine advertisements? Purpose: Do they notice images of African-American females in magazine advertisements? Key Questions: Part I (getting information key to the portrayals) 3. What do you think about the portrayals of (middle-class) African-American females in mainstream magazine advertisements? Purpose: How do they read/what do they think about the images of African-American females in mainstream magazine advertisements? 4. What do you feel are some important (strong/weak) characteristics of the advertised images of African- American females? Purpose: What do they think are the important/non- important characteristics of the advertised images of African-American females? Probes: potential areas of concern to African-American females 131 5. How would you define or describe an attractive African- American female? How would you define or describe an unattractive African-American female? Purpose: What hair styles/skintones/facial characteristics of the advertised images of African-American females do they think are attractive/unattractive? 6. What are some key references you use in identifying the advertised images of African-American females? Purpose: By what standards and references are they assessing the advertised images of African-American females? 7. Do you feel that magazine advertisements accurately depict African-American females? Do the advertised images of African-American females impact their self-images? 8. Do you feel the images of African-American females in mainstream magazine advertisements give African-American females a true or false sense of identity? Do they relate/not relate to the advertised images of African-American females? Summary and Conclusion: Part I of Key Questions (Summary ofkey points of the discussion) Does the summary sound complete? Do you have any changes or additions? The purpose of this project is to explore middle-class African- American female’s attitudes and perceptions of magazine advertisements. Have we missed anything? What advice do you have for us? Break (10 minutes - refreshments will be available) Part II (getting key visual information) We have been exploring middle-class African-American female’s attitudes and perceptions of mainstream magazine advertisements. Now, let’s visually prepare some images. Purpose: The participants will be asked to create a visual of what they “see" in mainstream magazine advertisements and they will also be asked to create a visual of themselves. The Cultural Palettel will be used to help analyze for evidence of the presence of cultural hegemony in mainstream magazine advertisements. Brief instructions will be given. Each participant will be given a mirror, paper, a glue stick and a cultural palette developed by the researcher that will include an image bank2 of African-American female facial shapes (e.g., oval, square, round, etc.) and cutouts of facial features (e.g., eye shapes, nose and mouth shapes; various, sizes and widths), hair styles (e.g., texture and hair lengths) and skintone shades, eye and hair color charts. Summary and Conclusion: Part 11 Upon completion, a short discussion will follow for those who would like to participate. Are there any other comments that you would like to share about what you see? Thank you for your participation in this focus group session. ’ Moriarty, SE. and Rohe, L. ( 1992), “Cultural Palettes: An Exercise in Sensitivity for Designers,” Journalism Educator, Winter p. 32~37. 2 An image bank is a portfolio of images. In this instance, the images will be used in Part II of the focus group discussion to help identify what participants believe are advertised images in mainstream magazine advertisements and to help identify what participants perceive are images of themselves. 133 APPENDIX C - CULTURAL PALETTE 134 . ’ .‘I‘ .. 1‘": ‘z I H41”, ‘\ .w 135 136 137 138 139 140 141 143 144 145 146 147 APPENDIX D - DEMOGRAPHIC INFORMATION 148 DEMOGRAPHIC INFORMATION Instructions: The following information will be used only as a means of separating respondents into similar groupings. It will not be used to identify specific individuals. Please complete this part of the questionnaire by placing an “x” in the appropriate space. Mark only one alternative for each item. 1. age _____ 2. marital status: single married divorced or separated widow 3. How much formal education do you have? grade school or less some high school high school graduate some college four-year college graduate advanced degree 4. What is (was) your yearly salary? __ $20,000-30,000 _ $30,001-40,000 __ $40.001-50,000 __ $50,001-60,000 __ $60,001-70,000 __ $70,001 and over 149 APPENDIX E — RATING SCALE 150 RATING SCALE Using the scale below, you are being asked to rate the African- American female portrayal on the following physical characteristics. Some features or characteristics may seem to be similar to one another; however, some may seem to contrast. Please identify the degree to which you give the composite by placing one check mark on each scale. Please use one sheet for each portrayal. 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