THEBS 5 3/ This is to certify that the dissertation entitled EDUCATION FOR LIBERATION: PROMOTING AFRICAN AMERICAN WELL-BEING THROUGH A SCHOOL-BASED EMANCIPATORY INTERVENTION presented by KELLY MICHELLE LEWIS has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for the PhD. degree in Pslchology [ma ,JthM—x. FL I}. Major Professor’s Signature {, - l8 - o-l Date MSU is an Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution ‘—‘— ##4‘H‘ __ __ WT Michigan State University PLACE IN RETURN Box to remove this checkout from your record. To AVOID FINES return on or before date due. MAY BE RECALLED with earlier due date if requested. | DATE DUE DATE DUE DATE DUE Ilov 2‘ ‘57226’03’8 6/01 c:/CIRC/DaieDue.p65-p.15 E:)i,'(fi.‘\ I. BEINIF EDUCATION FOR LIBERATION: PROMOTING AFRICAN AMERICAN WELL- BEING THROUGH A SCHOOL-BASED EMANCIPATORY INTERVENTION By Kelly Michelle Lewis A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Psychology 2004 EDECAI BHNG €335 ' fr' 41 t.) O ’3 kmgofA den not ‘I 15 prov méom‘i} fellou in; \ ABSTRACT EDUCATION FOR LIBERATION: PROMOTING AFRICAN AMERICAN WELL- BEING THROUGH A SCHOOL-BASED EMANCIAPATORY INTERVENTION By Kelly Michelle Lewis The specific aim of this research was to implement and evaluate a school-based emancipatory intervention designed to promote the psychological and behavioral well- being of African American adolescents. Using an emancipatory education framework drawn from elements Of East African Ujamaa philosophy and practice, the intervention was provided to a randomly selected group Of 32 participants and compared to a randomly selected group Of 33 participants in the non-treatment control group to test the following hypotheses: (1a) The intervention will enhance individuals’ psychological well-being, including positive racial identity, communal world-view, and sense Of school connectedness; (1b) The intervention will enhance individuals’ behavioral well-being including higher motivation to achieve and social change involvement; (2) Enhanced psychological well-being will lead to enhanced behavioral well-being over time, including school achievement, and higher order social change involvement. As hypothesized, results indicated that the intervention improved students’ communal orientation and school connectedness compared to students in the control group. The intervention also improved participants’ motivation to achieve and their overall social change involvement compared to youth in the control group. Contrary to what was hypothesized, the intervention decreased participants’ racial identity on all dimensions and IIICTC'J.“ control gm" Finally. as : motix ation mEame “as found 1- and increased their competitive individualistic orientation compared to youth in the control group. Grades generally improved, but not differentially for the two groups. Finally, as hypothesized, increased communal orientation was found to be a mediator for motivation to achieve and total social change; increased school connectedness was found to be a mediator for motivation to achieve; and competitive individualistic orientation was found to be a partial mediator Of motivation to achieve. Copyright by KELLY MICHELLE LEWIS 2004 T 0 my dear father, in loving memory major .~ and 3p." comm (Ame: me 1h :3. (I; (A4 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The completion of this project represents a huge accomplishment and a major step towards my personal and career aspirations. I owe my sincerest thanks and appreciation to all those who provided support and guidance through this process. To Dr. Cris Sullivan (Sully), my dissertation chair, for her endless dedication, supervision, and support of this ambitious project. Not only did Sully encourage me to actualize my dream of designing, implementing, and evaluating an emancipatory intervention with its roots in Africa; and assist me in seeking out competitive funding from NIMH (National Institute Of Mental Health) and AERA (American Educational Research Association) to support this work, but she also gave me the freedom to write with context and express my passion for Black issues without rigidity. Thank you Sully for allowing me to spread my wings! TO Dr. Deborah Bybee for her unremitting support and time dedicated to helping me to apply sophisticated statistics to my work. Dr. Bybee has an amazing skill tO translate very complicated statistical language into terms that are recognizable tO the common ear. Her patience, dedication, motivation, and ingenuity will always be remembered and appreciated. To Dr. Robert L. Green for his superior mentorship, inspiration, and unending dedication to ensuring that I achieved the highest level of training and success throughout this process and after. Not only did Dr. Green provide four years Of outstanding instruction in school reform consulting and program evaluation through assistantship work, but he enriched my writing skills and was instrumental in vi rtmerrf" III A iTl Li Africa encoum my heft encour: consist: 0Verse: Found. condu. Caidu helping me to gain access to my school population in Detroit for this study. It is only once in a lifetime that people find mentors like Dr. Green. His unconditional support, and passion for assisting students of color is one Of a kind. He will always be remembered for the impact he had on my life. To Dr. Robert Caldwell for his undying support of my psychological work in Africa which shaped this project. From the day I first mentioned my interest in Africa, Dr. Caldwell was one Of the only clinical psychology professors that encouraged me to “think outside Of the box” and explore ways that I could combine my hefty clinical-communityI psychology load with African studies. Not only did he encourage me to explore opportunities through the African studies department, but he consistently gave me grant announcements for pre-dissertation and dissertation work overseas. It was Dr. Caldwell who encouraged my application to the Ford Foundation for pre-dissertation research and, after receipt, supported me in conducting a non-traditional clinical comp overseas in Africa. Thank you, Dr. Caldwell, for believing in me and allowing my unique passion to be realized! To Dr. Harriette McAdoo for her inspiration and unrelenting support of my development as a scholar on Black issues. As one of the first Black scholars to empirically document the strengths of Black people, Dr. McAdOO has always been a stimulus for me. She paved a road for us to trail and will always be cherished as a pioneer in the growth and success of our people. Thank you Dr. McAdoo for helping my road to be a little bit easier. I also want tO extend a special thanks to Mr. Jones and Mrs. White from Butzel Middle School for enthusiastically welcoming and supporting my vii CRCOUIZ CHIN“ programmatic dissertation research project. Without their willingness and support, this project would not have been possible. Also, thank you to all of the African American students who participated in this study, especially my undergraduate research assistants (Adrienne Herron, Jessica Park, and J Oi Smith) who dedicated endless hours towards the curriculum development, data collection, and analysis of this research. Most importantly, I want to thank my family, especially my mamma— Lillian Morgan Lewis, my baby brother—Morgan, my stepfather—Harry, and my best-friend and companion—Anton for their unconditional love, endless support & encouragement. It was my family that uplifted me when I lost the courage, empowered me when I lost my strength, consoled me when I forgot my direction and always knew the right thing to say to push me back towards my leadership potential. They knew my goals and always reminded me Of my intent. On foggy days, they pushed away the clouds and helped me to see again. I am the person I am because of the influence they have had on my life--because they never gave up, because they always allowed me to realize my passion and because they loved me. My family, thank you, thank you, thank you for believing in me. I love you! Finally, I want to thank the Lord for giving me the strength to make it through this doctoral program, and my late beloved father for giving me precious words to live by: “Find your passion, live your life to the fullest without regrets, love your family, and be the best that you can possibly be”. viii LlSI OF I LIST OF ’I INTRODI. Adi“. . IIlSIL‘ Rela‘. I Ad I Ain‘t. HO\\ 1 Aft limit METHOD. Sam; Pmcc TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF FIGURES ............................................................................................................... xii LIST OF TABLES ................................................................................................................. xiii INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................. 1 Adolescents in America ................................................................................................ 5 Historical Factors Affecting African American Adolescent Today ............................. 7 Relationship Between Traditional Mainstream Education and African American Adolescent Well-Being .............................................................................................. 9 African American Well-Being ...................................................................................... 12 Psychological Well-Being .................................................................................. 13 Racial Identity ............................................................................................. 13 Communal World-View .............................................................................. 20 School Connectedness ................................................................................ 23 Behavioral Well-Being ...................................................................................... 26 School Achievement ................................................................................... 26 Social Change Involvement ........................................................................ 32 How Emancipatory Education is Theorized & Empirically Purported to Positively Affect African American Adolescents ...................................................................... 38 The Evolution of Emancipatory Education in America ..................................... 41 Shortcomings of Independent Emancipatory Education Institutions in America Today ................................................................................................. 44 Ujamaa Philosophy and Practice ....................................................................... 47 Education for Self-Reliance ............................................................................... 48 Justification for the Proposed Intervention ................................................................... 51 METHODOLOGY ................................................................................................................ 54 Sample ........................................................................................................................... 54 Control Group Participation ............................................................................... 54 Experimental Group Participation ..................................................................... 54 Overall Participation .......................................................................................... 55 Procedure ...................................................................................................................... 56 Setting ................................................................................................................ 56 The Experimental Intervention .......................................................................... 56 Collaborative Teaching and Supervision of an On-Site Middle School Teacher ............................................................................................................. 58 Summary Of the EFL Intervention Program by Week ....................................... 59 Research Design ............................................................................................................ 61 Longitudinal Experimental Design ................................................................... 61 Measures ....................................................................................................................... 63 Multicultural Ethnic Identity Measure .............................................................. 63 Communal Worldview Scale ............................................................................ 64 ix RESI'LTS Home Descn Hm H}? Qua Psychological Sense Of School Membership Scale .......................................... 65 Motivation to Achieve Scale ............................................................................. 66 Measure Of Social Change for Adolescents ...................................................... 67 Data Analysis ............................................................................................................... 68 Quantitative Analyses ....................................................................................... 68 Growth Trajectory Modeling ............................................................. 69 Growth Trajectory Modeling by Condition ....................................... 73 Power Analysis .................................................................................. 75 Testing Mediating Effects .................................................................. 76 Qualitative Analyses ......................................................................................... 79 RESULTS .............................................................................................................................. 80 Homogeneity Of Conditions ........................................................................................ 80 Descriptives ................................................................................................................. 8O Hypothesis Ia -— Psychological Well-Being ................................................................ 80 Total Racial Identity ........................................................................................ 83 Racial Identity — Affirmation & Belonging....................................................86 Racial Identity - Ethnic Identity Achievement ............................................... 89 Racial Identity - Ethnic Behaviors ................................................................. 92 Communal Orientation .................................................................................... 95 Competitive Individualist Orientation ............................................................ 98 School Connectedness .................................................................................... 101 Hypothesis Ib — Behavioral Well-Being ..................................................................... 104 Motivation to Achieve .................................................................................... 104 Grades ............................................................................................................. 107 Social Change Involvement ............................................................................ 109 Hypothesis II — Mediating Relationships .................................................................... 112 Qualitative Results ...................................................................................................... 121 Emergent Impacts of the Intervention on Participants’ Preferences For Social Change Involvement ................................................................... 122 Mobilizing the Black Community ................................................... 122 Adopting a Leadership Role ............................................................ 123 Organizing and Protesting Against Racism ..................................... 123 Emergent Impacts Of the Intervention on Participants’ Evaluation Of the Class ................................................................................................. 124 Acquisition of Leadership and Social Change Skills ....................... 124 Increased Knowledge about Black Culture and Heritage ................ 125 Opportunities tO Learn and Have Fun .............................................. 125 Increased Support from Teachers and Peers .................................... 126 Opportunities to Talk about How they Feel ..................................... 126 Acquisition of Learning ................................................................... 127 Increased Comprehension ................................................................ 127 Increased Base and Opportunities for Relaxation ............................ 127 FL; Ci" DISCUSSION ........................................................................................................................ 129 Challenges/Limitations ........................................................................................... l 39 Implementation Challenges .......................................................................... 139 Evaluation Challenges .................................................................................. 140 Implications for Future Research, Policy, and Practice .......................................... 143 Importance of Ecological Culturally-Specific Interventions During The Public School Day .............................................................................. 143 Sustainability of Interventions ...................................................................... 144 Connecting Universities to Schools .............................................................. 145 Institutionalization Of Emancipatory Education in Mainstream Schools ..... 146 Future Directions .................................................................................................... 147 Conclusions ............................................................................................................. 149 APPENDICES ....................................................................................................................... 165 Appendix A: General Information Form ................................................................ 166 Appendix B: Multi-Group Ethnic Identity Measure ............................................... 167 Appendix C: Communal World-View Scale .......................................................... 168 Appendix D: The Psychological Sense Of School Membership Scale ................... 169 Appendix E: Motivation tO Achieve Scale ............................................................. 170 Appendix F: Measure of Social Change for Adolescents ....................................... 171 Appendix G: Student Evaluation Form .................................................................. 174 Appendix H: Youth Informed Assent ..................................................................... 175 Appendix 1: Parent Guardian Informed Consent .................................................... 176 REFERENCES ...................................................................................................................... 177 xi 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 LIST OF FIGURES Page Critical Aspects of Education for Self-Reliance ...................................... 152 Project EXCEL Logic Model: Research & Evaluation Plan ................... 153 General Conceptual Model ...................................................................... 154 Hypothesis IA .......................................................................................... 155 Hypothesis IB ........................................................................................... 156 Hypothesis II ............................................................................................ 157 Observed Growth Trajectories for Total Racial Identity By Condition .............................................................................................. 86 Observed Growth Trajectories for Affirmation and Belonging by Condition ............................................................................. 89 Observed Growth Trajectories for Ethnic Identity Achievement by Condition ........................................................................ 92 Observed Growth Trajectories for Ethnic Behaviors by Condition ............................................................................................... 95 Observed Growth Trajectories for Communal Worldview by Condition ........................................................................... 98 Observed Growth Trajectories for Individualism (Self-Reliance with Competition) by Condition ...................................... 100 Observed Growth Trajectories for Sense Of School Membership by Condition ....................................................................... 103 Observed Growth Trajectories for Motivation to Achieve by Condition ............................................................................................ 106 Observed Growth Trajectories for Grade by Condition ........................... 109 Observed Growth Trajectories for Total Social Change by Condition ....111 xii Table 10 11 12 13 14 15 LIST OF TABLES Page Demographic Information ........................................................................ 159 Internal Consistencies for Outcome Measures ........................................ 160 Promax Rotated Factor Matrix Forcing 2 Factors on Communal World View Scale (COMM) ................................................. 161 Summary of One-way ANOVAs Between Experimental and Control Groups at Time 1 ................................................................. 162 Summary Of One-way ANOVAs for Student Participants that Attrited Before Time 2 ..................................................................... 163 Correlation Matrix Between Major Variables at Time 1 (N=65) ...................................................................................................... 164 Comparisons of Growth Trajectory Models for Total Racial Identity (MEIM) ......................................................................................... 85 Coefficients for Growth Trajectory Model of Total Racial Identity (MEIM) ........................................................................................ 85 Comparisons of Growth Trajectory Models for Affirmation & Belonging (MEIMI) .................................................................................. 88 Coefficients for Growth Trajectory Model Of Affirmation & Belonging (MEIMI) .................................................................................. 88 Comparison Of Growth Trajectory Models for Ethnic Identity Achievement (MEIM2) .............................................................................. 91 Coefficients for Growth Trajectory Model of Ethnic Identity Achievement (MEIM2) .............................................................................. 91 Comparison of Growth Trajectory Models for Ethnic Behaviors (MEIM3) .................................................................................................... 94 Coefficients for Growth Trajectory Model of Ethnic Behaviors (MEIM3) ..................................................................................................... 94 Comparison of Growth Trajectory Models for Communal World-View (COMMl) ............................................................................. 97 xiii *—-<1 {.3 J: (D l. 30 M b- 39 Table 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 Page Coefficients for Growth Trajectory Model of Communal World-View (COMMI) ............................................................................. 97 Comparison Of Growth Trajectory Models Individualism (Self-Reliance with Competition) (COMM2) ............................................ 99 Coefficients for Growth Trajectory Model Of Individualism (Self-Reliance with Competition) (COMM2) .......................................... 100 Comparison of Growth Trajectory Models for Sense Of School Membership (PSSM) ................................................................... 102 Coefficients for Growth Trajectory Model of Sense Of School Membership (PSSM) ................................................................... 102 Comparison of Growth Trajectory Model of Motivation to Achieve (MTA) ........................................................................................ 105 Coefficients for Growth Trajectory Model of Motivation to Achieve (MTA) ........................................................................................ 106 Comparison of Growth Trajectory Models for Grade ............................. 108 Coefficients for Growth Trajectory Model of Grade ............................... 108 Comparison Of Growth Trajectory Models of Total Social Change (MOSC) ...................................................................................... 110 Coeflicients for Growth Trajectory Model of Total Social Change ..................................................................................................... 111 Coefficients for Growth Trajectory Model of Motivation to Achieve, testing the mediation Of Communal Worldview ...................... 114 Coefficients for Growth Trajectory Model of Total Social Change Involvement, testing the mediation of Communal Worldview ............................................................................................... 114 Coefficients for Growth Trajectory Model Of Motivation to Achieve, testing the mediation Of Individualism Self-Reliance with Competition ............................................................... 116 xiv 3O 31 32 Coefficients for Growth Trajectory Model of Total Social Change Involvement, testing the mediation Of Individualism Self-Reliance with Competition ............................................................... 116 Coefficients for Growth Trajectory Model of Motivation to Achieve, testing the mediation of School Connectedness ....................... 1 17 Coefficients for Growth Trajectory Model Of Total Social Change Involvement, testing the mediation of School Connectedness .......................................................................................... 1 18 XV I03 personal 2.1:: These posit- beharioral ‘- m‘rt not or. .‘.‘. damage c efTCClit'e mnomi $3338 of minstr: INTRODUCTION For many youth in the United States, adolescence is a turning point in their personal and educational lives as a number of positive and negative changes transpire. These positive and negative changes can significantly impact the psychological and behavioral well-being Of adolescents. However, for African American adolescents who must not only cope with adolescent related stressors, but who must also negotiate the challenge Of living in a racially hostile context where their strengths, abilities, and culture are Ofien ignored, many Of these negative psychological and behavioral outcomes are exacerbated. Research has found that formal education is one of the most powerful mediums for counteracting and transforming many of these social ills, and thus is one of the most effective places to intervene with youth. Schooling has the potential to shape social attitudes, cultural norms, mores, and values while maximizing access to occupational, economic, and social success (Watson, Modgil & Modgil, 1997). However, after forty years Of legal civil rights and twenty years of proposed reform, the current traditional mainstream education system has still neglected to promote Black psychological and behavioral well-being by failing to infuse Black culture into the curriculum. Educators in traditional mainstream educational settings rarely present information in a manner that is culturally relevant for Black students. Furthermore, racial bias in instructional materials is still a monumental and pervasive problem and curricular offerings still restrict the cultural experiences in the school to a single, dominant culture (Hilliard, Payton-Stewart, Williams, 1990; Sims, 1978; Tate, Ladson-Bilings & Grant, 1993; Woodson, 1990). For this re. African A: 0:. youth is c." education" from the cf The goal 0 hwfim: and trainin schools rc' smdguliz Elliuestio from thes health-re al 11mm 5 5000le OPDOT‘U peg-“IV: men. For this reason, it is important to consider additional processes that might promote African American adolescent well-being. One such process that has been theorized to positively affect African American youth is emancipatory education. Emancipatory education literally means “fi'eedom education” and refers to a process Of training that aims to empower and liberate Black people from the effects of racist ideologies and social institutions that exist in contemporary society. The goal of this type Of education is to connect African American culture with Africa through the introduction and infusion of African cultural approaches into the curriculum and training. Statistical data from African American independent (private) emancipatory schools reveal that most students in these schools perform well above the norm on standardized college preparatory tests well before high school graduation and have high graduation and collegiate enrollment rates (Ratteray, 1992). Furthermore, many alumni from these educational environments report job-seeking behavior in the medical or health-related fields, and in the field of business administration or management. These alumni similarly report a number Of positive characteristics about these emancipatory schools, namely, academic curricula, a family-like school climate, bonds with teachers, small student body, and the affirmation Of African American culture in the school (Ratteray, 1992). This research demonstrates that emancipatory education has countless Opportunities to Offer Afi'ican American youth and can thus help them to achieve limitless positive outcomes. However, in spite Of the vast Opportunities and positive outcomes that African American youth can receive from emancipatory education, there are some drawbacks to having such institutions run independently. Some Of the drawbacks include lack of funding, centralizing leadership in a “star” individual or elite group, and inability to involve large numbers of students because Of lack Of resources (Lee, 1992). As a result, few Black youth today benefit from the services of existing Afrocentric/Emancipatory education institutions relative tO the number of African American youth living in America. Because a large majority of African American youth spend 30 to 40 percent of their life in the traditional mainstream school system from about age five to sixteen years (Harvey, 1984), it is critical that efforts be taken to implement emancipatory education into the traditional mainstream (public) school system in a way that can be beneficial and successful for all Of those involved. Some researchers have developed and implemented emancipatory interventions into the mainstream school system and have demonstrated success by way of quantitative and qualitative data gathering techniques (Oyserman & Bybee, 2001; Watts & Abdul-Adil, 1997). However, few school-based interventions in mainstream schools, or independent emancipatory education programs, have been rigorously evaluated or experimentally tested. Furthermore, none of the existing school- based interventions in mainstream schools have included the cooperation of on-site teachers as facilitators of the intervention. The proposed study attempted to address these deficits. The present research employed an experimental design to implement and evaluate a school-based emancipatory intervention designed tO enhance the psychological and behavioral well-being of African American adolescents. Using a promising education framework drawn from elements of East African Ujamaa philosophy and practice, the intervention was provided to a randomly selected group of student participants in traditional mainstream education to test the following hypotheses: (13) (1b) (2) The intervention will enhance individuals’ psychological well-being including positive racial identity, communal world view and sense of school connectedness. These indicators Of psychological well-being will be enhanced both during and after student participation in the intervention. The intervention will enhance individuals’ behavioral well-being including higher motivation to achieve and social change involvement. These indicators Of behavioral well-being will be enhanced both during and after student participation in the intervention. Enhanced psychological well-being will lead to enhanced behavioral well-being over time, including school achievement, and higher order social change involvement. Adolescents in America In the United States, adolescence is a turning point in the personal and educational lives of youth. For many students, it is the commencement of a number of positive changes including self-reflection, identity exploration, emergence Of a more complete self-concept, and the development of attitudes and styles of behavior in social domains. These positive changes can lead to new intellectual interests, more self-regulated learning, commitment to education, and the formation of vocational plans and life aspirations (Foumet, Wilson & Wallander, 1998; Goodenow, 1993). For many others, adolescence may bring more negative educational changes including increased anxiety about school performance, social comparison as a basis for assessing ability, confusion about the causes Of one’s academic outcomes, declines in intrinsic motivation and declines in self-concept of ability in some subjects (Goodenow, 1993), as particularly high frequencies of potentially stressful life events take effect-~biological changes, environmental transitions, and psychosocial changes in relationship with parents and significant others (Zimmerman, Ramirez-Valles, Zapert & Maton, 2000). Research literature suggests that these positive and negative life-changing events can significantly impact the psychological and behavioral well-being Of adolescents, particularly as it pertains to their educational lives. However, for African American adolescents who must not only cope with adolescent related stressors, but who must also negotiate the challenge of living in a racially hostile context—where persistent exposure to racism and Oppression are recurrent in their environment—many of these negative psychological and behavioral outcomes are exacerbated. ll their deli. of strong: indii'itlua'. F strengthc ._ African A: rise to dis: socialized ilell'ltirrrizc group. res-c PTO-loundlt PSYCEOlOg conneCch l-lullis. 1‘ In SCliool Chm-big: S\I"Il ll; ‘U, More, 1 Much of the research literature on African American adolescents has focused on their deficits rather than their strengths. African American adolescents have a multitude of strengths and abilities, and develop into well-functioning, healthy and productive individuals when systems recognize their vast abilities, their culture, and draw upon these strengths while incorporating them into the education process (Hale-Benson, 1986). Afiican Americans grow up in a distinct culture that has its roots in Africa. This gives rise to distinctive learning and expressive styles. However, when Black youth are socialized to devalue the experiences of their own culture and equally ignore or ilegitimize the historical and contemporary significance of issues facing their own ethnic group, research suggests that their psychological and behavioral well-being is Often profoundly affected (Baldwin, Duncan & Bell, 1987; Hudley, 1997; Lewis, 2001). Psychologically, their racial identity, communal world-view and sense of school connectedness Often fail to be lified (Baldwin, Harris & Chambliss, 1997; Chapman & Mullis, 2000; Grant, O’Koon, Davis, Roache, Poindexter, Armstrong, Minden, & McIntosh, 2000; Miller, 1999; Petersen, Compas, Brooks-Gunn, Stemmler, Ey, & Grant, 1993; Stevenson, Reed, Bodison, Bishop, 1997). In turn, behaviorally, their achievement in school and social change involvement often fail to increase (Baldwin, Harris & Chambliss, 1997; Centers & Weist, 1998; Farrell, Danish & Howard, 1992; Fry & Schiraldi, 1992; Gardner & Talbert-Johnson, 2000; Green, 2000; Hemmings, 1996; Miller, 1992 as cited in Boddie, 1997; Williams, Ayers, Abbott, Hawkins, & Catalano, 1996; Williams, Stiffman, & O’Neal, 1998). Historical factors have helped shape many Of these present conditions affecting African American adolescents today. Historical Factors Affectigg African American Adolescents Today It has been historically documented that Africans were heirs to oral traditions (Wood, 1974) and worked to retain, within their families and among their ethnic groups, the significant spoken forms of their African history and culture (e.g., recollections, legends, tales, songs, religious beliefs, customs, sayings, and humor). Maintenance of these oral traditions was important in educating, socializing and strengthening the collective experience of Africans by reconnecting them with their cultural past (Courlander, 1996). This process was challenged during the fifteenth century when European settlers brought the largest percentage of first-generation Africans to North America fi'om the Western region of Afiica (Wood, 1974). Both families and ethnic group communities were scattered throughout the “New World” and separated from other Africans speaking similar dialects. To bolster their economic development, European settlers enslaved these Africans’ and segregated them from other Africans to prevent communication, which the Europeans feared might result in resistance and possible escape (Higgenbotham, 1978‘; Wood, 1974). Despite these challenges, enslaved Africans developed their own common dialect and re-established communication and oral preservation of their African traditions, viewpoints, concepts, and ways of doing things. They also became motivated to read because education was a representation of freedom. A number Of Blacks were triumphant at this task even in the face of torture or death should they be caught (Wood, 1974). However, this process of education remained difficult to achieve for a large percentage of enslaved Africans (Higginbotham, 1987; Marable, 1995; Wood, 1974)--many of whom were killed trying to ’ Throughout the text, the term African will be used to describe first generation peoples from Africa. achieve it and numerous others who never had the opportunity to experience it (Higginbotham, 1987; Marable, 1995; Wood, 1974). Still, 100 years after the end Of the Civil War in 1865, belief in the inherent inferiority Of African Americans made White Americans reluctant to share public spaces (such as schools) or to view Blacks as equals. These philosophical orientations continued well into the twentieth century through segregation, Jim Crowism, and racism in the United States. Consistent with these social and cultural mores of the nation, the Supreme Court upheld and promoted legal rulings Of separate but equal, which were first rendered in 1896 as a result of the Plessy vs. Ferguson case to uphold Louisiana’s separate railroad cars (Fleming, 1976; Tate, Ladson-Billings & Grant, 1993). These legal practices infiltrated the school system, allowing Blacks to be educated, but only in schools separate from Whites. This inherent discrimination was further complicated by the inferior conditions of Black segregated schools which often existed at an economic base at or below poverty level with crumpling infrastructures and little resources for youth to excel (Tate, Ladson-Billings & Grant, 1993). This inherent inferiority sparked many changes. In the 19503 leaders of the Civil Rights and Black Power movement fought to ignite the beginning of integrated schools. The National Association for the Advancement Of Colored People (NAACP), along with the support of lawyers, scientists and psychologists finally went to the Supreme Court in the Brown vs. Board Of Education case, to have the court unanimously overturn Plessy vs. Ferguson (Robinson, 1976). With their contention that segregation was damaging to Black children, the NAACP had the court announce that “separate educational facilities were inherently unequal” (Robinson, 1976). This 1954 decision to integrate schools marked the beginning of attempted equal access to schooling. However, curriculum and training did not reflect this integration. At the time of the 1954 Brown decision, the cultural ethos and sociopolitical climate had not changed radically from the time of Plessy v. Ferguson and the doctrine of “separate but equal.” Brown was perceived as a threat to many Whites because of its widespread and social implications (Miller, 1995). Furthermore, the Supreme Court seemed to view Brown as an opportunity to institutionalize the cultural assimilation function of the public schools, according to Tate, Ladson-Billings and Grant (1993). More specifically, the Supreme Court Justices wanted to help African-American and other disenfranchised and undereducated groups fit into the present sociopolitical structure. By looking at the sociO-cultural reality Of Afiican American students— consigned to substandard, ill-equipped schools—the Supreme Court proposed that by physically altering the students’ school environment, the problems of inequality would be addressed (Miller, 1995; Tate, Ladson—Billings & Grant, 1993). While this change strategy was instrumental in bringing about significant advances in the social structure for Black youth (e.g., access to educational opportunities), it fell short in integrating the educational materials and providing a culturally enriching educational experience for Blacks to uplift their well being. This disparity remains still today for African American youth in the traditional mainstream education system where Black well-being continues to be negatively affected. Relationship Betweenflrditional Mainstream Educfin And African American Adolescent Well-beig While much has been done in the past to reform oppressive institutions, considerable disparities remain today for African American youth. Research has found thn t'onna. transformir, I shape 50¢in occupation: I that forty .‘ traditional 1: Am: F9383! state le5. H0; Sizemore. 1c “segregate Orly bl Shar same ed UL‘JZ Blafl; Smile: afim’afil) It 3335131115 q; det‘l. F WMna] an members in “Edi“ 1 “’11: A“ Incorpo‘fi-I r34- \i he- ,_ ‘ CQUT ‘ 1. a1“ that formal education is one of the single most powerful mediums for counteracting and transforming many of these social ills (Shujaa, 1994). Schooling has the potential to shape social attitudes, cultural norms, mores and values while maximizing access to occupational, economic and social success (Watson, Modgil & Modgil, 1997). However, after forty years of legal civil rights and twenty years Of proposed reform, the current traditional mainstream education system is still failing its African American youth. Ample evidence suggests that there are unique complications regarding the present state of traditional mainstream education for Black youth in the United States (Banks, Hogue, Timberlake & Liddle, 1996; Beck & Muia, 1980; Freeman, 1997; Sizemore, 1973). Equating quality schooling for Afi'ican-Americans with the process Of desegregation has led many Blacks and Whites to believe that equal treatment comes only by sharing educational space, taking the same educational classes, and using the same educational materials (Tate, Ladson-Billings & Grant, 1993). However, in this case Black students often do not experience a curriculum that celebrates their culture, that accurately tells Of their ethnic group’s deeds and contributions to society, that challenges the status quo or that questions oppressive systemic structures (second order social change). Furthermore, they often do not experience a curriculum that promotes their personal and ethnic group’s membership by accepting and affirming Blacks as full members in American society (Sims, 1978; Tate, Ladson-Billings & Grant, 1993; Woodson, 1990). While some traditional mainstream school textbooks and teachings have incorporated the history of Black slavery, prominent activists who fought for Black freedom, and ethnic holidays, many contemporary curricular offerings still restrict the 10 - «A "3.! (I cultural CR 1090; “or include the that cultur c axs'areness behaviors. : songs. reco particular g patterns for “it [TadIIZOan j mainstream .3 . ‘ M3393 ret‘. edUCaziODa cultural experiences in the school to a single majority European culture (Hilliard et al., 1990; Woodson, 1990). Despite the reorganization of school textbooks and teachings tO include the aforementioned themes, Hilliard, Payton-Stewart and Williams (1990) argued that culture is not simply a compilation of ethnic heroes and holidays, nor is it only an awareness of other people’s music and dance. Rather, culture is the vast structure of behaviors, ideas, attitudes, values, habits, beliefs, customs, traditions, language, rituals, songs, recollections, sayings, tales, legends, ceremonies, and practices unique to a particular group Of people which provides them with a general design for living and patterns for interpreting reality (Shujaa, 1994). With the frequent exclusion of African and African American culture from traditional mainstream education, Black youth in these environments are often taught little of their cultural past, history, traditions and how they came to be part of present-day United States. This attempt to help Black youth function more effectively within a mainstream system has caused them to often experience a segregated curriculum that is largely reflective of mainstream White cultural standards (Miller, 1995; Tate, Ladson- Billings & Grant, 1993). Furthermore, by equating quality schooling with sharing educational space, and failing to provide a verbal interpretation of the desegregation model to the general public, the Supreme Court, in 1954, left individual school districts free to develop educational responses that have often failed tO address the needs Of Afiican American students. For example, most public schools continued teaching from a strictly Eurocentric perspective and frame Of reference while failing to incorporate African American history and culture in the curriculum or the histories and cultures Of other ethnic groups. Those schools that did attempt to incorporate multicultural ll perspectir slanting ll: history he .. Therefore. inionnatir academics. throughout omir ing :1 not to loft: greatness. T‘ Centur} } educatio [hill his perspectives in the curriculum did so by perpetuating myths, and distorting and/or slanting factual information. For instance, text-books and lessons in African American history began with American slavery, instead of with the genesis Of civilization in Africa. Therefore, Afiican Americans were considered the descendants only of slaves, not Of kings and queens (Vann & Kunjufu, 1993). Textbooks also included volumes Of information only about the achievements of Americans of European descent in academics, medicine, business, and politics and their outstanding contributions throughout the world by means Of innovations, creativity, hard work, and suffering. By omitting the achievements of African Americans in history, Black students were taught not to inherit this legacy of excellence or the idea that they too were capable of achieving greatness. The striking similarities between the conditions of 1954 and those in the 21St century have resulted in negative consequences for Black youth in traditional mainstream education environments. African American well-being is one important characteristic that has been affected by traditional mainstream education. Afiican Americakn Well-Belg A disproportionate number Of African American youth experience disaffection fi'om the traditional mainstream education system, and then struggle to adjust to life in a society where social support is minimal and racial disparities are great. Often this affects their well-being. Researchers have found that educators in traditional mainstream educational settings rarely present information in a manner that is culturally relevant for Black students (Tate, Ladson-Billings & Grant, 1993). As a result, African Americans 12 frequent} can llfifl’d. b l | cultural e P> -—-— alienation concept. s (Sims. 1 of Africa: PSFCIIOIO ~_‘ (Haney. l lagers & ’\ African Ar frequently absorb little of the information and experiences that educators provide, which can negatively affect their psychological and behavioral outcomes. Psychological Well-Being. The damaging psychological results of restricting the cultural experiences in the school to a single, dominant culture include educational alienation (disconnectedness), the weakening Of racial identity and collective self concept, stress, depression and vulnerability for many African American students (Sims, 1978). In the present study the most salient indicators (as cited in the literature) Of African American adolescent psychological well-being are discussed. Accordingly, psychological well-being has been conceptualized in terms of (1) positive racial identity (Harvey, 1984; Sellars, 1998; Shujaa, 1994); (2) communal world-view (Boykin, 1986; Jagers & Mock, 1993), and (3) school connectedness (Goodenow, 1993; Kagan, 1990) in African American adolescents. Both empirical research (Lewis, 2000) and literature (Harvey, 1984; Sellars, 1998; Shujaa, 1994) have documented that traditional mainstream education has played a significant role in neglecting its responsibility to promote: (1) positive Black racial identity, (2) communal world-views, and (3) school connectedness in African American adolescents. To thoroughly understand how each salient component of psychological well-being is affected by traditional mainstream education it is important to concurrently recognize the theoretical and empirical research that has examined each of these important areas. Following is a discussion of such. Racial identity. Racial Identity refers to the beliefs that one has regarding the significance and meaning of race and how one defines oneself or ascribes (affiliates) to membership in that racial group (Sellars, 1998). Knowing one’s culture is a necessary 13 foundation for positive racial identity development (Tatum, 1992; Trueba, 1988; Washington, 1989) and is among the foremost tasks of adolescence. However, traditional mainstream education systems have been less active in infusing Black culture into curriculum and instruction, and promoting positive images of Black people (Hilliard, 1990; Tate, Ladson-Billings & Grant, 1993; Woodson, 1990). This has significantly impacted the way many Black youth see themselves and how they relate to their Black group, particularly adolescents who are at a stage of development characterized by the search for identity and acceptance (Nottingham, Rosen & Parks, 1992; Polite, 1994; Swanson & Spencer, 1991). These interpretations are supported by the research Of Hemmings (1996), which suggest that many Black students, especially middle and high school students, purposely reject formal schooling because their identities as members of a marginal or oppressed group are routinely challenged in mainstream schools. There have been few other empirical studies that have examined the relationship between educational environment and racial identity as it pertains to adolescents. However, Nottingham, Rosen and Parks (1992) examined educational environment as a predictor of racial identity among college- age students. They found that Black students attending predominantly White universities were less likely to espouse feelings Of inner security and self-confidence with being Black, than were Black individuals attending predominantly African American universities. The researcher concluded that these findings may have been attributed to the incongruence reflected in the treatment, real and perceived, that Black students received from teachers and school administrators in predominantly White university settings. 14 3i, An earlier study by Baldwin, Duncan, and Bell (1987) found similar findings. They, too, looked at a college-age sample and found that students from predominantly Black universities exhibited a higher degree of Black identity than did students from predominantly White universities. They concluded that that these findings may have been attributed to the notion that predominantly Black academic settings may have a more intrinsic Afrocentric reinforcement than non-Black settings and thus positively influence Black identity more so than White settings. While researchers from both of these studies found significant differences in racial identity attitudes for African American students from two different educational environments, their research was limited to school racial make-up and did not take into account how exposure to Black culture in the curriculum can also influence racial identity. Furthermore, both of these studies surveyed college-age students. Their results may not be generalizable to adolescence, one of the most salient periods of racial identity development (Smith & Brookins, 1997). Addressing the gaps in this research may contribute to our understanding of education models that provide the missing link for Afiican American success. In terms of Black racial identity development theory, Clark & Clark (1939a, 1939b) conducted some of the earliest work on racial identity with youth by examining the racial orientation of preschool children using projective techniques. By examining how often African American children associated positive images with a White doll or picture and negative images with Black dolls, the Clarks concluded that racial prejudice and discrimination in the United States affected the ethnic/personal identity of African American children (as cited by Smith & Brookins, 1997). However, these findings did 15 not consider the diversity or complexion among African American children, nor did they take into account the race of the interviewer, which may have elicited socially desirable responses from the children. Moreover, this study did not consider the effects of the child’s age upon racial preference and identification or the fact that Black dolls were novel at the time. Hence, findings must be interpreted with caution. Later work using similar techniques with dolls, pictures, or objects contributed further to the early racial identity literature. Specifically, Clark, Clark, and Goodman (1952) found that Black children in interracial settings preferred White represented Objects. Gregor and McPherson (1966) found that Southern, urban Black children between the ages of 6 and 7 years generally preferred Black dolls. Johnson (1966) found that youth with a mean age of 12 in a Harlem freedom school rated Black equal to White, suggesting that not all Blacks have negative self attitudes. Hraba and Grant (1970) found that the majority of Black children (4-8 years) sampled from an interracial setting in Lincoln, Nebraska preferred the Black dolls and the majority of the White children preferred the White dolls. Perhaps this variation in findings was attributed to the participating child’s age or environmental factors. Later work by Cross (1974) and McAdOO (1974) supported this notion that racial identity development is influenced by the child’s age and environment. They also challenged the self-hatred theory (‘if a child picks up the Caucasian doll as the prettiest doll, then he or she hates the other pretty doll, and ultimately must hate him-or herself ’; McAdOO, 1985, p215)—-which Black child researchers in the past had interpreted to be true. Because the data of past researchers (like Clark & Clark; 1939a, 1939b) had not been supported by the direct linear relationship between race attitude and self-concept, l6 the existence Of a curvilinear or compartmentalization relationship between the two variables was hypothesized (Cross, 1974; McAdoo, 1974). Using a number of self- concept and racial group attitude scales and techniques longitudinally with children across three different demographic areas—an all Black rural Mississippi town, a racially mixed urban Michigan setting and a mid-Atlantic urban predominately Black setting— McAdOO (1985) found that children’s feelings Of self-worth were not related to their evaluation Of their own ethnic group. Instead, McAdOO found that (1) Black children develop more positive attitudes toward their own group over a period Of time; and (2) the more supportive environmental changes are, the more developmental changes increase and the more children will be able to place a positive evaluation on their own ethnic group. The works of Cross (1974) and McAdoo (1974) were in line with the earlier research Of Banks (1976), which similarly found that Blacks did not exhibit levels of initial self-hatred, but rather ambivalence until the age of 9 years Old. As a result Of these findings, Banks questioned if African American children had ever rejected their racial group as suggested by Clark and Clark’s (1939a, 1939b) findings. He argued that patterns of social choices by African American children did not indicate a preference to favor or be ashamed of any group (e.g. Black or White) at a rate greater than expected by chance. Furthermore, Banks (1976) argued that increases in African American youth racial identity may have resulted from the Civil Rights Movement and the “Black is Beautiful” era (Smith & Brookins, 1997). From a multidimensional perspective, there has been a great deal of work examining Black racial identity within the African American adult community (Cross, 17 Will. I” Thomas. multidix‘. mans ot' 193% 1. Hraba 8: recognize earlier th; and rese: multidir “Niel \ from P: Chi'act 1978, 1999; Parham & Helms, 1981; Sellars, Rowledy, Chavous, Shelton & Smith, 1997; Thomas, 1970). However, much less of this research has focused on the multidimensionality of developmental racial identity within adolescent populations. Like many of the earlier Black child identity theorists and researchers (Banks, 1976; Clark, 1939a, 1939b; Clark, Clark & Goodman, 1952; Cross, 1974; Gregor & McPherson, 1968; Hraba & Grant, 1970; Johnson, 1966; McAdOO, 1974), Howard Stevenson (1995) also recognized and tested the view that struggles of racial identity development begin much earlier than late adolescence or young adulthood, as proposed by adult identity theorists and researchers. In trying to capture the essence Of adolescent racial identity development within a multidimensional model, Stevenson examined Parham and Helms’ (1989) Nigrescence model which operationalizes racial identity into a four stage process Of becoming Black-- from Pre-Encounter, Encounter, Immersion-Emersion to Intemalization. Pre-encounter is characterized by individuals who view the world from a non-Black or anti-Black perspective, and have a worldview that is dominated by Euro-American values. Encounter is defined by an encounter or some shocking personal or social event (e.g., the death Of Martin Luther King, Jr.) that an individual experiences, which temporarily dislodges the person from his/her old worldview, leading to him/her rejecting the previous identification with White culture and identifying with Black culture. Immersion-Emersion, is characterized by the vortex of psychological metamorphosis (the period of transition in which the struggle to destroy all vestigates of the “old” perspective occurs simultaneously with an equally intense concern to clarify the personal implications Of the “new” frame Of references. It is divided into two phases: (a) 18 immersion into Blackness and (b) emersion from racist, oversimplified aspects of the immersion experience. This stage depicts a person as completely immersed in Black culture and who denigrates White culture. Intemalization signals the resolution Of conflicts between the “Old” and the “new” worldviews. People in this stage are able to transcend racism while fully embracing Black culture. They are psychologically Open, self-confident about their Blackness, and able to renegotiate friendships with Whites. Stevenson tested the appropriateness of the Nigrescence model with an adolescent population using the Racial Identity Attitude Scale (RIAS) also developed by Parham & Helms (1981). While Stevenson (1995) found three meaningful factors (Pre-Encounter, Immersion and Intemalization), which emerged from testing the RIAS with African American adolescents, and demonstrated that adolescence is an important period for the spawning of Nigrescence, each Of the factors demonstrated only moderate alpha coefficients. Furthermore, research on the Ni grescence model and RIAS scale has not yet been widely tested within the African American adolescent community. Hence, findings must be interpreted with caution. In contrast, Phinney (1992) created one of the only adolescent models of racial identity development specifically for adolescents of color. Like Stevenson (1995) and many Of the earlier Black child identity theorists and researchers (Banks, 1976; Clark, 1939a, 1939b; Clark, Clark & Goodman, 1952; Cross, 1974; Gregor & McPherson, 1966; Hraba & Grant, 1970; Johnson, 1966; McAdoo, 1974), Phinney also recognized that racial identity is Of particular importance during adolescence. However, Phinney conceptualized racial identity in terms of the following components: (1) Self- Identification and Ethnicity, characterized by the ethnic label that one uses for oneself; l9 (2) Ethnic Behaviors and Practices, characterized by involvement in social activities with members of one’s group and participation in cultural traditions; (3) Affirmation and Belonging, characterized by feelings of belonging to an ethnic group and attitudes toward the group; and (4) Ethnic Identity Achievement, characterized by an exploration of the meaning Of one’s ethnicity (e. g., history and traditions) that lead to a secure sense Of oneself as a member Of a minority group. TO quantify the construct of racial identity development within her conceptual model, Phinney (1992) operationalized her theory into a measure, which she entitled the Multi-group Ethnic Identity Measure (MEIM). Factor analytic procedures for this 14-item scale revealed a single-factor solution with three intercorrelated components of racial identity: Affirmation/ Belonging, Ethnic Identity Achievement, and Ethnic Behaviors each with high to moderately high alpha coefficients. Not only has this scale been widely used in numerous studies with Black adolescents, but its overarching model is nationally acclaimed by social science researchers focusing on adolescents (Mayer-Lee, 1999; Velez, 1995). Communal World- View. Communal world-view refers to the attitudes and beliefs that one has regarding the significance and meaning Of communal world experiences and how one defines oneself in relation to one’s community. Within this dynamic process, the fimdamental interdependence of people emerges and a collective (“We”) view of the self is formed (Boykin, 1986; Boykin & Bailey, 2000; McCombs, 1996). Similarly, the individual (“I”) view of the self recedes. This awareness of the fundamental interdependence of people is social rather than directed towards Obj ects and has an overriding emphasis on social bonds and social relationships (Boykin, 1986; Jagers & Mock, 1993). One acts in accordance with the notion that duty to one’s social group is ‘20 more important than individual rights and privileges. Consequently, one’s character is tied to group membership and social interconnectedness rather than to individual status and possessions. Sharing is promoted because it confirms the importance of social inter- connectedness. Self—centeredness, greed/possessive individualism, egalitarian-based conformity, and person/object relations are frowned upon (J agers & Mock, 1993). This communal world view is particularly important to the psychological well- being Of Afiican Americans who originate from a strongly influenced Western African culture that has its roots in collective interpretations of experience and adjustment centered on the social group—the “We”. This collectivistic ethic facilitates mutual affection, respect between Afiican American men and women, development of a morality Of care for Afiican American young people and development of overall behavioral well- being (Humphries, Park, & Jagers, 2000; Ward, 1995). However, traditional mainstream education and other US. socializing mainstream institutions are highly influenced by European American culture, which favors a competitive individual interpretation of experience whereby adj ustrnent centers on the individual—the “I”—and the welfare Of oneself (Gaines, 1994). This competitive individual cultural interpretation is infused into the curriculum and instruction in most traditional mainstream schools; and perpetuates a kind of double consciousness in many Black youth schooling in these institutions as they attempt to maneuver through the rules and culture of a White organizational structure, without losing the improvisational skills that are the heart of their Afiican American experience (Jones, 1997). Often, this social limitation generates within Afiican Americans the co-existence of communalism and rugged Black competitive individualism, which coupled can harbor self-and-other 21 destructive behaviors within the Afiican American adolescent community. The co- existence of this collective and competitive individual world view may explain why many Africans, according to Jones (1997), are surprised when they don’t see African Americans exhibiting the same kind of supportive communalism that they themselves have. These interpretations are supported by the research Of J agers and Mock (1993), which suggest that Afiican American inner-city adolescents functioning in an environment reflective of systematic disenfranchisement from mainstream American society, do resonate closely with an expression of communalism while also endorsing expressions of individualism. There have been few other like empirical studies that have examined the relationship between educational environment and communal world-view as it pertains to adolescents. However, McCombs (1996) examined the individual/collective world-view of Afiican American college-age students attending predominately White institutions and found that Blacks spending a significant amount of time in traditional mainstream environments experienced a schism in individual and collective experiences—disassociation between the “I” and the “we”, and were more likely to endorse expressions of individualism. The researcher concluded that these findings may have been attributed to culture related stress which often accompanies the effort to maintain traditional collective values while striving for the individual goals perceived necessary for success in a competitive individualistic system. From the perspective of African American children functioning in an environment reflective of communal learning and socialization practices, Boykin and Bailey (2000) similarly found that the more African American children perceived the cultivation of 22 communal beliefs and behaviors, the more they personally endorsed orientations toward- Or learning preferences for-communalism. Essentially, researchers of this study and those aforementioned, concluded that the more children encounter communal socialization experiences, the more they will also endorse attitudes, preferences, or learning orientations reflecting this cultural theme in the absence of competitive individual interpretations. More research is needed in this important area on African American adolescent pOpulations. Sense of School Connectedness. School connectedness refers to the extent to which one feels personally accepted, respected, valued, included, supported and encouraged by others—especially peers, teachers and other adults in the school social environment (Goodenow & Grady, 1993). School connectedness also refers to the extent to which one feels oneself to be an important part of the life and activity Of the classroom setting. Having increased personal contact, open communication, and high expectations from teachers, positive and supportive peer interactions, and interactive learning, are necessary foundations for the development of positive school connectedness (Goodenow, 1993; Kagan, 1990). Having a sense of school connectedness has been shown to significantly influence academic motivation to achieve and other salient components Of behavioral well-being (Arroyo & Zigler, 1995; Goodnow & Grady, 1993; Kagan, 1990; Senior & Anderson, 1993). School connectedness stems from a need for belonging, social support, and acceptance which is especially prominent during early adolescence when youth begin to consider who they are and wish to be, with whom they belong, and where they intend to invest their energies and stake their futures (Goodenow, 1993). During this early 23 adolescent stage, students’ sense of personal “place” is still largely malleable and susceptible to positive and negative influence, which makes students social integration in schools and classes an especially important concern at this time in their lives (Goodenow, 1993). However, youth who feel that they don’t “fit in” at school, see themselves as outside the mainstream of the school culture in some way, or are socially isolated from other students and school adults, are more likely to lack a sense of school connectedness and/or disengage from school entirely. This notion is of critical importance for Afiican American youth in traditional mainstream schools where significantly less emphasis is placed on effectively establishing Black students’ sense of school connectedness. In order for African American students to feel as though: they have a “place” in the classroom, that they “fit in” the school, and that they can see themselves as a part of the school culture, it is important for Black youth to see themselves in the curriculum and to experience an education that celebrates their culture and accurately tells Of their ethnic group’s deeds and contributions to society (Tate, Ladson-Billings & Grant, 1993). Essentially, they must not feel like guests in their own classroom. Failure to infuse Black culture into the curriculum has helped to maximize school dis-connect for Afiican American adolescents’ in traditional mainstream schools. The consequences of exclusion from educational materials, Ofien leads to feelings of alienation and chronic school failure (Polite, 1994). These interpretations are supported by the research and theoretical modeling of Finn, (1989), which suggest that unless adolescent students identify with the school culture (at least to a minimal extent), feel as though they belong to the school, and believe themselves to be welcomed, respected, and valued by others there, they may begin the 24 gradual disengagement process Of which officially dropping out is only the final step. This finding is particularly salient for African American students living under oppressive mainstream conditions that can exacerbate their feelings of disconnect. Senior and Anderson (1993) similarly found that adolescent students who feel alienated (disconnected from school) are more likely to feel less motivated to achieve, achieve lower grades, become less involved in school and attend school less, hold fewer positions of responsibility and have more school behavior problems than students who feel part Of the school culture. Implications Of their findings suggest that schools need a more comprehensive understanding Of both peer groups, and the promotion of academic achievement and other positive behavioral outcomes in ways that make learning personable and acceptable among all students in their schools. Correspondingly, Goodenow and Grady, (1993) found that early adolescent students’ sense of school belonging was significantly associated with several motivation related measures to achieve in school. Implications from these findings suggest that educational intervention programs explicitly designed to foster psychological membership in a school community may be vital parts of keeping many student in school and promoting educational achievement. According to this researcher, developments in instructional methods--such as cooperative learning or reciprocal teaching, and whole- school efforts such as interdisciplinary teaching teams and homeroom advisory systems are likely to foster a sense of belonging. More such intervention research is needed in this area —namely for Afiican American adolescents--to further support this notion of school connectedness for Black students in mainstream education settings. 25 In summary, it becomes apparent that mainstream schools can serve as a major stressor and/or a source of vulnerability for African American adolescents when their social interactions are negative and their environment does not effectively cater to the needs Of Afi’ican Americans. Clark (1991) suggests that this inability to improve psychological well-being can subsequently influence school related behavioral outcomes of its students. Beflwiorgl Well-BeLng= The resulting behavioral outcomes Of poor psychological well-being stemming from the restriction of school cultural experiences to a single dominant White culture include among many others, decreasing motivation to achieve in school and actual academic achievement, decreasing interpersonal skills, decreasing group/community involvement, and conduct problems. In the present study the most salient indicators (as cited in the research literature) Of Afiican American adolescent behavioral well-being are discussed. Accordingly, behavioral well-being has been conceptualized in terms of: (1) school achievement (e.g., grades, attendance), and (2) social change involvement. To thoroughly understand how each salient component Of behavioral well-being is affected by traditional mainstream education and subsequent psychological well-being, it is important to concurrently recognize the theoretical and empirical research that has examined each Of these constructs. Following is a discussion of each. School Achievement. School achievement refers to one’s actual academic outcome performance (e.g., grades, attendance) coupled by one’s motivation to achieve in school. Motivation to achieve refers to the beliefs that one has regarding one’s ability to learn material and perform certain tasks (Pintrich & DeGrot, 1990). It is the strength 26 Of expectancy or probability of academic success and the incentive value of success at particular academic activities (Atkinson, 1964). Expressly, motivation to achieve includes students’ goals and beliefs about the importance Of and interest in certain tasks as well as their emotional reaction to these tasks (Pintrich & DeGrot, 1990). These goals, beliefs and emotional reactions to one’s ability to perform different school related tasks are vital conditions for academic achievement (Hudley, 1997). As children move into adolescence and simultaneously experience capacities to reason critically and develop more complex understandings of their individual and group identities, their intrinsic motivation to achieve is often enhanced (Hudley, 1997). Conversely, contexts experienced as exceedingly controlling tend to diminish their intrinsic motivation (Hudley, 1997). True education for Afiican American adolescents has curricula and instructional strategies (e.g., high expectations, less excessively controlled environments) that support persistence among all students while imparting both practical and theoretically significant information that actively enhances their psychological well-being and subsequent behavioral well-being. However, traditional mainstream education systems have been far less active in this regard. For instance, many such schools Operate in a climate that not only restricts the cultural experiences of learning to a single dominant White culture, but that also place: (1) less emphasis on high teacher expectations that all students can achieve (Green, 2000), and (2) greater emphasis on excessive punitive teacher control Of student’s behavior, particularly among Black youth in urban junior high school environments (Hudley, 1997). Such emphases in school climate can serve to decrease students’ intrinsic motivation in the activities presented there (Hudley, 1997). This often results in the rejection of formal schooling 27 and/or lack of motivation to achieve among Black students because their identities as members Of a marginal or oppressed group are routinely challenged in traditional mainstream schools (Hemmings, 1996). Consequently, substantial disparities exist in academic achievement between African American youth in traditional mainstream urban schools and their White peers (Boddie, 1997; Clark, 1991; Hudley, 1997; Polite, 1994). For example, the average score Of African American students at ages 9, l3 and 17 ranged from 25 to 49 points below their White counterparts in reading, mathematics and science (Green, 2000). Likewise, Black 13-year-old males, overall, in 1993 had the highest average percentage Of individuals below the grade in which most students their age enroll (Obiakor, Algozzine & Ford, 1993). Although reading scores for Blacks have risen since 1971, they remain below those of Whites students at all age levels. Writing performance for Blacks in grades 4, 8, and 11 was also consistently lower than for Whites in the same grades (Obiakor, Algozzine & Ford, 1993). Lee, Winfield, and Wilson (1991) correspondingly reported a consistent incline in the achievement gap between White and African- American students across different curricular areas (writing, science, math, social studies, and reading) for adolescents as students go through school. Several educational theorists and researchers have argued that student motivation to achieve is among the top quartile Of variables having the strongest effects on student achievement outcomes (Hudley, 1997; Kaplan & Maehr, 1996; Maehr, 2000; Pintrich & DeGrot, 1990; Weiner, 1990). Given the current statistical outcomes on academic achievement for African American youth today, heightened motivation to achieve is Of particular salience for Black adolescents in traditional mainstream educational 28 environments where little such development occurs (I-Iudley, 1997). Pintrich and DeGrot (1990) suggest that student motivation to achieve can be enhanced when proper mechanisms are put in place to raise one’s expectancy, incentive value and beliefs that one can perform certain school related tasks. “Understanding the classroom processes by which intrinsic motivation is channeled toward academic activities may also be central to the development and implementation Of academic interventions that support adolescents’ persistence with schooling” (Hudley, 1997, p308). These interpretations are supported by the research of Hudley (1997) who found that students’ interest in the curriculum provided support for student intrinsic motivation. Hudley (1997) also found that effective schools facilitate student motivation by providing an abundance of informational feedback characterized by supporting student competence and autonomy, and controlling without pressuring recipients to think and behave by rote without reflection. Thus, high levels of teacher control of behavior may not undermine students’ intrinsic motivation if the expectations are presented as guidelines for behavioral competence rather than excessive punitive, disciplinary directives to be followed without question. This is especially salient for African American youth whose academic motivation is often fostered by their perceived high behavioral expectations and discipline that is fairly enforced. Kaplan and Maehr (2000) similarly proposed that there is danger in neglecting to provide a setting for American-American students in which they can learn the competencies and strategies necessary for them to succeed in a mainstream, White- dorninated society. Motivating Black students to succeed academically and otherwise by stressing to them their need to compete with White students on the very skills in which 29 the latter have stronger backgrounds does not enhance one’s intrinsic motivation to achieve. In fact, Kaplan and Maehr (2000) noted that this approach of teaching “White” strategies to African American students can be psychologically and behaviorally detrimental for African American students who may believe that they simply cannot compete with their European American counterparts. Essentially, it is crucial that schools not deprive Afiican American students of the tools that they need to succeed. Instead, African Americans as well as White students, should be exposed to concepts such as stereotypes, prejudice, and discrimination, and made aware of the difficulties that African American historically have faced and continue to face in the US. society. Kaplan and Maehr (2000) further noted: Such issues should be used in the classroom to provide meaningful topics for activities and guide academic tasks that could, for example, involve students in social action. Intergroup issues that are bound to arise in a heterogeneous classroom should provide a point of departure for raising awareness, discussing, negotiating, and collaborating in decision making about intergroup issues that prevail inside and outside of school. The difficult realities that African Americans presently face in the United States and the implications Of those realities for the process of education, as well as the decisions that guide the construction of students’ learning environments, should be explicitly discussed (p. 37). By emphasizing learning for all and task goals that require the use Of competencies (including those which African American students may have an edge over their European American counterparts), a source Of mutual enrichment is realized and 30 Black students’ motivation to achieve is enhanced. This is because the potential contributions of all students are equally valued with the existence of minimal competition. According to Kaplan and Maehr (2000), African American students in such academic environments Often stand a better chance of viewing mainstream competencies not with an oppositional eye, but rather as skills that are required in certain contexts. Emphasizing these task goal strategies in the classroom will likely contribute to students’ learning these strategies more out of interest and belief in their own competence than out of a need to compete with others who have an advantage. Finally, Pintrich and DeGroot (1990) correspondingly found that students’ perceptions Of the classroom as well as their individual motivation orientations and beliefs about learning are relevant to cognitive engagement and classroom performance. Pintrich and DeGroot (1990) based their theoretical framework for conceptualizing student motivation from an adaptation of a general expectancy-value model of motivation. The model proposes that there are three different components of motivation orientation: (a) an expectancy component, which includes students’ beliefs about their ability to perform a task, and involves students’ answers to the question, “Can I do this task?”; (b) a value component, which includes students’ goals and beliefs about the importance of and interest in the task, and involves students’ answer to the question, “Why am I doing this task?”; and (c) an affective component, which includes student’s emotional reaction to the task and involves students’ answer to the question, “How do I feel about this task?” The expectancy, value, and affective components have been conceptualized in a variety of ways in the motivational literature; however, Pintrich and DeGroot (1990) suggest that self-efficacy, intrinsic motivation and test anxiety, 31 respectively, have been found to be the most salient conceptualizations of the three components of motivation orientation. To quantify the construct of motivation to achieve within their adapted conceptual model, Pintrich and DeGroot (1990) operationalized their theory into a measure, which they entitled the Motivated Strategies for Learning Questionnaire (MSLQ). Factor analytic strategies for this scale revealed three aspects of motivation to achieve: Self-Efficacy, Intrinsic Value, and Test Anxiety. However, the items from these factors don’t seem to tap into the aspects of motivation to achieve that the present study is interested in examining. Perhaps, this is attributed to the fact that the scale was not normed on Afiican Americans. More such research is needed in this important area, particularly with a focus on African American adolescents. Social Change Involvement. Social change refers to the process of actualizing the ideals and enhancing the quality Of life of individuals and communities (Brookins, 1996). According to Veno and Thomas (1992), social change comes in a diverse range Of patterns and alternatives Open to any society. Mechanisms are used for creating the needed changes in living patterns, in interpersonal relationships and in social institutions (F airweather, 1972). These mechanisms can also be referred to as social change strategies. A range Of strategies have been used by African Americans to effect social change. Historically, African Americans have struggled against oppression by conceptualizing and approaching social change through the characterization of political orientation and the dichotomy of integration versus separation (Watts, 1992). Within the African American community, there has long been differences about what practical steps should be taken to improve the material condition Of Black people based on the differing 32 strategic visions of various leaders, institutions and social-protest organizations (Griffith, 1997; Marable, 1995). Followers of different philosophical orientations (e.g., Integrationists, Black Nationalists, Transformationalists) approach social change through the use of different strategies. However, given the methods of past problem solving and the need for continuous problem-solving social change in the United States-«where contemporary social institutions still exist primarily to maintain the status quo--it is necessary to question whether existing philosophical orientations and methods are sufficient to the task (F airweather, 1972). According to Griffith (1997), there are serious limitations to the dichotomous model of philosophical orientations. The majority of African Americans would not likely define themselves as strictly Integrationalists, Black Nationalists/Separatists or Transformationalists (Griffith, 1997; Marable, 1995). The reality of the lives of many African Americans forces them to recognize that there is not just one clear political orientation that, alone, will be sufficient to facilitate the collective mobilization of all Afiican Americans (Griffith, 1997; Marable, 1995). Consequently, the model of change in this study supports Seidman’s (1986) and Brookins’ (1996) suggested ideology in which two types of change generally result from social change strategies: first order and second order change. First order social change is characterized by strategies that attempt to address social problems by reaching a better understanding of how individuals and groups can function more effectively within that system. This type of change can improve individual functioning, nevertheless, it does not fundamentally change the system itself. More specifically, it helps people to adapt tO the existing systemic structures that are in place 33 leg. I. order c systerr.~ tunctio: fitndartt (e. g., racism) and to perpetuate the status quo (Brookins, 1996). An example Of a first order change strategy would be talking to a fellow employee, in an organization or business that has a history of racist treatment of Afiican Americans, about why being racist is bad. Such an intervention would not fundamentally change the system of institutional racism, but rather help people within the system to adapt. In contrast to first order social change, second order social change includes strategies that effect the fundamental assumptions and operational order on which social systems are based. Like first order change, second order change also improves individual functioning. However, second order change involves challenging the status quo and fundamentally changing systemic structures (Brookins, 1996). A second order change strategy that follows the example of racist treatment in the workplace cited above, could be individuals demanding that institutional racism be recognized and systemically addressed as a core issue in the workplace (Brookins, 1996). Many theorists (e.g., Brookins, 1996; Myer, 1988) advocate the need for second order change, particularly within the Black community. Because oppression and inequality have become a part Of the existing cultural ethos, and can Often impede the success of African Americans, the need for Blacks to challenge the system and question the status quo is imperative (Brookins, 1996; Myer, 1988). However, first order change is often the goal within the African American community (Brookins, 1996), and many social activities (e.g., diversity training, diverse social gatherings) and institutions-— namely traditional mainstream schools--are designed to bring African American adolescents into the mainstream Of economic and social activity. Focusing on second order social change will likely lead to more strategies toward Black liberation, and further 34 address what DuBois (1903) prophetically called the problem of the 20’” century: the color line (as cited in Brookins, 1996). True education imparts information that addresses this issue by first enhancing Afiican American adolescent psychological well- being and subsequently enhancing their involvement in second order social change strategies. These interpretations are supported by the research of Barbarin and Gilbert (1981), Watts (1992), Griffith (1997), and Lewis (2001). Studies Of social change have in common the goal of identifying strategies to combat racism but differ in their notion of how that should be measured. To date, only four studies have empirically examined African American social change strategies. However, the majority of these studies did not conceptualize change strategies as either first or second order, nor did they examine social change from an adolescent perspective (Barbarin & Gilbert, 1981; Griffith, 1997; Watts, 1992). Watts (1992) developed a measure and examined the relationship between Afiican American psychological well-being (racial identity development) and social change strategy preferences among African Americans adults using an ll-item scale of individual and collective strategies for reducing racism, adapted from Barbarin and Gilbert’s (1981) earlier study. The scale is entitled The Strategies for Reducing Racism Scale (SRRS). Findings revealed that African Americans with high racial identity development favored mobilizing African Americans, picketing, and separate- development strategies for racism reduction. These activities are comparable to second order change strategies (tactics outside of the system). Unlike people exhibiting low psychological well-being, those with high psychological well-being saw the value of all but three of the eleven strategies offered. These three strategies were the same three 35 predicted to be most likely endorsed by individuals low in psychological well-being: racial integration, socializing with Whites, and persuasion efforts with White friends. These activities are comparable to first order change strategies (tactics within the system). Griffith (1997) similarly examined the direct relationship between racial identity and philosophical orientations of social change preferences among Afiican American college students. An adapted version Of Watts (1992) 11-item scale of Strategies for Reducing Racism (Watts, 1992) and Parham and Helms’ (1981) RIAS measure of racial identity were administered. The findings revealed that Afiican American college students holding strong Immersion-Emersion attitudes favored Black Nationalist and Transformationalist strategies for social change. In other words, participants engrossed in African American culture believed that it is necessary for African Americans to either drastically change US. society or create separate institutions for change to be effective. These activities are comparable to second order change strategies (tactics outside of the system). Prior to both Of the above studies, Barbarin and Gilbert (1981) conducted an empirical investigation looking at social change strategy preferences among African Americans. Barbarin and Gilbert (1981) used their original ll-item scale (The Strategies to Reduce Racism Scale) to explore strategies that Blacks and Whites preferred in combating racism. Some of the strategies included educating Whites, using court action, lobbying for laws, voting, integrating neighborhoods, mobilizing other Blacks, picketing, creating settings where Blacks and Whites can socialize (e.g., these activities are comparable to both first and second order change strategies--tactics within and outside of 36 the system). Their findings revealed that African Americans were more likely than Whites to view these strategies as effective; however, no factor analysis was done on the scale to confirm the dimensions of social change strategies. From the findings of the aforementioned studies, it is evident that there are great variations in this area of social change research. Nonetheless, empiricists have been limited in their ability to examine these important constructs with adolescents because of the lack Of appropriate instrumentation for adolescents. However, it is at the adolescent stage of development that individuals start becoming aware of their sociO-political environment (Education for Liberation, 1999), and begin getting involved in change activities. First order and second order social change are among the range of strategies used by African Americans to effect change (Brookins, 1996) without characterizing individuals by dichotomous philosophical orientations. While first order change is Often the goal within the Afiican American community, literature suggests that African American adolescents have the potential to create second order change when trained to do so (Lewis, 2001). Focusing on second order social change will likely lead to more strategies toward Black liberation. However, previously there has been virtually no attention given to the important assessment of adolescent social change preference outcomes. Lewis (2001) conducted the only study examining social change among adolescents. She found that Afiican American adolescents with high levels of racial identity were significantly more likely to endorse, through Open-ended questions (e. g., “what are some of the things that you have actually done to make a difference about racism?”), a preference for and participation in activities of a 2"d order nature. 37 Conversely, African American adolescents with low levels of racial identity were significantly more likely to endorse, through Open-ended questions, a preferences for and participation in activities of a 1St order nature. Additionally, it was found that African American adolescents in traditional mainstream education environments were more likely to participate in 1"t Order Change strategies over 2"‘1 Order Change strategies, while African American adolescents in emancipatory education environments were more likely to participate in 2“d Order Change strategies over 15’ Order Change strategies. Given the dearth Of research in this area, the history of African American Oppression, and the current state Of racism, it is evident that further research in this area is greatly needed, particularly from an Afiican American adolescent perspective. This research attempts to address these disparities. Overall, ill effects on psychological and behavioral outcomes are not uncommon among African American adolescents raised in school environments where racial bias in instructional materials and the restriction of cultural experiences are still monumental and pervasive problems. Successful development Of psychological well-being may help to enhance healthy outcomes and protect youth from engaging in problem behaviors (Clark, 1991). For this reason, it is important to consider processes that might promote Afiican American adolescent well-being. One such process that has been theorized to positively affect African American youth is emancipatory education. How Emcinatory Education Is Theorized And Empirically Purported TO Positively Affect Afiican American Adolescents In response to the negative consequences of traditional mainstream education on Afiican American adolescents, alternative forms Of education have been developed. According to theorists (Akoto, 1992; Azibo, 1992; Garibaldi, 1992; Lomotey, 1988; 38 Madhubuti, 1994; Shujaa, 1994; Tafari, 1995), one type of alternative education that is especially salient for African Americans is emancipatory education. Emancipatory education literally means “freedom education” and refers to a process of training that liberates Black people from racist ideologies and social institutions in contemporary society. Emancipatory schools of the 19903 attempted to achieve this goal by connecting African American culture with Africa through the introduction and infusion of Afrocentric cultural approaches into curriculum and training (Akoto, 1992; Azibo, 1992; Shujaa, 1994; Viadero, 1996). Afrocentric approaches are based on an African-centered pedagogy, which places emphasis on Moat principles. Maat is defined as order, harmony, balance, righteousness, and truth (Karenga, 1982). It represents a historical model of ethical character that is centered in the African experience. Karenga (1980) asserts that cultivation of such a model could lead African Americans to develop skills necessary to resist the political and cultural oppression they experience. The core elements of an African-centered pedagogy involve: 1. “Legitirnizing African stores of knowledge 2. Positively exploiting and scaffolding productive community and cultural practices b) Extending and building upon indigenous language 4. Reinforcing community ties and idealizing service to one’s family, community, nation, race, and world kl! Promoting positive social relationships 9‘ Imparting a world view that idealizes a positive, self-sufficient future for 39 one’s people without denying the self-worth and right to self-deterrnination Of others 7. Supporting cultural continuity while promoting critical consciousness 8. Promoting the vision of individuals and communities as producers rather than as simply consumers” (Lee, 1992: 165-166). Emancipatory schools that implement this Afiican-centered pedagogy promote norms and values different from traditional mainstream schools. In particular, emancipatory schools emphasize collective work and responsibility vs. individuality, cooperative learning vs. competitiveness, and spirituality vs. materialism (Freire, 1983). Emancipatory schools generally have clear philosophical and academic missions grounded in transmitting African American culture by teaching Afiican American youth, as well as other ethnic youth, to think critically and question everything, to understand “true history,” and to practice a lifestyle which recognizes the importance Of African and Afiican American heritage and tradition (Carol Lee as cited by Shujaa, 1994, p. 306). This is done by teaching traditional African academic subjects as well as the moral, ethical, and cultural values and heritages of their communities (Foster, 1992). Emancipatory educational environments also recognize the inclusion of a more accurate view Of United States and world history, which embraces the cultural acknowledgment, contributions, and perspectives of African Americans, Native Americans, Asian Americans, Hispanic Americans, and those Of underrepresented eastern European groups (Lee, 1992). Essentially, schools following these Emancipatory philosophical orientation, take a proactive stance in defining, within a community context, the possibilities and gifts that Black youth can offer the world (Lee, 1992). 40 This expressed intention of including Black students in education and encouraging them to become productive citizens in a society that faces global community challenges has been followed by people Of African decent for over 200 years. Within this period of time, Blacks have been creating their own educational establishments in the United States (Ratteray, 1992). The evolution Of the African American quest for emancipatory education provides a beginning fiamework for understanding the importance of culturally sensitive education for Blacks, and how it can meet the needs of the masses Of African American youth in the 21St century. The Evolution Of Emancipatory Education in America The earliest African American emancipatory schools were independent and created in the late 17005, as a natural response to the revolutionary ideals of the new republic. Prince Hall, a veteran Of the Revolutionary War, repeatedly petitioned the city of Boston to establish a separate, tax supported school for Africans because the youth at that time were being harassed (Ratteray, 1992). When this attempt failed in 1798, Prince Hall started an alternative school in his son’s home (Ratteray, 1992). Impressed by this new idea, many African Americans began creating schools in the north and south, generally by subterfuge because Blacks were still enslaved. After the Civil War in 1865, over three million enslaved African Americans were declared free; however, most of them were unable to read or write (Ratteray, 1992). TO address the pressures of containing and controlling such a large number of freed Blacks, public and private funding sources (e.g., organizations and institutions) collaborated in planning the education of African Americans. However, in this cooperative effort, few African American educators were sought from the widespread system of private, self-supported schools and more emphasis 41 was placed on quantity of education rather than quality. As a result, African Americans separately sought out massive combinations of resources to educate emancipated Black youth (Ratteray, 1992). Nearly twenty years later, by 1897, African Americans had established 18 colleges, 34 acaderrries, and 51 high schools and seminaries (Ratteray, 1992). By the 20th century, Black men and women (e. g., Lucy Laney, Mary McLeod Bethune, Charlotte Hawkins Brown, Nannie Helen Burroughs, Booker T. Washington, W.H. Crogman, Laurence Jones, John Hawkins) began recognizing that the needs of African American youth weren’t being met and consequently began developing creative approaches to teaching and learning. Their efforts provided the intellectual foundation for the African American independent education and Free School movements from 1965-1972 (Pearlstein, 1990; Ratteray, 1992). The Civil Rights Movement, coupled with the increasing feelings Of Oppression and powerlessness that Blacks were experiencing led to Blacks, in the 19603, demanding community control of their schools. Many dissatisfied parents, students, and teachers went outside of the public school system to set up alternatives that were sponsored by SNCC (Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee) (Pearlstein, 1990). The private alternative schools established during this period became widely known as “Freedom Schools” or “Liberation Schools” (Amove & Strout, 1978). These schools had a different within-school culture from the public schools. According to Amove and Strout (1978), their tenets were shared decision making, disregard for bureaucratic procedures and standardized curricula, utilization of nonprofessional staff, and, ultimately ran counter to prevalent norms and practices. F urtherrnore, the ideology Of these schools 42 generally involved a fundamental restructuring Of both schools and society to serve the interests of socially and economically marginal groups. Overall, they Offered alternative ways of educating youth in accordance with an African American value system (Amove & Strout, 1978). Following in the tradition of African American independent schools in the previous decades, contemporary emancipatory schools developed to address social inequalities, serve as examples of institution building, and provide a service to their communities (Ratteray, 1992). Afiocentric schools marked the beginning Of emancipatory education since the decline Of Freedom schools in 1972 (Woodard, 1977). However, African-centered schools have slowly spread from mostly private academies, under the Council of Independent Black Institutions (CIBI), to nontraditional charter schools like the Nsoroma Institute in Oak Park, Michigan, which is avowedly Afrocentrist (V iadero, 1996). Many theorists (Akoto, 1992; Azibo, 1992; F reire, 1998; Garibaldi, 1992; Lomotey, 1988; Madhubuti, 1994; Shujaa, 1994; Tafari, 1995) have argued that this alternative form Of education can have positive consequences on African American well- being. Empirical evidence in this area similarly concludes that this alternative form of education can have positive consequences on African American well-being, though there is little such research in existence. For example, test data from a sample of African American independent emancipatory schools revealed that most students performed above the national norm on such tests as the Comprehensive Test of Basic Skills, the California Achievement Test, the Iowa Tests of Basic Skills, the Metropolitan Achievement Test and the Stanford Achievement Test. More specifically, data from over 43 2,300 such schools indicate that 64% scored above the mean in reading and 62% ranked above the norm in math. When a sample of emancipatory school alumni were surveyed about their experiences, more than half were enrolled in college years before high school graduation and were seeking medical, health-related, business administration, or management degrees. Many of these alumni reported that the most important characteristic Of their schools were the schools’ academic curricula, school climate (‘family-like’ atmosphere), bonds with teachers, small student body, and the affirmation of Afiican American culture in the schools (Ratteray, 1992). Further research by Lewis (2001), found that African American youth in emancipatory schools were more likely than youth in traditional mainstream (public) schools to internalize their racial identity and feel good about being Black. Qualitatively, these youth in emancipatory schools were also more likely than youth in traditional mainstream schools to engage in second order social change strategies that challenge the status quo and work toward making a difference about racism in society. Anecdotal and empirical research suggests that emancipatory education Offers countless Opportunities for Afiican American youth. In spite Of the vast Opportunities and potential for positive Black youth outcomes that emancipatory education offers, there are major drawbacks to having such institutions run independently. Shortcomings of Independent Emancipatory Education In_3titution_s_ in America Today While emancipatory education in the United States today can have considerable positive consequences on African American well-being, there are some major drawbacks to having such institutions run independently. For example, education literature suggests that the national support network for the independent Afiican-centered school movement 44 (Council of Independent Black Institutions--CIBI) is under funded and thus has not been able to provide the level of support that its member institutions desperately need (Lee, 1992). Furthermore, many independent Black institutions that have started in the last two decades have failed as a result of their lack of funding, centralizing leadership in a “star” individual or elite group, inadequate in-service training for staff, and narrow ideological foci with little grounding in or support from the communities being served. Moreover, “some Of the surviving schools do not provide developmentally appropriate instruction and others require young children to master meaningless rote material. Still other schools are not broad enough in their base to attract children other than the biological children of their organizational members, nor do they attract families who are not explicitly political pan-Africanists or those from poor and working-class backgrounds “ (Lee, 1992, p 174). Finally, lack of school funding at these institutions has shaped their inability to involve large numbers of students because of lack Of resources. Essentially, few Black youth today are enrolled in emancipatory education relative to the number Of Afiican Americans in the United States. Because a large majority of African American youth spend 30 to 40 percent of their life in the traditional mainstream school system from about five years to sixteen (Harvey, 1984), and Often experience a host of negative outcomes there, it is critical that efforts be taken at the local levels to implement emancipatory education into the traditional mainstream (public) school system in a way that can be beneficial and successful for all Of those involved. Some researchers have developed and implemented school-based interventions for African American youth in the mainstream school system. For example, Dr. Roderick Watts developed a Young Warriors Rites of Passage Program for African American 45 males in a mainstream high school in Chicago’s inner city. Results from his eight-week program intervention showed a marked increase in the proportion of critical consciousness responses between session one and two and a second upward trend from session five until the final session (Watts & Abdul-Adi], 1997). Similarly, Kelly Lewis developed and implemented the female version Of Rod Watts’ programming entitled the Young Womanhood Program for African American females in the same setting. Results from this intervention appeared promising, but formal evaluations (with experimental designs) were not conducted. Drs. Daphna Oyserman and Deborah Bybee developed and implemented a “School-to-Jobs” program intervention for African American youth in Detroit. By way Of a 12 week structured intervention aimed at preparing youth to start thinking about their future, preliminary results indicated a significant improvement in academic outcomes, standardized test results, self-concept, school behavior, school attendance and effort, and graduation rates (D. Bybee, personal communication, November 2001). Each of these school-based interventions has demonstrated at least limited success. However, few school-based interventions in mainstream schools or independent emancipatory education program have been rigorously evaluated or experimentally tested. Furthermore, none of the existing school-based interventions in mainstream schools have included the cooperation Of on-site teachers as facilitators of the intervention. The proposed study will address these disparities. To begin addressing these disparities, one of the most popular and respected forms of emancipatory education in the world (“Education for Self-Reliance) was identified and ethnographically examined through a seven-month cultural immersion 46 experience in Tanzania, East Africa by the researcher Of the present study. Further examination of its cultural-contextual fit in United State mainstream education was also conducted. To best understand the implications Of these findings, it is important to first examine the historical and philosophical context of Education for Self-Reliance. Uiamaa Philosophy and Practice. Ujamaa began as a philosophy that was developed and coined by the late President Julius Nyerere of Tanzania after they gained their independence from the British in 1961. Literally, Ujamaa means “family- cooperation” (International Labor Research and Information Group). This Afiican socialist alternative drew from the traditional African experience and emerged as a unique approach to socioeconomic, political, and social advancement in Tanzania and other neighboring nations (Karioki, 1979). The foundation and purpose of this concept was centrally African and embraced attitudes Of sharing, cooperation, and respect between people. The concept of Uj amaa was systematized and articulated as part Of a bigger and normative network of ideas in response to the after-effects of colonization. Julius Nyerere recognized the process of African dehumanization and the extent to which colonization succeeded in corroding the African psyche by implanting far-reaching attitudes of self-negation, subjection, individualism, materialism and competition. He craved human respectability among Tanzanians (Karioki, 1979). Since traditional African society thrived on the principles of Ujamaa, Nyerere argued that this practice of community cohesiveness should be a concern for all Africans in contemporary society in order to nurture their psychological, political, economic, and social well-being. From this philosophy emerged many key concepts and practices of Uj amaa. Some examples of these practices included: working in teams with team leaders, village and community 47 organizing, ceremonial rituals, resource sharing, open direct communication, relaxed environments, and preserved unification. With these Ujamaa practices came the initiation of new education programs aimed at changing the colonial structure of learning. EdMon for Self-Reliance. Education for Self-Reliance was a post- independence education policy that was developed based on the assumption that “undesirable social attitudes are a consequence of particular characteristics of Western schooling [and colonial education] and that more appropriate dispositions can be achieved by means Of restructuring the school experience” (OkOkO, 1987). Thus, one Of the first acts of the government in the wake Of independence was the abolition of all racial distinctions within the educational system in order to promote racial equality and end the growth Of the petite-bourgeoisie stratum. Second, there was a greater infusion Of nationalistic ideas in the school curriculum to reflect better the cultural and socio-economic realities Of the Tanzanian society. Kiswahili was emphasized as a medium of instruction in schools. Thirdly, an impressive expansion of educational facilities, especially at the secondary school levels occurred. New schools and teacher training colleges were built to help infuse the nationalistic ideas explained above. The late President Julius Nyerere was responsible for launching many Of these changes through the introduction of Education for Self—Reliance—an actual policy housed under the Arusha Declaration--in an effort to spell out how Ujamaa (sharing and cooperation) and African socialism should be built. This educational manifestation of Uj amaa was Tanzania’s response to the important task of modifying the school-inspired elitism of the colonial and early post-independence educational systems. It was based on 48 a realization that the education system inherited by Tanzania from the British, was far from appropriate for an Afiican country (Karioki, 1979). With the introduction of Education for Self-Reliance came a call for many other revolutionary changes in Tanzania’s system of formal education. Unlike the system that Tanzanians inherited from the British, the aim Of Education for Self-Reliance was to help Afiicans become self-reliant upon themselves as a collective group and positive change agents in their community. This process required conscious, organized energy and unified goals and direction. It countered the assumption that education automatically makes one person better than another. It initiated change that became more relevant to Tanzania in its struggle for development. This meant that education had to be overhauled, reoriented, and made consistent with Tanzania’s social purpose. It encouraged: (a) the development of an inquiring mind, (b) an ability to think critically and adapt the education system to one’s own needs, (c) a basic confidence in one’s own position as a free and equal member in society, and (d) people to value others for what they do and not for what they Obtain. This process of education also encouraged students not to underestimate the value of their society by realizing that worthwhile knowledge comes in TWO forms: (a) knowledge acquired fiom books or from educated people and (b) traditional knowledge and wisdom which is often acquired by intelligent men and women as they experience life (Morrison, 1976). Moreover, education was reconnected with community participants and engineered to serve the community as a whole. Furthermore, there was an emphasis placed on replicating the same kind of relationship between pupils and teachers within the school community as there was between children and parent in the village. Children 49 were given responsibilities to the community, and the community had to become involved in school activities. Nyerere thought that the greatest potential for this sort of reorganization lay in secondary schools and teacher colleges, chiefly because primary school students could not accept the same responsibility for their own well-being as secondary school students (Morrison, 1976). Essentially, Education for Self-Reliance aimed to inculcate a sense Of commitment to the total community and helped students to accept the values appropriate to their fiiture as Africans and not those appropriate to their colonial past. In an effort to achieve these goals, several policies were suggested: (a) the integration of academic learning and applied work (practical activities) with an essential thrust on functional education; (b) teaching and education in school that considers the pupils and their individual progress as well as their responsibility in the community and the environment; (c) a lessening of the reliance on formal examinations as a means of evaluating students performance; (d) generally restructuring the curriculum and giving emphasis to subjects more directly relevant to problems Of development (e.g., more intensive use Of Kiswahili, the achievement Of virtual self-sufficiency in pre-university teachers, the removal of foreign references from school names, the localization of the syllabus content at all levels, and the introduction Of political education, paramilitary drills, and defense training); (e) a transition from attitudes Of competition and individualism to attitudes Of co-operation and service to the community (Okoko, 1987). The job Of implementing these changes was placed chiefly on teachers, in recognition of their instrumental role in the education process. Research has shown that teachers, more than any other group Of people, determine the attitudes of society and 50 shape the ideas and aspirations Of the nation (Mosha, 1990; Ryoba, 1987). More specifically, evidence from several studies in Tanzania demonstrated that 35% of primary and 56% of secondary students reported teachers as having taught them the most about being good citizens. These percentages place teachers at the head of the list containing parents, TANU leaders, clergymen, and a residual category Of other agents (Okoko, 1987) While some educators and observers have argued that Education for Self-Reliance had many failures (e. g., too idealistic, corruption among leaders, inadequate plan for implementation), there are a number Of scholars who support the concept and argue that it was instrumental in freeing many Tanzanians from the colonial status quO. In fact, recent Tanzanian research (Lewis, 2001) suggests that the most successful aspects of the Education for Self-Reliance model were the focus on intersections of Cultural Maintenance in the Curriculum, Leadership/Social Change Development, Collectivism, and the development of Achievement Driven Mental Attitudes shaped by critical thinking, moral achievement, learning by seeing, and the incorporation of traditional knowledge and values from home (See Figure 1). Mcafion for the Proposed Intervention From the research literature, it is evident that there are striking societal and school cultural-contextual overlaps between Tanzania and the United States. For example, both nations have been infiltrated with philosophical Objectives that enhance capitalist values and promote subjection, competition, greed, individualism, materialism, ignorance, manipulation, degradation of African culture and personality, and dehumanization. It is also evident from the research literature that Tanzania made many successful strides to 51 transform these infused values through the introduction and practice of African culture and Ujamaa. According to the educational research in the United States, there is a need for reform in the traditional mainstream education system for African American adolescents who may benefit from exposure to: (l) the infusion Of African culture in the curriculum; (2) collectivistic training; (3) the development of Achievement Driven Mental Attitudes; and (4) social change and leadership participation. The Tanzanian model of Education for Self-Reliance may have much tO Offer projected programming in the United States because it was widely successful at systematizing these far-reaching goals for East Africans. Preliminary ESR immersion research by the present investigator in Tanzania suggests that the most successful components of this practice (promotion Of: cultural maintenance, collectivism, achievement mental attitudes, and leadership/social change) can be effectively replicated and integrated into the traditional mainstream education system for African Americans in the United States. Thus, the proposed intervention model aimed to promote Afiican American well- being (psychological and behavioral) by incorporating principles and practices of Education for Self-Reliance through: (a) the infusion of African and Afiican American culture into the curriculum; (b) the application of commendable and standard teaching methods and teaching aids (resources) that are culturally sensitive to the needs of African American students and aim to develop an inquiring mind, critical thinking and self- confidence among students at all levels; (c) the application of cohesion-building activities that develop team spirit and collectivism; (d) the integration Of theoretical and practical learning to enhance mental attitudes Of achievement; (e) the promotion of 52 school-community partnerships and projects that increase Black student involvement in innovative leadership and social change (See Figures 1 and 2). The present research employed an experimental design to implement and evaluate a school-based emancipatory intervention designed to enhance the psychological and behavioral well-being of African American adolescents. Using a promising education framework drawn from elements Of East African Ujamaa philosophy and practice, the intervention was provided to a randomly selected group of student participants in traditional mainstream education to test the following hypotheses: (la) The intervention will enhance individuals’ psychological well-being including positive racial identity, communal world view and sense Of school connectedness. These indicators of psychological well-being will be enhanced both during and after student participation in the intervention. (1b) The intervention will enhance individuals’ behavioral well-being including higher motivation to achieve and social change involvement. These indicators Of behavioral well-being will be enhanced both during and after student participation in the intervention. (2) Enhanced psychological well-being will lead to enhanced behavioral well-being over time, including school achievement, and higher order social change involvement. 53 METHODOLOGY Sample In cooperation with one predominately African American Detroit inner city middle school, the school principal and one teacher--who had already agreed to have the program run three days per week for one semester (approximately 16 weeks) during the school day in a class period that was mutually agreed upon between the principal and teacher (e. g., elective period/life skills class)--randomly enrolled a group of eligible students to participate in the present study. There were three 8th grade classes at the identified school and together the teacher and principal randomly selected which class would get the intervention and which class would serve as the control group by selecting numbers out Of a hat. TO be eligible, youth had to be in 8th grade, and indicate through self-report that they were of African descent. Control GroupLParticipation. Thirty-nine student participants were enrolled in the control group at time one. By time two, a total of 4 participants had left the school and a total of 2 participants had been transferred to another class for various reasons (e.g., behavior, performance etc.). This left a total of 33 student participants in the control group at time two. By time three, 1 additional child left the school and 1 new student enrolled in the control group class leaving a total of 33 student participants in the control group at time three. Experimental Group Mcipation. Thirty-one student participants were enrolled in the experimental group at time one. By time two, 1 student had been transferred to another class for performance reasons and a total Of 2 new participants were enrolled in 54 the experimental group class. This left a total of 32 student participants in the experimental group at time two. By time three, a total Of 3 participants left school which left a total of 29 student participants in the experimental group at time three. Overall ParticipaLtion. All of the student participants that were in experimental and control completed the survey, although some did have missing data. Although HLM is particularly advantageous because it can account for missing data at any time point without having to remove student participants from the statistical analysis, students that did not participate at either time one or time two were omitted from the study (as a rule Of this study) in an effort to truly capture the maximum effects Of the intervention on youth over time. This resulted in a total of 33 cases in the control group and 32 cases in the experimental group, making for a total Of 65 cases across both groups. Therefore, the sample in the present study included a total Of 65 African American middle school 8th grade students, 33 Of whom came from a regularly scheduled elective class that served as the no treatment control group, and 32 students who were in the experimental condition (African-American Cultural Life Skills elective-type class). Gender and age of the sample was also examined within and across groups. The data revealed the following: Of the total 65 participants in the study 52.5% were male and 47.5% were female. The average age Of the total sample was 13.30 with a standard deviation of .53. Of the 33 participants in the control group, 53.3% were male and 46.7% were female. The average age of the control group was 13.31 with a standard deviation of .55. Of the 32 participants in the experimental group, 51.7% were male and 48.3% were female. The 55 average age of the experimental group was 13.29 with a standard deviation of .52. These data are all represented in Table 1. Procedure Mg. The site of subject participation was conducted in one predominately Black public inner city middle school in Detroit, Michigan in classroom space that was made available by the school principal for control and intervention classes. Both the intervention and administration of questionnaires took place in the designated classroom space. Class sessions lasted for 90 minutes. At the appropriate time points (pre- intervention, mid-intervention—Z months into the intervention, and post-intervention——6 months into the intervention), questionnaires were administered during intervention and control group sessions and were read aloud by two of the following individuals in each group: Principal Investigator, one trained on-site middle school teacher, and two research assistants to control for any reading difficulties among the youth. Each questionnaire administration period lasted for the full 90-minute class period. The Experimental Intervention. The intervention element Of this research involved two major combined components which together were 4 months. First, the educational component involved African and African American cultural exchanges, focus on cohesion-building and collectivism, and learning opportunities that dealt with leadership and social change for Black adolescent students. Second, the empowerment component involved furnishing youth with practical avenues through which they could change their own lives and that of their communities. By engaging in libation (an ancient African method of making offerings to our ancestors and reaffirming our place in the universe) and other empowering ceremonies derived from traditional African practices, 56 students received daily positive affirmations to not only maximize their potential for cohesiveness within the group, and engagement in leadership and social change in their community, but to also maximize their potential for strong identity development, school connectedness, and school achievement. To accomplish these goals, the trained middle school teacher at the target school and the principal investigator worked with African American adolescents in the experimental group in numerous ways for a period of approximately six months. Both the teacher and principal investigator participated in and facilitated the intervention exercises while sharing their own experiences during the cultural exchange, mentorship, and other learning Opportunities. In this process, the teacher and the PI allowed for some topic flexibility, as it was necessary for students to become active participants in their learning, help to shape discussions, and realize the important contributions that they were all capable of making. It was equally important that a space he provided where African American students and teachers could learn from each other. Intervention topics were: 0 African/African American History & Culture (books, articles, videos, music) 0 Cohesion Building Activities & Communalism - Rituals and Practices 0 Interpersonal Skills & Inner Strength 0 Putting Theory into Practice 0 Student Leadership and Activism 0 School and Community Partnerships - Positive Behavior 57 Collaborative Training and Supervision of On-Site Middle School Teacher. The on-site middle school teacher received 12 hours of collaborative training by the PI over a period of 4 weeks during school in—service training days scheduled at the end Of the Spring 2002 semester. The collaborative training was based on a serni-structured manualized curriculum and incorporated an emancipatory education framework drawn from elements Of East African Ujamaa philosophy and practice. This collaborative training served the purpose of allowing the teacher and P1 to begin working together and collaboratively develop the intervention course curriculum. In this way the PI integrated the expertise Of the on—site teacher and his knowledge of the school environment in the particulars of the intervention. The teacher received a $200 monetary incentive based on his comprehension and practice of the material. Training also included background reading on Afiican American education and social change (TOO much SChOOllnhTOO Little Education: A Paradox Of BlacLLife in White Societies by Mwalimu Shujaa and The Mis-Education Of the Negro by Carter Woodson), East Afiican Ujamaa Education for Self-Reliance Tanzania: The Struggle for Uiafla by the International Labor Research and Information Group), and collective action and the Black experience (lh_e Art of Leadership by Oba T’Shaka). The teacher also learned about empowerment and the importance of connecting Afiican American adolescents to resources and leadership roles in their community. Furthermore the teacher gained knowledge Of the significance of educational responsiveness in meeting the needs Of Black students. The Empowerment component Of the training involved helping the teacher to become a mentor to his students so that he could begin linking them to leadership roles and resources in their community. During 58 the intervention, weekly supervision replaced training. Both the identified teacher and PI met once a week to review the progress and experiences of both their education and empowerment. Summan Of the EFL Intervention Program by Week Communalism Week 1 — Creating A Group: TO create a positive sense of membership and set the stage for Interpersonal Skill Development, Cohesion-Building and Communalism. Week 2 — I Am Because We Are: To concretize the notion that the sum is more powerful than each of parts. Black America Week3 — Iméages of Dynamic Afiican Americans: TO concretize the connection between past, present, and future achievements of dynamic African Americans while normalizing setbacks as part of progress to the future. Weeki- Images of Black Culture: To create concrete experiences for understanding the numerous components making up Black culture. M — Slavery and the Middle Passage: To demonstrate to students that travel through the middle passage and slavery were not received passively M6 - The Africa in my America: TO create a concrete connection between the Africa in Afiican American and empower participants to establish pride about being descendents of Africa. Am Week 7 — GoingEBack to Africa, The Continent: To equip participants with the facts about African history and culture. 59 Week 8 - Forming Ujamaa: To provide participants with an understanding Of the values, morals, philosophy and practice of Afiican farnilihood and communalism. Black Diasmra Week 9 - The Afiican Diaspora: To concretize the connection between Africans in Africa, the Caribbean, and the Americas. Leadership Week:10 — We Can Be Leaders TOO!: To reinforce participants’ ability to take on leadership roles in their school and community while planning for the future. Week 11 — Making Changes in Ourselves and in Our Communig: To concretize the connection between making changes in ourselves and making changes in our communities. Week 12 —Lg1@g the Way to Freedom: To concretize the connection between current leadership behavior and next year attainments. Week 13 - Putting Theory Into PreLtice: To create a concrete experience whereby participants can practice their leadership abilities in their school and community (e. g., work, church, etc.). Week 14 - CheckingQur Proggss fl Problem Solving; To provide participants an opportunity to report on their leadership progress and successes, encourage their peers, and break down everyday self, school and community problems into more manageable parts. Week 15 — Keepin’ the Faith Alive: TO provide participants with the skills to draw on their inner strength and collective strength for leadership. 60 Week 16 — Wrappi_ng up and Movingjorward: To set the stage for allowing participants to talk about their experiences in the class while preparing them to move forward with their skills in the future. TO increase validity of the intervention, two sessions from the 16-week curriculum were pilot tested with a small group of randomly selected African American 8”’ grade students at the end of the Spring 2002 semester. These students were identified in cooperation with the principal at the identified school where the research took place. These students were not involved in the Fall 2002 semester research because they graduated at the end of the Spring 2002 semester and went on to high school. Research Desigr_r Longitudinal Experimental Desigp. The present study employed a between-group longitudinal experimental design with data collection (quantitative and qualitative) across three time points over a six-month period (see below). Participants in both intervention and control group were interviewed once pro-test, once during the program (mid-test), and once post-test. Date Data Collection 9/19/02 Pre-lnterview #1/ Intervention Begins 11/6/02 Mid-Interview #2 3/27/03 Intervention Ends/Post-Interview #3 Recruitment of all youth participants occurred on the school site. Youth participants were randomly assigned to the intervention such that half of the 8th grade cohort got the intervention in the first semester while the other half got a regularly scheduled life skills class. 61 Student participation in the African American cultural class intervention was part of the school curriculum and each child randomly selected into the class participated to fulfill their school requirements. In the case that students left the class or relocated and moved to another school while the intervention or research was still in progress, each parent and youth dyad received (at the beginning of the school year) consent/assent forms which were sent home by the school principal with selected 80’ grade students. These consent/assent forms indicated that participation in the survey administration--outside of the school environment--was completely voluntary for students in both control and intervention groups. Only after receiving written parental consent and youth written assent did students complete surveys outside of the school environment at any or all of the three time points: pre-intervention, midway through the intervention, and post- intervention. One-hundred percent of the parents consented to let their child participate. During the three waves Of data collection (pre-test, mid-test, post-test), youth were administered written surveys. They were asked questions about psychological and behavioral well-being. Archival data outlining behavioral outcomes (e.g., grades, attendance) were also Obtained from school records during all three waves Of the assessment period to see if the intervention had an effect on behavior. This occurred only after receiving written parental consent as outlined in Appendix H. The information gained from archival records, and structured surveys was further supplemented by a brief pre, mid and end of the semester self-report satisfaction survey for intervention and control group youth. This information was further helpful in explaining the findings. Collecting data from these multiple sources was used to triangulate the data. All youth received an incentive equal to $5 for completing each survey for a total of a possible $15. 62 Measures Each Of the measurable variables in Figure 4 are described on the following pages. Many of these measures have been used successfully in previous research by the principal investigator. However, a few of the measures were created specifically for the present study. One assessment instrument was utilized for each construct to facilitate latent structural equation analysis. Because many Of the scales used were subscales or newly created measures, each scale was pilot tested with a small group of Afiican American 8th grade students before the intervention began to test for validity and reliability of the scales. Factor analyses were conducted at time one only on the newer scales or the scales developed specifically for the present study. However, alphas were Obtained for all scales at each time point (time one, time two, and time three). In the case where items were omitted from a scale to maximize the alpha coefficient (Motivation to Achieve Scale-MTA), a clear effort was made to ensure that the alpha coefficient was balanced, or within the same numerical range, from time one to time three. Multicultural Ethnic Identity Scale. Racial identity was assessed using the 14- item Multicultural Ethnic Identity Scale (MEIM), developed by Phinney (1992) to measure adolescent racial identity development (see Appendix B). Responses are anchored on a 4-point Likert scale ranging fi'om 1=Strongly Agree to 4=Strongly Disagree. The MEIM has been shown to be a reliable and valid instrument to use with an Afiican American adolescent population (Phinney, 1992). Factor analytic procedures published by Phinney (1992) yielded a single-factor solution with a highly reliable factor corresponding to racial identity. The factor demonstrated internal consistency with an alpha coefficient of .81. This single factor solution also revealed three inter-correlated 63 components of racial identity: (1) positive ethnic attitudes (Affirmation and Belonging), (2) Ethnic Identity Achievement, and (3) Ethnic Behaviors (Phinney, 1992) which demonstrated internal consistency with alpha coefficients Of .75, .69, and no reported coefficient respectively. In this study, Affirmation and Belonging, Ethnic Identity Achievement and Ethnic Behavior subscales were used. The total ethnic identity score is derived by reversing negative items, summing across items, and Obtaining the mean. In this study, the title of the scale was the MEIM, so as not to bias the participants. Factor analyses were not conducted on this scale because it is a widely used/published scale that has proven to have a strong 3-factor solution over time with Afiican American adolescent populations. However, scale score reliabilities on this scale were examined over time (See Table 2). An examination of the total scale score reliabilities on the MEIM in this study revealed a strong alpha coefficient across time (T1, T2, and T3) from .82, .93, to .94 respectively. Similarly, an examination of factor 1 (Affirmation and Belonging) reliabilities on the MEIM revealed a strong alpha coefficient across time (T1, T2, and T3) from .80, .89, to .92 respectively. However an examination Of the last two-factor score reliabilities revealed inconsistent alpha coefficients over time (T1 , T2, and T3): (Factor 2=Ethnic Identity Achievement) from .59, .87, to .90 respectively, and (Factor 3=Ethnic Behaviors) from .36, .56, to .83 respectively. Communal World-View Sag Communal world-view was assessed using the 27-Item Communal World View Scale developed specifically for the present study. This scale was developed to measure both adolescents’ communal orientation and competitive individualist orientations (see Appendix C). Adapted partly from Triandis, Bontempo, 64 Villareal, Asai, & Lucca (1998) 12-item Self Reliance with Competition sub-scale and Jagers & Mock (1995) 31-item Communalism scale, the Communal World-View scale has responses that are anchored on a 4-point Likert scale ranging from 1=Strongly Disagree to 4=Strongly Agree. The items are scored by summing the appropriately keyed items such that each respondent Obtains two dimensions Of communal worldview (communal orientation and competitive individualist orientation). In this study, the title Of the scale was the CWVS, so as not to bias the participants. Exploratory Factor Analyses (EF A) were conducted on this measure (Lewis, 2003). EFA originally revealed 8 factors with items on each factor that hung together poorly and made little theoretical sense. A look at the initial eigenvalues revealed that only two factors accounted for a substantial percentage Of the variance suggesting that only two factors emerged from the data. To check this finding, the researcher examined solutions that rotated from 1-8 factors. This process revealed that the 2 factor solution hung together well, accounted for the strongest percentage of the variance, and made the most theoretical sense (See Table 3). An examination of factor 1 (communal orientation) score reliabilities on the CWVS revealed strong alpha coefficients across time (T1, T2, T3) from .86, .93, to .93 respectively. Similarly, an examination of factor 2 (Competitive/Individualist Orientation) score reliabilities on the CWVS revealed good alpha coefficients across time (T1 , T2, T3) from .71 , .75, to .67 respectively (See Table 2). _ThiPsycholggipal Sense of School Members_hip Scal_e_._ School connectedness was assessed using the 18-item Psychological Sense of School Membership Scale (PSSM), developed by Goodenow (1993) to measure mid-adolescent students’ sense of 65 school belongingness (See Appendix D). Responses are anchored on a 5-point Likert scale ranging from l=not at all true to 5=completely true. In this study, the title of the scale was the PSSM, so as not to bias the participants. The PSSM has been shown to be a reliable and valid instrument to use with African American adolescent populations (Goodenow & Grady, 1993; Goodenow, 1993). It has a published internal consistency reliability coefficient (Cronbach’s alpha) of .80. The total scale score for school belonging is derived by averaging all items. Factor analyses were not conducted on this scale because it is a widely used/published scale that has proven to have a strong one factor solution over time with adolescent populations. An examination of the total scale score reliabilities on the PSSM in this study revealed a strong alpha coefficient across time (T1, T2, and T3) from .88, .95, to .95 respectively (See Table 2). Motivation to Achieve Scale. Motivation to achieve was assessed using the Motivation to Achieve scale developed specifically for the present study. This scale consists of lO-items developed to measure African American adolescents’ beliefs about their own ability to learn material and perform certain tasks (see Appendix E). Responses are anchored on a 4-point Likert scale ranging from l=Not Effective to 4=Extremely Effective. The items are scored by summing across all items and Obtaining the mean such that each respondent obtains a total motivation to achieve score. In this study, the title of the scale was the MTA, so as not to bias the participants. Exploratory Factor Analyses (EFA) were conducted on this measure for the present study (Lewis, 2003). The EFA originally revealed a 4-factor solution with items on each factor that hung together poorly and made poor theoretical sense. A look at the 66 initial eigenvalues revealed that only 1 factor accounted for a substantial percentage of the variance. To check this finding, the researcher examined solutions that rotated from 1 to 3 factors. Neither the two nor the three-factor solution made theoretical sense or accounted for a large enough percentage Of the variance. The l-factor solution made theoretical sense and accounted for a substantial percentage Of the variance. An examination Of the total scale score reliabilities on the MTA scale revealed strong alpha coefficients across time (T1, T2, and T3) from .66, .88, to .89 respectively (See Table 2). Further item analyses were conducted to strengthen the reliability coefficients. The alphas increased incrementally by omitting item #73 across time (T1, T2, and T3) from .67, .87, to .88. However, when both items #73 and 74 were omitted the alphas increased again across time (T1, T2, and T3) from .69, .87, to .89 respectively (See Table 2). Consequently, these two items (#73 and #74) were dropped and an 8-item scale was utilized for the analyses in this study. Measure of Social Ch_a_nge for Adolescents. The Measure Of Social Change for Adolescents (MOSC-A) is a newly developed scale by Lewis (2001) to measure different aspects of social change preferences (e. g., preferences for change within the system and preferences for change outside Of the system) among African American adolescents. The MOSC-A consists of 3O-item3 developed to characterize the various actions Of adolescents that may be effective in enhancing the lives of African Americans in larger society (see Appendix F). Responses are anchored on a 4-point Likert scale ranging from 1=Not Effective to 4=Extremely Effective. The items are scored by summing the appropriately keyed items such that each respondent Obtains two subscale scores—one 67 for each of the two orders Of social change (first order social change and second order social change). Exploratory Factor Analyses (EF A) were conducted on this measure (Lewis, 2001). EF A originally revealed 7 factors with items on each factor that hung together poorly and made little theoretical sense. A look at the initial eigenvalues revealed that only 1 factor accounted for a substantial percentage of the variance suggesting that only one factor emerged from the data. TO check this finding, the researcher examined solutions that rotated from 1-7 factors. This process again revealed that the l-factor solution hung together well, accounted for the strongest percentage Of variance and made the most theoretical sense. An examination of the total scale score reliabilities on the MOSC revealed a strong alpha coefficient across time (T1, T2, and T3) from .94, .91 , to .91 respectively (See Table 2). In this study, the title of the scale used was the MOSC-A, so as not to bias the participants. TO further assess social change behaviors, self-report interviews were also utilized that asked youth about social change activities that they have actually engaged in or are currently engaging in. Data Analyses Qu_an_titative Analyses Before the substantive analyses were conducted, factor analyses, reliability and distributions of the outcome scales were checked. Scale scores for each variable were computed and missing data was accounted for. One way ANOVAs were conducted on the data to see if experimental and control groups differed significantly at time one. The 68 findings from these one way AN OVAs are presented in the results section. Also see table 4 in the results section for a summary of these findings. Growth traiectory modeling, Given the longitudinal nature of the data, growth trajectory modeling (also known as multilevel modeling, hierarchical linear modeling, random effects regression, and random coefficients regression) was used to test hypothesized increases in participants’ psychological (racial identity, communalism, school connectedness) and behavioral well-being (school achievement and social change involvement) over time. This technique offers maximum power in exploring change (both linear and non-linear) over time across individuals. Between three time points and a total Of 65 individuals, growth curve modeling Operates with a total N Of 195 non- independent Observations, rather than 65. Growth trajectory modeling not only provides increased power, but it has several advantages over repeated measures analysis Of variance (ANOVA)—a technique commonly utilized in longitudinal analyses similar to this study. First, growth trajectory modeling can account for missing data at any time point without having to remove any student participant from the statistical analyses (Byrk & Raudenbush, 1992). Second, growth trajectory modeling allows for flexibility in examining change over time in one domain as it relates to change over time in other domains. This allowed for an examination Of the mediating effects of psychological well being (racial identity, communalism, school connectedness) on increasing behavioral well being (school achievement and social change involvement) as hypothesized in research question 2. In the present study growth trajectories were modeled separately for each outcome. The first step was to graphically explore the process of change at the individual 69 level for each outcome by examining each individual’s growth trajectories by plotting them using the scatter plot function in SPSS. This step was critical for exploring whether there were linear and/or nonlinear patterns of change over time, and whether individuals followed similar patterns of change over time. The growth trajectory modeling was conducted using the Student Version of the HLM (Hierarchical Linear and Nonlinear Modeling) program 5.05 for Windows (Byrk, Raudenbush, & Congdon, 2001). Months between measurement occasions were used as the time metric. Specifically, time 2 occurred 2 months into the intervention and time 3 occurred 6 months into the intervention. While the intervention was only four months, the intervention period actually lasted for 6 months because Of school breaks, school interruptions, and MEAP testing. For each outcome, an initial Level-l model was constructed based upon examination of the individual trajectory plots. For instance, if the individual trajectory plots indicated linear growth, the initial model included the intercept ([300) and a linear or growth effect ([310, time in months = 0, 2, 6). If the individual trajectory plots suggested linear plus deceleration or acceleration, the initial model included the intercept, a linear effect, and a quadratic effect ([320, time in months squared = 0, 4, 36). These effects were centered at Time 1, meaning that the pre-intervention time point was given a value Of 0, so that the intercept would be meaningful (pre-intervention level of the outcome variable). If there was not a clear pattern indicated by the individual trajectory plots, formal tests were employed to compare nested multilevel models in an effort to determine whether adding a quadratic term would significantly improve model fit. To this effect, the modeling process began with a model that included intercept, linear, and quadratic 70 effects. Based upon this initial model, the significance of the linear and quadratic effect was examined in two ways. If both components were significant (p<.05), they were kept in the model. However, if the quadratic effect was not significant (p>.05), it was removed from the model, and then the remaining model was tested. If, after removing the quadratic effect, the linear effect was also not significant, it would have been removed from the model, indicating that the best fitting model was an intercept-only model with no significant change over time. However, in this study, there were no intercept-only models that emerged from the data. Only linear and quadratic models were present. These results were confirmed by comparing models with and without a quadratic term using likelihood ratio (LR) chi square tests. Instead of the HLM default estimation method of restricted maximum likelihood (REML) estimation, maximum likelihood (ML) was used which permits for the use Of LR chi square tests to compare models that do not have identical fixed effects. The second step of the growth trajectory modeling involved formal comparisons of nested multilevel models to determine whether the change parameters—the linear and the quadratic effects—should be modeled with random or fixed time trajectory parameters. To this effect, the model was examined to consider the random effects (variance components) for each time parameter in the model. This step was employed in order to address questions about whether all participants followed similar patterns Of change over time on the outcomes. There were two parts Of this procedure. First, the variance components for the linear and quadratic (if included in the model) effects were examined. If the variance was significantly greater than zero, it indicated that there were significant differences among participants in the patterns of change they experienced over 71 time and that between-persons variability should be reflected by incorporating random variance in the model. However, if the variance components were not significant (p>.05), it suggested that participants followed similar patterns of change over time on the particular outcome being tested (no significant variability across individuals), and therefore the non-significant variance components should be removed from the model and the change parameters should be modeled as fixed (i.e., non-varying across participants). However, before making a final determination about whether to estimate or fix the random linear and quadratic (if applicable) effects, models with all possible combinations of fixed and random level-1 effects were run and compared using likelihood-ratio chi square tests. This is a more accurate test of the best fitting model because it uses the deviance statistic of each model, which is a statistic that indicates how well the particular model specified fits the actual data (the lower the deviance, the better fitting the model), to compare whether the extra degrees of freedom required for each random effect improved the model enough to make it worth estimating the more complex model. It is important to note that this procedure could have also been applied to the variance component of the intercept effect (too), if there might have been reason to believe that participants had similar initial (pre-intervention) scores on a particular outcome. This was not the case in the present study. It is equally important to note that with only three data points in the present study, all 3 effects (intercept, linear, quadratic) were not able to be modeled as random in the same model. Instead, the RIRLFQ (random intercept, random linear, fixed quadratic) and the RIFLRQ (random intercept, fixed linear, random quadratic) models were separately tested against the RIFLF Q (random intercept, fixed linear, fixed quadratic) model. Where the best-fitting model was not clear, 72 model choice was deferred until after condition had been incorporated into the analysis, a strategy suggested by Snidjers and Bosker (1999). Growth trajectory modelingby condition. The third step of the growth trajectory modeling involved an examination of the effect of condition (experimental group vs. control group) on all parameters (intercept, linear, and quadratic where applicable) in the model for each dependent variable. This step was employed to address questions about whether participants in the experimental vs. control groups followed similar or different patterns of change over time on the outcomes. First, the process Of change at the group level (experimental vs. control) was graphically examined for each outcome variable by looking at each groups’ growth trajectory by plotting them using the scatter plot function in SPSS. This was important to see if there were linear and/or nonlinear patterns of change over time and whether the groups followed similar pattern of change over time. If the group trajectory plots indicated linear growth, the initial model included an intercept and a linear term. If the group trajectory plots suggested linear plus deceleration or acceleration, the initial model included the intercept, linear, and quadratic effect terms. To assist in determining what terms to include in the initial condition models, all of the best-fitting models from previous growth trajectory steps (before factoring in condition) were examined and tested to see if they still held up as best-fitting models with the addition of condition. This was done by adding the group type variable as uncentered to each term (intercept, linear, quadratic where applicable) in the previously identified “best-fitting models”. Based upon these condition models, the significance of the linear and quadratic effects were examined. If both components were significant, they were kept in the condition models. 73 However, if the quadratic effect was not significant (p>.05), it was removed from the condition model, and then the remaining condition model was tested. If, after removing the quadratic effect, the linear effect was also not significant, it would have been removed from the condition model, indicating that the best fitting model was an intercept-only condition model with no significant change over time. However, in this study, there were no intercept-only condition models that emerged from the data. Only linear and quadratic condition models were present. Finally, a comparison was made of nested condition models with random vs. fixed time trajectory parameters in an effort to determine the best-fitting and yet most parsimonious (i.e., simplest model or model with the fewest parameters) model. To this effect, the variance components for the linear and quadratic effects (if included in the model) were examined. If either was significant, it most likely indicated that there were significant differences in the patterns Of change experienced by participant groups and should remain in the model. However, if these components were not significant (p>.05), it suggested that participant groups followed similar patterns Of change over time (fixed) on the particular outcome being tested (no significant variability across individuals) and therefore the non-significant variance components should be removed from the condition model. By removing these components from the condition model, they were no longer random effects but were fixed and not allowed to vary. However, before making a final determination about whether to estimate or fix the random linear and quadratic (if applicable) effects, condition models with all possible combinations of fixed and random level-1 effects were run and compared using likelihood-ratio chi square tests. To assist in determining what condition models were the best-fitting and most parsimonious, all Of 74 the best-fitting models from previous growth trajectory steps (before factoring in condition) were examined and tested to see if they still held up as best-fitting models with the addition of condition and random vs. fixed time trajectory parameters. To further assist in determining the best-fitting and yet most parsimonious model, there was (1) an examination Of the number of iterations each model took to converge, and (2) an examination of the model p-value. The higher the number of iterations, the less trustworthy the model was. In less technical terms, this means that the maximum likelihood of estimation can occasionally get Off track in iterating to a solution. This process is called “approaching a local minima”. Due to peculiarities Of a particular dataset, there may be more than one mathematical model that fits the data reasonably well. In this case, the iteration process can start converging toward the wrong solution (also called the local minimum). When that happens the model often does not converge to a final solution. Thus, in this case, models that took a long time to converge were considered to be poorly-fitting models to the data. The p values of the final estimation of fixed effects from each model were also examined. A model with a p-value of (p<.05) was considered to be significant. Power analysis. In order to make sure that these analyses were feasible given the available sample, a power analysis was completed to estimate the probability of finding a treatment effect on the intervention (change over time). Because I had a larger sample than originally anticipated and attrition was quite low (15.4% between time one and time two for the control group, and 2.6% between time one and time two for the experimental group; and 3.2% between time two and time three for the control group, and 9.7% between time two and time three for the experimental group), the number of participants 75 remaining for analyses gave me a power Of approximately .90 to find a medium sized effect (i.e., d=.50). From this, it is apparent that the power of the growth trajectory modeling was adequate. It is important to note that while two new participants joined the intervention group after time one, they were still included in the analyses because HLM can handle cases with partially missing data. However, because one student joined the control group at time three, the data collected on this student was not included in the HLM analysis because it did not meet the rule of this study: “students that did not participate at time two were omitted from the study (as a rule Of this study) in an effort to truly capture the maximum effects Of the intervention on youth over time”. See Table 5 for a summary Of the participants that attrited before time two compared to those that did not. Finally, it is important to note that chi-square tests revealed that there were no significant differences in gender for each group (attriters vs. non-attriters). Essentially, 46% of the participants that attrited before time two were female and 54% were male. Similarly, 57% Of the participants that did not attrit before time two were female and 42% were male. Testing mediating effects. According to Baron and Kenny (1986), there are four requirements, or criteria, that must be met in order for a mediating relationship to be established. These four criteria are that: (l) the predictor (intervention) must be significantly related tO the outcome (behavioral well-being), (2) the predictor (intervention) must be significantly related to the proposed mediating variable (psychological well-being), (3) the proposed mediating variable (psychological well- being) must be significantly related to the outcome (behavioral well-being), and (4) when the proposed mediating variable (psychological well-being) is included in a model with 76 the predictor (intervention) and the outcome (behavioral well-being), the relationship between the predictor (intervention) and outcome (behavioral well-being) must decrease. TO test the hypothesized mediating effects in this study (that increases in racial identity, communal world-view, and school connectedness would mediate increases in motivation to achieve, and social change involvement) several analyses were conducted on the data to determine whether Baron and Kenny’s (1986) four criteria were met. The results from these analyses are discussed in greater detail in the results section. Criterion 1. In the initial growth trajectory models discussed previously, the relationships between the intervention and the outcomes were tested. This method of assessing significant relationships between the intervention and outcomes was based on testing the growth trajectories of the outcomes over time, to determine which differed significantly by condition. Criterion 2. The relationships between the intervention and proposed mediating variables were also tested in the initial growth trajectory models because each Of the proposed mediating variables were also examined as outcomes. Criterion 3. Determining if the proposed mediators were significantly related tO the outcomes was more complicated than establishing this condition in ordinary regression analysis, due to the fact that both the proposed mediators and the outcomes were tirne-varying. In growth trajectory modeling, establishing this relationship required a series of three sub-analyses. The first two analyses examined associations between 1) pro-intervention levels of the mediator and pre-intervention levels Of the outcome variable and 2) pre-intervention levels Of the mediator and growth trajectory on the outcome variable. These analyses examined the level of association between mediator 77 and outcome variable that already existed prior to the start Of the intervention. The level of pre-intervention association could then be controlled while performing sub-analysis 3) testing for mediator-outcome relationships that could result from the effects of the intervention. In all analyses testing criteria 3 and 4, the time-varying effects Of each mediator variable were separated into two variables - the first took on the pre-intervention value for each person and was used as a control for pre-intervention associations between mediator and outcome variable at time 1 and between mediator at time one and change trajectory on the outcome variable. The second mediator variable was computed by subtracting the time 1 value from each of the three observations (i.e., “centering” the variable at time 1). The resulting time-varying mediator, with time 1 level removed, captured post-intervention associations between the mediator and outcome variables and provided the actual test of criterion. Criterion 4. TO test the final requirement that the relationship between the intervention and the outcome decreases when the proposed mediator is added to the model, the intervention linear growth (G11) in earlier analyses were compared to the intervention linear growth (G1 1) in these mediation analyses tO examine whether there was a decrease in the intervention condition with the mediator in the model. For partial mediation to occur in a model, this condition had to be met. Finally, the extent of that reduction was examined. If the growth effects were no longer significant, this evidenced that changes in the hypothesized mediator variable did completely mediate the intervention effects on the outcome variable over time. 78 Qualitative Analyses The qualitative analyses in this study were primarily descriptive rather than within-case or cross-case analyses. This involved thematic analysis of the open ended survey questions on the Measure Of Social Change for Adolescents (MOSC-A) and on the Student Evaluation Form (SEF). The first step in this analysis was to create a comprehensive list of themes by reviewing all of the data. Next, themes were grouped into meta-themes if deemed necessary. A second person reviewed the list of themes and meta-themes. 79 RESULTS Homweity of Conditions In order to verify if the experimental and control groups were equivalent at time one or not, one-way AN OVAs were conducted on the data. Results from the one-way AN OVAs revealed that there were no significant differences between the experimental and control groups at Time one (see table 4). Descriptives Across both groups, students generally endorsed positive feelings about their total racial identity, Affirmation and Belonging, Ethnic Identity Achievement, and Ethnic Behaviors. On average, their total racial identity score was 2.2, and their average racial identity subscales scores were 1.9, 2.4, and 2.3, respectively. Across the two samples, students endorsed a moderately strong communal orientation, as well as a moderately strong competitive individualistic orientation which averaged 3.6 and 3.4 respectively. Student generally reported feeling well connected to school (X=3.1) with high motivation to achieve (X=4.0). Students also endorsed moderate social change involvement (X=2.6). Across the samples, students were moderately invested in school with mean grades Of 2.3 or C averages. Finally, students demonstrated relatively good attendance with an average presence rate Of 81.9 percent out Of a possible 54 days that they could have attended. Hypothesis Ia — Psycholgical Well-Being It was hypothesized that youth participants in the EFL intervention would have higher psychological well-being (including positive racial identity, communal world view and sense Of school connectedness) than youth in the non-intervention control group. To 80 test these hypotheses, each aspect of psychological well-being (racial identity, communal world view and sense Of school connectedness) was separately examined using hierarchical linear modeling techniques. For each aspect of psychological well-being (racial identity, communal world view, and sense Of school membership), several models were constructed and tested for their ability to describe the data over three time-points. These models were informed by graphs of individuals’ trajectories on each of the measures overtime. Each of these models contained a common element—a random intercept—reflecting that youth entered the study with different views and attitudes about their psychological well-being. Following the random intercept term, all models for each aspect Of psychological well being contained a linear slope term that described the initial direction and speed Of growth. This was either a random linear term (suggesting that there was variability between youth participants in their growth or increase/decline on measures of psychological well-being) or a fixed linear term (suggesting that there was little tO no variability between youth participants in their growth or increase/decline on measures Of psychological well-being). For some aspects of psychological well-being, graphs showed curvilinear rather than straight-line trajectories, suggesting that the pace of growth was not constant over time. To reflect this, some models also had a quadratic slope term that described change in the rate of growth over time. These were either random quadratic terms (suggesting that there was variability between youth participants on the rate at which they accelerated or decelerated on measures Of psychological well-being) or fixed quadratic terms (which means that there was little to no variability between youth 81 participants on the rate at which they accelerated or decelerated on measures of psychological well-being ). To test the fit of each model for each aspect of psychological well-being, three model elements were examined. First, for each model, the p value for each parameter was examined to test for significance of means and variances of participants’ growth and acceleration/deceleration on each aspect of psychological well-being. P values Of .05 or smaller were considered to be significant. Models in which all parameters were significant were considered better models because they were more parsimonious than models containing parameters that were not significantly different from zero. Next, the deviance term was examined to check for small versus large discrepancies between the models. The smaller the deviance term, the better the model fit. However, before making a final determination about the best fitting model, it was also necessary to conduct the likelihood ratio chi square ratio test, which was the third and final test of model fit. This test could be conducted only on models that were nested within each other (i.e., those for which the terms in one model were a subset of the terms in the other), and it involved examining the deviance and parameter discrepancy between models in comparison to the chi square distribution to identify whether the difference in model deviances (i.e., the difference between two models in how well they fit the data) was statistically significant. After a best-fitting model of change was identified for each aspect of psychological well-being, condition was added to the model as a predictor of each model parameter. The effect of participation in the EFL intervention versus the control classroom was tested for each parameter contained in the model — intercept, growth, and acceleration/deceleration (where applicable). 82 Total Racial Identity The hypothesis that intervention youth participants’ total racial identity would increase over time during the intervention, relative to those in the control condition, was not confirmed. In the intervention group, participants’ total racial identity significantly decreased throughout the first part of the intervention and then began to decrease at a slower rate during the second half of the intervention (see Tables 7 and 8 and Figure 7). As shown in Table 7, the best-fitting model had random effects for the intercept (participants’ mean racial identity pre-intervention) and linear growth, indicating that their initial racial identity significantly varied and that growth varied as well. All participants followed similar deceleration trajectories, reflected in the fixed quadratic slope. Adding the effects of condition to this best-fitting model resulted in the parameter estimates in Table 8 The effect of intervention on the intercept was not significant (B = - .001 , p < .10), indicating there were no pre-intervention condition differences, after controlling for the effect of change over time. The intervention had a significant, negative effect on the linear growth parameter (B = -.657, p < .001), indicating that participants in the EFL condition showed more negative change over time, compared with those in the control classroom, who showed no significant change (B = .111, p < .116). The intervention had a significantly positive effect on the quadratic parameter (B = .073, p < .001), indicating that the pace of negative change decelerated significantly for participants in the EFL condition, compared with the controls, for whom deceleration was not significant (B = -.011, p < .316). 83 In practical terms, these coefficients indicate that youth participants in the two groups started Off (pre-intervention) with similar attitudes about their racial identity. However, during the intervention, youth participants in the intervention group scored lower on racial identity, compared with youth in the control group, although this decline in attitude slowed significantly over the second half of the intervention. Youth in the control group showed no significant change in their attitudes about their racial identity. Given this surprising result, I looked at the MEIM measure item by item between experimental and control groups over time and found that some of the items that students did not score particularly high on dealt with clarity about ones ethnicity (e.g., item 3 — “I have a clear sense of my ethnic group background and what it means to me” and item 6 — “I am not very clear about the role Of my ethnicity in my life”). With all of the focus on African/African American history and culture, perhaps the EXCEL/BF L intervention was instrumental in raising students’ consciousness, adding to their perceived knowledge base about culture and creating relatively less clarity about their ethnicity. 84 Table 7 Comparison of Growth Trajectory Models for Total Racial Identity (MEIM) Random & Fixed # of P Parameters Deviance Jarameters V aflrg Rirlt’q 311.306 7 BO Intercept mean 0.00* Bl Linear mean 0.00* 32 Quadratic mean 0.00* U0 Intercept variance 0.00* U] Linear variance 0.00* Riflrq 318.289 7 BO Intercept mean 0.00“ B] Linear mean 000* B2 Quadratic mean 0.00* U0 Intercept variance 0.00* U2 Quadratic variance 0.42 Riflfq 326.468 5 BO Intercept mean 0.00* Bl Linear mean 0.00* 82 Quadratic mean 0.00" U0 Intercept variance 0.00’ Note: Best fitting model is bolded Rirlfq=random intercept, random linear, fixed quadratic Riflrq=random intercept, fixed linear, random quadratic Riflfq=random intercept, fixed linear, fixed quadratic Table 8 Coefficients for Growth Trajectory Model Of Total Racial Identity (MEIM) Fixed Effect Coefficient! Se t-ra_tio P Lalg MEIM Intercept (random), BOO Intercept GOO 2.227 0.08 26.70 .000 Intervention Condition 601 -0.001 0.12 -0.01 .095 Linear growth (fixed), [301 Intercept 610 0.111 0.07 1.57 .116 Intervention Condition Gl 1 -0.657 0.09 -6.70 .000 Quadratic acceleration/deceleration (fixed), [302 , Intercept G20 00! 1 -0.01 -1.00 .316 Intervention Condition G21 0.073 0.02 4.84 .000 85 Figure 7 — Observed Growth Trajectories for Total Racial Identity by Condition Mean MEIM 2.6 2.4 I 2.2 '\ 2.0 I 1.8I 1.6I 1.41 1.21 1.0 TIME NI Group type control experimntal TO more fully understand the racial identity development of youth in the intervention group, various dimensions of their racial identity were also examined including youth affirmation and belonging, ethnic identity achievement, and ethnic behaviors. The findings from this examination are discussed below and on the following pages. Racial Identity - Affirmation & Belongi_ng Like total racial identity, the hypothesis that intervention youths’ feelings of affirmation and belonging would increase over time, during the intervention, was disconfrrrned. In the intervention group, participants’ feelings Of affirmation and belonging significantly decreased throughout the intervention (see Tables 9 and 10 and Figure 8). As shown in Table 9, the best-fitting model had random effects for the intercept (participants’ mean racial identity pre-intervention) and linear growth, indicating that their initial feelings of affirmation and belonging significantly varied and that growth varied as well. Change was linear, with no significant deceleration. Adding the effects Of condition to this best-fitting model resulted in the parameter estimates in Table 10 The effect Of intervention on the intercept was not significant, indicating there were no pre-intervention condition differences, after controlling for the effect Of change over time. The intervention had a significant, negative effect on the linear growth parameter (E = -.173, p < .001), indicating that participants in the EFL condition showed more negative change over time, compared with those in the control classroom, who showed significant positive change (B = .057, p < .016). In practical terms, these coefficients indicate that youth participants in the two groups started Off (pro-intervention) with similar attitudes about their affirmation and belonging components of racial identity. However, during the intervention, feelings of affirmation and belonging declined significantly for youth participants in the intervention group, while they significantly increased for youth in the control group. 87 Table 9 Comparison of Growth Trajectory Models for Affirmation and Belonging (MEIMl) Random & Fixed # of P Parametars Deviance parameters Vafla Rirlfq 380.043 7 BO Intercept mean 0.00* Bl Linear mean 0.09 82 Quadratic mean 0.22 U0 Intercept variance 0.00‘ U1 Linear variance 0.06“ Riflrq 382.951 7 BO Intercept mean 0.00“ Bl Linear mean 0.10 BZ Quadratic mean 0.24 U0 Intercept variance 0.00“ U2 Quadratic variance >0.50 Riflfq 386.598 5 BO Intercept mean 0.00" Bl Linear mean 0.11 B2 Quadratic mean 0.25 U0 Intercept variance 0.00“ Rirl 381.516 6 BO Intercept mean 0.00* Bl Linear mean 0.05* U0 Intercept variance 0.00* U] Linear variance 0.08* Rifl 387.902 4 BO Intercept mean 0.00“ B] Linear mean 0.04"“ U0 Intercept variance 0.00" Note: Best fitting model is bolded Rirlfq=random intercept, random linear, fixed quadratic Riflrq=random intercept, fixed linear, random quadratic Riflfq=random intercept, fixed linear, fixed quadratic Rirl=random intercept, random linear Rifl=random intercept, fixed linear Table 10 Coefficients for Growth Trajectory Model Of Affirmation and Belonging (MEIMI) Fixed Effect Coeflicim Se t-ra_tio P Valpa MEIM] Intercept (random), 000 Intercept GOO 2.006 0.1 l 18.96 .000 Intervention Condition G01 -0.278 0.15 -l .84 .064 Linear growth (fixed), [301 Intercept 610 0.057 0.02 2.42 .016 Intervention Condition G1 1 -0.173 0.03 -5.26 .000 88 Figure 8 - Observed Growth Trajectories for Affirmation and Belonging by Condition Mean MEIM1 2.4 2.2 ' 2.0 ' 1.8‘ 1.61 1.4-: 1.2- 1.0 Group type control experimntal TIME NI Racial Identity - Ethnic Identity Achievement Like total racial identity, the hypothesis that intervention youths’ ethnic identity achievement would increase over time, during the intervention, was disconfirmed. In the intervention group, participants’ ethnic identity achievement significantly decreased throughout the intervention, although they decreased at a slower rate during the second half of the intervention (see Tables 11 and 12 and Figure 9). As shown in Table 11, the best-fitting model had random effects for the intercept (participants’ mean ethnic identity achievement pre-intervention) and linear growth, indicating that their initial ethnic identity achievement significantly varied and that 89 growth varied as well. All participants followed similar deceleration trajectories, reflected in the fixed quadratic slope. Adding the effects of condition to this best-fitting model resulted in the parameter estimates in Table 12 The effect of intervention on the intercept was not significant, indicating there were no pre-intervention condition differences, after controlling for the effect of change over time The intervention had a significant, negative effect on the linear grth parameter (B = -.753, p < .001), indicating that participants in the EFL condition showed more negative change over time, compared with those in the control classroom, who showed no significant change (B = .051, p < .488). The intervention had a significantly positive effect on the quadratic parameter (B = .085, p < .001), indicating that the pace of negative change decelerated significantly for participants in the EFL condition; deceleration was not significant for the control classroom (B = -.OO3, p < .739). In practical terms, these coefficients indicate that youth participants in the two groups started off (pm-intervention) with similar attitudes about their ethnic identity achievement. However, during the intervention, youth participants in the intervention group declined in ethnic identity achievement, compared with youth in the control group, who did not change significantly on this variable. For youth participants in the intervention group, the rate of decline slowed in the second half of the intervention. 90 Table 11 Comparison of Growth Trajectory Models for Ethnic Identity Achievement (MEIM2) Random & Fixed # of P Parameters Deviance parameters Valyg Rirlfq 327.517 7 BO Intercept mean 0.00* B1 Linear mean 0.00* B2 Quadratic mean 0.00* U0 Intercept variance 0.01* U] Linear variance 0.02* Riflrq 334.053 7 BO Intercept mean 0.00‘ Bl Linear mean 0.00“ 82 Quadratic mean 0.00“ U0 Intercept variance 0.00"“ U2 Quadratic variance >.500 Rififq 341.098 5 BO Intercept mean 0.00” BI Linear mean 000" B2 Quadratic mean 0.00" U0 Intercept variance 0.00“ Note: Best fitting model is bolded Rirlfq=random intercept, random linear, fixed quadratic Riflrq=random intercept, fixed linear, random quadratic Riflfq=random intercept, fixed linear, fixed quadratic Table 12 Coefficients for Growth Trajectory Model of Ethnic Identity Achievement (MEIM2) Fixed Effect CoeflicienL Se t-ratio P Value MEIMZ Intercept (random), BOO Intercept GOO 2.381 0.08 28.49 .000 Intervention Condition 00] 0.1 16 0.12 0.96 .336 Linear growth (fixed), BOI Intercept G10 0.051 0.07 0.96 .488 Intervention Condition GI 1 -0.753 0.10 -7.45 .000 Quadratic acceleration/deceleration (fixed), [302 Intercept G20 -0.003 0.01 -3.33 .739 Intervention Condition 021 0.085 0.01 5.42 .000 91 Figure 9 — Observed Growth Trajectories for Ethnic Identity Achievement by Condition 2.8 2.6- 2.4 1W 2.2 - \ 2.0 1 \ 1.8- \ 1.6 1 \ 1.41 \ \ GTOUP type 1.2 I ~ control Mean ME|M2 I / I I 1 .0 experin‘ental TIME _B_acial Identity — Ethnic Behaviors Like total racial identity, the hypothesis that intervention youths’ ethnic behaviors would increase over time, during and after the intervention, was disconfirmed. In the intervention group, participants’ ethnic behaviors significantly decreased throughout the intervention (see Tables 13 and 14 and Figure 10). As shown in Table 13, the best-fitting model had random effects for the intercept (participants’ mean ethnic behaviors pre-intervention) and linear growth, indicating that their initial ethnic behaviors significantly varied and that growth varied as well. Growth was linear, with no significant deceleration or change in rate of growth over time. 92 Adding the effects of condition to this best-fitting model resulted in the parameter estimates in Table 14. The effect of the intervention on the intercept was significant, indicating there were condition differences on pre-intervention scores, after controlling for the effect of change over timez. The intervention had a significant, negative effect on the linear grth parameter (B = -. 158, p < .001), indicating that participants in the EFL condition showed more negative change over time, compared with those in the control classroom, who showed significant positive change (B = .057, p < .045). In practical terms, these coefficients indicate that youth participants in the intervention group declined in their engagement in ethnic behavior, compared with youth in the control group, who significantly increased their engagement in ethnic behavior, over time. In the context of the multilevel model, which controls for the effect of time, there was a significant condition difference on pre-intervention ethnic behavior scores. However, the t-test on pre-intervention scores, which does not consider the effect of future change over time, showed no significant pre-existing condition differences on this variable. 2 These results do not contradict the t—test finding of no pre-existing condition differences, because the multilevel results presented here incorporate an adjustment for the effect of change over time. 93 Comparison of Growth Trajectory Models for Ethnic Behaviors (MEIM3) Table 13 Random & Fixed # of P Parameters Deviance parameters Value Rirlfq 422.699 7 BO Intercept mean 0.00“ BI Linear mean 0.09 82 Quadratic mean 0.19 U0 Intercept variance 0.00‘ U] Linear variance 0.00“ Rifirq 425.269 7 BO Intercept mean 0.00" Bl Linear mean 0.13 B2 Quadratic mean 0.25 U0 Intercept variance 0.00" U2 Quadratic variance 0.20 Riflfq 427.808 5 BO Intercept mean 0.00"‘ B] Linear mean 0.14 B2 Quadratic mean 0.25 U0 Intercept variance 0.00“ Rirl 424.363 6 BO Intercept mean 0.00* B1 Linear mean 0.01* U0 Intercept variance 0.00* UI Linear variance 0.00* Rifl 429. I 13 4 BO Intercept mean 0.00“ Bl Linear mean 0.12 U0 Intercept variance 0.00‘ Note: Best fitting model is bolded Rirlfq=random intercept, random linear, fixed quadratic Rifqu=random intercept, fixed linear, random quadratic Rififq=random intercept, fixed linear, fixed quadratic Rirl=random intercept, random linear Rifl=random intercept, fixed linear Table 14 Coefficients for Growth Trajectory Model of Ethnic Behaviors (MEIM3) Fixed Effect Coeflicie__nt Se t-ratio P Valu_e MEIM3 Intercept (random), [300 Intercept GOO 2.431 0.1 1 21.75 .000 Intervention Condition 60! -0.466 0.15 -2.93 .004 Linear growth (fixed), 001 Intercept G 10 0.057 0.02 2.00 .045 Intervention Condition 61] -0.158 0.03 -3.97 .000 94 Figure 10 — Observed Growth Trajectories for Ethnic Behaviors by Condition 3.0 2.8 d 2.6 1 2.4 I 15 . \ \ Group type 1_4 .1 ~.. control Mean MEIM3 / I / l 1 .2 experimntal 0 NI 0) TIME Communal Orientation The hypothesis that intervention youth participants’ communal orientation would increase over time during the intervention was confirmed. In the intervention group, participants’ communal orientation significantly increased throughout the intervention, with the rate of increase slowing during the second half of the intervention (see Tables 15 and 16 and Figure 11). As shown in Table 15, the best-fitting model had random effects for the intercept (participants’ mean communal orientation pre-intervention) and linear growth, indicating that their initial communal orientation significantly varied and that growth varied as well. All participants followed similar deceleration trajectories, reflected in the fixed quadratic slope. 95 Adding the effects of condition to this best-fitting model resulted in the parameter estimates in Table 16. The effect of intervention on the intercept was not significant, indicating there were no pre-intervention condition differences. The intervention had a significant, positive effect on the linear growth parameter (B = .764, p < .001), indicating that participants in the EFL condition showed more positive change over time, compared with those in the control classroom, who showed no significant change (B = -.115, p < .200). The intervention had a significantly negative effect on the quadratic parameter (B = -.089, p < .001), indicating that the pace of positive change decelerated significantly for participants in the EFL condition; deceleration was not significant for the control classroom (B = .011, p < .396). In practical terms, these coefficients indicate that youth participants in the two groups started off (pm-intervention) with similar attitudes about their communal orientation. However, during the intervention, youth participants in the intervention group began to feel more communal compared with youth in the control group, although the pace of increase slowed during the second half of the intervention. Youth in the control group did not change significantly in their communal orientation. 96 Table 15 Comparison of Growth Trajectory Models for Communal Orientation (COMMI) Random & Fixed # of P Parameters Deviance parameters V 413;; Rirlfq 383.372 7 B0 Intercept mean 0.00* Bl Linear mean 0.00* B2 Quadratic mean 0.00* U0 Intercept variance 0.00* U] Linear variance 0.02* Riflrq 387.232 7 BO Intercept mean 0.00* Bl Linear mean 0.00“ 82 Quadratic mean 0.00“ U0 Intercept variance 0.00"“ U2 Quadratic variance >.500 Riflfq 390.013 5 B0 Intercept mean 0.00“ Bl Linear mean 0.00“ 82 Quadratic mean 0.00* U0 Intercept variance 0.00" Note: Best fitting model is bolded Rirlfq=random intercept, random linear, fixed quadratic Riflrq=random intercept, fixed linear, random quadratic Rififq=random intercept, fixed linear, fixed quadratic Table I6 Coefficients for Growth Curve Trajectory Model of Communal Orientation (COMMI) Fixed Effect Coefficient Se t-rcLio P Valgg COMM] Intercept (random), BOO Intercept GOO 3.610 0.1 l 32.60 .000 Intervention Condition 00] -0.063 0.15 -0.40 .689 Linear growth (fixed), [301 Intercept G10 -0.1 15 0.09 -l .28 .200 Intervention Condition Gll 0.764 0.12 6.15 .000 Quadratic acceleration/deceleration (fixed), [302 Intercept GZO 0.01 I 0.01 0.85 .396 Intervention Condition GZI -0.089 0.01 -4.62 .000 97 Figure 11 - Observed Growth Trajectories for Communal Orientation by Condition 4.8 3-6 ' Group type control 3.2 expeririental 0 2 6 Mean COM1 s» f TIME Competitive Individtilist Orientation The hypothesis that intervention youth participants’ competitive individualist orientation would decrease over time during the intervention was disconfirmed. In the intervention group, participants’ competitive individualist orientation significantly increased over the course of the intervention (see Tables 17 and 18 and Figure 12). As shown in Table 17, the best-fitting model had random effects for the intercept (participants’ mean competitive individualist orientation pre-intervention) and fixed linear growth, indicating that all participants followed similar growth in their individualism. Change was linear, with no significant deceleration or change in rate. Adding the effects of condition to this best-fitting model resulted in the parameter estimates in Table 18. The effect of intervention on the intercept was not significant, indicating there were no pre-intervention condition differences. The intervention had a 98 significant, positive effect on the linear growth parameter (B = .161, p < .001), indicating that participants in the EFL condition showed more positive change over time, compared with those in the control classroom, who showed negative change (B = -.075, p < .003). In practical terms, these scores indicate that youth participants in the two groups started off (pre-intervention) with no differences in their individualist feelings. However, during the first half of the intervention, youth participants in the intervention group began to feel more individualistic compared to those in the control group, who felt less individualistic over time. Table 17 Comparison of Growth Trajectory Model of Competitive Individualistic Orientation (COMM2) Random & Fixed # of P Parameters Deviance parameters Vaflg Rirlfq 408.438 7 BO Intercept mean 0.00"“ 81 Linear mean 0.24 82 Quadratic mean 0.15 U0 Intercept variance 0.00" U1 Linear variance 0.00"“ Rifqu 410.599 7 BO Intercept mean 0.00"“ 81 Linear mean 0.27 82 Quadratic mean 0.20 U0 Intercept variance 0.00"“ U2 Quadratic variance 0.44 Riflfq 410.795 5 80 Intercept mean 0.00"“ 81 Linear mean 0.27 82 Quadratic mean 0.20 U0 Intercept variance 0.00"“ Rirl 410.409 6 80 Intercept mean 0.00"“ 81 Linear mean 0.51 U0 Intercept variance 0.00"“ Ul Linear variance 0.08 Rifl 412.424 4 BO Intercept mean 0.00"“ 81 Linear mean 0.49 U0 Intercept variance 0.00"“ Note: Best fitting model is bolded Rirlfq=random intercept, random linear, fixed quadratic Rifqu=random intercept, fixed linear, random quadratic Riflfq=random intercept, fixed linear, fixed quadratic Rirl=random intercept, random linear Rifi=random intercept, fixed linear 99 Table 18 Coefficients for Growth Trajectory Model of Competitive Individualistic Orientation (COMM2) F ixed Effect Coefficienj Se t-ra_tio P VaI_ue_ COMM2 Intercept (random), [300 Intercept GOO 3.21 0.13 24.05 .000 Intervention Condition GO] 0.144 0.18 0.76 .446 Linear grth (fixed), [301 Intercept 010 -0.075 0.02 -3 .00 .003 Intervention Condition 61] 0.161 0.03 4.71 .000 Figure 12 — Observed Growth Trajectories for Competitive Individualistic Orientation by Condition 4O 38" 36' ,./’ 3.4- ,/ 321 301 2.8 I Mean COM2 23 TIME 100 Group type control experimental School Connectedness The hypothesis that intervention youth participants’ school connectedness (sense of school membership) would increase over time during the intervention was confirmed. In the intervention group, participants’ school connectedness significantly increased throughout the intervention, although at a slower rate during the second half of the intervention (see Tables 19 and 20 and Figure 13). As shown in Table 19, the best—fitting model had random effects for the intercept (participants’ mean sense of school membership pre-intervention) and linear growth, indicating that their initial sense of school membership significantly varied and that growth varied as well. All participants followed similar deceleration trajectories, reflected in the fixed quadratic slope. Adding the effects of condition to this best-fitting model resulted in the parameter estimates in Table 20. The effect of intervention on the intercept was not significant, indicating there were no pre-intervention condition differences. The intervention had a significant, positive effect on the linear growth parameter (8 = .852, p < .001), indicating that participants in the EFL condition showed more positive change over time, compared with those in the control classroom, who showed no significant change (8 = -.130, p < .135). The intervention had a significantly negative effect on the quadratic parameter (8 = -.O99, p < .001), indicating that the pace of positive change decelerated significantly for participants in the EFL condition; deceleration was not significant for the control classroom (8 = .011, p < .425). In practical terms, these coefficients indicate that youth participants in the two groups started off (pre-intervention) with similar attitudes about their school 101 connectedness or sense of school membership. During the intervention, youth participants in the intervention group began to feel more connected to the school compared with youth in the control group. However, this positive change for youth participants in the intervention group slowed significantly in the second part of the intervention. Table 19 Comparison of Growth Trajectory Models for Sense of School Membership (PSSM) Random & Fixed # of P Parameters Deviance parameters Vafl Rirlfq 414.546 7 80 Intercept mean 0.00"“ 81 Linear mean 0.00* 82 Quadratic mean 0.00"“ U0 Intercept variance 0.00* U] Linear variance 0.00"“ Riflrq 421.855 7 80 Intercept mean 0.00"“ 8] Linear mean 0.00"“ 82 Quadratic mean 0.00"“ U0 Intercept variance 0.00"“ U2 Quadratic variance 0.43 Riflfq 431.535 5 80 Intercept mean 0.00"“ 8] Linear mean 0.00"“ 82 Quadratic mean 0.00"“ U0 Intercept variance 0.00"“ Note: Best fitting model is bolded Rirlfq=random intercept, random linear, fixed quadratic Riflrq=random intercept, fixed linear, random quadratic Riflfq=random intercept, fixed linear, fixed quadratic Table 20 Coefficients for Growth Trajectory Model of Sense of School Membership (PSSM) Fixed Efiect Coefficient Se t-ra_tio P Vajlzig PSSM Intercept (random), BOO Intercept GOO 2.959 0.12 24.75 .000 Intervention Condition G0] 0.315 0.17 1.83 .066 Linear growth (fixed), [30] Intercept GIO -0. 130 0.08 -] .49 .135 Intervention Condition 61] 0.852 O. 12 7.06 .000 Quadratic acceleration/deceleration (fixed), 002 Intercept G20 0.011 0.01 0.79 .425 Intervention Condition G21 -0.099 0.01 -5.29 .000 102 Figure 13 - Observed Grth Trajectories for Sense of School Membership by Condition 5.0 4.5 " 3.5 I / Group type control 1° 0 Mean PSSM experimental TIME 103 Hypothesis Ib — Behavioral Well-Being It was hypothesized that youth participants in the EFL intervention would also have higher behavioral well-being (including school achievement--motivation to achieve and grades--and social change involvement) than youth in the non-intervention control group. To test these hypotheses, each aspect of behavioral well-being was individually examined using hierarchical linear modeling techniques similar to those used on Psychological well being. School Achievement was the first aspect of behavioral well-being that was observed. It is important to note that two aspects of school achievement were examined including student participants’ motivation to achieve and their actual classroom grades. Motivation to Achieve The hypothesis that intervention youth participants’ motivation to achieve would increase over time during and after the intervention was confirmed. In the intervention group, participants’ motivation to achieve significantly increased throughout the first part of the intervention and then began to increase at a slower rate during the second half of the intervention (see Tables 21 and 21 and Figure 14). As shown in Table 21, the best-fitting model had random effects for the intercept (participants’ motivation to achieve pre-intervention) and linear growth, indicating that their initial motivation to achieve significantly varied and that growth varied as well. Change was linear, with no significant deceleration or change of rate. Adding the effects of condition to this best-fitting model resulted in the parameter estimates in Table 22. The effect of intervention on the intercept was significant, indicating that, after controlling for the effect of change over time, there were pre— 104 intervention condition differences. The intervention had a significant, positive effect on the linear growth parameter (8 = .133, p < .001), indicating that participants in the EFL condition showed more positive change over time, compared with those in the control classroom, who showed no significant change (8 = -.026, p < .254). In practical terms, these coefficients indicate that youth participants in the intervention group felt increasing motivation to achieve, compared with youth in the control group, whose motivation did not change significantly. In the context of the multilevel model, which controls for the effect of time, there was a significant condition difference on pre-intervention motivation scores. However, the t-test on pre-intervention scores, which does not consider the effect of future change over time, showed that there were no significant pre-existing condition differences on this variable. Table 21 Comparison of Grth Trajectory Model of Motivation to Achieve (MTA) Random & Fixed # of P Parameters Deviance Value Rirlfq 360.922 80 Intercept mean 0.00"“ 81 Linear mean 0.03"“ 82 Quadratic mean 0.12 U0 Intercept variance 0.00"“ U] Linear variance 0.04" Riflrq 364.002 80 Intercept mean 0.00"“ 81 Linear mean 0.03"“ 82 Quadratic mean 0.14 U0 Intercept variance 0.00"“ U2 Quadratic variance >.500 Riflfq 365.762 80 Intercept mean 0.00"“ 81 Linear mean 0.04"“ 82 Quadratic mean 0.15 U0 Intercept variance 0.00"“ Rirl 363.255 80 Intercept mean 0.00"“ 81 Linear mean 0.01" U0 Intercept variance 0.00" U1 Linear variance 0.07 Rifl 367.817 80 Intercept mean 0.00" 81 Linear mean 0.00" U0 Intercept variance 0.00"“ Note: Best fitting model is bolded Rirlfq=random intercept, random linear, fixed quadratic Riflrq=random intercept, fixed linear, random quadratic 105 Riflfq=random intercept, fixed linear, fixed quadratic Rirl=random intercept, random linear Rifl=random intercept, fixed linear Table 22 Coefficients for Growth Trajectory Model of Motivation to Achieve (MTA) Fixed Effect Coefliciefint Se t-ra_tio P Vm MTA Intercept (random), 800 Intercept G00 3.834 0.09 38.7 .000 Intervention Condition G01 0.430 0.14 3.04 .003 Linear grth (fixed), [30] Intercept G10 0026 0.02 -1.14 .254 Intervention Condition G11 0.133 0.03 4.22 .000 Figure 14 — Observed Growth Trajectories for Motivation to Achieve by Condition 5.0 4.8 I 4.6 ' / 4.4 I / 4.2 I / 4.0 I 3.8 I Mean MTA OD ‘2’ TIME 106 Group type control experimental Qfidis. The hypothesis that intervention youth participants’ grades would increase over time during the intervention, relative to those of the control group, was not confirmed. In both the control and intervention group, participants’ grades significantly increased throughout the intervention, but there was no significant difference between the groups in their rate of change (see Tables 23 and 24 and Figure 15). As shown in Table 23, the best-fitting model had random effects for the intercept (participants’ mean grade pre-intervention) and fixed linear growth, indicating that all participants followed similar growth in their grades. Change was linear, with no significant change in rate. Adding the effects of condition to this best-fitting model resulted in the parameter estimates in Table 24. The effect of intervention on the intercept was not significant, indicating there were no pre-intervention condition differences. The intervention effect on the linear growth parameter was not significant (8 = -.014, p < .578), indicating that participants in the EFL condition did not differ significantly from those in the control classroom, who showed significantly positive change in grades over time (B = .056, p < .003) In practical terms, these coefficients indicate that youth participants in the two groups started off (pre-intervention) with similar grades and showed similar improvement in grades over the course of the intervention. Improvement was not significantly different for the EFL condition, compared with the control condition. 107 Table 23 Comparison of Growth Trajectory Models for Grade Random & Fixed # of P Parameters Deviance parameters Value Rirlfq 334.318 7 80 Intercept mean 0.00" 81 Linear mean 0.04"“ 82 Quadratic mean 0.27 U0 Intercept variance 0.00"“ U] Linear variance 0.02" Riflrq 333.390 7 80 Intercept mean 0.00"“ 81 Linear mean 0.04" 82 Quadratic mean 0.28 U0 Intercept variance 0.00" U2 Quadratic variance 0.01" Riflfq 335.649 5 80 Intercept mean 0.00" 81 Linear mean 0.05"“ 82 Quadratic mean 0.29 U0 Intercept variance 0.00"“ Rirl 335.516 6 80 Intercept mean 0.00" 81 Linear mean 0.00" U0 Intercept variance 0.00"“ U] Linear variance 0.03" Rifl 336.753 4 80 Intercept mean 0.00" 81 Linear mean 0.00"“ U0 Intercept variance 0.00" Note: Best fitting model is bolded Rirlfq=random intercept, random linear, fixed quadratic Riflrq=random intercept, fixed linear, random quadratic Riflfq=random intercept, fixed linear, fixed quadratic Rirl=random intercept, random linear Rifl=random intercept, fixed linear Table 24 Coefficients for Growth Trajectory Model of Grade Fixed Effect C oeflcienj Se t—ra_tio P Value GRADE Intercept (random), B00 Intercept GOO 2.212 0.16 13.43 .000 Intervention Condition 00] 0.143 0.24 0.61 .544 Linear (fixed), B01 Intercept G10 0.056 0.02 3.08 .003 Intervention Condition CI] -0.014 0.02 -0.56 .578 108 Figure 15 — Observed Growth Trajectories for Grade by Condition 27 Group type control Mean GRADE 2. 1 experimental 0 NI 0) TIME Social Change Involvement The hypothesis that intervention youth participants’ social change involvement would increase over time during and after the intervention was confirmed. In the intervention group, participants’ social change involvement significantly increased throughout the intervention (see Tables 25 and 26 and Figure 16). As shown in Table 25, the best-fitting model had random effects for the intercept (participants’ social change involvement pre-intervention) and linear growth, indicating that their initial social change involvement significantly varied and that growth varied as well. Change was linear, with no significant deceleration or change in rate. Adding the effects of condition to this best-fitting model resulted in the parameter estimates in Table 26. The effect of intervention on the intercept was not significant, indicating there were no pre-intervention condition differences. The intervention had a 109 significant, positive effect on the linear growth parameter (8 = .120, p < .001), indicating that participants in the EFL condition showed more positive change over time, compared with those in the control classroom, who showed significantly negative change (8 = -.05, p < .004). In practical terms, these coefficients indicate that youth participants in the two groups started off (pm-intervention) with similar attitudes about their social change involvement. However, during the first half of the intervention, youth participants in the intervention group began to endorse more social change involvement than youth in the control group, who endorsed significantly less involvement over time. Table 25 Comparison of Growth Trajectory Models of Total Social Change (MOSC) Random & Fixed # of P Parameters Devil'ance parametgrs Valle Rirlfq 277.712 7 80 Intercept mean 0.00" 81 Linear mean 0.12 82 Quadratic mean 0.16 U0 Intercept variance 0.00" U] Linear variance 0.01"“ Riflrq 279.079 7 BO Intercept mean 0.00"“ 81 Linear mean 0.14 82 Quadratic mean 0.20 U0 Intercept variance 0.00" U2 Quadratic variance >.50 Riflfq 289.650 5 80 Intercept mean 0.00"“ 81 Linear mean 0.14 82 Quadratic mean 0.19 U0 Intercept variance 0.00"“ Rirl 279.603 6 BO Intercept mean 0.00" 181 Linear mean 0.41 U0 Intercept variance 0.00" U1 Linear variance 0.01* Rifl 282.349 4 BO Intercept mean 0.00" 8] Linear mean 0.41 U0 Intercept variance 0.00" Note: Best fitting model is bolded Rirlfq=random intercept, random linear, fixed quadratic Riflrq=random intercept, fixed linear, random quadratic Riflfq=random intercept, fixed linear, fixed quadratic Rirl=random intercept, random linear Rifl=random intercept, fixed linear 110 Table 26 Coefficients for Growth Trajectory Model of Total Social Change Fixed Effect C oefl'icienj Se t-ra_tio Valute MOSC Intercept (random), B00 Intercept G00 2.667 0.09 26.8 .000 Intervention Condition G0] -0.0] 8 0.14 -0.13 .897 Linear growth (fixed), B01 Intercept G10 -0.05 0.18 -2.95 .004 Intervention Condition G] 1 0.120 0.02 4.91 .000 Figure 16 — Observed Growth Trajectories for Total Social Change by Condition Mean MOSC 31 3.0 I 2.9 I 2.8 I 2.7 I 2.6 I 2.5 I 2.4 I 2.3 Group type control experimental TIME MI 111 Hypothesis II —- Media’flg Releflmshipfis It was hypothesized that, for youth in the experimental condition, enhanced psychological well-being would lead to higher behavioral well-being. Therefore, in addition to examining the growth trajectories for each outcome over time, the impact that changes on certain outcomes had on changes on other outcomes was examined. Among the hypothesized mediating effects (racial identity, communal world-view, and school connectedness as mediators of motivation to achieve, and social change involvement), two significant mediators (communal worldview and school connectedness) were detected. To thoroughly explain these findings, the results of the mediating analyses will be discussed according to how they met each of the four criteria for mediation outlined by Baron and Kenny (1986). Criterion I .' The predictor must be significantly related to the outcome. From the original growth trajectory analyses, two of the five hypothesized behavioral outcomes (motivation to achieve, total social change involvement, first order social change involvement, second order social change involvement, and grades) could be potentially included in the mediating analyses. The effect of condition on growth in total social change and motivation to achieve was significant which indicates that these outcomes were significantly related to the predictor (intervention). Criterion 2: The predictor must be significantly related to the proposed mediating variable. Of the seven hypothesized mediators (total racial identity, affirmation and belonging, ethnic identity, ethnic behaviors, communal orientation, competitive individualistic orientation, and school connectedness) the effect of condition on growth in 112 three variables (communal orientation, competitive individualist orientation, and school connectedness) was significant indicating that they could be potential mediators. Criterion 3: The proposed mediating variable must be significantly related to the outcome. In order to test the significance of the relationship between each of the hypothesized mediators (communal orientation, competitive individualist orientation, and school connectedness) with each of the outcome variables (motivation to achieve and total social change involvement), three sub-steps were examined in criterion 3. To test the significance of the relationship between the hypothesized mediator, Communal Orientation, and each of the outcome variables, Motivation to Achieve and Total Social Change Involvement, the three sub-steps were examined. The results indicated that Communal Orientation at time 1 (pre-intervention) was significantly related to Motivation to Achieve at time 1 (pre-intervention) (3G0; = 0.498; p<.01). Similarly, Communal Orientation at time 1 (pre-intervention) was significantly related to Total Social Change Involvement at time 1 (pre-intervention) (G02 = 0.206; p<.05). Next, the results revealed that Communal Orientation at time ] (pre-intervention) had a significant effect on growth or change on Motivation to Achieve (G12 = -0.083, p < .01). However, Communal Orientation at time 1 (pm-intervention) was not significantly related to grth or change on Total Social Change (G; = -0.009, p = .06). Finally, controlling for the effects of pre-intervention Communal Orientation, results showed that time-varying change from time 1 Communal Orientation (i.e., time 2 and time 3 scores centered at time 1) was significantly related to change in Motivation to Achieve (Gzo = 0.537, p < .01) at time 3 (post intervention) and were thus related. However, change in Communal Orientation did not relate significantly to change on Total Social Change (G20 113 = 0.268, p = .06) (For these results, see tables 27 and 28). Overall, these results offer evidence that Communal Orientation might mediate Motivation to Achieve, but not Total Social Change Involvement. Table 27 Coefficients for Growth Trajectory Model of Motivation to Achieve, testing the mediation of Communal Orientation Fixed Effect Coejficienj Se t-ra_tio Vailug COMM] on MTA Intercept (random), B00 Intercept G00 2.] l 1 0.33 6.25 .000 Intervention Condition G01 0.203 0.13 1.57 .116 Time 1, pre-intervention Communalism (COM1_0) G02 0.498 0.09 5.15 .000 Linear growth (fixed), B0] Intercept G 10 0.040 0.09 0.41 .680 Intervention Condition G1 1 0.029 0.05 0.66 .507 Time 1, pre-intervention Communalism (COM1_0) 612 -0.013 0.03 -0.46 .647 Change in Communalism (time-varying Covariate) (COMMIDEV slope), B02 Intercept G20 0.537 0.15 3.61 .001 Table 28 Coefficients for Growth Trajectory Model of Total Social Change Involvement, testing the mediation of Communal Orientation Fixed Effect Coeflicilrt Se t-ragio ngge COMM] on MOSC Intercept (random), B00 Intercept G00 1.949 0.33 5.84 .000 Intervention Condition GO] -0.145 0.13 -1.14 .253 Time 1, pre-intervention Communalism (COM1_0) G02 0.206 0.09 2.31 .02] Linear growth (fixed), B01 Intercept G10 -0.130 0.09 -1.35 .177 Intervention Condition CI] 0.065 0.04 1.48 .140 Time 1, pre-intervention Communalism (COM1_0) 012 0.025 0.03 0.92 .356 Change in Communalism (time-varying Covariate) (COMMIDEV slope), B02 Intercept G20 0.268 0.15 1.83 .066 3 For ease of communication, the numbers G02, 0.2, G20 are used to describe mediator term in the output 114 To test of the significance of the relationship between the hypothesized mediator, Competitive Individualist Orientation, and each of the outcome variables, Motivation to Achieve and Total Social Change Involvement, again, the three sub-steps were examined. The results indicated that Competitive Individualist Orientation at time 1 (pre- intervention) was not significantly related to change in Motivation to Achieve at time 1 (pre-intervention) (G02 = 0.138); p=0.10). Similarly, Competitive Individualist Orientation at time 1 (pre-intervention) was not significantly related to Total Social Change Involvement at time 1 (pre-intervention) (G02 = 0.066; p=0.38). Next, the results revealed that Competitive Individualist Orientation at time I (pre-intervention) did not have a significant effect on grth or change on Motivation to Achieve (G12 = -0.011; p=.58). Likewise, Competitive Individualist Orientation at time I (pre-intervention) was not significantly related to growth or change on Total Social Change (G12 = -0.003, p=.83). Finally, controlling for the effects of pre-intervention Competitive Individualist Orientation (i.e., time 2 and time 3 scores centered at time 1) was significantly related to change in Motivation to Achieve (G20 = 0.451, p<.01) at time 3 (post intervention) and were thus related. However, change in Competitive Individualist Orientation did not relate significantly to change on Total Social Change (G20 = -0.083, p=.46) (For these results, see tables 29 and 30). Overall, these results offer evidence that Competitive Individualist Orientation might mediate Motivation to Achieve, but not Total Social Change Involvement. 115 Table 29 Coefficients for Growth Trajectory Model of Motivation to Achieve, testing the mediation of Competitive Individualist Orientation Fixed Effect C oefliciegnt Se t-Igtio Value COMM2 on MTA Intercept (random), B00 Intercept GOO 3.449 0.28 l 1.89 .000 Intervention Condition G01 0.193 0.14 1.39 .175 Time 1, pre-intervention Individualism (COM2_0) G02 0.138 0.08 1.69 .090 Linear growth (fixed), B01 Intercept G10 -0. 130 0.07 -1.71 .086 Intervention Condition G11 0.077 0.04 2.02 .043 COM2_0 G12 0.041 0.02 1.76 .078 Change in Individualism (time-varying Covariate) (COMMZDEV slope), B02 Intercept G20 0.451 0.13 3 .56 .001 Table 30 Coefficients for Growth Trajectory Model of Total Social Change Involvement, testing the mediation of Competitive Individualist Orientation Fixed Effect Coefficient Se t-ra_tio V alyg COMM2 on MOSC Intercept (random), B00 Intercept G00 2.469 0.27 9.06 .000 Intervention Condition G01 -0. 149 0.13 -1 . 12 .263 Time 1, pre-intervention Individualism (COM2_0) G02 0.066 0.08 0.87 .038 Linear growth (fixed), B01 Intercept G 10 -0.042 0.07 -0.64 .522 Intervention Condition C] I 0.148 0.03 4.46 .000 COM1__0 G12 -0.006 0.02 -0.31 .760 Change in Individualism (time-varying Covariate) (COMMZDEV slope), B02 Intercept G20 -0.083 0.11 -0.73 .463 To test of the significance of the relationship between the hypothesized mediator, School Connectedness, and each of the outcome variables, Motivation to Achieve and Total Social Change Involvement, again the three sub-steps were examined. The results indicated that School Connectedness at time 1 (pre-intervention) was significantly related to Motivation to Achieve at time 1 (pm-intervention) (G02 = 0.492; p<.01). Similarly, 116 School Connectedness at time 1 (pre-intervention) was significantly related to Total Social Change Involvement at time 1 (pre-intervention) (G02 = 0.171; p<.05). Next, the results revealed that School Connectedness at time 1 (pre-intervention) had a significant effect on growth or change on Motivation to Achieve (G; = -0.065, p<.01). However, School Connectedness at time 1 (pre-intervention) was not significantly related to growth or change on Total Social Change (G; = -0.027, p=.13). Finally, controlling for the effects of pre-intervention School Connectedness, results showed that time-varying change from time 1School Connectedness (i.e., time 2 and time 3 scores centered at time I) was significantly related to Motivation to Achieve (G20 = 0.597, p<.01) at time 3 (post intervention) and were thus related. However, change in School Connectedness did not related significantly to change on Total Social Change (G20 = -0.032, p=.80) (For these results, see tables 31 and 32). Overall, these results offer evidence that School Connectedness might mediate Motivation to Achieve, but not Total Social Change Involvement. Table 31 Coefficients for Growth Trajectory Model of Motivation to Achieve, testing the mediation of School Connectedness Fixed flfect Coefficient Se t—ratio Va_Igg PSSM on MTA Intercept (random), B00 Intercept GOO 2.453 0.26 9.41 .000 Intervention Condition GO] 0.025 0.13 1.19 .849 Time 1, pre-intervention School Connectedness (PSSM_O) G02 0.492 0.08 5.92 .000 Linear grth (fixed), B01 Intercept G10 0.009 0.06 .144 .089 Intervention Condition G11 0.003 0.04 .071 .094 Time 1, pre-intervention School Connectedness (PSSM_0) 612 -0.000 0.02 -0.02 .098 Change in School Connectedness (time-varying Covariate) (PSSMDEV slope), B02 Intercept 620 0.596 0.12 4.88 .000 117 Table 32 Coefficients for Growth Trajectory Model of Total Social Change Involvement, testing the mediation of School Connectedness Fixed Effect C oefiicierrt Se t-ra_tio Vam PSSM on MOSC Intercept (random), B00 Intercept GOO 2.186 0.27 7.97 .000 Intervention Condition G01 0207 0.13 -1.53 .125 Time 1, pre-intervention School Connectedness (PSSM_0) GOZ 0.171 0.08 1.96 .050 Linear growth (fixed), B01 Intercept G10 -0.018 0.07 0.28 .779 Intervention Condition G11 0.132 0.05 2.85 .005 Time 1, pre-intervention School Connectedness (PSSM_0) G12 -0.024 0.02 -1.05 .293 Change in School Connectedness (time-varying Covariate) (PSSMDEV slope), B02 Intercept G20 0.032 0.13 0.25 .800 Criterion 4: When the proposed mediating variable is included in a model with the predictor and the outcome, the relationship between the predictor and outcome must decrease. In order to complete the test of mediation for each of the hypothesized mediators (communal orientation, competitive individualist orientation, and school connectedness) with each of the outcome variables (motivation to achieve and total social change involvement), two sub-steps were examined in criterion 4. First, the intervention linear grth coefficients (G11) in earlier analyses were compared to the intervention linear growth coefficients (G11) in these mediation analyses to examine whether there was a decrease in the intervention condition with the mediator in the model. For partial mediation to occur in a model, this condition had to be met. Finally, the extent of that reduction was examined. If the condition effects were no longer significant, this evidenced that changes in the hypothesized mediator variable did completely mediate the intervention effects on the outcome variable over time. 118 To complete the test of mediation effects for the hypothesized mediator, Communal Orientation, on the outcome variable, Motivation to Achieve, criterion 4 was examined. Previous results showed that the intervention linear grth coefficient (G11) in earlier analyses of Motivation to Achieve was 0.133 and significant (p< .01) (See Table 21). In present mediation analyses, the intervention linear growth effect (G1 1) for Motivation to Achieve, as mediated by Communal Orientation, decreased to 0.029 and was no longer significant (See Table 27). This provided evidence that changes in Communal Orientation completely mediated the intervention effects on Motivation to Achieve over time. To complete the test of mediation effects for the hypothesized mediator, Communal Orientation, on the outcome variable, Total Social Change Involvement, criterion 4 was examined. Results indicated that the intervention linear grth coefficient (G11) in earlier analyses of Total Social Change Involvement was 0.120 and significant (p<0.01) (See Table 26). In present mediation analyses, the intervention linear grth effect (G1 1) for Total Social Change Involvement, as mediated by Communal Orientation, decreased to 0.065 and was no longer significant (See Table 28). This provided evidence that changes in Communal Orientation completely mediated the intervention effects on Total Social Change Involvement over time. To complete the test of mediation effects for the hypothesized mediator, Competitive Individualist Orientation, on the outcome variable, Total Motivation to Achieve, criterion 4 was again examined. Results indicated that the intervention linear grth coefficient (G11) in earlier analyses of Motivation to Achieve was 0.133 and significant (p=0.00) (See Table 22). In present mediation analyses, the intervention 119 linear growth (G11) for Motivation to Achieve as mediated by Competitive Individualist Orientation, decreased to 0.078 and was still significant (See Table 29). This provided evidence that changes in Competitive Individualist Orientation partially mediated the intervention effects of Motivation to Achieve over time. To complete the test of mediation effects for the hypothesized mediator, the effect of Competitive Individualist Orientation, on the outcome variable, Total Social Change Involvement, criterion 4 was examined. Results indicated that the intervention linear growth (G11) in earlier studies for Total Social Change Involvement was 0.120 and significant (p=0.00) (See Table 25). In present mediation analyses, the intervention linear grth (G11) for Total Social Change Involvement as mediated by Competitive Individualist Orientation, increased to 0.147 and was still significant (See Table 30). This provided evidence that changes in Competitive Individualist Orientation did not mediate the intervention effects of Total Social Change Involvement over time. To complete the test of mediation effects for the hypothesized mediator, School Connectedness, on the outcome variable, Motivation to Achieve, criterion 4 was yet again examined. Results indicated that the intervention linear growth (G11) in earlier studies for Motivation to Achieve was 0.133 and significant (p=0.00) (See Table 22). In present mediation analyses, the intervention linear growth (G11) for Motivation to Achieve as mediated by School Connectedness decreased to 0.003 and was no longer significant (See Table 31). This provided evidence that changes in School Connectedness completely mediated the intervention effects of Motivation to Achieve over time. 120 To complete the test of mediation effects for the hypothesized mediator, School Connectedness, on the outcome variable, Total Social Change Involvement, criterion 4 was examined. Results indicated that the intervention linear growth (G 1 1) in earlier studies for Total Social Change Involvement was 0.120 and significant (p=0.00) (See Table 26). In present mediation analyses, the intervention linear growth (G11) for Total Social Change Involvement as mediated by School Connectedness, increased to 0.132 and remained significant (See Table 32). This provided evidence that changes in School Connectedness did not mediate the intervention effects of Total Social Change Involvement over time. In sum, two mediating relationships were detected: (1) increased communal orientation as a mediator for both motivation to achieve and total social change involvement, and (2) increased school connectedness as a mediator for motivation to achieve. In addition, one partial mediating relationship was detected: (3) competitive individualistic orientation as a mediator for motivation to achieve. Qualitative Results Evidence from student participants at the end of the intervention supported and confirmed the quantitative findings (growth trajectories), as illustrated by the quotes presented with the social change and student evaluation outcomes. Additionally, the open-ended questions were important because they helped to illustrate other ways that the intervention impacted participants. Qualitative findings are discussed below according to the following categories: 1) emergent impacts of the intervention on student participants’ preferences for social change, 2) emergent impacts of the intervention on student participants’ evaluation of the class. 121 Emergent Impacts of the Intervention on Participants Preferences for Social Change Involvement Given the intervention focus on leadership and social change particularly towards the end of the class, it was expected that the program would positively impact intervention students’ preferences for social change and ultimately result in their increased participation in second order social change activities (strategies that challenge the status quo and fundamentally change systemic structures) as well as their increased ability to articulate why that involvement made a difference. As hypothesized, by the end of the intervention, youth participants in the experimental group talked about many different ways that they have been involved in second order social change strategies including mobilizing the Black community, adopting a leadership role, and organizing/protesting against racism. Mobilizing the Black Community One of the main ways that intervention youth participants reported being involved in social change is through the mobilization of the Black community: “I am trying to get some of my friends that have actually experienced racism and start a web page to let people know what they feel and how they felt when that happened. Then I would open it up to the people to chat with them. I want people to know that banning black people is bad. It is even worse that we kill each other and say that we don't like racism when we are killing ourselves” (#GA26) “In the near future I plan to have meetings with black people and tell them about how black people get treated unfairly. Then I will let them know that black people are just like any other people in this world, I will also tell them to step up and make a change in our community” (#SM03) “I am telling Blacks to fight for their rights and take a stand” (ST05) “I have made a group for only blacks” (#TU25) 122 Adopting; Leadership Role. In addition to mobilizing the Black community, many Black student participants talked about adopting leadership roles: “I got a job and am becoming a leader of African Americans” (#CA17) “I am making a student newsletter and getting Blacks to become leaders (#FOOS) “I showed my friends how to become Black leaders from things I learned in this class” (#GA12) Organizing and Protesthg Against Racism. A final concept that intervention student participants endorsed was the organization and protest against racism: “1 have started thinking about ways I can lead a protest for blacks to get their rights” (#GR26) “I got a lot of black students at an assembly to speak out against racism” (#NU20) “I have started organizing a protest against racist groups” (#SHI 5) “I plan to try to form a group to go around to places where the owners could be racist like some stores, beauty supply stores and local restaurants” (W107) Youth in the control group at all three time points and youth in the experimental group pre-intervention were much less involved in second order social change. In fact, they endorsed very little participation in social change strategies because they either felt like racism does not exist and hence there is no need to address this concept, or they felt like there was nothing they could do to make a difference about racism. When youth in these groups did participate in social change activities it was always first order social change strategies (strategies that attempt to address social problems by reaching a better understanding of how individuals and groups can function more effectively within that system) that they endorsed or engaged in including educating Whites about racism or befriending Whites to enhance unity between Blacks and Whites. 123 Emergent Impacts of the Intervention on Student Participants’ Evflation of the Class Given the nature of the intervention in which student participants were encouraged to work on different learning goals at their own pace, while being exposed to new and challenging information, it was expected that the project would have varied effects on intervention group participants’ and hence their evaluation of the class. Also, given the fact that control group youth were exposed to standard material in their regularly scheduled class, it was expected that they too would report varied responses though differently from those reported among intervention youth. Furthermore, there were certain impacts that would have been difficult to measure quantitatively, such as ‘why’ students liked or did not like the class, ‘why’ students believed or did not believe that this type of class is important for youth, ‘why’ students liked or did not like the ideas covered in the class, ‘why’ students did or did not think that teachers in their class cared about them, ‘why’ students did or did not think there was a fair amount of homework. By the end of the intervention, youth participants in the intervention group talked about many different ways that the intervention affected them including: the acquisition of leadership and social change skills, increased knowledge about Black culture and self heritage, opportunity to learn and have fun, increase support from teachers and peers, and opportunities to talk about how they feel. Acquisition of Leadership and Social Ch_ange Sk_ill§ One of the main ways that intervention youth participants reported having been impacted by the intervention was through the acquisition of leadership and social change skills: 124 “This class helps Blacks to become leaders” (#CA17) “I am learning how to become a leader in this class” (#1021) “More Black people need to know how to become leaders like in this class” (#1 E12) “[this class will] maybe help some of our fellow classmates to wake up and listen about their future” (#SC88) Increased Knowledggabout BlacLCulturL and Heritaga Another way that intervention youth participants reported having been impacted by the intervention was through their increased knowledge of Black culture and heritage: “This class lets us know about our culture and how we're being treated” (#DE12) “[in this class] we learn about black people and racism” (#GA12) “I am learning more about the slave system [in this class]” (#GA26) “[this class] teaches us a lot about our backgrounds and how hard it was for blacks” (#SR09) “[this class] tells us blacks are great and need to be leaders to fight racism” (#RUIO) “[this class] helps me learn more about my ethnic group (#RA03) “[this class] help me to learn where I come from” (#W128) “I liked listening about what happened to us, black folks and slavery [in this class]” (#SC88) “no other classes teach this [stuff about 81acks]” (#RUI 0) “the clips about blacks getting killed made me mad” (#SH] 5) Opportunities to Lemnd Have Fun Another way that intervention youth participants reported having been impacted by the intervention was through opportunities to learn and have fun: 125 “[in this class] everyone is nice and we are learning” (#GEIO) “[this class] is off the chain” (#WA14) “the movies [in this class] are the best” (#RUIO) “the topics we read [in this class] gave me more knowledge and the activities were fun” (#SM03, WA14) “[this class is] fun and we get treats” (#J E12) “sometimes the topics covered in this class were boring, but I can use this knowledge in the future” (#WIO4) Increased Support from Teachers and Peers Another way that intervention youth participants reported having been impacted by the intervention was through their increased support from teachers and peers: “If the teachers in this class didn’t care about us, they wouldn’t come” (#CA17) “She seems like she cares about us and our future” (#G11 5) “They are always on our head about being good and respectful “ (#SC88) “They try their best to prepare us for high school” (#SM03) “They da bomb” (#STOS) “I wouldn't know as much as I know now” (#W128) “because [of them] I don't feel left out” (#RA03) “They care about us because they give us homework to listen and do the right things like help our black children, and do something about racism and stop violence” (#SR09) “Sometimes I don't really feel like they [care about me]” (#W107) Opportunities to talk about How They Feel A final way that intervention youth participants reported having been impacted by the intervention was through opportunities to talk about how they feel: 126 “we can be are selves in this class and talk about how we feel also” (#WA31) “[this class] gives us a chance to talk about how we feel about our history and racism” (#WA20). By the end of the program, youth participants in the control group talked about many different ways that their class affected them including: acquisition of learning, increased comprehension, and increased ease and opportunities for relaxation. Acquisition of Learning One of the main ways that control group youth participants reported having been impacted by their regulme scheduled class was through their acquisition of learning: “After a few minutes, this class gets boring and the teacher yells a lot” (#KIO4, LOOI) “The teacher explains things the way I understand “(SYI9) “[This class] is important to help me get a higher grade” (#GOOZ) Increased Comprehensgr Another way that control group youth participants reported having been impacted by their regularly scheduled class was through their increased comprehension: “This class helps us read and comprehend better” (#HOO8) “[This class] helps us write and talk right” (#C026) “This class helps us with our vocabulary” (#LOOl) Incgased Base and Opportunities for Relaxation A final way that control group youth participants reported having been impacted by their regularly scheduled class was through increased ease and opportunities for relaxation: 127 “This class is easy and fun” (#AD14) “[This class] is a lot of fim with the work with do” (#DA3 I)” “The teacher does not rush us” (#GOOZ) “The teacher explains the work to us step by step” (HA1 1) “This is an easy class to pass” (#HOO8) In sum, similar to participants in the intervention group, youth participants in the control group expressed numerous ways in which they were impacted by their class. While all students, within and between groups, acquired new learning and comprehension skills, only youth in the intervention group became more knowledgeable about their cultural background and how to address the challenges of racism. Through this heightened awareness, student participants in the experimental group also acquired new insights into themselves and how to have fun collectively with their peers while preparing for leadership roles in society and becoming social change agents. These are all foci of the Education for Liberation model. 128 DISCUSSION A growing body of research literature suggests that the current traditional mainstream education system still neglects to promote Black psychological and behavioral well being by failing to infuse Black culture into the curriculum. Many theorists and researchers argue that ecologically-grounded and culturally-appropriate emancipatory interventions can promote African American well-being. However, few traditional mainstream schools integrate emancipatory education into their system, and those that do often fail to rigorously evaluate or experimentally test their interventions, or include the cooperation of on site-teachers as facilitators of the intervention. This study documents an ecologically-grounded, culturally-specific emancipatory intervention that addresses the racial and developmental stressors often faced by African American youth. Using a promising education framework drawn from elements of East African Ujamaa philosophy and practice, this project demonstrates that creating a culturally-grounded, value-focused, and leadership driven setting where Black youth can share their knowledge and work collectively, learn about their culture and heritage, have their experiences validated, and develop their academic and leadership skills was beneficial in a number of ways. Again, the primary goal of this project was to improve the well-being of African American adolescents. To this effect, it was expected that African American adolescent participant’s psychological and behavioral well-being would be positively impacted by their participation in the intervention. In addition, it was hypothesized that increases in psychological well-being, namely, racial identity (total racial identity, affirmation and 129 belonging, ethnic identity achievement, and ethnic behaviors), communalism (communal orientation and competitive individualist orientation), and school connectedness would mediate the increases in behavioral well-being, namely school achievement (motivation to achieve and grades), and social change involvement as compared to African American adolescent participants in the control group. Together, the quantitative and qualitative results of this study provide a comprehensive understanding of the intervention on the participants. Overall, the findings demonstrate that the intervention directly affected participants in many unique and positive ways as compared to youth in the control group. The pattern of quantitative findings suggests that the intervention was most effective at directly improving Afiican American student participants’ communal orientation, school connectedness, and motivation to achieve compared to youth in the control group. The pattern of quantitative findings also suggests that the intervention was effective at improving African American student participants’ overall social change involvement compared to youth in the control group. Contrary to what was hypothesized, the intervention was not effective at directly improving African American student participants’ racial identity. In fact, youth participants in the intervention group scored increasingly lower than youth in the control group. Similarly, the intervention was not effective at decreasing student participants’ competitive individualistic orientation. In fact, youth participants in the intervention group began to feel more individualistic compared to those in the control group, who felt less individualistic over time. This was contrary to what was predicted. Finally, 130 improvement in grades was not significantly different for the intervention condition, compared with the control condition. These patterns are likely related to several factors including the intervention set- up, the type of outcomes studied and the measures used to assess them, and the length of time required to impact different aspects of African American adolescents’ lives. First, it makes sense that participants ’ communal orientation, school connectedness, and motivation to achieve were affected most strongly by the intervention, but then increased at a slower pace during the second half of the intervention. With strong content focus on communalism, connection to school, and school achievement during the first half of the Project EXCEL curriculum (Units 1 to 3), the intervention was designed to significantly impact these factors for African American students at the start of the intervention. Student participants were involved in team-building activities, school bonding with peers and teachers, and empowerment activities to promote achievement. According to Ward (2003), effective youth interventions should establish a positive group identity among members at the start of an intervention. Thus, immediate impacts on these constructs (communal orientation, connection to school, and achievement) were expected and evident. However, because these constructs were of less focus in the second half of the Project EXCEL curriculum, it also makes sense that participants’ pace of increase on these same variables slowed during the second half of the intervention. Similarly, increases in overall social change involvement for the intervention group also makes sense given the fact that students were required to begin thinking about social change from early on in the intervention and then later apply what they learned by involving themselves in social change activities during the final Unit 4 on Leadership in 131 the second half of the Project EXCEL intervention. Also, given the content presented in the first half of the intervention during Unit 2 in the EXCEL curriculum on Afiican American History and Culture, youth were intensively exposed to the historical reality of African Americans. They were taught to see the importance and value of social change in their society while relating that to contemporary communities. Thus, an immediate impact was expected and evident for youth social change involvement in the first half of the intervention. Racial Identity, Competitive Individualist Orientation, and grades are more abstract concepts which are less easily changed in the desired direction, are ofien mediated by other factors, and may take more time to change—particularly for adolescents. To this effect, it makes sense that the intervention was not effective at improving African American student participants’ racial identity on all dimensions (total racial identity, affirmation and belonging, ethnic identity achievement, and ethnic behaviors), not effective at decreasing intervention students competitive individualist orientation, and not effective at improving intervention students grades. With strong content focus in Project EXCEL Unit 2 (Afiican American History and Culture) on the construction of racism, oppression, discrimination, white power and privilege, its effects on African Americans in history, and the need for Blacks to become self-reliant at empowering themselves, students increasingly scored lower on racial identity and increasingly felt more individualistic and competitive compared to those in the control group. While this impact was not expected, in retrospect, it makes theoretical sense. Given the complexities of these constructs, it is likely that the observed effects could have been sustained, as hypothesized with a longer intervention. It takes time to 132 dispel a lifetime of myths and stereotypes about race and culture with the hope of rebuilding on more solid ground—particularly for adolescents. It also takes time to move youth from individualistic values that are competitive in nature—particularly in a country with history that has promoted these values. As supported by the work of Boykin and Bailey (2000), the more African American youth encounter communal socialization experiences, the more they will also endorse attitudes, preferences, or learning orientations reflecting this cultural theme in the absence of competitive individualistic’ interpretations. Essentially, it takes time for these abstract goals to be achieved. As in Parham and Helms (1981) research on racial identity development, people often go through stages of identity development before they completely internalize their identity and feel good about being African American. Perhaps students in the EXCEL intervention group were going through the ‘Encounter’ stage of racial identity. This stage is defined by an encounter or some shocking personal or social event (e.g., death of Martin Luther King Jr., the inhumane ways Blacks were treated, the way racism was been socially constructed) that in individual experiences, which temporarily dislodges the person from her/his old worldview, and over time leads to him/her rejecting the previous identification with White culture and trying to identify with Black culture. This may help to explain why intervention youth were less likely to score high on racial identity and adopted more individualistic attitudes than youth in the control group. Had more time been built into the intervention, perhaps these outcomes would have yielded different results. The inclusion of a follow-up period might have also helped to identity other effects and relationships. These details are discussed in more detail in subsequent sections. 133 It is also likely that other factors may have been mediating the relationship between these outcome variables. For example, in a research study on African American adolescents’ racial identity, their initial increases in racial identity were mediated by racism awareness (Franklin, 1999). Perhaps, an examination of other mediating variables such as racism awareness would have helped to explain these psychological outcomes as well. Like racial identity and individualist self-reliant attitudes with competition, it makes sense that improvement in grades did not differ significantly for the intervention condition, compared with the control condition. Grades take time to increase and perhaps with a longer intervention, youth participants in the intervention may have demonstrated more on an increase in their grades as compared to youth in the control group condition. Participants’ qualitative descriptions of the impact of the intervention were also important because they provided more evidence to support the quantitative findings, while also revealing other effects on the intervention. In particular, students’ sense of social change involvement increased through their participation in the intervention as compared to students in the control group. Specifically, a majority of intervention youth described endorsement of a preference for, or involvement in activities to mobilize the Black community, organize and protest against racism, and/or adopt a role of leadership. These activities were much different from those endorsed by youth in the control group who described very little participation in social change strategies because they either felt like racism does not exist and hence felt no need to address this concept, or there was nothing that they could do to make a difference about racism. These findings make sense given the fact that the EXCEL intervention provided direct opportunities for youth to I34 learn about the importance and value of social change in their society while relating and practicing that in contemporary communities. Finally, when asked to evaluate the intervention on the Student Evaluation Form, intervention youth reported that overall the EXCEL intervention gave them: acquisition of leadership and social change skills, increased knowledge about Black culture and heritage, opportunities to learn and have fun, increased support from teachers and peers, and opportunities to talk about how they feel. These findings were much more comprehensive (psychologically and behaviorally) than those reported by youth in the control group who indicated that their class gave them: acquisition of learning, increased comprehension, and increased ease and opportunities for relaxation. From these qualitative findings, it again became evident that the goals of the Project EXCEL program were realized. Although intervention participants’ communal orientation, school connectedness, motivation to achieve, and total social change involvement did improve from the direct effects of the intervention, only two mediating relationships were detected: (1) increased communal orientation as a mediator for both motivation to achieve and total social change involvement, and (2) increased school connectedness as a mediator for motivation to achieve. In addition, one partial mediating relationship was detected: (3) competitive individualistic orientation as a mediator for motivation to achieve. These findings suggest that participants’ motivation to achieve can be explained by their improved communal orientation, improved school connectedness, and partially by their increasing competitive individualistic orientation. These findings also suggest I35 that participants’ total social change can be explained by their improved communal orientation. These results are consistent with previous research and theoretical literature discussing the relationship between group identity development (e.g., communalism) and intrinsic motivation (Hudley, 1997; Hemmings, 1996). This literature suggests that the more connected one feels to the group (socially bonded, socially related to the group, aware of the interdependence of people), the more intrinsically motivated they tend to be. Duty to one’s social group becomes more important than individual rights and privileges and mutual affection, respect between Black men and women, and development of a morality of care for African American young people becomes intrinsically motivating (J agers & Mock 1993). It is important to continue instilling this quality in Black youth. These results are also consistent with the findings of prior research examining the relationship between sense of school belonging (connectedness) and motivation to achieve in school (Goodenow & Grady, 1993; Senior & Anderson, 1993). This literature suggests that the more students feel a sense of connectedness and belonging to the school (e.g., acceptance, caring and support from peers and teachers), the more motivated they generally are to achieve in school. Given that school connectedness is especially prominent during adolescence when youth begin to consider who they are and wish to be, with whom they belong, and where they intend to invest their energies and stake their futures (Goodenow, 1993), it is particularly important to help students feel that they belong to the school, and believe themselves to be welcomed, respected, and valued by others there so that their motivation to achieve remains high. 136 These results are also consistent with previous research and theoretical literature discussing the relationship between communalism and social change involvement (Lewis, 2001; Watts, 1992). This literature suggesting that the more connected one feels to the group (prideful, self character tied to group membership and social interconnectedness rather than individual status and possessions), the more involvement they will have in social change activities to better the socio-political climate for the group (Blacks). African Americans have historically struggled against oppression and through their own personal experiences with racism, pulled together more as a communal group to actualize the ideas and enhance the quality of life of Black individuals and communities. Through communal efforts, Blacks have historically been able to get more involved in social change activities, and create needed changes in living patterns, interpersonal relationships and in Social institutions (Fairweather, 1972). It is important that we continue this push for social change involvement among younger generations by increasing their communal orientations. Finally, these results are consistent with previous theoretical literature which suggests that the more competitive and individualistic one is (e.g., focused on own work, avoids working in teams, strives to achieve higher scores than peers), the more they will achieve in school and the more motivated they will be to achieve in school. Given that traditional mainstream institutions are highly influenced by European American culture which favors competitive individual interpretations of experiences and success defined by competition and individual gain (Gaines, 1994), it makes sense that students are more ‘successful’ when they endorse a competitive/ individualistic orientation. In school/US society, students are generally taught from a young age to be competitive and 137 individualist if they want to be rewarded and achieve success (e. g., you must do your work independently and not work with anyone else or you will fail—even in you come up with your own answers). It is important to again note that communal orientation and competitive individualistic orientations are not two sides of the same continuum. Within the Black community, the co-existence of communalism (from our African heritage) and rugged Black competitive individualism (from our American heritage) are common. However, to avoid a kind of double consciousness in Black youth that can harbor self and other destructive behaviors within the African American adolescent community it is important to find ways to increase their communal orientations and reduce their competitive individualistic orientations (Jones, 1997). Overall, these findings lend further support to the growing research on the importance of emancipatory education in impacting African American well-being. Given the pattern of these findings, this study makes three main contributions. First, it highlights the saliency of emancipatory education in traditional mainstream schools to buffer African American adolescent related stressors while enhancing their school outcomes and social change involvement in their communities. Second, the utility of an ecological education and empowerment Ujamaa approach that emphasizes school- based, culturally appropriate education intervention that involves the community (students, teachers, principal, community volunteers and paraprofessionals) in solving its own problems was confirmed. Third, the importance of bringing together schools and universities to create mutual learning environments that can influence systemic change. This project effectively demonstrated that mutual learning is an effective way to help 138 people by transforming traditional “helping” relationships and empower people to make their own decisions and changes while becoming experts in their own lives. C_hallenges/Limitations Overall, Project Excel demonstrated promising results. Not only did the intervention have positive effects on the student participants, but the teacher and principal’s continued support and dedication to the project illustrate yet another example of how the program succeeded. Nevertheless, it is important to recognize that there were numerous challenges throughout the implementation process and several challenges and limitations of the evaluation and research design. Implementation Ch_allenges One of the most challenging parts of the EXCEL intervention involved the overlap of MEAP (Michigan Educational Assessment Program) preparation and testing during the intervention. The MEAP test is a Michigan measure of student academic achievement and is primarily designed to reveal how well the state’s curriculum is being adopted in schools. It is given annually to fourth- and seventh-graders in math and reading and fifth- and eighth-graders in science and writing. As a result of the intense pressure to focus on MEAP preparation and testing school-wide and district-wide during a time of rigorous educational reform in Michigan, the focus for students and staff in 2002-2003 as “teaching to take the MEAP”. It became apparent after the intervention started that school leadership were emphasizing outcome focused teaching rather than process focused teaching for the year. Hence, more attention was given to MEAP preparation in an effort to increase academic achievement test scores and subsequently preserve jobs (e.g., teachers, principal). As a result, several “MEAP days” were built into 139 the school schedule after the intervention had already begun. This caused several disruptions to the intervention calendar and interrupted the flow of session topics on numerous occasions. While the EXCEL intervention curriculum schedule was reconstructed to accommodate the school calendar, it is recommended that future interventions be implemented at times other than during MEAP preparation or testing months which often occur during the first semester of the academic year. The short length of the project also presented a problem in trying to fully achieve the goals originally set out. It takes time to dispelling a lifetime of myths and stereotypes about race and culture with the hope to rebuild on more solid ground—particularly for adolescents. One semester is scarcely enough time to achieve sustainable changes. A longer or on-going program would provide opportunities to develop more sustainable changes, infrastructures, social networks, and relationships. Implications and future directions related to this challenge are discussed subsequently. Evaluation Challengag There were many complexities to evaluating the effectiveness of the intervention including, cultural considerations and measurement issues, time constraints and urban school issues, and generalizability issues. For these same reasons, a research design with multiple methods was chosen. One major limitation of the evaluation effort involved some of the measures used to assess some of the outcome variables (e. g., Communal World-View, Motivation to Achieve, and Social Change Involvement). Because evaluation of Black youth outcomes is a fairly new area of study, few psychometrically sound measures have been developed specifically for African American youth to measure some of the outcomes studied in this 140 project. Hence, several measures were created specifically for the present study, and/or lacked well tested reliability and validity, and/or were used with African American adolescents for the first time (e. g., Communal World-View Scale, Motivation to Achieve Scale, Measure of Social Change for Adolescents). Though the analyses in this study yielded positive results, future evaluations should include more psychometrically sound measures. Nevertheless, because this was a new project involving African American adolescent students, it was important to understand the experiences of the participants in the intervention and control groups, as well as how their participation might have impacted their lives from their perspective. Thus, it seemed critical to allow participants to articulate their experiences in their own words. Rather than simply looking at whether the program was successful or not, it was important to examine if and how the intervention actually changed each student. For this reason, the Student Evaluation Form was employed across all time points. This gave students a chance to articulate their feelings about the class (experimental and control) in their own words. Essentially, this project was able to both assess participants’ change over time on specified outcomes with a series of quantitative questions while valuing participants’ perspectives through less- structured and open-ended qualitative questions. While the Measure of Social Change and the Student Evaluation Form incorporated both quantitative and qualitative questions, the use of multiple data collection methods (e.g., semi-structured interviews or open-ended questions) may have also been useful to understanding some of the other constructs examined in this research (e. g., racial identity development, communal worldview, school connectedness, and 141 motivation to achieve) and their relationships. The use of multiple data collection methods across all variables might also have provided stronger empirical support for the validity of the intervention on the mediator and outcome variables. Another challenging issue involved the time constraints of evaluating this program in an urban school. Specifically, the time I had to administer questionnaires at each surveying time point to student participants in both intervention and control group classes, was limited to 50 minutes maximum for each class. This required that the survey’s be read aloud quickly to avoid bleeding into another class period and risk the chance of students not being able to finish the survey. As a result of this quick administration, many students complained about not being able to keep up with the rate at which questions were read aloud. In a poor, urban school where reading difficulties are more normative than the exception, this makes sense. It also makes sense, developmentally, that students had trouble with test fatigue. Though the survey was significantly shortened in the developmental stages of the intervention to account for age appropriateness, students still complained about having to answer so many questions in one sitting, and having to answer the same questions over and over again across time points (time one, time two, and time three). In fact, several students quoted: “We already took this survey, why do we have to do it again?” It was helpful to explain to students why the same survey was being administered on multiple occasions over time, however, future evaluations should make an effort to allot more time for survey administration in order to avoid test fatigue and reading/speed difficulties, particularly in urban school settings where reading difficulties are more common. 142 Finally, generalizability of the results of this study are limited to African American adolescents in urban settings. African American adolescents in non-urban settings may react very differently to the Project EXCEL intervention and to the constructs examined in this study. Hence, future research should examine this EFL model and Project EXCEL intervention using other Afiican American populations in non-urban settings to improve the generalizability of the results. Despite these challenges, however, a comprehensive evaluation strategy with multiple methods compensated for many difficulties and provided much valuable information. Implications for Future Research. Policv. and Prefitice The findings of this study have several implications for research, policy and practice that include the need for more emancipatory education interventions to address culturally-related stressors, the necessity of ecological culturally-appropriate interventions during the public school day for African American adolescents, the importance of intervention sustainability, the importance of connecting universities to schools, and the cruciality of institutionalizing emancipatory education in mainstream schools. Importanice of Ecological Culturally-Appropriate Intervention_s During the Public School Ear Two important elements of this intervention were that it was ecologically-based and culturally-grounded. Adopted from East African Ujamaa theory and practice, both were modified specifically for African Americans adolescents, based on what was ecologically and culturally relevant and appropriate for them. Furthermore, the combination of the education and empowerment components of the intervention were 143 designed to give student participants a new and enriched set of skills while encouraging each to achieve their maximum potential. By incorporating the intervention into the school day, African American adolescent student participants had a space to come regularly to learn about Black culture, address ecological issues and social problems as a group, and build upon their skills and cultural strengths to share with their communities. Having the intervention integrated into the school day also gave students a chance to see the value and importance of learning cultural information. Rather than limiting the celebration of African and African American culture to a particular month (e. g., February for Black History Month), a certain day or event (e.g., Martin Luther King Day, Celebrate Our Culture Day), certain chapters in the public school curriculum (e.g., the slave trade), or an after school program, Project EXCEL demonstrated to youth the importance of culture by integrating it into their school day and allocating a consistent block of time dedicated to just that. In this way students learned that their African and Afi'ican American heritage is important enough to be consistently integrated into the school day and one to be cherished and celebrated, not ignored or periodically examined. It was beyond the scope of this study to empirically examine how the intervention resulted in the changes seen, and change may or may not have been related to the ecological and cultural foci of the course. Future research is needed to examine which components of this intervention are important to achieve the desired effects. Mbility of Interventiong As discussed earlier in the implementation challenges, another implication of my findings is that emancipatory interventions, like Project EXCEL, need to be longer than four months. Despite not having a follow-up time-point, my observations of students 144 suggest that the skills and knowledge we were trying to help participants build, and the social change efforts we were engaged in together, require longer periods of time for sustainability. Again, it takes time to dispel a lifetime of myths and stereotypes about race and culture while providing new information that ofien times contradicts that “truths” we have been taught in school, media, from family etc. This notion is supported by the work of Speer and Hughey (1995), who indicate that empowerment is a process that takes time and gradual increases in power and resources. Though I was not able to measure follow-up in this dissertation, it is important to consider this aspect for examining sustainability in firture projects. ConnectinLUniversities to Schools Universities have a number of varied resources including human resources (e.g., faculty, staff, and students), intellectual resources (e.g., knowledge and research), and material resources. University faculty, students, and staff have much to gain and learn from school teachers, principals, students, and staff. Similarly, schools have much to gain from University members. For this reason it is important to focus on developing genuine partnerships, projects, and interventions that connect universities to the schools situated around them. In Project EXCEL, bringing together undergraduate research assistants with graduate students, school personnel (teacher, principal), middle school students, and community members (e. g., guest speakers, leadership project collaborators), provided several advantages to promoting African American adolescent well-being. Some of these advantages included less stigma for student participants, teacher ownership of the intervention, and greater preparedness of the PI for intervention work in an urban middle school setting. 145 In addition, the on-site middle school teacher (co-facilitator of the intervention) had important opportunities to learn from and with the PI and vice versa by working together at the end of the Spring 2002 semester during the Collaborative Training and Supervisory period, and during the facilitation of the intervention in Fall 2002-2003. The middle school teacher was not just a veteran teacher of middle school students, but also an expert on the needs of young people in his urban inner city school. Moreover, he was equipped with an arsenal of effective teaching methods for Afiican American inner city youth. The middle school teacher’s knowledge coupled nicely with the PI who was not just a researcher and university teacher, but also an expert in emancipatory education with a well thought out vision for the Project EXCEL intervention. This collaboration was priceless and offered so many opportunities for us, as co-facilitators of the intervention, to collaborate and learn from each other. Therefore, it is important to continue considering ways that university resources can be effectively utilized to promote the well-being of surrounding school communities, staff, and students. ' I_n_stitutionalization of emyipaton education in mainstream schools A final implication of my findings is that emancipatory interventions, like Project EXCEL, need to be institutionalized into the mainstream school day and curriculum. While project EXCEL decreased students’ racial identity scores, it was instrumental in increasing students’ communal orientation, school connectedness, motivation to achieve, and overall social change involvement. From these intervention results and my own observations, it became apparent that student participants and school staff really benefited from being exposed to the information provided in the EXCEL intervention. Students not only learned new skills, but became equipped with new knowledge to share with their 146 communities. All students should be exposed regularly to emancipatory education and have this opportunity to learn about African and African American culture consistently so that it becomes a valued and necessary part of learning rather than just another “extra” learning topic to address only at certain times of the year. However, it is important to be mindful that further evaluation of this project EXCEL intervention and EFL model is vital. Future Directions From the results that emerged from this research, several potential directions can be taken for future research. Three of the most important themes to consider are: (1) improving sustainability of the model and Project EXCEL curriculum in order to foster the development of more permanent increases in African American well-being over time; (2) adapting the project to other African American adolescents in other non-urban settings and in other types of mainstream systems; and (3) improving certain aspects of the structure within the current model. Given that sustainability of many of the positive impacts of the intervention began to increase at a slower rate in the second half of the intervention, I envision institutionalization of the EFL model and Project EXCEL curriculum in the traditional mainstream school system in an effort to foster more permanent and ongoing increases in African American adolescents well-being, community social change, and relationships within and across schools and communities locally and internationally. To achieve this goal, it is important to consider how this type of endeavor could be sustained and institutionalized within traditional mainstream school settings. One idea that I have is to continue the on-going partnership that has already been established between universities, 147 school communities, and community members. As this partnership continues to grow and the school becomes more and more familiar with the structure, process, and expected outcomes of such a program, it is hoped that coordination and ownership of the Project EXCEL model could be increasingly shifted to the traditional mainstream school staff. However, because many traditional school communities have so few resources (e.g., time, staff, money), it would take time to reach this ultimate goal. This project demonstrated that both universities and surrounding communities have untapped resources that can offer great potential for improving African American adolescent well- being in school settings. Therefore, it appears that this EFL model and EXCEL curriculum have great potential for building more sustainable interventions. Another idea that I have is to first test this EFL model and Project EXCEL curriculum in several more traditional mainstream school systems to gather consistent empirical evaluation data that documents and illustrates the validity and reliability of the intervention. Then, this evaluation data could be used to approach district, state, and/or national school governing bodies to work toward effecting curricultun and policy change at even more of a systemic level. Another important direction for future research is to focus more explicitly on adapting the project to other African American adolescents in non-urban settings as explained above, and in other types of mainstream systems. The EFL model and Project EXCEL curriculum have potential applicability to African American adolescent populations in non-urban settings, particularly because the EFL model and Project EXCEL curriculum were designed specifically for Afiican American adolescents in any region of the United States. Thus, it makes sense that this project would be effective with 148 other African Americans in non-urban settings. Although the project EXCEL curriculum was designed specifically for implementation in a traditional mainstream school system, the flexibility and individualized approaches inherent within both education and empowerment components of the emancipatory program suggest that it could be easily adapted to other mainstream environments that involve a disproportionate number of Afiican American adolescents such as: mental health centers, day programs, juvenile homes, and prisons. Finally, based upon the suggestions of African American adolescent participants and school staff, it is important to consider structural changes that would improve the current Project EXCEL curriculum. The most frequent complaint was that the intervention was too short and should have been longer (each day, as well as over time— e. g., more than just one semester) in order to allot more time for (l) in-depth learning on Afiican American history and culture; and (2) in depth-learning on leadership and social change involvement from guest speakers, field trips, and student activities. One idea is to try incorporating more information into cultural activities and exchange discussions across Project EXCEL curriculum units while finding other creative ways to address multiple goals at the same time. Another idea is to actually extend the time in which this intervention is offered (e.g., 2 hours per day, every day, and every semester). It is likely that participants would also have effective suggestion for addressing this issue as well. 9mm Afiican Americans have a significant history and culture that has strongly contributed to the edifice of this country. Unfortunately, this history and culture is often still ignored in traditional mainstream educational settings. When Afiican American 149 adolescents are given the opportunity to realize the unique perspectives, skills, and traditions that they bring, they have the potential to continue the tradition of making remarkable contributions to this country. Therefore, the impetus to understand the processes through which Afiican American adolescents can thrive in the United States and become valued and truly equal citizens, while maintaining their own cultural identities and creating social change in the Black community is strong. Both Project EXCEL and the EFL model sought to clarify and facilitate some of these processes through emancipatory education. Given the fact that this emancipatory education model appeared to be successful in empowering African American adolescents in traditional mainstream schooling by improving their communal worldview, connection to school, motivation to achieve, and social change involvement; it suggests that attending to African American adolescents’ racial and developmental stressors, providing opportunities for culturally-grounded, value-focused, and leadership driven learning that is collective and validating are important aspects of promoting African American well- being and creating communities that more culturally inclusive. 150 FIGURES 151 Eofiqofigovaouc: .305 com gamma—amok 29.355 :36an can 358 05 Bob mac—moon 50E wasp—BS mo 3.3qu < ”pagoda—om .8.“ aomfiloscm me 808?. 1835 A 2% «page. .552 «:oEgoEHZ‘ mun-EU E£>coo=e0 A ' _amoemEEEouaoA 35:85:: Eng—=0 152 57— 55595.5 :5 5.8000M 5.2050 5 555:. 550—0: 35:5 05205 05:50 8 35055 :5 55:3 .3 54?: 0>0£0<- 5.550 5 .5555 055—0.. .5555 55- 55 5050235 0550 .508 00-0205- 30:55:: 5:53 «550.350: .550 5.05- 3050555 .550 55- 00:55 5505 508 05055- 35> 253 35500 000805- Ill-:55.— mmEOUHDO 5 036:8 85% 52.5.3- ”.5 552 gm 3v 550:8 55550- 5 $00.55 0550 .508 55:500- 5 552 1%. 5023 H _ s o 50:05::- u5nfimom 55.5? 6 as mass: ”.5 552 3.55 583 3 e583- 283 c 2885 0:5- 383 s 855 5.003 3 005:2 0.005- ?1003 3 55:55:50- 55858 oa- xsaae m- An: 535285 5 “5% 8.003- 5 5552 3% as 553 5 80% Son. 5 59:52 0058 “:55: 5 55» 8 5% 3 55550 59: 58:5? 50:8- mam-55w 05055 5:35:50 :55 0.555: 505m- 0:550:50 5558 23:5 05 25... @5552 505 00:55 8 .5055 55550 5 55:5 05 0235- “GHQ—0202: NflGH-EEGN w M55. “5:30 00:55 :5 53050 05 550 3 55 w55. 5 35:5 8.0:. 45:19: a 5.3 5808:- 3. 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Demogr_aphic Information 01:65) (33=Control Group. 32=Experimental Group Control Experimental Variables Total Group Group M(SD) M(SD1 M(SD) Age 13.30(.53) 13.31(.55) 13.29(.52) Gender (Percent) a. Male 52.5% 53.3% 51.7% b. Female 47.5% 46.7% 48.3% Race (Percent) a. African American 85% 80.8% 89.7% b. Multiracial 15% 19.2% 10.3% Live with (Multiple Options) a. Mother 81.8% 80.7% 82.7% b. Father 23.6% 26.9% 20.7% c. Grandmother 27.3% 34.6% 20.7% d. Grandfather 9.1% 15.3% 3.4% e. Auntie 20.0% 19.2% 20.7% f. Uncle 18.2% 23% 13.7% g. Brother(s) 47.2% 46.2% 48.2% h. Sister(s) 58.1% 50% 65.5% i. Cousins 18.2% 26.9% 10.3% 159 Table 2. Intern_a_l Consistencies for Outcome Measures Cronbach’s Alpha (Internal consistency) Total N = 65 (32=Experimental Group, 33=Control Group) Scale Time 1 Time 2 Time3 (Pre) (Midpoint) (Post) Multi-Ethnic Identity Measure (Total) .82 .93 .94 Affirmation & Belonging .80 .89 .91 Ethnic Identity .59 .87 .90 Ethnic Behaviors .36 .56 .83 Communal Worldview Communal Orientation .86 .93 .93 Competitive/Individualist Orientation .70 .75 .67 Psychological Sense of School Membership .88 .95 .95 Motivation to Achieve .66 .88 .89 w/o #73 .67 .87 .88 w/o #73 and 74 .68 .87 .89 Measure of Social Change (Total) .94 .91 .91 160 Table 3. Promg Rotated Factor Matrix Forcing 2 Factors on Communal World View Scale (COMM) Factor 1: Communal Orientation Factor Loadings 31 I prefer to work in groups 0.75 32 I think relationships among people are very important 0.70 41 My first responsibility is to my family 0.66 33 I make sacrifices for my family and they do the same for me 0.65 29 I believe that a persons’ most important job is to work cooperatively with family and friends 0.63 26 I feel like I can know myself better by getting to know my family and close friends 0.62 38 Good things in life are limited and should be shared with others 0.59 40 I am always interested in listening to what my older relatives have to say because I believe that with age comes wisdom 0.59 43 I place high values on my duty to the group 0.58 37 I learn from the wisdom and knowledge of others 0.53 24 When I need help I rely on my friends, family, and others 0.51 47 I don’t mind if my cousins come to live with me 0.49 ' Factor 2: Competitive-Individualist Orientation Factor Loadings 36 I feel winning is important in both work and games 0.73 46 Doing your best isn’t enough, it’s important to win 0.68 28 Winning is everything 0.64 45 Success is the most important things in life 0.50 Items Deleted (Failed to load on any factor): 22 People should do things for the community without being paid for it 23 If the group is slowing me down, it is better to leave it and work by myself 25 To be superior you must stand alone 27 There are a few things I would not share with my family members 30 Only people who depend on themselves get ahead in life 34 If you want something done right you have to do it yourself 35 I believe that we all must depend on others to survive 39 In most cases, to cooperate with someone whose ability is lower than mine is not as good as doing the thing by myself 42 What happens to me is my own doing 44 Success is the most important thing in life 48 In the long run the only person you can count on is yourself 161 Table 4. Summary of onewav ANOVAs between experimental and connoLgroups at Time One Control Experimental Variable Mean @DL Meaaf SD) F P-Value N=33 N=32 df=1 .63 Total Racial Identity (MEIM) 2.23(.494) 2.19(.612) .378 .541 Affirmation and Belonging 1.94(.751) l.87(.778) .013 .909 (MEIM1) Ethnic Identity Achievement 2.38(.555) 2.47(.543) .244 .623 (MEIM2) Ethnic Behaviors 2.41(.775) 2.07(.8l7) .001 .980 (MEIM3) Communal Orientation 3.61(.655) 3.59(.795) .807 .373 (COMMl) Competitive-Individualist 3 .3 5(.762) 3 .3 5(1 .00) 2. 14 .149 Orientation (COMM2) School Connectedness (PSSM) 2.96(.819) 3.30(.703) .255 .615 Motivation to Achieve (MTA) 3.91(.729) 4.10(.576) .372 .544 Total Social Change (MOSC) 2.69(.606) 2.54(.657) .294 .590 GRADE 2.21(.820) 2.33(1.12) 2.87 .110 ATTENDANCE 82.52(19.66) 81 .30(20.58) .606 .439 162 Table 5. Summafl of oneway AN OVAs for studentggarticipants that attrited before time2 Attritors Non-Attritors Variable Mean (SD) Mean( SD) F P-Value N=ll N=59 df= L68 Total Racial Identity (MEIM) 2.27(.554) 2.26(.574) .004 .951 Affirmation and Belonging 2.05(l .04) 1.95(.758) 2.31 .133 (MEIM1) Ethnic Identity Achievement 2.37(.479) 2.47(.567) .624 .432 (MEIM2) Ethnic Behaviors (MEIM3) 2.45(.907) 2.27(.786) .111 .740 Communal Worldview (COMMI) 3.71(.767) 3.56(.700) .163 .688 Individualism (COMM2) 3.02(.864) 3.35(.936) .084 .772 School Connectedness (PSSM) 2.92(.716) 3.19(.712) .236 .629 Motivation to Achieve (MTA) 3.71(.659) 4.04(.683) .332 .567 Total Social Change (MOSC) 2.35(.668) 2.61(.611) .000 .984 GRADE 2.43(.931) 2.55(.522) 2.90 .093 ATTENDANCE 80.00(26.34) 82.26(18.98) .210 .648 AGE 13.36(.505) 13.05(.585) .438 .510 163 mo.vm .. Eva 1 135 and ram... «.3 8o :2 :3 2.? 3.? 2.? 2.? szp<§ 2: 8.? :6 86 2.0 mo... 35 2.? 3.? 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My ethnicity (check the one that applies): (1) Asian, Asian American, or Oriental (2) Black or African American (3) Chicano/a or Latino/a (4) White, Caucasian, European, not Hispanic (5) American Indian (6) Mixed; parents are from two different groups (7) Other (Write in): 5. My father’s ethnicity is (use numbers above) 6. My mother’s ethnicity is (use numbers above) 7. I live with (check all that apply): Mother Father Grandmother Grandfather Auntie Uncle Brother(s) Sister(s) Cousins Other (specify) '.-"=-°.=rqo rm 99 .691 166 APPENDIX B The Multi—Group Ethnic Identity Measure (MEIM) (Phinney, 1992) Instructions: In this country, people come from a lot of different cultures and there are many different words to describe the different backgrounds or ethnic groups that people come fi‘om. Some examples of the names of ethnic groups are Mexican-American, Hispanic, Black, Asian-American, American Indian, Anglo-American, and White. Every person is born into an ethnic group, or sometimes two or more groups, but people differ on how important their ethnicity is to them, how they feel about it, and how much their behavior is affected by it. These questions are about your ethnicity or your ethnic group and how you feel about it or react to it. Please fill in: In terms of ethnic group, I consider myself to be Use the numbers given below to indicate how much you agree or disagree with each statement. Strongly Somewhat Somewhat Strongly Agree Ayee Disagree Disagree 1.) I have spent time trying to find out more about my own ethnic 1 2 3 4 group, such as history, traditions, and customs 2) 1 am active in organizations or social groups that include 1 2 3 4 mostly members of my ethnic group. 3) I have a clear sense of my ethnic group background and what 1 2 3 4 it means to me. 4) I think a lot about how my life will be affected by my ethnic 1 2 3 4 grommembership. 5) I am happy that 1 am a member of the group I belong to. 1 2 3 4 6) I am not very clear about the role of my ethnicity in my life. 1 2 3 4 7) I really have not spent much time trying to learn more about 1 2 3 4 the culture and history of my ethnic group. 8) I have a strong sense of belonging to my own ethnic group 1 2 3 4 9) I understand pretty well what my ethnic group membership 1 2 3 4 means to me, in terms of how to relate to my own group and other groups. 10) In order to learn more about my ethnic background, I have 1 2 3 4 often talked to other people about my ethnic group. 11) 1 have a lot of pride in my ethnic group and its 1 2 3 4 accomplishments. 12) I participate in cultural practices of my own group, such as 1 2 3 4 special food, music, or customs 13) I feel a strong attachment towards my own ethnic group 1 2 3 4 14) I feel good about my cultural and ethnic background. 1 2 3 4 167 APPENDIX C Communal World-View Scale (Lewis, 2002) Instructions: The following questions are about relationships to others. There are no right or wrong answers; your opinion counts. Below are several statements about school. Please tell me how much you agree or disagree. Responses are: strongly disagree; disagree; neither agree nor disagree; agree; strongly agree. Strongly Disagree Neither Agree Strongly Disagree Agree Nor Agree Disagree 1) People should do things for the community without 1 2 3 4 5 being paid for it 2) If the group is slowing me down, it is better to leave it 1 2 3 4 5 and work by myself 3) When I need help I rely on my friends, family and l 2 3 4 5 others 4) To be superior you must stand alone 1 2 3 4 5 5) I feel like I can know myself better by getting to know 1 2 3 4 5 my familyand close friends 6) There are few things I would not share with my 1 2 3 4 5 family members 7) Winning is everything 1 2 3 4 5 8) I believe that a persons’ most important job is to work 1 2 3 4 5 cooperatively with family and friends 9) Only people who depend on themselves get ahead in 1 2 3 4 5 life 10) I prefer to work in a group 1 2 3 4 5 11) I think relationships among people are very l 2 3 4 5 important 12) I make sacrifices for my family and they do the same 1 2 3 4 5 for me 13) If you want something done right, you have to do it 1 2 3 4 5 yourself 14) I believe that we all must depend on others to l 2 3 4 5 survive 15) I feel winning is important in both work and games 1 2 3 4 5 lfleam from the wisdom and knowledgflf others 1 2 3 4 5 17) Good things in life are limited and should be shared 1 2 3 4 5 with others 18) In most cases, to cooperate with someone whose l 2 3 4 5 ability is lower than mine is not as good as doing the thing by mLself 19) I am always interested in listening to what my older 1 2 3 4 5 relatives have to say because I believe that with age comes wisdom 20L My first responsibility is to my family. 1 2 3 4 5 21) What happens to me is my own doing 1 2 3 4 5 22) I place high value on my duty to the group I 2 3 4 5 23) Success is the most important thing in life 1 2 3 4 5 24) It annoys me when other people perform better than 1 2 3 4 5 I do 25) Doinmur best isn’t enough; it is important to win 1 2 3 4 5 26) I don’t mind if my cousins come to live with me 1 2 3 4 5 27) In the long run the only person you can count on is 1 2 3 4 5 yourself 168 APPENDIX D The Psychological Sense of School Membership (PSSM) Scale (Goodenow, 1993) Instructions: The following questions are about how you feel about school. There are no right or wrong answers; your opinion counts. Below are several statements about school. Please tell me how much you agree or disagree. Responses are: not at all true; somewhat true; neither true nor untrue; true; completely true. disagree; disagree; neither agree nor disagree; agree; strongly agree. Not at All Somewhat Neither True True Completely True True Nor Untrue True 1) I feel like a real part of Butzel School 1 2 3 4 5 2) People here notice when I’m good at l 2 3 4 5 somethifing 3) It is hard for people like me to be accepted I 2 3 4 5 here. 4) Other students in this school take my 1 2 3 4 5 opinions seriously 5) Most teachers at Butzel are interested in me. 1 2 3 4 5 6) Sometimes I feel as if I don’t belcm here. I 2 3 4 5 7) There’s at least one teacher or other adult in l 2 3 4 5 this school I can talk to if I have a problem. 8) People at this school are friendly to me. 1 2 3 4 5 9) Teachers here are not interested in people 1 2 3 4 5 like me. IOLI arn included in lots of activities at Butzel l 2 3 4 5 11) I am treated with as much respect as other 1 2 3 4 5 students 12) I feel very different from most other I 2 3 4 5 students here Q) I can really be myself at this school I 2 3 4 5 14) The teachers here respect me I 2 3 4 5 15) People here know 1 can do good work 1 2 3 4 5 16) 1 wish I were in a different school I 2 3 4 5 17) I feel proud of belonging to Butzel l 2 3 4 5 18) Other students here like me the way I am 1 2 3 4 5 169 APPENDIX E Motivation to Achieve (Lewis, 2002) Instructions: The following questions are about how you feel about school. There are no right or wrong answers; your opinion counts. 1 am going to read you several statements about school. Please tell me how much you agree or disagree. Responses are: strongly disagree; disagree; neither agree nor disagree; agree; strongly agree. Strongly Disagree Neither Agree Strongly Disagree Agree Nor Agree Disagge 1) I wish 1 could drop out of school. 1 2 3 4 5 2) I try hard in school. 1 2 3 4 5 3) Schoolwork is very important. I 2 3 4 5 4) Homework is a waste of time. I 2 3 4 5 5) School has nothing to do with my future 1 2 3 4 5 6) I don’t try to do better in school because I l 2 3 4 5 don’t want to be called names or be a “ner ”. D Afler school I do things to help me succeed in school. 1 2 3 4 5 8) Studying hard and doing homework is not 1 2 3 4 5 “cool” at my school. 9) Asking questions and participating a lot in 1 2 3 4 5 class get in the way socially. 10 I like learning in this class I 2 3 4 5 170 APPENDIX F The Measure of Social Change for Adolescents (MOSC-A) (Lewis, 2001) Instructions: Below is a list of methods that might or might not be effective in bettering the lives of Blacks. Use the scale below to rate how effective m think each method is. There are no right or wrong answers. We want to know your opinion. Not Sort of Effective Extremely Effective Effective Effective 1) Tell a store manager that they should not follow their Black I 2 3 4 customers around the store just because they’re Black. 2) Encourage the principal to have more all-school assemblies 1 2 3 4 about racial diversity. 3) Run for student government office yourself, in order to l 2 3 4 organize Black students. 4) Talk to a teacher about ways that he/she treats Black 1 2 3 4 students unfairly. 5) Organize a protest against racist groups. 1 2 3 4 6 Start a student group that helps Blacks to become leaders. 1 2 3 4 7) Invite someone your age who doesn’t usually hang with 1 2 3 4 Black folks, to hang with you. 8) Talk to someone your age who you think might be racist I 2 3 4 about why being racist is bad. 9) Work with kids in the community to help them become I 2 3 4 Black leaders. 10) Start a petition against businesses that discriminate against 1 2 3 4 Black youth. 11) Lead a demonstration against political leaders who ignore 1 2 3 4 the needs of Blacks. 12) Talk to someone your age who you think might be racist I 2 3 4 about how he/she treats Black teens unfairly. l3) Gather people in your community to speak out against 1 2 3 4 local police who harass Black youth. 14) Start a web page and organize Blacks to do something I 2 3 4 about racism. IQ Donate money to a national Black organization. 1 2 3 4 16) Show by your behavior that negative stereotypes about I 2 3 4 Blacks are not true. 17) Organize a neighborhood party where people from 1 2 3 4 different racial/ethnic backgrounds can get together to socialize. 18) Work on the campaign of a Black politician (e.g., state 1 2 3 4 legislator, mayor, governor) who makes or will make positive changes in the Black community. 19) Write a letter and collect signatures supporting the 1 2 3 4 importance of teaching Black history all year instead of one month in the year, and give the petition to the school board. 20) When you and your friends are called a racial slur by l 2 3 4 another group of teens, talk to the teens about their attitudes and try to change them. 21) Organize people in your community to stop spending 1 2 3 4 money in stores that refuse to carry Jroducts made for Blacks. 22) Volunteer to help tutor Black kids. 1 2 3 4 23) Encourage students to vote for Black student government I 2 3 4 officers. 24) Organize people in your neighborhood to speak out against 1 2 3 4 racial discrimination. 25) Create a student newsletter that encourages your 1 2 3 4 171 peers to become Black leaders. 26) Get a group of Blacks and Whites together to discuss the problems of racism. 27) Start a web page to show positive images of Blacks. N 28) Get involved with the activities of a national Black organization. 29) Protest against ancient African artifacts being harmed. N 30) Start a web page to inform Blacks of racism in the United States. 172 Instructions: There are lots of things that youth can do to make a difference about racism in society. You were just asked several questions about effective ways that you can create change to better the lives of Blacks. What are some things you have actually _do_na to make a difference about racism? Write your answer in the space below. Try to write 50 words about this. There are no right or wrong answers. 1. What have you done? 2. Why did or didn’t that make a difference? 173 APPENDIX C Student Evaluation Form Pretty Not 1. Do you like this class? Much Really No Please explain Why you feel this way. Pretty Not 2. Do you think that this type of class is important for youth? Much Really No Please explain Why you feel this way. Pretty Not 3. Do you like the ideas and topics covered in this class? Much Really No Please explain Why you feel this way. Pretty Not 4. Do you think that the teachers in this class care about you? Much Really No Please explain Why you feel this way. Pretty Not 5. Do you think that there is a fair amount of homework in this class? Much Really No Please explain Why you feel this way. 174 APPENDIX H Youth Informed Assent Dear Student, I am an African American graduate student at Michigan State University, and I am conducting a study on youth of African descent, as part of my dissertation research. This project is interested in understanding attitudes and behaviors about the lives of African American youth. Your parent/guardian has given me permission to ask you to fill out the attached questionnaire if you identify yourself as African American. Ifyou are of multi-racial background, you can also participate if you meet the above criteria and consider yourself appropriate for the study. I therefore ask your cooperation in filling out this form. Your participation in this study is entirely voluntary. You have the right to stop your participation at any time and you also have the right to not answer any of the questions. I will ask you to fill out four sets of questionnaires over the school year period with items that describe attitudes and behaviors found in many African American youth. Each questionnaire will take about 45 minutes to complete. All the information you provide is confidential, which means that no one will be able to link it to you. You will not be asked to put your name on the questionnaire. Rather you will be tracked through the school year period by a four character ID number that you will create. No one, including your teachers or principals will see any of the information that you provide. You will not be punished or penalized for refusing to do the study, or because of any information you provide. Your participation/non-participation in the study will not have any effect on your grades. Upon completion of each survey, you will receive a $5 cash incentive for participation in the study (for a possible total of $20). Thank you for your cooperation. Sincerely, Kelly M. Lewis, M.A. Michigan State University I have read this form and I agree to participate in the study. If I have any questions about being a participant in this research, I know that I can contact Kelly Lewis (421 West Fee Hall East Lansing, Michigan 48824, 517-353-3014 or in Lansing at 517-882-8873). If I have questions or concerns about my rights in research, I know that I can contact Ashir Kumar, Ph.D. (202 Olds Hall, East Lansing, Michigan, 48823 517-355-2180). Signed 175 APPENDIX I Parent Guardian Informed Consent Dear Parent Guardian, 1 am an African American graduate student at Michigan State University, and I am conducting a study on youth of African descent, as part of my dissertation research. This project is interested in understanding attitudes about the lives of African American youth. I ask your permission to allow your child to participate in the study if he/she self-identifies as being African American. If your child is of multiracial background, he/she can also participate if they meet the above criteria and deem themselves appropriate for the study. As a participant, your child will be asked to complete questionnaires asking about their thoughts, attitudes, and beliefs. These questionnaires will take approximately 45 minutes to complete at school during class time over the school year period. As a participant your child’s school record (grades, attendance) will also be examined. All of the information provided (survey and archival) is confidential, which means that your child will not be asked to put his/her name on the questionnaire. Rather your child will be tracked through the school year period by a four character ID number that they create. Furthermore, I will not include your name or your child’s name in any of the information obtained from the questionnaire. Participation/non-participation in the study will not have any effect on your child’s grades. No information from your child will be given to teachers or principals. I will request separate assent from your child, however, you or your child have the right to stop his/her participation at any time and/or not answer any of the questions. Your child’s privacy will be protected to the maximum extent allowable by law. Upon completion of each survey, your child will receive a $5 cash incentive for participating. I appreciate your assistance. Sincerely, Kelly M. Lewis, M.A. Michigan State University I have read this form and I agree to participate in the study. If I have any questions about being a participant in this research, I know that I can contact Kelly Lewis (421 West Fee Hall East Lansing, Michigan 48824, 517-353-3014 or in Lansing at 517-882-8873). 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