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Adaptation and Health Among First-Generation Taiwanese
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Yu-Hsi Lin

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ADAPTATION AND HEALTH AMONG FIRST-GENERATION
TAIWANESE AMERICANS

By

Yu-I-Isi Lin

A DISSERTATION

Submitted to
Michigan State University
In partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
Department of Sociology

2004

ABSTRACT

ADAPTATION AND HEALTH AMONG FIRST-GENERATION
TAIWANESE AMERICANS

By

Yu-Hsi Lin

This study examines the adaptation of first-generation Taiwanese Americans to
American society, which focuses on respondents who live in the Midwest. The analysis
highlights the effects of acculturation on the respondents’ mental and physical health.
Immigration involves a great deal of stress. Their mental health may be impacted by the
stress immigrants experience in the workplace, family, and social encounters. For work
stress, I examine the stress experienced by paid employees and the self-employed because
their work stressors are not exactly the same. Social encounters refer to social relationships
or interaction with people outside one’s family and the workplace. The effective coping
strategies the respondents utilize to reduce stress are similar to those found in other studies.
I also examine the respondents’ physical symptoms and health behaviors. Perceived support
has been found to predict better physical health for them.

Family and work stress have been found to predict the respondents’ mental distress.
Yet, social stress is not a significant predictor. I also study the impact of involvement with
traditional and American culture on the respondents’ mental distress and their family, work
and social stress. Due to their educational homogeneity and other factors, cultural

involvement does not predict their mental distress. However, involvement with American

culture reduces social stress because of the Midwest context, and involvement with
traditional culture increases social stress.

In this study, stress induced by spousal relationships contributes more to family stress
than parenting stress, concern about family finance and worries about the elderly family
members. Work overload, skill underutilization and unpleasant work environment predict
work stress for employed respondents. Working long hours and unpleasant work
environment are significant predictors of work stress for the self-employed. Additionally,
self-employed respondents experience more mental distress than employed respondents. The
more often respondents socialize with neighbors and American friends and participate in
religious activities, the less social stress they experience.

Generally speaking, the respondents adapt well mainly due to their high educational level
and the location of their residence. More research needs to be conducted to understand the

adaptational outcome of the Taiwanese Americans who live in other parts of the U.S.

Copyright by
Yu-Hsi Lin
2004

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to thank Dr. Steve Gold for his inspiring comments, suggestions and
support during my research and writing processes. I also wish to thank my committee
members: Dr. John Schweitzer, Dr. Nan Johnson, Dr. Stan Kaplowitz and Dr. Ruben
Rumbaut for their feedbacks and support.

I am grateful to the respondents of this study and my friends who shared their
research experience with me, encouraged me or provided other types of support (e. g.,
distributing questionnaires for me, helping me find respondents when I was collecting
data in Chicago, and solving computer problems). I also owe my family, especially my

parents, a great deal for their patience and encouragement.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF TABLES .......................................................................................... viii

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION .................................................................... 1

CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW
Concept of Acculturation ........................................................................... 11
Acculturation and Psychological Functioning ............................................. 13
Interaction with the Host society and the Ethnic Community ...................... 16
Measurement of Cultural Orientation ......................................................... 18
Acculturative Stress and Mental Distress ................................................... 20
Demographic Background of Taiwanese Americans ................................... 23
Demography and a Brief History of Taiwan ............................................... 25
Confucianism and Traditional Values ......................................................... 30
Cultural Behaviors ..................................................................................... 36
Transnationalism ........................................................................................ 38
Family Stress ............................................................................................. 42
Economic Adaptation and Work Stress ...................................................... 49
Social Stress .............................................................................................. 59
Coping Strategies ...................................................................................... 61
Locus of Control. ...................................................................................... 63
Perceived Support ..................................................................................... 64
Physical Health .......................................................................................... 66
Help Seeking ............................................................................................. 68
Social Network .......................................................................................... 68

CHAPTER 3: METHOD
Research Design and Sampling .................................................................. 70
Measures ................................................................................................... 71

CHAPTER 4: FINDINGS

Part 1: Quantitative Report ......................................................................... 78

Part II: Qualitative Report ......................................................................... 1 15
CHAPTER 5: DISCUSSION ........................................................................... 127
CHAPTER 6

Limitations and Contributions .................................................................... 150

Implication ................................................................................................ 151

Conclusion ................................................................................................. 152
APPENDI X A ............................................................................................... 154

vi

APPENDIX B ................................................................................................. 155

REFERENCES ................................................................................................ 1 59

vii

Table 1:

Table 2:

Table 3.1:

Table 3.2:

Table 4:

Table 5.1:

Table 5.2:

Table 6.1:

Table 6.2:

Table 6.3:

Table 6.4:

Table 6.5:

Table 6.6:

Table7 . 1 :

Table 7.2:

Table 8.1:

Table 8.2:

LIST OF TABLES
Demography ....................................................................................
Involvement with American and traditionalcultures ..........................
Correlation between mental distress and six variables .......................

Regressions of involvement with traditional culture (ITC) and
involvement (IAC) predicting mental distress ..................................

Regression of family, work and social stress predicting mental
distress .............................................................................................

Regressions of three dimensions of American culture predicting
family, work and social stress ........................................................

Regressions of three dimensions of traditional culture predicting
family, work and social stress .........................................................

Regressions of interaction between family stress and American
culture predicting mental distress .....................................................

Regressions of interaction between family stress and traditional
culture predicting mental distress .....................................................

Regressions of interaction between work stress and American
culture predicting mental distress ....................................................

Regressions of interaction between work stress and traditional
culture predicting mental distress ....................................................

Regressions of interaction between social stress and American
culture predicting mental distress ..................................................

Regressions of interaction between social stress and traditional
culture predicting mental distress ...................................................

Regressions of coping strategies predicting mental distress ...............
Regression of perceived support predicting physical health ...............
Mean of all family stress variables ....................................................

Correlation between parenting stress and it causes ...........................

viii

79

83

85

86

87

89

89

91

92

93

94

95

97

99

100

102

106

Table 8.2: Correlation between parenting stress and its causes ........................... 103

Table 8.3: Mean of work climate and conditions for the employed ..................... 105
Table 8.4: Regression of causes of work stress predicting work stress ............... 106
Table 8.5: Regression of self-employment predicting mental distress ................. 107
Table 8.6: Mean of social stress variables .......................................................... 108

Table 8.7: Percentage of respondents who have the following
physical symptoms ........................................................................... 109

ix

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION

International migration has been one of the major social trends in the era of
globalization. Migration involves a tremendous amount of psychological distress, even for
those best prepared and most motivated (Portes & Rumbaut, 1996), which is likely to affect
immigrants’ health. Asian Americans account for about three percent of the entire U.S.
population. They have achieved parity with Whites in socioeconomic status due to emphasis
on investment in education and a strong work ethic (Tang 1997). They are considered a
Model Minority because of the academic and economic success in quite a number of
subgroups, such as Indian, Korean, Taiwanese, Filipino and Japanese Americans.

The continuous influx of professional immigrants from Asia to the United States since
1965 has inflated the overall educational and skill levels of the Asian American population
(O'Hare & Felt 1991). This mistakenly leads lay people to think that all groups adapt well
and are able to take care of their problems. For example, the obstacles well-educated Asian _
Americans face in career mobility have been overlooked (Daniels 1988: Min 1995; Takaki
1990). Among those in high-status occupations, most hold the lower-level jobs of these
professions (Aguirre & Turner 2001 , p. 17 2). Between 1980 and 1998, the poverty rate for
White Americans increased by 4 percent, while the poverty rate of Asian Americans
increased by 60 percent because recent immigrants from Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos tend
to be poor (ibid p. 170). For the more successful groups, we may wonder whether they
achieved success at the cost of their physical health and mental well-being. In other words.
we may be curious about whether they are happy with their lives in a foreign land and how

their acculturation stress is related to their mental distress and health. I chose Taiwanese

Americans, one of the recent immigrant groups, as the subjects of my study because there
has been little research on them and because they have been lumped together with Chinese
and Hongkongese Americans by researchers.

Due to the restriction of previous immigration. policies of the U.S., most Asian
immigrants arrived after the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965 was signed by
President Lyndon Johnson. This law abolished national origins quotas and accepted
immigrants under a system of preference in which immediate relatives, skilled and unskilled
workers, refugees, scientists and technical personnel were listed under different categories
of preference (Wong 1998). Asian immigrants were excluded or restricted before 1965 due
to the prevalence of nativism in the U.S.(Ancheta 1998, p. 25). Due to the Civil Rights
Movements and other historical factors (e.g., alliance between the U.S. and China during
WWII), American society has become more receptive to minorities. There has been a large
increase in Asian immigrants since 1965. However, they account for only about 3% of the
total population of the U.S.

Early research on Asian Americans estimated their mental health problems based on the
utilization of mental health services. Due to the stigma attached to mental health problems
among Asian Americans, they were under-represented in clinical populations. Hence, it was
generally assumed that Asian Americans experience lower levels of mental health problems
(Sue et a1. 1995). However, several community studies on Chinese Americans or Asian
groups indicate that Chinese Americans have more mental health problems than previously
thought. For example, Kuo (1984) found that Chinese, Japanese, Filipino and Korean
Americans reported higher levels of depression than White Americans. The Chinese

American Psychiatric Epidemiological Study (CAPES), which represents the largest mental

health study of any Asian group, collected data from a probability sample of 1700 native-
bom and foreign-bom Taiwanese, Chinese, and Hongkongese living in the Los Angeles area
(Sue et a1. 1995). In this study, the rates of major depression are higher than the rates of
other psychiatric symptoms, such as anxiety and panic disorder (p. 303). Other research
suggests that the Chinese and Japanese elderly have higher rates of suicide than their non-
Asian peers (Lui & Yu 1985). While there is little research on the mental health of Asian
Americans, even less research has been conducted on their physical health.

When using the term Chinese Americans, researchers usually refer to individuals who
were born in China, Taiwan, and Hong Kong and those whose ancestors are from these
three places. Since recent Chinese and Taiwanese immigrants are from countries with
extremely different political, educational and economic systems, they may experience
different adjustment problems. Taiwanese immigrants are more familiar with the American
economic and political system, while recent Chinese immigrants are from a Communist
regime and “tend to overestimate the affluence and opportunities available in the
U.S.”(Wong 1998). Findings on previous studies of Chinese Americans as a large group
may not accurately reflect on each subgroup, such as Taiwanese Americans. In the U.S.,
the term Taiwanese Americans refers to U.S. citizens and permanent residents who were
born in Taiwan or who have ancestors from Taiwan. There has been little study on the
mental health of Taiwanese Americans alone, and there has not been any on their physical
health.

Taiwanese Americans include those whose parents were born and grew up in Taiwan,
those who were born in Mainland China but moved to Taiwan around 1949 (frrst- generation

Mainlanders), and the children of first-generation Mainlanders. Most of them are urban

dwellers and tend to live in the suburbs of large metropolitan cities in the U.S. There are
large populations of them on the Eastern and Western coasts, such as Los Angeles, and New
York. While some of them migrated to the U.S. to seek better employment after the
Immigration Act of 1965 was effective, many of them migrated to the U.S. in the 19803 and
19903 for different reasons. They came to the U.S. to reunify with their family, to provide
their children with better educational opportunities, to escape the political unrest at home.
to start their own businesses or to work for their relatives, and so on. While many of them
came here as poor students or skilled workers, some of them brought a large amount of
financial capital to start businesses.

Those living in cities with a large population of fellow Taiwanese may experience
different adaptation problems than those living in cities with a small proportion of coethnics.
There are many large firms owned by Taiwanese Americans in large cities, such as New
York, San Francisco and Los Angeles. Los Angeles and San Francisco are the nation’s
largest and second largest Chinese business centers (U.S. Bureau of the Census 1992a).
While there is less pressure in interacting with the dominant culture for Taiwanese
Americans living in large metropolitan cities with a large number of coethnics, the higher
crime rate, faster life pace and higher expectation to achieve may take a toll on their mental
health. A large proportion of the residents in the Midwest are middle-class. The nationwide
self-employment rate for Taiwanese Americans born in the U.S. and abroad was 19.8%
(U.S. Bureau of the Census 2000, 1% PUMS). So, there are more professionals and wage-
eamers than entrepreneurs in this group. I chose Taiwanese American residents in the
Midwest for my study because it provides a setting which requires a high level of

involvement with the dominant culture on a daily basis. This allows me to study the

bicultural involvement of this immigrant subgroup. There are advantages and disadvantages
of living in the Midwest. Involvement with the dominant culture may cause a great amount
of stress for those who are less Westernized. However, there are lower crime rates and
better public schools in the suburbs of the Midwest than in the large cities on the Eastern and
Western coasts and in the Southern states.

In the process of adaptation or acculturation, the lowered mental health status can be
manifested by identity confusion, anxiety, depression, feelings of marginality and alienation,
and heightened psychosomatic symptoms (Berry & Kim 1988). A few published studies on
immigrants’ mental health examined the direct effect of age, length of residence, income,
employment status and acculturation on their depression (Ying 1988; Rumbaut 1985). In
contrast, Berry et a1. (1987) claimed that mental health problems which arise during
acculturation are not inevitable. They found that the mode of acculturation as well as social,
psychological and demographic characteristics govern the relationship between acculturation
and mental health. Other research shows the direct effect of age, language, length of
residence, income, employment status and acculturation on mental health (Noh & Avison
1996; Miranda & Matheny 2001).

To survive in a new culture, immigrants have to endure the hardship of adjustments in
work, family, and social relations outside the family due to cultural differences and racial
discrimination. In addition, undesirable or unexpected life events, such as illness and
financial problems, are also sources of stress. Other stressors which may persist for a long
time and may be hard to overcome include language difficulty, climatic differences, diet
differences and so on. While some adapt to the host society well, others do not. I have seen

entrepreneurs who have worked under very stressful conditions for many years but are in

high spirits and physically healthy. There are individuals who maintain their ethnic culture
with little contact with the larger society but are not depressed. I believe that mental distress
is impacted by acculturation stress and coping strategies. Coping resources and personality
factors (e. g., locus of control, hardiness, optimism, and resourcefulness) also impact on
adaptational outcomes. COping resources refer to social network and social support, which
are conducive to coping with stress (Sloan et a1. 1996; Lin et a1. 1999). Coping strategies
refer to the methods used to reduce stress, such as seeking advice and negotiation. In my
study, locus of control is the only personality factor to be examined.

Most Taiwanese Americans are foreign—Dom and came to the U.S. after 1965.
Therefore, both their culture of origin and the host culture are likely to have varied degrees
of impact on their adaptation in family relations and work and on their health behaviors and
health care utilization. For example, a traditional individual may emphasize the importance
of family and group interest rather than individual interest. In contrast, a more acculturated
individual may emphasize open communication with his/her children. In addition, the change
in social network after migration may affect their adaptation outcomes. Traditionally, when
Taiwanese, especially those of lower socioeconomic status, are faced with non-medical
problems (such as family problems), family and friends are their primary sources of support.
Their support network may diminish if most of their family and relatives still live in Taiwan.
Therefore, their social network and help-seeking behaviors are worth studying.

Family stress mainly comes from parenting, spousal relationship, concern about the
elderly family members at home or in Taiwan and concern about the financial situation of the
family. Parenting stress is largely caused by parent-child conflict due to differences in

acculturation pace. Parents maintain stronger ties to their culture of origin, while children

seem to have stronger ties to the White-dominant culture (Matsuoka 1990). The rules
Taiwanese American parents use for disciplining children derive from traditional values,
such as modesty, respect for the elders and teachers, diligence, emphasis on school
education and assistance for family members. Like other Asian American parents,
Taiwanese American parents generally allow their children to experience behavioral
autonomy at a later time than non-Asian parents. It does not matter if the parents are
traditional or Westernized; they all try to protect their children from the bad influence of the
peers. This may create parent-child conflict if parents do not have good communication
skills to make the children accept their supervision.

As for work stress, I examine the stress experienced by paid employees and the self-
employed because their work stressors are not exactly the same. As of this date, research
on the work stress of the self-employed is limited. Work stressors include work-setting
variables and individual variables. The former are associated with work content (e.g., work
overload and physical conditions of the workplace), leadership (e.g., supervisor feedback)
and work climate (e. g., job security and relationships with co-workers and supervisors). The
work stressors selected for this study have also been identified as stressors in other studies.

In my study, social stress refers to stress induced by interaction with people outside the
family and the workplace, social isolation and a sense of marginality. Immigrants may feel
distressed if they are treated unfairly in the workplace due to their minority status. Similarly,
they will feel distressed if they are treated negatively by their neighbors, police, agency
employees or even salespeople due to their race or their insufiicient language ability, social
skills and cultural knowledge. Social isolation and sense of marginality refer to the feeling

of being an outsider in the larger society or in any social group that an individual is

associated with.

The mental health of Taiwanese Americans can not be indicated by their depression level
alone, though depression is commonly experienced by many immigrant groups. Their global
psychological status should be taken into account, (e. g., whether they feel lonely and
unhappy). As for physical health, symptoms induced by stress or negative health behaviors,
such as high blood pressure, hypertension and diabetes, will be explored . Health behaviors
(such as diet and exercise) were also studied.

My study was primarily conducted through self-administered survey with closed-ended
and open-ended questions. To better understand the difficulties the respondents have
encountered during the acculturation process, I conducted in-depth interviews as well as
attended the activities held by the Taiwanese American Association, language schools, and
religious groups. These methods were used to answer my research questions stated below.

Questions IOC to 16 were answered through interviews and open-ended responses.

Research estions
1. Does involvement with traditional culture or American culture lead to more mental
distress?
2. Does a higher level of family, work and social stress predict more mental distress?
3. Does involvement with traditional culture predict more or less acculturation stress?
Does involvement with American culture predict more or less acculturation stress?
4a. How does cultural involvement moderate the relationship between family stress and
mental distress?

4b. How does cultural involvement moderate the relationship between wgrk stress and

5a.

5b.

5c.

6a.

6b.

7.

8a.

8b.

9a.

mental distress?

How does cultural involvement moderate the relationship between social stress and
mental distress?

Which family issue (e. g., parenting, spousal relationships, worries about elderly
parents) contributes most to family stress?

What are the major causes of parenting stress?

Do female respondents experience more parenting stress than male respondents?
Does self-employment predict better or worse mental distress?

Does gender predict work stress?

. What are the major causes of work stress for the employed and the self-employed

respondents?

What are the factors that increase or decrease social stress?

Are action-focused coping and cognitive coping associated with less mental distress?
Is emotion-focused coping associated with more mental distress?

Does perceived support predict better physical health?

10a. What are the respondents’ common physical symptoms?

10b. Do they engage in healthful behaviors?

10c. Are they satisfied with the health care in the U.S.?

ll.

12.

13.

14.

What transnational behaviors do the respondents engage in?

What aspects of American life do the respondents like and dislike?

What traditional values have the respondents modified in order to fit in?

What charitable and voluntary activities in the community have the respondents

engaged in?

15a. Do the respondents’ children experience fewer obstacles in their adaptation process

than the respondents themselves?
15b. What are the major obstacles that their children have encountered?

16. What are the respondents’ attitudes towards their children’s participation in the U.S.

politics?

10

CHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW

Alcantara (1981) argues that adaptation is immigrants’ adjustment or accommodation
to the constraints and demands of the larger society and that such adjustment involves
changing life goals and strategies. The adjustment process is a popular topic in the study of
immigrants because it affects them and their children. Adaptation refers to both the process
of handling acculturation and the outcome of acculturation. Acculturation means changes
in cultural attitudes, values and behaviors resulting from continuous contact between two
distinct cultural groups (Berry 1997). Ying (1995) uses the term “cultural orientation” (the
extent of maintenance of original culture and adoption of American culture) instead of
acculturation. Many types of changes may occur due to acculturation, such as economic
changes (moving away from traditional pursuits towards new forms of employment) and
psychological changes appearing at the individual level (Berry 1990). Acculturation is found
to be associated with mental and physical health outcomes though the findings are
inconsistent. Before the discussion of Taiwanese immigrants’ stress and health, I will
present various perspectives on acculturation.

Concept of Acculturation

Berry (1990) proposes four types of acculturation: assimilation, integration, separation
and marginalization. Assimilation is defined as the nondominant group’s relinquishing its
cultural identity and being absorbed into an established dominant group. Integration implies
maintenance of a group’s cultural integrity as well as participation in the host society. It is
also termed “biculturalism.” Separation occurs when the minority group maintains its ethnic

identity and traditions but chooses not to have substantial relations with the larger society.

11

This is also termed “traditionalism.” If separation is imposed by the dominant group. the
pattern is termed segregation. Marginalization refers to a group’s loss of cultural and
psychological contact with its traditional culture and the larger society (pp.93-94). The last
type seems to be very uncommon.

We may wonder what impacts on the choice of a certain type of acculturation.
Ecological variables, such as education, degree of societal discrimination, employment
opportunities, and opportunities to participate in the native culture, all contribute to
variations in the rate and direction of acculturation across generations (Buriel & de Ment
1997 ). The level of expectation an individual sets also influences his or her cultural
orientation. If an immigrant wants to achieve a high social status, active involvement with
American culture is important. An immigrant may become a traditionalist when s/he has
little exposure to American culture after migration (e. g., when s/he lives in a dense ethnic
community where contact with the larger society is only an option), when s/he is intimidated
by the traumatic experience of discrimination, or simply because of low expectations of
mobility. When a cohesive ethnic community exists, an immigrant who does not have
sufficient skills or does not speak good English may choose to stay in that community.
Berry (1970) says, “One can remain happy and contented inside a ghetto.” However, it is
not clear why an immigrant abandons both the culture of origin and the host culture.

Most research on immigrants’ and minorities’ acculturation takes two perspectives--
biculturalism and assimilation. The assimilation theory posits that as minorities acquire the
host societies’ values and behavior, their ethnicity will disappear eventually (Laroche et a1.
1996). In contrast, integration theory or biculturalism posits that “ethnic groups maintain

varying degrees of sociocultural distinctions and their adaptation to mainstream society

12

occurs selectively and disparately across different sociocultural spheres” (p. 115). Gans
(1990) argues that owing to discrimination and other reasons, ethnic groups cannot
assimilate unless they are permitted to enter the American group or institution. In other
words, their acculturation is selective. They may become American culturally but not
necessarily socially and structurally. Even when the second and third generations have
become acculturated almost entirely, they still preserve a number of ethnic traits and can not
be said to have assimilated (ibid).

In contrast to the assimilation or the unidirnensional perspective, the more recent
integration model or the bidirnensional model (Berry 1995) posits that high involvement with
one culture does not require low involvement with the other culture. It is likely that
involvement with American culture is not as natural, intuitive and effortless as involvement
with their native culture for recent immigrants (Tsai et a1. 2000) due to cultural difference.
Certain cultural values in a collective society also go against the values of an individualistic
society. However, involvement with both cultures is not always mutually exclusive. A
biculturalist may have as many American friends as ethnic friends and speak both English and
the mother language fluently. Biculturalism is especially important when there is a need to
participate in American culture in order to survive or to achieve. It is also important to note
that biculturalism is not contingent upon a bicultural self-identity (Rotherham-Borus 1993).
Acculturation and Psychological Functioning

Findings on the relationship between acculturation and adaptation outcomes are
inconsistent. Ying (1995) finds that there is a positive connection between biculturalism and
psychological well-being among Chinese Americans. Thirteen studies reviewed by Rogler

et a1. (1991) showed a positive relationship between acculturation and mental health. In

other words, more integration into the new society leads to greater psychological well-bein g.
However, the twelve studies they reviewed showed the negative effects of Americanization
on the mental health of immigrants. They found that individuals who are high in
acculturation are more likely to suffer from low self-esteem and psychological distress.
Other researchers found that low acculturation has been associated with depression,
withdrawal, and alcohol/drug abuse (Escobar et a1. 1983; Szapocznik et aL 1980).

Some researchers found curvilinear relationships between acculturation and
psychological functioning-increasing distress for those who are extremely acculturated and
extremely under-acculturated (Rogler, Cortes & Malgady 1991). According to these
researchers, psychological functioning is at its best at an optimal balance point, i.e.
biculturalism. Such balance is achieved when the supportive and ego-reinforcing elements
of the ethnic culture and the instrumental skills of the host society are integrated (ibid).
Other research has shown the advantage of becoming a biculturalist in an increasingly
multicultural world. In Ying’s (1995) study of Chinese Americans living in San Francisco,
biculturalism predicts the highest level of psychological well-being, followed by
traditionalism. In a study of Indochinese adults (Rumbaut 1991; Portes & Rumbaut 1990),
biculturalism was found to be conducive to mental health. Rumbaut states that

it appears that the most successful psychological adjustment is made not by those

who remain unacculturated and alienated from the American milieu, nor by those

who pursue a monocultural assirnilative strategy, but by those who are oriented
toward an additive style of acculturation, adapting to American ways

while retaining their ethnic identity and attachments (p. 81)

To function adequately in a host culture, knowledge of and involvement with the host

culture is necessary. especially when an immigrant lives in a community with a small number

of residents from the same ethnicity. However, claiming membership in the ethnic

l4

community also enables biculturalists to tap into ethnic resources and networks (Kibria
1997). Many aspects of their traditional cultural values are conducive to disciplining their
children and motivating them to achieve. They will obtain support readily from the ethnic
community should they need it. Even for those who are well-educated and know American
main-stream culture very well, maintaining ties with the ethnic community is beneficial to
them.

Some clarification needs to be made in the interpretation of biculturalism. Berry (1980)
did not specify the extent to which a bicultural person maintains the culture of origin and
participates in the host culture. Does s/he need to be actively involved with both cultures?
It may be easier for an old-timer to actively participate in the host culture than for a new
immigrant. In addition, immigrants from Europe may find it easier to be actively involved
with American culture than immigrants from Asia because of fewer differences between
European and American cultures.

Hurh and Kim’s (1984) study of first-generation Korean Americans may help us better
understand biculturalism. They proposed an “adhesive adaptation” theory in which “certain
aspects of the host culture and social relations with the host society are added to the
immigrants’ traditional culture and social networks without replacing or modifying any
significant part of the old” (p. 162). They consider adhesive adaptation a survival strategy
for non-white immigrants, and its consequence is "limited pluralism” (PP. 162-63), which
is a modified form of biculturalism. They contend that immigrants’ integration into the host
society’s primary social structure is restricted regardless of the immigrants’ length of
residence in the new society, socioeconomic status, and desire for assimilation. The social

segregation of ethnic minorities tends to intensify their ethnic attachment and to lower the

15

levels of their frustration. In their study, even the old-timers, whose length of residence is
eleven years or more, show strong sense of family priority, ethnic pride, exposure to Korean
mass media and the desire to teach their children the Korean language (p. 163).

Hurh and Kim (1984) made two significant points based on their study. First,
socioeconomic status and exposure to the host culture do not accompany a decrease in
ethnic attachment. Secondly, the social interaction with White friends and participation in
American voluntary associations, which vary with the length of residence and levels of
education, do not accompany their disassociation from Korean friends or kin or other.
Korean ties (p. 163). Their study suggests that bicultural strategy works best for non-White
immigrants and that length of residence and high level of education are not commensurate
with assimilation. It also warns us to interpret biculturalism carefully. For the first-
generation immigrants, involvement with the traditional culture is usually higher than
involvement with the host culture. Biculturalism does not necessarily mean that the
involvement with the host culture has to be at the same level as the involvement with the
culture of origin.

Interaction with the Host Society and the Ethnic Community

Buriel and De Ment (1997) held that Chinese immigrants retained a commitment to their
culture of origin across generations. They may not consider their ethnic culture superior to
that of American culture in every aspect. Instead, they are influenced by the Confucian
teaching that a person should not forget his or her roots. In the case of first-generation
Taiwanese adult immigrants, they may have formed a Taiwanese identity during their
adolescence in the home land. Though they are exposed to and experience Western culture

to varied degrees after arriving in the U.S., they basically identify themselves as

16

“Taiwanese.” Some may isolate themselves from the ethnic community because they have
become Americanized, but the majority of them retain their culture of origin. The extent of
their involvement with American culture varies. If they work for American companies or
if their customers are mostly Americans, their involvement level is higher. Therefore, it is
appropriate to say that there are moderate and active biculturalists. Education is negatively
associated with traditionalism. The less education an individual has, the more likely s/he will
be a traditionalist.

Yet, one intriguing thing is the occasions when biculturalists display their “Americaness”
and the way in which they solve the dilemma of handling two cultures. Buriel and DeMent
(1997) argue that family members often develop cultural competencies necessary for
interacting with Euro—Americans in public while interacting with family members and
members of their ethnic group based on ethnic culture. Indeed, I observe that first-
generation Taiwanese Americans may largely maintain their ethnic cultural values and
cultural practice when they are with family or with Taiwanese friends. For example, they
will not hold a completely American-style wedding for their children. They eat mainly ethnic
foods, watch Taiwanese videos at home, speak their mother language to children most of
the time and observe ethnic holidays. They also socialize mostly with Taiwanese Americans.
Even if they need to adopt the mainstream American norms in disciplining children, they do
not want their children to be assimilated. In other words, they want their children to be
bicultural like themselves. Booth et a1. (1997) argue that in educating their children
immigrant parents build a learning environment that help the children meet the expectations
of the school, while still maintaining their own ethnicity.

Immigrants may relinquish certain aspects of their native culture and become more

17

“American” in certain contexts in order to fit in; for instance, they may be more “American”
when they are at work or when they socialize with American friends (Interview). Taiwanese
Americans living in a predominantly White community and working for White employers,
such as the professionals in the Midwest, may find it beneficial to be involved with American
culture. First, their work requires them to interact with the mainstream society frequently.
To stay sound in their position and feel comfortable with their coworkers, they have to know
the work culture very well and be equipped with good language skills and American ways
of communication in addition to their professional expertise. If they want to be promoted
to a high position, good communication skills are especially essential in order to supervise
their subordinates. Even for a non-professional working for a White employer, familiarity
with the American work culture will reduce work-related stress.
Measurement of Cultural Orientation

First- generation immigrants live in two cultures. I have briefly discussed the advantage
of being involved with traditional and American culture. Some aspects of cultural
involvement are not as concrete as other aspects. We may be interested in how researchers
measure the concept of acculturation or cultural orientation. It usually takes one or a
combination of the following dimensions: 1) feelings of attachment to and a sense of security
in one’s group, 2) ethnic core values (such as individualism or collectivism), 3) ethnic
practices and behaviors (such as language, media use and celebration of holidays). The last
dimension is readily observable but may change over time (Kwan 2000). I believe the three
dimensions best capture the gist of acculturation rather than one or two dimensions. Many
researchers use similar dimensions to measure ethnic identity. This leads us to ponder the

conceptual difference between ethnic identity and acculturation as well as the relationship

18

between them. While acculturation emphasizes the relationship between ethnic individuals
and the dominant society, ethnic identity focuses primarily on how individuals feel about
their own ethnic group.

A person may strongly identify with his or her culture of origin (the second dimension)
but have a low level of practice in ethnic tradition (the third dimension) because of the
unavailability of an ethnic community. In contrast, a second- generation Korean American
may adopt traditional cultural practices, such as speaking Korean, eating ethnic foods and
observing ethnic holidays, but may not understand his or her parents’ culture very well.
Therefore, I assume that ethnic identity (the first dimension) is more associated with
adherence to ethnic core values and sense of belonging to one’s ethnic group than with
cultural activities.

The inconsistent findings on the relationship between acculturation and mental health
have been mentioned earlier. They may result from the measurement of acculturation.
Researchers did not measure the same constructs. Some used existing scales, and others
created their own. There are few existing scales which measure biculturalism. The Suinn-
Lew Asian Self-identity Acculturation scale (1987) was primarily designed for Asian college
students.

Ying (1995) measures acculturation using three dimensions: language proficiency
(English versus ethnic language), ethnicity of friends (American friends versus Chinese
friends), and enjoyment of cultural activities (American versus Chinese activities). So there
are six five-point Likert scales, and the cut-off point is three for each. For each dimension,
those who score above the midpoint on both the Chinese and American scales are classified

as biculturalists. Those who score below the midpoint on the scale measuring Chinese

19

language proficiency, Chinese friends or Chinese cultural activities but above the midpoint
on the scale measuring English language proficiency, American friends or American cultural
activities are assirnilationists. Those who score above the midpoint on the scale measuring
Chinese language proficiency, Chinese friends or Chinese cultural activities but below the
midpoint on the scale measuring English language proficiency, American friends or
American cultural activities are traditionalists. Those who score below the midpoint on both
scales are marginalists. The advantage of this scale is that it measures three dimensions of
cultural involvement rather than the overall involvement. The flaw of such a measurement
is that the variables for the three dimensions are continuous variables. It will be problematic
to use continuous variables for categorization. For example, a respondent with a score of
2.98 and 3.0 on both Chinese and English scales is a marginalist, while another respondent
with a score of 3.1 and 3.2 on both scales is a biculturalist. Though the scores of these two
respondents are very close, they are put in different categories.
Acculturative Stress and Mental distress

One of the focuses of my research is to examine the effect of acculturative stress on
mental distress. In my study, acculturative stress refers to stress experienced by immigrants
in the family, workplace and social encounters. Stress is defined as an internal state or
reaction to anything we consciously or subconsciously perceive as a threat, real or imagined
(Clarke 1988), or as the imbalance between perceived demand and perceived ability to meet
that demand (Sutherland & Cooper 1990). While stress is generally perceived to evoke
negative feelings, such as frustration, fear, pressure, anger, sadness, and confusion
(Cavanagh 1988), individuals under too little stress may not make adequate efforts to

perform at their best levels (Crampton et a]. 1995). The negative effects of stress can be

20

physical and psychological. Physical disorders include heart disease, high blood pressure,
strokes, migraine headaches, cancer, gastrointestinal diseases (Murray & Schoenborn 1987 ),
in addition to asthma, diabetes, multiple sclerosis (Fleming & Baum 1986), higher
cholesterol levels, sleep disorder and respiratory diseases (French and Caplan. 1973).
Psychological symptoms include anxiety, depression, job dissatisfaction, and so on.
Depression refers to feelings of sadness or hopelessness, and anxiety refers to being tense
or worried (Mirowsky & Ross 1989).

It needs to be clarified that psychological or mental distress is not the same as diagnostic
psychiatric disorder or mental illness. According to Downey and Coyne (1991), few persons
from the community sample who have high self-reported depression scores meet the
diagnostic criteria for clinical depression. Psychological distress refers to demoralization,
which is common among women, minorities and low-income persons. Moreover, some
ethnic groups somatize mental distress through the medium of the body (Kleinman 1986).

Causes of mental distress are not limited to stress from an individual’s roles in the family
and the workplace and stress from social encounters. Mental distress can also be triggered
by unexpected life events (e. g., unemployment, divorce), chronic health problems, and status
loss. An individual’s race, class and gender may be sources of distress. However, their
impact is manifested through one’s family, work and social stress. In addition, based on the
definition of stress, whether stress leads to distress depends on an individual’s subjective
evaluation of the stressors. Only when the demand of a certain stressor exceeds his or her
material and psychological resources will the stress cause mental distress.

The underutilization of mental health services by Asian Americans can be attributed to

stigma, shame, unfamiliarity with, or unwillingness to accept Western treatment, such as

21

psychotherapy, and knowledge of facilities (Chin 1999). Disclosing their emotions to a
stranger makes them uncomfortable. The cost of treatment is not a major concern (Sue,
lecture, 2000). Therefore, the use of alternative resources (family, herbalists, general
practitioners, medical clinics) is common. Interdependence among family members is one
of the most important characteristics of Asian culture. When experiencing problems with
their mental health, Asians tend to rely on family members.

In spite of the defects in measurement, research has indicated the advantage of being
bicultural in a multicultural society. The respondents in my study live in the Midwest where
the majority of the population is White. Like Korean Americans, most of them largely
maintain their culture of origin and moderately adopt the host culture. Hence, they may be
categorized as biculturalists. I believe that involvement in each culture has a separate effect
on their psychological functioning. Involvement with traditional culture is hypothesized to
increase mental distress, and involvement with American culture is hypothesized to decrease
mental distress (Hypothesis 1a fig 112). Based on research on the positive relationship
between stress and distress, I also hypothesize that a high level of family, work and social
stress predict a high level of mental distress (Hypothesis 2).

In addition, I examine the impact of the different dimensions ofcultural involvement on
family, work and social stress rather than the combined effect of these dimensions. These
dimensions include cultural activities, cultural attachment (attachment to American or ethnic
culture) and core values in the host and ethnic cultures. It is necessary to examine the effect
of different dimensions, because an individual may have different levels of involvement in
these dimensions (e.g., high involvement in traditional activities but low in traditional

values). Before the review of family, work and social stress, I will briefly present the

22

background of Taiwanese Americans in general, their traditional values, cultural behaviors,
and transnational behaviors.
Demographic Background of Taiwanese Americans

Taiwanese Americans come to the U.S. for different reasons. They may obtain a visa
on the basis of family reunification if they have a family connection in the U.S. Their
spouses and children under the age of twenty-one may come with them (Wong 1998). They
may also be hired by Taiwanese American employers who are short of unskilled laborers,
such as cooks and kitchen aids, but are not able to find them in the local market. Jobs are
advertised in newspapers and workers from Taiwan are hired if no Americans are interested
in the jobs after one month of recruitment (interview). Highly-skilled professionals trained
in science, technology, the arts and other professions also apply for visas under the Third
Preference(Wong 1998). Many parents diser the entrance exam system used in academia
in Taiwan. The entrance exams for senior high school and college were adopted from Japan
after World War II and have undergone some changes. However, complaints regarding the
reformed system and the burden of preparing for the exam are endless. Parents who want
to protect their children from such pressures and wish to see them excel in a balanced and
more flexible educational system tend to migrate to Western countries. The feeling of
insecurity caused by the military threat from the Communist regime in Mainland China also
motivates many Taiwanese to migrate. They sometimes send their children overseas and
stay in Taiwan themselves because they can earn a better living at home.

There is a large concentration of Taiwanese Americans on the East and West coasts.
Bernard Wong wrote a book on the entrepreneurship of the new immigrants from China.

Taiwan and Hong Kong in the San Francisco Bay Area. New York is also a city which

attracts Taiwanese immigrants because of the investment opportunities. A book called The
New Chinatown (Kwong 1996) described the development of the New York Chinatown and
the problems faced by the residents.

There were about 118,048 Taiwanese Americans in the U..S in the year 2000 (U.S.
Bureau of the Census 2000). California is the state where there is the largest number of
Taiwanese Americans (N = 62,317), followed by New York (N = 7095), Texas (N = 6931),
New Jersey (N = 5879), Washington (N = 4019), Illinois (N = 3427), Maryland (N = 2408).
Massachusetts (N = 2364), and Michigan (N = 2103). There are less than 2000 Taiwanese
Americans in each of the other states. In Hawaii, there are only 777 Taiwanese Americans.
There has been a rapid increase of Chinese and Taiwanese immigrants in Monterey Park near
Los Angeles from 40.9% in 1980 to 63% in 1990 (U.S. Bureau of the Census 1991). John
Horton wrote a book on their struggle over language control and ethnic tensions due to the
rapid population growth. As the author mentions, “In Monterey Park. almost all issues have
something to do with race”(Horton 1995, p. 157). In recent years, Texas has attracted more
and more immigrants from Taiwan. According to the U.S. Bureau of the Census 2000, there
are more Taiwanese Americans in Chicago than in any other city in the Midwest.

The following demographic figures were calculated based on the Census 2000 Summary
File 4 data for the Whites/Taiwanese alone or in combination with other races (U.S. Bureau
of the Census). Among the Taiwanese American population 18 years old and over, 11.9 %
were high school graduates, 28.9 % were college graduates and 30 % were postgraduates
or had professional degrees, compared with 28.37 %, 15.5 % and 8.38 % for White
Americans. These figures show that there were more Taiwanese Americans in higher

education than White Americans in the year 2000. However, there has been an increase in

24

college graduates among White Americans in recent years. The median household income
of Taiwanese Americans was $52,792 in 2000, compared with $44,494 for Whites. The
percentage of Taiwanese American families below the poverty level was 15.1 % in 2000,
compared with 9.35 % for Whites. Based on the I % Public Use Microdata Sample, the self-
employment rate for employed Taiwanese Americans 16 years old and over was 19.8 in
2000, while the rate was 12.8 for Whites.

To further understand the respondents’ feelings towards their homeland, I will present
the physical layout, demography and history of Taiwan. The demographic factors and
political situations of Taiwan may partially explain why Taiwanese migrate to the U.S. and
other countries.

Demography and History of Taiwan

Taiwan is an island-country located in the south-east of Mainland China and is separated
from China by the Taiwan Strait. The official name of Taiwan is the Republic of China. It
is 36,000 square kilometers in size, and there are several outlying islands outside of the main
island, such as Kim-Men, Machu, Penghu, Magong, and the Orchid Island. The four largest
cities are Taipei, Kaohsung, Taichung, and Tainan. The entire population is about m
three millign pegple, and about 1.7 % of them are aboriginals (less than 4 million) of Malayo—
Polynesian origin. The majority of them are Taiwanese whose ancestors migrated from China
in the Ming and Ching dynasty. The population of Taiwan makes it the second most
populated nation in the world, after Bangladesh (Copper 2000).

Most Taiwanese speak Fujienese because their ancestors migrated from the Fujien
province of China. Some of them speak Hakka because their ancestors migrated from the

Kuantung Province of China. At the end of 1949, the total population in Taiwan was

25

7,397,000 (Walker 1973). Chinese mainlanders who escaped to Taiwan with the national
government in 1949 accounted for one million. The weather type is sub-trOpical, and the
average temperature is 70 degrees Farenheit (Copper 2000). Seventy percent of the island
is covered by mountains. That is why the cities are concentrated on the Western coast of
the island and are crowded with people, although the average number of children per family
is about two. Taipei, the capital of Taiwan, has a population of over two million.

Taiwan was originally called Formosa, meaning beautiful island, by Dutch sailors around
1590. The most comprehensive historical records on Taiwan go back 350 years to the
period of the Dutch occupation, 1624- 1662. When the Dutch East Indies Company arrived,
they found only the aboriginal population on the island; there were no signs of any
administrative structure of the Chinese Imperial Government. On a narrow peninsula on the
Southwestern coast of the island, the Dutch established a fortress named "Zeelandia. " The
peninsula was called Tayouan, which means terrace bay. This name later evolved into
Taiwan and became the name for the whole island. The Dutch brought in Chinese migrants
to work on the sugar plantations and rice fields. In 1662 the Dutch were defeated by a
Chinese general, Cheng Cheng-kung (Koxinga), a loyalist of the Ming dynasty, who intended
to overthrow the Ching dynasty but did not succeed. He also brought many people living in
the Fujian Province to Taiwan.

In the 19th Century, China did not intend to include Taiwan as its territory and hardly
had any influence in the coastal waters around Taiwan. The French sent a fleet to the island,
and for nine months in 1884-85, the northern part of Taiwan was occupied by the French.
In 1895 the Japanese defeated the Manchus in the Sino-Japanese War, and in the Treaty of

Shimonoseki, China ceded Taiwan to Japan. The Taiwanese didn’t like the idea of

26

incorporation into Japan, and on May 25, 1895, the Taiwan Republic (the first independent
republic in Asia) was established. However, Japanese imperial troops entered Tainan (the
southern capital of the Taiwan Republic) on October 21, 1895 and ended the Republic’s
short life (Lamley 1973).

The Japanese occupation was harsh and resulted in continuous rebellion during the first
few years. The Taiwanese felt that they were discriminated against by the Japanese. For
example, the Taiwanese were forced to learn the Japanese language, and only a small
number of them were allowed to go to the schools designed for the Japanese (Sih 1973).
Yet, the Japanese developed the infrastructure, trains, roads, and industry extensively so that
Taiwan could act as a supply station for Japan during World War 11. As a result, Taiwan
had already modernized when it became independent in 1945. In 1943, the Allied Powers
held the Cairo Conference and they decided to return Taiwan to China at the request of
General Chiang Kai-shek, the commander of the Chinese troops.

When the War actually ended in 1945, Taiwan was occupied by General Chiang’s
troops. Initially, the Taiwanese were glad to get rid of the Japanese, but soon many people
were disappointed at the national government. The tension between Taiwanese civilians and
the Mainland soldiers and officers led to the February 28th Incident in 1947. In this incident,
numerous Taiwanese leaders, students, lawyers, and doctors were killed (between 18,000
and 28,000) (www.gergo.com/webconnections/taiwan/history.htm)

In 1949, General Chiang Kai-shek lost the war against the Communist Chinese on the
mainland and set up his regime in Taiwan. For the next four decades, the people of Taiwan
lived under Martial Law because the KMT (Kuo-Min Tang, the ruling party of Taiwan from

1949 till 2000) treated the Chinese Communists as rebels and planned to recover the

27

mainland some day. The Taiwanese and mainlanders in Taiwan were not allowed to have
any contact with the Chinese in Mainland China. In the meantime, Chinese communists set
up a so-called “iron gate” which blocked Mainland China from contact with the outside
world. If a Taiwanese resident was suspected of any contact with a Communist Chinese,
s/he would be charged as a criminal by the KMT. In 1958, Chinese communists attacked
Kim-Men Island, which was an outlying island governed by the KMT, but were defeated by
the navy of Taiwan.

In 1951-52 the Allied Powers and Japan formally ended World War II by concluding the
San Francisco Peace Treaty (Kublin 1973). That treaty was important for Taiwan because I
it stated that the people of Taiwan should determine the future status of the island based on
the principle of self-determination. In 1971 they realized that their wish of recovering China
could not be fulfilled when Nixon and Kissinger visited China. In the same year, KMT
withdrew its membership in the UN. In 1972, the Shanghai Communique between the U.S.
and the Chinese authorities in Beijing was signed (Copper 2000). This communique is the
basis for the present so-called "One China" policy of the Clinton administration. According
to experts on international relations, the communique merely states that these nations took
note of the Chinese position, but did not necessarily "agree with” the position. Since this
communiqué was made without any representation of the people of Taiwan, it cannot have
any validity in determining the future of Taiwan (http://www. gergo.com/taiwan/h§ tory,htm).

Due to the tremendous increase in population after 1949, the KMT put much effort into
developing the economy of Taiwan to overcome poverty. There are not many heavy
industries in Taiwan due to lack of natural resources. Except for stateorun corporations,

most businesses are small or medium sized and do not require a large amount of capital; thus

28

they are able to adjust quickly in difficult times. The diligence of the Taiwanese made the
export trade, which is an integral part of the economic development, a success for many
years. However, the high percentage of national defense budget and the low percentage of
educational budget have deprived Taiwan from being able to compete with Japan in terms
of infrastructure and the quality of living.

During the martial law period, people did not have freedom of speech or the right to
assemble, and the Taiwanese independence movement was depressed. During this period,
the crime rate was low. The Kaohsiung Incident led by those unsatisfied with the ruling of
KMT occurred in December 1979. The Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), an opposition
party, was formed in September 1986. The Martial Law was finally lifted in 1989 but
replaced by a less-stringent National Security Law, and the political prisoners have been
released since then. In 1996, the mainland communist government launched a missile attack
on Taiwan right before the presidential election. The first Taiwanese was elected president
by the people of Taiwan, but the KMT was still in power. In March 2000, the KMT
candidate lost the presidential election. Thus, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP)
became the ruling party. DPP won the presidential election again in March 2004. However,
the threat from Communist China has not diminished and this has helped strengthen
Taiwanese’ nationalism. From the history of Taiwan, we learn that the mainland communist
regime has never ruled Taiwan.

The political situation in Taiwan may be one of the contributors to the Taiwanese
intention to migrate overseas. This is especially true in the case of mainlanders who had a
traumatic experience in fleeing to Taiwan around 1949 and can now afford to migrate to a

country that they believe is safer. Tension between native-bom Taiwanese and Mainlanders

29

in Taiwan has diminished nowadays, especially among the younger generation. After
migrating to the U.S., many of them identify themselves as Taiwanese Americans rather than
Chinese Americans in order to distinguish themselves from those who migrate from the
communist China. In the U.S. Census 2000, the statistical data for the Taiwanese and the
Chinese are separate. Therefore, researchers do not need to lump them together any more.
In the next sections, I will present the traditional culture of Taiwanese Americans and

their cultural behaviors. Since they have lived in Taiwan for at least twenty years, they have
been profoundly impacted by the traditional culture. Then I will present their transnational
behaviors. Immigrants’ social networks can extend beyond national boundaries, especially
for the first- generation. The social ties or any form of connection with their homeland has
impact on their adaptation outcomes.
Confucianism and Traditional Values

Taiwanese Americans’ traditional values have been deeply influenced by Confucianism.
Confucianism has been the predominant ideology that governs the lives of the Taiwanese.
In addition to Confucianism, which has been viewed as a philosophy rather than a religion,
Chinese culture includes philosophy of other schools in ancient China (Fung 1948). The
influence of Confucianism on China, Taiwan and some Asian countries, such as Vietnam,
Japan and Korea (Min 1998), is so profound that people in these countries tend to equate
their culture with Confucian culture. It is inevitable that some aspects of traditional Chinese
culture that are not Confucius’ teachings are mistaken as Confucianism, such as the gender
role socialization for women.

Confucius lived in the times of chaos (551-479BC). In order to establish social stability,

Confucius emphasized the social roles designated to an individual. Confucius stressed the

importance of five ethical relations—relationship between emperors and subjects, relationship
between parents and children, relationship between husband and wife, relationship between
the siblings, and relationship between friends (Tu 1998, pp. 121-136). These five types of
relationships are reciprocal relationships. In other words, the two parties in each relationship
have not only the right entitled to them but also the responsibility and obligation that come
with the roles they play. Here are some examples. An emperor has many more privileges
than ordinary people, but he must also fulfill his obligations as an emperor. The
responsibility of a ruler is to ensure the subsistence, livelihood and education of the people
(De Bary 1998). The ruler should provide care and guidance for the subjects, and the
subjects should obey and be loyal to the ruler (Oldstone-Moore 2002, p.56). Parents have
the right to supervise and discipline their children, but they are also responsible for the
children’s well-being. Children owe parents respect, obedience and care in old age (ibid).
Similarly, husbands and wives have their own rights and obligations. For example, husbands
were responsible for family income in ancient China, and wives were responsible for
maintaining the household and disciplining children (ibid). Older siblings are to be respected
by younger siblings, but at the same time they should be the role model of younger ones and
take good care of them. Friends should remain trustful of each other (ibid).

Confucius did not discriminate against women though some modern scholars thought
he did. Mencius was a scholar and philosopher in the early Warring States period (403-222
BC). Mencius’ mother played an important role in his education and was well-known for
her intelligence and wisdom. This disproves that women did not have any social status in
ancient China.

In The Analects, Confucius did not say wives must obey their husbands when they are

31

alive and obey the eldest son after their husbands die. The three bonds were stated in the
book Li Ji (The Ode of Rites), which was written in the West Han Dynasty (206 BC till
9AD). However, in the Han dynasty a brilliant woman Ban Chao, author of Women’s
Precepts, advocated equality of education for men and women and opposed spousal abuse
(women’s verbal abuse towards husbands and men’s physical abuse towards wives). She
became the only woman serving as Historian of the Imperial Court (Wawrytko 2000, 17 8).

Tang dynasty is considered a very prosperous period in Chinese history. Emperors were
quite liberal. They treated their subjects and ordinary people well. At that time, many
emperors promoted Buddhism, and women enjoyed egalitarian relationships with men.
Empress Wu Zhao was the only woman in Chinese history to become an empress. She was
in power for fifty years. Though she was a controversial figure, the dynasty accomplished
its widest geographical expansion during her reign (Wawrytko 2000). Unfortunately, the
dynasty was overthrown and replaced by the Sung dynasty. Since Guifei Yang (a beautiful
woman loved by a Tang emperor) was held accountable for the fall of the Tang dynasty,
rigorous constraints were placed on women after the Tang dynasty (ibid p. 181).

The officials of the Sung dynasty promoted Confucianism vigorously as a counterattack
to Buddhism, which they regarded as offering little solution to political and other mundane
problems. Chu Hsi (Zhu Xi), the most influential philosopher of Neo-Confucianism,
synthesized Confucianism, Buddhism, Taoism and ideas from other schools. However,
when his philosophy was incorporated into the examination system, it evolved into a rigid
official creed. It emphasized the one-sided obligations of obedience of subject to ruler, child
to father, wife to husband, and younger brother to older brother '(www.crystalink.5,ggm/

chineggmastieshtml). Perhaps this is why Confucianism is considered authoritarian by

32

Western scholars. In addition, since women’s status started to deteriorate sharply in the
Sung Dynasty, Confucianism has been tainted by theories of suppression and domination in
gender roles. However, based on the five relations mentioned by Confucius, husband and
wife have different responsibilities towards the family and mutual obligation towards each
other. As such, women’s roles are as important as men’s.

It is true that patriarchy as a form of social control was promoted by the officials in
ancient China and continues to exist even in modern times. However, Confucius should not
be blamed for women’s inferior status or for promoting patriarchy. Confucius did not say
that women are inferior to men. Many western scholars have mistaken Confucius to be
sexist just because of a comment he made on certain women and the petty men. Once
Confucius said,” Only the petty men (hsiao ren) and girls/women (nu zi) are hard to deal
with/nourish”(Goldin 2000). The context in which this cement was made was not stated
in the Analects, and this is the source of the above misunderstanding. Petty men are men
without character. Nu zi may not refer to women in general, but certain types of women,
such as concubines. Some scholars interpret nu zi as girls, who have not grown up and are
therefore difficult to nourish. It is not that they can not grow intellectually as they mature
(ibid). In fact, Confucius commented that the wisdom of Kuang-fu Wen Po’s mother is like
that of a man (Raphals 2000).

Confucius believed that all people should have equal opportunity for education (Analects
15:38). Historical narratives from the Warring States and Han depict women’s intellectual
and moral influence as critical to the success and failure of states and dynasties (Raphals
2000, p. 226). The Leinu Zhuan (biography of exemplary women) stories written in the Han

Dynasty emphasize the actual abilities of women (ibid).

L»)
DJ

Benevolence and mannerism were profoundly emphasized by Confucius. Once he said,
“Don’t do to others what you do not want others do to you”(Lau 1992, The Analects: 15).
He also said, ”Do not look unless it is in accordance with the rites; do not listen unless it is
in accordance with the rites; do not speak unless it is in accordance with the rites; do not act
unless it is in accordance with the rites”(The Analects: 12:1). Confucius also promoted
education, filial piety, modesty, diligence, harmonious relationship with others, and frugality.
Confucius said, “ When three people walk together, one of them can be a teacher for me.”
This is a way to express his modesty. He also said that “It is not the failure of others to
appreciate your abilities that should trouble you, but rather your own lack of them” (The
Analects 14:30). He promoted harmonious relationship with others and discouraged
litigation by saying that litigation eventually leads to poverty. Instead, he advised people to
be self-restrained so that great plans will not be ruined. Confucius devalued idleness by
saying, ”The man whose belly is full all day and who does not put his mind to some use is
sure to meet with difficulties” (The Analects 17:22).

In Confucius’ times, Confucianism was a threat to those who were in power. His ideas
were not accepted by the aristocrat. His follower Mencius glorified his teachings, but not
all his teachings were implemented or institutionalized by the rulers in later times.
Democracy was practiced by the first two emperors in Chinese history. They became the
rulers because the general public wanted them to rule (Roberts 2003). Mencius promoted
democracy by proclaiming that ordinary people’s opinions are more valuable than the
emperor’s. The emperor should care for the well-being of his subjects rather than suppress
them. Unfortunately, his idea of democracy was not practiced by many Chinese emperors

in later times.

34

Filial piety has been regarded as the most important virtue in Chinese history. It is best
described as showing respect to one’s parents, providing them with material and non-
material care, and bringing honor to them. Children should also support parents financially
and take care of them when they get old. What is most important is to show respect to
parents. If an individual shows no respect to his/her parent in providing material care, the
parent is not different from a hound or a horse (The Analects 2:7). Filial piety is also
manifested through ancestor worshiping and continuity of the family name. However, not
carrying the family name by a male offspring is acceptable in modern times. In Confucius’
teachings, filial piety did not imply absolute obedience. He said, “In serving your father and
mother you ought to dissuade them from doing wrong in the gentlest way. If you see your
advice being ignored, you should not become disobedient but should remain reverent. You
should not complain even if you are distressed” (The Analects 4:18). We see that
Confucianism does not entitle parents to absolute authority.

Did teachers and scholars enjoy a privileged position in Chinese history? Teachers have
enjoyed a prestigious position for thousands of years. According to a famous scholar in the
Tang dynasty, Han Yu, teachers should be the doctrine propagators, knowledge transmitters
and counselors of students’ problems. Teachers have been viewed as the role model for the
students. People set a high standard for their character and integrity. Though the social
status of teachers in Taiwan has declined in recent decades due to the influence of capitalism,
most students still respect their teachers.

Confucius’ moral and political thought is communitarian (De Bery 1998). His teachings
still influence the mainstream ideology in Taiwan, although certain aspects have been

modified in response to industrialization. Obviously Taiwanese Americans have been deeply

35

influenced by Confucius’ teachings.
Cultural Behaviors

One dimension of immigrants’ cultural orientation is their cultural behaviors or
involvement in ethnic and American cultural activities. The term cultural behaviors refers
to celebrating ethnic and American holidays, speaking ethnic languages and English,
preferring to ethnic foods or American foods, attending activities held by Taiwanese and
American organizations, and using American and ethnic media and recreation, such as
television, videos, newspapers, music and other forms of art. The ethnic holidays most
Taiwanese Americans observe include the New Year’s day, the Dragon Boat Festival (on
May 5th on the lunar calendar), and the Mid-Autumn Festival (on August 15m on the lunar
calendar), which is also called the Moon Festival. They will celebrate these holidays with
Taiwanese friends or attend the celebration organized by the local Taiwanese Association.
The larger the city where they reside, the more serious the celebration is because more
people are involved in holding the activities. They also observe American holidays, but they
may not attend certain holiday activities enthusiastically if their children have grown up. The
traditional New Year’s Day usually falls at the end of January or February, which makes
family reunion difficult. For those whose children work or study in other states and live
away from home, Christmas time is the time for family reunion.

Speaking an ethnic language and eating ethnic foods seem to be the most common
cultural behaviors for immigrants. First- generation Taiwanese Americans, especially the old
timers, do not change their diet easily. Therefore, they shop very often in the oriental stores
or supermarkets for foods imported from Asian countries. Though ethnic foods are also

sold in American supermarkets, there is less variety. Taiwanese Americans prefer a balanced

36

diet and do not eat desserts right after meals except at a wedding banquet. Soybean
products (e. g., soybean milk and tofu), various kinds of beans and vegetables are consumed
more than meat. Many Taiwanese Americans, especially the younger generation, have
adopted American foods for breakfast for the sake of convenience. On ethnic holidays
certain traditional foods are available in the oriental market, such as moon cakes (for the
mid-autumn festival), steamed rice cakes (for the new year holiday), and sweet rice wrapped
in bamboo leaves (for the dragon-boat festival). Some old timers still make them at home.

Because Mandarin has been the only official language in Taiwan since 1949 and has been
diligently promoted by the government, many Taiwanese born after 1949 use it most of the
time. They speak Taiwanese at home if their parents cannot or do not want to speak
Mandarin. The Taiwanese language is the same language spoken in Fujian Province.
Around fifteen years ago, the dominance of Mandarin started to be challenged. Many far-
sighted people were worried that the Taiwanese language would disappear some day if fewer
and fewer people understood and used it. People who speak Hakka ( a dialect spoken by
those who migrated from Kuantung Province long time ago) also wanted to preserve their
mother tongue. So, today some TV stations in Taiwan broadcast in Taiwanese or Hakka
only. Having a unified language can facilitate communication among people who speak
different languages, but other languages should be allowed to be spoken in the workplace
and at school.

First-generation Taiwanese Americans also have the fear of losing their mother tongue.
Old timers may speak only Taiwanese at home because they have a strong feeling for this
language and feel proud of being able to speak it. Some of them not only want their children

to speak Taiwanese but also promote speaking Taiwanese in activities held by Taiwanese

37

Americans. For the purpose of promoting Taiwanese and publishing magazines, they adopt
Romanization for the written form if there are no Chinese characters for certain Taiwanese
words. They think that this is a good way to preserve the language. Many younger
Taiwanese Americans still prefer speaking Mandarin at home because they are not fluent in
Taiwanese. They speak Mandarin to their children for convenience, for the sake ofauthority
because they usually do not speak English as well as their children, or simply because they
want to pass the language to their children so that the children do not forget their roots and
can interact with their grandparents and other Taiwanese in the community easily. First-
generation Taiwanese Americans. young and old, usually do not speak English when they
are with other Taiwanese. They feel related to one another when speaking their mother
tongue. They may speak some English for the sake of convenience when there are no
Taiwanese or Mandarin counterparts for certain English words and idioms. A speech will
be given in Mandarin if some participants do not understand Taiwanese.

New recreational videos produced in Taiwan may not be easily accessible in the Midwest
because of the small demand. In addition, most movie theaters in the Midwest do not
feature Asian movies. However, it may be easier to access Taiwanese videos and movies
in New York and Los Angeles. Watching news broadcast in English and other American
television programs is very common for Midwest Taiwanese Americans. News programs
made in Taiwan are also accessible on cable television every day.

Transnationalism
Contemporary immigrants are able to build multiple linkages to their homeland due to
technological advances in communication, transportation, and the mass media (Min 1999).

The process by which immigrants forge and sustain multistranded social relations that link

38

their societies of origin and settlement together is called transnationalism (Portes 1995).
Thus Taiwanese Americans are able to obtain frequent support from family and friends in
Taiwan, using long-distance telephone calls, fax messages and electronic mail. Ethnic
newspapers, TV pro grams, movies and video tapes also strengthen their ties with the ethnic
community and the home country. On the one hand, this helps them maintain their ethnic
subculture and identity (pp. 80-81) and provides them with emotional well-being. On the
other hand, they may send money home to support family members or donate money to
charity organizations back home, which makes them feel good about themselves.
Taiwanese American business people also use their connection with their home country
to set up branch offices or have the merchandise produced by the workers there. For
example, the transnational ties among Taiwanese immigrants in Silicon Valley’s transnational
community enables them to participate in a global economy. The engineers in Silicon Valley
use pre-existing alumni relationships with graduates of Taiwan’s universities to facilitate
business cooperation, investment and technology transfer between them and Taiwanese
engineers. Taiwan provides a large amount of capital and manufacturing for Silicon Valley
companies started by immigrant entrepreneurs. It also help them establish opportunities and
relationships with customers. In Monterey Park, many Taiwanese entrepreneurs have also
established business relationships with business people in Taiwan. An informant of my study
opened a branch technology company in Taiwan in 2001. He travels to Taiwan at least once
a year. Some university professors I know also work with universities in Taiwan for their
projects.
Like the Taiwanese in Taiwan, Taiwanese Americans are divided in their attitudes

towards the future status of Taiwan. Some of them propose independence, some prefer

39

reunification, and others prefer maintaining the status quo. Regardless of their standpoint,
many Taiwanese Americans have been concerned about the marginalized status of Taiwan
in the international community. They have been supportive of its participation in many
international organizations, such as the World Health Organization (WHO). After the
missile attack incident in 1996, more and more Taiwanese people have awakened to the
vulnerability of Taiwan. In the meantime, Taiwanese Americans have become more
progressive in expressing their support for the democratization of Taiwan. They watch the
political situation in Taiwan very closely. Taiwan has been going through dramatic
democratization since 1989 when the Martial Law was lifted. It was not uncommon for
Taiwanese American oppositionists to set up associations to have their voice heard and even
went back to Taiwan to support political dissidents.

In 2003 many Taiwanese American associations petitioned for the change of TECRO
(Taipei Economic and Cultural Representative Office) into “Taiwan Representative Office.”
TECRO is similar to a consulate in its function. However, it is not officially a consulate
because Taiwan and the U.S. do not have official governmental relationships. The current
name is considered demeaning by many Taiwanese because Taipei is a city, not a country.
In fact, Taiwan has been a country for more than fifty years, though PRC still considers her
a province of China The rationale for such a petition is that the Taiwan Relations Act, the
main document governing the relationship between the United States and Taiwan, accords
Taiwan the status of a country. The Act states, ”Whenever the laws of the United States
refer or relate to foreign countries, nations, states, governments, or similar entities, such
terms shall include and such laws shall apply with such respect to Taiwan” (Taiwanese

Collegian 2003, p. 33).

40

At least sixteen Taiwanese American organizations support the petition of changing
TECO to Taiwan Representatives. Some of them are: FAPA (Formosan Association of
Public Affairs), TAA (Taiwanese Association of America), FAHR (Formosan Association
of Human Rights), NATWA (North America Taiwanese Women’s Association), and the
Professor Chen Wen-Cheng Memorial Foundation. FAPA was established in 1982. Its
major goals are: to seek support, in particular in the US Congress, for the right of the people
on Taiwan to determine the future status of the island, in accordance with the United
Nation’s principle of self-determination; to promote human rights, freedom and democracy
for the people of Taiwan, and to protect and enhance the rights, interests and welfare of
Taiwanese communities throughout the world. In the first ten years, FAPA was devoted to
the democratization of Taiwan, such as the liberation of newspaper census, release of
political prisoners and abolishment of overseas blacklist. In recent years, its goal has
switched to the improvement of Taiwan’s status in the international community. FAPA
challenges the U.S. One-China policy and promotes the “One Taiwan, One China” policy
(httpzllwww.taiwandc.org/fapa/).

There are Taiwanese Associations in the large cities in the Mid West, and the Midwest
Taiwanese Association holds annual meetings in Ohio. One of the major goals of these
associations is to support Taiwan in times of need. They have asked its members to sign
petition letters regarding Taiwan’s membership in the WTO (World Trade Organization) and
WHO (interview). They also sent money to Taiwan for earthquake and typhoon relief. In
May 2003, the members purchased masks for the medical workers fighting against SARS

(Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome) in Taiwan (interview).

41

Family Stress
Par ntin tress

Taiwanese American parents generally adopt many aspects of traditional Asian child-
rearing practices (Wong 1988,1995). However, children of immigrant families are attracted
to the American core value of individualism introduced through schools, the media and
cross-cultural friendship (Buriel & De Ment 1997, p. 186). Due to different degrees of
acculturation in the immigrant family, the intergenerational conflict that parents encounter
varies. For example, the pressure of parenting may include how much autonomy their teen-
aged children should have, how to protect their children from the bad influence of their
peers, and even how to help their children form a healthy ethnic identity. Studies show that
Chinese American mothers were less restrictive and controlling than Chinese mothers in
child rearing but more so than Euro-American parents (Chiul987; Lin & Fu 1990). At the
same time, both groups of Chinese parents encouraged independence in their children (ibid).
Although interdependence is emphasized within the family, independence is viewed as a
prerequisite for achievement in society and a basis for fulfilling filial obligations. These
findings suggest that both acculturation and culture of origin have an important impact on
child-rearing practices of immigrant parents.

Buriel & De Ment (1997) contend that the controlling style used by Chinese parents do
not reflect authoritarian concepts but rather deep concern and involvement in the lives of
their children (p. 186). Parents seem to be more lenient on superficial cultural changes such
as clothing style and eating habits but hold on to core values with regard to dating practices
and family obligations (p. 194). Lin & Fu’s (1990) finding that Chinese and Chinese

American parents were not less expressive than Euro-American parents indicates that the

42

child-rearing practices of Chinese and Chinese-American parents no longer follow all the
traditional practices, which are characterized by unquestioned parental authority. Child-
rearing practices of Taiwanese Americans are basically the same as those of Chinese
Americans. Most Taiwanese parents nowadays are more democratic in treating their
children than parents in the past. This means that there is open communication between
them and children’s opinions are heard.

Difficulties in parenting have been mentioned by most people I interviewed, male or
female. They mentioned that the schedules for family activities and their own activities
depend on their children’s schedules and needs. They sacrifice their own hobbies and social
activities before their children go to college. While some of them rely on day care centers,
baby sitters and their parents to take care of their children, it is also common for mothers to
stay home until their children go to high school.

I asked an interviewee whether children tend not to respect their parents because of their
parents’ poor English skills. She said if parents always seize the opportunity to learn new
things, such as learning to be good parents and reading regularly, they will be respected by
children despite their language deficiency. Another parent said being able to speak good
English is less crucial than having a close relationship with children in establishing parental
authority. Some parents said their children started to correct their spoken and written
English after attending high school. Even though none of the parents have to rely on their
children as interpreters, many of them sometimes feel that they do not know enough to be
a good mentor to their children.

While it is true that parents want their children to be well adapted in American society

(interview), they also want them to maintain their ethnic culture for fear that they will lose

43

their ethnic identity and become too Americanized (interview). For instance, in an effort to
kindle an awareness of their Taiwanese identity, parents let children participate in the
activities held by the Taiwanese community, speak Mandarin or Taiwanese to the children
at home, and send children to Chinese schools and back to Taiwan to visit other family
members and to learn Taiwanese culture. Again, to ensure that their children can compete
with classmates, they try hard to monitor their children’s leisure-time activity and watch their
school performance closely so that they will not become delinquent. They also arrange
after-school activities for their children, such as learning musical instruments and playing
baseball or basketball at school. A parent even coached baseball at his children’s school on
the weekend.

Parents are often upset about the lack of enthusiasm in learning Mandarin on the part of
their children. However, one parent mentioned that children will be angry with their parents
if the parents allowed them to quit the language school when they were too young to know
better. The reason is that their White American friends at high school will laugh at them for
not being able to speak, read and write Mandarin (interview). A survey of immigrant
children by Rumbaut (1994) shows that children’s preference for English and poor command
of their parents’ mother language were positively associated with high levels of parent-child
conflict. A study by Portes and Hao (1998) shows that immigrant children fluent in their
native language and English reported fewer cultural clashes and stronger relationships with
their families. Students who spoke only English reported more family conflict, lower
educational goals and self-esteem than their bilingual peers. Based on my interview,
bilingual children usually have more confidence in themselves and have better relationships

with their parents. Some of the parents attended English class so that they were able to

44

communicate with their children who understand little Mandarin or Taiwanese.

In sum, I assume that parent-child conflict will be greatly reduced if parents are objective
and also sympathetic towards their children aware of the pressures they have to endure.
However, I do not mean that parents should not pass traditional virtues on to the children,
such as diligence, frugality, and taking care of parents and other family members. In the
meantime, if children are able to speak the language of their parents, their parents can
communicate with them better. There are many words in another language that do not have
counterparts in English. No matter how long parents stay in the U.S., their English will
never be as good as their children’s. Indeed, I observed that parents who are strict with
children in taking Mandarin and other classes in the language school complain less about
their children’s behaviors. Having the opportunity to interact with peers at the language
school and the peers’ parents helps children establish ethnic identity. This in turn reduces
parent-child conflict.

Another source of parenting stress is children’s marriage. Since there is not a large
population of Taiwanese Americans in the Midwest, finding a suitable match with Taiwanese
ancestry is not easy. Intercultural maniage is more acceptable in the U.S. nowadays than
decades ago. However, many parents are still not open-minded towards their children’s
marrying someone from another race. They are opposed to interracial marriage for different
reasons. The common reasons include a high divorce rate, communication problems
between the daughter/son-in-law and parents-in-law, the racial identity of the mixed-race
children, and parents’ prejudice against other racial groups. Although couples of
intercultural marriage may encounter more adjustment problems, their marriage also benefits

them in many ways. For example, they are exposed to different ways ofapproaching life and

45

resolving problems, have the opportunity to increase self-knowledge by “being forced to
examine and define their own values, ideas and prejudices,” experience greater variation and
vitality in their lifestyle, develop an international identity, and have children who have a
wider worldview (Romano 2001).

We may wonder whether biracial children adjust well psychologically and socially.
Hall’s (1992) and Cauce et al.’s (1992) studies on biracial persons found that biracial high
school students did not differ significantly from monoracial students in self-esteem.
However, Gibb’s (1987) case studies reveal that biracial teenagers one of whose parents is
black experienced conflict about their racial heritage, social marginality, and conflict about
their autonomy and dependence. Many of these teenagers were ambivalent toward their
parents’ racial backgrounds. If they overidentified with one parent’s culture, they would
reject the other parent’s culture. Biracial teenagers started to experience anxiety about
social acceptance after they entered junior or senior high school. They were often rejected
by their peers and could become “loners” (p. 273). Some biracial teens may become overly
dependent on their parents resulting from their parents’ overprotection. These teenagers are
more obedient and passive in relating to adults and peers and appear to be more depressed.
In contrast, other biracial teens may become more assertive and confrontational and thus
engage in more delinquent behaviors and have more problems in school (p.271). However,
I found little research has been done on biracial children whose parents are Asian and
Caucasian.

According to the Pacific Rim Study in August 1999, Asian American women are 2.35
times more likely to outmarry than Asian American men. Among first-generation Asian

women, outmarriage rates stood at 31.8 percent for Chinese, 46.9 percent for Filipinos, 41

46

percent for Japanese, 13.3 percent for Koreans, and 25.5 percent for Vietnamese. The
outrnarriage rates for second generation Asian American females increased to 64.7 percent for
Chinese, 65.8 percent for Filipinos, and 50 percent for Japanese.
Stress in Eldsrly Cass

Taking care of the elderly is another issue for Taiwanese immigrants. Traditionally,
elderly parents live with their adult children and grandchildren. Nowadays, some parents
prefer to live in their own apartments because they can take care of themselves or because
their children live nearby. When elderly parents are not in good health, children will live
with them and take care of them. Only when parents are very ill and need medical care
around the clock will they be sent to nursing homes. Those who live far away from their
parents because of their jobs resent the fact that they cannot visit their parents as much as
they would like to. If their elderly parents live in Taiwan, many of them visit their parents
once a year (interview).
Strsss Ingucsg by Spggsal Rslatisnship

Due to limited exposure to the larger society, first-generation housewives may

experience more adaptational hardships than their husbands during the first few years.
However, if the wives initiated the migration, they will overcome the distress faster than
those women who migrated involuntarily. It is understandable that the former tend to be
more adventurous or hardy. However, both are willing to sacrifice at any cost (e.g., starting
a business or being a full-time housewife) to improve family well-being.

In contrast, a husband may feel the huge burden of supporting the family if his wife is
not employed. In other words, he will be very concerned about losing his job. In addition,

influenced by American values, wives may demand equal gender relationship, such as sharing

47

of housework and child care and participation in decision making. Husbands who hold on
to patriarchal values in spousal relationship may be pressured by this demand and feel
distressed. Some female interviewees are unhappy with their marriage not because of gender
inequality or domestic violence but because of personality clash. However, female
interviewees who are 65 years in age or older seem to he resigned to their subordination and
get along well with their husbands. Marital tension may result in domestic abuse due to the
lack of a supportive network, but it is in a mild form (interview). A person who used to be
the president of the Taiwanese American Association told me that a female Taiwanese
American who married a White military person reported being emotionally abused by her
husband and asked him for help. Some husbands have become socially withdrawn because
they lost their social status after migration, and the wives have to deal with it. For example,
the husbands seldom attend the activities held by the Taiwanese group. However, I have not
been informed of any physical violence.

In conclusion, family stress arises from conflicting relationships with the spouse and the
children and sometimes with parents and siblings as well as from an individual’s sense of
responsibility towards the family. Traditional Taiwanese culture emphasizes the importance
of family interest and interdependence among family members. Those who are more
traditional oriented care about family interest more than those who are less traditional. They
will very likely make efforts in socializing their children to emphasize family interest and
have ethnic pride. Therefore, the influence of the ethnic culture on children will
counterbalance the influence of the individual-oriented culture spread through formal
education and the media. Less parent-child conflict will occur in such families. Of course.

parents must practice what they preach and cannot put too much pressure on children. Any

48

relationship with one’s spouse is not a simple matter. If a couple are both traditional, the
spousal relationship may not be an issue. However. a traditional individual with an
Americanized wife may experience much friction.

Neugen’s (1999) study shows that more involvement with traditional culture predicts
better family relationship for Vietnamese youth living in the Midwest. The interviewees in
my study generally value family interest more than personal interest because of the impact
of the traditional culture. Holding on to traditional values and maintaining close contact
with the ethnic community will benefit their family relationships. They will work out family
problems if they are willing to sacrifice personal interests. However, due to the complexity
of family issues, it is difficult to predict whether traditional individuals will encounter more
(or less) family stress. I would propose this as a question to be answered.

Economic Adaptation and Work Stress

Becoming entrepreneurs, becoming wage laborers in the second sector of economy or
in the ethnic enclave, and engaging in the informal economy are three forms of economic
adaptation strategies for disadvantaged immigrants and minorities. Compared with White
Americans, Taiwanese Americans are disadvantaged because of their language skills and
physical appearance. However, because two thirds of my respondents are well-educated,
most of those who are not self-employed are able to find jobs in the primary sector of the
labor market. Among the self-employed, some are housewives who engage in the informal
economy. Some are entrepreneurs who have many employees, and others may have less
than ten employees or rely on family labor only.

The relationship between work stress and mental as well as physical health is well-

documented (Manning et al. 1996; Celantano 1991). Causes of work stress for self-

49

employed people may differ from those for paid employees. While there are stressors
universal to workers all over the world, many work stressors for immigrants may be related
to their minority status, such as inadequate language skills and certain aspects of collective
culture which are incompatible with the dominant individualist culture. Both types of
stressors will be investigated. Universal work stressors can derive from work content and
workplace leadership. Work-content stressors refer to stressors caused by the nature of
work. In this study, only work autonomy, work overload, skill underutilization and physical
work conditions are examined. Workplace leadership mainly refers to interaction between
supervisors and subordinates. A supervisor is expected to give timely and sufficient
consultation and feedbacks to subordinates and avoid ambiguity in a subordinate’s role.
Role ambiguity can be avoided if a supervisor is clear about the objective of a job and the
scope of responsibility a subordinate should assume (Ivancevich & Matteson 1980). Work
climate refers to intergroup or intragroup relationships among workers and whether workers
feel secure about their jobs. The work stressors for the employed persons to be examined
in this study are as follows:
Lask gf Wgrk Agtonomy

Hackman and Oldhan (1976) define autonomy as “the amount of freedom a worker has
to schedule their work and to determine the procedures to be used in carrying it out.” Three
dimensions of autonomy--control over work pace, schedules or procedures/methods, have
been identified by Breaugh (1985). Control over work pace means a worker can work at
his or her own pace and is not restricted by a machine. Control over schedules means a
worker can decide when s/he will perform a task so that time conflict between two tasks will

not arise. Control over procedure/method means a worker can decide on the procedures

50

with which s/he will perform a task. Lack of autonomy over work has been related to job
dissatisfaction, absenteeism, and coronary artery disease (Bosma et a1. 1997).

Making decisions with regard to work is a way of exercising control and can reduce or
avoid occupational stress. Workers who were able to control their work pace and decide
on their own tasks had fewer stress symptoms than workers having no control of their work
environment (Benner 1984, p. 21). Greater work autonomy has been found to be related
to smaller size of the workplace (Kalleberg & Van Buren 1996; Marsh & Mannari 1989).
According to literature, many workers seem to find repetitive work stressful. For example,
sawmill workers have very dull repetitive jobs and have no control over the pace of their
work (Frankenhaeuser 1975). However, workers may respond differently to lack of
autonomy on how work is done because their need or desire for autonomy varies.

Does culture influence workers’ need for autonomy? Though there is greater social
distance between the supervisor and the employee in Asian societies than in Western
societies, it does not imply that employees from Asian culture are willing to follow every
decision made by their supervisors or be treated like machines. Work autonomy is especially
important for people who value creativity. Therefore, I would argue that personal factors
rather than culture itself will impact workers’ need for autonomy.

WQrk strlgad

There are two types of work overload--quantitative (working too long and too hard at
too many tasks) and qualitative (working on a job that is too difficult). If a person is not
capable of doing a given task (qualitative overload), s/he may not be able to complete even
after spending many hours on it. A person who has been promoted or transferred to a job

which s/he has not done before, such as a supervisory job, may feel distressed due to his/her

51

lack of such experience. If a boss asks an employee to accomplish a job within an unrealistic
deadline, the employee is overloaded with work even though the job is not difficult. Meeting
deadlines is a source of stress. People working as computer consultants, interpreters,
translators, engineers and big chefs experience a tremendous amount of time pressure
(interview). Working long hours every day is very common for the self-employed, especially
the owner of a restaurant or a grocery store. They usually stay at the store all day and check
on their school-aged children on the phone. Two interviewees said that they do much more
work than their employees because they seldom ask employees to continue working after
five pm. or on the weekend. Another who has opened a medical clinic with a friend said
he has to stay on-call during weekends even though he is not on duty. Therefore, it is hard
for him to participate in family activities during weekends.
Skill Ungsrutilization

Skill underutilization refers to a person not being able to use his/her acquired skills or
develop his/her full potential abilities. This causes stress because the work lacks stimulation.
If one’s work is characterized by repetitiveness, lack of variety, low skill demands and low
decision latitude--e.g., the work of electronic assemblers (Sutherland 1990)--s/he may
experience a high level of stress. Research also indicates that low skill demands are linked
to dissatisfaction, depression, irritation and psychosomatic complaints (Udris 1981, cited by
[LG 1986). Many workers on a packing-line system feel bored because the work does not
provide a sense of achievement. Objective discrepancy between job requirements and skills
of employees is not the only determinant of skill utilization. Employees may not be able to
use their skills if there is a sudden increase or decrease in work loads. The appointment of

an incompetent supervisor, the restrictive formal rules of procedures, and other

52

environmental factors, such as noise or temperature may decrease the employees’ ability to
use their skills. Not being promoted to the position an individual is qualified for also makes
full utilization of one’s skill impossible.

In the case of Taiwanese Americans, some of them may not be able to find jobs in the
field of their expertise and thus feel distressed. For example, an individual who obtained a
college degree in Taiwan may be employed as a blue-collar worker because s/he cannot
speak English well. Two Taiwanese Americans I know had a college degree and were
white-collar workers before migration. One worked at a restaurant for two years and was
very depressed before he obtained a white-collar job. The other was self-employed for a few
years. Being unhappy with the long hours of work and marginal benefits, he closed his
business and found a blue-collar job at a retail store.

n 1 ant Ph i Envir nm n n n ition

Adverse working environments and conditions include noise, extremely high or low
temperature, poor lighting, bad equipment designs, exposure to chemical hazards, intense
vibration from hand tools, jobs which require intense or sustained physical effort, such as
lifting, reaching, bending, and interacting with computer-based visual display units (VDUs)
(Warr 1987 pp.170-75), crowdedness (Suedfeld 1979), lack of privacy (Cohen 1980) and
other conditions. We can see that these conditions are to be found in both blue collar and
professional jobs. Many Taiwanese immigrants work in automobile and computer industries.
Unpleasant working environments affect their health and job satisfaction. An informant of
my research mentioned that the hardship of working at an automobile manufacturing plant

prevents many workers from staying in the job until retirement.

8 rit ndeAmi it

53

Supervisors’ leadership style determines whether a worker will suffer from role
ambiguity and whether a worker receives effective consultation and sufficient feedback on
job performance. Lack of consultation and sufficient feedback is a common stressor for
many employees (Kelly & Cooper 1981). However, it is not included in my study. Role
ambiguity is related to lack of consultation and feedback. The employees are not certain
how the supervisors expect them to play their role or do not know how well they perform
their work. Organizational policies on diversity also have a great impact on how secure
minority workers feel about their jobs. In the earlier years of a career, workers have strong
needs for gaining recognition and for being safe (Hall 1976). Because of their minority
status, immigrant workers often fear being laid off when the economy is in recession or when
the company is downsizing. A retired interviewee said that for fifteen years he did not feel
secure about his job even though he worked for a large company.

Role ambiguity occurs when an individual’s role lacks clarity about the objective ofa job
or the scope of his or her responsibilities (Ivancevich & Matteson 1980), or when an
individual has inadequate or incomplete information or knowledge with which to perform
the job (Dubinsky et a1 1992). Role ambiguity is more likely to occur when the assignment
requires team work or when the supervisor is new. Culture has an impact on the extent to
which workers tolerate ambiguity or avoid uncertainty (Mo 1996). People in Britain,
Ireland, Sweden and Denmark are comfortable accommodating ambiguity (p. 29). In
contrast, Americans have a low level of tolerance. Workers in some Asian countries, such
as Singapore, Indonesia and the Philippines, are also comfortable accbmmodating ambiguity
(p. 29). Yet, once they become immigrants, they may find role ambiguity stressful because

of the pressure of wanting to obtain a good evaluation of their job performance from the

54

supervisor.
Lacighf Promotion

Though professionals are well represented in science and engineering, Asian Americans
are less likely to hold management positions than their white counterparts (Tang 1997).
Organizational policies determine whether minority workers are paid and promoted based
on merit and whether they obtain job training opportunities. A minority worker’s chances
of promotion may also be affected by his or her communication skills, language skills,
knowledge of the host culture, and social network. Hung (1995) found that Asian
Americans have lower returns on investment for their education. This may be partially
explained by discrimination. The immigrant can experience discrimination in various forms,
such as lack of promotion and work training, being excluded from the information network
and being underpaid.

Organizational policies may be affected by stereotypes about Asian Americans and
discrimination against them. Being more noticeable to their co-workers, minority employees
may be evaluated more critically in job performance and may be perceived in terms of racial
stereotypes (Gutierres et al. 1994). Stereotypes may contribute to the glass ceiling, which
prevents qualified individuals from advancing upward in their organization (The U.S.
Department of Labor 1991). These stereotypes include speaking English poorly or with an
accent, an inability to communicate, taking what is offered and being too passive to complain
(Cheng 1997). Moreover, minority employees may be ascribed with the stigma of “token”
status, which leads to assumptions that they were hired to reach affirmative action quotas
(ibid) and that they are likely to be incompetent at their jobs (Morland 1965). These

assumptions may influence minority employees’ self-concept and job performance (Gutierres

55

et a1. 1994).

Bass and Turner (1973) found that interpersonal attraction based on cultural similarity
can affect performance ratings. The greater social distance between managers and minority
subordinates may result in fewer recommendations for pay increases. In addition to merit,
connections can lead to promotions. Minority workers are more likely to see interpersonal
relations as “obstacles” to their upward mobility (Fine et a1. 1990). Moreover, such
collectivist norms as humility and modesty prevent them from “selling themselves” and
“getting ahead organizationally” (Khoo 1988, p. 134-37).

Rl inhi with -w rkrs
The quality of relationships that employees have at work--relationships with supervisors,
managers and co-workers--has consistently been associated with job stress (Payne 1980).
Workers reporting the greatest amount of group cohesion are best able to cope with job
stress (Ketz de Vries 1984). Conversely, poor relationships between co-workers lead to
low trust, low supportiveness and low interest or willingness to listen and be empathic
(French & Caplan 1973). Albrecht and Adelrnan (1987) posit that employees lacking
supportive relationships with coworkers tend to feel they have little control over their work
environment, which in turn increases stress. For instance, when people are supposed to
work together, the noncooperative behavior of one’s colleagues is a major source of stress.
Cultural biases. the mildest form of prejudice and discrimination, comprise expressed
insensitivity to the values, language, dress, food, and personal styles of different
ethnocultural groups (Marsella 1994). These biases may lead to misunderstanding or even
conflict. In some cases, physical violence was the most blatant form of prejudice and

discrimination. A 1989 national survey showed that African Americans and Asian Pacific

56

Islanders were significantly more likely to report being discriminated against in their work
settings than their White and Hispanic counterparts (Brown et al. 1991).
Wgrk Strsssgrs fgr ths SsIf-smplgyeg.

Entrepreneurship, work autonomy, freedom from restrictions imposed by formal
organizations (escape from bureaucracy), avoidance of lay-offs, and the potential of
becoming wealthy are common features of self-employment (Peterson, Schmidman &
Elifson 1982). The self-employed generally enjoy greater job satisfaction than most
employed workers (Yuchtman 1985). However, Chay’s (1993) and Jamal’s (1997) studies
do not find any difference between the self-employed and the salaried employees in mental
health or psychological well-being.

Before exploring the work stressors for the self-employed, I will discuss why immigrants
become self-employed. Becoming an entrepreneur may be voluntary or involuntary
(reactive). Immigrants may enter small businesses due to personal characteristics, cultural
influence or macrosocial factors. Those who have experience in business or are business-
oriented are more likely to enter business, especially when the opportunity is available in the
ethnic community. Such personality traits as internal locus of control, diligence and thrift
are also conducive to business success (Dana 1998). Empirical evidence suggests that,
regardless of the individual personality characteristics, individuals from entrepreneurial
cultures--Armenians (Reeves & Ward 1984), Greeks, Jews, Indians, Pakistanis, Persians,
Lebanese (Dana 1998) have higher rates of self-employment than those from non-
entrepreneun'al cultures--Caribbeans (Reeves & Ward 1984), Norwegians (Peterson 1988),
Egyptians (Brockhaus 1991), etc. Haitians tend to view entrepreneurship as an occupation

of low self-status (Dana 1993).

57

Macrosocial factors refer to circumstances in the host society and circumstances in the
ethnic community. As mentioned above, many immigrants turn to self-employment in small
businesses because they can not find employment in the mainstream labor market or because
they resent being discriminated against by their white employers. Fawcett & Gardner (1994)
contend that the better-educated are more sensitive to discrimination in the workplace. This
may explain why many highly-educated Korean immigrants enter small businesses.
Entrepreneurial achievement also compensates their diminished social status. According
to the "ethnic enclave theory, the ethnic enclave opens job opportunities for its members that
are not easily accessible in the larger society (Zhou & Logan 1989). The presence of
entrepreneurial elites and the cheap and loyal ethnic laborers give enclave employers and
employees superior benefits over those in general markets through vertical and horizontal
integration (Wilson and Portes 1980). In addition, successful entrepreneurs serve as
potential role models, encouraging self-employment. New immigrants may be hired by their
co-ethnics. If they have capital, they start businesses with partners or on their own.

Some scholars argue that immigrant entrepreneurship is the "interplay between the
structure of the labor market in the host country, and the skills and other qualifications of
the immigrants" (Fawcett & Gardner 1994). One single factor is not sufficient to explain
entrepreneurship. Establishing a business requires capital, skills and supply of inexpensive
labor. Lack of human capital and social capital may deter an immigrant who intends to enter
business for survival or social mobility. Compared with Chinese immigrants who migrated
to the U.S. before 1965, Taiwanese immigrants are recent immigrants, who are more affluent
and have more education. The self-employment rate for Taiwanese Americans in 2000 was

19.8%, following that of Korean Americans (24.1%) (www.Asian-nation.org). Korean

58

Americans’ self-employment rate was the highest among Asian Americans in the same year.

There is limited research on the causes of stress for entrepreneurs. These stressors
include uncertainty, market fluctuation, responsibility for decision making, physical demands
of operating the enterprise, pressure of countering entropy, demands by cheats and
customers, and sometimes isolation (Lewin-Epstein & Yuchtman-Yaar 1991). Some
interviewees mentioned that instead of enjoying flexible schedules, they devote most of their
time to the business and have little time left for themselves and their family. A few business
owners point out that they are concerned about legal issues, such as insurance and
regulations.
Acculturatign and Work Stress

Does acculturation impact on work stress? The collective culture emphasizes group
interest. This work ethic may alter an individual’s perception of work-induced stress and
thus reduce the stress level. However, the respondents who are more traditional may not
be familiar with the work culture of the Whites, such as interpersonal relationships and
communication styles. This may contribute a great deal to their work stress. Those who are
more Americanized may have a better relationship with their White co-workers and
supervisors because of their good English skills and cultural knowledge. Therefore, I would
present this as a question to be answered.
Social Stress

Perceived discrimination refers to a minority group member’s subjective perception of
unfair treatment of ethnic groups, or members of the group, based on racial prejudice or
ethnocentrism. The unfair acts may be subtle, elusive and difficult to detect but have adverse

effects on mental and physical health. Studies show that exposure to discrimination is

59

associated with elevated levels of depressive symptoms (N oh et al. 2003; Taylor & Turner
2002). Research also shows that racial discrimination at work and an internalized response
to racial discrimination and unfair treatment are associated with elevated blood pressure
(Krieger & Sidney 1996). Though discrimination is not the only cause of the great
prevalence of hypertension among the U.S. black population, it suggests that suppressed
anger may be a risk factor for hypertension. Qualitative studies describe psychological
consequences of discrimination as feelings of worthlessness, helplessness, powerlessness.
debasement, sadness and fearfulness (Essed 1991; Feagin 1991; Barnes & Ephross 1994).

Historically, Asian Americans have encountered numerous incidents of racial
discrimination, such as the Chinese Exclusion Law of 1882, Gentlemen’s agreement of 1907,
the 1930 anti-Filipino riots in Watsonville California and the internment of Japanese
Americans during the Second World War. However, little is known about the psychological
impact of racism on Asian American individuals (Kuo 1995; Young & Takeuchi 1998).
Helms and Cook (1999) also observed that studies on Asian Americans typically neglect
issues of race and racism. In a study of over 5,000 adolescents in Florida and California,
Rumbaut (1994) found a positive relationship between levels of depressive symptoms and
discrimination experienced by immigrant youth. A study of Southeast Asian refugees and
Pacific Island immigrants in New Zealand shows that the experience of discrimination is
associated with high levels of anxiety and depression (Pernice & Brook 1996). A report
from the University of Toronto revealed that a large number of Chinese, Laotian and
Vietnamese refugees chose to ignore or avoid it when they encountered racial discrimination
(Noh et al. 1999). So far I have not found any studies on how racial discrimination against

Taiwanese Americans affects their mental health.

60

An individual who adopts more American ways of thinking and values may not feel s/he
is an outsider and may have more American friends. A less acculturated individual may have
difficulty in making American friends and fitting in the American culture. Therefore, I
hypothesize that more involvement with American culture predicts less social stress and that
more involvement with ethnic culture predicts more social stress.

Coping Strategies

Lazarus and Folkman’s (1984) stress and coping model illustrates the process through
which a coping method is determined when individuals encounter stress. The coping process
encompasses two stages--primary and secondary coping. During the first stage, individuals
make an appraisal of the situation as harm, loss, threat or challenge. The same experience
may be threatening to some people but harmless to others. After the primary appraisal, an
individual attempts to look for available coping options for dealing with the harm, threat or
challenge. These options may be resources (e.g., a helpful neighbor) or responses (e. g.,
asking parents for advice).

Coping strategies include direct versus indirect coping or problem-focused versus
emotional-focused coping. Some researchers use the terms “active coping”versus “passive
coping” (Kim 1987). According to Kim (1987), direct coping involves active confrontation,
a realistic search for a resolution, and active help-seeking while indirect coping involves
appraisal, suppression, escape, fantasy formation and so on. Indirect coping is aimed at
changing the meaning of stress. However, only when opportunities to actually control
stressful situations are perceived can such control-directed coping efforts be effective
(Latack 1996). Otherwise, direct coping is counterproductive and may lead to “learned

helplessness” (Abramson et a1 1978). In other words, direct coping is considered adaptive

61

in the face of controllable stressors; passive coping is adaptive when stressors are
uncontrollable (Noh et al. 1999). Avoidance coping increased distress (Billings & Moos
1981). However, avoiding coping strategies are more adaptive in dealing with stressors
when unfavorable outcomes are expected (pp. 202-03).

One coping strategy which has been studied most is seeking social support. Turning
to religion is also common for immigrants. Religious coping has been found to be effective
for mental and physical health. For example, religiousness was negatively related to
mortality for the elderly in poor health (Ostfeld 1984), and religious support was negatively
related to depression for highly depressed parents (Maton 1989). Quite a few Taiwanese
Americans I know feel strongly that religion is an important tool for coping with stress after
they came to the U.S. In my study the term “action-focused” coping refers to negotiation
and seeking advice/support only, and “emotion-focused” coping refers to smoking, drinking
'alcohol, punishment, and letting out emotions. Other coping strategies include selective
ignoring, comparison, and cognitive coping (looking on the bright side and thinking over
one’s behaviors). Billings & Moos (1981) found that cognitive coping reduced distress,
while selective ignoring (avoidance) increased distress. Based on previous studies, I
hypothesize the following: 1) action-focused coping (seeking social support and negotiating
a compromise) and cognitive coping predict less mental distress and 2) emotion-focused
coping has no effect in reducing mental distress. Emotion coping is not effective because
it can temporarily suppress distress but the feeling of distress will come back.

In the following sections we will discuss the factors that have been found to be related

to mental health, such as locus of control and perceived support.

62

Locus of Control

Rotter (1966) used locus of control to explain how certain cognitions about control
influence behavior change. Individuals with external LOC believe that they have no or little
control over their environment and that “events occurred largely because of chance, fate,
luck and other external forces (ibid). Conversely, individuals with internal LOC believe that
they can control their environment and they should be responsible for their actions.

Due to the influence of Western cultural ideology, which has emphasized personal
autonomy, there has been a popular assumption among researchers and practitioners that
internal locus of control is more desirable than external locus of control (Evans, Shapiro &
Lewis 1993). This bias leads to viewing belief in external control as a critical problem
among the lower socioeconomic and minority groups. In fact, “their sense of low personal
control reflected a correct perception of a harsh environment over which they had little
control” (Gurin et al. 197 8). Gurin et al. ( 197 8) proposed a differentiation between personal
control and ideological control. Personal control refers to individuals’ beliefs about their
ability to control events in their lives, and ideological control refers to individuals’ beliefs
about the potential for control in their society at large. This distinction was especially salient
in individuals of lower socioeconomic status and in African Americans. The high external
scores of these groups were a function of personal control beliefs as a result of their
experience with discrimination.

In addition to individuals of lower socioeconomic status and minority groups, highly
motivated and competent students in Lefcourt’s study were classified as extemals (Iefcourt
1976). Not being able to control certain situations is viewed as a reality in society by them.

This leads us to regard the highly internal individuals as too idealistic to underestimate the

63

extent of external constraints (Wong & Sproule 1984). Can we control our ability,
intelligence and outer looks? Despite the arguments above, Internal LOC was found to
predict greater life satisfaction than external LOC among Korean immigrants (Seipel 1988).
Internals are also shown to engage in health-promoting behaviors more often than extemals
(AbuSabha & Achterberg 1997).

Another flaw in the conceptualization of locus of control is that many researchers did
not differentiate generalized locus of control and perceptions of control over specific
domains (e. g., in mental health, marriage, and physical health). Schulz et al. (1991)
suggested that the former remains relatively stable over one’s life course, but the latter may
change (Gatz & Karel 1993). In this study, I examine generalized locus of control only.

In reaction to the unrealistic unidimensional view of control, Wong and Sproule (1984)
proposed a dual dimensional view as Dual Control. They emphasize the importance of both
internal and external aspects of control instead of only the benefits of being internal or the
dysfunction of being external. They labeled those who are both internal and external in
different aspects of control as bilocals. These bilocals cope more effectively because they
manage to mix personal responsibility and faith in appropriate outside resources.
Perceived Support

The perception of being cared for can promote health (Cobb 1976; Lynch 1977) whether
or not this perception is accurate. Perceived support does not primarily depend on the
environmental support resources actually available from one’s social network (Lie & Lie
1978). The perception of having access to support might protect against distress by
changing one’s appraisal ofthe situation-seeing the situation as less threatening (Cohen and

McKay 1984). This suggests that the perception of support availability is sufficient to help

64

one deal with a stressful situation or could provide a safety net that motivates self-reliant
coping efforts (Kessler 1992). Similarly, Brown (197 8) contends that people with the best
social and personal resources are the least likely to report seeking support under stress. One
possible explanation is that those with the best personal resources are those who have better
coping skills. They will mobilize support only if personal coping efforts fail. The other
explanation is that they are the people who have a supportive network and that “the
perception of support availability allows them to take more risks, to pursue the practical
resolution of their problems more single-mindedly, than they would have otherwise”
(Wethington & Kessler 1986).

Wethington and Kessler’s (1986) study also shows that the stress-buffering effect of
social support is more strongly due to the perception that support is available than to the
influence of actual supportive behaviors. They explained that received support intervenes
between the perception of support availability and distress. It is possible that supportive
behaviors indirectly alleviate distress by influencing perceptions of future support availability.
In other words, the effect of received support on distress is mediated by perceived support.
So, perceived support is generally more important than received support in predicting
adjustment to stressful life events (p. 78). Perceived support also impacts whether people
will mobilize support resources, which may in turn impact mortality.

Perceived support is closely related to the amount of support received in the past. An
individual usually receives support from his/her spouse, friends, and relatives. However,
perceived co-worker support cannot be neglected because employment has become a part
of life for most adults. Co-worker support is especially important before or after a stressful

incident. A worker with support can verbalize a lot of his or her internal fears and concerns,

65

and this makes them less threatening. Friendships with co-workers can also extend to
activities after work, such as shared sporting and social activities, which indirectly alleviate
work stress. Co-workers can also become allies when they fight for the rights they have
been deprived of by the organization or when their supervisors are not supportive.

Social support may influence physical health by influencing health behaviors directly or
indirectly (Cohen 1988; Dean 1986), by the provision of information occurring in supportive
exchanges (Cohen 1988) and by the provision of tangible resources, such as economic aid,
housing and transportation (Berkman 1984; Cohen 1988). Umberson (1987) also holds that
social support seems to influence health habits directly. Social network plays an important
role in both determining whether an alcoholic will seek help and predicting treatment
outcomes and possibility of relapse. A study on social networks of alcoholics indicates that
most of the alcoholics who seek help from formal rehabilitation agencies do so out of
pressure from network members and confidants who discourage them from drinking (Strug
& Hyman 1981). Close network ties (ibid) and supportive family relationships (Caddy &
Block 1985) are also strongly associated with rehabilitation success. People with high levels
of social support are more compliant to their medication regimens (Christen et al. 1992;
Kulik & Mahaler 1993) and are more likely to use health services. In this research, I study
perceived support from family, fiiends, spouses, supervisors and co-workers and actual help
seeking behaviors. I hypothesize that perceived support predicts better physical health.
Physical Health

Most research on Asian Americans’ adaptation outcomes focuses on their mental health.
Very little is known about their physical health. Hyman and Dussault’s (2000) study on

Vietnamese pregnant women in Canada shows that less acculturation is associated with more

66

healthful diet, less smoking and fewer rates of low birth weight among the less educated
women receiving public assistance. Their study also mentions that less stressful work and
more social support during pregnancy contributed to higher birthweight (p. 359). In short,
their research finds that acculturation, health behaviors (e.g., diet, exercise) and coping
strategies (e.g., social support) have a direct effect on physical health. In this research I
study the respondents’ healthful behaviors

A report by the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services shows that 29.99 % of
Chinese Americans who died in 1997 died of cancer, followed by heart disease (26.92 %).
Cerebovascular disease accounted for 9.95 %, and diabetes accounted for 3.06 %. It is not
clear whether Chinese Americans include Taiwanese Americans or Hongkongese. The
cancer rate was higher for Chinese Americans (29.99 %) than for the whites (24.07 %). but
the Whites had a higher rate in heart disease (33.01 %) than the Chinese (26.93 %). From
my interview, I learned that back pain, hypertension and stomach illness are common for
middle-aged Taiwanese Americans (interview). Though most of them still prefer Taiwanese
foods, which contain less fat than many American foods, consumption of American snacks
and fast foods is increasing gradually. I speculate that stress, diet and lack of exercise are
the major causes of the diseases I mentioned. However, I noticed that playing tennis and
golfing are very popular sports for middle-aged Taiwanese Americans in Michigan. Those
who do not exercise regularly are more likely to have high blood pressure. As for health
care service use, most Taiwanese Americans use both Western and herbal medicine. Since
their insurance does not cover herbal medicine, they are forced to visit Western physicians
most of the time, especially for acute diseases. However, if they do not trust Western

treatment for certain diseases, they will use home remedies. acupuncture and ethnic

67

medicine. They also go back to Taiwan for the treatment of dental problems and other
diseases which their health insurance does not cover. because medical costs are much more
expensive in the U.S.
Help seeking

Though studies show that perceived social support is more important than received
support in adapting to stressful life events, it does not mean that received support is not
important. An individual my have limited personal resources for dealing with extremely
stressful events. If this person does not actually seek help for something s/he is not able to
handle, perceived support may help him or her feel less stressed, but the problem may still
exist without others’ help. Whether social support is available when needed depends on
many factors, such as whether an individual has a positive relationship with the members of
his or her social network. Whether the respondents have positive or negative relationships
with members of their social network will not be examined in my research. However, I will
examine the sources of help (e. g., parents, spouses, and friends) that the respondents turn
to for various problems.
Social Network

Earlier studies show that most people seek help from people close to them rather than
from mental health professionals (Rook 1985). Studies also documented that individuals
who can provide effective counseling with little or no professional training exist in one's
social network (Kelley et al. 1977). These studies suggest that people use resources in their
informal networks more frequently than resources in their formal network. Perhaps it is
more convenient to seek help from informal networks, and people of lower socioeconomic

status may not be knowledgeable about how to access professional assistance. Moreover,

68

immigrants may hesitate to seek help from professionals due to language problems or lack
of empathy on the part of professionals and other help providers. House (1983) holds that
the informal source of support is the most truly preventive form of social support though the
need for professional services remains (p. 24).

Early Asian Americans, such as the Chinese and the J apanese, are known for their self-
sufficiency. They mainly relied on family, kin and co-ethnic friends for support. Even today,
they are not as likely as African Americans to turn to political organizations for support
(Glenn & Yep 1994; Nishi 1995). Since many Taiwanese Americans are recent immigrants,
they may not have extended family to support them. Moreover, the strength of the family
network is thought to be reduced by geographical mobility. Therefore, friends and
sometimes professionals may become important sources of help when family help is not
available. Even when we are not in need of any help, members in our social network can
provide companionship and make us feel less lonely. When we are under stress, they may
offer to help us without being asked. It is usually considered an obligation for family
members to help one another. However, the amount of help we receive depends on whether
we have harmonious relationships with them. In this study, I will study how the

respondents’ social network is related to their social stress.

69

CHAPTER 3: METHOD

Research Design and Sampling

My research method is a cross-sectional self-administered survey. First, I conducted
face-to-face or telephone interviews with eleven first- generation Taiwanese Americans in
order to generate additional good-quality questions for the questionnaire. Before the
interviews, I had written many questions based on both previous studies on Chinese
Americans and my personal knowledge of Taiwanese Americans’ adaptation problems
through observation and conversation with them in the past years. However, the interview
provided me with better insight on certain aspects of their lives and thus improved the
quality of the questionnaire. Most questions were closed-ended. After the questionnaire
was revised, it was translated into Mandarin. Then the Mandarin version was reviewed by
a Mandarin-speaking person from Taiwan, who did not see the English version beforehand.
Due to the length of the questionnaire, not all the questions were translated back into
English.

The reason I did not conduct the survey by telephone or face to face is that people are
more likely to provide honest answers when asked to fill out questionnaires themselves
(American Statistical Association series, p.3). In addition, since there are questions on their
health status, asking respondents these questions face to face or on the phone is likely to
arouse their anxiety. I also conducted in-depth interviews when the quantitative data were
being collected.

1 surveyed 162 first-generation Taiwanese Americans who live in the following states:

Michigan, Illinois, Ohio, Indiana, Minnesota and Missouri. The major sites of my research

70

are Ann Arbor, the Detroit area, Lansing and Chicago. I surveyed the first generation
because most of their children are in their twenties and many do not have much work
experience in the real world and may not be manied.

This research has been approved by the UCRIHS (University Committee on Research
Involving Human Subjects) of MSU. I promised to protect the confidentiality of the
respondents and asked them to fill out a consent form. I did not use a random sampling
method, but I tried to have variety in my sample in terms of age and occupation. I recruited
respondents by attending their meetings, social activities and religious gatherings. The
response rate was higher if I talked to them before giving them a questionnaire in person or
mailing it to them. I did follow-ups with twenty people or so by calling or writing to them.
The completion rate is about 70%.

Measures

1 created scales or used existing ones to measure the constructs in my study. The central
constructs include involvement with traditional and American culture, family stress, work
stress, social stress, mental distress, coping strategies, and perceived support. Other
constructs include locus of control, health status, social network and help-seeking choices.
After the pilot study, I revised and deleted unsatisfactory items and added some new items
to these scales. The scales for measurement are as follows (see Appendix B).
InvlvmnwithTritinl ltranAmric lr

Thirteen items were created to assess the respondents’ involvement with Taiwanese
culture (the Chronbach’s alpha =.7 l ). The other twelve (question 23 was not included after
data collection) assess their involvement with American culture (Chronbach’s alpha =.69).

The mean score for each respondent’s involvement with Taiwanese and American culture

71

is calculated first. So each respondent has two scores. Since all the respondents had lived
in Taiwan for at least twenty years before they migrated, the influence of their traditional
culture is very profound. The mean score of their involvement with their traditional culture
is 3.76 on a one to five Likert scale (1 = do not agree at all, 2 = slightly agree, 3 =
moderately agree, 4 = largely agree, and 5 = completely agree). In contrast, the mean score
of their involvement with American culture is 3.0.

The items for involvement with traditional culture and American culture are categorized
into three dimensions: cultural activity, cultural values and attachment to American or
traditional culture. Cultural activities include celebrating ethnic or American holidays,
attending activities sponsored by Taiwanese or American organizations, eating American or
ethnic foods, and enjoying Taiwanese or American videos, movies and TV programs. The
language spoken at home is also included in the scale given the dominant White culture in
the Midwest.

Cultural values include the respondents’ attitudes toward the elderly, children’s marriage
and dating: whether they think it is the responsibility of children or the government to take
care of elderly parents; whether children should not date before going to college; and
whether they accept interracial marriage. Attachment to American or traditional culture
refers to 1) having a positive evaluation of American or traditional culture, 2) adopting
American ways of thinking 3) expecting one’s children to learn the ethnic language, 4)
reading books published in Taiwan and using the websites created by the Taiwanese versus
learning American history and customs, 6) expecting one’s children to preserve the
traditional culture or expecting them to be more like American kids. The mean of the items

in each category constitutes the score for each category. Each respondent has three scores

72

for involvement with traditional culture (cultural activities, traditional values & attachment
to traditional culture) and three scores for involvement with American culture (cultural
activities, American values & attachment to American culture).
Wgrk Stress, Family Strsss & Sgsial Strsss

To assess work stress, I created six items on how the respondents feel about their jobs
(e. g., feeling a sense of achievement, feeling exhausted at the end of the day). The scores
of the six items for both the employed and the self-employed will be used to determine the
level of their work stress. These items are on a five- point Likert scale with “l " indicating
“never” and “5" indicating “always.” The higher score indicates more work stress. The
reliability of this scale is .75. I also created ten items on gagsss of work stress for the paid
employees and seven items for the self-employed. These items are on a five-point scale with
“l " indicating that a certain situation does not bother the respondents and “5" indicating that
a certain situation bothers the respondent a lot. The reliability level for the scale is .75.

Causes of work stress for the employed include work overload, time pressure, lack of
autonomy, job security, skill underutilization, role ambiguity, lack of promotion, unpleasant
work environment, unfriendliness or discrimination on the part of co-workers, and harsh
supervisors. Causes of work stress for the self-employed include long hours of work,
worries about the failure or success of one’s career, skill underutilization, feeling of isolation,
demanding customers or employees, numerous regulations from the government and
unpleasant work environment. These items will be used for discussion only. The scale for
the paid employee has a reliability level of .83. The scale for the self-employed has a
reliability level of .80.

For family stress I asked questions on spousal relationships, parental responsibility,

73

parent-child conflict, elderly care and financial concern. Scores of the first eleven items will
be added up to determine the level of family stress. The items are on a five-point Likert
scale with “1" indicating no stress and “5" indicating a very high level of stress. The
situations in these items can be universal sources of family stress. The reliability level of the
scale is .85. Items on causes of parenting stress include children’s lack of interest in learning
the traditional language, children’s school performance, children being discriminated against,
children hanging out with bad kids and communication gap caused by language barrier.
For social stress, 1 ask respondents 1) if they have experienced discrimination in stores,
bars and other public places and 2) whether they feel socially isolated and marginalized (e.g.,
you often feel that you are not part of the crowd). Scores of seven items on a five-point
scale were added up to determine the level of social stress. A higher score indicates a
higher level of social stress. The reliability level of the social stress scale is .77.
o in tr t ies
There are sixteen items about the use of coping strategies on a five-point scale.
Respondents were asked how often they adopt each strategy when they are bothered by
problems with their spouse or children’s problems and when they are bothered by social
stress. The options are: never, sometimes, half of the time, often, and always. Higher scores
indicate more frequent use of strategies. The strategies include negotiation, selective
ignoring, comparison, emotion discharge, seeking support from others, seeking comfort
from religion, and so on. Some researchers categorize coping strategies into two types:
problem-focused coping and emotion-focused coping. Problem-focused coping refers to
solving problems through taking actions. The coping strategies in this study are categorized

into five types in order to be more specific. These five categories are: sggnitivs soping,

74

‘mo icon-f u ‘ c C 9m: rlii s o om: c iron-f se oin an le ive inrin.
Cognitive coping includes such items as “looking at the bright side of things,” “examining
yourself,” and “comparing with other parents.” Emotion—focused coping in this study
includes “getting angry and letting it out,” “smoking and drinking alcohol,” and “punishing
kids.” Action-focused coping refers to negotiating with one’s spouse, telling others how
you feel and seeking advice. Selective ignoring includes switching one’s attention to other
activities (e.g., sports and music) or telling oneself not to worry about kids too much.
Religious coping refers to an individual seeking consolation or empowerment from his/her
religion.
L of n r 1

There are six items on locus of control on a five-point Likert scale. After running factor
analysis, two of them were not included in calculating the mean of an individual’s locus of
control Each of these two variables has a weak bivariate correlation with mental distress.
One of them is the attribution of personal problems to luck, and the other is the feeling that
it is fruitless to change certain human situations. The four variables are coded in such a way
that a higher score indicates stronger internal locus of control The items are from the
existing LOC scale, such as “My future completely depends on my effort,” “My problems
are partially due to bad luck,” “I do not blame others when I fail.” The reliability level of
the scale is .58. _
Mental Hsalth and Physisal Health

To measure mental health status, I used nine questions in the CES-D (Center for

Epidemiologic Studies-Depression) scale (Radloff 1977), and four questions from the Brief

Symptom Inventory (BSI). The CES-D and B81 scales are five-point scales with higher

75

scores indicating mo re mental distress. Respondents were asked how often they experienced
the feelings described in the items in the past month. The following are some of the CBS-D
items I used: I feel lonely; I can not get going; I have difficulty sleeping; I felt restless. The
four BSI items are also on a five-point scale: I got angry easily; I felt agitated; I had
headaches; I felt nervous. The reliability level of the combined scale is .91. The five options
for the scale include 1 = never, 2 = sometimes, 3 = half of the time, 4 = often and 5 =
always. They were recoded into 1 2 never, 3 = sometimes, 4 = half of the time, 5 = often
and 7 = always. The mean of mental distress is 2.65, and standard deviation is .97. The
minimum is l, and the maximum is 6.23.

Information on physical health status relies on the respondents’ self-evaluation. They
were asked whether their health is poor, fair, good, very good or excellent. Specific illnesses
relied on respondents’ report of a physician’s diagnosis. Respondents were asked whether
a physician has ever told them that they have high blood pressure, hypertension, diabetes,
back pain or arthritis, digestion problems, liver problems, respiration problems, and cancer.
The options for health behaviors were recoded in such a way that a higher point indicates
a more healthful behavior. They include 1) how often they smoke 2) whether they eat more
vegetables than meat 3) the amount of Western desserts and fast foods they eat 3) how much
liquor they drink in a week 4) how many hours of exercise they take in a week 5) how often
they have physical check-ups.

P r iv i i 1 N w rk

Social Relations Questionnaire (Turner 1994) were modified to assess perceived social

support from family, friends, co-workers and supervisors. There are five items on a five-

point scale with a higher score indicating more perceived support. For example, “No matter

76

what happens, I know that my husband/wife/partner will always be there for me should I
need him/hen” “ I feel that my friends really care about me.” The reliability level of the
scale is .73.

Items on social network include socialization with neighbors, American friends, and
Taiwanese fiiends, involvement with religious group and ethnic organizations, and
transnational ties, such as contact with family and friends in Taiwan. These questions are
on a five-point Likert scale with a higher score indicating more social contact.
Help-seeking Behaviors

Respondents were asked who they will turn to when they are faced with various
problems in their lives. They may choose as many options as apply to them. These options
are parents, spouses, siblings, children, neighbors, co-workers, Taiwanese friends, American
friends, supervisors, professionals, relatives and no one. The options are coded as 0 (no help
seeking) and 1 (seeking help from a person). The more options they choose, the more active
they are in seeking help. The mean of each option for all respondents is also obtained to find
out who they are more likely to turn to.

In- h Int rviews

In addition to the survey, I interviewed 15 individuals face-to-face or by telephone.
Most interviews lasted for at least an hour. I asked them general and specific questions,
such as their interaction with neighbors, their attitudes towards biracial marriage, difficulties
in living in the U.S., their relationship with children, coworkers and supervisors, and their
volunteer work. I used part of the data for literature review and part of it for discussion.
The interviews have enabled me to understand the respondents’ feelings towards the host

society and the difficulties they have to face.

77

CHAPTER 4: FINDINGS

This chapter consists of two parts: results from quantitative data (part one) and results
from qualitative data based on observation, open-ended responses and interviews (part two).
PART 1: REPORT ON QUANTITATIVE DATA
Demography

Ann Arbor has the largest population of Taiwanese Americans (N = 523) living in
Michigan (U.S. Bureau of the Census 2000). About 533 Taiwanese Americans live in
Chicago City (this figure does not include those living in the suburbs). Only a small number
live in Chinatown (interview), which is on the south side of Chicago. The respondents in
my sample belong mostly to the middle-class. Many of them came to the U.S. as graduate
students and found employment after obtaining degrees. Most of them are married and have
children. There are also people who migrated directly from Taiwan to seek better
opportunities for themselves and their children.

Half of the respondents were male and half of the respondents were female. A high
percentage (74.7 %) of them have U. S. citizenship. Only 15 % of them do not have a
college degree, and 32.5 % of them have school education for more than 20 years.
Surprisingly, 65 % of the respondents obtained a diploma in the U.S., but some of them
have a diploma for a college degree, not a graduate degree. Those between thirty-six and
fifty-five years of age account for 72.6 %. Only 6.8 % are over 65 years of age. The
average length of residence is 19.8 years. Almost half of them (46.8 %) have lived in the
U.S. for 11 to 20 years, and 15 % have lived here for more than 30 years. The majority of

them (95 %) are married, and only 2 % of them are divorced. Only 25 of the respondents

78

are unemployed housewives. Forty percent of the respondents do not have a religion.
Buddhists account for 37 %, and 17.6 % are Protestants and Catholics. Twenty-seven
percent of the respondents feel much less pressure in living in the US than in Taiwan; 22 %
feel a little less pressure; 15.7 % feel a little greater pressure; 20.8 % feel much greater
pressure;l4.5 % feel that the pressure is the same.

About 13 % of them still speak Taiwanese to their children at home most of the time,
and about 5 % do so al the time. In contrast, 35.5 % speak Mandarin to their children most
of the time, and 19.1 % do so all the time. About one-fifth of them speak English to their
children most of the time, but only 7.2 % do so all the time. Obviously, Mandarin is most
commonly used at home. As for the respondents’ English skills, they have more difficulty
in writing (41.8 %) and speaking (31.5 %) than in understanding (21.3 %) and reading
(13. 9 %).

Table 1 shows that science and technology is the most popular occupation among the
respondents (about 20 %) followed by engineering (13 %). medicine/nursing and education.
Some of them teach part time at the language school (interview). The average number of
kin in the U.S. is 4.18, and the average number of kin in Taiwan is 4.4. This indicates that

they do not have many relatives to rely on in times of need.
Table 1: Demoggaphy

Gender Female 52.2 % Male 47.8 %

Education without a college degree 11.9 % a bachelor’s degree 14.4 %
a master’s degree 41.3 %
more than 20 years of education 32.5 %

Length of stay Mean: 19.8 years
1-10 years: 13.8% 11-20 years: 46.8 % 21-30years: 23.8 %
31-40 years: 15% over 40 years: 0.6%

Legal status Citizen: 74.7 % Permanent resident: 25.3 %

79

Table 1 Continued

Marital status Married: 95% Single: 2.5%

Age 25-35: 5.6% 3645:36%
56-65: 14.9% 66orolder: 6.8%

Religion: Buddhist: 37.1% Christian: 17.6% Other:5%

Occupation science & technology: 20.5% engineering 13%
education: 12.4% government: 3.1%
medicine! nursing: 12.4% architecture: 0%
housewives: 15.5% other 13.7%

Self-employment 28.4%

Race of spouse Taiwanese: 91.1% Asian: 4.5% White: 3.2%

Average number of kin in the U.S.: 4.18

Divorced: 1.9% other 0.6%

46-55: 36.6%

None:40.3%

business: 9.3%
law: 0%

Other: 1.3%

Average number of family members in Taiwan: 4.4

Previous employment in Taiwan: 79.5%

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Language spoken at home
Taiwanese Mandarin English
Never 45.4 % 23% 18.3%
Sometimes 34.9% 22.4% 52.9 %
Most of the time 13.2% 35.5% 21.6%
Always 6.6% 19.1% 7.2%
English language ability

(having much difficulty in understanding. speaking. reading and writing)

understanding 21.3% speaking 31.5% reading 13.9% writing 41.8%

Involvement with traditional and American cultures

The scales on involvement with traditional and American culture include items which

measure participation in cultural activities, feelings towards one’s cultural background and

80

attitudes towards the elderly, family interest, children’s marriage and so on. Since all the
respondents had lived in Taiwan for at least twenty years before they migrated, the influence
of their traditional culture on them is very profound. The mean score of their involvement
with their traditional culture (ITC) is 3.72 on a one-to-five Likert scale (1 = do not agree at
all, 2 = slightly agree, 3 = moderately agree, 4 = largely agree, and 5 = completely agree).
In contrast, the mean score of their involvement with American culture (IAC) is 3.0. When
their educational level is taken into consideration, this group is not highly assimilated to
American culture because education is usually positively correlated with acculturation.
The findings show that the longer the respondents live in the U.S. the more they enjoy
learning American history and culture, and enjoy American foods, TV programs and other
types of recreation. Most of them prefer traditional foods (82 %) over American foods
(30.4 %). About two-thirds of the respondents want their children to preserve the
traditional Taiwanese culture, and 62 % of them strongly expect their children to be able
to read, speak and write Mandarin. However, the older the respondents, the less likely it is
that they will think in this way (r: -.26**) because the older respondents feel more
comfortable speaking Taiwanese themselves. Mandarin did not become the official language
until 1949. About 34 % of the respondents think that it is very important to adopt American
ways of thinking, but only 15.5 % want their children to be more like American children.
About one-third (34 %) of them consider it inappropriate for their children to date
before going to college, and 46 % of them want their children to marry another Taiwanese
American. In the meantime, about half of them (49.6 %) strongly agree that they will not
feel disappointed if their children marry an American. This indicates that many respondents

are not conservative. This also suggests that these respondents are more accepting of the

81

idea that their children might marry someone of Taiwanese ancestry or an American.
However, the more educated they are (but not necessarily the older), the more likely it is
that they will not disapprove of interracial marriages.

Only 10 % quite agree that individual interest is more important than group interest, and
about 70 % of them strongly agree that family interest comes before individual interest.
About 66 % of them said that most of their friends are Taiwanese. Only 14 % said that they
have many American friends, and 12.3 % of them do not have American friends. Sixty-one
percent of them strongly approve that children should support, as take sars sf slgsrly
mats, and only 12 % of them consider it to be the govemment’s responsibility. About 56
% of the respondents enjoy American TV programs and other types of recreation. About
57 % of them often read Taiwanese newspapers and use the websites created by the
Taiwanese. They are more likely to attend activities organized by the Taiwanese
organizations than celebrate Taiwanese holidays or festivals (59.6 % versus 46.6 %).

Taiwanese Americans do not celebrate American holidays and participate in activities
held by American organizations very often. Only about 23 % of them are actively involved,
and 55.6 % are moderately involved (choosing 3 as an answer on a five-point Likert scale).
The longer their residency, the more likelihood there is of their involvement. Yet, the impact
is minimal. About 21.2 % of them join American associations or American clubs. Joining
a club is negatively associated with the age of a respondent (r = -.23**). The younger the
respondent, the more likely it is that s/he will join an American association or an American
club. The following are the statistics for active cultural involvement. The percentage for
active involvement is the sum of the percentage for choosing 4 and the percentage for

choosing 5 as answers.

82

Table 2: Involvement with traditional and American culture

 

1. familiarity with traditional cultural background
positive view of American culture

2. enjoying traditional foods
enjoying American foods

3. watching videos produced in Taiwan very often
enjoying American TV programs and other types of recreation

4. active participation in activities held by Taiwanese organizations
participation in activities held by American organizations

5. frequent celebration of traditional holidays
frequent celebration of American holidays

6. often reading books published in Taiwan or using websites
highly expecting children to be able to read, write and
speak Mandarin

7. very interested in learning American history and customs
adopting Americans’ way of thinking

8. disapprove children’s dating before going to college

9. highly expect children to marry another Taiwanese
happy about children’s marrying outside the group

10. family interest before personal interest
personal interest before group interest

1 1. support and take care of elderly parents
a) children’s responsibility
b) govemment’s responsibility

12. Strongly expect children to preserve traditional culture
Strongly expect children to be more like American kids

83

89.5%
74.7%

82%
30.4%

34.6%
55.6%

59.6%
23%

46.6%
20.5%

56.5%
69.1%
63%

34.2%

34%

46%
49.6%

70.4%
10%
61%
12%

73.6%
15.5%

Table 2 Continued

13. Means sf sach gimension of cultural involvament

 

 

 

 

traditional values 3.55
American values 2.75
traditional cultural activities 3.54
American cultural activities 3.15

 

attachment to traditional culture 4.0

 

 

 

 

attachment to American culture 3.21

 

l4. Psrssntags gf respgngsnts whs want ths fgllowing tragitignal valass ts be
preservaa by shildren

frugality 81

modesty 67.9
respecting parents 77.9
taking care of elderly parents 46.4
financially supporting elderly parents 19.3
respecting teachers and elders 73.9
taking care of other family members 50.4

The following sections are the results of hypothesis testing and the answers to my
research questions. The hypotheses and research questions revolve around 1) how cultural
involvement impacts on mental distress and acculturation stress, 2) how acculturation stress
impacts on mental distress, 3) which coping strategies are effective in reducing mental
distress, and 4) respondents’ health behaviors. Acculturation stress in this study refers to

family, work and social stress.

Cultural Involvement and Psychological Functioning
My first research question is whether cultural involvement impacts mental or

psychological functioning. Due to the predominant White American culture in the Mid-west.

84

I predict that involvement with traditional culture and American culture will yield different
psychological consequences.

Hypothesis 1: An individual who is more involved with traditional culture
experiences more mental distress; an individual who is more involved
with American culture experiences less mental distress.

To test hypothesis], a regression analysis was conducted to test the effect of
involvement with traditional culture (IT C) and involvement with American culture (IAC) on
mental distress. Perceived support, locus of control and physical health are controlled. Age,
gender, and education are not used as controlled variables because they are not highly
correlated with mental distress (see Table 3.1). The mean of mental distress is 2.65 with
6.23 being the maximum on a seven-point scale. This indicates that the average distress
level of the respondents is lower than the midpoint 3.5. The results in Table 3.2 show that
ITC and IAC do not predict mental distress significantly (Beta = .02 and -.07 separately).
Though IAC is negatively related to mental distress and ITC is positively related to mental
distress, the standardized coefficients are quite small and not statistically significant. In other

words, cultural involvement has a small impact on mental distress or psychological

functioning. Hypothesis one is not suppgrted.

Table 3.1: Correlation between mental distress and six variables

 

 

 

 

 

Mental distress
Age -.10
Gender -.06
Education -.1 1
Physical health -.37 ***
Locus of control -.40 ***
Perceived support -.20 **

 

85

Table 3.2: Regressions of involvement with traditional culture (IT C) and
involvement with American culture (IAC)predicting mental

 

distress

Predictor Standardized Coefficient
perceived support -.17 **

locus of control -,34 **

physical health -.24 *

ITC .02

IAC -.07

 

*(p<.05) ** (p<.01)

Tthfthmilern oi r nMntD'tr

The second research question concerns the effect that family, work and social stress have
on mental distress. Given the literature on the positive relationship between stress and
distress, I hypothesize the following:

Hypothesis 2: An individual with a lower level of family, work and social stress
experiences less mental distress.

To test hypothesis 2, perceived support, locus of control and physical health are
controlled variables. Age, gender, and education are not used as controlled variables
because they are not highly correlated with mental distress. The result shows that family
stress predicts mental distress significantly (Beta 2 .17, p = .023), and so does work stress
(Beta = .25, p = .002). A higher level of family stress or work stress predicts more mental

distress. However, social stress does not significantly predict mental distress (Beta = .12,

p=.13).H ths'2' iall u rtd.

86

Table 4: Regressions of family, work and social stress predicting mental

 

distress

Predictor Standardized Coefficient
Model 1 Model 2

perceived support -. 16 -.07

locus of control -.34 -.18 *

physical health -.25 -.21 **

family stress .17 *

work stress .25 **

Social stress .12

R square .37

 

*(p<.05) **(p<.01)

Relationship between Cultural Involvement and Acculturation Stress

In the third research question, I explore whether cultural involvement predicts family,
work and social stress. The relationship between the three types of stress and mental
distress has been confirmed. We may wonder what causes family, work and social stress by
asking whether traditional and American culture are related to these three types of
acculturation stress.

la) Does involvement with American culture predict more or less
family stress, work stress and social stress?

lb) Does involvement with traditional culture predict more or less
family stress, work stress and social stress?

To test the effect of traditional culture and American culture on family, work and social
stress, each type of stress is regressed on ITC (involvement with traditional culture) and IAC
(involvement with American culture). Education, age. gender and years of residence are not
controlled for, because they are not significantly associated with mental health. Instead,

locus of control and perceived support are controlled for.

87

IAC consists of three dimensions (cultural activities, American values, and attachment
to American culture). Because each respondent’s degree of involvement with these
dimensions is different (e.g., high in cultural activities but low in attachment to American
culture), the total score of IAC is not used. In other words, the three dimensions are used
as predictors of family, work and social stress.

The results in Table 5.1 show that controlling for perceived support and locus ofcontrol,
cultural attashmsnt (Beta = -.23, p = .002) and sultaral activity (Beta: -.15, p: .047)
significantly predict less sosial stress (Beta refers to a standardized coefficient). That means
when an individual has a stronger attachment to American culture and participates in
American cultural activities more often, s/he experiences less social stress. American
cultural values are also negatively related to social stress, but the correlation is not
significant at .05. In other words, American values do not significantly reduce social stress.

Table 5.1 also shows that the three dimensions of IAC are all associated with less m
str__ess, but the relationships are not significant. The three standardized coefficients are small
(-.01, -.03 and -.08). In addition, American cultural activities (Beta: -.14), attachment to
American culture (Beta = -.05), and American values (Beta = .02) do not significantly
reduce family strsss. In summary, overall IAC has a slight effect on family and work stress,

while attachment to American culture and American values significantly reduce social stress.

88

Table 5.1: Regressions of three dimensions of American culture predicting
family, work and social stress

Dependent variables: Family stress Work stress Social stress

 

Predictor Beta Beta Beta
American activity -.14 + -.01 -. 15*
American values .02 -.03 -. 10+
Attachment to

American culture -.05 -.08 -.23**

 

**(p<.01) *(p<0.5) +(p<1.0) Beta (standardized coefficient)

ITC is also made up of three dimensions (cultural activities, values, and attachment to
American culture). Table 5.2 shows that controlling for locus of control and perceived
support, traditional cultural activities (Beta = .14, p = .075) do not significantly increase
social stress. Yet, attachmsnt tg tragitional saltars (Beta: .21, p=.005) and traditipnal
m (Beta = .17, p: .02) do. An individual with strong traditional values and strong
attachment to traditional culture experiences more social stress. The results also show that
the three dimensions of ITC do not significantly increase or decrease family stress and work
stress. In summary, two dimensions of IAC decrease social stress, and two dimensions of
ITC increase social distress. IAC and ITC do not have a significant effect on family and
work stress.

Table 5.2: Regressions of three dimensions of traditional culture predicting
family, work and social stress

Dependent Variables: Family stress Work stress Social stress

 

Predictor Beta Beta Beta
traditional activity -.01 -. 10 .14
traditional value .03 .13+ .17*
attachment to

traditional culture -.03 .02 .21 **

 

** (p< .01) *(p<.05) +(p<.10) Beta (standardized coefficient)

89

The Moderating Effect of Cultural Involvement

Cultural involvement has been found to impact social stress. The fourth research
question is whether cultural involvement moderates the relationship between acculturation
stress (family, work and social stress) and mental distress. Question 2 focuses on the effect
of cultural involvement on the relationship w n f mil tr 88 an m ntal

2a. Does Involvement with American culture yield more or less impact of
family stress on mental distress?

2b. Does involvement with traditional culture yield more or less impact of
family stress on mental distress?

To answer question 2a, the following predictors are entered into the regressions: 1)
controlled variables-- locus of control, perceived support and physical health; 2) family
stress; 3) the interaction term of family stress and the three dimensions of American culture
(American values, activities and attachment to American culture). To reduce collinearity,
the variables in the interaction terms are mean corrected (the value of each variable minus
its mean). Age and education are not highly correlated with mental distress, but gender is.
However, when gender is in the regression equation, its p value is not significant. Therefore,
none of these three variables is controlled for. In contrast, locus of controL physical health
and perceived support are highly correlated with mental distress and are controlled for.

Table 6.1 shows that Amarisaa values have a positive and significant effect on the
relationship between family stress and mental distress. We know that more family stress
predicts more mental distress. The stronger American values a respondent holds, the larger
the impact of family stress on his or her mental distress. The interactions of family stress
with both cultural activities and attachment to American culture are weak and not

significant.

90

Table 6.1 : Regressions of interaction between family stress and American
culture predicting mental distress.

 

 

 

Predictor Standardized coefficient
locus of control -.32**
physical health -.23**
perceived support -. 12
family stress .27**
family stress* American values .15*
**(p<.01) * (p< .05)

locus of control -.30**
physical health -.24**
perceived support -.10
family stress .28**
family stress*

American cultural activities .08
**(p<.01) * (p< .05)

locus of control -.30**
physical health -.23**
perceived support -. 10
family stress .26**
family stress*attachment to

American culture .05

 

**(p<.01) * (p< .05)

To answer question 2b, the following variables are entered into the regression: 1)
controlled variables-- locus of control, perceived support and physical health; 2) family
stress; 3) the interaction term of family stress and the three dimensions of traditional culture
(traditional values, activities and attachment to traditional culture). To reduce collinearity,
the variables in the interaction terms are mean corrected.

Table 6.2 also shows that all the three dimensions of ITC do not significantly decrease
the impact of family stress on mental distress (p = .24, .57 and .82 separately). Among
them, participating in traditional cultural activities almost has no effect on the relationship

between family stress and mental distress.

91

Table 6.2 : Regressions of interaction between family stress and traditional
culture predicting mental distress.

 

 

 

Predictors Standardized Coefficient
locus of control -.32**
physical health -.24**
perceived support -. 12
family stress .27*
family stress* traditional values -.08

* (p< .05) **(p<.001)

locus of control -.30**
physical health -.24**
perceived support -.10
family stress .26*
family stress*traditional activities -.02

"‘ (p< .05) **(p<.001)

locus of control -.31**
physical health -.24**
perceived support -.10
family stress .26*
family stress*attachment to

traditional culture -.04

 

* (p< .05) **(p<.001)

Questions 3a and 3b focus on the moderating effect of cultural involvement on the
relationship between work stress and mental distress .

3a Does involvement with American culture yield more or less impact of
work stress on mental distress?

3b Does involvement with traditional culture yield more or less impact of
work stress on mental distress?

To answer question 3a, the following variables are entered into the regression: 1)
controlled variables-- locus of control, perceived support and physical health; 2) work stress;
3) the interaction term of work stress and the three dimensions of American culture

(American values, activities and attachment to American culture). To reduce collinearity,

92

the variables in the interaction terms are mean corrected.

Table 6.3 shows that American values have a positive effect on the relationship between
work stress and mental distress (Beta = .15, p = .042). The stronger the American values
an individual holds, the larger the impact of work stress on mental distress, and the impact
is significant. Participating in American cultural activities also has a positive effect, but the
impact is not significant (p = .82). Attachment to American culture has a positive impact.
but the impact is not statistically significant (p = .46).

Table 6.3 : Regressions of interaction between work stress and American
culture predicting mental distress

 

 

Predictor Standardized Coefficient
locus of control -.20"‘
physical health -.24**
perceived support -. 12
work stress .34**
work stress* American values .15*
** (p<.01) *(p<.05) +(<. 10)

locus of control -.20*
physical health -15*
perceived support -.20
work stress .35**
work stress*American cultural activities -.02

 

** (p<.01) *(p<.05)

locus of control -.21**
physical health -.2 l * *
perceived support -.13**
work stress .33**
work stress*attachment

to American culture .04

 

To answer question 3b , the following variables are entered into each regression: 1)
controlled variables-- locus of control, perceived support and health; 2) work stress; 3) the

interaction term of work stress and the three dimensions of traditional culture (traditional

93

values, activities and attachment to traditional culture). To reduce collinearity, the variables
in the interaction terms are mean corrected.

Table 6.4 shows that traditional values have a positive effect on the relationship between
work stress and mental distress (Beta = .10), but the effect is not statistically significant
(p = .15). Traditional cultural activities and attachment to traditional culture both have a
positive effect on the relationship between work stress and mental distress, but the impact
is quite slightl (p = .58 and .82). In short, ITC does not significantly increase the impact of
work stress on mental distress.

Table 6.4 : Regressions of interaction between work stress and
traditional culture predicting mental distress.

 

 

 

Predictor Standardized Coefficient
locus of control -. 10*
physical health -.22*
perceived support -.12*
work stress .34**
work stress* traditional values .10
** (p<.01) *(p<.05)

locus of control -.28**
physical health -.22**
perceived support -. 14*
work stress .32**
work stress*traditional activities .06
**(p<.01) *(p<.05)

locus of control -. 19*
physical health -.21 *
perceived support -. 12*
work stress .30**
work stress* attachment to

traditional culture .09

 

** (p<.01) *(p< .05)

Given the significant relationship between cultural involvement and social stress, I

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hypothesize that cultural involvement has a moderating effect on the relationship between

social stress and mental distress.

Hypothesis 3a: Involvement with American culture yields less impact of social
stress on mental distress.

Hypothesis 3b: Involvement with traditional culture yields more impact of social
stress on mental distress.

To test hypothesis 3a, the following variables are entered into each of the three
regressions: 1) controlling variables-- locus of control, perceived support and physical
health; 2) social stress; 3) the interaction term of social stress and the three dimensions of
American culture (American values, activities and attachment to American culture). To
reduce collinearity, the variables in the interaction terms are mean corrected.

Table 6.5 shows that American values, cultural activities and group attachment do not
have a significant effect on the relationship between social stress and mental distress. The
standardized coefficient for the interaction between American values and social stress is .10.
The standardized coefficients for the other two interactions are quite small (-.02 and .04)

Table 6.5: Regressions of interaction between social stress
and American culture predicting mental distress

 

 

Predictor Standardized Coefficient
locus of control -.29

physical health -.26**
perceived support -. 13

social stress .22**

social stress* American value .10
**(p<.01) *(p<.05)

95

Table 6.5 Continued

 

locus of control .28**
physical health -.26**
perceived support .10
social stress .22**
social stress* American cultural

activities -.02
**(p<.01)*(p<.05)

physical health -.28**
perceived support -.22**
social stress -. 12**
social stress* .22**
attachment to American culture 04

 

 

**(p<.01)*(p<.05)

To test hypothesis 3b, the following variables are entered into each of the three
regressions: 1) controlled variables-- locus of control, perceived support and physical health;
2) social stress; 3) the interaction term of social stress and the three dimensions of traditional
culture (traditional values, traditional cultural activities and attachment to traditional
culture). To reduce collinearity, the variables in the interaction terms are mean corrected.

Table 6.6 shows that traditional values, traditional cultural activities and attachment to
traditional culture do not have a significant effect on the relationship between social stress
and mental distress. The p values for these three dimensions are .57, .39 and .50

respectively.

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Table 6.6 : Regressions of interaction between social stress and
traditional culture predicting mental distress

 

 

 

 

Predictor Standardized Coefficient
locus of control -.28**
physical health -.22**
perceived support -.12**
social stress .22**
social stress*traditional values .04
**(p<.01)*(p<.05)

locus of control -.29**
physical health -.25**
perceived support -.10**
social stress .23**
social stress*traditional

cultural activities .06
**(p<.01)*(p<.05)

locus of control -.28**
physical health -.25**
perceived support -.10**
social stress .23**
social stress*attachment to

traditional culture .05
**(p<.01)*(p<.05)

Among the eighteen interaction effects, only the interaction of American values with
family stress as well as the interaction of American values with work stress have a significant
positive impact on mental distress. In other words. American values increase the impact of
family stress and work stress on mental distress. Since so many similar tests were
conducted, it is appropriate to use the Bonferroni adjustment. Two out of 18 (or one out
of nine) tests result in significant p values. Therefore, the alpha level is divided by 9 ( .05/9
2.006). After the adjustment, the interaction effect of American values with family stress
is not significant (P>.006). In addition, the interaction effect of work stress with mental

distress is not significant (p>.006), either. Therefore, the findings that American values

97

increase the impact of family stress and work stress on mental distress can be chance results.
Coping Strategies

In this section, the five types of coping strategies will be examined to find out whether
the following hypotheses are supported.

Hypothesis 4.1: Action coping and cognitive coping are associated with
less mental distress.

Hypothesis 4.2: Emotion-focused coping is associated with more mental distress.

The strategies for coping with family and social stress were classified into five

categories. These five categories are cognitivs gaping, smotion cgping, rsligious soping,

action coping, ang Elective ignpring. Cognitive coping is a constructive way of coping in

contrast to letting out emotion. Cognitive coping includes such items as “looking at the
bright side of things,” “examining yourself,” and “emphasizing the merits of kids.” Emotion
coping in this study includes only “getting angry and letting it out,” “smoking and drinking
alcohol,” and “punishing kids.” Action-coping refers to negotiating a compromise and
seeking advice and support. Selective ignoring includes switching one’s attention to other
activities (e.g., sports and music) and telling oneself not to worry about kids too much.
Religious coping refers to seeking consolation or empowerment from religion.

To test which coping strategies predict mental health, the five categories were put into
a regression model as independent variables. The controlled variables are perceived support
and locus of control. The results show that t in ction an ni iv in are
significant predictors. Both are associated with less mental distress (Beta = -. 18 and -. l9
separately). Latting gut emptigns is associated with more mental distress (Beta = .09, p =

.19). Selective ignoring is also related to more mental distress, but the Beta is small (.09),

which suggests that it does not have much effect in reducing mental distress. Religious

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coping has almost no effect in predicting mental adjustment (Beta = .02, p = .79). In
summary. action-focused coping and cognitive coping are effective in reducing mental
distress. However, emotion coping does not predict more mental distress. Only Hypgthesis

4.1 is supported.

Table 7.1: Regression of coping strategies predicting mental distress

 

Predictor Standardized Coefficient
locus of control -.29**

physical health -.24**

action coping -. 18*

cognitive coping -. 19*

emotion coping .09

selective ignoring . 09

religious coping . 02

 

**(p<.01) * (P< .05)

Perceived Support and Physical Health

Since only 2.5 percent of the respondents reported poor health and a high percentage
of them do not engage in risky health behaviors (e. g., smoking and drinking), I conducted
a regression test on whether the respondents’ healthful behaviors (e.g., exercising) predict
good health. The results are not significant. I also conducted regressions to test whether
family, work and social stress affect physical health. The results are not significant, either.
This led me to believe that some other factors predict good physical health. Perceived
support has been found to be conducive to mental health. It has also been found to benefit
physical health. Therefore, I hypothesize the following:

Hypothesis 5: Perceived support predicts better physical health of the respondents.

To test the effect of perceived support on physical health, gender and locus of control

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were used as controlled variables. Table 7.2 shows that perceived support is a significant

predictor (Beta = .23, p = .002) of good physical health. Hypothssis 5 E suppogsd.

Table 7.2: Regression of perceived support predicting physical health

 

Predictor Standardized Coefficient
locus of control .25**

gender .18*

perceived support .23**

 

**(p<.01) * (P< .05)

Supplementary Analysis

The statistical results in the previous section provide us with a big picture of the
relationship between cultural involvement and stress. stress and mental distress as well as
cultural involvement and mental distress. In addition, several coping strategies have been
found to be effective in reducing mental distress. In general, the respondents do not engage
in risky health behaviors.

The purpose of conducting such an analysis is to supplement the primary analysis, which
tends to be more general. The supplementary analyses are more detailed and tell us what
is not revealed in the primary analysis.

Since the three dimensions of cultural involvement do not have a significant effect on
mental distress, this led me to look for other aspects of cultural involvement as predictors.
Joining an American club is not a good predictor, either. There are only three variables in
the ITC scale which indicate traditional values. Therefore, I was curious about the
relationship between mental distress and the variable which contains seven items of

traditional values that respondents were asked to choose. The question is: Which traditional

100

values do you wish that your children will preserve? The options include “respecting and
obeying parents, supporting parents financially, taking care of elderly parents, taking care
of siblings, respecting teachers and elders, frugality, modesty.” I combined language barriers
and this particular variable to see their impact on mental distress.

In this section, I also look for the factors which are related to family, work and social
stress so that we understand better which variables increase or decrease these three types

of stress. The first analysis is related to Hypothesis one.

Acculturation and Mental Distress

The findings for hypothesis one show that involvement with traditional culture (ITC) and
involvement with American culture (IAC) do not significantly predict mental distress.
Considering that the ITC and IAC scales are not comprehensive, I combined two variables
that are not in the acculturation scales. One indicates the respondents’ inadequate English
skills: Do you find it very difficult to I) understand 2) speak, 3) read and 4) write English?
The more options they chose, the more language barriers they have and the more likely they
will use the traditional language and have a higher involvement with the traditional culture.
The other question concerns what traditional values they expect their children to preserve.
There are seven options, such as modesty, frugality, respecting teachers, taking care of
elderly parents. The more options they chose, the more traditional they are. This question
slightly overlaps a few questions in the ITC scale but is more detailed. So it can better
reflect the respondents’ traditional values. The high score of this variable indicates that the
respondent has a high sense of involvement with his/her traditional culture. The regression
result shows that a respondent who has a high score for the combined variable experiences

more mental distress (Beta = .17, p = .023). However, neither the language barrier nor the

101

traditional values alone predict mental distress. Next, I will present the details of family,
work and social stress.
Family Strsss

Family stress variables consist of parenting and spouse relationship variables which
cause distress. The purpose of this analysis is to find out 1) whether parenting is more
stressful than getting along with one’s spouse, worrying about family finance and elderly
parents 2) which aspects of parenting are stressful 3) whether female respondents experience
more parenting stress.

Table 8.1 shows that among family stress variables, the variables for parenting issues
(worrying about children, giving up one’s hobbies, children’s neglecting parents’ guidance,
and parent-child conflict) have the highest means (ranging from 2.44 to 2.82). The means
for spousal relationship variables range from 2.02 to 2.47. The mean for worries about

elderly parents is 2.2, and the mean for family finance is 2.13.

Table 8.1 : Mean of all family stress variables

 

Spousal relationship Parenting Other
share 2.03 worry 2.82 finance 2.13
decide 2.02 guide 2.44 parent 2.2
care 2.1 hobby 2.61
friction 2.47 conflict 2.63
share---share housework decide---make important decisions together
care---care about kids friction-«have frictions with one’s spouse

warry---worry about kids guide-«disobey parent’s guidance
hobby--- give up one’s hobby canflict---parent-chi1d conflict
finance---fmancial situation parent---being worried about elderly parents

To find out whether parenting contributes to more family stress than other variables, a

regression was conducted. The parenting stress score is the mean of the four parenting

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variables in Table 8.1. The stepwise method was used for the regression. Perceived
support, locus of control, spousal relationship, parenting issues, financial concern and
worries about elderly parents are independent variables, and family stress is the dependent
variable. The results are as follows. The standardized coefficient (Beta) for spousal
relationship is .57***. The Beta for parenting issues is .48***. The Beta for worries about
elderly parents is .19***. Spousal relationship predicts a little more mental distress than
parenting issues and much more mental distress than worries about elderly parents.
Additionally, we may wonder whether female respondents experienced more parenting
stress. The regression result shows that controlling for perceived support and locus of
control, gender does not significantly predict parenting stress (Beta = -.03, p = .66).

The variables for the causes of parenting stress include: school(worrying about children’s
school performance), peer (worrying about children hanging out with bad kids),
discrimination (worrying about children being discriminated against), communication
(communication gap caused by language barriers), Mandarin (children’s lack of interest in
learning Mandarin), and college ( children‘s failure to major in the program parents expect

them to). Table 8.2 shows the bivariate correlation between parenting stress and its causes.

Table 8.2: Correlation between parenting stress and its causes

 

 

 

 

 

 

Bivariate Correlation with
parenting stress
peer .66***
school .62***
discrimination .54***
Mandarin .53***
communication .46***
coflege .42***
***(p<.001)

103

I used a multiple regression analysis to examine the causes of parenting stress.
Controlled variables are perceived support and locus of control, which explain 5.3 % of the
variance. The findings are as follows: Parenting stress is significantly predicted by worries
about children’s hanging out with misbehavsg kids (Beta = .35, p = .00), worries about
children’s school performance (Beta = .20, p = .03), communication gap caused by language
difference (Beta =.l6, p = .02), and children’s lack of interest in learning the traditignal
language (Beta =.21, p = .005). The four variables explain 58% of the variance. We can
see that all these four variables increase family stress.

Worries about children’s hanging out with bad kids is the most noticeable cause of
family stress. Worries about children being discriminated against is significantly correlated
with parenting stress. However, it does not significantly predict parenting stress. This may
be caused by collineality with other predictors. The results are not surprising, because
parenting is a task full of challenges especially when children and parents are not of the same
level of acculturation. It is interesting to note that the communication gap between parents
and children caused by language differences is a major parenting stressor. The analysis on
parenting stress helps us understand the common stressors experienced by the respondents.
Work Stress

In this section, the causes of work stress are chosen based on the findings of previous
studies. The purpose of this analysis is to find out 1) whether gender predicts work stress
2) which variables cause more stress for the employed and the self-employed persons.

The mean of work stress for this sample is 2.29, which indicates a medium level. About
31% of the respondents do not like their current jobs, but only 11% want to change their

jobs. About 39% of them do not feel a sense of achievement in their jobs. Table 8.3 shows

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the mean of each work stressor-- lack of promotion, skill underutilization, time pressure,
work overload, unpleasant work environment (noise), lack of autonomy. unfriendly
coworkers, demanding supervisors (performance), role ambiguity, and fear of job loss. The

correlation between each stressor and work stress is also shown.

Table 8.3 : Mean of work climate and conditions for the employed

Bivariate Correlation

 

Mean with work stress
work overload 2.24 .39**
fear of job loss 1.98 .34**
lack of autonomy 1.90 .34**
skill underutilization 2.2 .50**
time pressure 2.27 .32**
role ambiguity 2.16 .26**
promotion 2.31 .26**
noise 1.76 .52**
demanding supervisors 1.70 .29**
unfriendly coworker 1.91 .38**

First, I conducted a regression to find out whether female respondents experienced more
work stress than male respondents because most females are married and work outside the
home. The result showed that being female does not significantly predict more work stress
(Beta = .016, p = .84). Because female was coded as l and male as 2, there is a weak
positive relationship between males and work stress.

In exploring the causes of work stress for the employed persons, a regression was
conducted. Only locus of control is controlled for because perceived support is not a
significant predictor. Table 8.4 shows that work overload, skill underutilization, and
unpleasant work environment are significant predictors. They are positively related to work

stress. In the bivariate correlation matrix, role ambiguity and lack of promotion are

105

positively associated with work stress. However, in the regression model they are negatively
associated with work stress. This likely results from collineality. Role ambiguity is highly
correlated with all other work stressors, and lack of promotion is highly correlated with
other work stressors except fear of job loss and work overload. It is surprising that time
pressure does not significantly predict work stress. Time pressure is correlated with work
overload (r = .38**), which may explain why it is not a significant predictor. Locus of
control accounts for about 17 % of the variance, and the causes of work stress account for
49 % of the variance.

Table 8.4: Regression of causes of work stress predicting work stress

 

Predictors Standardized Coefficient
locus of control -.27 **

work overload .19*

skill underutilization .38*

unpleasant environment .29**

lack of autonomy .15

lack of promotion -. 16

time pressure .08

role ambiguity -.15

Self-amplgment and sauses of wgrk stress

Respondents were asked why they chose to be self-employed. The respondents who
have been self-employed are most likely to choose flexibility of time as their motive for
entrepreneurship, followed by “to improve family income,” and “personal interest.” They
are least likely to choose “to escape the bureaucracy in the agencies ” or “to escape
discrimination in the workplace” as the motive.

The results in Table 8.5 show that self-employment significantly predicts more mental

distress (Beta = .17, p: .014) after controlling for locus of control, health and perceived

106

support. The results were within my expectations, given the tremendous pressure of keeping

the business running.

Table 8.5: Regression of self-employment predicting mental distress

 

Predictors Standardized Coefficient
Lens of control -.36**

Perceived support -. l6 *

Health -.27 **
Self-employment .17 *

The causes of work stress for the self-employed include difficult customers, worries
about career success or failure, too many government regulations, working in isolation,
working too long, skill underutilization and an unpleasant work environment. After
controlling for locus of control, working long hours (Beta = .38, p = .002) and an unpleasant
work environment (Beta = .25, p = .047) are significant predictors.

In summary, self-employed persons experience more mental distress than employed
persons. Female respondents do not experience more work stress than males. Work
overload, skill underutilization, and unpleasant work environment are significant predictors
of work stress for employed persons. Working long hours and an unpleasant work
environment predict work stress for self-employed persons.

Sgsial Strsss

This section explores how the respondents’ social networking is related to their social
stress. The size of the respondents’ social network has decreased after migration, and the
members with whom they socialize with have also changed. Do the respondents’ social

activities have any impact on their social stress?

107

In this study, involvement with American culture predicts less social stress, and
involvement with Taiwanese culture predicts more social stress. Social stress is indicated
by the average of the means in Table 8.6. Table 8.6 shows that the respondents have fewer
experiences in being treated unfairly by salespeople and agency clerks and on other
occasions (e. g., while looking for jobs) than experiences of social isolation (the feeling of
being an outsider in American society, being unable to share their feelings with American
friends, being left out in a group setting, and having difficulty in making close American

friends).

Table 8.6 : Mean of social stress variables

Correlation with
Mean social stress

 

shopping 1.91 .63**
agency 1.8 .70**
other occasions 1.84 .62**
feeling 3.09 .50**
outsider 3. 14 .69**
left out 2.66 .72**

close American friends 3.27 .69**

Next, let us look at the respondents’ social activities. About 18% of the respondents
never socialize with their neighbors, and 39.6 % of them seldom socialize with their
neighbors. Fifteen percent of them do so once a month, and another 15 % do so once a
week. An even larger percentage of them (62 %) seldom socialize with American friends;
14.3 % of them never do so; 15.5 % of them socialize with American friends once a month.
About 24 % of the respondents never attend activities by a religious group; 13.6 % attend
activities once a month and 15.5 % attend activities once a week. They socialize with
Taiwanese friends more often: never (2 %), seldom (27.8%), once a month (24.7 %), two

108

or three times a month (28 %), once a week (17 %). These statistics show that l) the
respondents do not socialize with neighbors and American friends often, 2) they attend
religious activities more often than socializing with neighbors and American friends, 3)
socializing with Taiwanese friends is the most frequent social activity.

A regression was conducted to find out which social activities predict social stress.
After controlling for locus of control and perceived support, which account for about 1 %
of the variance, social stress is predicted by socializing with neighbors (Beta = -. 16, p = .04),
socializing with American friends (Beta = -.17, p = .023) and attending activities held by
religious groups (Beta = -.18, p = .012). These three variables account for 9 % of the
variance. The more often an individual socializes with neighbors and American friends and
participates in religious activities. the less social stress s/he experiences. Socializing with
Taiwanese friends does not decrease social stress.

The results suggest that social networking does impact social stress. Socializing with
neighbors and American friends is a manifestation of involvement with American culture
(IAC), and IAC was found to reduce social stress. Therefore, the findings are within my
expectations. In addition, networking by attending religious activities is also effective in
reducing social stress.

Cpnnestion to the Hams Qountg

The extent of the respondents’ connection to the home country can be detected through
the frequency of the respondents’ contact with family and friends in the old country, their
response to whether their families back home need their financial support and the number
of times the respondents returned to Taiwan in the past ten years. About 31 % of them talk

to their family once a week; 24 % do so several times a month and 25 % do so once a

109

month. On an average, the respondents talk to their relatives in Taiwan at least once a
month. However, they do not chat with friends back home as frequently. Only 7.2 % chat
with friends once a week; 6.5 % do so several times a week, and 17.6 % do so once a
month. About 65 % do not need to support their family in Taiwan; 14.5 % need to support
them; 20 % have supported them in the past. Visiting family in the home country was a
problem more than ten years ago because of the high cost and inconvenience of traveling.
About 36 % returned home one to three times in the past tsn years. About 28 % did so four
to six times. About 14 % did so seven to nine times. About 3 % returned home seven to
ten times, and about 6 % returned home more than ten times. On an average, respondents
returned home 4 to 6 times in the past ten years. Given that most of them are either U.S.
citizens or permanent residents, their connection with family in Taiwan and the home
country is stronger than I expected.

Per ived 0 ans Help-Seeking Behavigrs

The value of perceived spouse support is quite high (4.05 out of a maximum of 5) in this
sample because most of them are married,; this is followed by friend support (3.85) and co-
worker support (3.10). The values of perceived sibling support (2.94) and supervisor
support are less high (3.05). The mean of perceived support for the entire sample is 3.4
(std.= .79), which indicates a medium level of support.

Perceived support does not have a significant bivariate correlation with age, education,
and length of stay. It has a positive and significant correlation with physical health but a
negative and significant correlation with mental distress. This indicates that respondents
who have a high level of perceived support tend to be more healthy physically and less

mentally distressed.

110

Respondents were asked to choose whom they will turn to when they need to borrow
money, feel depressed, have legal problems, have friction with their spouse, do not know
how to deal with their children and experience a family emergency. The top four candidates
they chose were other Taiwanese Americans in the community followed by their spouse,
their siblings and parents. The other choices are ranked from high to low as follows:
American friends, professionals, coworkers, children, neighbors and relatives, boss. Because
of the small number of family members in the U.S., the respondents need to rely on
Taiwanese friends living in the same city or nearby for help. A Chinese/Taiwanese proverb
emphasizes the fact that distant relatives are not as helpful as neighbors.

Lo f ntr 1

There are six items in the locus of control scale. After running a factor analysis, two of
them were not included in calculating the mean of an individual’s locus of control Each of
these two items has a weak bivariate correlation with mental distress. One of them is the
attribution of personal problems. to luck, and the other is the feeling that it is fruitless to
change certain human situations. The four items are coded in such a way that a higher score
indicates more internal locus of control. Though the reliability of the four items left is about
.60, this variable has a highly negative correlation with mental distress but is positively
correlated with physical health. The mean of internal locus of control for the entire sample
is 3.71 with 5 being the maximum of this variable, and the standard deviation is .64. About
52 % of the sample has a score equal to or larger than 3.71, and 80 % of it has a score larger
than 3. Some research found that Asian Americans are more likely to be external. However,
the respondents in this study seem to be more internal than we thought.

Internal locus of control has a weak bivariate correlation with gender, ITC and IAC, but

111

it has a positive and significant bivariate correlation with education. More educated
respondents are more internal in terms of locus of control.
Hsalth Bshaviors

The respondents were asked to evaluate their physical health themselves. Only 2.5 %
considered their health to be poor. About 41.6 % reported their health to be average; 50.3
% reported enjoying good health; 5.6 % reported experiencing very good health. Only 5 %
of them smoke cigarettes. Eighteen percent of them drink. Only 6.9 % of them eat desserts
often; 44.4 % of them rarely eat desserts; 48.8 % of them eat desserts moderately.

Regarding their healthful behaviors, about 48 % of them eat more vegetables than meat,
and only 6.2 % of them eat more meat than vegetables. Forty percent of them exercise for
one to two hours every week; 39% of them exercise for three to four hours a week; 8.6 %
of them exercise for five to six hours a week. Only 13 % of them exercise for more than six
hours a week. The mean hours of exercise a week are less than four. As regards the
frequency of physical checkups, more than half of them (53.7 %) undergo a physical checkup
every year, 23.5 % of them do it every two years. About 11 % of them have a physical
checkup every three years, and 11.7 % of them have never had a physical checkup.

The statistics suggest that many respondents (40 %) should exercise more, and I found
that the percentage of them eating more vegetables than meat (48.1 %) is not as high as I
expected. The results also indicate that they generally do not engage in unhealthful
behaviors and that a little more than half of them have physical checkups every year.

Ph si a1 toms
Table 8.7 shows the percentage of respondents who have certain physical symptoms of

ill health. Hypertension is the most common symptom followed by back pain, diabetes, and

112

stomach problems. The results are consistent with those of my interview. Heart disease is
the second important cause of mortality among Chinese Americans (U.S. Department of
Health and Human Services 1997). This study has a similar finding. However, the rate of

diabetes is higher than that for Chinese Americans.

Table 8.7 : Percentage of respondents who have the following

 

physical symptoms

Symptom Percentage
hyper-tension 16
back pain, arthritis 12.6
stomach problem 8.5
diabetes 8.6
respiration 3.7
heart disease 2.1
liver problem 2.1

mm

The present study has contributed to our understanding of the adaptation outcomes of
first— generation Taiwanese Americans living in the Midwest. The respondents have a lower
level of mental distress than was expected, which may be related to their high level of
education and the location of their residence. They are not highly acculturated to the host
society due to the profound impact of their traditional culture, and they maintain
transnational ties to their home country. They live in two cultures; biculturalism is conducive
to their adaptation. In addition, since their migration is voluntary, they generally have
internal locus of control

The impact of cultural involvement on acculturation stress (family, work and social
stress) and mental distress are the focuses of this study. Cultural involvement is broken

down into three dimension to understand their separate effect. In interpreting the results of

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the study, we must keep the Midwest context and their general success as a group in mind.
A summary of the findings is as follows:

first, involvement with traditional or American culture alone does not have a significant
impact on the respondents’ mental distress. Yet, language baniers together with traditional
values predict more mental distress. Secong, family and work stress predict mental distress,
but social stress does not. T__l_ri_r_d, involvement with traditional culture increases social stress,
while involvement with American culture decreases social stress. m, American values
moderate the relationship between family stress and mental distress. They also moderate the
relationship between work stress and mental distress. Given that this study is exploratory,
the findings should not be ignored. However, from the statistical perspective, the
moderating effect can be a chance result. The same tests should be replicated in a larger
sample.

Similar to previous studies, cognitive coping and action coping were found to be
effective in reducing mental distress. Only a small percentage of the respondents reported
poor health, and most of them do not smoke or drink. A higher level of perceived support
predicts better physical health. Hypertension is the most common symptom.

The results of the supplementary analysis indicate that stress induced by spousal
relationship is the most important contributor of family stress, and language difference
between parents and children is one of the sources of parenting stress. This confirms the
previous study that bilingual children have a better relationship with their parents. However,
female respondents do not significantly experience more parenting stress than male
respondents. The respondents working at wage and salary employment generally have better

mental health than the self-employed. For the employed persons, work overload, skill

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underutilization and an unpleasant work environment significantly lead to work stress. For
the self-employed , working long hours and an unpleasant work environment are significant
contributors to work stress. These results are quite similar to those of previous studies.
Though the respondents do not socialize with neighbors (mostly White Americans) and
American friends often, socializing with them significantly reduces social stress. This is
consistent with the finding that involvement with American culture reduces social stress.
Attending religious activities also significantly reduces social stress.

As for their help-seeking behaviors, they turn to Taiwanese friends first, followed by
spouses, siblings and American friends. In a collective culture, family members are the most
important source of help. Since the respondents have a small number of family members in
the U.S., Taiwanese friends become a very important source of support.

In general, the respondents adapt well. However, due to the Mid-west context and the
respondents’ high educational level, the low level of their mental distress does not necessarily

represent the mental status of the rest of Taiwanese Americans.

PART 11: REPORT ON QUALITATIVE DATA
Religion

In this study, there are almost twice as many Buddhists as Christians. The practitioners
meet once a week for Buddhism study either at a permanent gathering place where
ceremonies and retreats are held or at someone’s house. Many of them practice Pureland
Buddhism because it is the easiest way. Chan Buddhism and Tantian Buddhism (e.g.,
Buddhism practiced in Tibet) are harder to practice. I noticed that female Buddhists

outnumber male Buddhists. During the monthly retreat, they practice chanting or meditation

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with or without the supervision of a Buddhist priest. Buddhist practitioners who are really
religious would worship the Buddha and chant Buddhist scripts or sutras every day. The
Taiwanese Christian respondents usually go to a church where sermons are given in
Mandarin or Taiwanese. Some of them go to a church where most followers are Americans.
To my surprise, almost forty percent of the respondents do not have'a religion, although
quite a few interviewees said that religion has helped them face very difficult times. Some
of the interviewees found a religion after they attended activities held by some religious
groups.

Since quite a large number of the respondents are Buddhists, I will briefly present the
essentials of this religion. In Buddhism, greed, anger and delusion are called the three
poisons for the mind (Fung 1948). Many wrong doings are caused by these three. Among
the human misbehaviors, killing, stealing, and sexual misconducts are considered the worst,
followed by lying (false speech and deceit of any kind) and substance abuse. Ordinary
people become greedy, angry and deluded because they do not know the laws of the
universe. As a result, they suffer from the bad karrnas they have created. The basic laws of
the universe are the transience of all phenomena and dependent origination (the
interdependence of phenomena or occurrences). Bad karrnas can be created through actions,
thoughts and the verbal language. To understand Buddhist teachings further, I will present
the four noble truths.

The four noble truths in Buddhist teachings refer to dukkha (unsatisfactoriness),
samudaya (cause), nirodha (cessation) and magga (the Eightfold Path) (Santina, pp. 29-41).
Dukkha means feeling frustrated, unsatisfactory, unfulfilled and miserable. I believe many

people feel that human life is full of frustration and unsatisfactoriness. Samudaya refers to

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the cause of occurrences and existence. There are many conditions for an occurrence, and
this theory of cause and effect is explained by the Buddhist concept of dependent origination.
For example, a large portion of human unsatisfactoriness and suffering is caused by craving--
clinging to things that are irnperrnanent (craving for sensual pleasures and objects, craving
to become something other than what one is and craving not to be what one is. Niradha
means end of dukkha, which can be realized by following the Eightfold Path. This comprises
right view, right intention, right speech, right action, right livelihood, right effort, right
mindfulness, and right concentration (Khemasanto 2000). Concentration (samadhr) is
defined as singleness of mind, characterized by the absence of mental wandering and
agitation. The mind is clear and tranquil when it is without wandering thoughts and agitation
(ibid).

If someone practices Buddhism for his/her own benefits, s/he is not truly practicing the
paramita. Paramira refers to practices aimed at transcendence of suffering (fi'eedom from
mental afflictions, self-attachment and self-cherishing) and becoming enlightened. Becoming
enlightened is the ultimate goal for a Buddhist so that s/he can escape reincarnation (rebirth).
Here are six practices promoted by the Buddha. The first one is generosity (instrumental,
emotional, and informational support), such as donating money, making other living beings
feel safe and less worried, and sharing information with others. The others are practices of
morality (e.g., the Eightfold Path), patience, diligence, meditation and wisdom.

Many activities have been held by the Tzu-Chi Foundation (TCF, a well-known Buddhist
association established more than thirty-five years ago) and the Dharma Drum Mountain
(DDM) Buddhist Association which has its headquarters in Taipei and New York and was

established about ten years ago. The founder of DDM is the world-famous Chan (or Zen)

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expert--Master Sheng-yen. He has attracted numerous followers from all over the world,
especially from the Western countries. He promotes transforming the earth on which we live
into a human pure land where physical pollution and pollution of the mind are eradicated.
The purpose of chanting and Chan meditation is to train our minds to be mindful and calm
so that an individual’s hidden wisdom and physical power can be uncovered and developed
(lecture by Rev. Sheng-yen).

The founder of the TCF is Master Cheng-yen, who is also well-known for her selfless
contributions. In Taiwan, the TCF has set up several hospitals, medical schools, nursing
schools, and local chapters. The local chapters are dedicated to the relief of the needy, such
as the extremely poor people, the abandoned people. and those who have suffered from
severe accidents or natural disasters. After the violent earthquake of 1999 in Taiwan, the
TCF built earthquake-resistant buildings for more than fifty schools in central Taiwan. The
TCF also delivered a huge amount of food, clothing and medical materials to countries
overseas, such as Turkey, Afghanistan, and many African countries.

Not all the TCF members are Buddhists, and the members are respected by the public
because of their contribution. There are TCF chapters all over the world, which serve the
local community, and there are two in Michigan. There are also Chinese language schools
founded by the TCF in Chicago. The DDM Buddhist Association in the U.S. focuses more
on religious activities, such as Chan meditation and lectures. The Lansing Buddhist
Association holds weekly gatherings and monthly activities which are also open to people
outside the Taiwanese community. Some Americans attend these activities regularly. In
both East Lansing and Ann Arbor, there are churches which serve the Chinese and

Taiwanese Christian communities.

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Ethnic Relations

Taiwanese Americans generally get along with other ethnic groups, except those living
in the Monterey Park California, which was predominantly a middle-class White community
before the 1970s. Now, immigrants from Taiwan and Hong Kong form the majority (56 %)
of the city population, followed by Latinos (31 %) and Whites (12 %) (Kwong 1997).
Though they are better educated than the old White residents, their “invasion” has upset the
Whites. In order to “take back the community,” the White residents have instituted a series
of anti-Asian legislation, such as restrictions against future housing developments and the
“English Only” ordinance. Though the ethnic struggle continues, the residents have realized
the necessity of working together across racial divisions (ibid).

Compared with Taiwanese Americans in Monterey Park, the respondents in the Midwest
have better relations with other ethnic groups though Michigan is one of the most racially
segregated states in the U.S. Most of the respondents living in Michigan, Chicago and the
other states of the Midwest live in White middle-class or upper-middle class neighborhoods.
Because of the respondents’ socioeconomic status and the small number of the population,
they have not caused any threat to the Whites or encountered blatant rejection.

As mentioned previously, many respondents are satisfied with their social relationship
with other ethnic groups, though they usually do not have a “buddy” relationship with them.
Their children generally have many more American fiiends than they. A respondent said her
niece migrated here two years ago. One high school teacher of hers visits her from time to
time to make sure she makes progress in school. Another respondent said her son’s high-
school classmates gave him rides on school days because he did not have a car. When he

transferred to a high school in Califomia, he seldom got rides and help from his classmates.

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Because his grades dropped in that semester, he transferred back to the Midwest. Another
respondent who lived in New York for three years does not like the fast pace of life there.
He feels that the residents in the Midwest are warmer and that life is much more relaxing.
However, a respondent who used to live in the northern part of Michigan complained about
the racial tension there.

A respondent was happy that his ten-year-old daughter’s school holds international
festivals every year and flags of different countries can be seen on campus. He donated the
national flag of Taiwan to the school. I feel that due to the small number of the minority
population in the Midwest and the existence of college towns (Michigan State University and
the University of Michigan), the atmosphere is conducive to racial relations. The residents
are exposed to diverse cultures through activities on campus and the visible presence of
minority students.

Cultural Activities

In Ann Arbor, Detroit and Chicago, activities have been frequently held in the Taiwanese
community because of the enthusiasm of the leaders. The activities are intellectual-oriented
or recreation-oriented, such as speeches, art exhibitions, concerts, picnics and camping. The
Taiwanese Association in Lansing mainly holds celebration activities on ethnic holidays and
social gatherings every three months. The Chinese language schools in the three cities also
hold activities from time to time, such as inviting high school students from Taiwan to sing
at a concert. The language schools I mentioned are only for young Taiwanese Americans.
The Chinese Americans from Mainland China have their own language schools. A
respondent living in southern Ohio said that the Taiwanese Association in the city where she

lives organizes a celebration for the new year only. The frequency of cultural activities may

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be positively related to the population of the Taiwanese Americans in a certain location. I
believe celebrating ethnic holidays is still a big event in the cities where there are large
populations of Taiwanese Americans, such as New York, Houston and Los Angeles
As predicted, watching videos made in Taiwan is not very common in this Midwest

sample because of the shortage of stores run by Taiwanese Americans. If the survey had
been conducted in Los Angeles, the outcome would have been very different. Newspapers
published by Taiwanese Americans in Michigan are scarce. Michigan News is the only one
I am aware of. The World Daily News, which is available nationwide, has become the most
well-known newspaper in the Midwest. It covers events in the U.S. and the Taiwanese
community. However, using the Internet to read news from Taiwan is more common than
reading newspapers because the Internet is more convenient to access. Few bookstores sell
books printed in traditional Chinese characters except those in the Chinatown of Chicago.
Eating ethnic foods is still preferred. The delicacies made for holidays are especially
appreciated, because the foods remind the immigrants of the days when they lived in the old
country. Many respondents said that they do not know how to make most American foods.
In the meantime, many respondents under the age of fifty do not know how to make special
ethnic foods for holidays, such as moon cakes and sweet-rice cakes. Because most
respondents are under the age of fifty-five, worshiping ancestors at home is not common
among them even on major holidays. In Taiwan, many people still worship ancestors on a
daily basis. This custom may be practiced by old- generation Taiwanese Americans only.
Modified Attitudes towards Traditional Values

When asked what traditional values they should modify in order to survive in American

society, the responses are as follows: avoid being too humble and closed-minded, give up

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the idea that we are superior to others, do not be too concerned about saving or losing face
in society, relax the parent-chfld relationship, avoid being overprotective, communicate with
children more, be more adventurous (do not stick to old rules), do not expect children to
take care of you, do not be too conservative, learn how to respect the disadvantaged, fight
for one’s rights, and participate in social and community activities more often.

We see that “do not expect children to take care of you” was mentioned by the
respondents. Because filiality is considered an important virtue in many Asian countries,
whether or not the respondents have changed their attitudes towards filiality will be
discussed in the next chapter.

Second Generation

Regarding the obstacles to success that second-generation Taiwanese Americans
encounter, the responses include cultural conflict, skin color, pressure of living up to parents’
expectation, being less diligent than the first generation, being unable to compete with
Americans due to race, difficulty in obtaining managerial positions (glass ceiling), no sense
of roots, fewer job opportunities, being labeled as foreigners, cultural identity problem, value
conflict between two cultures, lack of self-confidence and physical features (e. g., skin color,
small stature). Skin color is considered the greatest obstacle by the respondents.

Some respondents think that their children have fewer obstacles than they in adapting
to the host society. They think the second generation should adapt better because of better
language skills, less pressure from school, and less emphasis on credentials These parents
may have children who adapt well, but it does not imply that other parents think in the same
way. Other parents feel that the second generation receives no less pressure than the first

generation because their children have to handle the pressure from American peers and also

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live up to the expectation of their parents. For example, the second generation have to face
educational discrimination in applying to prestigious universities. According to Aguirre et
al. (2001), the GPA of Asian American applicants has increased more than White American
applicants, but the admission rate of Asian American freshmen has decreased.

In addition, problems with ethnic identity are most evident during the teen-age years.
A respondent said,

They have to be Taiwanese at home and American outside the home. Before
they go to college, they feel that they are Americans because the majority of
their classmates were Americans and the classmates were nice to them. After
they mingle with other Asian students in college, they do not feel they are
Americans any more because they have expanded the horizon of looking at
things.

Another two respondents feel that their daughters stopped going to ethnic gatherings
after entering high school. Both speak Mandarin well but are quite Americanized (having
a lot of American friends). They become rebellious if the parents ask them to learn
something about Taiwanese or Chinese culture. One of the respondents said that her
daughter does not go to the language school any more. The other said, “I like traditional
painting and I am taking class. Every time I tell my daughter how wonderful the painting is,
she says that I am bragging.”

The parents feel that perhaps they did not work hard enough to strengthen their
daughters’ Taiwanese identity when they were in elementary school Perhaps the parents
blame themselves unnecessarily. The college campus is the best place for molding a minority
student’s ethnic identity because s/he will meet students from different ethnic groups and
experience how people from various groups treat him/her. According to a Korean college

student, the first thing that strikes an American student when s/he sees her is her Asian

features. She was adopted by a White couple in her childhood and has an American

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surname. She told her American classmates,“l am as white as you are inside, but I am still
an Asian in your eyes” (personal observation). We cannot deny that many White college
students will feel threatened if there is a large number of minority students on campus. MIT
stands for “Made in Taiwan” and UCLA stands for “Undergraduate Caucasians Living with
Asians” because of the existence of a large number of Taiwanese and Asian students.

Being less diligent than the first generation is considered the second largest obstacle to
one’s success in society. A respondent feels that he has been working very hard for thirty
years and did not seem to have time to enjoy life until a few years ago. He was employed
during the day and self-employed in the night. A few years ago he closed his business, and
now he has time for himself. Sometimes he compared his career accomplishments with that
of his friends in Taiwan. He said that he may have obtained a higher social status if he had
chosen to have a career in Taiwan thirty years ago. In the 19703, a master’s degree from
an American university was greatly valued and would have promised a bright future. More
and more Taiwanese students pursue a doctoral degree in the U.S. today. Although a
doctoral degree is still valued in Taiwan, it does not necessarily guarantee promising job
opportunities.

Though most Taiwanese Americans pay tuition for their children’s college education,
quite a few of them do not expect their children to pursue a doctoral degree but will not
discourage them, either. They are worried that it takes too long and believe that a master’s
degree from a prestigious university is good enough. Having experienced the obstacle of the
glass ceiling, they do not feel optimistic about their children trying to advance their careers
through a doctoral degree. Indeed, I observed that many respondents’ children entered the

job market soon after they obtained a bachelor’s or master’s degree from famous

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universities, such as the University of Michigan, UC Berkeley, and Stanford University.
Since a high percentage of the second generation is still in their twenties, it is hard to say that
they will not pursue a doctoral degree after they gain some work experience in the real
world.

Other Open-ended Responses

To understand how the respondents interact with the community where they live and
the larger society, I asked whether they will encourage their children to participate in
American politics and whether they have done any voluntary work for the community.
About 72 % of the respondents have done voluntary work. They volunteered in the
museum, children’s schools, hospitals, soup kitchens, and so on. Some of them raised
money for charity agencies. By doing this, they feel that they are contributing to the
community where they live and the larger society. Some respondents simply donate money
to nonprofit organizations.

Aquirre and Turner (2001) state that Asian Americans have been absent in political
offices and activities. The few Asian Americans currently in high-rank governmental
positions are Gary Locke (the governor of the State of Washington) and Elaine Chao (the
Secretary of the Department of Labor). No Asian Americans have been elected to the city
council in New York City though the city has over one million Asian Americans. Only one
Asian American was elected to the city council of Los Angeles during recent years. The
political under-representation may result from gerrymandering policies that dilute the
political power of Asian Americans by splitting the population into several districts (ibid, p.
191). Because many Asian Americans live in the White neighborhoods, scarcity of large

Asian American communities also make it difficult for them to be major political players.

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Additionally, the small population size makes it necessary for them to form a coalition with
other ethnic groups (Lien 2001). SB. Woo is very active in promoting the well-being of
Asian Americans through a world-wide web called “80-20initiative.net.”

More than half of the respondents said they will encourage their children to be actively
involved in politics. Twenty-nine percent said they will not encourage them, and 18% will
let the children decide for themselves. Political participation has aroused more and more
attention among Taiwanese Americans in recent years. As society in the U.S. has become
more connected among ethnic groups, political representation is crucial for the mobility of
each group. Though political discrimination is difficult to overcome, Taiwanese Americans
should be more active in political participation. Since they are active in supporting their

homeland, they can do the same for themselves and the future generation.

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CHAPTER 5: DISCUSSION

Demographic Background
AgsI saucatign ana oscupation

That only one-fifth of the sample are over fifty-five years old indicates that this group
is relatively young. The educational level of this group is higher than that of the entire
Taiwanese American or American population. Men are more educated than women because
about half of the males have more than twenty years of education. Many females came here
to help their husbands rather than to obtain a degree. Computer science and technology is
the most popular occupation, followed by engineering, education and medicine/nursing.
Surprisingly, none of them is a lawyer. However, this does not mean that there are no
Taiwanese American lawyers in the U.S. Because occupations in hard science does not
require a high level of English language skills as a means of communication, it is easier for
non-English speakers to find a job in hard science than in other fields.
Language skills and language spoken at homa

About one fifth of the respondents reported having difficulty speaking English. This
does not mean that they cannot speak any English but that they cannot speak it fluently. If
they do not have much opportunity to speak English on a daily basis, they cannot make much
progress even after ten or twenty years of stay. Writing is the most difficult skill to obtain,
and reading is the easiest. All language skills require constant practice, but not many
respondents would practice writing English unless they are really interested in it or their jobs
have such a requirement.

Statistics on language use at home suggest that speaking Mandarin at home is much

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more common than speaking English. If parents do not speak Mandarin at home, their
children will not be able to speak Mandarin well just by learning it at the language school.
Since about one-fifth of the respondents do not speak English fluently, speaking Mandarin
to their children is more convenient and effective in communication. Most importantly, if
their children know Mandarin, they can relate better to other family members, such as
grandparents and relatives, and people in the Taiwanese community. The mother tongue is
an important factor in emphasizing the norms of the immigrants’ home country (Cropley
1983). In ethnic gatherings I often frnd that teenagers who are fluent in Mandarin are more
likely to come because they can communicate with adults easily.

About one-fifth of the respondents never speak Mandarin to children at home. These
people are mostly older and have strong feelings for their homeland. They understand
Mandarin, but they prefer to speak Taiwanese when they are with other Taiwanese. Those
who speak English to their children all the time are more Americanized and probably have
children who are not interested in learning Mandarin. Being Americanized is positively
associated with longer years of stay. Here the word Americanized is neutral, meaning that
they have been acculturated into the mainstream culture, and does not have a negative
connotation.

Research shows that balanced bilingualism can enhance cognitive development or
cognitive flexibility (Padilla & Lindholm 1984). Balanced bilingualism means that both
English and any foreign language are emphasized. In a study on bilingual French-English
children in Canada. Lambert (1977) found that the children scored significantly higher than
monolingual children on verbal and nonverbal measures and that they had a more diversified

structure of intelligence and flexibility in thinking. Unfortunately, bilingual education in the

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U.S. focuses on English at the expense of the native language of the student. A survey of
irnrrrigrant children by Rumbaut (1994) shows that children’s preference for English and poor
command of their parents’ mother language were positively associated with high levels of
parent-child conflict.

A mother told me that her daughter came to the U.S. when she was eleven. She speaks
Mandarin well and was able to communicate with Taiwanese children when she visited
Taiwan and taught English there. The daughter is very close to the mother. Her son was
much younger when he came here, and he is not as close to her as the daughter. His
Mandarin skills are not as good as his English skills although his mother speaks only
Mandarin to him. Moreover, he thinks and acts like an American youth. There are certain
things that she cannot communicate to him in Mandarin. Although many children study
Mandarin at the language school, they go there only once a week on school days and classes
are not offered in summer. If parents do not insist that they speak Mandarin at home,
children tend to answer parents’ questions in English and talk to their siblings in English
because it is much easier for them. Even though children speak Mandarin well, it does not
mean that they can read or write Mandarin well. Whether children will become true
bilinguals relies on the parents’ efforts in training them to read and write Mandarin at home.
Some parents even encourage their children to take advanced level Mandarin and classes in
Chinese studies after they attend college so that they can improve their reading and writing.
For instance, one of the respondents was very happy that her son is able to discuss Chinese
literature with her.

Attitudes towards Children’s Marriage and Dating

In my study, about one-third of the respondents consider pre-college dating appropriate,

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and half of them approve of interracial marriage. Since the majority of respondents are well-
educated, they hold liberal attitudes towards biracial marriage. However, four of the
respondents I talked to are not optimistic about interracial marriage. They all think that
same-nationality marriage is easier for their children. One of them said she will be
disappointed if her children outmarry. Another said she and her husband always want their
children to marry someone with Taiwanese ancestry. because it makes communication
between them and the children’s spouses easier. Some of the respondents worried that their
children may have to marry late or outmarry if they stay in the Midwest because of the
scarcity of Asian Americans here. In fact, many respondents’ children have moved to other
states after graduating from college.
Modified Attitudes towards Filiality

About two-thirds of the respondents consider it an individual’s responsibility to take care
of elderly parents and support them financially. However, when they were asked what
traditional values they want their children to preserve, less than half of them chose “taking
care of elderly parents,” and less than twenty percent of them chose “providing financial
support to elderly parents.” They seemed to harbor separate expectations with regard to
their responsibility to their parents and their children’s responsibility towards them. Because
the respondents were socialized to value the concept of frliality as they were growing up, a
high percentage of them still hold on to this value even though their parents do not need their
support. If their elderly parents live in the U.S., they will definitely take care of them.
Taiwan was still poor in the mid-603, but only one-fifth of the respondents supported their
parents in the past. It is possible that earlier Taiwanese immigrants were more likely to come

from affluent families. Only 14.5% of the respondents need to support their parents in

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Taiwan currently because Taiwan is better off economically nowadays. In Taiwan, it is still
common for children to support their parents after they start to work as a way of showing
their gratitude to their parents even though their parents may be doing well financially. The
financial support for parents is symbolic rather than instrumental for many people. At the
same time, their parents will help them when they need money for special purposes, such as
getting married, buying a house or starting a business.

Based on the respondents’ expectations of their children, I noticed that respondents have
modified the traditional definition of filiality. They still firmly value respecting one’s parents,
moderately emphasize the importance of “taking care of elderly parents,” and marginally
uphold financial support from children. I believe these are situational adaptive strategies.
Many respondents realize that their children may live far away from them when they become
elderly. So, they think it is not realistic to expect their children to take care of them when
the time comes. One respondent said, “ I will let my children take care of me only if they are
able to.” Over one-third of them plan to return to Taiwan when they become elderly. They
want to go home because they still have siblings or relatives in Taiwan and because they will
be less lonely there. One of the respondents’ uncle has already returned.

In addition, almost two-thirds of them realize that they should not burden their children
with financial support. They may not need support from their children in the first place, if
they do well financially. A respondent said, “They will be very lucky if they are financially
independent. I never dream of depending on them” (“they” refers to his children). He paid
a large portion of his children’s college tuition as other parents did. His son has worked for
five years but does not send money home unless his mother asks him to help in times of need.

Another respondent has been working part time after getting married. She has a son who

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has graduated from college. She said, “It is hard for me to ask my son for help. I just cannot
say it.” I guess she has never let her son know about the actual financial situation the family
is in, and the son may not be aware of his obligation to help his parents financially. It is
easier for those who are not doing well financially to ask their children for help because the
children know their financial situation very well.

Traditionally, repaying parents through academic success and bringing honor to the
family are also manifestation of frliality. A high percentage of respondents care about their
children’s school performance so that they can compete with their peers and make a decent
living in the future. However, such an expectation is not so much for the benefit of
themselves as for the well-being of the children. The parents are less likely to be worried
when the children choose a college program they disapprove of than when their children
associate with misbehaved peers.

Family Interest and Group Interest

As regards personal interest versus family or group interest, two-thirds of the respondents
value family interest more than personal interest. Only one out of ten think that personal
interest is more important than group interest. These statistics indicate that traditional
cultural values have a strong impact on the respondents even though they live in an
individualistic society. For example, a lady who came to the U.S. when her daughter was
twelve years old said that her daughter did a lot of housework when she worked in the hotel
during the first five years and after they opened a restaurant. Though the daughter ended
up graduating from college at the age of twenty-five, she was happy about helping her
parents. Many parents also want their children to take care of their siblings. Because of the

lack of kin in the U.S., sibling support becomes important for the children.

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Cultural Attachment

The mean score of the respondents’ attachment to traditional culture is 4 out of a
maximum of 5, which indicates a high level of attachment. Two-thirds of the respondents
strongly expect their children to preserve the ethnic culture instead of becoming
Americanized. In addition, many of them want their children to be able to speak, read,
understand and write Mandarin or be able to understand and speak Taiwanese (it does not
have an official written form). A high percentage of them want their children to respect
their teachers. Talking back to teachers and criticizing teachers in public are considered very
disrespectful. Modesty is still viewed as a virtue by more than two-thirds of the respondents,
and they want their children to preserve this tradition. Individuals who are not modest will
not improve themselves. However, they also feel that it is not necessary to be too modest
in certain situations, such as job interviews.

A high percentage of them feel that American culture has had a positive impact on them,
and they like to learn American customs and history. However, only about one-thirds of
them feel that it is important to adopt American ways of thinking. When I asked which
aspects of American life appeal to them, their responses include freedom, being respectful
of others’ rights and privacy, consumer rights, low air pollution, good living conditions (low
level of air pollution, quiet neighborhoods, more space for each household), simple life,
innovation in technology, advanced medical techniques and equipment, children’s education
in public schools, parks and recreational facilities, less pressure in social life, emphasis on
children’s creativity and independent thinking, good public facilities, flexibility, orderliness,
receptiveness to different opinions, tolerance of diversity, emphasis on research,

environmental consciousness, and outdoor activities.

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Good living conditions and less pressure in social life were emphasized by the
respondents. The average number ofkin the respondents have in the U.S. is about four, and
it is true that many of them feel lonely. Social isolation also causes mental distress as
indicated by the survey result. However, simple social relations have some advantages (e. g.,
saving much time, energy and money spent on social activities). In addition, a simple social
life reduces the temptations for married couples, which may disrupt marriage. In terms of
the merits of Americans, they specifically mentioned honesty, friendliness, self—confidence,
respecting others’ rights, optimism, diligence, cheerfulness, sense of humor, being law-
abiding, adventurous and enterprising. Respondents generally feel that Americans are
friendly, but some mentioned that there are also rude people. A respondent commented that
he likes the way Americans do business. In contrast, some were angry about being deceived
by the salespeople or about the indifference of salespeople. Inadequate English speaking
ability seems to play a role in not being able to get compensated in a wrong business
transaction. A respondent was very upset that she was simply transferred to several other
persons when she called a company. At the end, her problem remained unresolved.

The respondents’ responses to the aspects of health care system they dislike include high
medical cost for the insured and the uninsured, taking along time to get an appointment with
physicians, too many unnecessary medical tests, doctors not spending time to understand the
patient’s background, waiting too long for doctors in the emergency room, few bilingual
doctors, and so on. However, some feel that doctors and nurses are friendly.

Other aspects of American life that they dislike include wastefulness, commuting long
distances to go to work, living too far away from family or relatives (which makes visits

difficult), and winter weather. Wastefulness was mentioned more often than other things.

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An interviewee said that she hates seeing people throw away useable things that they do not
need, such as furniture, television sets and computers. According to a report by Hodges &
Laherrere (1998), the U.S. with five percent of the world’s population consumes 26% of the
world’s oil (httpzllmwhodges.home.att.net/energy/energy.htm).
Cultural Involvement and Mental Distress
After discussing the respondents’ backgrounds and their cultural involvement, the

relationship between their cultural involvement and mental distress will be presented. In this
study the three dimensions of traditional culture combined were not found to be significantly
related to mental distress. More involvement with traditional or American culture does not
predict better mental health, either. This suggests that the respondents’ better mental health
is predicted by other factors, such as family, work and social stress. However, the high mean
score of their involvement with traditional culture (ITC) indicates that their Taiwanese
identity is still intact. The high percentage of the respondents participating in Taiwanese
American organizations, having Taiwanese friends, emphasizing family interest, and speaking
Mandarin at home suggests the profound influence and instrumental function of the
traditional culture. Sometimes they get involved with their traditional culture for its
symbolic meaning. For example, though many respondents are professionals who rarely
need to rely on the ethnic community for solving their problems, they still prefer to have
Taiwanese friends. Many of them still celebrate ethnic holidays because it makes them feel
good.

Even though Taiwanese Americans have been economically successful, the glass ceiling
and social segregation still exist. This may hinder their participation in the large society the

way they want to. Though the mean score of IAC is much lower than that of ITC, the

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standardized coefficient for IAC in predicting mental distress is negative. This suggests that
IAC still has some effect in reducing mental distress, though the effect is not significant.

Min (1998) found that Korean Americans in smaller Korean communities are less
traditional than those living in large cities, because they have access to fewer ethnic networks
and ethnic media. This finding can apply to Taiwanese Americans living in the Midwest. In
addition to maintaining their ethnic culture, they have to adopt American ways in many
aspects of their lives. Biculturalism is the adaptive way of life in this Midwest context rather
than traditionalism (holding on to most aspects of traditional culture) and assimilation. In
addition, the variance of IAC and ITC are low (.21 and .26). Low variance is associated
with weak correlation with mental distress. This may explain why ITC or IAC alone does
not predict mental distress. ITC can be adaptive in certain aspects of life, and IAC can be
adaptive in other aspects. They can go hand in hand. Moreover, the longer Taiwanese
Americans stay in the U.S., the more involved with American culture they are (but not likely
to be assimilated).

In the supplementary analysis, language difficulty or traditional values alone does not
predict more mental distress. This indicates that even in the Midwest context traditional
values do not hinder adaptation. An individual with strong traditional values may not have
any difficulty in speaking, reading, understanding or writing English. Only when an
individual has English language difficulty and holds strong traditional values will s/he be
maladjusted. Traditional culture in itself is not problematic. It is the incongruence between
traditional culture and American culture that interferes with adaptation. The reasons why
the combined variable for traditional values and language difficulty has a salient effect on

adaptation is that the questions asked are very specific and that there are eleven options in

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this single variable. In contrast, many items in the ITC and IAC scales are questions on their
attitudes, which may not precisely measure the respondents’ actual cultural involvement.
Respondents tend to choose “3" on a one-to-five Likert scale if they do not want to think
hard or if they have not actually experienced the things asked. This may reduce variation in
their responses. Furthermore, educational homogeneity may also lead to less variation in
their cultural involvement.

Lastly, many respondents choose to live in the Mid-West because they do not like the
fast pace of life, the housing cost and the public schools in big cities like New York and
because there is less racial tension here than in California. People who prefer an exciting life
style and monetary success will not choose the Mid-West. So, the respondents share two
things in common--being contented with the living quality here and not being extremely
ambitious compared to those living in LA or New York. These common features also lead
to less variation in IAC. All these factors may explain why ITC and IAC do not significantly
predict mental distress.

Cultural Involvement and Stress

The previous discussion reminds us that there is not a significant relationship between
cultural involvement and mental distress. What is the relationship between cultural
involvement and stress? Statistical analysis does not reveal a significant relationship between
the three dimensions of cultural involvement and family stress. It does not confirm a
significant relationship between cultural involvement and work stress, either. In other words,
cultural involvement does not have a direct effect on family and work stress. One plausible
explanation is that there is little variation in the responses on cultural involvement because

of the homogeneity of the sample.

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However, the analysis confirms that both stronger attachment to American culture and
more involvement with American cultural activities lead to less social stress. Vega et a1.
(1987) contend that immigrants tend to adjust more favorably in ethnic communities where
social isolation and cultural marginality are minimized. In less ethnically dense
neighborhoods, immigrants are seen as “outsiders.” Given the predominance of White
culture in the Midwest, the respondents are seen as outSiders. Participating in American
cultural activities makes them feel less socially isolated and marginalized. Attachment to
American culture also leads to the feeling that they fit in. However, the result shows that
being individualistic does not significantly reduce social stress.

In contrast, the result shows that strong attachment to traditional culture and holding
collective values increag social stress. Social stress can be related to the feeling of being
an outsider to American society because of cultural conflict, discrimination, insufficient
language skills or lack of cultural knowledge. However, though those who are more
involved with traditional cultural activities experience more social stress, the association is
not significant. This seems to suggests that engaging in traditional cultural activities does
not generate as strong a feeling of social exclusion as attachment to traditional culture and
holding traditional values. A highly acculturated immigrant can engage in traditional
activities while at the same time being perfectly adjusted to Ammcan culture.

Family, Work and Social Stress
A. Their impact an mental gistress

The statistical analysis shows that a higher level of family or work stress has been found

to predict more mental distress among Taiwanese Americans. Yet, social stress does not

significantly predict mental distress. Compared with family stress, work stress is more likely

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to predict mental distress. It is understandable that work is important for the respondents
because unemployment is negatively related to mental well-being. Moreover, many of the
respondents chose to work in the U.S. because it provides them with an opportunity for self-
fulfillment. Therefore, they have high expectations in their careers. Even if they do not have
high expectations in their careers, they may be under the pressure of losing their jo bs. Family
problems are complicated and difficult to handle, but apparently the respondents seem to
have more resources in dealing with family stress than with work stress. As a result, family
stress does not lead to as much mental distress as work stress. Work stress can be caused
by corporation policies and is hard to resolve through personal efforts or other coping
strategies. Thus, policy change may be the best solution to reducing work stress. In
addition, though Taiwanese Americans share work ethics similar to those of White
Americans, they are exposed to a work culture which may differ from their traditional work
culture in certain aspects. This also increases mental distress. For example, Asians do not
feel comfortable “selling” themselves and seldom socialize with supervisors. Work stress can
be caused by poor language skills, too. I was told that a financial consultant was asked by
her company to undergo language therapy in order to please the customers because her
accent was considered unpleasant.

Though social stress is also detrimental to psychological well-being, it does not
necessarily lead to mental distress. One plausible explanation is that the respondents manage
to reduce social stress by avoiding conflict with other ethnic groups or using effective coping
strategies. For example, they do not internalize the host society’s negative evaluations (C011
1997). Another explanation is that most respondents are more likely to experience work

stress because they go to work five or six days a week. However, they are less likely to run

into unpleasant social encounters five or six days a week.
B. Fagtgrs ralatsa ts family, wgrk ang sosial strsss

In the supplementary analysis, factors related to family, work and social stress were
explored. In this sample, family stress is strongly related to stress from parenting, such as
parent-child conflict, giving up one’s hobby and social activities, and worries about children.
Parent-child conflict is inevitable since they have different levels of acculturation. If both
share a common language, the communication gap will be reduced. 1 observe that if parents
insist on speaking Mandarin or Taiwanese at home, the parent-cth relationship is closer.
In addition, if parents promote children’s Taiwanese identity from childhood on, their
children tend to feel more comfortable with their ethnic background. One respondent who
is particularly attached to his homeland constantly told his children to be proud of being
Taiwanese. This not only strengthens the bonding between parents and children but also
enhances children’s self-confidence. They will not be easily hurt by discrimination. A
second-generation Taiwanese American living in California published a report in m
Communigus in 1995 on how his parents socialized his ethnic identity. His parents kept him
updated on their relatives and on current events in Taiwan. Although he speaks fluent
English and has many American friends, he always feels that he is Taiwanese, not American.
Children’s ethnic identity is a topic of conversation among parents, but I did not emphasize
this in the interviews. It is not included as a cause of parenting stress in the survey, but some
parents mentioned it in response to an open-ended question on the obstacles the second
generation have encountered. Some parents sent their children to cultural camps sponsored
by the Taiwanese American community to develop their Taiwanese identity.

Parents worry about children for many reasons, and among them associating with

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misbehaved peers is what worries them most, followed by worries about children’s school
performance. A respondent discouraged her daughter from going to parties on the weekend
because she was afraid that the daughter’s peers may use drugs. A parent said that she has
no control over the children when they are at school She often asks her children what they
do at school and how their friends behave. Many parents put the computer in the living
room so that they can monitor the use of the computer by their teen-aged children. They
also do not allow them to use the chatroom on the intemet or the cell phone so that they
have more control over the children’s social activities. Many of them are also worried that
their children will face the glass ceiling because of their ethnic background.

A large percentage of parents tutor their children, and about half of them rewarded
children for good grades. A parent was very upset about her son because he was not serious
about school and his grades were poor. Asian parents usually attribute children’s school
performance to effort, not ability. They believe that a child with average abilities can do well
in school if s/he spends twice as much time as a smart child. This sometimes puts too much
pressure on the children.

Children’s lack of interest in learning Mandarin is also a source of stress. A parent
encouraged his daughter to learn Mandarin by telling her that she will be promoted by the
company if she is bilingual. Parents usually spend more time teaching their first-born the
reading and writing skills of Mandarin than teaching the second and third child, not because
they do not want to but because they have less time for each child when they have more
children. Because most of them do not have parents living with them, they either send
children to the day care center or exchange child care with friends living nearby. When their

children are of school age, they have to drive their children to their tutor’s home and pick

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them up later. It is a lot of work for parents to raise their children the way they want to.
A parent said that children living in Taiwan ride their bikes to school and to their tutor’s
home. In the U.S. the respondents do not let children ride bikes to school. either because
it is too far or because it is not safe for children to do so. In addition, they need to be
actively involved with their children’s school projects, which is not the case in Taiwan, and
have little time for their own hobbies.

The respondents feel lonely raising children here because they have few family members
to turn to. Sending children to the language school gives them an opportunity to learn from
other parents about parenting and gain some emotional support. Once the children are
grown up, they move to other states, and it takes hours or days to drive to visit them.
Indeed, it requires lots of sacrifices on the parents’ part to raise children in the U.S., but they
are willing to do so as long as their children can escape the difficulties of the entrance exam
in Taiwan. The current family reunion law restricts the number of U.S. residents who can
reunite with a family member (Fix et al. 1997). A respondent said that he petitioned to bring
his brother to the U.S. ten years ago and that he must wait for three more years. His brother
may not come, because his children will graduate from high school in three years. The
incentive of migrating to the U.S. no longer exists.

Compared to parenting stress, spousal relationship incurs a little more stress. That
spousal relationships cause more stress can be explained by the respondents’ reduced support
network in the U.S. More than half of them (53.3 %) have only one or two family members
(parents, siblings and close relatives) in the U.S., and these people may not live in the same
city. Thus, the married couple, especially the new comers, must assume all kinds of family

responsibilities and deal with stress from work almost by themselves if both are employed.

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Such a tremendous burden is likely to affect their relationship, if they do not utilize effective
coping strategies. If there is a personality clash, the friction will be more severe.
Additionally, as mentioned before, many men feel pressured by the demands of equal gender
relationships from their spouses after migration. If a traditional husband has an
Americanized wife, both will experience a high level of stress. While the respondents’
parenting stress may decrease at varied degrees as their children grow up, stress due to not
having a supportive spouse or not getting along with their spouse may not decrease
automatically as time goes by unless the couple manage to resolve their problems. The
respondents are also concerned about elderly parents. However, it is not as stressful as
handling spousal relationships because many of them do not live with parents. .

Among the work stress variables, work overload, skill underutilization and unpleasant
work environments are significant predictors. About one-fifth of the respondents are in
technology and computer science. Pleasant work environments are especially important for
those in the automobile industry. Given that almost one-third of the respondents have a
graduate degree (master or doctoral), being able to fully use their skills is very important for
them. Otherwise, they will feel that they have wasted their talent and time. Almost thirty
percent of the respondents who are employed work forty to fifty hours a week, and about
18% of them work more than fifty hours a week. Therefore, work overload is a common
work stressor. That promotion is not a significant work stressor does not mean that they are
happy about not being promoted. It can be that the respondents are not satisfied with their
current positions but are not bothered by this issue. A respondent said that his current boss
did not give him any promotion though the previous bosses did. Since he is going to retire

in six years, being promoted or not is not important any more.

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In the work place where most workers are White or from various ethnic backgrounds.
the amount of support a Taiwanese American receives may be partially influenced by an
individual’s social skills, language competency, and the racial attitudes of other workers.
Culture has an impact on how people communicate verbally and nonverbally and how they
behave in the work setting. In the U.S. such work values as open communication, initiative,
assertiveness, decisiveness and competition are expected norms (Hofstede 1994). In
contrast, Asians emphasize group harmony and group decision, being indirect, modest and
sensitive in social situations (Mo 1996), polite, soft-spoken and nonconfrontational (Hung
1995).

Cultural differences may sometimes result in mistrust, misunderstanding and difficulty
in forming friendships with co-workers from different cultures. Most interviewees said that
they have good work relationships with co-workers from other ethnic backgrounds.
However, they socialize with co-workers only in the activities held by the company and
seldom go to bars with them. The survey result also shows that “unfriendly co-workers” do
not significantly lead to work stress.

Self-employment has been found to predict more mental distress. Self-employed persons
usually work very long hours a day. The Taiwanese entrepreneurs I know do not have many
family members working for them. This may contribute to work stress, because the turnover
rate of employees is high for some businesses which require low job skills, such as bakeries
and restaurants. Some respondents may start a business to increase family income. If the
work place is too crowded, too hot or too noisy, it will increase their work stress level.

In general, respondents do not often socialize with neighbors and American friends.

However, a few respondents I know have formed close friendships with their neighbors.

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They chat and have dinner together very often. Attending religious activities is conducive to
creating social networks, through which attendees are able to obtain instrumental,
informational and emotional support. Socializing with neighbors, American friends and
attending religious activities have been found to reduce social stress in the present study.
The respondents’ neighbors are mostly White. Having white neighbors who like to chat with
them or do things with them make them feel that they are welcome in the neighborhood.
They may not turn to neighbors for help, but the feeling of not being rejected by them makes
them feel less isolated. A respondent whose husband is a surgeon has lived in an upper-
middle class neighborhood for ten years; her only interaction with neighbors is to greet them.
Spending time with American friends also makes respondents feel less “foreign.”

In a study regarding the cultural influence on responses to pain, Italians and Jews are
viewed as “exaggerating their pain, while the Irish and Americans tend to not complain about
their pain” (Zborowski 1967). In order to interact with the larger society effectively,
irnrrrigrants must be equipped with adequate knowledge of the host culture. Lack of such
knowledge may deter them from socializing with their American neighbors and co-workers
or initiating friendship with them. According to Sue (1998), cultural competence refers to
the belief that “people should not only appreciate and recognize other cultural groups but
also be able to effectively work with them.” Though he uses this term in the context of the
ethnic match between psychologists and their clients, cultural competence is important in
other contexts, such as interacting with one’s co-workers and neighbors. Of course, an
individual’s personality and similarity between people who interact with each other (e. g.,
age, hobby) also determine whether the interaction is comfortable. An individual may

choose not to socialize with his or her neighbors often because of lack of similarity between

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them. The lack of interaction may not have anything to do with discrimination or lack of
cultural knowledge in either party.

Socializing with Taiwanese friends does not significantly reduce social stress because
spending time with ethnic friends does not make the respondents feel less marginalized.
Chatting with family in Taiwan has become more affordable with the advance of technology.
Eight years ago, making phone calls to Taiwan still cost much money. Yet, sending e-mail
home is almost as common as talking on the phone nowadays.

The interviewees for my study all live in White neighborhoods with decent housing and
quiet streets. Two interviewees said that they have never experienced discrimination.
However, another respondent said that her supervisor usually ignores her when she is with
other co-workers and has never chatted with her. She also experienced discrimination while
interacting with an officer in the immigration services when she applied for citizenship.
While some of the other interviewees feel that their neighbors are very nice, others feel that
they have little interaction with them and thus know little about them. However, none of
them think that their neighbors discriminate against them. One of them said that she misses
the fun of doing things with neighbors that she experienced when she lived in the old
country. In contrast, some respondents have frequent contact with neighbors and become
their good friends. They shovel snow or mow the lawn for each other. One of them was
invited to stay in her neighbor’s summer house for a few days. Some interviewees
mentioned that they have been helped by strangers, either White Americans or African
Americans, when their cars broke down on the freeway. Others said that they have been
yelled at by strangers when they were driving even though they were not in the way. Some

respondents feel lonely because there are not many social activities around. Very few

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respondents play mahjong nowadays because it is not considered a healthy recreation. Some
of them may go to a casino once in a while for excitement.
Perceived Support and Physical Health
As predicted, perceived support significantly leads to better physical health. When

respondents perceive that they will receive help from spouses, friends, coworkers, siblings
or supervisors, they are more likely to seek medical help when they have health problems.
They are more likely to engage in healthful behaviors because they live with their spouses.
Having good friends, helpful coworkers, siblings and supervisors benefits mental health,
which in turn benefits physical health. It is well known that mental health and physical health
affect each other.
Perceived Support and Help Seeking Behaviors

Among the sources of perceived support, one’s spouse is the most important (Mean:
4.05), followed by friend (mean =3.85). Co-workers and parents are the second most
important. Siblings and supervisors are the least important. One’s spouse is more important
than parents because the respondents’ parents may not live with them, and there are certain
things they do not want to discuss with parents. Parents are more important than siblings
even though none of them live in the U.S. Co-workers are more important than supervisors
because of the social distance between workers and supervisors and because supervisors may
not be able to empathize with the difficulties workers face.

When asked who they will turn to when they need to borrow money, feel depressed,
have legal problems, have friction with their spouse, do not know how to deal with their
children, and have a family emergency, the respondents chose Taiwanese friends, spouses.

siblings and American friends as the most important sources of help.

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We see that the most important sources of perceived support and actual help are similar
(spouses, friends and parents) except for co-worker support. Respondents may perceive that
coworkers will help them if they want to talk about work problems and personal problems,
because they feel that their coworkers are helpful. However, they tend not to actually ask
coworkers to help with family emergencies and money. Relatives are not a very important
source of help probably because they do not live in the same cities. Coworkers are more
important than relatives because the respondents see their coworkers very often.

Coping Strategies

Respondents were asked how often they use certain coping strategies when they
experience family distress and when they feel discriminated against. As mentioned before,
indirect coping strategies are adaptive in certain situations. The results show that cognitive
coping is as adaptive as taking action. By just looking at the bright side of things, the
perception of stress will be altered and thus reduces mental distress. Seeking advice and
emotional support also reduce mental distress. This confirms other researchers’ findings on
the benefits of social support. Surprisingly, seeking comfort in religion is not an effective
coping strategy in this sample. Disengagement and letting out emotions are not effective,
either. One explanation for religious coping to be ineffective is that religious coping is more
useful for chronic problems or serious events. Respondents would not use this strategy for
ordinary family matters.
Health Behaviors

Generally speaking, the respondents have few unhealthful behaviors. The percentages
of smoking and drinking (18%) are low. These may be attributed to their high level of

education. Well-educated people are generally more health conscious. However, they need

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to exercise more, since the average hours of exercise per week is less than three hours.
Almost half of them eat more vegetables than meat. and more than half of them have physical
checkup every year.

Among the physical symptoms, hypertension is the most common followed by back pain,
diabetes and stomach problems. If they exercise more, the rates of hypertension and back
pain may be reduced because exercise can relieve stress and reduce weight. Back pain is

caused by a high level of stress for some of the respondents (interview).

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CHAPTER 6

LIMITATION AND CONTRIBUTION OF THE STUDY

This study focuses on the adaptation of first-generation Taiwanese Americans only.
This is one of the limitations of this study because the outcomes of their adaptation do not
represent those of the second generation Compared to the second generation, they have to
endure more disadvantages. For example, language barriers, insufficient knowledge of
American culture and social isolation. In addition, many of them have parents and other
family members living in the old country. Worrying about the political and economic
situations there is a constant source of stress for them.

As for their advantage over the second generation, they came here to provide their
children with better opportunities for life. The pressure of performing well at the workplace
and the expectations placed upon the children provide them with the motivation to do their
best. As indicated by the survey data, their mental distress level is not as high as I expected.
This has much to do with their motivation, high educational level and effective coping
strategies. I believe that this particular group has a much higher educational level than their
counterparts in the other parts of the U.S.

The other limitation of this study is that the results do not apply to the Taiwanese
Americans living in the West coast, East coast and the southern states. The reasons are as
follows. First, the educational level of the respondents is quite high. Second, there are not
as many entrepreneurs in the sample as in some other parts of the country. Entrepreneurs
generally experience more mental distress. Third, the life pace is slower in the Midwest than

in some other parts of the West coast and the East coast where there are large populations

150

of Taiwanese Americans. Slower life pace is conducive to mental health. Lastly, the
respondents live in the predominant White culture because there are few large Taiwanese
communities in the Midwest. Therefore. we need to keep the Midwest context and the
respondents’ high educational level in mind in interpreting the findings of this study.
Despite the limitations, this study has contributed to our understanding of a specific
group of Asian Americans because it is an exploratory study on both their mental and
physical health. The majority of previous studies do not differentiate Chinese Americans
from Taiwanese Americans. Since they are from very different political and economic
systems, their adaptation outcomes may be different. This study also confirms the strong
positive relationship between stress and mental distress. We also see that bicultural
orientation is adaptive for the respondents. This can apply to other minority groups. More
research is required on the adaptation outcomes of the Taiwanese Americans living in the

West coast, East coast and Southern states.

IMPLICATION OF THE STUDY

The findings of this study suggest that skilled immigrants adjust more easily and are more
successful than unskilled immigrants. However, culturally appropriate mental health
programs and physical health care service, such as those using bilingual physicians and
bilingual interpreters, will benefit both skilled and unskilled immigrants. Programs which
promote physical health are also beneficial, especially for those of lower socioeconomic
status. Immigrants also need acculturation services, such as classes that provide information
on American culture and classes which teach American-style social interaction. Through

these, immigrants will learn how to interact with their supervisors and coworkers and how

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to interact in social activities.
CONCLUSION

Connectivity has been the main characteristic of globalization. Connectivity is made
possible by the advances of technology, especially information technology. In the age of
advanced technology, we may be overwhelmed by the rapid change and feel a sense of
uncertainty. Under these circumstances, culture provides us with a sense of homeness and
identity (Friedman 2000). It is especially true of immigrants, who reside in a foreign land.
On the one hand, they feel the necessity of being integrated into the host society. On the
other hand, they need to hold on to their roots (ethnic culture), on which their identity is
based. Though the respondents in my study live in predominantly White communities, and
a high percentage of them received education in the U.S.. they are not highly acculturated.
Though their social network diminishes after migration, they do not experience a high level
of mental distress. This can be attributed to the human capital they possess, the influence
of traditional culture, the location of their residence, the transnational connection they make
with the homeland, the determination of providing their children with opportunities to
succeed, and the effective coping strategies they utilize.

Work-related stress induces more mental distress than family stress and social stress.
While I believe most respondents have strong work ethics, they do need to learn more about
the American work culture. At the same time, organization policies need to offer employees
promotion opportunities based on merit rather than on ethnicity. Language plays an
important role not only in the work setting but also in the respondents’ family relations and
social relations. Parents should be informed of the importance of speaking their ethnic

language to their children. The respondents’ English abilities are also conducive to

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socializing with other ethnic groups. From this research we also learn that co-ethnics are the
most important source of help, followed by the spouse.

Many Taiwanese Americans are contributing to the host society without being rewarded
with commensurate social status and self-fulfillment. If there were fewer obstacles to their
adaptation, they would make more contribution to the host society. Their transnational
connection also indicates that they are contributing to the homeland to repay what they have
benefitted from it in the past. However, due to the high educational level of the respondents,
their adaptation outcome is not representative of that of other Taiwanese Americans. We
learn from them that an ethnic enclave is not a necessary condition for desirable adaptation

in current American society.

APPENDIX A: MAP OF TAIWAN

My ”NM

-.

 

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APPENDIX B: SCALES FOR MEASUREMENT

Acculturation Scale

5‘

ewsaw

10.
11.

12.
13.

14.
15.
16.
17.
18.

19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.
25.

26.

1) not at all 2) a little bit 3) moderately 4) quite a bit 5) completely

. You have a clear sense of your cultural background, such as history, traditions and

customs.
You often attend social activities organized by Taiwanese groups/communities.

. You often participate in celebrations or observance of traditional Taiwanese

holidays and festivals.

You often read books and journals published in Taiwan or use websites produced
in Taiwan.

You want your children to learn Mandarin or Taiwanese.

You believe that family interest should come before personal interest.
Children should respect and take care of elderly parents.

You would prefer that your children marry other Taiwanese.

.You do not want your children to date before going to college.

You often watch movies or videos produced rn Taiwan.

Most of the friends with whom you socialize are from Taiwan.

You enjoy eating most of Taiwanese or Chinese foods.

You want your children to preserve our own culture.

Many aspects of American culture have had a positive impact on your life.

You enjoy learning American history and customs.

You often attend social activities organized by American groups/communities.

You do not enjoy American music, TV programs, or other entertainments .

You often participate in celebrations or observance of American holidays and
festivals.

You will feel upset if your children marry Americans.

It is important for you to incorporate American values.

Taking care of elderly parents should rest on the government.

Individual interest comes before group interest.

You raised children in the ways Americans raise their children.

You enjoy eating many American foods.

Schools should help our children learn American ways of behaving and become
more like the American children in the neighborhood.

Many of the friends with whom you socialize are Americans.

Family Stress Scale

27.
28.
29.

1. This is not true 2. A little ............... 5. To a large extent
Your spouse does not care about children as much as you do.

Your husband/wife does little housework.
You can not make decisions on important family issues.

155

30.
31.
32.
33.
34.
35.
36.

You and your husband/wife cannot get along.

You often worry about your children.

You often give up your hobby or social activities for the sake of your children.
Your children feel that you do not understand them or are too controlling.
Your children ignore your advice and guidance.

You worry about the financial situation of your household.

You worry about elderly parents or you have responsibility for elderly care here
and in Taiwan.

Work Stress Scale

44.
45.

46.
47.
48.
49.

1. Never 2. Sometimes 3. Half of the time 4. Often 5. Always

How often do you feel burned out from work at the end of the work day?

How often do you feel fatigued when you get up in the morning and have to face
anther day of work?

How often do you feel frustrated by your job?

How often do you wish to switch to another job as soon as possible?

How often do you feel a sense of achievement through your job?

How often do you enjoy your job?

Social Stress Scale

69.

70.

71.

72.

73.

74.

75.

How many times have you felt discriminated against or ignored when you shopped

at a store? 1) never 2) 1-3 times 3) 4-6 times 4) 7-10 times

How many times have you felt discriminated against or ignored by agency staff?
1) never 2) 1-3 times 3) 4-6 times 4) 7-10 times

How many times have you felt discriminated against or ignored on other occasions?
I) never 2) 1-3 times 3) 4-6 times 4) 7-10 times

Though I make efforts to fit into American society, I often feel I am not part of the

crowd.

I) not at all 2) a little bit 3) moderately 4) quite a bit 5) completely

Most Americans I personally know seem to understand how I feel about things.
1) not at all 2) a little bit 3) moderately 4) quite a bit 5) completely

When I am with Americans, I often feel “left out” or isolated.
1) not at all 2) a little bit 3) moderately 4) quite a bit 5) completely

You feel that it is not easy to have close American friends.
1) not at all 2) a little bit 3) moderately 4) quite a bit 5) completely

Mental Distress Scale

1) never 2) hardly ever 3) some of the time 4) most of the time
5) always

156

76. I felt lonely 77. I felt sad.
78 . I was happy 79. I felt easily irritated.
80. Ididn’.t feel like eating. 81. My sleep was restless.
82. Ifelt depressed. 83. Ienjoy life.
84. I could not get going. 85. I felt that people disliked me.
86. I felt agitated. 87. I had headaches.
88. I felt tense.
Perceived Support
1) not at all 2) a little bit 3) moderately 4) quite a bit 5) completely
105. No matter what happens, I know that my husband/wife/partner will always be

106.
107.
108.
109.

there for me should I need him/her.

I feel that my friends really care about me .

I know that I can count on my siblings for most difficulties 1 run into.

I feel that my supervisor will discuss my problems with me should I want to.

I have people at work who will always take the time to talk over my problems.
should I want to.

Coping Strategy Scale

110.
111.
112.
113.
114.
115.
116.
117.
118.
119.
120.

121
122
123
124

When you are bothered by a problem with your spouse or a problem caused by
your children, how often do you engage in the following coping strategies?
1) never 2) sometimes 3) half of the time 4) often. 4) always

I look at the bright side of it.
I think over what I have said or done to my wife or children.
I try to find a fair compromise in marriage problems.
I remind myself of the merits of my children.
I compare myself with other parents and feel better.
I accept my children as they are and try not to worry about them too much.
I punish them a little (e. g., blaming them, grounding them at night).
I get upset and let my emotions out.
I share my feelings with others or get advice from someone about what to do.
I try to find comfort or empowerment in my religion.
I turn to work or other substitute activities to take my mind off things.
When you feel discriminated against because of your race, how often do you
engage in the following coping strategies?
1) never 2) sometimes 3) half of the time 3) often 4) always

. I get upset and let my emotions out.

. I share my feelings with others or get advice from someone about what to do.
. I turn to work or other substitute activities to take my mind off things.

. I try to find comfort or empowerment in my religion.

157

125. I smoke or drink alcohol to get rid of the distress.
Locus of Control Scale

1) not at all 2) a little bit 3) moderately 4) quite a bit 5) completely

126. I often feel incapable when dealing with the problems in my life.

127. I feel that I have many good qualities.

128. I attribute my failure to my own fault rather than to chance or powerful others.
129. My problems are partially due to bad luck. Man proposes; God disposes.

130. What happens to me in the future mostly depends on me.

131. Some human situations cannot be changed. It is fruitless trying to change them.

Help-Seeking Behaviors

When you need help, whom would you turn to? For each question, please check as
many answers as apply to you.

1) parents 2) spouse 3) children 4) siblings 5) Taiwanese friends
6) American friends 7) co-workers 8) relatives 9) neighbors
10) Supervisors 11) professionals (doctors, lawyers, psychological
counselors) 12) no one

Whom would you turn to if you need to borrow over $200 for a few weeks?
Whom would you turn to if you are feeling depressed?

Whom would you turn to if you are confused about what to do with your children?
Whom would you turn to if you have difficulty with your husband/wife?

Whom would you turn to if you have a legal problem?

Whom would you turn to if there is a family emergency?

158

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