in ‘ ._ 9?...“ - mt ’ § .y; ‘I 3w" hem? '- .. ‘ _{’4 13:.“953; ‘ ‘~ ‘25.?"- ery _ n1- ”. AjAz-fl“ 1:11 .35} n."— i-rfl‘fi“ _ J‘w“ 72kt}; : < a, . “ . g. i a was ‘ a. u. 1' h -‘ ”3“. v 1‘25 l _‘ z'l‘v‘) gm .,!1.’§~ -' \‘x‘ mean f3 I "T SGQovgbl This is to certify that the dissertation entitled Consumer Perspectives of the Role of Self-Help and Traditional Services in the Lives of People with Schizophrenia presented by Barbara Marie Hughes has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for the PhD. degree in Social Work Major Professor’s Signature 5/é /a/ Date MSU is an Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution LIBRARY University Michigan State PLACE IN RETURN Box to remove this checkout from your record. To AVOID FINES return on or before date due. MAY BE RECALLED with earlier due date if requested. DATE DUE DATE DUE DATE DUE t APR 3 0 2008 U If?“ 79“ 'r :: 6/01 c:/CIRC/DateDue.p65-p. 15 CONSUMER PERSPECTIVES OF THE ROLE OF SELF-HELP AND TRADITIONAL SERVICES IN THE LIVES OF PEOPLE WITH SCHIZOPHRENIA By Barbara Marie Hughes A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY 2004 ABSTRACT CONSUMER PERSPECTIVES ON THE ROLE OF SELF -HELP AND TRADITIONAL SERVICES IN THE LIVES OF PEOPLE WITH SCHIZOPHRENIA By Barbara Marie Hughes Over the past two decades, there has been increasing use of self-help groups by people with serious mental illness. With the rise in the quantity and utilization of self-help groups has come an increase in formal studies and analyses as well as anecdotal reports. As a result, our understanding of the role that they are playing in peoples’ lives is beginning to emerge. Yet we know little about how self-help members utilize these services in their efforts to cope with the illness, how they View the similarities or differences between self-help and traditional services, or how a self-help group’s ideology and Vision may influence their beliefs and behaviors in their movement toward recovery. This research represents a secondary data analysis of forty-five qualitative interviews with participants in a self-help group, Schizophrenics Anonymous (SA). An interpretive and narrative framework guided the examination of how participants described the similarities and differences between self-help and traditional services; the extent to which they use self-help in conjunction with other sources of support in their recovery efforts; and an examination of the group’s “community narrative,” or basic story, particularly its view on the role of traditional services and its relative degree of fit with members’ personal narratives. Thematic and inductive content analyses were used which involved a reduction of the empirical materials, a setting level analysis, an analysis of traditional service utilization, a cross-case analysis, and a within-case analysis. This study has brought the consumer perspective to our understanding of self-help and traditional services. There are three major findings. First, consumers’ reports converge with previously identified differences between self-help and traditional services advanced by professional literature and published consumer reports. These include differences between the knowledge bases and the setting characteristics. Second, descriptions from members of SA revealed that they integrate both self-help and traditional services in their efforts toward recovery. Each member described how they utilize at least one traditional service, psychiatric medication, and many others described how they integrated additional forms of traditional service into their recovery programs. Finally, the findings suggest that community narratives influence personal beliefs and behaviors and that this influence is communicated clearly and consistently within the organization. This study suggests questions that the field may want to examine in regard to other population groups, such as those dealing with substance abuse and gambling addiction. Such studies would help to reveal the consumer perspective of these impacted individuals, a voice frequently missing in the literature. This future research agenda reflects the greater role for self-help and other client driven services in members’ recovery anticipated in the coming years. As our understanding of the role of self-help and traditional services in members’ lives increases, so too will our ability to assist clients by better understanding the role of self-help in their lives, being cognizant of the messages we impart about self- help, being familiar with the community narratives of self-help groups within our communities, and making appropriate referrals to self-help groups for our clients. COPyright by BARBARA MARIE HUGHES 2004 DEDICATION I dedicate this work to anyone who has come to appreciate the role of self-help groups in their lives, and particularly to the founder of Schizophrenics Anonymous, Joanne Verbanic, the members of Schizophrenics Anonymous, and the staff of the National Schizophrenia Foundation. I appreciate your willingness to share your journey with me in hopes of lighting the way for yourselves and others. I am humbled by your courage and dedication and grateful for your generous time and support. Furthermore, I dedicate this work to my children, Jennifer and Jordan. If ever there was a time to take a step of faith and make amends for all that I have not been to you, this is it. May these words, and the effort that went in to making them come together, be a small token and reminder of my indebtedness to you for your love and willingness to stay by my side. You have also been exemplar models of the kind of unconditional love and support to which I can only hOpe to aspire. The two of you are my undisputed heroes and friends. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This work represents the culmination of five years of effort in pursuit of a lifelong goal. As in so many things in life, our greatest accomplishments are just that, great, because of the multitude of support, encouragement, and assistance contributed by so many. Clearly, my family and fiiends have been a major source of support and encouragement, particularly my children, Jennifer and Jordan. It is for them that I embarked on this journey, and it is because of them, that I was able to persevere. The faculty, staff, and students of Michigan State University, in general, and the School of Social Work, in particular, have been instrumental in my achievement of this goal. Paul Freddolino, my chair, provided substantial direction, support, and encouragement to my work. His role as chair is symbolic, in that my first research experience was under his direction more than twenty years ago, but also, in recognition for his long-standing service to Michigan State University and the School of Social Work. I am grateful to my second committee member, Debby Salem, with Ecological-Community Psychology, for her belief in, significant encouragement of, and contribution to my professional development. In addition to her countless hours of revisions, feedback, and support for my academic endeavors, she has been an advocate and a fiiend. A special thank you to my other committee members, Margaret Nielsen (Social Work) and Susan Madigan (Art History), for their input, support, and guidance throughout this process. I also extend my appreciation to the Blue Cross and Blue Shield of Michigan Foundation and the Graduate School at Michigan State University for their financial support of the completion of my dissertation work. I am indebted to Rena Harold, Jo Ann McFall, and Julie Navarre who provided vi immeasurable support and encouragement over these past five years. Very early on, Rena considered me a colleague and afforded me considerable respect and opportunities in this regard. J 0 Ann taught me the incredible value of self-care. And to my special friend Julie, with whom our bonds of friendship and faith will endure until the ends of time, I am indebted to you for your incredible support. Each of these people had a special way of instilling hope in me when, at times, I did not have it in myself. I am deeply humbled and forever grateful. Vii TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES ...................................................... xi 1 . INTRODUCTION ............................................... 1-6 2. LITERATURE REVIEW ......................................... 7-22 Overview ........................................................ 7 Rise in Quantity and Utilization of Self-Help Groups ...................... 8 Effective Mechanisms of Self-Help Groups ............................. 8 Empirical Literature of How People Utilize Both Self-Help and Traditional Services ........................................................ 13 Consumer Reports of How People Utilize Self-Help and Traditional Services ........................................... 17 The Influence of a Community Narrative on Service Utilization ............ 19 How Outcomes of Self-Help Groups are Different from Traditional Mental Health Interventions ............................................... 20 Conclusion ...................................................... 21 3. METHODS .................................................. 23-50 Overview ....................................................... 23 Study Design .................................................... 23 Theoretical framework. ...................................... 24 Use of qualitative methods .................................... 26 Setting description .......................................... 28 Project Description and Procedures ................................... 30 Sample ................................................... 31 Procedures ................................................ 33 Consent .................................................. 34 Semi-structured, in-depth interviews ............................ 35 Exploration of written materials ............................... 37 Interpretation and Analysis ......................................... 42 Data reduction ............................................. 42 Analysis plan .............................................. 42 Setting level analysis ........................................ 42 Descriptive statistics ........................................ 44 Cross-case analysis ......................................... 44 Within-case analysis ........................................ 45 Conclusion ...................................................... 50 viii RESULTS ................................................... 5 1-95 Overview ....................................................... 51 Description of Participants .......................................... 51 Results of the SA Community Narrative Analysis ....................... 55 Impact of Founding Member’s Personal Narrative on Development of Community Narrative ....................................... 55 Explicit Statements in Support of the Use of Traditional Services ..... 60 SA as a Supplement to Traditional Services ................ 60 SA Encourages Members to Utilize Traditional Services ...... 61 Implicit Statements in Support of the Use of Traditional Services ..... 61 SA as a Piece of the Puzzle ............................. 61 SA Normalizing Member’s Usage of Traditional Services ..... 62 SA Educating Members About Traditional Services ................ 63 Personal Stories of using Traditional Services for Recovery .......... 64 Results of Service Utilization Analysis ................................ 66 Results of the Cross-Case Analysis .................................. 66 Differences ................................................ 70 Knowledge Base is Different ............................ 70 Setting Characteristics are Different ...................... 71 SA Structure is Different ......................... 71 SA Process is Different .......................... 73 SA Addresses Different Aspects of Member Recovery . . 75 Similarities ................................................ 76 Interactions ................................................ 77 SA Provides Information About Traditional Services ......... 78 SA Provides Information About Medication ................ 79 SA Encourages Members to Communicate with Traditional Service Providers ..................................... 80 Members Recognize the Need for Both SA and Traditional Services ............................................ 81 Results of the Within-Case Analysis ................................. 80 Results of the Relative Degree of Fit Between Personal Narratives, Service Use, and the SA Community Narrative .................................... 88 Meeting the Criteria of Trustworthiness ............................... 92 DISCUSSION AND IMPLICATIONS ............................ 96-112 Overview ....................................................... 96 Discussion ...................................................... 96 Consumer Perspectives on the Differences Between SA and Traditional Services .................................................. 98 Consumer Descriptions of the Interaction Between SA and Traditional Services .................................................. 99 The Role of Community Narratives ............................ 102 Limitations and Boundaries ........................................ 104 Implications .................................................... 106 Conclusion ..................................................... 1 11 ix APPENDICES .................................................... 1 13-195 Appendix A - Approval, University Committee on Research Involving Human Subjects ........................... 114 Appendix B - Consent to Contact and Interview Consent Forms ................. 1 16 Appendix C - Interview Protocol .......................................... 124 Appendix D - Organizational Literature List ................................. 135 Appendix E - Content Analysis - Coding Quotes ............................. 137 Appendix F - Cross-Case Coding Quotes - Differences ........................ 148 Appendix G - Cross-Case Coding Quotes - Similarities ........................ 167 Appendix H - Cross-Case Coding Quotes - Interactions ........................ 170 Appendix I - Within-Case Summaries ...................................... 177 References ....................................................... 1 84-1 93 LIST OF TABLES Table 1 - Description of Derivation of Final Sample Table 2 - Start Date and Setting of Groups Included in Final Sample Table 3 - Thematic Coding of Organizational Literature by Document and Year of Publication Table 4 - Number and Percentage of Respondents Reporting Use of Various Traditional Services at the Time of the Interview Table 5 - Summary of Demographic Characteristics of Participants Table 6 - Meta-themes and Sub-themes of the Similarities, Differences, and Interactions Between SA and Traditional Services Reported by Respondents xi Chapter 1 INTRODUCTION Over the past two decades, there has been increasing use of self-help groups by people with serious mental illness. With the rise in the quantity and utilization of self-help groups, our understanding of the role that they are playing in peoples’ lives is beginning to emerge. There is growing literature, both conceptual and empirical, that describes how self-help groups assist and influence their members. Much of this literature has focused on distinguishing between the role of self-help and that of traditional services in assisting individuals with their recovery from mental illness. This literature has identified many of the effective mechanisms of mutual help and has distinguished them from the mechanisms of change employed in traditional mental health interventions. While this is important to our understanding of self-help, it is clear both from the empirical literature and from published consumer reports of their experiences with mental illness that many mental health consumers utilize both traditional services and self-help, either simultaneously or sequentially, in their efforts to cope with their mental illness. Yet we know little about how self-help members utilize these services in their efforts to cope with the illness, how they view the similarities or differences between self-help and traditional services, or how they View the compatibility or incompatibility of these approaches in their movement toward recovery. McGuire (1988) argued that people find many different ways to create ‘packages’ of services that draw upon multiple sources of help, self-help and traditional services among them. Some people use self-help as an alternative to traditional mental health services, because of dissatisfaction with their service delivery experience. Others use it as a supplement to traditional service delivery. Because of these different reasons that people utilize self-help and how they may incorporate other services into their recovery programs, what these individual ‘packages’ look like will vary with people’s experiences and needs. Most of the literature about self-help to date has primarily been written by professionals who have focused on how these groups have developed to provide a system of support for their members. Within this literature, there has been an emphasis on articulating and demonstrating the differences between self-help and traditional services. While this has been helpful in understanding the effective mechanisms of self-help, this literature has focused on self-help as an independent system of care. Professionals also cast traditional professional conceptions on people whereby they are viewed as recipients of services or treatment. This implies the application of a medical or human services model that is defined more by the purposes of the professional community than by the context in which people live their lives (Rappaport, 1993). People are seen as the recipients of treatment and services, and there exists a vast power differential between the professional and the consumer. The consumer possesses little to no control over their treatment program, and people are viewed as “simply” having problems such as illness, disease or social dysfunction. This conception is not consistent with the self-help ethos that often rejects members’ views of themselves as recipients of services, but rather adopts a new ideology and a transformation of identity, or sense of self, according to a narrative provided by the organization (Antze, 1976; Cain, 1991; Kennedy, 1991; Levine, 1988). Professional conceptions of people as recipients of services or treatment will undoubtedly influence the perspective of the professional examining self-help and will impact their ability to understand consumer service utilization. There is no empirical literature that examines, from the perspective of the consumer, how participants use self-help in conjunction with other sources of support in their recovery efforts. This latter perspective is important because it would provide first- person accounts of members’ experiences with self-help in combination with other services. These first person accounts will advance our understanding of how self-help groups operate, how members themselves understand and describe their packages of support, and how their experiences in a self-help group impact and are impacted by their experiences with other systems of support. One of the factors that may influence how self-help group participants utilize traditional services is the group’s ideology about the problem and its solution (Antze, 1976). Self-help groups can be conceptualized as communities for living (Rappaport, 1993). As a community, a self-help group develops a narrative, or story, that reflects the group’s goals, beliefs and philosophy. This community narrative is, in part, developed from the individual stories (personal narratives) and the experiences of its members. A member’s individual story or personal narrative contributes to, and is, in turn, shaped by, the adoption of the community narrative of the setting in which they are involved (Rappaport, 1993). One of the components of a self-help group’s community narrative is its view on the role of traditional services in recovery from mental illness. Community narratives across self-help groups vary widely with regard to the role of traditional services. Some self-help community narratives convey wariness or skepticism about the effectiveness of traditional service delivery. Other self-help groups have a neutral stance on the utilization of traditional service delivery, neither encouraging nor discouraging members’ utilization of those services. Finally, some self-help groups encourage the utilization of traditional services. Whether or not a self-help group supports the utilization of traditional service delivery is likely to impact a consumer’s view and use of those services. We know that people’s lives are complex and the sources of support that they receive can vary dramatically. An awareness and understanding of the ‘packages’ of services that people create will allow us to look beyond the differences between self-help and traditional services to understand the array of options that consumers can draw upon to best meet their recovery needs. Securing this understanding from the experience of self—help group participants, the very people who weave these ‘packages’ of services, will heighten our understanding and awareness of service access and utilization. To date, there has been an emphasis in the literature on describing these systems of care as different entities. We also know that our knowledge in this regard has been advanced predominately by professionals. What is needed is a consumer perspective on similarities or differences between these two systems and on how these sources of support are used to promote recovery. This perspective will highlight the role of traditional services in a self-help group participant’s recovery. Knowing that a self-help group’s ideology may influence a member, it is important to have an understanding of how a particular group views the role of traditional services. One of the ways to that this is reflected is through its community narrative. With a self- help group member’s personal narrative and an understanding a self-help group’s narrative, specifically as they relate to traditional service utilization, we can better foster the type of support, understanding and assistance necessary to promote the development of a package of services that meet members’ individual situations. This will also foster an appreciation for the fact that different people will create different packages of service (different strokes for different folks) and an increased ability to match a self-help group, as reflected in it’s community narrative, to a member’s individual perspective, as reflected through their personal narrative. This study was undertaken to contribute to our knowledge in three ways. First, to advance our understanding of self-help as a system Of care. While we understand a great deal about the differences between self-help and traditional services, we also know that this understanding tends to be from the perspective of professionals or the published writings of individual consumers. There is a lack of empirical literature that looks at how self-help participants actually experience the differences and similarities between these services and how they might use them in their personal recovery. This understanding is important from a systems perspective because the more we understand about how consumers use and experience these different sources of support, the better we are able to encourage professionals to interact with self-help groups without undermining the role that they play in consurners’ lives. Second, to advance our ability to help promote recovery for individuals with serious mental illness. While we know that people’s lives are complex and that the sources of support that they draw upon can vary, there is a lack of understanding about how self-help group participants describe the extent and type of utilization of traditional services and further, how they would describe the differences and similarities between them. By asking for individual stories of support and assistance, we develop an understanding of the extent to which a self-help group’s participants draw upon multiple sources of support, and how participants might weave different sources of support into a recovery program. This understanding increases our ability to facilitate and support the decision making processes of self-help group members who develop ‘packages’ of services to attend to their unique situation. Finally, this research allows us to explore the convergence between a self-help group’s community narrative and member’s personal stories. It adds to our understanding of how self-help groups influence how members think and behave. It allows us to begin to document the range of ways that self-help groups view the role of traditional services. Eventually, as we learn more about other self-help groups and their community narratives, we may be better able to support recipients of traditional services as they seek a self-help group that is consistent with their personal narrative. Chapter 2 LITERATURE REVIEW Overview There has been a rise in the quantity and utilization of self-help groups by people with serious mental illness (Chinman et al., 2002) and with this, the role that they are playing in people’s lives is beginning to emerge. The literature has identified some of the effective mechanisms of self-help (Reissman, 1965; Leiberman, 1979; Levine, 1988; Maton, 1988; Powell, 1975; Roberts et al., 1999; Salem et al., 2000) and has distinguished self-help from the mechanisms of change employed in traditional mental health interventions (Morgenstem et al., 1997; Ouimette et al., 1997; Project MATCH Research Group, 1997; Segilman, 1995). However, empirical literature and consumer reports reflect that many self-help members also utilize traditional services, either simultaneous or sequentially. Yet, despite this, we know little about how consumers weave these into their recovery. Most of the literature about self-help groups has primarily been advanced by professionals who have focused on how these groups have developed to provide a system of support for their members. It has also provided a predominately professional perspective on how self-help groups work. There is no empirical literature that examines, from the perspective of the consumer, if and how participants use self-help in conjunction with traditional services in their recovery efforts. In this review I examine: the increase in both the quantity and utilization of self- help groups; the effective mechanisms of self-help groups; how mechanisms of self-help are different from traditional mental health interventions; the empirical literature of how people utilize both self-help and traditional services; the consumer literature of how people utilize both self-help and traditional services; and, the role of community narratives in shaping consumer’s View of traditional services. Rise in Quantity and Utilization of Self-Help Groups The number of self-help groups has proliferated, making access to self-help more available to interested consumers. Self-help groups exist in any number of problem areas (e.g., alcohol, drugs, emotions, weight). As Katz (1981) observed over 20 years ago, “the half million or more separate self help organizations embody an extraordinary variety of types, purposes, structural and ideological features, tap a wide variety of motives, and appeal to a vast range of numbers (p. 135).” In 1996, approximately 10 million Americans participated in self-help groups (Kessler, Mickelson, & Zhao, 1997). It is estimated that upwards of 25 million Americans have belonged to a self-help group at some point in their lives (Kessler et al., 1997). It is also estimated that there are more than 800 self-help groups nation wide addressing most social problems and health issues (McGinnis & Foege, 1993; White & Madara, 1995). With a specific focus on anonymous and step groups, an unpublished list names 258 groups that use the step program and/or the name “Anonymous.” In that these figures are nearly 10 years old, it is likely that these numbers may well be higher. Eflective Mechanisms of Self-Help Groups Self-help groups offer varying sources of help for people. A universally accepted definition of self-help groups is unattainable and a commonly accepted definition of self- help is necessarily loose. As Katz (1981) observed, “the half million or more separate self help organizations embody an extraordinary variety of types, purposes, structural and ideological features, tap a wide variety of motives, and appeal to a vast range of numbers (p. 135).” At their basic level, self-help groups refer to people with a common or similar problem in living that come together to share and learn from each other (Humphreys & Rappaport, 1994; Jacobs & Goodman, 1989; Maton, Leventhal, Madara, & Julien, 1989; Phillips, 1990). There are several defining features of a self-help group. The emphasis in self-help groups is on reciprocal assistance and the interdependence of someone accepting self- responsibility and maintaining independence, while helping others and receiving help from others (Borkman, 1999). There is a consumer oriented emphasis within self-help groups on an “inside” understanding of the presenting problem. This experiential knowledge is shared between and with the people experiencing the common problem (Borkman, 1976; 1990). Consistent with a consumer oriented focus, indigenous leadership is another defining component of many self help groups (Riessman & Carroll, 1995; Schubert & Borkrnan, 1991). In addition, participation and contributions are voluntary and professional involvement in group activities is rare (Kurtz, 1997). With regard to how self-help groups are implemented, there tends to be an intentional process that includes regular procedures, routines, and prescriptions for addressing people’s problems and issues of everyday life (Chinman, et al., 2002; Levine & Perkins, 1987; Levy, 2000). Through these processes, new information, perspectives, training, skills and exposure to successful role models are attained, while allowing for vicarious learning, modeling and an enhancement of problem-solving skills. (Chinman, 2002; Gartner & Reissman, 1982; Kaufrnann, Freund & Wilson, 1989; Kurtz, 1990; Kurtz & Powell, 1987; Levy, 1976; Rootes & Annes, 1992; Stewart, 1990). Riessman’s work (1965) highlighted the process of self-help participants helping themselves and others, and that those who help are helped the most. From his work, the term “helper-therapy” is used to describe this mechanism of self help. Maton (1988) highlighted the value of being involved in the provision of help and support which is characteristic of self-help groups. Self-help groups often provide members with relationships and social support that help them combat their feelings of social isolation, loneliness, and alienation (Maton, 1988; Roberts et al., 1999; Salem et al., 2000). Powell (1975) conceptualized self-help groups as referent groups and went on to identify six change mechanisms of self—help groups including providing role models who have overcome their problems, but who have also been in the position of the groups’ members. Salem et al. (2000), in examining consumer perspectives of referent and expert power, found that there was a significant correlation between a consumer’s rating of a group’s helpfulness with their rating of referent and expert power thus lending support to multiple forms of social influence that can be evidenced in self-help settings. Leibennan (1979) conducted comparative analyses across numerous self-help and professionally led groups and his work indicated that there are a variety of helping processes that are perceived to be beneficial to members including group cohesiveness, the impartation of information and the installation of hope. Self-help also seems to provide individuals with schizophrenia an opportunity to engage in activities that they value and participate in roles that may not have been otherwise available to them (Levine, 1988). In addition to effective mechanisms, there have been a few empirical studies that address the issue of self-help effectiveness (Kessler et al., 1997; Rawlings & Homer, 1988). Much of the research on self-help group effectiveness has addressed behavior control problems such as drug/alcohol addictions (Humphreys, 1997). 10 Some studies examine the effectiveness of self-help by looking at patient reported outcomes and experiences in self-help groups. In a review of research on self-help effectiveness, Humphreys (1997) argues that this research is of uneven quality, but he concludes that self-help group members tend to be satisfied with the support they receive and further, they feel that the groups are effective. Self-help groups that have demonstrated positive outcomes have been in the areas of substance abuse (Humphreys & Moos, 1996), bereavement (Lund & Caserta , 1993), care giving (McCallion & Toseland, 1995), diabetes (Gilden, Hendryx, Clar, Casia, & Singh, 1992), and depression (Kurtz, 1988). Although, a meta-analysis of 21 controlled studies of Alcoholics Anonymous (AA) suggests that AA at best does no better than alternatives, and in some cases may do significantly worse ( Kownacki & Standish, 1999). Other studies examine the effectiveness of self-help by looking at the member reported benefits of self-help groups. In a review of research on self-help groups, Kyrouz and Humphreys (1999) found them to be beneficial to their members for a variety of problems. Four studies were conducted with self-help groups for parents of children with disabilities or chronic nonprogressive conditions. Two of these studies were questionnaire based (Iscoe & Bordelon, 1984; Rawlins & Homer, 1988), and two were qualitative (Bennett et al., 1996; Law et al., 1999). These studies indicated that the group members found the self-help groups to be beneficial and the qualitative studies indicated that participants value the groups as a source of information, a support or emotional outlet, and a means of developing ideas and actions (King et al., 2000). A study by Solomon et al (2001) also looked at the reported benefits of a self-help group by parents of children with disabilities. This study indicated that parents found self-help groups helpful and they were 11 satisfied with the support that they received. In addition, sociopolitical, interpersonal and intraindividual change processes were identified as helpful amongst participants. How families of persons with mental illness perceived the benefits of helpfulness of a self-help group was studied by Manulyn et al (1999). Their work indicated that parent participants’ degree of perceived benefit was related to the helpfulness of the group and their length of participation. Another mechanism, the degree of compatibility between a person’s personal and treatment belief system, was predictive of greater involvement in a 12-step group after substance abuse treatment discharge (Mankowski et al., 2001). Segal and Silverman (2002) examined factors that may influence positive outcomes for people who participate in self-help groups. They recognized that self-help groups generally promote a strengths-based approach that focuses on the promotion of greater control over one’s life situation, independent social functioning and assisted social firnctioning. Their research revealed that an ingredient that appeared to promote positive outcomes for self- help group participants was the provision of opportunities for them to meaningfully participate in decisions about their own care. The effective mechanisms of self-help groups (e. g., experiential knowledge, indigenous leadership, voluntary participation, lack of professional involvement, helper- therapy, social support) are different from the mechanisms generally understood to accompany traditional services. One of the differences between self-help and traditional service is that self-help groups achieve personal change by relying on it’s member- constituted group whereas traditional services effect change through a professional (Kurtz, 1997) When looking at the internal processes between self-help and traditional services, 12 Lieberman (1990) identifies five dimensions with which to compare the two systems: 1) a view of the group as a “social microcosm”; 2) the group’s technological complexity/simplicity; 3) the psychological distance between helper and helpee; 4) the specificity-generality of helping methods; and, 5) the degree of differentiation among members. Within each of these dimensions, self-help groups and traditional services, such as a psychotherapy group, operate with different mechanisms. There are three other dimensions through which a differentiation between self-help and traditional services can be made. The first dimension is that self-help groups tend to have open boundaries that permit the admittance of anyone who qualifies for membership whereby professionally led groups do not (Kurtz, 1997). The second dimension is that there are generally fees associated with professional service, whereas self-help groups may ask for small donations, but rarely charge a fee (Kurtz, 1997). Finally, with the exception of their own national federation, self-help groups generally do not depend on the support of an outside organizations whereas professional services are generally offered within social agencies and mental health facilities (Kurtz, 1997). Empirical Literature of How People Utilize Both Self-Help and Traditional Services Irrespective of effective or different mechanisms between self-help and traditional services, there is a small empirical literature that speaks to how consumers utilize both systems of care. Some attention has been given in the literature to professional and system-level support for a collaborative approach between traditional service providers and self-help. At this level, collaboration means systems of care working to create a ‘network’ of and support for programs and services, including self-help, that are deemed valuable or of assistance to peOple in need. This approach to collaboration implies a top- 13 down approach to service delivery and focuses on how the systems can work together. This is different, however, from consumer-driven service utilization. Under a consumer- driven approach, ‘packages’ of services are created by consumers based on the programs and services available to them and on their unique needs and circumstances. This consumer-driven approach emanates from the mental health consumer movement that emphasized consumer self-help, empowerment, and advocacy (Chamberlin, 1990). There is some professional literature that speaks to a consumer-driven approach to utilization of professional treatment and self-help (Jacobs & Goodman, 1989; Kurtz, 1990; Lotery & Jacobs, 1994; Murray, 1996; Reissman & Carroll, 1995; Stewart et a1, 1994). This consumer-driven approach would support a package of service whereby people could build a treatment plan that addresses their unique situation and places value on the individual contributions of different options. This, too, would attract people who might not otherwise avail themselves of mental health services but, at the same time, capture those who simultaneously and/or sequentially utilize professional treatment (Salzer et al., 2001). A first person account by Bassman (2001) notes that “many forms of self-help are supportive of and secondary to “expert” professional opinions” (p. 24). Results from Humphreys et a1 (1999) study of the combined effects of treatment and self-help groups suggest that there are compatibilities between self-help and the treatment programs traditionally serving substance abusing patients and that learning how these informal and formal treatment systems can function synergistically will promote individual recovery from substance abuse problems. Despite the reasoning behind utilizing one, or both, systems: economics (self-help is typically free); dissatisfaction with conventional treatment; and/or the pressures of welfare reform and managed care, 14 Norcross (2000) encourages the awareness of the attributes of self-help and their integration into professional treatment so as to meaningfully advance self-help. In her book, Temes (2002) details what she refers to as ‘The Collaborative Cure’ whereby a person with schizophrenia develops their own ‘team’ to assist in their recovery. The efforts of the team members are collaborative, and members, beyond the person themselves, represent the person’s family, psychiatrist, psycho pharmacologist, pharmacist, social worker, peer, friend, and psychotherapist, each of whom recognize the contributions of the other members and shares the solitary goal of supporting the recovery of the person with schizophrenia. The extent to which this collaborative approach is supported may be mitigated by Ben-Ari’s research with professional involvement (2002) where whether or not self-help groups were likely to support collaboration was related to the kind of self-help group being considered. Health-oriented groups were more likely to stress collaboration, twelve-step groups less likely, and alternative lifestyle groups falling somewhere in between. Resistance to systemic collaboration between health care and self-help has been documented (Reissman, 2000). However, Salzer et al. (2001) believe that the professional community needs to develop ways for non-professional and self-help services to be supported as a valuable and contributing part of the public health delivery system. To achieve this goal, they consider it crucial that professionals become aware of the valuable contributions of the self-help community and how they can be incorporated into a collaborative relationship with professionals. Successful efforts in this regard can go a long way to minimize professional resistance. It is encouraging that some of the 15 professionally written literature is imploring its professional community to better understand and coordinate potential linkages between self-help and professional treatment community (Chinman et al., 2002; Reissman & Banks, 2001). It is important to be clear that self-help and traditional services do not need to be collaborative for a consumer to use and benefit from both systems. Without systems of care participating in an intentional collaborative effort, consumers are often in a position of being able to ‘pick and choose’ what programs or services they are interested in or feel will best address their unique situation. An exanrination of the role that each may or may not play in a person’s recovery, especially from a consumer perspective, and a self-help group’s View of the role of traditional services, will firrther illuminate this point. Moos, et al. (2001), examined substance abusing and psychiatric disordered patients who utilized both formal and informal care systems. These patients participated in both outpatient mental health care and self-help groups. Patients who had regular outpatient mental health care and who attended self-help group meetings had better substance abuse and social functioning outcomes than others less involved in both formal and informal care. Literature addressing the relationship between self-help and professional care, or utilization of both, is becoming more and more present in the literature. This literature tends to emphasize the differences between professional care and self-help. It focuses primarily on professional involvement in self-help groups, the appropriateness of their involvement, their roles, and their impact. There is also a small literature on professional attitudes about self-help and referral patterns of patients to self-help groups. This literature focuses on the roles and views of professionals. This literature fails to address 16 self-help member’s utilization of traditional services, especially with regard to first-person accounts of their experiences within and between these systems of care. Consumer Reports of How People Utilize Self-Help and Traditional Services The traditional treatment system has failed some people. This is captured in first person accounts of people’s experiences with the mental health system where they portray “the system” as non-supportive, dependency creating and hopeless. Consumers describe their experiences with negative overtures speaking to the depersonalizing, traumatizing, infantilizing, silencing, degrading, harmful, hopeless and discouraging nature of their experiences (Bassman, 2000; Bassman, 2001; Charnberlin, 1995; Deegan, 1990; Frese and Davis, 1997; Lynch, 2000; Tenny, 2000; Walsh, 1999). Bassman (2000; 2001) rejected the medically oriented diagnosis of mental illness that often carries a burdensome stigma. He argued that people’s dissatisfaction with the mental health system has less to do with their own denial of their need for help and has more to do with their objection to what is accepted as helpful. We know that some people have turned to self-help as an alternative to and in rejection of the traditional treatment system. In her efforts with the mental patients’ liberation movement which started in the early 19705, Charnberlin (1990) identifies one of the movement’s main goals as developing self-help alternatives to medically-based psychiatric treatment and that it stood in opposition to the medical model and in support of self-reliance and self-determination. She points out that the key issues to many consumers are forced treatment and the vulnerability, loss of control, lack of participation in decision-making and powerlessness that consumers of traditional mental health services experience (Charnberlin, 1995). To Bassman (2001), “The value of self-help begins with 17 the free and noncoercive choice exercised by participants (p. 24).” Deegan, (1997), speaks about the life-enhancing hope that self-help groups offer and Tenney (2000) speaks of the value of sharing one’s experience with someone who has experienced the same thing. Highlighting the uniqueness of each person’s situation was something of import to Tenney (2000) who, in reference to inadequate traditional care, offered the insight that “....one of the problems of being human is that we see the world not as it is, but as we are. We need to listen to each other and share our truths” (p. 1442). Lynch (2000) further values the support that she engendered from her peers that have gone on to achieve personal/professional goals while at the same time being willing to share their hope, strengths and stories. We also know that many consumers want and need things from the traditional treatment system. These include such things as medication, individual and group therapy, and evaluations. Frese’s (2000) account of his mental illness supported accepting and understanding his disorder and recognizing the essential role that medication played in his treatment and recovery. Personal reports suggest that self-help can help consumers define how services can help them. This is suggested by Marsh et al. (1997) in their attempt to implore professional understanding and support by stating: “We are people first, not illnesses. Treat us such. Work with us. Help us to become as independent, self-actualized, and as healthy as we can be (p. 365).” In their accounts, Frese (2000), Bassman (2000), and Lynch (2000) speak to the role of professional involvement, albeit on a different dimension than that previously delivered. They want professionals to join them in their recoveries. They want to be treated with dignity, and they want to transcend the professional despair 18 and hopelessness. Lynch (2000) writes, “In my journey toward health, the most helpful experiences were with professionals who saw me as a person first, who adapted their treatment according to my need (p. 1431).” Consumers also highlight their need for choice and partnership in their recovery programs. Bassman (1997) who states, “Choice is fundamental to growth and recovery. Without choice, motivation decreases, personal responsibility is abdicated, and hope is diminished (p. 239).” Other consumers cite professional interest in consumer-professional partnership, but recognize the difficulties located therein when there is a large and distinct power differential between consumers and professionals (Chamberlin, 1995). “When we look for therapy or help, we are looking for active collaborative relationship where power inequities are minimized (Bassman, 2001; p. 23).” Believing that choice and partnership are critical to a recovery program, Lynch (2000) described positive experiences with professionals who offered such things as flexibility, patience, and availability; affirming of her many strengths; assisting in developing a strong sense of self; and helping her risk giving up her identity as a “career mental patient” (p. 431). Not only is flexibility the essence of a successful approach to treatment for those with mental illness (Warner, 1996), but these first-person accounts give voice to an approach to mental health treatment that promotes collaboration. The Influence of a Community Narrative on Service Utilization One of the things that influences consumer utilization of services is the context, or narrative, of a particular self-help group. The perspective among self-help consumers between the role of self-help and traditional mental health services can be understood through a narrative framework. Simply explained, a narrative framework is one that 19 understands life to be experienced as a story and these stories “order experience, give coherence and meaning to events and provide a sense of history and of the future” (Rappaport, 1993, p. 240). The narrative framework differentiates between a community narrative (a level of analysis that captures a community) and personal stories (an individual level of analysis). A community narrative is a level of analysis that captures a given community. Personal stories are the individual level of analyses that give a voice to the lived experience of consumers while, at the same time, contributing to and gleaning from the community narrative advanced by a self-help group. There is a dynamic interconnectedness between personal narratives and community narratives such that a community narrative can change, over time, as a result of contributions from the members’ personal life stories while, at the same time, members’ personal narratives can be changed as a result of the groups’ narrative (Rappaport, 1993). As a community for living (Rappaport, 1993), a self-help group develops a narrative, or story, that reflects the group’s goals, beliefs and philosophy, and in this case, a position regarding the role of traditional services. As members of a self-help group, a consumer is exposed to this ideology and, based on their experience, begin to incorporate the interconnectedness between their own personal story and the community narrative. How a self-help group views the role of traditional service delivery is likely to influence a consumer’s view and utilization of those services. How Outcomes of Self-Help Groups are Diflerentfiom Traditional Mental Health Interventions There have been only a handful of studies that have compared the outcomes of those involved in self-help and those using traditional services (Morgenstem et al., 1997; Ouimette et al., 1997; Project MATCH Research Group, 1997; Seligman, 1995). In 20 research conducted by Yanos et al. (2001), working with patients diagnosed with serious mental illness, the relationship was examined between patients participating in consumer- run services (including self-help) and their recovery of social functioning. Again, the self- help or traditional services approach was endorsed and the findings indicated that patients involved in consumer-run services had better social functioning than those involved exclusively in traditional mental health services. Though generally demonstrating that self- help is as effective as traditional treatment, these studies perpetuate the dichotomy that people participate in one of the treatment regimes or the other, but not both. Further, these studies focused on outcomes, not necessarily effective mechanisms that may have existed in either system. Conclusion This study was conducted because the theoretical, empirical, and consumer literature has tended to focus on how self-help and traditional services are different and separate ‘systems’ of care. We know that there are mechanisms of self-help that provide necessary support and information to its members. These mechanisms include an emphasis on expertise that people gain through their experiences, voluntary participation, indigenous leadership, intentional processes, social support, and role modeling. The literature has been limited in its focus by not securing a self-help member’s perspective. Beyond the insights we can gain from personal testimonies, we really know little about what types of support people use, how they use different types of support and, how they describe the role that each is playing in their lives. Further, we know that a self-help member’s personal story of their lived experience is likely to be influenced by the group’s community narrative. We also know that self-help groups vary in their positions and 21 organizational philosophy regarding traditional services which may influence if, and how, people in self-help groups build a recovery program that incorporates traditional services. Considering what work has been done, little empirical work has explored this from the perspective of the consumer but, rather, has been advanced from a professional perspective. What remains unknown is the combination of what services self-help members actually use, what the community narrative of their group is, how members describe any differences or similarities between the roles of traditional services and their self-help group, and how the group’s community narrative fits with their personal narrative regarding utilization of traditional services. 22 Chapter 3 METHODS Overview The methods employed in this study provided an avenue through which to address the following research questions to enhance our understanding of how those involved Schizophrenics Anonymous (SA), a self-help group for people with schizophrenia, describe the role of self-help and traditional services play in their lives, as well as how they might eave these sources of treatment and support to promote their movement toward recovery: 1) What is the SA community narrative regarding the utilization of traditional services? 2) What is the pattern of traditional service use among SA members? 3) How do SA members describe the similarities, differences, and interactions between the role of traditional services and SA in their recovery? 4) How does the SA community narrative fit with the member’s personal narratives and the utilization of traditional services? Study Design This study was part of a larger evaluative study of Schizophrenics Anonymous examining member engagement and change. Qualitative interview data were collected from 45 SA members from 12 different SA groups in Michigan. These interviews took between 45 minutes and six hours to complete. In the interviews, participants were asked to tell the story of their experience in SA and the story of their mental illness. They were asked about the support and assistance that they have received from SA, traditional services, and friends and family members. Although data was collected regarding these various sources of help and support, the larger study did not include an analysis of consumer perspectives of Schizophrenics Anonymous as compared to traditional services. 23 As a result, this dissertation research included a secondary data analysis that utilized interview data that had already been collected. The interviews were taped. They were then transcribed and all identifying information was removed from the transcripts. These transcripts were analyzed in the study. Theoretical Framework In this study, understanding the perceptual differences among consumers concerning SA and traditional mental health services was explored through a narrative framework. Through a narrative framework, the personal stories of people involved with SA were examined and the relative degree of fit between their personal stories and the SA community narrative were revealed as it relates to the role of SA and traditional treatment services. Within this framework, the potential exists to bridge the gap in our understanding of the role of SA as an alternative source of treatment and support for people moving toward recovery, a role involving coexistent, concomitant or concurrent sources of treatment and support. A narrative approach was used in this study because it validated the perceptions of the participants as captured through first-person accounts of their actual experience (Davidson, 1992; Evered & Louis, 1981). This allowed the consumer perspectives to be understood within the context of their lives with schizophrenia, the professional context of traditional mental health services, and the social context of a self-help group. Within-case analyses were conducted to explore how individuals View the relationship between traditional services and self-help in their own lives. In addition, the content of the printed literature and materials of SA were analyzed in order to articulate SA’s community narrative. Participants’ personal stories were compared to the SA community narrative to 24 examine the extent to which a member’s personal narrative and use of traditional services fits with the SA community narrative. This examination of Schizophrenics Anonymous has provided an understanding of it as a self-help group whereby membership is viewed as a form of community, and, in this instance, a community that encourages the involvement of the traditional treatment community, as contrasted with “traditional” conceptions of mutual-aid groups as alternative treatment options. An interpretive framework was also incorporated into this study. An interpretive framework places priority on revealing first-person subjective experiences in an attempt to reveal the meaning of a phenomenon or experience situated within its social context (Holstein & Gubrium, 1995; Schwandt, 1994). An interpretive approach is guided by a desire to understand, in a person’s own terms, their intended meaning by building a bridge between the text and the researcher’s own experience and context, while acknowledging that the values, biases and assumptions of the researcher are an inescapable and undeniable aspect of the process of interpretation (Tappan, 1997). The study used a narrative approach and an interpretive framework in order to understand how people with schizophrenia experience and describe the similarities, differences, and/or interactions between Schizophrenics Anonymous and traditional services. Again, this approach was indicated because it lead to understanding through its emphasis on first-hand descriptions of lived experiences. It also allowed meaning and description to emerge from participants instead of being dictated by researchers or others who are outsiders to the experience (Davidson et al., 1997). Finally, this approach allowed consumer perspectives to be understood within the context of the lives of people 25 with schizophrenia, the context of traditional care, and the social context of a self-help group. By allowing consumers to describe their perspectives, they were viewed as the experts in this process and not acted upon as passive objects of investigation, which undermines their perceptions (Davidson et al., 1997; Estroff, 1989). An interpretive framework and a narrative approach were indicated for this study because the assumptions and goals of these approaches were compatible with the purposes of this study. Use of Qualitative Methods Qualitative methods were used for this study for two principal reasons. First, the data for this study was part of an original data set where the research design and analysis was qualitative. Because of this, utilization of qualitative methodology for this secondary data analysis was appropriate for this research. Second, qualitative methodology was indicated for this study because it is the methodology of choice when little is known about a phenomenon, or when the research questions relate to understanding or describing a particular phenomenon. As well, a qualitative approach is consistent with the goals of rich description, understanding and meaning that will emerge through the interpretive approach utilized in this study. Qualitative methodology allows investigators to study a particular phenomenon in depth and detail, from an emic, or insider’s perspective. The depth and detail of the descriptive data collected through qualitative methods enhances understanding through the use of first hand accounts of the actual experience (Patton, 1990). The informants’ perspective of this phenomenon extends beyond their account of events and actions. This perspective is not to be assessed in terms of its truth 26 or falsity but rather, as part of the reality that the investigators are trying to understand (Bogdan & Bilken, 1992; Maxwell, 1996). The open-ended responses to qualitative inquiry are broader, lengthier and more detailed than responses to quantitative inquiry. However, responses to open-ended questions enable the investigator to “understand and capture points of View of other people without predetermining those points of View through prior selection on questionnaire categories (Patton, 1990, p. 24).” First hand accounts of consumer perspectives disclose the “depth of emotion, the ways that they have organized their world, their thoughts about what is happening and their basic perceptions (Patton, 1990, p. 24).” There are proponents of the utilization of qualitative methodologies in research involving schizophrenia (e. g., Davidson & Strauss, 1995; Davidson et al., 1997; Hatfield & Lefley, 1993) and self-help research in general (Bogdan & Bilken, 1992; Humphreys & Rappaport, 1994; Maxwell, 1996; Merriam, 1988) because these methodologies are better positioned to explore processes than quantitative modes of inquiry. In this study, the use of qualitative methodology was suggested so as to better understand the similarities, differences, and interactions between self-help and traditional care in the lives of people with Schizophrenia and how they define and engage these different sources of treatment and support in their movement toward recovery (Davidson & Strauss, 1995; Davidson et aL,1997) Therefore, to address the research questions of this study, self-help and traditional services as sources of treatment and support in the lives of people with Schizophrenia were explored through the qualitative, open-ended interviews that were collected to elicit people’s story of their experiences with these systems. 27 Setting Description Schizophrenics Anonymous (SA) is a self-help organization for people with schizophrenia or related disorders. Founded in the metropolitan Detroit area in 1985, it is organized and managed by persons with the illness. SA was patterned after the format and ideology of Alcoholics Anonymous (AA) and incorporates the features of weekly meetings, steps for recovery, philosophy and mutual support between meetings (P., John, 1997). There are now more than 140 groups meeting throughout twenty other states, Canada, Mexico, Venezuela and Brazil (National Schizophrenia Foundation, 2002). The SA statement of purpose is: 5. To help restore dignity and sense of purpose for persons who are working for recovery from schizophrenia or related disorders. 6. To offer fellowship, positive support, and companionship in order to achieve good mental health. 7. To improve our own attitudes about our lives and our illness. 8. To provide members with the latest information regarding schizophrenia. 9. To encourage members to take positive steps toward recovery from the illness. (Schizophrenics Anonymous, 2002) The organization’s mission statement outlines their Six-step program of recovery that helps form the foundation of the SA community narrative. The six steps of recovery (Mental Health Association in Michigan, 1994; 1997) provide tools for members to work on recovery and they are: l. I surrender. I admit I need help. I can’t do it alone. 2. I choose. I choose to be well. I take full responsibility for my choices and realize that the choices I make directly influence the quality of my days. 3. I believe. I now come to believe that I have great inner resources and I will 28 try to use these resources to help myself and others. 4. I forgive. I forgive myself for all the mistakes I have made. I also forgive and release everyone who has injured or harmed me in any way. 5. I understand. I now realize that erroneous, self-defeating thinking contributes to my problems, unhappiness, failures, and fears. I am ready to have my belief system altered so my life can be transformed. 6. I decide. I make a decision to turn my life over to the care of God, as I understand Him, surrendering my will and false beliefs. I ask to be changed in depth. Like Alcoholics Anonymous and other self-help groups, SA has a program of recovery that intends to help its members rise above their illness. SA does this by applying six recovery steps and members are encouraged to share their experiences, feelings and hopes in a confidential and nonjudgmental environment. There are no dues or fees to attend SA meetings and anyone who wishes to recover from a schizophrenia-related illness is invited. As a departure from other step groups, there is no expectation that SA members will apply the six recovery steps sequentially or that they will even be addressed or used at all by some groups (Walsh, 1994). Another difference is that, except in the broad sense of spirituality, religious discussions are prohibited. While SA members speak to their individual spirituality as it pertains to finding meaning or a higher purpose in their lives, they may not promote a specific religion or religious identity. SA has also been described as providing a home for individuals with schizophrenia and a setting that fosters peer support and acceptance (John P., 1997). This may be an invaluable benefit of participating in SA for those individuals who frnd themselves socially isolated and experience, first-hand, the stigma that often comes with a mental illness. Also, the SA group philosophy (the community narrative) focuses on cooperation 29 with mental health professionals. For some members, SA performs as an adjunct to treatment, instead of an alternative or replacement for traditional services. In this vein, SA gives permission for its members to weave a recovery program that can include both SA and traditional treatment services. The implications of this phenomenon for this study are the possibility of finding and giving voice to some of these interwoven approaches. SA groups generally meet weekly at a predetermined time and location. SA meetings are lead by a SA leader who, in most cases, is a member of SA who has schizophrenia and who assumes the primary responsibility for leading the group. In some groups, there is also a co-leader. There is a recommended format for running SA groups but, within this, there is flexibility in how the format is implemented, which can result in a lot of variation between groups (National Schizophrenia Foundation, 2002). Groups can vary considerably with regard to the number of people attending, the experience of the leader, the group’s utilization of the program and literature, and the particular social context or group setting (i.e., churches, community mental health centers, or a local Big Boy restaurant) of a group. Project Description and Procedures This study was situated within a larger evaluation study of Schizophrenics Anonymous. The larger evaluation did not include exploring perspectives on the similarities, differences, or interactions between self-help and traditional care as its main purpose. Thus, this study was a secondary data analysis utilizing interview data that had already been collected. To this end, the specifics of access and entry to the organization, consent and confidentiality procedures, measurement development, and data collection and management had already been developed, implemented and approved by the Michigan 30 State University Committee on Research Involving Human Subjects (U CRIHS). However, for the purposes of this study, a separate UCRIHS application was submitted and approved based on these same procedures (see Appendix A). Sample The participants in the larger evaluation study were selected on dimensions that the research team felt may influence the participant’s experiences of the SA group (Berg, 1995; Miles & Huberrnan, 1994). Although the selection criteria did not take into account the purpose of the proposed study, the rationale for using each criterion to select participants can be linked to consumers’ utilization of self-help. The first criterion had participants selected according to how long they had been involved in their SA group at the time of data collection. This was based on the assumption that those who have been involved in the group longer will have more knowledge of the group’s values and philosophy, which promotes the utilization and value of both self-help and traditional services. Based on the assumption that different roles within the group or organization promote different competencies and opportunities, the second selection criterion selected participants according to the different roles that they occupy within their particular SA group or within the larger SA organization (i.e., leader or member). The role that a person holds within their group or the larger SA organization may reflect their adoption of the SA community narrative that validates the role of both self-help and traditional service by individuals with mental illness. Finally, participants were selected according to their group membership based on the assumption that groups vary and that beliefs regarding self-help and traditional treatment services may be related to a particular group’s use of the SA literature and program, and the unique social context 31 and sharing of stories that occurs within a specific group. Participants in the larger evaluation study were selected on the following criteria: (a) length of participation (1=involved with SA 2-6 months, 2=involved with SA for more than six months up to two years; 3=involved with SA for more than two years); (b) their role within the group or organization (member, group leader, or an organizational leader defined as an individual who is involved in the SA organization in addition to, or instead of running a group); and (c) the Schizophrenics Anonymous group membership (12 groups are represented in the final sample). Interviews were conducted with all group and organizational leaders. One SA group member was randomly selected from each of the three “length of participation” categories in each of the 12 groups because of the large number of possible participants who were members. Consistent with Miles & Huberman (1994), this allowed for the selection of only three members from each SA group which maintained the credibility of the sample and ensured that each “length of participation” category was adequately represented in the final sample. The selection process resulted in all organizational leaders and group leaders, of active SA groups in Michigan (N =1 7) and a random selection of members based on the criteria discussed above (N =28), being selected for participation. Please see Table l (Weaver Randall, 2003), pp.39-40, for a description of the final sample. To introduce the study and ask for participation, contact was made with all SA group leaders in Michigan. A letter was sent to them explaining the study and asking the leaders to call the'Mental Health Association in Michigan if they did not want a member of the research team to contact them. There were 26 active SA groups in Michigan at the time the interview took place. Fourteen groups were eliminated due to problems with 32 attendance, driving distance, declining to participate, untypical SA group structure, and groups inaccessible because of their location in inpatient hospital or prison settings; thus a total of 12 groups were selected to participate in the study. Please see Table 2 (Weaver Randall, 2000), p. 41, for the description of groups included in the final sample. Of the remaining 12 SA groups, the leaders were phoned, invited to participate, and informed about the overall purpose of the study. If they felt their group would be interested in participating, they were asked to get permission from the group members for one of the research team members to visit the group to discuss the study. Once permission was secured, a member of the research team visited the group to explain the study and had members fill out a “Consent to Contact Form” to those interested in participating. To participate in the interview at a place of their choosing, they were told that they would receive ten dollars. The “Consent to Contact Form” provided information on how to get in touch with the member, as well as information about their role and involvement with the SA organization (see Appendix B). Procedures As previously indicated, this study was done in the context of a larger evaluation study which did not have as its explicit purpose to understand the role of self-help and traditional services in the treatment of schizophrenia. However, within the interviews for the larger study, participants’ stories about their experiences and feelings about SA and traditional services emerged embedded in their personal narratives. Following established practice to make sure that themes of self-help and traditional services occurred across cases (e.g., Kearney, et al., 1994), a count of cases that included these themes was conducted. 33 A prelirrrinary analysis of the data was undertaken to document how participants’ stories of their involvement in SA and traditional treatment services emerged in the interviews. A count was conducted on the number of members that reported on both SA and traditional treatment service experiences. This preliminary analysis yielded 36 interviews where specific examples of views about both SA and traditional treatment were identified. Thus, even though the larger evaluation study did not specifically address the role of SA and traditional treatment services, there was evidence that members’ experiences with both approaches were an identifiable component of their stories. The study included two activities that were initiated within the context of the larger study: (a) analysis of semi-structured in-depth interviews with members and leaders of Schizophrenics Anonymous; and (b) analysis of Schizophrenics Anonymous’ organizational materials. Because the goal of this study was to provide a description and understanding of the role of SA and traditional treatment services from the member’s perspective, the primary focus of this study rested on the semi-structured interview. Through an exploration of SA’s organizational materials, the SA community narrative emerged. In addition, an understanding of the SA community narrative enhanced our understanding of consumer perspectives on SA and traditional treatment services throughout the analysis and interpretation of the interview data. Consent Depending on a participant’s role within the organization, each participant signed one of three different consent forms (see Appendix B). Prior to beginning the interview but after the participant had a chance to read it and the interviewer reviewed the important elements of anonymity, confidentiality, voluntary participation, and risks of participation, 34 participants signed this formal consent. Before the interview began, each participant was reminded that they could refuse to answer specific questions or to discontinue their participation in the study at any point during the interview. For reasons unknown to the interviewer, one participant chose to discontinue participation after completing half of their interview. Semi-structured, in-depth interviews Each of the interviews was conducted with an emphasis placed on allowing the participants to tell their story within the established semi-structured format. This semi- structured approach was utilized to ensure that certain aspects of their experiences were covered that were important for the larger evaluation study. There were four sections of the interview protocol (see Appendix C). These sections were: (a) the participant’s story about their involvement in Schizophrenics Anonymous; (b) the participant’s story of their mental illness; (c) interpersonal relationships and social support; and (d) demographic information and mental health service utilization. The open-ended questions started each section with the exception of section ((1) which included mostly close-ended demographic questions. For each question, there was a list of predetermined probes that were used if the participant’s story did not address certain aspects of their experience. This being said, the interviewers were in no way restricted to the probes and interviewers were allowed to utilize their own probes based on the content and flow of a particular interview. At the beginning of the interview, participants were asked to tell the story of their involvement with SA. Specific follow-up questions asked if they were not brought up in the participant’s story. As it relates to the study at hand, the following question (and prompts) were reflected in the Interview Protocol (see Appendix C): 35 13. Now, I would like you to describe SA for me. For example, if you were telling a potential member about SA what would you tell them? Why should someone join? Philosophy/important beliefs of SA. Are there similarities and/or differences between SA and traditional mental health services? In addition, the next question asked the participant to tell the story of their mental illness which, again, was followed by a series of more specific questions if they did not emerge from the participant’s story. All of the interviews were conducted in a setting of the participant’s choice. These settings included individuals’ homes, restaurants, mental health agencies or other community setting (i.e., a library). The interviews were conducted by two Psychology graduate students who had been involved with the larger evaluation study for at least one year at the time of the interviews. All of the interviews were audio taped which allowed the interviewers to pursue meaning by asking the participants for follow-up information, asking for examples of what they were describing, or by asking additional questions (Fontana & Frey, 1994) in an attempt to ensure that the interviewer and participant shared a common understanding of the phenomenon. The interviewers took notes on the content of the interviews and also recorded questions that emerged during the interview. As participants addressed specific questions or probes, the interviewer checked them off on the interview protocol to verify that those dimensions had been covered and would not need further attention. There was variation in the length of the interviews, ranging from 45 minutes to six hours. Longer interviews were often conducted in more than one session which depended on the participant’s preference. On more than one occasion, two to three sessions were needed to complete an interview. Each interview was transcribed verbatim by a 36 professional transcriptionist and was checked for accuracy by listening to the entire interview tape and comparing the transcribed text with the spoken words. To maintain the anonymity and confidentiality of the participants, all identifying information was removed from the transcribed interview. Exploration of written materials SA’s first program materials and literature were developed in 1987 and continue to be revised and expanded by Schizophrenics Anonymous members and leaders. Most recently, changes and revisions have been authored under the auspices of the National Schizophrenia Foundation which places an emphasis on consumer-focus and consumer- involvement in all its activities. The printed documents included in this study were: Schizophrenics Anonymous: A Self-Help Support Group (the Blue Book); the SA Forum; Schizophrenia Update; and Group Leader Circular. A video was also included titled, Joanne Verbanic Speaks on Schizophrenia and Schizophrenics Anonymous (S.A.), that featured the founder of SA talking about her personal struggle with schizophrenia and its impact on her desire to start a self-help group for other people with schizophrenia. Combined, these materials described the organization’s purpose, goals and beliefs and provided a description of the structure and format used to conduct SA groups. Please refer to Appendix D for a complete list of materials included. These particular documents were selected because they are utilized quite frequently by SA group leaders in the conduct of their individual meetings. For each of the printed documents, all relevant copies were secured to cover the time period two years prior to the interviews, essentially covering 1995 through 1997. Because these documents undergo periodic revision and expansion, it was determined that those documents that were being utilized two years 37 prior to and up until the respective interviews would best reflect the perspective of Schizophrenics Anonymous at the time of the interview. This study explored these documents relative to how the Schizophrenics Anonymous organization formally described its community narrative regarding the role that self-help and traditional services play in participants’ lives and how they build a recovery program to meet their individual recovery needs. 38 Summgrv of T gble I -72% (69/96) of the SA members of active community groups in Michigan volunteered to participate. -Overa11 response rate of 92% (46/49) which equals a 89% (17/19) response rate for SA members and a 93% (28/30) response rate for SA members. *At the time the interviews were conducted, there were no members attending this group. * *The first member randomly selected for participation was unable to complete the interview because of psychiatric problems that resulted in hospitalization, so another member from the same category was selected. This accounts for the one member who did not participate in the study and the 28/30 or 93% response rate. *** This group was being followed longitudinally (interviews were conducted at three time points) and therefore all current members of the group were interviewed (N=6). ****At the time the interviews were conducted, this group did not have a leader. 1: Interviews were conducted with all members of this group because at the time the interviews took place, the research team thought the group would be followed longitudinally. However, because of limited resources this did not occur. 1' This group had very low attendance and was struggling. After consenting to participate in the study, the two co-leaders, the only active members of the group, decided not to participate. This accounts for the two leaders who did not participate in the study and for the 17/19 or 89% response rate for leaders. 39 .58.» A. 68382:: 3. 62.7838: 3. 3:». mun—Ea 08:: A8834. 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Aug—3:. 80 8:800:88: S088 Am 82:3 8083AN 820830: 88:88: onN m> 8 8808 0A. m>. .A.:0 8:830:88: C888 088888»? 80:000. 0: A08<88m 08088: 883:8 80 A088 8000.8: A: 80 8000 0A. 80:3: :08"? A8882:u 88 808888: 88 0880 8 A882 00008 2:: 0088:3080. A088? .80 m> <50? .8058 V0803: @833. 0: “0:00:88? 53 Mnanefisdzma 8:05.805. Am A Nm 88:8 <88 8 2:8: 30 m> A8880? .8880 «8888. 8002800 :2 AS0808: 080% 0A. :08m 888800: 2:: 8:800:88? :0H 800<0Q 0:830. N8: :02 :2 006018000 A0: :9 88 :00088m 80 8882 0m 8880:8800 8038000. 48 Table 4. Number and Percentage of Respondents Reporting Use of Traditional Services at the Time of the Interview (N=45) Characteristic % g Psychiatric Medication 100% 45 Living Arrangements: Independent 62.2% 28 Family/Friends 15.6% 7 Supervised Apt 11.1% 5 Adult Foster Care 6.7% 3 Group Home 2.2% 1 Homeless Shelter 2.2% 1 Outpatient/Day Treatment 80% 36 Medication Management 57.8% 25 Individual/Group Therapy 46.7% 21 Drop-In Center/Clubhouse 37.8% 17 Case Management 31.1% 14 Day Programming 24.4% 11 49 Conclusion Combined, multiple levels of analysis were employed to examine the data that emerged within 45 qualitative interviews of members of Schizophrenics Anonymous. This was conducted with a particular emphasis on understanding the organization’s community narrative around the role of self-help and traditional services, members service utilization patterns, as well as their descriptions of the roles that the two systems play in their recovery efforts, and the relative degree of fit between the community narrative and a members personal narrative. An approach that included a content analysis, service utilization analysis, cross-case analysis, and within-case analysis was implemented and the results are the basis of the subsequent chapter. 50 Chapter 4 RESULTS Overview First, demographic information is presented on all study participants. Second, the results of the first research question will be presented by presenting the results and discussion of the Schizophrenics Anonymous (SA) community narrative. This will include presenting the personal narrative of the SA founder and discussing the role it played in framing the organization’s community narrative. Third, to address the second research question, frequency distributions regarding the utilization of traditional services will be presented. Fourth, the third research question will be addressed by presenting the results of the cross-case and within-case analyses. Fifth, the fourth research question will be addressed by comparing the community narrative revealed in the first research question with the personal narratives revealed in the third research question and discussing the results contained therein. In all cases, the names of the participants have been replaced by pseudonyms and other identifying information has been removed to protect the identity of the participant. All verbatim quotes have been referenced by an interview identification number. This number appears in parentheses after the verbatim text. Description of Participants The demographic characteristics of all the participants have been summarized in Table 5, (pp. 53-54). The majority of the participants (58%, n=26) were women and White (85%, n=3 8). The participants had an average age of 42, with a range of 22 to 74 years old (SD=10.96). Thirteen (29%) participants had completed a college degree, 18 51 (40%) participants had completed high school. Most participants were not working (64%, n=29), did not have children (73%, n=33), and had never been married (71%, n=32). The majority of the study participants were supported primarily by Social Security Disability (67%, n=30). Sixty-two percent (n=28) were able to live independently in their own apartment or house. All of the participants in this study had experienced mental illness and subsequent treatment. The majority (58%, n=26) of the participants reported a diagnosis of schizophrenia, all reported taking medication for psychiatric reasons and had been hospitalized an average of eight times for psychiatric reasons. The demographic characteristics of the participants in this study are consistent, in general, with people who participate in self-help groups in the United States. According to Kessler et al (1997), woman have been more likely than men to participate in self-help groups, married people have lower rates of participation, and blacks are only half as likely as whites to participate in self-help groups overall. The authors offer caution, however, that the results could be deceptive because “they confound the demographic correlates of having problems with the demographic correlates of using self-help groups to manage these problems” (p. 33). 52 Table 5. Summary of Demographic Characteristics of Participants (N=45) Characteristic . Category % g Gender Female 57.8% 26 Male 42.2% 19 Age Mean=42 Range 22-74 Ethnicity White 85% 38 African American 9% 4 Hispanic 4% 2 Other 2% 1 TOTAL 100% 45 Diagnosis Schizophrenia 58% 26 Schizo-affective Disorder 16% 7 Manic-Depression l 1% 5 Other 9% 7 TOTAL 100% 45 Education Some High School 13% 6 HS Graduate 40% 18 Some College 18% 8 College Degree 29% 13 TOTAL 100% 45 Income Sourcel Earned Income 29% 13 SS/SSI 29% 13 SSDI 67% 30 Welfare Benefits 4% 2 Family Member 27% 12 'Some respondents reported multiple sources of support 53 Traditional Services2 Individual/Group 47% 21 Therapy Medication Mgmt 58% 25 Case Management 31% 14 Drop-In/Clubhouse 38% 17 Outpatient/Day Tx 80% 36 Living Independent 62% 28 Arrangements Family/Friends 1 6% 7 Supervised Apt 11% 5 Adult Foster Care 7% 3 Group Home 2% l Homeless Shelter 2% 1 Religion Yes 72% 33 No 28% 12 2Some respondents reported utilization of more than one traditional service 54 Results of the SA Community Narrative Analysis Research Question #1: What is the SA community narrative regarding utilization of traditional services? One of the factors that may influence how self-help group participants utilize traditional services is the group’s ideology about the problem and its solution (Antze, 1976). Self-help groups can be conceptualized as communities for living (Rappaport, 1993). As a community, a self-help group develops a community narrative, or story, that reflects the group’s goals, beliefs, and philosophy. One of the components of a mental-health self-help group’s community narrative is its view of the role of traditional services in recovery from mental illness. For the purpose of this study, traditional services are defined as those services that require professional involvement. These include such services as hospitalizations, prescription of medication, individual or group therapy, and case or medication management services. Whether or not a self-help group supports the utilization of traditional service delivery is likely to impact a consumer’s view and use of those services or may attract people who share that view. Impact of Founding Member’s Personal Narrative on Development of Community Narrative It is important to look at how a community narrative first develops. The development of a groups’ community narrative will generally take on the ideological position of its original founder(s). For example, Alcoholics Anonymous (AA), the long standing self-help group for people recovering from alcohol abuse, was founded by Bill W. and Dr. Bob who were struggling with their own personal recoveries. It was their experiences with alcoholism and recovery that shaped the essence and perspective upon which the AA organization was built. 55 SA is no different. Joanne Verbanic is the founder of SA It is through her experiences, and with the support of her psychiatrist and the Mental Health Association in Michigan, that Joanne founded SA. She was one of the interviewees in this study. However, in light of her role in the development of the organization, her interview was analyzed separately with regard to her experiences with traditional services and how these experiences contributed to the development of the SA community narrative. It is important to highlight that SA is a self-help group and, as such, upholds a self-help doctrine regarding the anonymity of its members. However, since the organization’s inception, Joanne has been clear about distinguishing between her efforts to advance a self-help group for people with schizophrenia and her personal and public efforts to erase the stigma associated with a diagnosis of schizophrenia. As excerpted from a SA video, Joanne Verbanic Speaks on Schizophrenia and Schizophrenics Anonymous (n. d. ), “Everything said at SA meetings is confidential. SA members should remain anonymous except those who wish to work on special issues. I’m not anonymous. I’m purposely going public with my name to help erase the stigma because I’m working on an issue.” Consistent with this, for the purposes of this study, Joanne Verbanic has given express written permission for the utilization of her full name.1 In the interview, there is extensive documentation of not only her own struggle with schizophrenia and recovery, but also a first-hand account of her efforts to establish the self-help group. It is clear that the founder had an extraordinary relationship with her psychiatrist with whom she communicates on a regular basis, particularly as she struggled with the demands of coping with a mental illness, going public with her illness in an ‘The letter is on file with Dr. Debby Salem, Michigan State University 56 attempt to erase the stigma associated with it, maintaining a full time job, and starting up and leading a self-help organization. Her descriptions of the similarities, differences and interactions between SA and traditional services are intricately interwoven into her belief system which have developed as a result of her experiences. Then, as now, she believes that SA is a supplement to traditional services, quickly to acknowledge that SA and traditional services have different, yet important roles, in people’s lives. “Not group therapy, definitely not group therapy. I think it’s very dangerous and I tell them in SA to talk about feelings. You know, you may express the fact that you’re angry or you can talk about your anger situation and I’d say you’re angry. I think you should talk with your therapist about that. And the reason I say that is suicide. There’s a fine line there and you don’t want get into these feelings. We’re not professionals. The professionals need to deal with the feelings. With an exception. You know what I’m talking about. The deep feelings that somebody’s suicidal and has little self esteem and that, we would give them their time at the table and have empathy, but refer them to professionals. I always say we don’t get into like therapy. Well, group therapy, you get into feelings. We don’t do that. This is self-help. Talk about daily living and coping skills and exercise. We get into stress management. Sometimes we have speakers for stress management. And things like that. But I think it’s very important that we don’t get into these deep insight therapy feelings...l had my psychiatrist, God, and SA. And that was my whole life...I want SA to be informative and to educate the people as much as they can about the illness...the new medications and stuff like that. I think it’s real important. You can’t expect somebody to take responsibility for their illness if they don’t know about their illness [230100].” To her, SA provides the support that consumers often need to navigate their recovery. This support is communicated largely through the shared experiences of other group members, all of whom have been diagnosed with schizophrenia (or schizophrenia-related illnesses), each with unique experiences from which to provide support and advice to other group members. The fact that she believes that SA is a supplement to traditional services is likely to be instrumental in shaping the community narrative of SA in general and, of particular interest to this study, in the role of SA and traditional services in people’s recovery efforts. 57 Extending this, it is reasonable to hypothesize that a self-help group’s support for the utilization of traditional service delivery is likely, over time, to impact a consumer’s view and use of those services or may attract people who share that view. A content analysis was conducted to explore SA’s community narrative regarding the role of SA and traditional service in recovery from schizophrenia. The SA materials described the organization’s purpose, goals and beliefs and provided a description of the structure and format used to conduct SA groups. There were five sources of information utilized in this analysis. First, the SA Blue Book is a publication circulated by SA that reflects the organization’s background, information about schizophrenia, steps for recovery, information about starting an SA group, SA’s guiding principles and personal stories of SA members. The Blue Book is the foundation of SA and SA group meetings, something which members are exposed to at each meeting. Second, the Group Leader Circular is a monthly publication written and circulated by SA to each of its group leaders. The group leaders often use this a tool for their own leadership development and often utilize it in the conduct of their respective meetings as a vehicle to generate discussion or provide organizational information. Third, the SA Forum is a quarterly newsletter, circulated by SA, sent to internal and external supporters of SA. The SA Forum generally reflects information on research, upcoming conferences, historical information on SA and ongoing reminders of SA founding principles and guidelines. Fourth, the Schizophrenia Update is another monthly newsletter, circulated by SA to leaders of SA. The Schizophrenia Update predominantly focuses on providing education regarding the latest research in the areas of mental health, treatment, and medication that stands to impact people with schizophrenia. Finally, the video, Joanne Verbanic Speaks on Schizophrenia 58 and Schizophrenics Anonymous, is a 28 minute video in which the SA Founder, Joanne Verbanic, describes her personal story of being diagnosed with schizophrenia, her recovery efforts, and how her experiences led her into becoming the founder of Schizophrenics Anonymous. This video is widely disseminated to people interested in starting up SA groups and is often viewed at SA meetings, particularly when the group is new or there are new members who could benefit from the foundational premise upon which the organization was built. Please refer to Appendix D for a complete list of materials that were included. The analysis of these documents revealed that the SA community narrative supports and encourages members’ utilization of traditional services in four different ways. First, SA supports it’s members utilization of traditional services by explicitly encouraging members to seek traditional services. It does this by explicitly identifying SA as being supplemental to traditional services and by explicitly encouraging the utilization of traditional services. Second, use of traditional services was implicitly supported and identified as a piece of a member’s recovery and SA often portrayed a member’s utilization of traditional services as a normal and accepted part of their recovery efforts. Third, they provide information to the membership on how to manage their recovery better by educating them about traditional services (e. g, medications, hospitalization, community programs, etc). Finally, the literature provides anecdotal stories of members who have used traditional services in their recovery efforts. The coding of the SA literature was an interactive and a constant comparative process conducted by a naive outsider and this immersed researcher. A third independent reader reviewed the resulting categories to make sure that the claims and assertions were 59 not derived from a misreading of the data and that they had been documented adequately (Berg, 1995). Consistent with display techniques described by Miles and Huberman (1994), the results of this content analysis have been displayed using a descriptive matrix (see Table 3, pp. 47-48). Below, I provide two sources of support for each code: (1) an account of the documents in which the code emerged and (2) several of the most illustrative examples of each code. All of the examples in support of each category can be found in Appendix E. Explicit Statements in Support of the Use of Traditional Services SA’s support for utilization of traditional services was explicitly reflected in their organizational materials. In these sections, the SA literature either explicitly identified SA as being supplemental to traditional services, or it explicitly encouraged the utilization of traditional services. This explicit support was captured in each of the organization’s documents with the exception of the Schizophrenia Update. SA as a supplement to traditional services. “SA. is intended to be supplemental to professional help (Blue Book ‘94, pp. 3-4; Blue Book ‘97 p. 3).” “...we want to make available our application of this adjunct recovery program to as many people with schizophrenia who want it (Group Leader Circular, Jan 95).” “MSU Study Results Encouraging ........... Members view the helping roles of SA and professionals differently. While they view SA helping in many domains, members tend to view professionals as the best equipped to help them with medication and symptom management. Fellow SA members, on the other hand, were viewed as best equipped to help when they are feeling lonely or want to talk to someone who understand what it is like to have schizophrenia. This finding is consistent with SA’s goal to provide support in conjunction with professional services (SA Forum, Fall ‘97).” “Schizophrenics Anonymous is only supplemental to professional help. We believe in recovery, medications and professional help. Everyone in the group has professional help in addition to SA (SA Video)” 60 SA encourages members to utilize traditional services. “To choose to be well may involve cooperating with a psychiatrist or a psychotherapist, listening to what they say, and adhering to their advice. Another choice may be recognizing the need to take the medication that helps so many schizophrenic patients (Blue Book ‘94, pp. 7-8; Blue Book ‘97, p. 6).” “Generally, SA has a three-part formula with regards to a group leader helping a member. It goes like this: 1) Strongly refer the member to a mental health professional, particularly the attending psychiatrist or the professional associates, 2) Do what you can do as an SA leader to provide the member with caring fellowship and support, and 3) Continue to refer the member to a mental health professional (Group Leader Circular, Mar 95)” “We really choose to be well but we don’t know how to be well sometimes and that’s where professional help comes in. We don’t know what steps to do to stay well (SA Video)” Implicit Statements in Support of the Use of Traditional Services SA’s support for utilization of traditional services was also implicitly reflected in their organizational materials in a variety of ways. In one way, the SA literature referred to SA as a piece of a member’s recovery. In another way, the SA literature often portrayed a member’s utilization of traditional services (e.g., medication, hospitalizations) as a normal and accepted part of their recovery efforts. This implicit support was captured in each of the organization’s documents with the exception of the Schizophrenia Update. SA as a piece of the puzzle. In these sections, support for the use of traditional services was not as explicit. Support was implicated by referring to SA as only a piece of a member’s recovery puzzle. There were also accounts in the literature where a member’s utilization of traditional services was viewed as a normal part of the recovery process. These were captured in the Blue Book, the Group Leader Circular, and the SA Forum, and, they were documented in the SA video. This category was not revealed in the Schizophrenia Update. 61 “Mission Statement: The mission of Schizophrenics Anonymous is to add the element of self-help support to the recovery process of people suffering from schizophrenia. (Blue Book’94, p.3; SA Forum, Fall ‘95; SA Forum, W ‘96, p.5).” “...the program [SA] doesn’t pretend to have all the answers, but the steps do address the difficulties of the afflicted and the problems associated with the illness (Blue Book’94, p. 6, Blue Book ‘97, p. 5).” “....However, we all agree on the major point of SA, a two-part expression of its mission: First, Schizophrenics Anonymous seeks to apply the concept of self-help group recovery for people with Schizophrenia; and second, we want to make available our application of this adjunct recovery program to as many people with schizophrenia who want it (Group Leader Circular, Jan 95).” SA normalizing member ’s usage of traditional services. The SA literature also normalized member’s utilization of traditional services. This was found predominately in the Blue Book and was supported in the SA video. Through this normalization process, the organization acknowledged the existence of traditional services in the lives of its members and went further by giving permission and support for their inclusion. “To choose to be well may also require the patient to acknowledge that, at some point during his or her period of recovery, there may be a setback and rehospitalization could be necessary...(Blue Book ‘94, pp. 7-8; Blue Book ‘97, p.6).” “For some members, recovering may mean the ability to hold a demanding job; for others, it may mean the acquisition of grounds privileges at a state hospital. If each person in these circumstances is doing the best that he or she can then they are equal in our eyes. (Blue Book ‘94, p. 10; Blue Book ‘97, p. 8).” “Aspects of Recovery: What is recovery from schizophrenia? ...... More broadly, it might include living independently, forming meaningful relationships, being financially self-supporting, and not having to be rehospitalized for psychiatric reasons ...... Still others are doing their best by residing on a locked ward at a state- run hospital, taking medication, eating, and behaving the best they can (Blue Book ‘94, p. 12; Blue Book ‘97, p.10).” “S.A.’s Attitudes Towards Setbacks and Stigma: ..... An example of a major setback would be a person experiencing a psychotic episode which resulted in rehospitalization....Hospitalization is for many a common setback. However, 62 Schizophrenics Anonymous does not consider returning to the hospital, either voluntarily or otherwise, to be a personal failure or weakness. We believe it shows a realistic understanding of the limits imposed by our illness. The decision to return voluntarily to the hospital shows that we take full responsibility for our choices and that we choose to be well. At SA we feel that setbacks are a normal, expected part of our usually chronic illness. We view them as a temporary intensification of symptoms which will often pass. (Blue Book ‘94, p. 14; Blue Book ‘97, p. 11).” “We in Schizophrenics Anonymous believe that choosing to stay well means taking the medication. Sometimes it means re-hospitalization. We don’t look at re- hospitalization as a failure. We look at it as a temporary learning experience. With each hospitalization that I had, I gained a little more. I learned a little more. I grew a little more and I got stronger until I’m at the point of recovery I am today (SA Video).” SA Educating Members About Traditional Services The SA literature revealed the organization’s commitment to educating members about traditional services. The fact that SA is providing its members with information and education about traditional services portrays its support for, and understanding of, the role for traditional services and this, in turn, is likely to influence an individual member’s service use. This category was captured within each of the SA documents, and the Schizophrenia Update (34 publications) was exclusively dedicated to providing education to SA members. “What is Schizophrenics Anonymous? ....... To provide members with the latest information regarding schizophrenia...in addition, members share information regarding developments in schizophrenia research (Blue Book ‘94, p. 4; Blue Book ‘97, p.4).” “We’re subscribing to the best journals and newsletter in order to gather quality information for you: American Journal of Psychiatry, Hospital and Community Psychiatry, Schizophrenia Bulletin, Harvard Mental Health Newsletter, The Menninger Letter, Psychiatry Drug Alerts, and numerous others. Please think of ways to share this information with the members of your group and we’ll make some suggestions on how to do this inexpensively in fiature months (Group Leader Circular, Feb ‘95). “Update on New Antipsychotic Medication ..... Zyprexa....What does all this mean 63 to SA members? We can be hopeful that these new approved drugs will provide additional symptom relief (and side-effect relief) for those out of the hospital already; and for those in the hospital a new range of hope may emerge (as I the possibility that the negative symptoms may lessen). We can all have come consolation that the scientists are aggressively seeking new pharmaceutical treatments for our mental pain (SA Forum, F ‘96, p.3).” “—News on New Medications. There are more indications that the eagerly awaited experimental medications for schizophrenia will gain FDA approval soon. The Detroit Free Press in its November 11, 1997 issue said that we are on the verge of federal approval for Serlect (generic name “sertindole”) and Seroquel (quetiapine). At this writing in late November we are uncertain what date FDA approval will come, though arrival of the medications in pharmacies should come soon after such approval. An interesting point in the Detroit newspaper is that a third new antipsychotic medication is in line for FDA approval. This medication is called Zeldox, with the generic name Ziprasidone. New information on these medications will be printed here as events happen...(Schizophrenia Update, December 1997). Personal Stories of Using Traditional Services for Recovery The SA literature gives examples of members using traditional services which is reflected through anecdotal stories about members utilizing both SA and traditional services in their personal stories of recovery. This was captured within the Blue Book, the Group Leader Circular and the SA Forum. The fact that the organization’s literature contained SA members’ stories about the role of traditional services points, again, to the fact that it supports and encourages members’ utilization of traditional services and wishes to convey this support through their literature. “Paul’s Story: The [SA] group has helped me psychologically to fight my symptoms (voices), and the medicine does the rest (Blue Book ‘94, p. 24; Blue Book ‘97, p.19).” “Laura’s Story: But with the help of the group and my therapy, I managed to stay out of the hospital (Blue Book ‘94, p. 29; Blue Book ‘97, p.22).” “This month David M., a long-time member of SA, will be observing the tenth anniversary since his last psychiatric hospitalization. In November 1985 David was in the hospital for a month, and has not been admitted since. He has undifferentiated schizophrenia, has been in treatment since 1960, with numerous 64 hospitalizations and a history of self-destructive behavior. David reports that while in the state hospital in 1985 the attending psychiatrist said, “David, I wish that you would take care of yourself really well.” David said that for the first time he decided to cooperate fully with the professionals at the hospital. Below are seven things that David says he did to stay out of the hospital (and to feel better) ..... 2) I cooperated with treatment. I stop fighting the medication and became a believer in psychiatric treatment. I discussed my problems with my psychiatrist and prepared for each visit with notes and a list of questions ...... 7) I joined Schizophrenics Anonymous. At SA I learned to accept my illness, and learned that despite this illness, I can engage in many growth-oriented activities. I also enjoyed all the fellowship (Group Leader Circular, Nov 95).” “From the Founder ......... Although I was able to accept my vision loss, I began to experience a depression. Along with a short stay in day-hospital, I relied on my therapist and the six steps of SA to help get me through it all. SA provided me the right perspective and hope for ‘recovery’ to adjust to this major life trauma (SA Forum, Fall ‘97).” In summary, when combined, these documents contribute to the community narrative for SA, specifically as it relates to the utilization of traditional services. The SA literature reveals that its community narrative both supports and encourages members to utilize traditional services. This support was encouraged both explicitly and implicitly in the literature. Support was also transmitted by educating members about traditional services. Finally, the literature provided anecdotal evidence of members’ utilization of both SA and traditional services. A negative case analysis was performed, looking for evidence of alternative ideologies regarding service use. There was no evidence in this content analysis to support a community narrative that spoke of SA as being an alternative to, or something to be used in the place of, traditional services. As an organization, SA imparts a message that values the role of both self-help and traditional services in a member’s recovery, that it is a supplement to traditional services, and helps members become better educated about traditional services. Being exposed to this consistent message over time is likely to impact a member’s own perspective and utilization of 65 traditional services, and the clarity and consistency of the message is likely to discourage potential members who hold negative views of the value of traditional services. Results of the Service Utilization Analysis An analysis of the service utilization patterns of the members of SA was conducted. This analysis revealed that all of the participants (100%) were taking psychiatric medication and the vast majority of members (91%) reported having been hospitalized in the past for psychiatric reasons, with the mean number of hospitalizations being 7.8 within a range of 1 to 50 hospitalizations. At the time of the interview, besides taking medication, twenty percent of the members reported not utilizing any other traditional mental health services. The remaining 80% reported participating in some form of outpatient or day treatment programming (i.e., individual/group therapy, case management), and/or attended a drop-in center or clubhouse. Please refer to Table 4 (p. 49) for member service utilization patterns. As a group, these members interface with the traditional service delivery system in at least one way, and in some cases, multiple ways. These patterns of service utilization are consistent with what we know about the SA community narrative that both supports and encourages members to utilize traditional services, particularly to take medication. The support that members experience for involvement with traditional mental health services within the SA group structure is likely to impact their subsequent utilization of traditional services and the development of their personal narrative. Results of Cross-Case Analysis One way to begin to examine how members of SA described the differences, similarities, and interactions between the roles of traditional services and SA in their 66 recovery is through a cross-case analysis. In this study, SA members and leaders were asked to share their stories of mental illness, SA, and recovery. Across these interviews, data emerged that spoke to how self-help participants actually experience the differences, similarities, and interactions between self-help and traditional services and how they use them in their personal recovery. This data provides an understanding about how self-help group participants describe the extent and type of utilization of traditional services and further, how they describe the differences and similarities between them. By analyzing their stories of support and assistance, we will also have a better understanding of the extent to which self-help group participants draw upon multiple sources of support, and how participants might weave different sources of support into a recovery program. The data that emerged across cases in response to this question can be summarized in the following ways: 1) Most members saw self-help and traditional services as different from each other, serving different needs; 2) Some members saw similarities even though they tended to be superficial and not well articulated; and, 3) Many members talked about how SA and traditional services interact in their lives to promote recovery. Please refer to Table 6 (p. 69) for the thematic coding of the cross-case analysis. It is important to note that not all interviews addressed all three dimensions. In fact, only a small portion of the members addressed all three dimensions. A larger portion of the members addressed one dimension (almost exclusively differences), leading some to acknowledge that the two systems address different areas of their recovery. Seven members were unable to articulate any similarities, differences, or interactions between SA and traditional services. 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