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This is to certify that the
dissertation entitled

AN ASSESSMENT OF THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN
RACIAL IDENTITY, PSYCHOLOGICAL
EMPOWERMENT, BLACK ACTIVISM, AND
PSYCHOLOGICAL WELL-BEING IN AFRICAN
AMERICANS

presented by

Jonathan N. Livingston

has been accepted towards fulfillment
of the requirements for the

PhD. degree in Psychology

 

 

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AN ASSESSMENT OF T

PSYCHOLOGICAL EMPOWERMENT,
PSYCHOLOGICAL WELL-BEING IN

HE RELATIONSHIP

BETWEEN RACIAL IDENTITY,
BLACK ACTIVISM, AND
AFRICAN AMERICANS

By

Jonathan N. Livingston

A DISSERTATION
Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of
DOCTORATE OF PHILOSOPHY

Department of Psychology

2004

 

 

ABSTRACT
AN ASSESSMENT OF THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN RACIAL IDENTITY,
PSYCHOLOGICAL EMPOWERMENT, BLACK ACTIVISM, AND
PSYCHOLOGICAL WELL-BEING IN AFRICAN AMERICANS

By

Jonathan N. Livingston

Over the past 70 years, a number of studies have been conducted to assess the
relationship between racial identity and psychological well-being in African Americans.
Although there has been a good deal of disagreement concerning whether identification
with one’s respective racial or ethnic group leads to better psychological outcomes, few
studies have assessed what factors may mediate the relationship between the
aforementioned variables. In an effort to assess what factors may mediate the
relationship between racial identity and psychological well-being, the present study
examined the mediational roles of psychological empowerment and Black activism using
Baron & McKinney’s (1986) method for testing mediation. Utilizing a sample of 187
African Americans from a Midwestern church community, a series of regressions were
conducted. Results of the study found that 1) racial identity was related to psychological
well-being, 2) psychological empowerment partially mediated the relationship between
various dimensions of racial identity, and 3) Black activism mediated the relationship
between various dimensions of psychological well-being and racial identity.
Additionally, the study found that psychological empowerment was related to Black
activism. Results of the study suggest that future research is needed to assess the impact

of psychological empowerment and Black activism on psychological well-being. Such

 

an analysis not only has implications for the therapeutic setting but also for community

development, organizing, and social change.

 

 

DEDICATION
This manuscript is dedicated to all people who continue to define themselves in the

struggle to simply be recognized as human beings.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This document represents not only ten years of hard work and incredible
sacrifice, but it also represents the thinking, hopes, dreams, and prayers of an entire
community of individuals dispersed throughout the country whose guidance,
consciousness, and commitment to social change provided me a wonderful example
of what it means to be a human being. In completing this project, there are a number
of individuals I must recognize. First and foremost, I want to acknowledge my
chairperson, Dr. Pennie Foster-Fishman, for her assistance in helping me develop my
ideas and carefully critiquing the organization of the document to assure that it was
thorough and consistent. In addition, I would like to thank Dr. William Davidson
who, likened to that of any supportive father, became and wiser and wiser as I
navigated the doctoral process and began to reflect upon all the wisdom he bestowed
upon me. I would also like to thank Dr. Harriette McAdoo whose commitment to
scholarly excellence provided a wonderful example of what Black academicians and
scholars should strive to be. Of my committee members, I would also like to thank
Dr. Debra Johnson who, for two years, provided the critical feedback and emotional
support I needed to complete this process. I would also like to thank Dr. Cris
Sullivan for giving me guidance throughout my academic process and providing an
example of how to fuse scholarship with community activism.

Over the years, I have had the opportunity to learn and work in a number of
academic settings. Thus, I would like to thank the UNC-Asheville and Florida A &

M families (Dr. Tracey Brown, Dr. Dwight Mullen, Dr. Theodore Seitz, Dr. Huberta

 

Jackson-Lowman, Dr. John Chambers, Dr. Oare Dozier-Henry, Dr. Yvonne R. Bell,
and Dr. and Mrs. James Ammons), for without you, I would not have successfully
negotiated my undergraduate and masters programs. I also want to thank my MSU
Ecological/Community Psychology family, especially Kelly Lewis, Resche Hines,
Sinead Younge, Dr. Tamara Baker-Thomas, Oseela Thomas, Dr. Pamela Martin,
Cidhinnia Torres-Campos, Dr. Rebecca Campbell, and Dr. Jeanette Gassaway. Your
willingness to review my work and thoroughly critique it had an important impact
upon my thinking and how I organized my research.

On a broader note, I would also like to thank my MSU family (e.g., Dr.
Lillian Phenice, Dr. John Schweitzer, Dr. Hiram Fitzgerald, Dr. Robert Griffore, and
Dr. Eugenia Zerbinos) for your guidance and the wealth of information that you
provided. Your assistance in helping me navigate the process and develop into the
scholar I would like to become was invaluable.

In addition to the aforementioned individuals, I would also like to greatly
thank Dr. Robert L. Green and Dr. Ron Hall of Michigan State University and Dr.
Kobi Kambon of Florida A & M University for believing in me, supporting my
research, and providing beautiful examples of what it means to be a Black male
scholar. Each of you is a shining example of the integrity, discipline, and
uncompromising commitment to truth and the advancement and survival of Black
people that the elders and ancestors bestowed upon us.

Last, but not the least, of my academic family, I would like to acknowledge
my undergraduate and graduate research assistants (e.g., Jeff Brentley, Chris Merritt,

Patricia Dixon, Christian Kosky, Dia Adams, Jillian Henry, Kevin Khamarko, Tahira

vi

Abdur-Rahim, Erica Jordan). Your dedication to the cause and willingness to work
for no money will always be remembered.

As indicated, there are a number of individuals who have inspired me through
their diligence and willingness to make the respective communities around them
better. Your activism and community work have had a profound impact upon my
research. So, I would like to thank Verdell Sanders, Ira Reynolds, Dr. Willie Davis,
Dr. Michael Murphy, Dr. James Brown, Lee Taylor, Dr. and Mrs. Eugene Cain, and
Drs. Dana and Sharon Dennard for inspiring me to make sure that my research was
relevant and applicable to Black people and their challenges. Also, I want to thank
the churches in the Greater Lansing and Detroit areas for supporting my research and
making a southern boy feel welcome.

I would also like to thank the elders of my family (Grandmother, uncles, and
aunts) for providing me a context where one’s identity was defined by his/her
commitment to the Black community and an intellectual curiosity and common sense
were encouraged and appreciated. I would also like to thank my wife, who, without
realizing it, was very instrumental in making sure that I completed this process and
did it well while raising four children. Likened to that of a true warrior Sister, she
continued to push me, even when faced with confusion and adversity. Most
importantly, I want to thank God, the Creator, for giving me the strength and

patience to see this process through to completion. This truly was the Creator’s will.

vii

 

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF TABLES ........................................................................ xi
LIST OF DIAGRAMS ................................................................... xiii
CHAPTER 1 ............................................................................... 1
INTRODUCTION ........................................................................ 1
OVERVIEW OF THE LITERATURE ................................................. 4
Context of the Problem ........................................................... 4
The state of the African American community .............................. 6
African American Psychological well-being .................................. 11
Defining African American psychological well-being ............. 16
Self-esteem and coping in African Americans ....................... 21
Racial Identity ..................................................................... 22
Operationalizing racial identity ................................................. 26
Multidimensional Model of Racial Identity .......................... 3O
Afi'ican American Psychological Well-being and Racial Identity ......... 33
Psychological Empowerment ................................................... 37
Operationalizing empowerment ....................................... 39
Psychological Empowerment and Psychological Well-being ............... 41
Psychological Empowerment and Racial Identity ........................... 43
Psychological Empowerment: A mediator between RI and PWB ......... 45
Black Activism .................................................................... 47
The Civil Rights Movement ..................................................... 48
Black Power Movement ......................................................... 49
Contemporary activism .......................................................... 51
Operationalizing activism ....................................................... 52
Activism and African American Psychological Well-being ............... 57
Activism and Racial Identity .................................................... 59
Activism: A mediator between RI and PWB .................................. 61
Activism and Psychological Empowerment ................................... 62
OVERVIEW OF THE CURRENT STUDY ............................................ 64
Rationale ........................................................................... 64
Hypotheses ......................................................................... 66
CHAPTER 2
METHODOLOGY ........................................................................ 68
Design .............................................................................. 68
Power Analyses ................................................................... 68
Participants ........................................................................ 68
Procedures ......................................................................... 71
Training of research assistants ......................................... 71
Churches ................................................................. 7l

viii

Church sponsored events .............................................. 74

Collateral nomination .................................................. 75
Measures .......................................................................... 77
Demographic Questionnaire .......................................... 77
Psychological Empowerment ......................................... 78
Principle Component Analysis (AAPES) .................. 79
Psychometric Properties of the AAPES ..................... 80
Racial Identity ........................................................... 82
Black Activism .......................................................... 82
Use of Collaterals ............................................. 83
Self-esteem ............................................................... 84
Active Coping ........................................................... 84
CHAPTER 3
RESULTS ................................................................................. 86
Preliminary
Analysis ........................................................................... 86
Demographics ........................................................... 86
Differences across church venue ..................................... 87
Correlations between Primary Variables ..................................... 94
Hypothesis One ................................................................... 95
Mediating Relationships ........................................................ 96
Mediation in the present study ........................................ 97
Hypothesis Two .................................................................. 99
Hypothesis Three ............................................................... 109
Hypothesis Four ................................................................. 119
Confirmatory Investigation: Use of collaterals .............................. 120
Post hoc analysis ....................................................... 120
CHAPTER FOUR
DISCUSSION ............................................................................ 122
Hypothesis One .................................................................. 122
Hypothesis Two ................................................................ 125
Hypothesis Three ............................................................... 127
Hypothesis Four ................................................................. 129
Limitations ....................................................................... 129
Sampling ................................................................ 1 3 0
Methodology ............................................................ 1 3 0
Longitudinal or lifespan approach .......................... 130
Use of collaterals .............................................. 131
Use of qualitative techniques ................................ 132
Measurements .......................................................... 1 3 3
Reevaluating racial identity ................................. 133
Implications ..................................................................... 1 34
Future Directions ............................................................... 135

ix

APPENDICES

Appendix A: Participant Consent Form .................................... 140
Appendix B: Letter to Churches ............................................. 141
Appendix C: Demographic Information .................................... 143
Appendix D: Multidimensional Inventory of Black Identity ............ 150
Appendix E: Psychological Empowerment ................................. 151
Appendix F: Activism Scale .................................................. 152
Appendix G: Collateral nomination form for participant activism ...... 154
Appendix H: Nominee participant consent form ........................... 156
Appendix I: Questionnaire for collateral .................................... 157
Appendix J: Taylor’s Self-esteem Scale ..................................... 162

Appendix K: The John Henryism Active Coping Scale (J HAC 12). . ...163

REFERENCES ........................................................................... 165

Table 1:

Table 2:

Table 3:

Table 4:

Table 5:

Table 6:

Table 7:

Table 8:

Table 9:

Table 10:

Table 1 1:

Table 12:

Table 13:

Table 14:

Table 15:

Table 16:

Table 17:

Table 18:

Table 19:

Table 20:

Table 21:

LIST OF TABLES

Descriptive statistics on church sample ............................. 70
Church levels of racial identity and activism ....................... 76
Factor analyses for AAPES ........................................... 80
AAPES scores & correlation coefficient ............................ 81
Mean differences between churches on activism .................. 88
Mean differences between churches on private regard ............ 89
Mean differences between churches on centrality ................. 90
Mean differences between churches on psych empowerment. . .91

Mean differences between churches on self-esteem .............. 92
Mean differences between churches on active coping .......... 93
One-way ANOVAs .................................................. 94
Correlation table for primary variables ........................... 95
Psych empowerment mediating centrality and self-esteem. .. 102

Psych empowerment mediating centrality and coping ......... 103
Psych empowerment mediating regard and self-esteem ....... 106
Psych empowerment mediating regard and coping ............. 109
Activism mediating centrality and self-esteem .................. 111
Activism mediating centrality and active coping ............... 112
Activism mediating regard and self-esteem ..................... 115
Activism mediating private regard and coping .................. 118
Psychological empowerment related to activism ............... 119

xi

Table 22: Participant’s activism and collateral perception of activism...121
Table 23: Participant’s activism and collateral perception of activism...l21

Table 24: Participant’s activism and collateral perception of activism... 121

xii

 

 

LIST OF DIAGRAMS

Diagram 1:Psychological empowerment as a mediator ...................... 96
Diagram 2: Activism as a mediator ............................................. 97
Diagram 3:A statistical example of mediation ................................ 99
Diagram 4:Centrality and self-esteem ........................................ 100
Diagram 5:Centrality and active coping ...................................... 101
Diagram 6: Private regard, psych empowerment, and self-esteem ....... 105
Diagram 7: Private regard and active coping ................................ 108
Diagram 8: Private regard, activism, and self-esteem ...................... l 14
Diagram 9: Private regard, activism, and active coping .................... 117
Diagram 10: Psychological empowerment and activism ................... 119

xiii

Chapter 1
Introduction

How and under what context does healthy psychological functioning occur for
African Americans have been topics of discourse debated in the social sciences literature
for decades (Kardiner & Ovessey, 1951; Grier & Cobbs, 1968; Thomas & Sillen, 1972;
King, et al., 1976; Parham & Helms, 1985; Franklin, 1991). A careful review of the
literature suggested that there have been two competing arguments regarding whether
healthy psychological functioning is possible for African Americans. The first argument
was built upon the self-hate assumption pervasive throughout many of the early studies
on Black psychological functioning (Baldwin, 1979). In this argument, social scientists
suggested that healthy psychological development was impossible for African Americans
given the social and economic challenges they faced in America. Additionally, they
advanced the notion that African Americans’ identification with and involvement in
efforts to advance the Black community and negotiate the impact of racism and structural
strain might lead to poor psychological functioning due to the negative stereotypes
associated with being Black and the frustrations experienced when trying to seek
inclusion into mainstream culture or ward off the impact of racism on the Black
community (Clark & Clark, 1947; Kardiner & Ovessey, 1951; Grier & Cobbs, 1968).

The competing argument in the literature suggested that identification with one’s
respective group and involvement in efforts to advance and maintain the Black
community led to better psychological outcomes and such identification and involvement
may buffer African Americans from the negative impact of racism (Barnes, 1972;

Lessing, 1973; Hilliard, 1974; Maish, 1977; Young, 1994; Chambers, et al., 1998;

 

Sellers, etal., 1998). Both Maish’s (1977) and Barnes’ (1972) studies conducted during
the height of the Black Power Movement found that African Americans who scored high
on measures of racial identity were more likely to be active in their respective
communities and reported higher scores on measures of self-concept and psychological
well-being than those African Americans who reported lower scores on measures of racial
identity.

Although both arguments have gained prominence in the literature and have been
heatedly debated for over the last 60 years, few empirical studies have investigated how
racial identity is related to psychological well-being and what factors may mediate this
relationship. Therefore, the primary purpose of the present study was to provide a better
understanding of the relationship between racial identity and psychological well-being.
As noted, from a review of the literature, there were studies proposing that the
development of a healthy racial identity may be psychologically protective for African
Americans (Carter, 1991; Chambers, et al, 1998; Sellers, et a1, 1998). To advance the
literature on this topic and provide a better understanding of this relationship, the
researcher pr0posed that activism, or the behavior one engages in to advance the Black
community, as well as psychological empowerment, or a critical awareness of one’s
socio-political Situation and ability to identify and mobilize resources, may be directly
related to both racial identity and psychological well-being. Thus, the current study
proposed that the relationship between racial identity and psychological well-being would
be mediated by activism and psychological empowerment. Therefore, the present study

examined the role of activism and empowerment in the aforementioned relationships.

 

 

The primary hypotheses under investigation were: (1) There would be a positive
relationship between racial identity and psychological well-being; (2) The relationship
between racial identity and psychological well-being would be mediated by psychological
empowerment; (3) The relationship between racial identity and psychological well-being
would be mediated by Black activism; and (4) There would be a positive relationship
between Black activism and psychological empowerment. The implications of and
contributions to the advancement of such a model might not only bring clarity to whether
the relationships between these variables still hold true for African Americans today, but
this model might also have implications for the types of services delivered by human
service professionals working with African Americans.

Such an assessment is critical at this juncture in history. In light of the problems
facing the Black community, increased rates of suicide, mental illness, and Black-on-
Black crime all each speak to a need for psychologists, counselors, and social workers,
working within the Black community, to begin to adequately assess the historical impact
of racism and structural strain on the Black community. Entertaining this line of inquiry,
in particular, must address the effects of racism on Black psychological development and
functioning (Wilson, 1990; Kambon, 1992). A better understanding of what factors are
related to psychological health may assist in identifying methods that protect and foster
healthy psychological development in African Americans. The implications of advancing
such a strength-based model, which includes assisting individuals in developing stronger
racial identity and fostering a sense of empowerment and community involvement, are all

of critical import, for the model challenges the practitioners to begin to employ methods

 

that not only have implications for the therapeutic setting but will have a positive impact
on the Black community as a whole.

Furthermore, a clear understanding of the relationship between psychological
empowerment, Black activism, and psychological well-being may yield preventive
measures and programs designed to improve psychological outcomes through racial
awareness and community involvement, which as noted can be beneficial in improving
the conditions of the African American community. In an effort to elucidate the
relationship between racial identity, psychological empowerment, activism, and
psychological well-being, 200 participants were sampled from a small Midwestern city.

Overview of the Literature

Initially, the literature review will provide insight on the current state of the
African American community and those factors that may impede healthy psychological
development for Black people. Secondly, the literature review will explore the early
studies and reviews on African American mental health and psychological well-being.
Thirdly, this literature review will attempt to bring clarity to our understanding of racial
identity and the distinctions and continuity of the various measures of race-related
attitudes as well as examine factors that have been found to be related to racial identity.
This review will briefly define psychological empowerment and discuss its relationship
between racial identity, activism, and psychological well-being. Finally, this review will
define Black activism, briefly describe the history of activism in America, and provide an
assessment of studies conducted to assess the relationships between Black activism, racial

identity, psychological empowerment, and psychological well-being.

 

Context of the Problem: The state of the African American community

The nature and status of African American psychological well-being and mental
health have been topics of debate in the social sciences for decades (Kardiner & Ovessey,
1951; Grier & Cobbs, 1968; Thomas & Sillen, 1972; King, et al., 1976; Parham & Helms,
1985; Franklin, 1991). Many of the early studies or reviews converged upon the
assumption that positive mental health for African Americans was impossible under
oppressive conditions (Clark & Clark, 1947; Kardiner & Ovessey, 1951). More recent
reviews suggested that positive mental health for African Americans was dependent upon
one’s commitment to the Black community, level of activism within the Black
community (Maish, 1977; Kambon, 1992), and the development of strong racial identity
(Milliones, 1973; Akbar, 1975; Maish, 1977; Parham & Helms, 1985; Kambon, 1992).
Although there had been much debate regarding how we conceptualize racial identity and
its relationship with psychological well-being, the literature suggested that there was a
need for a continued investigation into those factors related to African American mental
health. The contributions or advancements of the present study, in regards to advancing
our understanding of psychological well-being for African Americans, are of critical
importance. First, in assessing the relationship between racial identity and psychological
well-being, a more contemporary and sensitive measure representing the
multidimensional nature of racial identity was employed. Although an assessment of the
relationship between racial identity, activism, and psychological well-being was
conducted during the Black Power Movement, there is a need for social scientists to
understand the dynamics of this model under contemporary times. Moreover, a continued

investigation into factors related to African American mental health may provide relevant

models of psychological well-being that could be employed in therapeutic and
intervention settings. More importantly, although it was not the primary focus of the
present study, it becomes imperative that social scientists investigating African American
mental health assess the historical and socio-cultural factors that have impeded positive
psychological development for African Americans.

The state of the African American community

Any discussion of African American psychological well-being would not be
complete without a review of the history of slavery, Jim Crow, segregation, and the
continued overt and institutional racism (racial profiling) and its impact upon the African
American community. A review of history clearly pointed to the undeniable fact that
people of African descent have experienced and continue to experience inhumane
conditions here in America (Akbar, 1975; Madhabuti, 1990; Wilson, 1990; Kunjufu,
2001). Factors that have impeded healthy psychological development for Black people in
contemporary society were well documented throughout the literature (Aptheker, 1943;
Akbar, 1975; Wells, 1978; Wilson, 1990). Such impeding factors included:
incarceration, violent crime, unemployment, underemployment, poverty, and police
brutality. These impingements have a direct impact upon an individual's psychological

well-being and his or her ability to live and self-actualize.

In many cities throughout America, the rate at which many of the aforementioned
issues have affected African Americans has reached epidemic proportions. In some
cases, scholars (Madhubuti, 1990; Kunjufu, 2001) and activists suggested that there
should be a state of emergency for the African American community. For example, while

African American men only comprised 6 % of the population, they comprised over 50%

of the penal population (Kunjufu, 2001). Increased rates of incarceration for Black
women have also become issues of concern for the African American community. From
1989 to 1998, the number of women in our nation’s prisons increased by more than 100%
(Federal Bureau of Investigation, 1998). Additional data suggested that Black females
were the fastest growing segment of the prison population in America (Federal Bureau of

Investigation, 1998).

A great deal of this overrepresentation of African Americans in prison could be
explained by America's so-called “war on drugs”, wherein 74% of the individuals
convicted of drug possession are African Americans. According to Kunjufu (2001), 33%
of African American men between the ages of 20 and 29 were incarcerated. Furthermore,
it was estimated that, by 2020, 65% of the African American males in this age group will
have been incarcerated or involved in some form of the penal system (Kunjufu, 2001).
Data on African American females in the same age group indicated the same malady
wherein 14 % of African American females between the ages of 20 and 29 were involved
in some form of the penal system.

Although a number of reports suggested that crime had decreased in the US, the
impact of America’s so-called “war on drugs” and the subsequent increase in violent
crime has had a devastating impact upon the African American community. From 1985
until 1994, the crime rates in many urban centers increased by 20% (Federal Bureau of
Investigation, 1998). Statistics on homicide revealed that African American males
between the ages of 18 and 25 were six times more likely to be killed than their White
counterparts. In urban cities such as Washington, DC, one out of every twelve Black men

was a victim of homicide (Kunjufu, 2001). Although many social scientists and

 

 

 

legislators have discussed the economic impact of the loss of Black men from many
families, little discussion had been introduced to address the social and psychological
impacts that crime and high Black male incarceration rates have on Black families and,
consequently, Black communities. This removal of young men from the Black
community, whether it was through incarceration or homicide, creates feelings of fear,
hopelessness, and worthlessness and leads to many young men in those communities not
envisioning themselves living beyond age 18. For many of these men, going to prison
was believed to be a rite of passage. The psychological and emotional impacts of
incarceration on Black women have been devastating. In many cities around the country,
Black women could attest to the overwhelming fear that they experienced when their
young male child left the house. This fear and sense of hopelessness was compounded
when Black women, due to the incarceration of their spouses, were left as the sole
financial provider for the children.

Unemployment figures revealed the same malady where, in many cities
throughout the US, 25 % or more of African American males were unemployed. This
persistent unemployment, in many urban areas, not only impeded the African American
family’s ability to provide for itself, but it also lead to a sense of hopelessness and
desperation (Kunjufu, 2001; Parkin, 2002). Nationally, African Americans were twice as
likely to be unemployed than Whites (Urban League Report, 2002). In regards to income
and poverty, African Americans continued to lag behind Whites. The 1997 Census data
suggested that 26% of Black families lived below the poverty level as compared to 6% of
White families (Urban League Report, 2002). In light of America’s economic success

over the past decade and the gains in education made by Blacks during this period, many

 

Blacks continued to earn less than their White counterparts. Median household income
for Blacks was $15,000 less than Whites with comparable education. This increase in
number of poor and underclass was further exacerbated by the increase in incarceration
rates for Black men and women. This problem was further exacerbated in urban
communities where higher unemployment, substandard living conditions, and crime
created a culture of poverty marked with malnutrition, high morbidity, and overall poor
health conditions (Christmas, et al., 1996).

Although the unemployment and poverty figures did not speak directly to the
issue of psychological well-being, it is easy for one to see that such problems would not
only impede African-Americans’ ability to take care of themselves and their families but
would also have a deleterious effect upon the individual's perception of self and
psychological well-being. This effect could be seen in the increase in suicide and
utilization of mental health services among African Americans. Suicide has been on the
rise in the African American community. Over the past decade, there has been a 146 %
increase in suicide among African American males (U.S. Statistical Abstract, 2000).
Although suicide rates for Black females were lower than those for White females and
both White and Black males, studies do Show that African American females experience
depression and engage in suicidal ideation and behavior consistent with that of their
White counterparts (U .8. Bureau of the Census, 1994; Manetta, 1999).

The prevalence of mental disorders was estimated to be higher among African
Antericans than Whites. This difference was more prevalent among African Americans
Who were poor (Ramseur, 1991). According to Cheung & Snowden (1990), African

Athericans were also over represented in inpatient service. This increase, or more

specifically the over-representation of African Americans in public in-service treatment
facilities, has continued over the last 10 years (Snowden, 2003). The rate has doubled
that of Whites.

As noted, social scientists and human service professionals are at somewhat of an
impasse such that they must go beyond the question of whether such conditions are
systemic and intentional. Although this is not the primary focus of the study, social
scientists must also address the plight of the African American community by posing the
question, To what degree does racism, structural strain impede psychological functioning
for African Americans. Increased rates of suicide, homicide, and mental illness all Speak
to a need for social scientists 1) to address the forementioned issues at the local, state, and
policy levels affecting African Americans, 2) to identify barriers to African Americans
developing psychological well-being, and 3) to identify factors that are related to
developing healthy psychological outcomes for African Americans.

Thus, the purpose of this study is to assess what factors may be related to
developing better psychological outcomes for African Americans. The researcher
proposes that racial identity will be positively related to psychological empowerment as
well as activism, and psychological empowerment will be positively related to one’s level
of activism, and racial identity, psychological empowerment, and activism will be related

to psychological well-being in African Americans.

10

African American Psychological Well-being
Inhumane conditions bring about insanity.
Oppression in its varied and sundried forms
constitutes one of the most inhuman conditions.
The unnatural pressures exerted on human life by
the human abuse of oppression drives beings away
from reality (Akbar, 1991).

Throughout much of the early research on Black people, social scientists have
been interested in Black psychological functioning. In order to bring clarity to the early
studies, a careful review of the racist theoretical and philosophical assumptions about
Black people in general must be reviewed. Many of the early theorists writing on the
issues of race and ethnicity converged upon the assumption that the African was inferior
to other races. The African was depicted as sub-human, low in intellect, morally corrupt,
and without a Spirit or soul. The latter depiction gave justification for the institution of
slavery (Ani, 1992). In the institution of Slavery in America, the slave was perceived as
child-like, brutish, obedient, servile, sub-human, and docile (Wells, 1978). The view or
perception that the African was psychologically inferior was eloquently articulated and
argued by the esteemed southern physician, Dr. Cartwright of Louisiana, when he
advanced the notion that slaves who were not content with their servitude suffered from
dysaethesia Aethiopica and drapet‘omania (Thomas & Sillen, 1972). A diagnosis of
dysaethesia Aethiopica was given to slaves who were disobedient. He suggested that this
was due to their instability of nerves and feeble mindedness. A diagnosis of
drapetomania, or flight-from-captivity madness, was given to those slaves who tried to

free themselves. According to Dr. Cartwright, the psychologically healthy African was

faithful and content with his or her captivity. This notion or perception of the African as

11

 

 

 

 

psychologically inferior was harbored and advanced by academicians outside of the social
sciences as well. Noted historian, Philip A. Bruce, in his book The plantation Negro as
freeman (1889), suggested that freeing Slaves would lead them to a state of moral
degeneracy and would greatly compromise their social and psychological functioning,
thus advancing the assumption that Black psychological health is dependent upon White
supervision.

The perception that the African was inferior to other races was promulgated
throughout every institution within America, and this negative view continued to be
conveyed even after slavery had ended. This perception of Africans as beast-like and sub-
human was best articulated by the esteemed scientist, Charles Darwin, who applied
racism and psuedo-science in his conceptualization of the African’s place on the
evolutionary ladder. He stated: “At some future period, not very distant as measured by
centuries, the civilized races of man will almost certainly exterminate and replace the
savage races throughout the world. At the same time, the anthropomorphous apes will not
be exterminated. The break will then be rendered wider, for it will intervene between
man, in some more civilized state than the Caucasian, and some apes, as low as the
baboon, instead of aS at present state between the Negro, or Australian, and the gorilla”.
Such a perception by the scientific community had a profound impact upon Black life,
and by the turn of the century, a number of laws were established to prevent African
Americans from voting and entering schools of higher education (Ani, 1992). The
prevailing argument was that Blacks were too dumb to educate. White educators
articulated the position that Blacks did not have the ability to think abstractly and could

only process the mundane (Ani, 1992).

12

 

 

This notion of African, or Black, inferiority had a significant impact upon the
early studies and thinking of the so-called major theorists investigating African American
mental health. Many of the early studies on Black psychological well-being and mental
health were influenced by Charles Cooley's (1902) and George Mead's (1934) "Social
Looking Glass" and "Generalized Significant Others" models of self-concept. These
models supported the idea that the individual's concept of self arose through interaction
with other members of the community. Social Looking Glass theory proposed that one's
self—concept was influenced by how it was reflected through the eyes of his significant
others. Therefore, if the Significant others (i.e., family, peers, and community) reflected
negative and derogatory images of Blacks to the individual, then the individual would
internalize this negative view of self and develop a negative self-concept. In many of the
early studies on Black psychological well-being, this particular model of self-concept
development was seen as appropriate in explaining the influences of White racism upon
Black people. In short, European Americans became the generalized significant others
for African Americans, and Blacks internalized the negative views about themselves held
by European Americans (Baldwin, et al., 1990). The assumption followed that, because
one's self-concept was influenced by perceptions of the way one was viewed by others,
society's negative views of African Americans must be internalized (Kardiner & Ovessey,
1951). Therefore, the prevailing opinion among psychologists at that time was that
African Americans suffered from an inferiority complex and low self-esteem (Kardiner &
Ovessey, 1951). Studies, such as those reported by Clark and Clark (1947) in which
African American children revealed a preference for playing with White dolls, were

interpreted as evidence that African American children hated themselves for being Black

13

 

 

and wished that they were White. Further studies involving Black children by Davis and
Dollard (1940) also found that Black children preferred White skin and lighter skin to that
of Black skin. The studies concluded that Black children had feelings of insecurity and
inferiority. Kardiner and Ovessey's (1951) psychoanalytic studies concluded that the
effect of racism had greatly depleted the self-concept of African Americans. They
suggested that this depleted self-concept eventually developed into self-hate, depression,
and idealization of Whites. Furthermore, they posited that it was impossible for African-
Americans to develop healthy self-concept given the social and political conditions in
which they lived.

According to Kardiner and Ovessey (1951), African Americans were prevented
from developing a positive psychological well-being because of high levels of
maladjustment, neuroticism, a low-level orientation toward achievement, and a sense of
little personal control over his or her environment. AS noted, a careful review of history
found that the perception of poor Black psychological functioning, although articulated
with much nicer language, was consistent with earlier views by scientists and mental
health practitioners during slavery. Horrowitz (1939) and Kardiner and Ovessey (1951)
postulated that African Americans who identified strongly with being Black may be at a
psychological risk as a result of the stereotypes associated with that identity. Kardiner
and Ovessey further articulated the position that African Americans who actively resisted
racism and the social caste system in America were more prone to psychological
problems Since their aggressive or confrontational behavior would only be met with
hostility from the dominant society. Furthermore, they asserted that the frustration

experienced would then lead many Blacks to become angry and depressed. Such notions

14

 

 

 

of Black maladjustment were advanced even into the 1970’s and none so eloquently
articulated as Mosby (1972) where, upon a review of his findings in a study using the
MMPI on Afiican Americans, he posited “AS a result of continuous repressive
restrictions, inferiority perceptions, and internalized inadequacies, Blacks at best achieve
a precarious mental balance and such a state leaves them to be no more than fragile
human beings.”

Even contemporary social scientists investigating Black mental health argued that
strong identification with their racial group can place African Americans at risk for
adverse effects associated with the stigma attached with being Black (Fordham & Ogbu,
1986; Penn, Gaines, and Phillips, 1993). The assumption that African Americans were
maladjusted and suffered from an inferiority complex and low self-esteem went virtually
unchallenged until the late 19605 and early 19703 when researchers challenged this
assumption on conceptual and methodological grounds (Banks, 1972; Gynther, 1972;
McAdoo, 1974; Wells, 1978). Wells, in her meta-analysis of 83 studies on Black self-
concept, contended that there were two major problems inherent in many of the early
studies on Black self-concept: 1) the problem of a consistent conceptual definition of self-
concept and self-esteem and 2) the problem of the validity of the instruments used to
measure Black self-concept. Also, she noted that, even as psychometric instruments were
created to measure self-concept in African Americans, problems remained in terms of the
low numbers of African Americans sampled in the early construction of the scales (Wells,
1978). McAdoo (1974), consistent with Wells, clearly pointed out the deficiencies in the
early studies on Black self-esteem. Both suggested that the inability of the early studies

to adequately assess the relationship between racial identity and self-esteem might be due

15

 

to researchers’ inability to employ more than one method in such studies. Whether it be
faulty methodology or racist ideology, negative assumptions about Black psychological
functioning have been pervasive throughout the Black social sciences literature. Such
problems have also been prevalent in research comparing the results for African
Americans with those for Whites on the MMPI and other instruments wherein African
Americans obtained significantly higher scores than do Whites on scales measuring non
conformity, alienation, and impulsivity (Gynter, 1972). Gynther (1972) stated that
clinicians often interpreted these differences as indications that African Americans were
more maladjusted than Whites.

More recent studies on Black psychological well-being contradict the earlier
position taken by social scientists (Carter, 1991; Chambers, et. al, 1998). Gibbs (1985)
found that the key factor for the level of a Black child's self-esteem was the general
attitude held by significant others toward him. According to Gibbs, parents, teachers, and
peers were significant others for Black children and, by extension, Black adults and the
Black community. When these significant others were African American, a Black social
context was the primary source of social comparison and self-evaluation, an evaluation
that was often positive. Barnes (1972) argued that, under certain conditions, the Black
family and community can act as mediators or filters of negative racist images and
messages for the Black child or youth, and such a context may be conducive to
maintaining and creating psychological well-being.

Defining African American psychological well-being

Although much of the literature on Black psychological functioning is replete with

examples of psychopathology, a discussion of what constitutes healthy psychological

l6

 

functioning for African Americans, or even White Americans for that matter, has rarely
been tabled. A careful review of the literature, early and contemporary, on psychological
functioning reveals that there is still a need for conceptual clarity on what constitutes
psychological health. Therefore, social scientists are still at a point where they do not
know what it means to be psychologically healthy. Thus, the following section will be an
attempt to shed light on the various models and conceptualization of psychological well-
being and mental health.

Akbar (1991) suggested that classification and description of African American
mental health have failed to utilize one of the few "universals" associated with a
meaningful definition of mental health. He further stated that a suitable definition of
mental health Should have as its origins the unalterable laws of physical life. Given this
position, one of the primary axioms for physical life is that physical health for an
organism means that its natural tendency to maintain life and perpetuate itself is
functional. Therefore, physical illness for an organism would occur when forces within or
outside the physical body begin to threaten the organism’s natural propensity to live and
survive (Akbar, 1991). According to Akbar, if one were to follow this line of logic and
inquiry and transpose this concept to psychological health, then mental health would be
reflected in those behaviors, which foster mental growth and well—being. Using Akbar’s
(1991) conceptualization, mental illness would then be the presence of ideas or forces
within the mind that threaten awareness and actualization. According to Akbar (1991), if
social scientists are to extend this line of logic to an extended concept of self, proposed
by Nobels (1973), then they have to advance the notion that mental illness is seen as any

behaviors or ideas, which threaten the survival of the collective self or tribe.

17

 

By placing this definition in an ecological context, wherein a critical cultural
critique of collective behavior is in order, one can understand the classification of an
entire society as mentally ill if that society, according to Nobels (1973), were entrenched
in a set of ideas and behaviors geared toward the control, domination, and oppression of
the people within that society. Although such an analysis is not the focal point of the
current study, an adequate assessment, by mainstream psychologists, of the degree to
which this society creates conditions, which foster pathology and stifle emotional and
psychological development, especially that of the oppressed, is overdue. However, as
noted, that is subject for another line of inquiry.

In regards to what constitutes healthy psychological functioning, Akbar (1991)
stated, “Traditional definitions of mental health in the Western world have been
normative definitions.” He further posited that there exists a considerable uncertainty as
to what constitutes a normal human being. In an effort to discern healthy mental behavior
from unhealthy, he advances the notion that a democratic sanity has been established.
Thus, according to Akbar (1991), a consensus among clinicians and human service
professionals has been established to create a definition of what constitutes adequate
mental functioning. AS a result, mental health practitioners determine insane behavior on
the basis of the degree to which it deviates from the majority behavior in a given context.
By employing this line of logic, we have to conclude that the concepts of healthy, or
normal, and unhealthy, or abnormal, are only meaningful with reference to the defining
culture (Akbar, 1991).

Lazarus (1975) provided further support for this position in his comprehensive

review of existing models and research on psychological health. He posited that there

18

 

were two important issues that must be assessed before discussing a model of
psychological health. First, Lazarus pointed out a central issue, the role of values and
culture. He suggested that the critical reader or researcher must ask the question, what
roles do the values of the theorist and the community have to do with determining the
definition of psychological health? Secondly, he identified areas of consensus among
theorists on central characteristics of psychologically healthy people. He identified five
characteristics: 1) acceptance of self, 2) the ability to be intimate with others, 3)
competence, 4) an accurate perception of reality, and 5) autonomy and independence
(Lazarus, 1975).

Marie Jahoda's (1958) classic discussion of the six themes of positive mental
health perhaps best represented the multiple criteria approach to psychological health.
She suggested that positive mental health referred to the stance that psychological, or
mental, health was more than the absence of symptoms of mental disorder.
Psychological, or mental, health involved the presence of positive health characteristics.
Based on the social science literature, J ahoda came up with six aspects of the healthy
person: 1) positive and realistic attitudes towards the self, 2) growth and self
actualization, 3) integration or balance of psychological forces and, consequently, stress
resistance, 4) autonomy, 5) accurate perception of reality, and 6) environmental mastery
of the ability to love work, play, and be efficient in problem solving (J ahoda, 1958). Both
Jahoda (1958) and Lazarus (1975), in their assessment of mental health, proposed the
idea that mental health and mental illness were culturally relative. However, mental
health and mental illness differed in that the theoretical underpinnings, which drove or

fueled their conceptualization of mental health so that it stressed the need for autonomy

l9

 

and independence, were inconstant or contradictory to the concept of mental health
offered by Akbar (1991).

Contrary to many European theorists, recent literature on African American
mental health suggests that a positive sense of collective self, or group, a critical
awareness of and belief that one can facilitate change in his/her respective context, and
active involvement in efforts to bring about such change are also essential to Black
mental health (Akbar, 1981; Nobels, 1986; Brookins, 1994). Consistent with that of the
forementioned theorists, Ramseur (1991) further postulated the importance of a healthy
collective self-concept and involvement within one’s respective community in the
assessment of African American mental health. He also outlined six characteristics that
were essential to mental health for African Americans: 1) maintaining overall positive
conception of self, 2) maintaining a positive conception of Blacks as a group and a
positive sense of connection and involvement with the Black community and its culture,
3) maintaining an accurate perception of the social environment, including its racism, 4)
adapting to both Black and White communities/cultures and using effective, non-
destructive ways to cope with both, 5) developing and maintaining emotional intimacy
with others, and 6) maintaining a sense of competence and an ability to work
productively.

How successfully an individual confronts these issues and is able to discriminate
between successful and dysfunctional adaptation may be the measure of psychological
health for Blacks. In assessing the work of the aforementioned theorist, it became fairly
evident that there were some agreements and disagreements in terms of what constituted

mental health and/or, more specifically, what constituted healthy psychological

20

functioning for African Americans. In an effort to one provide conceptual clarity and,
secondly, not to revisit those mistakes made by many White social scientists in their
conceptualization and efforts to develop scales to assess psychological functioning in
African Americans, measures that assess characteristics of psychological health and were
standardized on a predominantly African American sample will be utilized in the present
study. Thus, for the purpose of the present study, psychological well-being will be
conceptualized utilizing two components, identified in the literature, found to be essential
to healthy psychological development in African Americans.

Self-esteem and coping in African Americans

For years, social scientists have found healthy self-esteem, one’s individual
subjective evaluation of self and feelings of self-worth (Wells, 1978), and coping to be
indicators of and essential in understanding psychological health for African Americans.
Healthy self-esteem has been related to higher levels of competence (Maish, 1977) and
higher academic achievement (Meyers, et al., 1991). For African Americans, active
coping (efficacious mental and physical vigor, a commitment to hard work, and a single-
minded determination to achieve one’s goal) has been related to diastolic blood pressure
(James, et. al., 1987) and many researchers suggest that healthy self-esteem and one’s
ability to cope may buffer one against the negative effects of racism (Ramsuer, 1991;
Crocker, et al., 1998). Overall, these studies highlight the importance of self-esteem and
coping in understanding psychological health for Black people. AS noted, racial identity
has been another factor related to psychological well-being for African Americans. For

years, researchers have found that both self-esteem and coping have been related to racial

21

 

 

identity in African Americans (Lessing, 1973; Maish, 1977; Parham & Helms, 1985;
Carter, 1991; Speight, et al., 1996; Chambers, et al, 1998; Sellers, et al., 1998).
Racial Identity

It is a peculiar sensation, this double consciousness, one ever

feels his two ness- An American, A Negro; two souls, two

thoughts, though unreconciled strivings two warring ideals in

one dark body; whose dogged strength alone keeps it from

being torn asunder (WEB. DuboiS, 1905).

Racial identity in African Americans is defined as the significant and qualitative
meaning that individuals attribute to their membership within a Black racial group (Cross,
1971; Parham & Helms, 1985; Sellers, et a1, 1998). The definition proposed addresses the
following questions: 1) How important is race in the individual perception of self and 2)
What does it mean to be a member of one’s respective racial group (Sellers, et. al., 1998).
Given the importance of history and culture on an individual’s conception of self, Cross
(1991) suggested that we use an ecological analysis to understand identity for African
Americans.

Cross (1991) posited that, from a psychological perspective, the social history of
African Americans had been dominated by two competing processes: 1) “de-racination”,
or the attempt of American culture to erase Black consciousness, thus impeding the
development of a Black identity; or 2) successful cultivation of a Black identity through
the awareness of America’s racist practices and a firm understanding of issues facing the
African American community. Cross further posited that a careful review of history
pointed to the undeniable fact that White collective and institutional behavior toward

Blacks indicated a deliberate effort to de—culturalize Blacks and erase from their

consciousness any remnant of African identity or culture. Such behavior was evident in

22

 

 

 

the context of Slavery where the newly arrived African was given a new name, forbidden
to speak his or her native tongue, and prohibited from engaging in behaviors which
affirmed his or her culture (Aptheker, 1943). Current assessments of the educational
system also pointed to the continued de-racination or mainstreaming of African
Americans wherein each day the young Black child was educated in a context that did not
resemble or reflect his cultural or historical reality. Furthermore, he was told to exhibit
behaviors and was exposed to images, which affirmed and reinforced European or White
culture and negate African culture. This deliberate de-culturalization and miS-education
of African Americans not only led to a lack of appreciation for and confusion about
African culture, but they also left African Americans pondering the questions: Who am I?
How do I fit within American culture? Therefore, Cross (1991) and other social scientists
suggested that many Blacks prior to understanding their Blackness exist in a state of de-
racination, wherein many assume that being Black is not important to their self-concept,
and some may harbor negative views of Blacks as a collective due to the negative
stereotypes and negative value placed on being Black in the dominant society.

The earliest attempts to assess Black identity were undertaken during the height of
the Black Power Movement, which lasted from 1968-1975 (Cross, et. al., 1991). Many of
the early studies on Black identity were consistent with the type, or stage-typic,
conceptualizations of personality prevalent in social and personality psychology, wherein
racial identity theorists identified and differentiated between the traditional Negro and the
Black militants (Milliones, 1973). Needless to say, such a conceptualization was not only
overly simplistic and inadequate for understanding the complexity of Black identity or

personality, but it postulated the idea that Black identity development was dependent

23

 

upon the perception and behavior of Whites. By 1970, more developmental theories of
Black identity were being created. Although similar in construction to the stage-typic
models, placing Black people into rigid categories of blackness, offered by earlier
researchers, these developmental models suggested that Black identity was not static and
Should be understood from a developmental perspective, taking into account the
experiences of racism and one’s evaluation of such experiences (Thomas, 1971;
Milliones, 1973; Jackson, 1975; Cross, et al., 1991).

The stage-typic theories have gained prominence in the literature on racial identity
and race-related behavior, and for the last thirty years, a number of studies have been
conducted using the stage-typic conceptualization (Helms, 1986; Jefferson, 1996). This
stage-typic conceptualization, based on Cross’ nigrescence theory of 1971, is an attempt
to explain the development of identity in a racist context or, as Cross posited,
psychological liberation under oppressive conditions (Cross, 1971). Stage-typic theories
usually have four to five stages, which explain an individual’s progression from a state of
a weak Black identity, where one is dependent upon the dominant society for self-
definition and worth, to that of a strong Black identity, which is defined independently of
White perception and stereotypes. Consistent with that of Cross, both Thomas’ (1971)
and Jackson’s (1975) theories of Black identity development proposed that identity
development for Blacks evolved through a series of steps or stages wherein one is not
conscious of his blackness to a state where being Black becomes central to the
personality.

AS noted, over the last twenty years, a number of studies have been conducted on

racial identity in African Americans. Researchers have found that racial identity is not

24

 

 

 

 

only related to better psychological outcomes for African Americans (Carter, 1991;
Munford, 1994; Arroyo & Zigler, 1995), but it is also related to higher academic
performance (Baldwin, et al., 1987) and lower levels of alcoholism, as well as increased
enrollment in Black Studies courses (Sellers, et a1, 1998). Baldwin, et al.’s (1987) study
of racial identity and academic performance on African Americans on both Black and
White campuses found that African Americans who identified more with the African
American community performed better in college than those who did not. Carter (1991)
found that African Americans who were low in racial identity had higher levels of
depression and reported higher rates of alcoholism. Munford (1994) in her assessment of
ethnic identity, acculturation, and psychological well-being found that African Americans
who reported lower levels of racial identity also reported higher levels of depression and
lower levels of self-esteem. The findings suggested that racial identity may not only
predict the degree of one’s acculturation, but it also lends support to the argument that
developing a strong racial identity may be psychologically protective for African
Americans.

Other studies on racial identity have found racial identity to be related to
involvement in Black cultural activities and student organizations (Lessing & Zagorin,
1973; Cheatem, 1990; Mitchell & Dell, 1992; Sanders-Thompson, 1999). Lessing and
Zagorin (1973) found that Black students who had high racial identity were more likely to
be involved in Black student organizations. Cheatem, et a1. (1990) found that individuals
who were involved in cultural activities in the Black community scored higher on
measures of racial identity. Consistent with the findings of Lessing and Zagorin (1973),

Mitchell and Dell (1992) found that African American college students’ racial identity

25

 

 

 

attitudes were related to their participation in cultural or non-cultural events on campus.
Students who were more pro-Black or had higher degrees of racial identity were more
likely to engage in cultural activities than those individuals who were low in racial
identity. Sanders-Thompson’s (1999) study of African Americans also found racial
identity to be related to a higher degree of racial socialization and interactions with other
African Americans.

Operationalizing racial identity

As noted, over the last two decades, the literature on race-related attitudes has
been dominated by the racial identity literature. However, there was a good deal of
disagreement among scholars regarding the conceptualization of racial identity in African
Americans. For example, many researchers disagreed with the widely used stage-typic
conceptualization of racial identity proposed by Cross (1971) and Parham and Helms
(1985) on the grounds that such a model of racial identity purported the idea that pro-
Black attitudes were not cultivated until an individual experienced a racial provocation
and successfully navigated each of the stages of transformation proposed by Cross (1971).
Other researchers have questioned the model’s ability to assess differences in racial
identity across various contexts suggesting that pro-Black attitudes may be harbored and
articulated more depending on the setting in which the African American individual
resided (Sellers, et a1, 1998). African-centered psychologists have criticized these stage-
typic models on the grounds that any assessment of Black identity Should begin with
Africa as its foundation (Azibo, 1983; Nobles, 1986; Kambon, 1992). African-centered
scholars suggest that Black behavior and psychological functioning are culturally based,

and any assessment of Black psychological development Should begin with Africa and the

26

 

 

African American community as its point of reference, not the White community nor its
racism. Thus, they argue for measures that are rooted in and reflect an African American

reality. From a review of the literature, there is great deal of debate regarding this issue.

To bring conceptual clarity to the study of racial identity, many contemporary
scholars began to call for a multidimensional view of racial identity that encompasses
items that measure not only whether one identifies with being Black, but it should also
assess whether an individual has positive feelings toward Blacks as a group (Demo &
Hughes, 1990; Burlew & Smith, 1991; Sellers, et. al., 1998). Therefore, the following
section will attempt to outline the subtle distinctions and similarities of the various
measures of racial identity. Burlew and Smith's (1991) review of the various measures of
racial identity categorized the instruments into four major groups: developmental

approach, Afrocentric approach, group-based approach, and measures of racial stereotype.

Burlew and Smith (1991) suggested that these four categories provided guidelines
for researchers interested in racial identity and race-related attitudes. The developmental
approach is characterized by an individual's progression through various stages. Cross'
(1979) Stages Questionnaire and Parham and Helms' (1985) Racial Identity Attitude
Scale (RIAS), two of the most widely used racial identity measures, represent the
developmental approach. Each instrument assesses the four theoretical stages of identity
development: pre—encounter, encounter, immersion/emersion, and internalization.
Thomas (1970) and Cross (1971), in their early investigation of race-related attitudes,
provided the groundwork for much of the developmental racial identity measures (Burlew

& Smith, 1991). Cross (1971) posited that, in order to fully develop a Black identity,

27

 

African Americans go through four stages. The first stage, pre-encounter, was
characterized by an individual having anti-Black and pro-White attitudes. In this
particular stage, an individual has denied his blackness and did not feel a need to be
connected to the Black community. In the encounter stage, the development of a Black
identity was, most often, preceded by a negative experience in which the previously held
race neutral or pro-White/anti-Black position was challenged and reevaluated. The third
stage, immersion/emersion, was characterized by an increased need to learn more about
Black culture and Black people. Also, one made a conscious effort to develop social
networks with only Black people. During this particular stage, a Black consciousness
began to develop, and an individual became aware and concerned about the social and
political systems effecting Black people. Continued strong pro-Black attitudes and a
decrease in anti-White feelings characterized the fourth stage, internalization. Interracial
contact was renewed. However, a strong commitment to the Black community was
constant (Cross, 1979).

Burlew and Smith (1991) asserted that their second category, the Afrocentric
approach to personality, assumes that adherence to a set of beliefs consistent with an
African worldview is the optimal state for people of African descent. Thus, those
individuals who are more Afrocentric in their orientation experience dissonance from the
inevitable conflict between their orientation and the natural order of self (Nobles, 1986;
Baldwin, 1992). Burlew and Smith (1991) stated:

Underlying these measures is the assumption that the healthy Black

personality has incorporated at least a moderate level of traditional

African values that, otherwise, might have resulted naturally
without Western intervention as well as the ability to make

28

 

 

 

culturally appropriate accommodations to Western oppression (p.
57).

The African Self-Consciousness Scale is one of the most widely used Afrocentric
measures of racial identity. The African Self-Consciousness Scale (ASCS) is a 42-item
scale. The measure was derived from Baldwin's Afrocentric Theory of Black Personality,
which posited that a healthy Black personality 1) had a strong biogenetic propensity to
affirm African American life, 2) placed a high priority on the survival of African
American institutions and culture, and 3) participated in activities that promote the
survival, dignity, worth, and integrity of African people.

The measures of racial stereotyping approach assesses the degree to which an
individual has internalized the negative images and stereotypes of his racial group. These
types of scales examine a person's perception of members of his ethnic group. They
differ from the developmental measures in that they do not assess the degree to which an
individual considers race important to his self-concept. Taylor, et al.'s, (1972)
Nadinolization Scale and Matthews and Prothro's (1966) Racial Stereotype Index both
measure stereotypic attitudes historically held by Whites toward Blacks. Such scales ask
participants to respond in agreement or disagreement to such items as "African
Americans are more ignorant than Whites". Other Similar scales include the Cultural
Mistrust Inventory (Taylor & Terrell, 1991) and Stephen and Rosenfield's (1979)
Stephen-Rosenfield Racial Attitude Scale.

The fourth, and final, category of racial identity measures, the group-based
approach, is more comprehensive in that it measures one's affiliation or allegiance to

one's racial group. Burlew and Smith (1991) posited that these measures seem to tap the

29

 

 

presence or absence of a sense of affiliation with one's racial group, one's evaluation of
one's self and others as members of that group, and a commitment to the objectives of a
specific movement or activist organization within the African American community.
Furthermore, Burlew and Smith (1991) alleged that the group-based approach differed
from the developmental approach in that it lacked the focus on a changing or stage-typic
definition of self and Black identity inherent in the developmental approach. Also, the
group-based approach differed from the Afrocentric approach because the African-
centered philosophical orientation was not necessarily the foundation underlying the
allegiance to the Black community. Banks' (1970) Black Consciousness Scale (BCS) and
Wilderson's (1979) Black Awareness Scale are examples of group-based approaches in
that they are effective in measuring an individual's allegiance and coalition with his racial
group.

Multidimensional Model of Racial Identity

The instrument employed to measure racial identity in the current study, the MIBI,

 

although multi-dimensional in nature, is consistent with the group-based measures of

 

racial identity outlined in Burlew and Smith’s (1991) categorization and assessment of the
various instruments used to measure racial identity. The MIBI is consistent with the
group—based racial identity measures, such as Davis' (1977) Black Group Identification
Index, in that it measures the presence or absence of an allegiance to the Black
community. However, the MIBI, like other group—based measures, differs from the
developmental measures of racial identity, such as the Racial Identity Attitude Scale
(RIAS), in that it not only measures an individual's assessment of himself as a Black

person, but it also assesses an individual's assessment of Black people worth as a

30

 

collective. The primary focus of the MIBI differs from the developmental approache:
that it taps one's positive feelings toward and allegiance to the Black community. Thu
the MIBI measures how important being Black is to one’s self-concept, the degree to
which one has positive feelings toward Black people as a group, and one's allegiance It
the Black community, which goes beyond an assessment of how one feels about himse
as a Black person. Thus, the MIBI, in its attempt to assess the complexity of racial
identity for African Americans, may be more predictive of the actual behaviors in whic
one may engage in order to advance and maintain the Black community. Additionally,
recent studies using the MIBI have found the measure to be positively related to
acculturation, self-esteem, and other healthy psychological outcomes for African
Americans (Sellers, et al, 1998; Helm, 2002).

The MIBI consists of three dimensions: a) centrality, the degree to which one fee
that being Black is important to one’s self-concept, b) private regard, the extent to whicl
one feels positively or negatively towards Black people and their membership or
allegiance to the group, and c) ideology, one’s agreement with various race-related
philosophies designed to address racism and oppression (assimilationist, humanist,
oppressed minority, and nationalist). For the purpose of this study, only the centrality at
private regard dimensions will be used. The rationale for only using the centrality and
private regard components, and not the ideological component, of the MIBI is consistent
with the position advanced by Malcolm X (Meier, et al., 1971) and a number of
contemporary activists (Sharpton, 2000) in that such an investigation into and comparisc
of which ideological method one employs not only tease at old arguments among activis

in the Black community, but they are divisive in nature and obscure our focus on the one

31

objective shared by each Black person, which is to be respected and recognized as a
human being in this society, whether he be assimilationist, humanist, oppressed minority,
or nationalist. Sellers, et al’s (1998) Multidimensional Model of Racial Identity is an
attempt to assess the complexity of racial identity for African Americans and proposes
that the construct racial identity must be measured in such a way that it takes into
consideration the influences of context, experience, and social location. Sellers, et al
(1998) proposed that much of the research on racial identity has been dominated by the
stage-typic conceptualization. The stage-typic, or developmental, conceptualization is
one in which identity development for Blacks is dependent upon or initiated by a
reckoning that one is Black. This reckoning that one is Black, suggested by many stage-
typic racial identity scholars, is preceded by a stage where an individual feels that race is
not important to one’s self-concept. Thus, one does not identify with the Black
community nor does one define one’s self as being Black. Sellers, et a1. (1998) proposed
that the degree to which one feels that race is important to his/her self-concept is critical
to understanding racial identity in African Americans. Thus, for the purpose of the
present, the centrality subscale of the MIBI will be used to assess racial identity in
African Americans. Sellers, et a1. (1998) further proposed that private regard, or the
views that one has about the African American collective, is separate from centrality and
a key component of racial identity. Sellers, et al. argued that it is quite possible for one to
feel that being Black is central to his/her self-concept and not have a positive view of
Black peOple as a group and vice versa. Thus, in his theoretical conceptualization and
empirical validation of the MIBI, he suggested that racial centrality and private regard are

two independent constructs that reflect two independent dimensions of racial identity.

32

 

 

Thus, they should be assessed separately so that researchers can see the complexity of
Black identity.

Both centrality and private regard have been found to be positively related to
higher levels of self-esteem and self-concept in African Americans. Sellers, et al. (1998)
found that centrality and private regard were positively related to self-esteem in African
American college students. African American college students who felt that being Black
was important to their self-concept and had positive views of Black people as a group had
higher levels of self-esteem.

From an examination of the literature on racial identity and race-related attitudes,
the literature suggested a need for a more comprehensive examination of the construct
racial identity and factors related. Burlew and Smith's (1991) review of the various
instruments used to measure racial identity and race-related attitudes among African-
Americans brought clarity to the similarities and differences between the various
measures of racial identity. Additionally, Sellers, et al.’s (1997) Multidimensional Model

of Racial Identity advanced our understanding of the complex nature of racial identity by

 

creating a measure that not only encompasses how one feels about being Black, but it also
assesses how important being Black is to one’s self concept and the positive feelings that
an individual may have toward Black people as a group. Therefore, for the purpose of the
present study, the MIBI will be employed to measure racial identity among the
participants in the present study.
African American Psychological Well-being and Racial Identity

As noted, recent studies in the area of racial identity suggest that the development

of a healthy racial identity may also be psychologically protective and an indicator of

33

 

positive mental health (Carter, 1991; Pyant & Yanico, 1991; Munford, 1994; Selle
al, 1998; Ford, 2001). In Pyant and Yanico's (1991) investigation of the relationsh
between racial identity and psychological well-being in African American female c
students, they found that African American females who were higher in pre-encoun
attitudes, characterized by anti-Black] pro-White attitudes, also indicated a lower d:
of well-being, as measured by the Psychological Well-being scale. In addition, thes
females indicated lower levels self-esteem, as measured by the Rosenberg Self-estec
scale, and higher levels of depression, as measured by the Beck Depression Inventor
Munford's (1994) study of the relationship between self-esteem, depression, and mo.
identity also lent support to the psychologically protective nature of developing a str.
Black identity and pro-Black attitudes. Results of her study indicated that African
American students who scored higher in the internalization stage of Parham and Hell
Racial Identity Attitude Scale (RIAS) also had lower levels of depression. African
American students who scored higher in the pre-encounter stage reported higher leve
depression. Although Munford's study did not find significant relationships between
racial identity subscale and self-esteem, the study did support the researcher's hypoth
that the development of pro-Black attitudes may be psychologically protective for A1
Americans.

In Carter's (1991) study of the relationship between racial identity and
psychological functioning, he also found that pre-encounter scores, characterized by .
Black attitudes and acceptance of mainstream ideology, were positively correlated w:
higher levels of depression, anxiety, paranoia, and more alcohol-related problems. B

Carter's (1991) and Pyant and Yanico's (1991) findings were consistent with that of t

34

studies of the early Nigrescence theorists, such as Cross (1971) and Parham and Helms
(1985a), which asserted that the denial of one's blackness, or African American culture,
and acceptance of mainstream ideology may be associated with a variety of self-reported
psychological stressors or symptoms. In Parham and Helms' investigation of racial
identity and self-esteem in African American students, they found that encounter and
immersion attitudes, characterized by higher pro-Black attitudes than the pre-encounter
stage, which was characterized by pro-White/anti-Black attitudes, were positively
correlated to self-esteem.

Consistent with the forementioned research studies, more contemporary
investigations by Sellers, et al (1998) and Ford (2001) found racial identity to be
positively related to self-esteem among African American college students. Using the
Multidimensional Inventory of Black Inventory (MIBI), Sellers, et al. (1998) found that
students who considered race important to their self-concept (racial centrality) and had
more positive feelings toward Blacks as a collective had higher levels of self-esteem.
Ford (2001), using Cross' stage-typic conceptualization (nigrescence) in an effort to
assess the relationship between racial identity, depression, self-esteem, and anxiety, found
that pre-encounter, or anti-Black/pro-White, attitudes were related to more negative
psychological outcomes for African American college students.

Although there is a great deal of literature investigating the relationship between
racial identity and self-esteem and a number of other psychological outcomes, few studies
have investigated the relationship between racial identity and coping. Coping, or the
ability to negotiate stressors, is key in understanding psychological health for African

Americans, given that they live in a context or culture in which they are marginalized and

35

 

 

constantly appraising and negotiating challenges (e.g., poverty, racism, racial profiling,
etc.) that disproportionately affect the ethnic group. Studies investigating the relationship
between coping and racial identity have focused primarily on college students on
predominantly White campuses. The primary focus of many of these studies was to
assess how African American students negotiate the challenges of being in a
predominantly White setting. Neville, et al. (1997), in a study of 90 African American
college students, found that racial identity was related to coping and that the
irnmersion/emersion phase of racial identity was a significant predictor of coping
responses in African American students. Pierre’s (2002) study of 130 African American
men, using the RIAS and ASC, found that pre-encounter attitudes and low levels of ASC
were related to psychological distress and African American men who used the White
majority as a reference group for identification experienced more psychological distress.
The literature suggested that racial identity is positively related to psychological
well-being, and African Americans who have higher degrees of racial identity reported
better psychological outcomes. The question that remains is how do increased levels of
racial identity lead to higher levels of self-esteem and coping. What factors facilitate this
process? Such lines of inquiry may not only better help us understand the relationship
between the two variables, but they may also provide valuable information on factors that
may be conducive to or impede healthy psychological development. Thus, to bring clarity
to the forementioned questions, the present study proposed that the degree to which
African Americans feel that being Black is important to the self-concept would be

directly related to self-esteem and more adaptive levels of coping. Additionally, the study

36

 

 

proposed that the degree to which one has a positive view of Black people as a collective
would also be directly related to self-esteem and more adaptive levels of coping.
Psychological Empowerment

From a review of citizen participation literature on community involvement and
self-help groups, empowerment seems to be a key factor in understanding why
individuals are motivated to bring about change and improve themselves as well as their
communities. Zimmerman (1995) posited that empowerment, as a process and theory,
links individual well-being with that of a larger socio-political context. He further
suggested that psychological empowerment connects mental health to mutual help and
collective action because it changes the way we think about pathology and social
problems. It moves the social scientist to thinking about psychological health instead of
illness, competence instead of deficits, and strengths instead of weaknesses (Zimmerman,
1995). His definition is consistent with that of the Cornell empowerment group (1989),
which defines empowerment as:

An intentional ongoing process centered in the local
community, involving mutual respect, critical reflection,
caring, and group participation, through which people
who lack an equal share of resources gain greater access
to and control over those resources.

Rappaport (1987) described empowerment as a process by which people gain
control over their lives and democratic participation in the life of their community.
Social scientists who study empowerment describe it as a process that develops over time
and can be seen across various contexts. Many researchers of empowerment suggest that

it is a multileveled construct and can occur in a number of different contexts (Rappaport,

1987; Spreitzer, 1995; Dalton, et al., 2001). Zimmerman (1995) suggested that

37

 

empowerment can occur in individuals, organizations, and communities. For example, an
individual in a neighborhood can become empowered through taking on leadership roles
within an organization. Such a process was investigated by Keiffer (1984) in his study of
15 community activists from neighborhoods across the US. Keiffer found that the
participants in his study gained a sense of empowerment through their involvement in
their respective communities, whether or not they were successful in effectuating change.
Interviewees in the study indicated that, through their involvement, they developed
citizen participation skills and became aware of the social and political issues effecting
their community as well as an ability to organize community resources. Additionally, an
organization can empower its employees through a profit sharing program as well as
letting employees play a part in making decisions within an organization. Spreitzer
(1995), in an investigation of managers in a Fortune 500 company found that departments
that were more employee-centered and allowed workers to play a role in decision making
reported higher levels of empowerment than departments that did not provide the same
support.

Empowerment-oriented intervention is not only focused on addressing social
problems, but it becomes a process by which individuals become involved, develop skills,
and become aware of their social context. Thus, from a review of empowerment
literature, one may find social scientists describing empowerment as a state or construct
as well as a process (Rappaport, 1981; Zimmerman, 1987; Zimmerman, 1995; Dalton, et
al., 2001). A careful review of the literature suggested that there were a munber of
definitions of what empowerment is and how it evolves. Rappaport (1985) suggested that

we, as social scientists, have trouble defining it, but we know it when we see it. He

38

 

 

suggested that it seemed to be missing in people who feel helpless and pervasive in those
who are empowered and involved in effectuating change in their community. Rappaport
(1985) further proposed that psychological empowerment had components that were both
psychological and political and was seen in one’s ability to have control over, and make a
difference in, the world around him. For African Americans, historically, having a belief
that one can change his/her environment is at the core of, and the expected outcome, all
social change movements in the Black community. To be aware of issues that effect
Black people and to be able to identify and mobilize resources needed to bring about
change and address community concerns, have always been issues of key import in any
social change efforts in the Black community. A historical view of psychological

empowerment indicates that psychological empowerment for African Americans is more

 

than a psychological belief that one can make change, but it also encompasses a set of
behaviors geared toward bringing the community’s desired goals to fruition.

Operationalizing empowerment

As noted, there are a number of definitions for empowerment, but Zimmerman
(1995) provides the framework for better understanding the process and outcomes of such
empowerment. He suggests that psychological empowerment has three components: 1)
an intrapersonal component, where an individual feels that he/she has some sense of
control over his/her environment and a certain degree of competence, 2) an interactional
component, where one has a critical awareness about the issues effecting his/her
community, an understanding of his/her socio-political context, and possesses the ability
to identify and mobilize resources in his/her community. The third component is a

behavioral component, which refers to the action taken by an individual to advance his

39

 

community and bring about change. Such behaviors include participation in events,
voting, and organizing.

Although Zimmerman (1995) provided three components in understanding his
conceptualization of psychological empowerment, for the purpose of the present study,
only an assessment of the interactional component was assessed, and a measure relevant
to the Black experience was created from his theoretical conceptualization. The rationale
for not employing the interpersonal and the behavioral components was that the present
study only wanted to focus on the cognitive and psychological processes that precede and
dictate African American activism in their respective communities and not assess
differences in locus of control or other personality differences among African Americans.
The interactional component is reflective of the cognitive processes that precede one’s
activism and involvement in the African American community. Such cognitive processes
as an increased consciousness or awareness of one’s socio-political context have been
found to be related to increased levels of activism. Banks (1970), employing the Black
Consciousness Scale, found that a critical awareness of one’s socio-political context was
related to self-esteem. Barnes (197 2) also found that Black consciousness and a critical
awareness of issues that affect the Black community were related to higher levels of
involvement in the community and higher levels of self-esteem. The rationale for not
utilizing the behavioral component of Zimmerrnan’s model was because the present study
already employed a measure of activism that was more reflective of actual activist
behavior among African Americans. Therefore, for purpose of the present study,
psychological empowerment was defined in the following manner: 1) possessing a critical

awareness about the issues effecting his/her community, 2) having an understanding of

40

 

his/her socio-political context, and 3) possessing the ability to identify and mobilize
resources in the Black community. Therefore, psychological empowerment, for the
present study, referred to Black people’s understanding of the socio-political issues
affecting their community, developing a critical awareness of their environment, and
knowledge of the resources needed to facilitate change in their respective communities.
Additionally, the interactional component of psychological empowerment includes the
development of skills and the development of decision-making and problem solving
skills.

For the purpose of the present study, the researcher proposed that the interactional
component of psychological empowerment in African Americans would be directly
related to racial identity as well as psychological well-being, and psychological
empowerment would mediate the relationship between racial identity and psychological
well-being. Thus, African Americans who identify with the Black community will have
more of a critical awareness about the socio-political context in which they are
embedded, be able to understand the causes for social impingements effecting their
community, and be better at identifying, mobilizing, and managing resources needed to
address concerns in and improve their community.

Psychological Empowerment and Psychological Well-being

Psychologists and other social scientists, for decades, have contended and
advanced the notion that psychological empowerment is related to psychological well-
being in that individuals who are conscious of their socio-political context, and have a
belief that they can be instrumental in bringing about change, have better psychological

outcomes (Hoffman, 1978; Lappe & Dubois, 1994; Borg, 1998; McClain, 2002).

41

 

 

 

 

Hoffman (1978), in his assessment of one’s locus of control and commitment to t1
United Farm Workers Movement, found that there was a positive relationship betv
one’s self-esteem and the belief that he or she could play a part in bringing about 5
change. Using Rosenberg’s self-esteem scale on a sample of 122 Mexican Americ
male seasonal farm workers, Hoffman found that their sense of commitment to the
movement yielded better psychological outcomes. Borg’s (1998) study, assessing t
impact of health realization and empowerment on psychological well-being, found
community participants, who participated in a Health Realization Program designer
empower low-income families to be more aware of issues in the community effectir
their health and information on resources available to assist them in addressing their
health needs, reported better affective states and psychological outcomes in a pre-/ p
test design.

McClain (2002), employing Zimmerrnan’s empowerment construct or model
found that intrapersonal, as well as behavioral, empowerment was positively related
psychological well-being. The Black women in the study who had higher degrees 01
empowerment reported higher levels of c0ping skills and perceived control. McCla
(2002) proposed that the study may prove important and be applicable for Black wor
in organizations that are concerned with the impact of racism and sexism against B12
women. From a review of the literature in community development, as well as ment
health, the literature suggests that psychological empowerment is linked to better
psychological outcomes. Researchers have consistently posited the therapeutic utilit
such empowerment in organizing neighborhoods around community issues and its

application in the health and counseling settings wherein programs developed to edu

42

one about his or her particular health needs or issues have led to increased awareness and
a belief that one has some control over his or her respective psychological disorder or
illness.

For the purpose of the present study, the researcher proposes that psychological
empowerment will be positively related to psychological well-being and African
Americans who have a greater awareness of their socio-political context, are able to
understand the causes of issues effecting their community, and are able to identify
resources in their community will report higher levels of self-esteem and active coping.
Psychological Empowerment and Racial Identity

From a review of literature on African American psychological functioning, a
number of studies have been conducted assessing variables that are related to racial
identity (Carter, 1991; Chambers, et al., 1998; Sellers, et al., 1998). Racial identity has
been positively related to self-concept, depression, and academic achievement in African
Americans, but few studies have been conducted to assess the relationship between racial
identity and psychological empowerment. A number of theoretical, as well as empirical,
reviews posit that increased awareness of one’s socio-political situation and political
efficacy are logical reactions of one’s developing a strong racial identity. Banks (1970)
and Lessing (1973) found that African American students who identified with the African
American community were more conscious of the socio-political context in which Black
people existed in America and were more apt, or empowered, to engage in efforts to
facilitate change. More contemporary investigations of the relationship between racial
identity and psychological empowerment by Thompson (1990) and Mcwherter (1999)

found that the two were positively related. Thompson’s (1990) study on factors effecting

43

 

 

African American identification found that African Americans who had high levels of
racial identity not only were more active in social and political organizations to advance
the Black community, but they also reported a critical awareness of issues effecting the
Black community and a belief that they had some control over how these issues were
effecting them. Mcwherter’s (1999) study of African American mothers and their
parenting styles found that their daughters reported higher degrees of self-efficacy when
mothers stressed the importance of developing a high racial identity.

Thompson (1990) and other scholars suggested that this relationship may even be
reciprocal in that increased levels of racial identity may prompt one to become more
cognizant of information on the Black collective, and such increased awareness of the
historical and cultural factors affecting Black life in America may lead to increased levels
of identification with the Black community. From a review of the studies on racial
identity and psychological empowerment in African Americans, a sense of identification
and belongingness to one’s respective community may lead to increased levels of
consciousness and a belief that one can facilitate change. However, few contemporary
studies have been conducted since the advent of the Civil Rights Movement. Such an
assessment is imperative in that our understanding of this relationship may lead to the
development of better models and strategies on how to motivate and organize Black
people to engage in activist efforts.

Consistent with Zimmerrnan’s (1995) conceptualization of the interactive
component of psychological empowerment, the researcher proposed that stronger levels
of racial identity, wherein an individual feels that being Black is important to his/her self-

concept and, more importantly, covets positive views about Black people as a group,

44

 

 

would be related to one’s developing a critical awareness about issues effecting the
community and being abreast of and the ability to manage the resources needed to b
about change in the Black community.
Psychological Empowerment: A mediator between racial identity and psychological
being

As noted in the literature, psychological empowerment is related to both raci:
identity and psychological well-being. Researchers posited that a feeling of
empowerment is a logical reaction to one’s developing an increased identification wi
one’s ethnic group, and empowerment has been related to better psychological outcor
The question that remains is what role does psychological empowerment play in the
relationship between the two variables. The present study proposes that psychologicz
empowerment mediates the relationship between racial identity and psychological we
being. To better understand this relationship, the current line of logic is proposed. Ft
example, individuals who consider race to be important to their self-concept and have
positive view of Black people as a group are usually more apt to read material on the
cultural and history of Black people. Such a review reveals a history of greatness and
struggle in spite of the oppression and social impingements placed upon Black people
recognition of such history and struggle leads to a sense of pride and a feeling that on
can overcome any obstacle no matter how seemingly insurmountable. This sense of 1
and empowerment is seen throughout all Black protest literature and spirituals where
Black people, likened to true existentialists, understand that life is what they choose t
make it and realize that, through a recognition of the struggles that their ancestors har

had to overcome, they too can make it. Additionally, to support the forementioned lir

45

logic, individuals who develop a strong identification with their ethnic group, through a
review of history, culture, and the social location of Black people in America, understand
that it is important to develop 1) a critical awareness of the issues effecting Black people,
2) a clear understanding of how certain issues impact the Black community, and 3) an
ability to identify individuals and resources needed to bring about change in their
respective community. Furthermore, individuals who identify with the Black community
are not only more apt to involve themselves in activities that reinforce, affirm, and
celebrate Black culture and life, but such a context provides an opportunity for an
individual learn Skills from and be mentored by individuals who are involved in efforts to
bring about change in the Black community. This recognition of one’s history, culture,
and those social impingements upon the Black collective, as well as a sense that one can
bring about change through awareness and mobilization of resources, inspires a feeling of
control over one’s life and destiny and instills a sense of competence. Both, according to
the literature, have been found to be predictors or indicators of psychological health. If
we follow the forementioned line of reasoning, then activism 0r involvement in efforts to
bring about change in one’s community is the logical outcome. Then, we must ask the
question, what role does one’s active involvement in efforts to advance and maintain the
Black community play in the relationship between racial identity and psychological well-

being.

46

 

 

Black Activism
Our people have made the mistake of confusing the
methods with the objectives. As long as we agree on the
objectives we Should never fall out with each other just
because we believe in different methods or tactics or
strategy. . .. We have to keep in mind at all times that we
are not fighting for integration, nor are we fighting for
separation. We are fighting for recognition as free humans
in this society. Malcolm X (1963)

The following section on activism will provide the reader with a definition of
activism and a brief history of efforts employed by people of African descent to counter
racism and oppression here in America Since the late 1950’s. In addition, this section will
discuss efforts undertaken by early and contemporary social scientists to empirically
define and assess the construct activism for African Americans. For the purpose of this
study, activism is defined as efforts one engages in to advance and promote changes in
the political, economic, and social lives of Black people. This is determined through a
person’s consistent involvement in organizations whose purpose and goals are
specifically designed to maintain, protect, and advance the Black community. The

behavior of an activist is further displayed in one’s tendency to speak out and organize

around issues that are relevant to the survival of the Black community.

While the current discussion of activism only addresses those efforts employed
by African Americans since the Civil Rights Movement, active resistance to racism has
been central to the Black experience here in America (Maish, 1977; Livingston, 1999;
Thomas, 2001). From the first uprising of slaves on the plantation to the current efforts

exhibited by African Americans to end racism and advance the Black community,

47

 

 

individuals of African descent have been steadfast and consistent in their response to
racism and structural strain. As Malcolm X so eloquently indicated, although the
ideological positions and methods employed to advance the Black community have
differed, a response has been consistent.

The Civil Rights Movement

Most historians would agree that the efforts employed by African Americans to
secure the rights that many Americans enjoy today began earlier than the uprisings of the
1960’s. The ideological thrust advanced and efforts employed by the NAACP and
Marcus Garvey, most notably, at the turn of the century, laid the groundwork for much of
the activism demonstrated during this particular scene of history. The successes by the
NAACP, in regards to school desegregation at both the compensatory and the collegiate
levels, gave Blacks better opportunities to receive better education and access into
institutions of higher education in the 1960’s (Meier, et al., 1971; Cone, 1993). These
efforts, along with the work of the Southern Leadership Christian Conference, were
instrumental in assuring Black participation in the mainstream economic and political
processes in the South and organizing several marches and bus boycotts, most notably,
the Birmingham and Montgomery bus boycotts (Cone, 1993). Through education, public
awareness, and voter registration, they were successful in staging Sit-ins at mainstream
establishments that refused to serve Blacks and increasing voter participation in rural
southern communities. By the mid-1960’s, the work of the NAACP, SNCC, and CORE
had garnered the support of both Whites and the Black middle class, and at this particular
point, the Civil Rights Movement had reached national attention (Meier, et al., 1971;

Cone, 1993).

48

 

 

By the late 1960’s, individuals began to question whether the nonviolent strategies
employed in the Civil Rights Movement were effective at challenging racism and
segregation. At the international level, countries in East and West Africa were employing
more violent and aggressive forms of activism to overthrow European colonial
hegemony. Their successes and the Speeches and writings of Patrice Lumumba and
Kwame Nkruma were read by many young Blacks during this particular time, thus,
creating a context for reevaluating the methods employed and the perceived gains of the
Civil Rights Movement. This reevaluation of nonviolent activist strategies, the successes
of many African countries in overthrowing European imperialism, and the inability of
mainstream Americans to change as much and as fast as the young civil rights activists
wanted, subsequently, led to the creation of the Black Power Movement.

Black Power Movement

Consistent with the ideological underpinnings of the Civil Rights Movement, the
Black Power Movement began at the turn of the century. Karenga (1982) stated that
J amaican-born Marcus Garvey was the father of modern Black Nationalism and laid the
groundwork for the Black Power Movement. Karenga also indicated that Garvey’s
message spoke to the needs of the masses of Black people and argued a larger strategy for
liberation and a higher level of life for Blacks. Garvey wrote and Spoke extensively on all
four components of Black Power: economics, politics, religion, and culture.
Economically, he advocated autonomy, arguing that “A race that is solely dependent upon
others for its economic existence sooner or later dies” (Karenga, 1982). Thus, he
advocated a need for factories, businesses, and commerce based on self-help and self-

reliance in the Black community.

49

 

 

Politically, Garvey posited “Race first” as a principle theory and practice, i.e., an
Afro-centric approach to the definition, defense, and development of Black interests. He
used nation and race interchangeably and, thus, argued for a global Pan-Africanism which
sought to free “Africa for the Africans at the home and abroad” (Karenga, 1982). Thus, he
laid the theoretical basis for all subsequent Black power assertions. Likewise, his
practice-politics, organization, and institution building have served as models for all
subsequent nationalist thrusts (Karenga, 1982). Such a thrust had a profound impact
upon the Nation of Islam, SNCC, and their various leaders (e.g., Malcolm X and Stokely
Carmichael). The “Black Power Movement”, embodying many of the political,
economic, and social directives proposed by Garvey and Malcolm X, was conceived in
response to a need for more effective and direct means to counter racism, structural strain,
and, thus, was evidence of the continuity of Garvey’s philosophy in the 1960’s.

The inception of the Black Power Movement, as noted, also began as a response
to the inability of the Civil Rights Movement to effectively dismantle racism and
segregation. Thus, advocates of the Black Power Movement advanced the idea,
consistent with Garvey and Malcolm X, that Black progress could only come through a
Black independent movement concerned with community control and self-help. By the
late 1960’s, the Black Panther Party for Self-defense had begun. Although portrayed in
the media as violent, gun-toting militants, the Black Panthers were successful in
organizing free-lunch programs and reading programs for Black people throughout the
country. This theme of Black power articulated by the Black Panthers and some members
of SNCC made its way into mainstream academic institutions. This theme was most

notably expressed by the Black Student Union and the Third World Liberation Front who

50

 

 

were arguing for the creation of a Black Studies program and an increase of African
Americans in the universities. This movement to create freestanding Black Studies
programs soon became an issue for many activists on college campuses around the
country, where students were arguing not only for Black Studies programs but also for
changes in curriculum and hiring practices as they related to minorities (Meier, et al.,
1971). By the mid-’70’s, many of the Black power organizations had been destroyed or
their membership had greatly decreased by various acts perpetrated by police forces and

governmental agencies throughout the country (Meier, et al., 1971; Maish, 1977;

 

Madhubuti, 1990; Harrell, et. al, 1991). The efforts of both the Civil Rights Movement

and the Black Power Movement are both evidence of African Americans’ consistent

 

resistance to racism and oppression.

Contemporary activism

Although African Americans have achieved a great deal of advancement since the
Civil Rights Movement and the passing of civil rights legislation, this theme of constant
resistance is still evident among contemporary African Americans. One such activist is
Jesse Jackson, who, for decades, has lobbied and advocated for better working conditions,
access to higher education, and equal housing for African Americans. His relentless strive
for social justice and self-pride were eloquently articulated when he stated, "I am
somebody 'cause God don't make no junk" (Chicago Rainbow Coalition speech, 1972).
This resistance and cry for social justice was also articulated in Los Angeles (1992) when
the crowd in the Rodney King riots was destroying property and shouting, “No justice.
No peace” (Los Angeles Times, 1992). Even at the state and local levels, African

Americans all around the US. are still engaged in efforts to address racism and improve

51

 

the Black community. At the state level, in South Carolina, various Black leaders called
for an economic boycott of South Carolina for continuing to fly the Confederate flag
(Thomas, 2001). In North Carolina, at the local and grassroots levels, organizations such
as the Urban League and Fighting Back are organizing neighborhood groups to address
drugs, unemployment, poverty, and crime in their respective communities (National
Urban League Report, 2002). At local levels throughout the country, neighborhood
improvement associations are being developed in an effort to create better Black
communities. Additionally, efforts are being made to create African-centered charter
schools in an effort to address the public schools’ so-called inability to educate Black
children (Green, 1999). Even in the academic community, African American students and
faculty are engaged in efforts to improve the educational experiences of African
American students by challenging the administration to change curriculum and develop
efforts to recruit more African American students as well as faculty (Jones, 2002). These
are examples of African Americans’ continued activism. Again, a review of Black
people’s history in America will point to a consistent effort to confront racism and protect
and advance the Black community.

Operationalizing activism

As noted, active resistance to racism has been consistent throughout the Africans’
experience in America. However, few attempts have been made to conceptually and
empirically define Black activism. Initial attempts to empirically assess Black activism in
African Americans were influenced by the social and political uprisings in the 1960’s.

Black and White social scientists were interested in understanding campus unrest and the

52

 

 

relationship between political activism and political orientation in Black and White
college students.

Efforts to empirically assess activism were undertaken by Katz in 1967 when he
sampled 451 African American students from a predominantly White university to assess
their levels of activism and attitudes in relation to the Black student movement and the
riots in urban areas throughout the country. Katz (1967) found that there were five types
of activists among African American students: 1) radical activist, who was characterized
by a long history of activism, 2) militant, who was characterized by materialism and less
serious commitment to the Black community, 3) revolutionary, characterized by the value
to which the individual places on being Black, 4) anomic, rebel without a cause, usually
involved in gangs and less serious about educational advancement, 5) conforming Negro,
took the passive role in the struggle, was an individual achiever with a no'npolitical
philosophy, and was also non-involved. Although such an analysis of Black activist
behavior seemed elementary and akin to that of personality assessment, this study
represents one of the first attempts to empirically assess the construct. Kerpelman’s
(1972) review of the studies of Black activism in the late 1960’s posited the notion that
many of the studies were more Speculative than empirical, and in many instances, the
studies were contaminated by over-generalizations and the inability of White social
scientists to differentiate actual activist behavior from that of the endorsement of a
particular political ideology.

Contemporary assessments of Black activist behavior, as noted, is rooted in much
of the citizen participation literature, wherein social scientists have assessed Black

participation in the mainstream political process (Thomas, 2001). Thus, such behaviors as

53

 

 

voting and organizing for elections and lobbying for respective candidates have been
assessed. Bobo and Gilliam’s (1990) study is an example of such an assessment in which
they investigated community and political participation in the Black community. Their
study focused on two components of participation: political and community. The political
participation component, or instrument, asked respondents questions about voting
behaviors during the 1980 and 1984 elections and their campaign strategies such as
attending meetings and fundraising. The community component assessed the degree to
which African Americans were involved in developing community groups and organizing
to solve community problems (Thomas, 2001). The study found that some African
Americans described their participation in efforts to advance the Black community as
being independent of their efforts to address issues in the Black community. Although
these measures asked respondents about their involvement in the Black community at the
grass root and local levels, they did not focus on what individuals were doing specifically
to advance the Black community. Other attempts to assess Black activism were conducted
by Zimmerman, et al (1992). The participation scale consisted of four measures of
participation. The first measure assessed the number of organizations in which an
individual was involved. The second measure assessed an individual’s leadership role.
The third component assessed one’s level of involvement in a primary organization in
which he or she was involved. The fourth measurement examined the number of
community activities in which an individual participated. Respondents in the study were
asked questions about actions they had taken to address a community issue, such as
attending public meetings and writing public officials (Thomas, 2001). Consistent with

Bobo and Gilliam (1990), Zimmerman, et a1 (1992) represented an attempt to assess

54

African Americans’ level of involvement in the political process and municipal
government, but they were inadequate in assessing those behaviors that Black people
engage in specifically to advance the Black community.

Thomas (2001) suggested that such measures were too broad and inadequate in
understanding the complexity of Black activism. She suggested that the scales did not
ask respondents about their involvement in efforts to alleviate racism and problems
specific to the Black community (Thomas, 2001). Such behaviors include involvement in
programs or organizations specifically geared toward helping the Black community,
contributing money to specific Black causes, i.e., United Negro College Fund, Black

community centers fundraisers, registering Black voters for Black politicians, or

 

contacting public officials to address an issue that one felt adversely effected the Black
community. From a review of the earlier measures, many of them lack the complexity
needed to understand Black activism and involvement. Such complexity can be seen in
the African American community in the efforts of churches and community organizations
to both participate in the mainstream political process by voting and rallying around
candidates who support Black issues and, through their grass root efforts, address issues
pertinent to the Black community.

Historically, such venues as the Black church and Black community organizations
have been used to organize efforts to incite and facilitate change in the mainstream
political process as well as address concerns specific to the African American community
like police brutality, poverty, homelessness, and drug and crime prevention. Thus,
Thomas (2001) and other scholars posited that an assessment of Black participation and

activism should not only encompass voting behavior, but it should also investigate the

55

 

degree to which one was engaged in efforts to end racism and bring about social char
in the Black community.

To address this lack of conceptual clarity presented by the early developers 0
activism scales and to address the lack of current research on Black activism in the
literature, Thomas (2001) proposed the development of a measure of Black activism
measures what Black people do specifically to advance and maintain the Black
community. Although she proposed that activism in the Black community should
encompass the complexity or multidimensional nature of Black involvement, taking
account that there are ideological components which undergird one’s actions to enha
and protect the Black community as well as one’s preference for social change, the n
noted contribution to the literature on Black activism is that of her subscale that mea
actual behavior one engages in to advance and maintain the Black community. Thor
(2001) proposed three dimensions: attitudinal, social change strategy preference, and
behavioral. The behavioral component, Black activist participatory behavior, assesse
actual behavior in which one engages in order to bring about change in the Black
community. Items on this particular measure specifically asks individuals to indicate
whether they have participated in efforts to bring about change in the Black commun
such as voting for Black politicians, organizing rallies, and raising money for Black
causes. Although Thomas’ (2001) Multidimensional Measure of Black Activism
advances our understanding of the complex nature of activism within the African
American community, by outlining the ideological positions which have undergirdec
strategies or types of activism employed to bring about change in the Black commun

for the purpose of the present study, only the actual activist behaviors of the behavior

56

dimension will be used to assess the relationship between racial identity, psychological
empowerment, activism, and psychological well-being. Consistent with the argument
proposed for not including the ideological component of the racial identity measure of the
MMBI, the primary rationale for only employing the actual activist behavioral component
to assess one’s activism in the present study, and not the attitudinal and social change
preference subscales, is that, again, such assessments are divisive and obscure the primary
focus of the present study, which is to understand and assess specifically what Black
people are doing for the Black community. Thus, for the purpose of the present study, the
Black participatory subscale of the MMBA will be used to measure activism in African
Americans.
Activism and African American Psychological Well-being

Consistent with that of the literature assessing the relationship between African
American racial identity and activism, research elucidating the relationship between
psychological well-being and activism has been understudied. Much of what is known
about the relationship between psychological well-being and community activism for
African Americans came from studies conducted in the 19603 and 19705 and
contemporary community organizing and citizen participation literature on mainstream or
non-minority populations, wherein researchers were suggesting that there may be a
therapeutic utility in being active and involved in making changes in one’s perspective
community (Hilliard, 1974; Maish, 1977; Zimmerman, 1995). Hilliard’s (1972) study
comparing self-esteem of Black students who were active to those who were not active
found that students who were active had higher levels of self-concept. He further

suggested that they were more self-enhancing and were aware of their motives as by a

57

 

 

 

psycho-diagnostic interview (Hilliard, 1972). A review of contemporary studies or.
minority communities indicated that community activism and citizen participation
lead to better psychological outcomes (Zimmerman, 1995; Lappe & Dubois, 1994)

Lappe & Dubois (1994) described this process in their assessments of the s
of community and psychological empowerment in community activists where the
potential activist developed a sense of belongingness and identification with a part
community. This belongingness led to heightened commitment, a critical awarene
about issues affecting the community, a creation of support groups, and a context i
which ideas were shared. Participants in both studies suggested that this involvem
the community gave them a sense of control over their community and individual c
which, in turn, gave them feelings of pride, serenity, and well being (Lappe & Dub
1994). Support for this relationship can be found in Fedi, et al.’s (2001) study of p
activism and self-representation. In their study comparing 100 political activists to
non activists, they found that the activists reported higher levels of self-esteem and
internal locus of control.

The therapeutic utility of being active was found in Brashers, et al.’s (2002:
of social activism, self-advocacy, and coping with HIV illness. In their study of 17
activists and non-activists, they found that activists were not only better at coping \
their illness, but they also reported better psychological outcomes. Although a nun
studies have been conducted in an effort to assess the relationship between psychol
well-being and racial identity in African Americans, contemporary studies investig.
the relationship between psychological well-being and activism are limited as well

studies assessing the mediational role of activism between racial identity and

58

psychological well-being. Thus, there exists a need to elucidate the relationship under
current psycho-political themes (e. g., desegregation, integration and enforcement of ci
rights legislation). Such a line of inquiry, again, may not only broaden our understand
of the therapeutic nature of activism, but it may also better explain how racial identity
psychological well-being are related.
Activism and Racial Identity

As noted, there have been few contemporary studies assessing the relationship
between racial identity and Black activism. Early attempts by social scientists to asses:
racial identity have investigated the relationship between racial identity and communit
activism (Lessing & Zagorin, 1970; Davidson, 1974; Maish, 1977). Lessing’s (1973)
study of Black power ideology and student activism found that African American
students who identified with the Black community and were in agreement with pro-Bl
or race-first political objectives were more active at school and in their community.
Davidson’s (1974) study of Black group identification and activism found that Blacks
who indicated that they were active in the Black community also identified with the B1
community and were more likely to attend Black functions and socialize with African
Americans. In Maish’s (1977) study of activism, political orientation and mental healr
she found that African Americans who where more active scored higher on measures (
racial identity and race-related attitudes.

During the late 19603 and early 19703, there were a number of studies assessin
the relationship between race-related attitudes and one’s level of involvement in one’s
respective community. Black political orientation and Black consciousness were both

related to activism in African American college students. Researchers found that Afrii

59

American college students, who were in agreement with Black Nationalist objectives,
were more active within their respective campuses and communities (Katz, 1967; Sigall
& Page, 1970; Edwards, 1970; Kerperlin, 1972).

As noted, there has been very little contemporary research conducted on African
American activism. Much of the contemporary literature has focused on participation in
mainstream political process. Additionally, few contemporary studies have focused on the
relationship between African American racial identity attitudes and community activism.
Although the relationship between the two variables has been proposed and advanced or
articulated as a logical response to developing a stronger racial identity in a number of
recent theoretical reviews, few empirical studies amongst African Americans have been
conducted to support this relationship (Kambon & Hopkins, 1993; Livingston, 1999).

Although empirical support for this relationship has been supported by studies
conducted during the 60’s and at the height of the Black Power Movement, the question
that remains concerns the relationship between racial identity and community activism
under current psycho-political themes. Does heightened identification with the African
American community and a conscious awareness of the social and political impingements
that the African American community faces compel one to become active? Does this
increased identification lead to an ideological commitment to race-first objectives and,
thus, a commitment to challenging racism and advancing the Black community through
collective action? Furthermore, since much of the literature on racial identity suggested
that identifying with one’s ethnic group and maintaining pro—Black attitudes were

associated with psychological well-being for African Americans, is being active within

60

 

 

one’s respective community associated with better psychological outcomes for African
Americans?
Activism: A mediator between racial identity and psychological well-being

As noted in the literature, activism is related to both racial identity and
psychological well-being (Maish, 1977). Researchers during the height of the Black
Power Movement found that activism was related to stronger levels of racial identity and
better psychological outcomes. The question that remained was what role does activism
play in the relationship between the two variables. The present study proposed that
activism mediates the relationship between racial identity and psychological well-being.
To better understand this relationship, the current line of logic was proposed. For
example, individuals who consider race to be important to their self-concept and have a
positive view of Black people as a group are usually more apt to read material on the
culture and history of Black people. Such a review of history outlines centuries of
European hegemony, encroachment, slavery, lynching, rape, murder, and other forms of
oppression. A reckoning of the forementioned leads to one undeniable fact: Active
resistance to the forementioned impingements have been integral to the lives of people of
African descent in this country. In fact, to put it plainly, to be born Black in America is to
be born into a struggle for the very right to exist as a human. Thus, from a reckoning of
this historical reality, one not only becomes aware of such history, but one is also
compelled to become cognizant of contemporary issues effecting the vitality and
advancement of the Black community. Thus, one is compelled to get involved in efforts

to facilitate change in the Black community.

61

 

This activism gives one a sense of purpose and reinforces the notion to be
committed to the struggles and plight of Black people in spite of what setbacks might
occur. This notion of commitment and resiliency in the face of defeat was eloquently
articulated by Ralph Ellison when a reporter asked about some of the setbacks of the (
Rights Movement. Ellison responded by suggesting that, in spite of setbacks, Black
people as a whole have to proceed with cautious optimism. Such an assertion articulat
the belief that Black people, as a collective, have to continue to fight for their right to
exist and thrive in this culture through collective action, vigilance, and a commitment
advancing the Black community. This commitment to the community and efforts take:
better the condition of one’s respective community lead one to reevaluate self, and thi:
reevaluation of self is positive due to the investment that one has made in bettering his
her respective community. Additionally, a logical reaction to such activism is the
deve10pment of competencies and a belief that one can control and master one’s
environment. This positive reevaluation of self and sense of control over one’s life an<
environment through activism are both indicators of psychological health. Such
involvement and altruistic extension of one’s self has been argued by both Black and
White theorists for decades (Adler, 1964; Erickson, 1982; Ramseur, 1991).

Activism and Psychological Empowerment

Social scientists, as well as activists and organizers in their respective
communities, have posed the Simple question concerning how one can motivate
individuals to get involved in efforts to address and community and social issues in an
effort to bring about change. From a review of the citizen participation literature, soci

scientists have found psychological empowerment to be positively related to activism

62

(Keiffer, 1984; Lappe & DuBois, 1994; McMillan, et al., 1995). These studies shov
that individuals who are aware of issues facing the community and have a belief that
can better their communities will be more likely to engage in organizations and actix
to advance those communities. A carefiil review of the literature also reveals the far
that, by embedding one’s self in such involvement and activism, one becomes more
psychologically empowered as well. Keiffer’s (1984) study of 15 activists discussec
process. Participants in the study suggested that psychological empowerment was ar
outcome of their involvement, and evidence of this empowerment is seen in a new
awareness of issues affecting their community, a critical understanding of why and h
certain issues impact their respective communities, and the development of new skil
competencies needed to facilitate change. McMillan, et a1. (1995), in support of the
forementioned assertions, found that empowerment was related to one’s participatior
level among 260 participants in a community task force. Individuals in the study wh
participated in more activities and were more involved in the organization’s effort to
address community issues reported a stronger sense of empowerment. McMillan, e't
(1995) suggested that, since empowerment is strongly related to one’s participation,
organizers interested in getting individuals involved and active within their respectiv
communities Should provide members and perspective members with a variety of
activities to facilitate such empowerment.

As noted, from a review of the literature on psychological empowerment,
psychological empowerment and activism were found to be related in mental health
populations as well as community organizing and development efforts (Lappe & Dul

1994). However, few have investigated the relationship between empowerment and l

63

activism. Studies that have been conducted have assessed the relationship between
psychological empowerment and Black people’s participation in the mainstream political
process. The purpose of the present study is to assess whether African Americans’
awareness of their sociopolitical context, awareness of causes of issues impacting their
community, and ability to identify and mobilize resources needed to bring about change
are related to what Black people specifically do to advance, maintain, and protect the
Black community.

Overview of the Current Study
Rationale

The purpose of the present study was not only to examine the relationship
between racial identity, psychological empowerment, Black activism, and psychological
well-being, but it also a) challenged the self-hate assumption, b) provided a better
understanding of the relationship between psychological well-being and racial identity by
identifying factors that may mediate that relationship, and c) advanced our understanding
of racial identity by employing a measure that captured the multidimensional nature and
complexity of racial identity for African Americans.

A review of the literature on racial identity has Shown a positive relationship
between racial identity and psychological well-being among African Americans (Pyant
and Yanico, 1991; Munford, 1994; Chambers, et. a1, 1998; Sellers, et al., 1998). A
review of the literature on racial identity and activism suggested that African Americans
who identified themselves as Black, maintained a positive conception of Blacks as a
group, and had a heightened awareness of oppressive conditions in the Black community

were more active within their respective communities (Barnes, 1972; Maish, 1977;

64

 

 

Kambon, 1993; Blash and Unger, 1995). Although few studies have been conducted to
assess the relationship between racial identity and psychological empowerment,
theoretical reviews suggested that heightened psychological empowerment may be a
logical outcome for individuals who identified with the Black community and became
aware of the social impingements effecting their community (Kambon, 1993). A review
of the citizen participation literature suggested that psychological empowerment is related
to activism in that individuals with higher levels of psychological empowerment are more
likely to be involved in their community (Lappe & DuBois, 1994). Additionally, studies
on mutual help and self-help found that contexts that had the elements of psychological
empowerment were related to better psychological well-being (Maton & Salem, 1995).
These studies not only challenged the early studies that advanced the Black self-hate
assumption, but they also suggested that African Americans who identified with the
Black community, had positive perceptions of Black people in general, and were
empowered and active in effectuating change had more positive psychological outcomes.
Thus, the purpose of the present study was to empirically assess the mediating
roles of psychological empowerment and activism in the relationship between racial
identity and psychological well-being by proposing the following research questions and
hypotheses:
Research Question 1: Is racial identity related to better psychological outcomes for
African Americans? The literature on racial identity showed that racial identity is related
to psychological well-being in African Americans (Helms & Parham, 1985 ; Chambers, et
al., 1998; Sellers et. a1, 1998). Thus, African Americans who were high in racial identity

reported better psychological outcomes.

65

Hypothesis 1: Racial identity was expected to be positively related to psychological well-
being. Thus, the present study proposed that higher levels of racial identity would be
related to psychological well-being among African Americans. The proposed
relationships between sub-dimensions of these variables were as follows:

1a.. Racial centrality will be positively related to self-esteem.

1b Racial centrality will be positively related to active coping.

1c. Private regard will be positively related to self-esteem.

1d. Private regard will be positively related to active coping.

Research question 2: How are racial identity and psychological well-being related?
What factors mediate the relationship between racial identity and psychological well-
being? Although the literature posited a direct relationship between racial identity and
psychological well-being, few studies have elucidated how the two are related. The
present study proposed that the relationship between racial identity and psychological
well-being is mediated by psychological empowerment as well as activism.

Hypothesis 2: The relationship between racial identity and psychological well-being will
be mediated by psychological empowerment.

2a. Psychological empowerment will mediate the relationship between centrality and
self-esteem.

2b. Psychological empowerment will mediate the relationship between centrality and
active coping.

2c. Psychological empowerment will mediate the relationship between private regard and

self-esteem.

66

2d. Psychological empowerment will mediate the relationship between private regard
and active coping.

Hypothesis 3: The relationship between racial identity and psychological well-being will
be mediated by activism.

3a. Activism will mediate the relationship between centrality and self-esteem.

3b. Activism will mediate the relationship between centrality and active coping.

3c. Activism will mediate the relationship between private regard. and self-esteem.

3d. Activism will mediate the relationship between private regard and active coping.
Research question 3: What is the relationship between psychological empowerment and
activism? Do increased levels of psychological empowerment lead one to become more
active within his/her respective community? The literature on psychological
empowerment suggested that a conscious awareness of conditions effecting one’s
community and a belief that one can exert some control over issues effecting his/her
community led one to be more active (McMillan, et al, 1995).

Hypothesis 4: Psychological empowerment will be positively related to activism.

67

 

Chapter 2
Methodology

Design

The present study was designed to assess the relationship between racial identity,
psychological empowerment, activism, and psychological well-being in African
Americans who arel8 years of age and older. A series of regressions were employed to
assess the direct and mediating relationships between the independent predictors, racial
identity (centrality and private regard), psychological empowerment, activism, and
psychological well-being, in a sample of 187 African Americans from a Midwestern
community.
Power Analyses

A power analysis was conducted to ascertain the minimum detectable effect size
given the fixed study parameters. The minimum detectable effect size is .26 when alphas
and power are set at the conventional levels (0.05 and 0.08, respectively) with the
smallest group size being 200. Lipsey and Wilson (1993), in their classic meta—analysis,
found that the average effect size in studies of psychological adjustment was .59, with a
median of .53 and a mode of .25. The median effect sizes were between 0.02 and 0.51. In
the current study in order to get a medium effect size power is set at .80 and alpha is .05 a
sample 102 was needed. The sample size appropriate for the Exploratory Factor Analysis
(EPA) is 200 according to Tabachnick & Fidell (2000).
Participants

In an effort to assess the relationship between racial identity, activism,

psychological empowerment, and psychological well-being, a convenience sample of 206

68

African Americans (61% women and 39% men) from the Greater Lansing church
community was recruited. Participants solicited to participate in the present study were
self-described as African American, with a mean age of 42.16 (See Table 1). Data
collected from individuals who identified themselves as Caribbean or African were
omitted from the current study.

Because African Americans represent less than 20% of the population in the
greater Lansing area and are dispersed throughout the Greater Lansing community,
selection of participants for the study was conducted in venues in which African
Americans frequent or congregate on a weekly basis. Initially, 206 participants were
solicited. However, due to missing data and the omission of participants who did not
identify themselves as African Americans, 19 participants were removed from the
sample. Of the 206 participants, six did not self-identify as African American. Two
participants did not meet the age criteria of the study. Eleven participants were omitted
from the study because they either failed to complete one of the surveys or did not
complete at least half of the items on any of the scales. Thus, for the purpose of this
investigation, 187 African Americans were recruited from the African American church
community at church services as well as church sponsored and affiliated events such as
Bible study, choir rehearsal, revivals, and meetings. Key church informants and clergical
staff indicated that additional venues from which to solicit participants should include
church celebratories, picnics, festivals, debutantes, and talent shows. They suggested that
participants would be more amenable and have more time to finish the evaluation. Thus,

such venues were included for solicitation of participants.

69

Table 1

Descriptive Statistics for African American Church Sample

 

 

Variable Mean SD n

Age 41.71 15.57 187

Gender

Female 40.92 1 13 6
Male 42.91 74 3
Racial Composition of Neighborhood

75-100% African American 60 3
50-74% African American 33 1
25-49% African American 36 1
less than 25% African American 57 3
na 1 t
Pretax income

15,000 or less 17 9.
15,001-30,000 25 12
30,001 -45,000 25 12
45,001 —60,000 3 5 12
60,001-80,000 24 12
80,001-100,000 27 14
over 100,000 3 2 1'.
na 2 1
Participants’ Level of Education

8‘h grade or less 1 0.
some high school 1 0.
high school grad 8 4.
some college 61 32
college grad 50 26
grad school 66 35
Consider Self an Activist

Activist 77 4]
Non-activist 1 04 55
No response 6 3

 

70

Procedures

Training of research assistants

To assist in the collection of data on campus and entering data for analysis, seven
undergraduate students were trained in interviewing and data entry. Each assistant was
given instruction on how to collect the data and to ensure and protect the confidentiality
of participants. Assistants were specifically instructed to give participants a signed copy
of the consent form and to place the additional copy in an envelope separate from the
surveys administered to participants. Assistants were instructed that consent forms were
to be kept in a locked and secured area in the research office.

Only the dissertation chair, principal investigator, and research assistants have
access to the data kept in the research office. Once data was collected, assistants were
given instruction on how to enter data for each sample. Specific responsibilities for the
undergraduate assistants included the following: Three students were primarily
responsible for administration and interviewing participants, and four students were
responsible for creating a code book and entering data.

Churches

In order to obtain a representative sample of African Americans in the Greater
Lansing community, the following churches were contacted and solicited to participate in
the proposed study: St. Stephens Community Church, Union Missionary Baptist Church,
Trinity AME, Pentecostal Outreach, Mt. Zion Baptist Church, Mask Memorial C.M.E.,
Ebenezer Baptist Church. Additional churches, Bethany-Pembroke Baptist Church and
Antioch Baptist Church, from Detroit, Michigan were also contacted for solicitation.

From discussions with key informants from the Lansing community, the researcher

71

 

 

obtained information suggesting that parishioners of the forementioned churches
represented a broad section of the Greater Lansing community. The rationale for
choosing the forementioned churches was that these churches have large African
American congregations and their membership included individuals across class levels as
well as skilled and unskilled laborers and professionals. Moreover, as indicated by key
informants, each of these churches varied in its degree of racial identity and activism (See
Table 2).

To secure participants from the forementioned churches, the pastors and the
secretarial staff of each facility were contacted and forwarded a letter explaining the
proposed study and asking for their participation. A meeting was scheduled with the
respective leaders (pastor, secretary, etc.) to: (a) explain the purpose of the study; (b)
obtain permission to recruit participants; and (0) determine the appropriate dates and
times to recruit participants from their congregation.

Once the principal investigator received permission to recruit participants from
the forementioned churches, an announcement was made during church services
soliciting participation in the research project. During the announcement, church
members were informed about the focus of the study. They were told the following: My
name is Jonathan Livingston. I am a doctoral candidate at Michigan State University. I
am currently conducting research on psychological well-being in African Americans.
Your participation in this study is voluntary, and any information given will be kept
confidential. Additionally, completion of the questionnaire will only take about 45
minutes. For your participation in the current study, your name will be placed in a

drawing for four cash prices of $100, $50 and two for $25. The researcher then set up

72

 

tables in the vestibules after church services to solicit participants. Actual administration
of instrument was conducted on the following Sunday, thus, giving parents enough time
to plan for the administration of the instrument.

After church service on the following Sunday, the researcher and adults, over the
age of 18 and interested in participating in the research project, convened for 10-15
minutes. During this time, the principal investigator provided information regarding
confidentiality, anonymity, and voluntary participation in the study. The interview began
with an introduction of the research assistant followed by a brief overview of the study.
Each participant was then asked to read, Sign, and date two consent forms (one for the
participants and one filled out by the research team) (See Appendix A). Both consent

forms were signed by the research assistant. Before administering the survey, each

 

participant was then asked if he or she had any questions and/or concerns regarding the
study. After answering and questions and/or addressing any concerns of the participants,
the participants were also instructed that consent forms would be kept locked in a secured
area in the research office, and only the chair, principle investigator, and research
assistants would have access to the data kept in the research office. Participants were
instructed, prior to beginning the survey, to place their consent forms in an envelop
separate from that of their surveys to ensure that there would be no way to identify
participants with their responses. The researcher then gave the survey to participants for
them to complete. Over 80% of the participants elected to fill out the survey after church
service. Twenty percent of the sample requested to take the survey home and return it

during the next church service.

73

 

Church sponsored events

Solicitation of participants at church sponsored events held off of church premises
were also included in the present study. As noted, such events included church
celebratories (n = 18), men’s ministries meetings (11 = 10), and community forums (11 =
7). The forementioned events were suggested as appropriate venues for solicitation by
pastoral staff and secretaries during initial contact meetings. Once permission to solicit
participants was granted by appropriate church staff, the researcher then set up tables at
the forementioned church sponsored events to solicit participants. Prior to administration
the researcher and adults met for 10-15 minutes to review the procedures. During this
meeting, potential participants were asked if they had completed a survey during the
regular church service. If participants had completed a survey during church service, they
were instructed that they could not fill out an additional survey. To assure that no
participant was sampled twice, participants were asked to fill out their names on a sign in
sheet for their respective church. The principal investigator then provided information
regarding confidentiality, anonymity, and voluntary participation in the study. The
interview began with an introduction of the research assistant followed by a brief
overview of the study. Each participant was then asked to read, Sign, and date two consent
forms (one for the participants and one filled out by the research team). Both consent
forms were also signed by the research assistant. Before administering the survey, each
participant was then asked if he or she had any questions and/or concerns regarding the
study. After answering and questions and/or addressing any concerns of the participants,
the participants were also instructed that consent forms would be kept locked in a secured

area in the research office, and only the chair, principle investigator, and research

74

 

assistants would have access to the data kept in the research office. Participants were
instructed, prior to beginning the survey, to place their consent forms in an envelop
separate from that of their surveys to ensure that there would be no way to identify
participants with their responses. The researcher gave the survey to participants for them
to complete.

Collateral nomination

In an effort to make the study more rigorous and to alleviate the problems inherent
in much of self-report data, participants were given a questionnaire that asked them to
nominate two individuals age 18 or older to speak upon their level of activism in the
Black community. Along with the activism measure, participants were given a form
asking them to write down the names, phone number, and home and email addresses of
individuals who could speak to their level of activism.

Once this information was collected, the individuals nominated by the participants
were contacted by phone and asked to discuss the nominating participant’s involvement
in efforts to advance and bring about change in the Black community. Of the 187
participants, 120 participants agreed to nominate one collateral. To verify participants’
levels of activism, these 120 nominees were contacted by phone to set up interviews.
However, only 39 agreed to participate in the study. The 39 individuals who agreed to
participate provided collateral information on 40 participants. Hence, one collateral was
nominated by two different participants. Nominees who elected to participate were either
interviewed by phone or in person at their homes, schools, or church-sponsored events
and asked questions indicating the degree to which they know the nominating participant,

his/her affiliations and roles within various groups, and his/her duration of involvement.

75

 

. Additionally, they were given the activism scale to ascertain the nominating participant’s

level of activism.

Table 2.

Church Levels of Racial Identity and Activism

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Church Location Racial Identity Activism # of Participants I
Church 1 Lansing, MI High High n = 25 (13.4%) '
Church 2 Lansing, MI Medium Medium n = 24 (12.8%) i
Church 3 Lansing, MI Low Low n = 25 (13.4%) I
Church 4 Lansing, MI Medium Medium n == 36 (19.3%) I
Church 5 Lansing, MI Low Low n = 35 (18.7%) '
Church 6 Lansing, MI Medium Medium n = 9 (4.8%)
Church 7 Lansing, MI Medium High 11 = 14 (7.5%)
Church 8 Detroit, MI Low High 11 = 7 (3.7%)
Church 9 Detroit, MI High High 11 = 12 (6.4%)

 

 

 

 

 

76

Measures

Demographic information, measures of racial identity, psychological
empowerment, activist behavior, self-esteem, and active coping were administered to
participants in the present study.

Demographic questionnaire

Age, income, educational level, and ethnic community were assessed to obtain
demographic information on each participant. Age was measured as a continuous
variable; where participants were asked to write their age in total years. Income and
education was assessed categorically, wherein participants were asked which category or
item best depicted their level of income and education, respectively. Information on the
ethnic makeup was assessed categorically, where participants were asked to assess the
racial makeup of their community. To assess participant’s level of activism, the
questionnaire asked participants to indicate, in a continuous or categorical format, if they
were currently active witln'n their respective communities.

The questionnaire asked participants whether they have ever been active within
their communities and if they have held any leadership positions with any community or
political organizations. Although the study did not posit any differences in the
relationship between the variables under study by recruitment venue, discussions with key
informants suggested that there might be differences. Therefore, a variable or question
representing each recruitment venue was included in the data so that this assumption of
differences across venue could be tested. Additionally age was co-varied out given the

likelihood that they may be confounds in the present study.

77

 

Psychological empowerment

A lS-item scale, which was created from Zimmerrnan’s (1995) classic
conceptualization of psychological empowerment, was used to assess psychological
empowerment in the present study. Zimmerman (1995) posited that empowerment has
three dimensions: 1) an interpersonal component, 2) an interactional component, and 3:
behavioral component. For the purpose of the present study, only the interactional
component was assessed. Zimmerman suggested that the interactional component of
psychological empowerment assesses the degree to which one has developed a critical
awareness of his/her environment, understands the causes behind issues effecting his/he
community, develops skills needed to organize his/her community and, lastly, has the
ability to identify and mobilize resources needed to address problems or bring about
change in his/her community. Examples of items reflecting critical awareness were: “I
think it is important for one to understand the socio-political context in which he or she
exists” and “Being aware of those issues that effect Black people or my community is n
that important to me”. Examples of items reflecting skill development were: “I can
usually organize people to get things done” and “I find it very hard to talk in front of a
group”. Examples of items reflecting one’s ability to identify and mobilize resources
needed to address problems in the community were: “I can identify and mobilize the
resources in my community” and “I know who to contact if I need to get something don
in my community”. Participants were asked to respond on a five-point Likert scale to
such items as the following: “I am often a leader in groups” and “Sometimes politics an

government seem so complicated that a person like me can’t really understand what is

78

going on”. Items on this scale were both negatively and positively valenced. Reverse-
scored items were re-coded.
Principle component analysis (AAPES)

To assess the factor structure of the African American Psychological
Empowerment Scale, a principle component analysis with a varimax rotation was
conducted. Four criteria were used to assess the factor solutions: 1) eigenvalues greater
than 1.0, 2) a review of the item total correlation, 3) theoretical relevancy, 4) a Scree test.
The eigenvalues were 6.172 for factor one, 1.57 for factor two, and 1.041 for factor three.
The two-factor solution represented 51.61% of the variance. Initially, the AAPES was a
15-item scale. Item 15 was deleted because it was a one-item factor. Using the four
criteria above, items 4, 5, and 6 were deleted because they failed to load strongly on either
of the two remaining factors. The remaining items loaded on two factors. Items 1, 2, 3,
and 10 loaded on one factor, and items 7, 8, 9, 11, 12, 13, and 14 loaded on the second
factor.

A content analysis determined that items 7, 8, 9, l 1, 12, 13, and 14 represented
the socio-political awareness component of the AAPES. Items 1, 2, 3, and 10 represented
the resource identification and mobilization component of the AAPES. To further
investigate the factor structure, an additional factor analysis was conducted on the two
factors. The findings were consistent with the content analysis because it yielded a two-
factor structure for the African American Psychological Empowerment Scale. The
eigenvalues were 4.83 for the first factor and 1.47 for the second factor. The first factor,
socio-political awareness, accounted for 44% of the variance, and the factor loadings

ranged from .607 to .838. The second factor, resource identification and mobilization,

79

 

accounted for 13.4% of the variance, and the factor loadings ranged from .634 to .806.

Table 3 outlines the results of the factor analysis and the two-factor solution for the

AAPES.

Psychometric properties of the AAPES

The item means, standard deviations, and corrected item total correlations are

presented in Table 4. Scoring involved calculating the mean for each subscale and

averaging them to get a final mean score. The corrected item total correlations for the

two subscales of the AAPES ranged from .32 to .73, the alpha reliability for the socio-

political awareness scale was .72, and the resource mobilization scale was .87.

Table 3

Factor analyses for the AAPES (varimax rotation)

 

 

Scale and items Factor 1 Factor 2
Social political awareness

Item 4 (Whom to contact if I need to get something done) 0.64 0.2:
Item 5 (Who would be willing to help out) 0.65 0.22
Item 6 (People who will be willing to help out) 0.61 0.3‘
Item 8 (I know who to contact) 0.67 0.34
Item 9 (I know how to address problems) 0.77 0.31
Item 10 (Organize people to get things done) 0.84 0.01
Item 11 (Other people usually follow my ideas) 0.81 0.01
Resource Identification

Item 1 (How decisions made by politicians and leaders) 0.00 0.61
Item 2 (Issues that affect the Black community) 0.34 0.7
Item 3 (I keep track of decisions that are made) 0.19 0.8
Item 7 (Don’t track much time keeping track of issues) 0.23 0.31
Eigenvalues 4.83 1 .4‘
% variance 0.44 0.11

Note: Item 7 is negatively keyed.

80

Table 4

AAPES scores and correlation coefficient

 

 

Scale and items Scores Item to total
(Mean/SD.) correlation
Social political awareness
Item 4 (Whom to contact if I need to get something done) 3.8i0.9 0.59**
Item 5 (Who would be willing to help out) 3.4d:1.1 0.58**
Item 6 (People who will be willing to help out) 3.9i0.9 0.60**
Item 8 (I know who to contact) 3.1i1.0 0.65**
Item 9 (I know how to address problems) 3.5:l:0.9 0.73**
Item 10 (Organize people to get things done) 3.53:1.0 0.69**
Item 11 (Other people usually follow my ideas) 3.5:l:0.9 0.64**
Resource Identification
Item 1 (How decisions made by politicians and leaders) 4.43:0.8 0.41**
Item 2 (Issues that affect the Black community) 4.1i0.8 0.59**
Item 3 (I keep track of decisions that are made) 3.8i1.0 0.64**
Item 7 (Don’t track much time keeping track of issues) 3.7:L-1.1 0.30**

 

Note: Item 7 is negatively keyed. **P<0.01 by Spearman rank correlations.

81

Racial identity

Racial identity was measured by the Multidimensional Inventory of Black Identity
(MIBI). The MIBI is a 51-item instrument, which consists of three subscales: centrality,
private regard, and ideology. For the purpose of the present study, only the centrality and
private regard scales were used. The Centrality sub-scale consists of 8 items and measures
the degree to which race is a core part of one’s self-concept. For example, respondents
were asked to indicate their agreement to questions such as “In general, being Black is an
important part of my self-image”. The Private Regard sub-scale consists of 7 items,
which measure the extent to which an individual feels positively or negatively towards
African Americans and his membership in the group (Sellers, 1996). Thus, individuals
were asked to respond to questions such as “I feel good about Black people” and “I feel
that Blacks have made major accomplishments and advancements”.

Both measures were scored on a 7-point Likert scale ranging from 1 (Strongly
disagree) to 7 (Strongly agree). Alphas for both the centrality and private regard scales
were .72 and .51 respectively. Prior to running the analysis, the psychometric properties
of the scale were investigated in the present study and are presented in Table 5. Analysis
revealed that the factor structure and internal consistency of both of the scales were best
with items 9 and 10 removed due to poor factor loading and inter-item correlations. The
reliability analysis for the Centrality scale was .72, and the reliability analysis for the
Private Regard scale was .51. To score the MIBI, a mean was derived for each of the
subscales.

Black activism

The Multidimensional Measure of Black Activism (MMBA) is a 97-item survey

82

 

that assesses activist behavior and attitudes in African Americans. The MMBA was
standardized on a sample of 271 African Americans (Thomas, 2001). The scale consists
of three main components or sub-scales: attitude, social change strategies, and activist
behavior (Thomas, 2001). The subscale employed to assess activism in the current study
was the Black Activist Participatory Behavior component of the MMBA. The actual
activist behavioral component consists of 18 items designed to assess whether one has
engaged in actual activist behaviors within the last five years. Some examples of the
items are as follows: “Within the past five years, have you raised money for a Black
cause?” and “Have you demonstrated or participated in a rally for a Black cause?”.
Responses to the items were answered on a 4-point Likert scale (1 = frequently to 4 =
never). In the current study, the Black Activist Participatory Behavior scale had an alpha
of .95. To score the Black Activist Participatory Behavior Scale, means were computed
for the activism at five years subscale.

Use of collaterals

As noted, in an effort to make the study more rigorous and to alleviate the
problems inherent in much of self-report data, participants were given a questionnaire that
asked them to nominate an individual age 18 or older to Speak upon their level of
activism in the Black community. Thus, these associates were contacted and administered
the Black Activism Participatory Behavior scale and asked to speak upon the participant’s
level of activism. Collaterals were instructed to respond on a 4-point Likert scale (1 =
frequently to 4 = never). Some examples of the items the collaterals were given are as
follows: “Within the past five years, has your associate raised money for a Black cause?”

and “Has he/ she demonstrated or participated in a rally for a Black cause?”. To score the

83

Black Activist Participatory Behavior scale, means were computed for activism at five
years. Alphas for collaterals were .91

Self-esteem

Taylor's Inventory of Self-esteem (Taylor & Tomasic, 1991) was used to measure
one dimension of psychological well-being in African Americans. The scale was
developed in an effort to assess self-esteem in African Americans. Taylor's Inventory of
Self-esteem (See Appendix J) is a l6-item instrument created and revised from a random
sample of 444 participants, of which 84% were African American. The stability of
Taylor’s Inventory of Self-esteem was evaluated by Wilson (1985) who reported a four-
month test-retest reliability of .93.

Respondents were instructed to read each statement completely and to indicate the
frequency with which the thoughts or feelings articulated in the items applied to them. A
Likert scale (0 = never to 8 = always) was used for rating each statement on the self-
esteem scale. Subjects were asked to respond to such statements as “I feel happy inside”
and “I have a sense of purpose”. A low scale score indicates low self-esteem, whereas a
higher score indicates higher self-esteem. To score Taylor’s Inventory of Self-esteem, a
mean was computed for the entire scale.

Active coping

The John Henryism Scale for Active Coping is a 12-item scale, which assesses
three interrelated dimensions of active coping in African Americans: efficacious and
physical vigor, a commitment to hard work, and a Single-minded determination to achieve
one’s goal (James, et al., 1987). The instrument was initially conceptualized from the

legacy of John Henry, the steel driving man, who, according to folklore, defeated a

84

machine in a steel driving contest (Johnson, 1929). The measure was created to assess
active coping in African Americans, but it has been used on Hispanic or Latino, as well as
European, populations. Responses to each item range from “Completely true” (5) to
“Completely false Score (1). Affirmative responses suggest higher levels of active
coping. In the current study, the Cronbach alpha for this measure was .76. To score the

John Henryism Scale for Active Coping, a mean was computed for the entire scale.

85

Chapter 3
Results

The purpose of the present study was to examine the relationship between racial
identity, psychological empowerment, Black activism, and psychological well-being
among African Americans. The study examined the mediating roles of psychological
empowerment and activism in the relationship between racial identity and psychological
well-being. A series of multiple regressions were computed to test the relationships
between the aforementioned constructs.
Preliminary Analysis

Research assistants randomly selected twenty surveys, at four different intervals,
to double check for data entry mistakes. Few mistakes were found, they were corrected,
and data were reentered.

Demographics

The demographic data were analyzed to generate descriptive statistics for the
sample using SPSS, version 10.0 for Windows. Means and frequencies for demographic
variables were created. Additionally, descriptive analyses were employed to verify that
data were within acceptable ranges and that the distributions of variables were acceptable
for subsequent analyses. Thus, frequencies and distributions were generated to assess
outliers and missing data. Participants in the study who neither self-identified as African
American nor met the age criteria for the study were omitted. Individuals who did not
answer at least one item on the activism measure were excluded from the sample.
Demographic characteristics were examined to assess gender, ethnicity, and socio-

economic status. Sixty percent of the sample were female and 40% were male. Over

86

 

 

50% of the individuals were of middle income. Over one-third of the sample indicated
they had some college education. F orty-one percent considered themselves to be
activists. (See Table 1)

Differences across church venue

To assess the impact of church venue across each of the primary variables of the
study (i.e., Black activism, both dimensions of racial identity, and both dimensions
psychological empowerment, psychological well-being), mean differences and standard
deviations were assessed for each church. (See Tables 5,6,7,8, 9 and 10) ANOVAS were
computed to assess significant differences across the churches for the primary study
variables (i.e., racial identity, psychological empowerment, Black activism, and
psychological well-being). No significant differences were found for churches on racial
identity psychological empowerment, self —esteem or active coping. However, as
expected, there was a significant difference in the levels of activism for the churches
perceived as high in activism and low in activism. To assess these differences, churches
were categorized as high, medium, and low in activism. A one-way ANOVA with a
Tukey and Scheffe post-hoe comparison was conducted. Significant differences were
found between churches that were high in activism and low in activism, F(2, 187) = 3.39,

p<.05. (See Table 11)

87

 

Table 5

Mean differences between churches on Activism

 

 

Church Activism N Mean SD
High

Church 1 25 2.36 0.73
Church 8 7 2.41 0.79
Church 9 12 2.36 0.89
Medium

Church 7 14 2.13 0.92
Church 6 9 2.09 0.99
Church 4 36 2.15 0.76
Low

Church 2 24 2 0.76
Church 3 25 2.06 0.6
Church 5 35 1.88 0.45

 

* Churches are ranked by level of Activism and Racial Identity.

88

Table 6

Mean difi‘erences between churches on Private Regard

 

 

Church levels for Private Regard N Mean SD
High

Church 1 25 4.62 0.40
Church 8 7 4.75 0.25
Church 9 12 4.31 0.70
Medium

Church 7 14 4.44 0.59
Church 6 9 4.47 0.60
Church 4 36 4.70 0.40
Low

Church 2 24 4.48 0.46
Church 3 25 4.46 0.53
Church 5 35 4.56 0.45

 

* Churches are ranked by level of Activism and Racial Identity.

89

Table 7

Mean differences between churches on Centrality

 

 

Church levels of Centrality N Mean SD
High
Church 1 25 4.20 0.73
Church 8 7 3.80 1.08
Church 9 12 3.59 0.85
Medium
Church 7 14 3.76 0.59
Church 6 9 3.79 0.59
Church 4 36 3.70 0.78
Low
Church 2 24 3.76 0.64
Church 3 25 3.78 0.61
Church 5 35 3.56 0.78

 

* Churches are ranked by level of Activism and Racial Identity.

90

Table 8

Mean dijferences between churches on Psychological Empowerment

 

 

Church levels of Psych Empowerment N Mean SD
Church 1 25 3.94 0.54
Church 8 7 3.67 0.62
Church 9 12 4.10 0.70
Church 7 14 3.45 0.84
Church 6 9 3.79 0.67
Church 4 36 3.92 0.50
Church 2 24 3.71 0.53
Church 3 25 3.81 0.52
Church 5 35 3.59 0.68

 

* Churches are ranked by level of Activism and Racial Identity.

91

 

Table 9

Mean diflerences between churches on Self-esteem

 

 

Church levels of Self-esteem N Mean SD
Church 1 25 5.68 0.85
Church 8 7 4.89 1.15
Church 9 12 5.72 0.93
Church 7 14 5.22 1.37
Church 6 9 5.69 0.80
Church 4 36 5.94 0.72
Church 2 24 5.65 0.74
Church 3 25 5.94 0.72
Church 5 35 5.66 0.88

 

* Churches are ranked by level of Activism and Racial Identity.

92

 

Table 10

Mean diflerences between churches on Active coping

 

 

Church levels of Active coping N Mean SD
Church 1 25 3.96 0.54
Church 8 7 4.01 0.21
Church 9 12 3.86 0.71
Church 7 14 3.74 0.54
Church 6 9 4.12 0.40
Church 4 36 4.10 0.41
Church 2 24 4.10 0.47
Church 3 25 4.23 0.42
Church 5 35 3.90 0.55

 

* Churches are ranked by level of Activism and Racial Identity.

93

Table 1 1

Summary of a T wo-way Analysis of Variance for churches and Activism

 

 

 

Source df SS MS F
Church
Between 2 4.15 2.07 339*
Within 184 112.41 .611
Total 187 953 .48
*p<.05

Preliminary Analysis of Correlations between Primary Variables

Initial analysis of the relationships between racial identity, psychological
empowerment, Black activism, psychological well-being, and the covariate, age,
indicated moderate to strong correlations between the variables. Psychological
empowerment was positively related to both centrality and private regard and activism at
five years. Psychological empowerment was also positively related to self-esteem, active
coping, and age. Small to moderate positive correlations were found between activism,
centrality, and private regard. Positive correlations were also found between self-esteem,
active coping, and age. Although age was negatively related to centrality, there was no
Significant relationship with private regard. A small positive correlation was found
between age and self-esteem. However, there was no relationship between age and active

COping. (See Table 12).

94

 

 

 

Table 12

Correlation table for primary variables

 

 

 

Variable 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
Centrality 1 .00

Private Regard .27** 1.00

Psych Empowerment .15** .27** 1.00

Activism 5 years .28** .14** .45** 1.00

Self-esteem - .13 .28** .49** .21** 1.00

Active Coping - .01 .23** .44** .22** .57** 1.00

Age - .13* -.010 .25** .28** .161* .083 1.00

 

*p<.05, ** p<.01

Hypothesis One

The first prediction of this study was that racial identity would be positively
related to psychological well-being. As indicated, racial identity and psychological
empowerment have two dimensions. To test these hypotheses, a series of multiple
regressions were conducted, controlling for age, with centrality and private regard as
predictors and self-esteem and active coping as outcome variables. Thus, the hypotheses
and their findings were as follows:
Hypothesis 1a and b: Racial centrality will be positively related to psychological well-

being

95

Overall regression analysis indicated that centrality was not related to
psychological well-being. Contrary to what was hypothesized, racial centrality was not
significantly related to self-esteem, F(2, 186) = 2.44, ns (See Table 13), or active coping,
F(2,186) = .635, ns. (See Table 14).

Hypothesis 1c and d: Private Regard will be positively related to Psychological Well-
being

On the other hand, private regard was found to be positively related to both

indicators of psychological well-being, thus providing support for hypotheses 1c and (1.
Specifically, private regard was found to be significantly related to both self-esteem, F (2,
186) = 10.95, p < .001 (See Table15) and active coping, F(2, 186) = 6.01, p < .001 (See
Tablel6). Thus, private regard had a statistical influence on one’s self-esteem and active
coping. (See beta coefficients on Diagrams 4 and 5)

Mediating Relationships

Diagram 1

Psychological Empowerment

f g

Racial Identity h Psychological
Well-being

 

96

Diagram 2

Activism

Racial Identity h Psychological
P Well-being

 

Mediation in the present study
In order to test the mediational roles of psychological empowerment and activism
in the present study, a series of regressions were conducted using Baron and Kenny’s
(1986) procedure for examining mediating relationships. Furthermore, since both the
predictor variable, racial identity, and the outcome variable, psychological well-being,
had two subscales, a series of regressions were run to assess the mediational roles of
psychological empowerment and activism between the indicators of both constructs. For
example, three regressions were run to assess the mediational roles of psychological
empowerment and Black activism upon the relationships between centrality and self-
esteem, centrality and active coping, private regard and self-esteem, and private regard
and active COping. The first series of regressions regressed the predictor variable, racial
identity, onto the outcome variable, psychological well-being. In the second analysis, the

researcher regressed the predictor variable, racial identity, onto the mediating variables,

97

 

psychological empowerment and Black activism. The third regressed the predictor
variables for racial identity, and the mediating variables, psychological empowerment and
Black activism, on to the outcome variables for psychological well-being. According to
Baron and Kenny (1986) and McKinnon (2000), mediation occurs when the regression
coefficients from the first two regressions are found to be significant, and in the third
regression, the mediating variable remains significant, even after the predictor variable is
entered into the regression equation. Additionally, in the third regression, the beta
coefficient between the predictor and outcome variable should decrease and become non-
significant in the presence of the mediator. If all three criteria are met, full mediation has
occurred. If step three is not met and the relationship between the predictor and the
outcome variable remains significant, there is evidence of partial mediation. (See
Diagrams 4, 5)

Thus, in the present study, evidence for full mediation must meet the three criteria
outlined above and the initial relationship between racial identity and psychological well-
being must be fully explained by the two mediators, psychological empowerment and

Black activism.

98

Diagram 3

 

Analysis

Visual Depiction

 

Step I

Y=R+RX+e

Conduct a simple regression analysis with X
predicting Y to test for path h alone,

h
I

X Y

<4

 

Step 2

Conduct a simple regression analysis with X
predicting Z to test for path f, Z = BO + BIX + e .

 

X *2

 

Step 3

 

 

Conduct a multiple regression analysis with X and Z
predicting Y, Y = B0 + B,X + BZZ +e

 

 

Hypothesis two: Empowerment as a mediator between Racial Identity and Psychological

Well-being

Consistent with that of the steps proposed by Baron and Kenny (1986) to

investigate mediation, a series of regressions were conducted, with age as a covariate, to

assess the relationship between each dimension of racial identity (centrality and private

regard) and psychological well—being (self-esteem and active coping). Tables 13, 14, 15,

and 16 contain the standardized and unstandardized regression coefficients, t tests, R2,

and F tests for the regression analyses examining the mediating effect of psychological

empowerment between racial identity and psychological well-being.

99

 

 

Hypotheses 2a and 2b. Centrality, psychological empowerment, and
psychological well-being

Overall, centrality was found to be significantly related to psychological
empowerment and African Americans who reported that race was central to their self-
concept reported higher levels of psychological empowerment, F(2, 186) = 9.72, p < .001.
However, as indicated, the first step of mediation was not met, and centrality was not
significantly related to self-esteem or active coping. (Diagrams 5 and 6) Thus, the first
step of mediation was not met, and the subsequent mediational analysis only included the
private regard dimension of racial identity. Tables 13 and 14 contain the standardized
and unstandardized regression coefficients, t tests, R2, and F tests for the regression
analysis examining the mediating effect of psychological empowerment between

centrality and self-esteem.

Diagram 4. Standardized regression coefficients utilized to assess the role of
psychological empowerment in mediating the relationship between Centrality and Self—
esteem.

Step 1: Criteria for mediation not met.

Centrality Beta = .008, g: .911 Self-esteem
P

 

Psychological Empowerment

    

Step 2 Beta = .187 p<.01 Step3 Beta = -.084, p=.202

 

Centrality > Self-esteem

100

 

Diagram 5. Standardized regression coefficients utilized to assess the role of
psychological empowerment in mediating the relationship between Centrality and Active
coping.

Step 1: Criteria for mediation not met.

Centrality Beta = -.002, p_= .978 Active coping
b

 

Psychological Empowerment

    

Step 2 Beta = .187, p<.01 Step3 Beta = .-088, p=.l97

Centrality > Active coping

 

101

Table 13

Psychological Empowerment mediating the relationship between C entrality and

 

 

Self-esteem
Outcome and Predictor B Beta t R2 F
Step 1
Outcome Self-esteem
Covariate Age .010 .161 2.21* .02 4.89*
Predictors Centrality .010 .008 .11 .02 2.44
Step 2
Psych
Outcome Empowerment
Covariate Age .011 .272 3.84** .06 12.04**
Predictors Centrality .153 .187 2.65** .09 9.72**
S tep 3
Outcome Self-esteem
C o variate Age .002 .027 .40 .02 4.89**
Psych
Pre dictors Empowerment .747 .495 7.3 3 * *
Centrality .104 -.084 -1.28 .24 20.01**

 

*p < .OS,** p<.01

102

Table 14

Psychological Empowerment mediating the relationship between Centrr

Active coping

 

 

Outcome and Predictor B Beta t
Step 1 7
Outcome Active coping
Covariate Age .003 .082 1.11 0
Predictors Centrality -.001 -.002 -.028 0
Step 2
Outcome Psych Empowerment
Covariate Age .011 .272 3.84** .(
Predictors Centrality .153 .187 2.65"‘ .(
Step 3
Outcome Active coping
Covariate Age -.001 -.042 -.611 .l
Predictors Psych Empowerment .375 .459 6.60**
Centrality -.59 -.088 -1.3

 

*p < .05,** p<.01

Hypotheses 2c. Psychological empowerment will mediate the r

between Private Regard and Self-esteem

Overall regression analysis indicated that two of the criteria for

n at, and the relationship between private regard and self-esteem could

explained by the mediating role of psychological empowerment. Table

103

standardized and unstandardized regression coefficients, t tests, R2, and F tests for the

regression analysis examining the mediating effect of psychological empowerment

between private regard and self-esteem.

Results of the first regression indicated that private regard was positively related
to self-esteem, F(2, 186) = 10.95, p < .001, explaining 10% of the variance and meeting
the first criteria for mediation. In the second regression equation, private regard was
positively related to psychological empowerment, F(2, 186) = 14.643, p < .001, thus
meeting the second criteria for mediation. The third regression, with self-esteem as the
outcome variable, included both private regard and psychological empowerment. Results
of the regression indicated that private regard was positively related to self-esteem, F(2,

1 86) = 10.95, p < .001, and psychological empowerment only partially mediated the
relationship between racial identity and self-esteem. Psychological empowerment added
1 5% of the variance in self-esteem beyond the 10% contributed by private regard alone.

Additionally, the standardized regression (beta) coefficients for private regard from step
one to step three were decreased from .28 to .17. Overall, evidence supporting the three
S teps of mediation was found, and the relationship between private regard and self-esteem

C an be partially explained by the mediational role of psychological empowerment.

104

Diagram 6. Standardized regression coefficients utilized to assess the role of

psychological empowerment in mediating the relationship between Private regard and

 

   

Self—esteem.
Step 1
Private regard Beta = .284 p< .01 Self-esteem
’
Psychological Empowerment
Step2 Beta =.276 p<.01 Step3 Beta =.165, p<.05
Private regard > Self-esteem

 

105

 

Table 15

Psychological Empowerment mediating the relationship between Privat

 

 

and Self-esteem
Outcome and Predictor B Beta t
Step 1 T
Outcome Self-esteem
Covariate Age .010 .163 2.34*
Predictors Private regard .5 5 .2 84 4.07* *
Step 2
Outcome Psych Empowerment
Covariate Age .010 .25 3.65**
Predictors Private regard .3 52 .276 4.03 * *
S tep 3
Outcome Self-esteem
C ovariate Age .003 .06 .85
Predictors Psych Empowerment .648 .429 6.3 0* *
Private regard .318 .165 2.5*

*p < .05, ** p<.01

Hypothesis 2d. Psychological Empowerment will mediate the rel

b e tween Private Regard and Active Coping.

To test the aforementioned hypothesis, a series of multiple regre:

teS t hypothesis 2d, which proposed that psychological empowerment wc

106

relationship between private regard and active 00ping. Results from these analyses c
found on Table 16. Overall results of the first regression indicated that private regari
positively related to active coping, F(2, 186) = 6.01 , p < .005, explaining only 5% of
variance. In the second regression equation, private regard was positively related to
psychological empowerment, F(2, 186) = 14.643, p < .001. The third regression, wit
active coping as the outcome variable, included both private regard and psychologicz
empowerment. Results of the third regression indicated that private regard was not re
to active coping, F (3, 186) = 15.62, p < .001, and psychological empowerment fully
mediated the relationship between racial identity and active coping. Thus, the
relationship between private regard and active coping can be fully explained by
psychological empowerment. Psychological empowerment added 19% of the varian
active coping. Additionally, the Beta coefficients for private regard from step one to
three were decreased from .23 to .12. (See Diagram 4 for Beta coefficients.) Overall
three steps of mediation outlined by Baron & Kenny (1986) were met, and the

relationship between private regard and active coping can be explained by the media

role of psychological empowerment.

107

 

Diagram 7. Standardized regression coefficients utilized to assess the role of
psychological empowerment in mediating the relationship between Private Regard and

Active Coping.

Step 1

Private Regard Beta = .234 p< .01 Active Coping
F

 

Psychological Empowerment

   

Step2 Beta =.276 p<.01 Step3 Beta =.121, p=.08

 

Private regard + Active Coping

108

 

Table 16

Psychological Empowerment mediating the relationship between Private Regan

 

 

Active Coping

Outcome and Predictor B Beta t R2
Step 1

Outcome Active coping

Covariate Age .003 .085 1 . 19 0
Predictors Private regard .243 .234 3.27** .05
Step 2

Outcome Psych Empowerment

Covariate Age .010 .25 3.65** .06
Predictors Private regard .352 .276 4.03** .13
Step 3

Outcome Active coping

Covariate Age -.001 -.016 -.241 0
Predictors Psych Empowerment .332 .406 5.72**

Private regard .126 .121 1.76 .19

 

*p < .05, ** p<.01

Hypothesis three: Activism as a mediator between Racial Identity and Psycholog
We ll-being

Consistent with that of the steps proposed by Baron and Kenny (1986) to

i nVestigate the mediational role of activism, a series of regressions were conduct

ag e as a covariate, to assess the relationship between centrality and self—esteem a

109

centrality and active coping. Tables 17 and 18 contain the standardized and
unstandardized regression coefficients, t tests, R2, and F tests for the regression analysis
examining the mediating effect of activism between centrality and both dimensions of
psychological well-being.
Hypotheses 3a and 3b: Activism as a mediator between centrality and psychological
well-being

Although the second criteria of mediation was met and centrality was found to be
positively related to activism, F(2, 186) = 19.93, p < .001, as noted in the above analysis
of hypothesis 1, the first step of mediation was not met for either hypothesis 3a or 3b.
(See Tables 17 and 18) Thus, the findings suggest that the relationship between centrality

and psychological well-being is not mediated by activism.

110

Table 17

Activism mediating the relationship between Centrality and Self-esteem

 

 

Outcome and Predictor B beta t R2 F
Step 1
Outcome Self-esteem
Covariate Age .010 .161 2.21 * .02 489*
Predictors Centrality .010 .008 .1 1 .02 2.44
Step 2
Outcome Activism
Covariate Age .016 .319 4.74** .07 15.4l**
Predictors Centrality .336 .321 4.76** .17 19.93**
Step 3
Outcome Self-esteem
Covariate Age .006 .098 1.28 .02 4.89*
Predictors Activism .235 .20 2.53*

Centrality -.069 -.056 -.73 .04 3.81*

 

*p < .05, ** p<.01

111

Table 18

Activism mediating the relationship between centrality and active coping

 

 

Outcome and Predictor B beta t R2 F
Step 1
Outcome Active coping
Covariate Age .003 .082 1.1 1 0 1.28
Predictors Centrality -.00 1 -.002 -.028 0 .64
Step 2
Outcome Activism
Covariate Age .016 .319 4.73 .07 15.41 **
Predictors Centrality .336 .321 4.76 .17 19.93**
Step 3
Outcome Active coping
Covariate Age .001 .005 .070 0 1.28*
Predictors Activism . 1 5 3 .241 3.04

Centrality -.05 -.08 -1.04 .04 3.53*

 

*p < .05, ** p<.01

Hypothesis 3c. Activism as a mediator between private regard and self-esteem.

To test the mediational role of activism between private regard and self-esteem, a

series of multiple regressions were run to test the hypothesis, which proposed that

activism would mediate the relationship between private regard and self-esteem. Results

from these analyses can be found on Table 18. Results of the first regression indicated

that private regard was positively related to self-esteem, F (2, 186) = 10.95, p < .001,

explaining 10% of the variance. In the second regression equation, private regard was

112

 

— ‘-

positively related to activism, F(2, 186) = 9.86, p < .001. The third regression, with self-
esteem as the outcome variable, included both private regard and activism. Results of the
regression indicated that private regard was positively related to self-esteem, F(3,186) =
8.65, p < .001, after partialing out the variance accounted for by activism. Activism was
found to be unrelated to self-esteem. (See Table 18) Thus, activism did not mediate the
relationship between private regard and self-esteem. Hypothesis 3c3 was not supported,
and the third step of mediation was not met. Subsequent investigations of the
standardized regression coefficients for private regard and activism from step one to step
three revealed that the Beta coefficient decreased from .28 to .26 after partialing out the
effects of activism. Beta coefficients for activism, across the three steps, decreased from
.18 to .14. (See table 9) Further review of the relationship between these variables
indicates a suppressor effect. According to Cohen & Cohen (1983), the term suppression
can be understood to indicate that the relationship between the independent variables, or
causal variables, is hiding or suppressing their real relationship with y. In the present
case, the relationship between the mediator, activism, and the outcome variable, self-

esteem, is being suppressed by the independent, or causal, variable, private regard.

113

Diagram 8. Standardized regression coefficients utilized to assess the role of activism in

mediating the relationship between private regard and self-esteem.

 

Step 1
Private regard Beta = .284, p< .01 Self-esteem
P
Activism
Step2 Beta = .141, p<.05 Step3 Beta = .264, p=.01
Private regard > Self-esteem

 

114

Table 19

Activism mediating the relationship between Private Regard and Self-esteem

 

 

 

Outcome and Predictor B beta t R2 F
Step 1
Outcome Self-esteem
Covariate Age .010 .163 2.34* .02 4.89*
Predictors Private regard .55 .284 4.07** .10 l 1.00**
Step 2
Outcome Activism
Covariate Age .014 .279 3.98** .07 15.41 **
Predictors Private regard .23 .141 2.02* .09 9.86**
Swp3
Outcome Self-esteem
Covariate Age .007 .124 1.72 .02 4.89*
Predictors Activism . 165 . 141 1 .93

Private regard .51 .264 3.75** .11 8.65**

 

*p<.05,**p<.01

115

Hypothesis 3d. Activism will mediate the relationship between private regard and active
coping.

To test mediation, a series of multiple regressions were run. Results from these
analyses can be found on Table 20. Results of the first regression indicated that private
regard was positively related to active coping, F(1, 186) = 6.01, p < .005, explaining 10%
of the variance. In the second regression equation, private regard was related to activism,
F(2, 186) = 9.86, p < .001. The third regression, with active coping as the outcome
variable, included both private regard and activism. Results of the regression indicated
that private regard was positively related to active coping, F(3,186) = 6.13, p < .01, after
partialing out the variance accounted for by activism. Thus, activism only partially
mediated the relationship between racial identity and active coping. Activism added 2%
of the variance in active coping beyond the 5% contributed by private regard alone.
Additionally, the standardized regression coefficients for private regard from step one to
step three were decreased from .23 to .21. (See Diagram 10) Overall, all three steps of
mediation were met, and the relationship between private regard and active coping can be

partially explained by the mediational role of activism.

116

Diagram 9. Standardized regression coefficients utilized to assess the role of activism in

mediating the relationship between Private regard and Active coping.

 

Step 1
Private regard Beta = .234, p< .01 Active coping
>
Activism
Step2 Beta = .141, p<.05 Step3 Beta = .208, p=.01

Private regard ’ Active coping

 

117

Table 20

Activism mediating the relationship between private regard and active coping

 

 

Outcome and Predictor B beta t R2 F
Step 1
Outcome Active coping
Covariate Age .003 .085 1.19 0 1.28
Predictors Private regard .243 .234 3.27** .05 6.02**
Step 2
Outcome Activism
Covariate Age .014 .279 3.98** .07 15.41 **
Predictors Private regard .23 .141 2.02* .09 9.86**
Step 3
Outcome Active coping
Covariate Age .001 .034 .467 0 1.28
Predictors Activism . 1 l6 . 1 82 2.46

Private regard .216 .208 2.92 .08 6.14**

 

*p < .05, ** p<.01

118

Hypothesis Four: Psychological empowerment will be positively related to activism.

The fourth prediction of this study proposed that psychological empowerment

would be positively related to participants’ level of activism. To test this hypothesis, a

series of multiple regressions were conducted. Thus, the hypothesis was as follows:

Results of the regression indicated that psychological empowerment was

significantly related to activism, F(l , 186) = 48.30, p < .001. (See Table 21) After

covaring out age, 23% of the variance could be explained for by psychological

empowerment.
Diagram 10

Psychological Empowerment Beta= .41, p<.01

 

Table 21

Psychological Empowerment and Black Activism.

Activism

 

Outcome and Predictor B beta t

 

Activism
Psychological Empowerment .58 .45 7.0* *

.20 48.30**

 

*p < .05,**p < .01

119

Confirmatory Investigation: Use of collaterals

As indicated, the primary purpose of this study was to assess the relationship
between racial identity, psychological empowerment, Black activism, and psychological
well-being among African Americans. The study examined the mediating roles of
psychological empowerment and activism in the relationship between racial identity and
psychological well-being. To verify one’s level of activism in the study, participants
were asked to nominate an individual who could speak upon their level of activism. A
regression was conducted to assess the relationship between the levels of activism
reported by participants to that reported by collaterals. Results of the regression indicated
that participant activism was not related to the activism levels reported by collaterals,
F (1 ,3 8) = .180, ns. Thus, there was no statistical relationship between the levels of
activism reported by the participant and collateral (See Table 21).
Post hoc Analysis

To further assess the relationship between participants’ responses and that of the
collaterals’, two independent scales were created from seven items to which both
collateral and participant had the highest frequency of responses. Means were computed
for each 7-item measure. A paired-sampled T test was run t (3 8) = -1.972, p > .05, and no
significant differences were found between participants’ scores and collaterals’
perceptions of participants’ activism. Additionally, a multiple regression was run, F (1,3 8)
= .983, p > .05, and there was no significant between participants’ reported level of

activism and that of the collateral (See Tables 22 and 23).

120

Table 22

Participants’ level of activism and collateral perception of participants ’ activism.

 

 

Outcome and Predictor B beta t R2 F
Activism
Collateral -.093 -.70 -424 .005 .180

 

*p < .05,**p < .01

 

 

Table 23
Group differences for seven-item activism scale for collateral and participant
Collateral Participant
Activism M SD M SD df t
Seven paired items 2.05 .73 2.45 .91 38 -1.972

 

*p< .05,**p < .01

Table 24
Regression for seven-item paired scale for participant and collateral

 

Variable B SE B b

 

Participant -.128 .129 -.161

 

Note: 32 =.026 (N = 39, *p< .05,**p < .01)

121

Chapter 4
Discussion

The present study attempted to elucidate the relationship between racial identity,
psychological empowerment, and activism in African Americans. More specifically, the
study assessed the mediational roles of empowerment and activism in the relationship
between racial identity and psychological well-being. Such an endeavor may bring clarity
not only to how race related attitudes and behaviors are related to mental health, but it
may also provide a better understanding of what it means for African Americans to be
psychologically healthy given the economic and social changes they must negotiate in
America. Although support for the mediational roles of empowerment and activism and
support for some of the primary hypotheses were found in the present study, a further
assessment of the Multidimensional Model of Racial Identity must be investigated. Such
a line of inquiry may bring clarity to our understanding of race, identity, and
psychological well-being in African Americans.
Hypothesis One: Racial Identity and Psychological Well-being

Although hypothesis one posited the notion that racial identity would be related to
psychological well-being, this assertion was only partially supported. To assess the
relationship between racial identity and psychological well-being, two measures of racial
identity were employed. The first racial identity measure, centrality, as indicated,
assessed the degree to which an individual felt that race was important to his self-concept,
and the second dimension, private regard, assessed the degree to which an individual had
positive feelings toward Black people as a collective (Sellers, et al., 1998). As noted,

psychological well-being was conceptualized by a measure of self-esteem and a measure

122

of active coping. Results of the analysis indicated that racial centrality was not related to
psychological well-being. Thus, African Americans who felt that being Black was
important to their self-concept did not report higher scores on self-esteem and active
coping. Although centrality was not related to positive psychological well-being, private
regard, or one’s perceptions of Blacks as a group, was related to self-esteem and active
coping. This finding suggested that African Americans’ perceptions of Black peOple and
the value that they place on being connected to the Black collective are associated with
better psychological outcomes and consistent with the work of Maish (1977) and Kambon
(1993), which stated that such a connection and positive perceptions of Blacks as a group
may be psychologically protective for African Americans. However, in regards to
centrality, the present findings are inconsistent with contemporary studies, which found
that identification with one’s community is related to more positive psychological
outcomes for African Americans (Carter, 1991; Chambers, et. al, 1998; Sellers, et. al,
1998). Such findings may suggest a need for more adequate measures and/or a more
thorough assessment of the cultural and psychological make up of the population under
study. In regards to measurement, given the low to moderate alpha reliabilities and high
correlations between racial centrality and private regard, further assessment of the
psychometric properties of the scale may be needed. Additionally, since no relationships
were found between centrality and self-esteem in African Americans in the present study,
the utility of such a measure for the current sample may need to be tabled.

A review on studies utilizing Sellers, et al’s, (1998) Multidimensional Model of
Racial Identity suggested that the earlier scales were normed or standardized on college

and high school samples, and few investigations to this date have been conducted

123

employing these measures on a community sample. Therefore, social scientists
investigating racial identity have very little information concerning how African
Americans in the broader community respond on these inventories. Given that these
measures have been standardized on African American students, who are trying to
negotiate identity at such a young age in a sometimes hostile context, on predominantly
White campuses, being race conscious may be seen as psychologically protective.

Therefore, the importance of race in how they identify themselves and the positive
feelings that they have about the African American collective, in general, may be in
response to context and not the development of a true sense of racial identity that one
cultivates later in life. Thus, further assessments of this model of racial identity in the
broader community must be conducted. In regards to the current sample, given the high
degree of intercultural exchange and the race—neutral context of the population under
study, characterized by integrated communities and interracial marriages, race may not be
a central theme in how these individuals construct identity or self-concept.

In negotiating the forementioned assertions, Vandiver, et al. (2000) advanced the
notion that, given the cultural, social, and economic diversity that has developed over
time within the Black community due to migration and desegregation, it may be best for
social scientists studying racial identity or race related attitudes to account for levels of
acculturation in future studies. Additionally, these findings also called into question
certain aspects of the validity and utility of the MIBI, which are discussed in the
subsequent section of the manuscript. As noted, a number of researchers have found

racial identity and race related attitudes to be related to positive psychological outcomes

124

 

 

in African Americans. However, few have assessed how they are related and what factors
may mediate this process.
Hypothesis Two: Psychological Empowerment as a mediator

Hypothesis two advanced our understanding of the relationship between racial
identity and psychological well-being by proposing that psychological empowerment
mediated this relationship. Thus, hypothesis two brings clarity to how the forementioned
are related. Although the present study did not find a relationship between centrality and
psychological well-being, there was a significant relationship between racial centrality
and psychological empowerment. Thus, African Americans who found being Black
important to their self-concept did report higher levels of psychological empowerment.
These findings are consistent with the proposed theoretical argument and that of previous
studies, which found higher racial identity scores were associated with an awareness of
one’s socio-political context and political efficacy (Banks, 1970; Lessing, 1973; Thomas,
1990; McWherter, 1999). Banks (1970) and Lessing (1973), during the height of the
Black Power Movement, both found that African American students who identified with
the Black community were more conscious of the socio-political challenges facing their
community. More contemporary assessments by Thomas (1990) also found that African
Americans who reported higher levels of racial identity reported a critical awareness of
issues affecting the Black community and believed that they had control over those issues
affecting their community.

As noted, the present study did find that psychological empowerment partially
mediated the relationship between private regard and self-esteem and fully mediated the

relationship between private regard and active coping. These findings suggested that the

125

relationships between self-esteem, active coping, and private regard were closely linked
to psychological empowerment. Thus, the relationships between the forementioned
variables are better explained through the role of psychological empowerment as
proposed in the theoretical argument of this study. As indicated, the processes involved in
developing positive perceptions of Black people as a collective and a stronger
commitment to the Black community (i.e., reading, researching Black history and culture,
and embedding one’s self in settings that affirm Black life) may accompany and foster a
feeling of empowerment or a belief that one is compelled to, and can, be instrumental in
bringing about change in his respective community. These feelings of empowerment and
commitment to one’s community were found, in part, to be related to better psychological
outcomes. Although psychological empowerment only partially mediated the relationship
between private regard and self-esteem, such findings provide greater clarity to how one’s
perceptions of and commitment to the community and psychological well-being were
related. Given that the relationship between private regard and active coping was fully
mediated by psychological empowerment, the utility of psychological empowerment in
future studies of race related attitudes and psychological outcomes among African
Americans may be needed. Moreover, furthering our understanding of psychological
empowerment among African Americans may prove beneficial in the therapeutic setting
for clinicians and other human service professionals who are working with clients who
have negative perceptions of Black people as a collective, employ poor coping strategies,
and have negative perceptions of themselves. By fostering a sense of empowerment,
clients are made aware of the resources and support systems available to them, thus

gaining the ability to identify and mobilize resources. This awareness and ability to

126

negotiate one’s environment gives African American clients a sense of control and
mastery over their lives as well as their fate. The use of such a model has been
documented throughout the literature on mental health interventions (Rogers, et al.,
1997)

Hypothesis Three: Activism as a mediator

Hypothesis three investigated the mediational role of activism in the relationship
between racial identity and psychological well-being. Although few contemporary
studies have investigated the mediational role of activism, Maish (1977) found that
efforts engaged in to bring about change were related to racial identity and better
psychological outcomes. Moreover, many theoretical reviews advanced the notion that a
logical response to developing higher levels of racial identity is an increased propensity to
become active and involved in efforts to advance one’s community (Cross, 1991;
Kambon, 1993). These increased levels of racial identity and activism lead to a
reevaluation of self that, in many instances, is positive (Keiffer, 1984). Such a positive
reevaluation of self and sense of control over one’s life through activism have both been
associated with psychological health (Kupers, 1993).

In the present study, activism was related to both measures of racial identity and
both measures of psychological well-being. More specifically, in the present study,
African Americans who reported that race was central to their self-concept and had
positive views of Black people as a group reported higher levels of activism. While few
contemporary studies have assessed this relationship, Lessing & Zagorin (1970) found
that African American college students who identified with the Black community were

more active within their respective campus and community organizations. Additionally,

127

 

Maish (1977) found that African Americans who identified with the Black community
and subscribed to a more pan-Africanist political ideology were more active within the
Black community. As indicated, activism was found to be related to both racial identity
and psychological well-being. However, activism only partially mediated the relationship
between private regard and active coping. Thus, the relationship between African
Americans’ perceptions about Black people as a collective and active coping can only be
partially explained by their levels of activism.

In regard to private regard and self-esteem, the mediational role of activism needs
to be further assessed. Further review of the data indicated that the effects of activism
upon self-esteem were explained or suppressed by private regard. Private regard was
strongly associated with self-esteem, and African Americans in the present study who had
positive views of Black people as a group reported higher self-esteem. However, the
nature of the relationships between private regard, activism, and self-esteem needs to
explored further. The data suggest that it might be possible that private regard, or one’s
views about Black people as a group, may mediate the relationship between activism and
self-esteem instead, suggesting that identity development, or private regard in particular,
may be an outcome of embedding one’s self in a particular community and engaging in
efforts to advance that community. This increased level of activism may lead to a
reevaluation of one’s identity and foster positive feelings about Black people as a
collective. This new evaluation of self and the collective may then be related to higher
levels of self-esteem.

The role of activism in the relationship between private regard and active coping,

as indicated, only partially explains the variance in coping among African Americans in

128

the present sample. Thus, other factors may better explain this relationship between
racial identity and self-esteem. Although the findings in the present study are
inconclusive and the mediational role of activism needs to be explored, in the present
study, the propensity to engage in efforts to bring about change and one’s commitment to
his community were found to be directly related to better psychological outcomes for
African Americans. Such findings not only provided greater clarity to how one’s
perceptions of and commitment to the community and psychological well-being were
related, but they also may prove to be beneficial in developing models of psychological
health for African Americans.
Hypothesis Four: Psychological empowerment and activism

As expected, psychological empowerment was related to Black activism. Thus, in
the present study, African Americans who were more aware of and attuned to issues
affecting their communities and reported an ability to identify and mobilize resources
were more active within their respective communities. Such findings are consistent with
much of the literature on psychological empowerment, activism, citizen participation, and
self-efficacy. Both Lappe and Dubois (1994) and Keiffer (1984) found that individuals
who were more aware of issues facing their community were more likely to be active and
involved in various organizations throughout their community.

Limitations

There were several limitations in the present study. Addressing them in future
studies will provide a better understanding of the relationship between African American

psychological functioning, racial attitudes, and propensity to engage in efforts to

129

effectuate change. The limitations in the study centered on sampling, methodology, and
measurement.

Sampling

The first limitation was related to the sample in the present study. Researchers in
the study chose to only use African Americans from the church community. Although the
church is an integral part of the African American community, not all African Americans
consistently attend church. Given that the participants sampled in the study were from
all-Black churches and historically the Black church has been the primary context for
affirrnation of one’s faith and a sense of empowerment, it is also a context that provides
African Americans social support and community connectedness. Given that this is a
highly integrated context where there are few all-Black spaces for African Americans to
convene, African Americans who do not attend church may differ in regards to racial
attitudes, sense of empowerment, community connectedness, and psychological well-
being. Thus, these findings cannot be generalized to African Americans who do not
attend church.

Methodology

Longitudinal or lifespan approach

Additionally, to assess the consistency of responding to these variables over time,
a lifespan or longitudinal approach may provide better information on the mediational
roles of psychological empowerment and activism over time. Such a line of inquiry may
assess whether a sense of belonging, commitment, involvement, and psychological well-
being are functions of age in that, as Blacks continue to navigate the life span and

cultivate wisdom about themselves and their ecological space, they become wiser and

130

more psychologically healthy. Results of the present study indicated that age was
positively related to psychological empowerment, activism, and self-esteem. Thus, older
African Americans in the sample reported a higher sense of empowerment, involvement
in the Black community, and higher self-esteem. Future studies employing a lifespan
approach may be better able to discern the role of maturation in understanding the
forementioned relationships. Given the complexity and difficulty in assessing
psychological constructs among people of color, the utility of cross-sectional methods has
been called into question. Researchers consistently point out the inability of cross-
sectional research to provide an understanding of behavior across context, space, and
time. Thus, future assessments of various psychological phenomena should employ a
longitudinal design.
Use of collaterals

As indicated, additional data was collected from collaterals. The collaterals were
chosen to Speak upon participants’ level of activism in the last five years. Results of the
data indicated that there was no relationship between participants’ reported level of
activism and the collaterals’ perceptions of participant activism. From a thorough review
of the data, many of the collaterals indicated that, although they knew that the participants
were active within the Black community, they could not speak upon specific activist
activities conducted by the participants nor the frequency of such activities. Subsequent
analyses were conducted to assess the relationship between items to which both
participants and collaterals frequently responded. The results again indicated that there
was no relationship. Such inconsistencies in reporting on the part of the collaterals and

the participants do call into question the validity of the activism measure and could be

131

explained by over-reporting or under-reporting by both parties. However, given the
cultural make up of the population under study and the social, geographical, and
structural barriers (i.e., new highways, gentrification, and class separation) experienced
over the years in their respective communities, collateral responses could be reflective of
the limited interaction that they have with the participants due to the forementioned
impingements. Also, given that the participants’ reported level of activism and the
collaterals’ perceptions of that activism were self-report data and researchers have
consistently cited problems with self-report data, future research investigating actual
behaviors may find it best, when employing collaterals, to select individuals who are
affiliated with the same group or engage in similar behaviors, which are the foci of the
study. Researchers using collaterals to investigate health-related behaviors and mental
disorders have found the use of collaterals exhibiting similar behaviors or diagnosed with
the same disorders to be beneficial in verifying participants’ behavior (Stasiewicz, et al.,
1997). The use of such procedures in ascertaining activist behavior may provide more
accurate information about participants’ actual behaviors and make for a more rigorous
analysis.
Use of qualitative techniques

Employing qualitative methods such as interviews and focus groups may be of
critical import in furthering our understanding of psychological well-being, given African
Americans’ propensity toward the oral tradition and a reflexive, cognitive approach to
solving problems and discussing issues relevant to their community (Nobels, 1976;
Kambon, 1992). Recent research on African American parenting and perceptions of

cancer treatment trials have found the use of focus groups beneficial in better

132

understanding how African American men socialize their adolescent children and
identifying barriers to participation in cancer treatment trials for high risk African
American women (Williams, et al., 2004). As noted, the use of qualitative techniques in
understanding African American psychological functioning and challenges faced in their
respective communities may provide social scientists with a more critical understanding
of the African American community. Such clarity will lead to the development of more
effective interventions, which are needed to address problems in the African American
community.

Measurements

Reevaluating racial identity

As noted, much of the discourse on African American mental health and
psychological well-being has been tabled by racial identity theorists (Horrowitz, 193 9;
Parham and Helms, 1985; Chambers, et al., 1998; Sellers, et al., 1998). Although there
have been a number of studies assessing the relationship between racial identity and self-
concept, there does not seem to be conceptual clarity on how racial identity should be
defined for African Americans. Results of the present study, employing two measures of
the Multidimensional Inventory of Black Identity, are evident of such inconsistencies in
that only the private regard, and not racial centrality, was related to psychological health.
Item analysis and factor analysis indicated that the MIBI had poor internal consistency,
and many of the items did not load on the factors proposed by the author. Such
inconsistencies in the present study and others suggest that: 1) These scales may need to
be used independently of each other, and 2) There may be a need to reevaluate not only

how social scientists think about identity but also a need to assess the contextual nature of

133

racial identity and race related attitudes, given the high degree of diversity and
intercultural exchange since desegregation. Such an assessment is consistent with Harrell
(1991), Burlew and Smith (1991), and Livingston (1999), who each argued for the
creation and use of identity measures that not only are context specific but are reflective
of contemporary psycho-political themes.
Implications

Although some of the primary hypotheses in the study were supported, the
mediational roles of psychological empowerment and activism must be further explored.
Navigating this line of inquiry not only has important implications for the advancement of
the literature but, as noted, also has implications for the development of models of mental
health, which are reflective of African American cultural and social experiences. An
investigation into the roles of psychological empowerment and activism and the process
of becoming empowered may shed light upon additional factors that are conducive to
better psychological outcomes for African Americans. Additionally, a better
understanding of one’s activism and involvement in his or her respective community and
how that relates to better psychological outcomes is of critical import. Consistent with
that of empowerment, a better understanding of the role of activism in the Black
community will advance our understanding of how active involvement in social change
and resistance to racism have played important roles in the psychological and socio-
cultural lives of Blacks here in America.

As noted, addressing the lack of conceptual clarity among social scientists
investigating the relationship between racial identity and Black psychological functioning

is of critical import. However, continued assessments of factors that may mediate this

134

relationship may bring more clarity to what factors are associated with healthy
psychological functioning for African Americans. Research on empowerment and
activism in the African American community and the political and ideological positions
that undergird such behavior may give social scientists more insight in the relationship
between African American mental health, identity, and behaviors they engage in to
counter racism and structural strain. Furthering our understanding of the roles of
psychological empowerment and activism and their relationship to psychological health
will provide social scientists not only with more insight into the relationship between the
formentioned variables, but it may also prove beneficial in the development of
interventions to enhance the Black community. Given the importance of an individual’s
ecology in influencing his or her identity, self-concept, and psychological well-being,
efforts should be directed towards creating settings and experiences, which facilitate and
are conducive to developing strong racial identity, a sense of empowerment, racial
solidarity, and respect for Black culture and Black people (Livingston, 1999).
Future Directions

The present study attempted to elucidate the relationship between racial identity,
psychological empowerment, and activism in African Americans. Many of the hypotheses
were supported. However, it becomes evident that further work is needed to determine
how racial identity should be conceptualized for African Americans and bring clarity to
what factors are conducive to developing positive psychological outcomes for African
Americans. The present study furthers our understanding of such factors by assessing the
relationships of activism and empowerment with that of identity and psychological well-

being. Such an analysis moves the literature away from only investigating race and racial

135

attitudes, but in the present line of inquiry, social scientists gain a better understanding of
how African Americans perceive their socio-political context and the subsequent
behaviors they engage in to empower the Black community and counter racism.
Broadening our understanding of factors related to psychological health in African
Americans will lead to a better assessment of Black psychological functioning and
development over the life span and prove beneficial in the development of appropriate
models of mental health.

Future research assessing the relationships between African American racial
identity, racial attitudes, empowerment, activism, and psychological well-being must also
investigate other factors that may mediate the relationships between racial identity, race-
related attitudes, and self-esteem. Factors such as enrollment in Black Studies courses,
racial socialization, and one’s experience with racism have all been found to be factors
related to racial identity and psychological well-being (Horrowitz, 1939; Banks, 1976;
McAdoo, 1985; Baldwin, 1987; Carter, 1991; Livingston, 1999; Martin, 2001).
Additionally, future studies should adhere to the recommendations given by Burlew and
Smith (1991) and Vandiver, et al. (2000) regarding investigating racial identity among
African Americans. Burlew and Smith (1991), in their conceptualization of the four types
of racial identity, suggest that measures of racial identity are not alike, and researchers
should choose a measure of racial identity consistent with the research question they
propose to investigate. Thus, if the researcher is interested in whether an African
American sample adheres to a race-first political ideology and has a stronger propensity
toward group solidarity, then a Group-based approach to racial identity should be

employed. Furthermore, if the researcher is interested in whether African Americans’

136

identity is consistent with an African-centered worldview orientation then an African-
centered approach to racial identity should be employed. In regards to Vandiver, et al.
(2000), as indicated, in choosing a measure of racial identity, researchers should account
for the intersection of race, class, and the degree of acculturation among African
American participants. An assessment of the aforementioned may better explain the
researchers’ results and accounts for the diversity in Black behavior, attitudes, and
cultural experiences.

Moreover, future studies of racial identity must include representative samples of the
African American community. Many of the studies conducted over the last 30 to 40 years
have primarily been conducted among a college-aged sample. Thus, likened to that of
what we know about normative and non-normative behaviors among Whites,
contemporary psychology is mostly built upon our understanding of individuals 19 to 22
years of age. Given that this is a transitory period in the development of most
individuals, applying results from studies conducted on this demographic to the general
population is problematic. Therefore, if we are to understand the complexity of Black
behavior across the lifespan, a more representative group will have to be sampled.

In conclusion, future studies on racial identity, as indicated, must assess other factors
that are related to psychological health in African Americans. Given the propensity
toward an interdependent/collectivist and spiritual orientation among African Americans,
future studies should assess what roles social support and spirituality play in the daily
lives of African Americans. Furthermore, studies should assess how spirituality and
communal connectedness, or an extended concept of self, are related to better

psychological outcomes. Entertaining such a line of inquiry in future studies and

137

adhering to the aforementioned should lead to the creation of strength-based models of
psychological health for African Americans and, hopefully, answer the question of how
and under what context does healthy psychological functioning occur for African

Americans.

138

APPENDICES

139

CONSENT FORM

Appendix A
African American Psychological Well-being

Participant consent form

The purpose of this study is to examine the relationship between racial identity,
psychological empowerment, activism, and psychological well being in African
Americans. The project is being conducted in conjunction with the graduate program
in psychology at Michigan State University. The survey will take approximately 45
minutes to complete. You will be asked a series of questions to respond to and rate.
Please respond as honestly as possible. There are no right or wrong answers to any
question or statement to which you will respond.

All information you provide in the survey will be kept confidential and will only be
available to Jonathan Livingston and members of his research staff. Your identity will
be kept confidential. Only the researcher and research chairperson will have access to
your responses. For your participation in the current study, your name will be placed in
a drawing for one of four cash prizes ($100, $50, and two for $25).

If you have any questions about the study, either now or later, contact Dr. Penny Foster-
Fishman at (517) 353-5015 or Jonathan Livingston at (517) 487-1816. Your
participation in this study is voluntary, and you may refuse to participate at any time.

Ifyou have any questions regarding your rights as a human subject in this study, please
contact the chair, Dr. Ashir Kumar, of Michigan State University Committee on
Research Involving Human Subjects, 202 Olds Hall (MSU), East Lansing, 48824-1046;
call at (517) 355-2180, fax at (517) 432-4503, by email at ucrihs@msu.edu, or for
additional information, visit the website at www.msu.edu/user/ucrihs.

 

By signing your signature below, you have read the above purpose and procedures of
this study and agree to voluntarily participate in the study.

Signature

 

Name

 

Date

Research staff

140

Appendix B
Letter to Churches

The African American Activism and Psychological Well-being Project

Dear Potential Participants,

My name is Jonathan Livingston, and I am a doctoral student at Michigan State
University in the Department of Ecological/Community Psychology. Currently, I am
conducting a study to determine the relationship between racial identity, psychological
empowerment, activism, and psychological well being among African Americans. To
gain a better understanding of how these variables are related, I am soliciting various
churches throughout the Greater Lansing area in an effort to secure permission to ask
church members they would be willing to participate in the study.

The Afiican American Activism and Psychological Well—being Project is designed
to gather information from African Americans about their involvement in activities that
are Specifically designed to address the concerns and needs of the Black community as
well as assess the psychological impact that activism and involvement have upon African
Americans. To gain this information, we are asking your organization to allow us an
opportunity to talk to your members about their possible participation in the project. For
those members who agree to participate, we will ask them to complete a 40-45-minute
questionnaire, which will include some basic background information and a few
questions regarding racial attitudes, community involvement, and psychological well
being.

Congensation: Individuals who agree to participate in this study will have their names
placed in a cash drawing for one of four prizes ($100, $50, and two for $25). At the
completion of data collection, participants whose names were drawn will be notified and

prizes awarded shortly after.

141

Confidentiality: Several steps have been taken to help ensure your rights to privacy.
Participants will not be required to place their names on the questionnaires. Instead, code
numbers will be applied to each measure. Only my staff and I will have access to the

surveys. Thus, your privacy will be protected to the maximum extent allowable by law.

Prior to questionnaire and scale administration, participants in the study will be provided
with a consent form and given the opportrmity to ask questions and the right to refuse to
answer any questions on the measures that makes them uncomfortable. This work has
direct benefits not only for those human service professionals who work with African
Americans, but it will also have a profound impact on the Black community’s
understanding of what factors are conducive to positive mental heath for Black people.
The project will also provide insight into how we, as African Americans, should best
approach problems effecting the Black community. I will be contacting you in the next
couple of weeks to set up a meeting. If you have any questions or wish to speak with me,
please contact me at the number provided below.

If you have any questions regarding your rights as a human subject in this study, please
contact the chair, Dr. Ashir Kumar, of Michigan State University Committee on Research
Involving Hmnan Subjects, 202 Olds Hall (MSU), East Lansing, 48824-1046; call at
(517) 355-2180, fax at (517) 432-4503, by email at ucrihs@msu.edu, or for additional

information, visit the website at www.msu.edu/user/ucrihs

 

I appreciate your time given in reviewing this letter, and I look forward to meeting with

you and your members to learn more about their experiences and perspectives.

Sincerely,

Jonathan Livingston, A.B.D.

MSU Instructor/Doctoral Candidate
Department of Psychology

Baker 38

Michigan State University

Email: living35@ msu.edu

Phone: (517) 3 53-6499

142

Appendix C
Demographic Information

Please answer all questions as honestly as you can. There are no right or wrong responses.

1). Age 2). Gender M_ F

Please circle on of the following

3). Which of the following best characterizes the racial group to which you belong?
a) African
b) African-American/Black
c) Chicano, Latino or of Hispanic Ancestry
d) Puerto Rican
e) White
1) Caribbean
g) Mixed race
h) Other

4) Which of the following best approximates the racial composition of your hometown
neighborhood?

a) 75%-100% African American

b) 50%-74% African American

0) 25%-49% African American

d) less than 25% African American

5). While in grade school, with which caregiver(s) did you live?
a) Mother and Father
b) Mother
0) Father
(1) Grandparent
6) Step parent
1) Legal Guardian or member of extended family

143

6). Which of the following would best approximate your family’s annual pre-tax
income?

a) $15,000 or less

b) $15,001-$30,000

c) $30,001-$45,000

d) $45,001-$60,000

e) $60,001-$80,000

f) $80,001-$100,000

g) over $100,000

7). Indicate highest level of education of mother or female guardian.
a) 8th grade or less
b) Some high school
c) High school graduate
(1) Some college
e) College graduate
t) Graduate school
g) Don’t know

8). Indicate highest level of education of father or male guardian.
a) 8th grade or less
b) Some high school
c) High school graduate
(1) Some college
e) College graduate
1) Graduate school
g) Don’t know

9). What is your highest level of education?

a) 8th grade or less

b) Some high school

c) High school graduate
(1) Some college

6) College graduate

t) Graduate school

10). Are you currently enrolled in school?

a) Yes
b) No

144

11) As indicated in the information session, the present study is conducted in an attempt
to assess the relationship between racial identity, empowerment, activism, and
psychological well-being in the Black community.

For the purpose of this particular study, a Black activist is defined as:

A person who actively engages in efforts to advance and bring about changes in the
political, economic, and social lives of Black people.

Do you engage in such behavior? Yes or No

Activism is determined through the person’s consistent involvement in
organizations whose purpose and goals are specifically designed to maintain, protect
and advance the Black community.

Do you engage in such behavior? Yes or No

Activism is further displayed in one’s tendency to speak out and organize around
issues that are relevant to the Black community.

Do you engage in such behavior? Yes or No
Activism includes organizing, boycotting stores, writing letters to your local

newspaper, participating on school boards, etc .....

Do you engage in such behavior? Yes or No

12. Do you consider yourself an activist? Yes or No

If N0, please skip questions 13 and continue with question 14.

145

13.0verall, how long have you been an activist? Please indicate in

years months weeks

14. Approximately how many HOURS PER WEEK do you spend engaging or
participating in efforts to assist in or bring about change in the Black community (e. g.
volunteering, attending and organizing meetings and events etc)?

a) less than two hours a week

b) two to five hours a week
c) five to seven hours a week
(1) 7 or more hours a week

15. Please, explain briefly some of the work that you do to bring about change in the
Black community.

16. Are you involved in any organization, group, and/or program whose primary mission
is to uplift the Black community and improve the situation of Black people? (Place
check beside your response) Yes No

 

a If yes Please provide the name of the organization If you are not
involved in an organization likened to the one mentioned above then skip questions 17,
18,19, 20 and answer 21.

146

17. If yes, with how many are you involved?

a)1
b)2
c) 3
d)4

18. How long have you been involved with these organizations?

a) less than one year
b) one to three years
c) three to five years
d) more than five years

19. Have you held a leadership position within this organization?

a) Yes
b) No

If yes, what position did you hold ?
If no, skip question 20.

 

20. How long did you hold this position?

a) less than one year
b) one to three years
c) three to five years
d) more than five years

21. Do you find being active and involved in efforts to bring about change in the Black
community to be rewarding?

a) not at all

b) some what costly

c) neutral

(1) some what rewarding

e) very rewarding

22) Does being active and involved have a positive impact upon you?

147

a) not at all

b) some what negative
c) neutral

(1) some what positive
6) very positive

23) Have you experienced much success in your efforts to bring about change in the
Black community?

a) None at all

b) Very little

0) Don’t know

d) Some success
e) A great deal of success

148

24. Please list any organized events, marches, or other gathering held to address
problems in the African American community held in the past two years that you have

attended.

149

Appendix D
Multidimensional Inventory of Black Identity

Please indicate whether you agree or disagree with each statement by placing the number,

which best represents how you feel, in the space provided.

Strongly Disagree Somewhat disagree Disagree Unsure Agree Somewhat agree Strongly Agree

1 2 3 4 5 6 7
1. _Overall, being Black has very little to do with how I feel about myself.
2. _In general, being Black is an important part of my self-image.
3. _My destiny is tied to the destiny of other Black people.
4. _Being Black is unimportant to my sense of what kind of person I am.
5. _l have a strong sense of belonging to Black people.
6. _I have a strong attachment to other Black people.
7. _Being Black is an important reflection of who I am.
8. _Being Black is not a major factor in my social relationships.
9. _I feel good about Black people.

10. ___I am happy that I am Black.

11. __I feel that Blacks have made major accomplishments and advancements.
12. __I believe that because I am Black, I have major strengths.

13. _I often regret that I am Black.

14. _Blacks contribute less to society than others.

15. _Overall, I often feel that Blacks are not worthwhile.

150

Appendix E
Psychological Empowerment Scale for African Americans

Please indicate your agreement with the following statements. Read each statement
carefully and give your honest feelings about the beliefs and attitudes stated below.

Strongly Disagree Disagree Unsure Agree Strongly Agree
1 2 3 4 5
1. It is important for me to understand how the decisions made by politicians and

leaders affect the Black community.

2. I am aware of those issues that affect the Black community.

3. I keep track of decisions that are made that have an impact upon the Black
community.

4. I know where to go to get what the Black community needs to address a problem
or issue.

5. I know how to find out what issues are affecting the Black community.

6. I have no idea whom to contact if I need to get something done in Black
community.

7. I know whom to contact if I need to get something done for the Black
community.

8. If my church or school needs money, I know people in the community who
would be willing to help out.

9. If a problem arises in my community or child’s school, I know who to contact.

10. I don’t spend too much time keeping track of issues that affect the Black

community.
11. I know who controls the resources in my community and how they are
distributed.

12. When a problem arises in my community; I know how to address it.

13 I can usually organize people to get things done.

14. Other people usually follow my ideas.

15. I find it very hard to talk to people and in front of a group.

151

Appendix F
Black Activism Scale

 

 

Instructions: The following is a list of activities in which some people engage.
Please indicate the extent to which you have participated in each activity

WITHIN THE PAST 5 YEARS and WITHIN THE PAST 1 YEAR using

the scale below.

1 2 3 4
Frequently Occasionally Once in a while Never

 

In The Past In The Past
5 Years 1 year

1. Involved in a program, project, group,
and/or organization geared towards helping or
uplifting the Black community.

2. Attended a meeting where the discussion
were on issues concerning Black people.

3. Participated in a demonstration/rally for
a Black cause.

4. Registered voters for a Black politician.

5. Contacted public officials to address an issue
that you felt was pertinent to the Black community.

6. Raised awareness or educated others on
issues that you felt were pertinent to the Black community.

7. Contributed money to a Black cause.
8. Raised money for a Black cause.

9. Mobilize Black people to take action on a particular issue.

152

 

10.

11.

12.

13.

14.

15.

16.

17.

18.

Picketed for a Black cause.

Participated in a boycott for a Black cause.

Participated in a protest for a Black cause.

Advocated for a Black cause.

Participated in a political campaign for a Black candidate.

Participated in a Black/African American social, civic, or professional organization.

 

Participated in an activity to help end racism, or other forms of racial injustices.

Published an article or newsletter on issues that you felt were pertinent to Black
people.

 

Disseminated or passed out information on issues that you felt were pertinent to the
Black community.

153

Appendix G
Collateral nomination form for participant activism

Throughout this project, we have asked participants to describe themselves and
their attitudes about race and race-related behaviors. In an effort to gain more
information about your level of activism, we would like for you to nominate one person
who can speak upon your level of activism.

As usual, none of the information you’ve provided will be given to the people you
nominate. Likewise, the information they give us will be confidential.

Please, take a few minutes now to think about an individual who knows you well,
who you spend time with, and who you’ve been in touch with recently. This person may
be a fiiend, non-live-in romantic partner, fellow student, co-worker, or roommate. The
following questions ask you to provide some basic information about this person, so that
we may contact him/her.

In signing below, you indicate that you have read the information given above and
have been given explanations about your participation in this part of the data collection.
You acknowledge that the project staff has satisfactorily answered all questions about this
work. Finally, you give us permission to release your name to the nominated person
below as a participant in this study.

 

 

Signature date

1. Nominee Information
Name:
Age:
Telephone
number(s):
Address:

 

 

 

 

 

2. How well do you know this person?

a. Not at all

b. Alittle

c. Pretty well
d. Very well

154

3. How long have you known this person?
a. Less than 3 months.
b. 3-6 months
0. 7-12 months
d. Over a year

4. What is your relationship to this person? Check all that apply.
Co-worker or fellow student

Friend

Spouse or romantic partner

Relative

i. cousin

ii. brother or sister

iii. aunt or uncle

iv. grandparent

e. Other

9‘99”?”

 

5. When was the last time you were in touch with this person? This could include a
telephone conversation or a letter.
a. Within the past 3 months
b. 3-6 months ago
c. 7-12 months ago
d. More than a year ago

6. In what situations do you spend time with this person? Check all that apply.
School or work

Church or religious activities

Organized activities (e.g., clubs)

Informal socializing (parties, talking on the phone, dating, neighborhood)
Other

.09-99'!”

 

155

CONSENT FORM
Appendix H
Nominee participant consent form

The purpose of this study is to examine the relationship between racial identity,
psychological empowerment, activism and psychological well-being in African
Americans. The project is being conducted in conjunction with the graduate program
in psychology at Michigan State University. The survey will take approximately 10
minutes to complete. You have been nominated by a friend to speak upon his/her
level of activism in the Black community. You will be asked a series of questions

to respond to and rate. Please respond as honestly as possible. There are no right

or wrong answers to any question or statement to which you will respond.

All information you provide in the survey will be kept confidential and will only be
available to Jonathan Livingston and members of his research staff. Your identity
will be kept confidential. Only the researcher and research chairperson will have
access to your responses.

If you have any questions about the study, either now or later, contact Dr. Penny
Foster-Fishman at (517) 353-5015 or Jonathan Livingston at (517) 487-1816.
Your participation in this study is voluntary, and you may refuse to participate
at any time.

If you have any questions regarding your rights as a human subject in this study,
please contact the chair, Dr. Ashir Kumar, of Michigan State University Committee
on Research Involving Human Subjects, 202 Olds Hall (MSU), East Lansing, 48824-
1046; call at (517) 355-2180, fax at (517) 432-4503, by email at ucrihs@msu.edu, or
for additional information, visit the website at www.msu.edu/user/ucrihs.

 

 

By signing your signature below, you have read the above purpose and procedures of
this study, and agree to voluntarily participate in the study.

Signature

 

Name

 

Date

 

Research staff

 

156

Appendix I

Questionnaire for collateral

You have been chosen by one of your associates to speak upon his/her level of
activism in the African American community. Your responses to these questions will be
confidential, and none of the information will be given to the individual who has selected
you to speak on his/her behalf. Please take a few minutes to read over the questions that I
have given you and respond as honestly as you can.

1. How likely would your associate, , be to participate in an event that
would be conducted to address issues concerning the Black community?
a. Highly likely
b. Likely
c. Not likely

 

For the purpose of this particular study, a Black activist is defined as:

A person who actively engages in efforts to advance and bring about change in the
political, economic, and social lives of Black people.

Does your associate engage in such behavior? Yes or No

Activism is determined through the person’s consistent involvement in organizations
whose purpose and goals are specifically designed to maintain, protect and advance
the Black community.

Does your associate engage in such behavior? Yes or No
Activism is further displayed in one’s tendency to speak out and organize around

issues that are relevant to the Black community.

Does your associate engage in such behavior? Yes or No

Activism includes organizing, boycotting stores, writing letters to your local

newspaper, participating on school boards, etc .....

157

Does your associate engage in such behavior?

Yes or No

2. Would you consider your associate, , to be an activist?
a. yes
b. no

If no, skip questions 3, 4, and 5.

3.0verall, how long has this person been an activist? Please indicate in

years months weeks

4. Approximately how many HOURS PER WEEK do you think this person spends
engaging or participating in activist activities?

a) less than two hours a week

b) two to five hours a week
c) five to seven hours a week
d) 7 or more hours a week

5. Please explain briefly some of the primary work that this person has done as an
activist.

6. Is this person involved in any organization, group, and/or program whose overall goal
is to uplift the Black community and improve the situation of Black people? Please
provide the name of the organization If your associate is not

involved in an organization likened to the one mentioned above then skip questions 7,
8, 9, and 10.

 

7. If yes, with how many is this person involved?

a)1

b)2
c)3
d)4

158

8. How long has this person been involved with these organizations?

a) less than one year.
b) one to three years
c) three to five years
d) more than five years

9. Has this person held a leadership position within this organization?

a)Yes
b)No

10. How long did this person hold this position?

a) less than one year.
b) one to three years
c) three to five years
d) more than five years

11. Do you think this person finds being active and involved in efforts to bring about
change in the Black community rewarding?

a) Not at all

b) some what costly

0) neutral

d) some what rewarding
e) very rewarding

12) Do you think that being active and involved has a positive impact upon this person?

a) Not at all

b) some what negative
c) neutral

(:1) some what positive
e) very positive

13) Has this person experienced much success in his/her activist efforts?
a) None at all

b) Very little
c) Don’t know

159

d) Some success

e) A great deal of success14. Please list an organized event, march, or gathering held to
address problems in the Afiican American community held in the past two years that
this person has attended.

 

 

Instructions: The following is a list of activities in whi_cl130me people engggg,
PleasLmdicate the extent to which your associate has participated in each activity
WITHIN THE PAST 5 YEARS and WITHIN THE PAST 1 YEAR using

the scale below.

1 2 3 4
Frequently Occasionally Once in a while Never

 

 

In The Past In The Past
5 Years 1 year

15. Involved in a program, project, group,
and/or organization geared towards helping or
uplifting the Black community.

16. Attended a meeting where the discussion
were on issues concerning Black people.

17. Participated in a demonstration/rally for
a Black cause.

18. Registered voters for a Black politician.

l9. Contacted public officials to address an issue
that you felt was pertinent to the Black community.

20. Raised awareness or educated others on
issues that you felt were pertinent to the Black community.

160

 

21.

22.

23.

24.

25.

26.

27.

28.

29.

30.

31.

32.

Contributed money to a Black cause.

Raised money for a Black cause. __ _—
Mobilize Black people to take action on a particular issue.
Picketed for a Black cause.

Participated in a boycott for a Black cause.

Participated in a protest for a Black cause.

Advocated for a Black cause.

Participated in a political campaign for a Black candidate.

Participated in a Black/African American social, civic, or professional organization.

 

 

Participated in an activity to help end racism, or other forms of racial injustices.

 

Published an article or newsletter on issues that you felt were pertinent to Black
people.

 

Disseminated or passed out information on issues that you felt were pertinent to the

Black community.

 

161

 

Appendix J
Taylor’s Inventory of Self-esteem

0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8
Never Almost never Sometimes Almost Always Always
_ l. I am satisfied with the kind of person I am.
2. I later regret things I've said.
3. I feel happy inside.
4. My behavior is inconsistent with my values.
5. I tackle my problem head on.
6. I criticize myself over the least little things.
7. I defend my opinions.
8. I feel ashamed of things I do.
_ 9. I feel proud of the way I do things.
_ 10. I distrust my judgment.
_ 11. I think about things I've done well.
_ 12. My problems get the best of me.
__ 13. I have a sense of purpose.
__ 14. I worry.
_ 15. I follow through on decisions I make.

16. I dwell on my faults.

162

Appendix K
John Henryism Active Coping Scale

The questions below concern how you see yourself, today, as a person living and doing
things in the real world. Read each carefully, and then write the number of the response,
which best describes how you feel, on the line next to the question. Each person is
different, so there are no “Right” or “Wrong” answers. We would simply like an honest
appraisal of how you generally see yourself.
For each of the following statements, please select one of these responses:
Completely True = 1 Somewhat False = 4
Somewhat True = 2 Completely False = 5
Don’t Know = 3
1. I’ve always felt that I could make of my life pretty much what I wanted to make
of it.
2. Once I make up my mind to do something, I stay with it until the job is
completely done.

3. I like doing things that other people thought could not be done.

4. When things don’t go the way I want them to, that just makes me work even

5. Sometimes, I feel that if anything is going to be done right, I have to do it

6. It’s not always easy, but I manage to find a way to do the things I really need to
get done.

7. Very seldom have I been disappointed by the results of my hard work.

8. I feel that I am the kind of individual who stands up for what he believes in,
private regardless of the consequences.

9. In the past, even when things got really tough, I never lost sight of my goals.

163

10. It’s not important for me to be able to do things the way I want to do them rather
than the way other people want me to do them.
11. I don’t let my personal feelings get in the way of doing a job.

12. Hard work has really helped me to get ahead in life.

164

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