PLACE IN RETURN BOX to remove this checkout from your record.
TO AVOID FINES return on or before date due.
MAY BE RECALLED with earlier due date if requested.

 

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6/01 CLICIRC/DateDuo.p65«p. 15

DENOMINATIONAL, CONGREGATIONAL, AND LEADERSHIP
INFLUENCES ON THE CHURCH’S EFFECTIVENESS AS A SUPPORT
SYSTEM TO FAMILIES EXPERIENCING INCEST:

A FAMILY SYSTEMS APPROACH
By

Rebecca Frances New-Edson

A DISSERTATION
Submitted to
Michigan State University
In partial fulﬁllment of the requirements
For the degree of
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

Department of Human Ecology

2003

ABSTRACT
DENOMINATIONAL, CONGREGATIONAL, AND LEADERSHIP
INFLUENCES ON THE CHURCH’S EFFECTIVENESS AS A SUPPORT
SYSTEM TO FAMILIES EXPERIENCING INCEST:
A FAMILY SYSTEMS APPROACH
By

Rebecca F. New-Edson

The local congregation exists as one of the systems that inﬂuence families and
communities. The processes within a living system are both bi-directional and co-
directional. The history, decisions and the actions the church pursues have an impact
on the individuals, families and surrounding environment. In like manner, the
surrounding environment inﬂuences the development of the families and other
systems, Such as the local congregation.

Many times, in crisis, a family will seek out the church, looking for solace,
guidance, and support as it processes the event(s). The church’s ability to respond is
based on the level of differentiation which has developed over the life of the
congregation up to the point of crisis. No matter what the issue or crisis is, the
anxiety level within the church will shape the efﬁcacy of the church’s response as a
support system.

When an event such as familial sexual abuse surfaces, the congregation has an
Opportunity to be an effective support system to the concerned families, as well as the

surrounding community. The differentiation-based anxiety will inform the church’s

ability to respond effectively. The patterns of response will be similar in any crisis-
producing event, because of the ability or inability of the system to maintain a
position and yet stay connected.

This body of research focuses on speciﬁc issues that inform the anxiety level
of the church in a crisis-producing event. Using Family Ecosystemic Theory and
Bowen’s Family Systems Theory as a backdrop, the research investigates speciﬁc
internal and external inﬂuences that contribute to the level of anxiety as the church
responds to the family in crisis because of incest. These speciﬁc inﬂuences are: the
diﬂ’erentiation-based anxiety that drives the church’s response; the church’s
perspective on women’s roles; incest-related history of the local congregation; status
of families within the congregation who have experienced incest; self-perception of
the church’s role within the community, including the denominational philosophy of
community presence; and the pastor’s perception of resources available to the local

congregation.

Copyright by
REBECCA F. NEW-EDSON

2003

DEDICATION

I dedicate this body of work to God, my Rock and my Home. The life He has given
me is precious; the drive He has placed within me is amazing; and the hunger for
understanding He has endued me with is insatiable. Anything I have accomplished or

will ever accomplish I owe to Him.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

It would be presumptuous to assume we ever accomplish a task such as this
without input from many sources. Few complete a project of this magnitude without the
help of signiﬁcant people. My committee has been invaluable in this process.

Dr. Marsha Carolan met with me frequently, guiding me through qualitative
research for a better understanding of the methods and apprOpriate considerations. She
has generously Shared her expertise. She encouraged me to hone my Skills in order to be
a more thorough researcher. Dr. Robert Griffore has been careful and thoughtful, urging
me to attend to measurement methods in a more precise manner. He has encouraged me
to be meticulous in data collection and to examine results scrupulously. His quality as a
scholar has been a tremendous model for me. Dr. Robert Lee challenged me to dig
deeper. His willingness to dialogue with me as I worked through Bowen’s Family
Systems Theory challenged me to constantly expand my understanding. His sense of
humor as we grappled with theory and application made the process ﬁin as well as
educational.

I was blessed indeed to have Dr. Robert Boger as my advisor and major professor.
His belief in me inspired me to strive for excellence. He related to me as an equal and
treated my research with respect and excitement. He encouraged me when I lost focus or
got discouraged. The hours we Spent in conversation inspired me to deveIOp as a
researcher and not be satisﬁed with good enough, but instead to strive for excellence.

The process has been a joy. These four individuals have made it so.

vi

TABLE OF CONTENTS

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

List of Tables xi
List of Figures xii
Key to Symbols or Abbreviations xiii
Introduction 1
Chapter I.

Statement of Problem 3
Importance of Problem 3
Overview of Study 4
Mode of Inquiry 6
Research Rationale 7

Research Questions 9

Conceptual Model 1 l
Ecosystemic Rationale 12
Systemic Nature of Community 13
Support Systems 14
Bowen’s Family Systems Approach 14
Feminist Informed Perspective 16
The Church as Family 18
Respect for All Voices 2]
Summary 22

Conceptual and Operational Deﬁnitions 23

 

vii

Chapter II.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

REVIEW OF LITERATURE 33
Introduction to Incest 33
Long Term Effects of Incest 36
Family As Victims 38
Ecosystemic Nature of Community 42
Support Systems 44
Bowen’s Family Systems Theory 49
Anxiety 50
Basic Concepts 52
Development of Behavioral Disorders 55
Feminist Informed Paradigm 64
Critique of Traditional Family Systems Therapy 69
Integration with Bowen’s Family Systems 76
The Church as Family: A Bowen’s Family Systems Approach 79
Conceptual Maps
Figure 2.2 - Elements Determining Level of Differentiation within a Church ------- 80
Figure 2.3 - Multigenerational Inﬂuences Within a Board Meeting 84
Figure 2.4 - Issues Determining Church’s Ability to be an Effective Support
System to Families Experiencing Incest 87
Figure 2.5 — The Church as Illustrated by Human Ecosystemic Theory --------------- 89
Chapter III.
METHODOLOGY 95

 

Research Objectives 95

 

viii

 

Research Questions 97

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Research Model 98

Interviews and Interview Guide 99

Data 102

Design 103
Research Assumptions 105
Instrumentation l 07
Sampling Procedures 1 10
Data Analysis I 10
Grounded Theory 1 13

Chapter IV.

RESULTS OF RESEARCH l 18
Research Question #1 122
Research Question #2 149
Research Question #3 166
Research Question #4 180
Research Question #5 195
Research Question #6 223

Chapter V.

DISCUSSION 232
Level of Anxiety and the Response to Sexual Abuse 233
Denominational Results 233
Women’s Roles and the Response to Abuse 240
History Of Abuse within the Congregation 242

ix

245

 

Status of Family Experiencing Incest

Philosophy of Community Presence of Congregation

248

 

 

Perception of Resources

CHAPTER VI.

251

256

 

LIMITATIONS AND IMPLICATIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH

 

Projections Regarding Limitations

 

Summary

 

APPENDIXES

 

A Survey Questions

 

B Contact Letter

 

C Consent Form

 

REFERENCES

256

260

262

262

265

266

268

LIST OF TABLES

Table 4.1 Between Case Matrix of Women in leadership
— Provision of Support Services

Table 4.2 Between Case Matrix of Pastor’s Awareness of Sexual Abuse
within Congregation: by Denomination

Table 4.3 Between Case Matrix of Support Measures
within Congregations: by Denomination

Table 4.4 Pastor’s Perception of Obligation to be a Support System
To the Local Community

Table 4.5 Between Case Matrix of Pastors’ Awareness of Sexual Abuse
within Congregation: By Average Sunday AM Attendance

Table 4.6 Between Case Matrix of Support Measures:
By Average Sunday AM Attendance

Table 4.7 Resources Matrix and Provision of Support Measures

for Congregations

Survey Questions (Appendix A)

xi

-l65-

-178-

-179-

-222-

-230-

-230—

~231-

-262-

Figure 2.1

Figure 2.2

Figure 2.3

Figure 2.4

Figure 2.5

Figure 2.6

LIST OF FIGURES

Continuum of Anxious Attachment -
based on level of Self-Differentiation

Conceptual Map:
Elements Determining Level of Differentiation within the Church

Multigenerational Inﬂuences within a Board Meeting

Issues Determining Local Congregation’s Ability tO be an
Effective Support System to Families Experiencing Incest

Contextual Map:
The Church as Illustrated by Human Ecosystemic Theory

Questions Illustrating Stimuli that Challenge an Individual’s
Self-Differentiation Level

- Images in this dissertation are presented in color -

xii

-51-

-80..

-84—

-87—

-89_

-94-

KEYS TO SYMBOLS OR ABBREVIATIONS

AOG — Assembly of God (Springﬁeld, Missouri)

CHR - Christian Churches Gioth Disciples of Christ and Churches of Christ)
COG — Church of God (Anderson, Indiana)

MSLC — Missouri Synod Lutheran Church (St. Louis, Missouri)

NAZ — Church of the Nazarene

PRES - Presbyterian Church (USA)

UMC — United Methodist Church

xiii

INTRODUCTION

Experiences of incest would ﬁll many pages in the books of family histories.
Stories of intergenerational and transgenerational sexual abuse have become all too
common in therapists’ ﬁles and court records. Every day, newspapers report the arrest of
a family member who has been charged with criminal sexual conduct with a minor.

Families who experience incest are all affected by the abuse. It is reckless and
wrong to state that those who were not directly sexually victimized by the perpetrator(s)
have encountered no damage. All are victims. The experience of one individual affects
the organisms and the microsystems within the larger system. Anecdotal evidence
indicates that even distant or absent family members bear the scars of familial sexual
abuse. Reﬂecting the transactional character of systems, even those surrounding systems
that are not in direct contact with the victims or perpetrators are constantly inﬂuencing
and being inﬂuenced by the family that is experiencing incest.

Churches (after this, also referred to as the local congregation) are often in the
peculiar position of being well acquainted with the perpetrator and victim, as well as the
nuclear and extended family. Knowledge of inappropriate sexual behavior between
family members may become public to the leadership or congregational members in a
variety of ways. When the local congregation does become aware of the presence of
incest within the constituency, it is obligated to acknowledge the behavior. The legal
dimensions of child abuse and neglect often clash with the concept of the church as a

place of reﬁige. The challenge of addressing the wrong is particularly complicated to an

institution that encourages, and is, in fact, built on the concept of forgiveness. Yet if it is
to be true to the teachings of Jesus Christ, the church must speak to all issues of abuse.
Due to the necessity to address childhood sexual abuse in any form, anxiety is
frequently a byproduct of the process of response or reaction. This is true whether the
response is from an individual or an institution, such as the church. The measure of
anxiety is partially determined by the levels of emotional differentiation within the
interacting systems. The levels of differentiation of both the denomination and the
parochial congregation, as well as the individual leadership of the local church, inﬂuence
the response in a variety of ways. At the same time that denominational, congregational,
and leadership anxieties are driving response of the local church to the family, because of
the transactional nature of relationships, the family who is experiencing incest also has an

impact on the response and is inﬂuencing the local congregation.

Chapter I.

STATEMENT OF PROBLEM

This study will examine the pastor’s perception of the inﬂuences that affect the
congregation’s motivation and ability to respond, in an efficacious and appropriate
manner, to families experiencing the trauma brought about by incest. The research will
involve a qualitative investigation, interviewing pastors regarding their perspective of the
issues that inﬂuence the local church’s effectiveness as a support system to families who
are experiencing incest. It will also include an investigation in the form of a survey to
these same pastors. Speciﬁcally, this investigation will explore the pastor’s perception of
the inﬂuence of the following constructs on the provision or non-provision of programs
for families experiencing incest: l) the anxiety of the local church in responding to issues
of incest, 2) the congregation’s perspective on women’s roles in family and leadership, 3)
incest-related history of the local congregation, 4) status of families, within the
congregation, who have experienced incidents of incest, 5) self-perception of the local
church’s role within the community, including the denominational perspective on
community presence, and 6) perceived resources available to the local congregation.

The investigation will be drawn from seven different faith communities across a four-

state area in the Midwestern United States.

IMPORTANCE OF PROBLEM
Clinical experience and leadership in local and national church polity have
brought into focus, for this author, the large gap between stated theory and process, in the

area of abuse. Although wanting to protect the innocent, the church often has difﬁculty

addressing sexual abuse perpetrated by its own members. Unless confronted with the
tendency to reabuse the victims, it seems likely that the church will continue this kind of
corruption of justice. The church has the opportunity to be an inﬂuential voice within the
community, decrying mistreatment of the innocent. In order to be a strong support
system within its community, it is imperative that the church realizes the issues that
inﬂuence the ability to confront sexual abuse within families.

Because there is a dearth of solid research in the area of issues inﬂuencing ability
to address incest effectively within the faith communities, more speciﬁc studies of the
relationship between the Six constructs and programs of response to families is needed. It
is expected that the research will identify speciﬁc denominational, congregational and
leadership issues that either hinder or facilitate the development of such programs. A
more effective support system to families may expedite the healing process and promote
more healthy family functioning, thus stOppin g the cycle of abuse that is so oﬁen the

sequel to familial sexual abuse.

OVERVIEW OF STUDY
The research for this project will be done in three different areas. Theoretically,
an overview of human ecosystems conceptualizations will be presented. The
transactional processes of churches (both locally and across national denominational
lines) and families, is taken into consideration when discussing the tOpic of incest.
Narrowing the ﬁeld to Bowen’s Family Systems Theory for the major theoretical
paradigm, with particular focus on anxiety, the church will be viewed through that lens,

overlaid with a Feminist Informed Perspective.

Intergenerational issues, (as discussed in Family System thinking), and cultural
paradigm will be addressed, as the inﬂuences related to response to incest are considered.
A short discussion of the ramiﬁcations of incest and its effect on the involved family will
be included.

To date, there is a paucity of research on incest and the local congregation’s
response. As far as this author is aware, there is no present empirical data that studies the
dynamics inﬂuencing the local church’s response to families experiencing incest. Special
care must be taken to build checks and balances into this research process. Therefore,
this study will be accomplished in two different manners.

This project is a qualitative study, interviewing forty-Six pastors of protestant
churches who may or may not have a program in place for families of incest or sexual
abuse survivors. From a Family Systems perspective, the interviews will focus on
anxiety that is produced by the presence of incest within families who have some
relationship to the church, and issues that may contribute to that anxiety. Challenges
presented in both creating and administering a sexual abuse support program will also be
explored.

The second element of this project will be a survey sent to these same pastors
from the seven different types of faith communities in the Midwest states. Using
questions reﬂecting human ecosystemic thinking and Bowen’s Family Systems concepts,
the researcher anticipates that issues inﬂuencing response will surface. By both
interviewing and surveying pastors of different denominations, the researcher hopes to

identify differences in the inﬂuencing issues between the denominations.

Mode of Inquiry

The ethnographic mode of inquiry will be both interpretive and analytical. In the
initial part of the research -— through interviews with both pastors of congregations that
have a program for abuse support in place, and those that do not have such a program —
issues that inﬂuence presence of these programs will be explored. Through examination
of the cultural history and denominational paradigms of the individual congregations, the
author expects to discover some of the issues that inﬂuence effectiveness of address.

What is the church’s position on abuse in families? How is the term ‘sexual
abuse’ interpreted? What level of anxiety is produced by the revelation of incestuous
activity within the local church family? Is the drive for homeostasis so strong it inhibits
the ability of the local church to be a healing agent? How does the patriarchal culture in
which the church, and, in fact, our whole society, is imbedded, impact the response to
persons who are part of an incestuous family? What effect has the intergenerational
history of the local congregation had in determining the response to families traumatized
by incest? Does the local congregation recognize resources within the church or
community that can facilitate the process of healing for the family? This study will focus
on issues that have strong inﬂuence on the local church’s position. It will encompass
interpretation and evolution of the local congregation’s stand on abuse within the family,
and will investigate the anxiety that surrounds the process.

The second part of the research will be a survey to these same pastors, which will
contribute collateral support for the interviews. Six different areas will be explored, ﬁom
the pastor’s perspective: the differentiation-based anxiety that drives the church’s

response; the church’s perspective on women’s roles; incest-related history of the local

congregation; status of families within the congregation who have experienced incest;
self-perception of the church’s role within the community, including the denominational
philosophy of community presence; and the pastor’s perception of resources available to

the local congregation.

Research Rationale

This study has been undertaken to help protestant churches understand dynamics
that contribute to ability to be a support system to families who are in turmoil because of
familial sexual abuse. Conventional wisdom states that if a person or group can discover
the obstacles that prevent them from intentionally responding positively to a presenting
issue, the person or group is more likely to be alert to these obstacles and perhaps change
course of action. Education is one way to examine facts, uncover prejudices, and adopt
positive changes in response to need. By focusing on subjects that color the reply of this
system to the crisis of sexual abuse within the family, awareness will be heightened and
the local congregation can become more effective as a support system in this and other
areas.

The local church is one system within the community that is often sought out by a
family in times of crisis. Because the church ministers within the community and has an
historical reputation of being a place of solace and hOpe, individuals in the family may
naturally assume it is a place where they can ﬁnd succor, an oasis away from the events
dominating their lives. AS any living system does, the church responds to the

circumstances as well as the individuals involved. This response is both bi-directional

and co-actional (Goldhaber, 2000), affecting both the local church and the individuals
involved, directly and indirectly.

In the experience of incest within the family, research indicates that the church,
both locally and nationally, is less than effective (Dinsmore, 1991; Fortune, 1983;
Heitn'tter and Vought, I989; Langsberg, 1997; Summit, 1987). This microsystem, which
could provide strong social support for families at this time of trauma, often revictimizes
the family, abandoning the ones who turn to it in a critical time of need. These families
may go elsewhere for the much-needed support, or may withdraw even further into their
alienation and dysﬁinction, assuming no one can be trusted.

If a local congregation can provide positive social support for families who suffer
from the trauma of incest, it can facilitate the families as they process the integration of
the experience in a more efﬁcacious and healthy manner. Studies reveal that positive
support systems often reap positive results in helping traumatized families adjust
(Herman, 1997; Vaux, I988; Whittaker and Garbarino, 1983). Therefore, equipping
these systems to respond to sexual abuse in an intentional and informed, as well as
compassionate and forthright manner, can ostensibly help families to develop healthy and
abuse-free lifestyles.

Because there is a scarcity of solid research in the area of issues inﬂuencing
ability to address incest effectively within the faith communities, more speciﬁc studies of
relationship between various constructs and the response to families is needed. The goal
of this study is to examine barriers, within the local congregations, to facilitative behavior
in responding to families who are experiencing incestuous activity. By encouraging the

church to examine its own emotionally binding issues, the author intends to stimulate

awareness of limitations to positive support. As the local church ﬁnds different ways to

minister in an efﬁcacious manner, it can be a more effective support system to the family

experiencing abuse.

RESEARCH QUESTIONS

Six speciﬁc research questions will be addressed in the research of the processing

of possible issues and interactions that inﬂuence the church’s response to families

experiencing incest.

1)

2)

3)

4)

Does the level of anxiety, as deﬁned by Bowen and reﬂected by the pastor’s
responses during the interview, drive the response of the congregation to
families experiencing incest?

Does the pastor’s perception of the congregational position regarding
women’s roles in the home and society - including the position on female
leadership in the church - inﬂuence the response, within the congregation, to
issues of incest?

As far as the pastor is aware, does the history of incest within the local
congregation inﬂuence the church’s process of the responding to families with
the presenting crisis of incest now?

From the pastor’s perspective, does the local congregation respond differently
to families experiencing incest, according to the families’ status within the
congregation? Is the church, in fact, more or less likely to be an effective
support system if the family is actively involved in the life of the

congregation?

5)

6)

How does the congregation, as reported by the pastor, perceive its role within
the community, including its denominational role, in regard to being a support
system to families experiencing incest?

How does the congregation’s perception, as reported by the pastor, of the
availability of resources (human, professional, educational and ﬁnancial),
have an impact on the local congregation’s response to families experiencing

incest?

10

CONCEPTUAL MODEL

Introduction

The local congregation is not an island. It has developed, and continues to
develop, within the context of its environment. The climate of inﬂuence surrounding the
congregation is a patchwork of sexism, patriarchalism, Victorianism, cultural attitudes
regarding sex, cultural attitudes about the church’s role with individual families,
philosophy about providing resources for programming of support, and many other
considerations. It is deeply embedded in its historical environment, which includes both
male and female voices in leadership, relationship to the community, attitudes toward
new leadership, ability to forgive, fear of change, incidents of incest, and convictions
about responsibility to its membership and its community. Add to that, the educational,
cultural, political, socio-economic, religious, and ethnic milieu of the larger system, and
one begins to see the diversity of inﬂuences that have a voice in the prevailing attitude of
the local congregation.

It is an ever-evolving process. The church membership is always changing. . .the
alteration in membership affects the church. . .the community inﬂuences the congregation
and the individual families, who also return inﬂuence to the system. The process is never
stagnant, always changing. Bronfenbrenner states “. . .the ecology of human
deveIOpment is the scientiﬁc study of the progressive mutual accommodation, throughout
the life course, between an active, growing human being, and the changing properties of
the immediate settings in which the developing person lives, as this process is affected by
the relations between these settings, and by the larger contexts in which the settings are

embedded.” (1989, p.188)

11

All persons are in relationship. The person is partially deﬁned by the process that
takes place within the surrounding context (Bronfenbrenner, 1992) and cannot be
understood properly out of context of the relationship. In the same way, systems deveIOp
their deﬁnitions. The Person-Context-Process Model helps to understand how

development takes place.

Ecosystemic Rationale

Ecosystemic rationale works from the premise that each subsystem has an
inﬂuence on the other systems it touches, directly or indirectly. Any person or event is in
relationship to all of the persons and events it touches psychologically and all the persons
and events they touch. It is not possible to totally separate the parts because they take
form in context to the existing relationships. An organism functions in the way it does
because of the presence of the other organisms and the subsequent, evolving inﬂuence of
each on the other (Vaux, 1988). A inﬂuences B, who inﬂuences C. C inﬂuences A and
the relationship of B and C incluences the relationship between B and A. There is a
circularity of inﬂuence within the relationship. An entity, in its systemic form, is a web,
not a chain. Adaptive behavior is a dynamic whereby one part of the system is
responding to another part, which is, itself, responding to all the other parts.

The whole, then, is not merely a sum of the parts, but also includes the process of
connecting the separate parts. The response created by linking the parts is an important
element of the whole. This includes the response of the wedded organism as well as the
separate entities, both to each other and to the world at large (Bronfenbrenner, 1989;

Goldhaber, 2000). The whole is more than a sum of its parts.

12

Systemic Nature of Community

A system is a collection of parts or organisms. Whether observing the human
body or a fast-ﬂowing river, the process of plant growth or the ﬁinctioning of an
organization, the aggregate is an ever-evolving reﬂection of the organisms that comprise
the Speciﬁc system, and the continual process of evolution within and around both the
Speciﬁc organisms and the larger system.

Energy within the system is, in part, a result Of information constantly being
exchanged. Communication is a major concept of systemic philosophy, because
interactions inﬂuence all subsystems within the system, directly or indirectly
(Bronfenbrenner, 1989; Kerr & Bowen, 1988). Although the level of impact varies, each
part is touched by information exchange within the larger system.

Systemic thinking focuses on the interrelatedness of parts, both in the present and
across time (Bronfenbrenner, 1989). A systems approach is a holistic study of
transactions and interactions whereby each component reciprocally affects the other,
thereby changing both continuously overtime. These become patterned within the
system. As a stone thrown into a pond causes a ripple effect in the surrounding water, a
change in one part of a system produces a change in another part — even in the whole.
That change, in turn, inﬂuences the process of development of the constantly emerging
system. Basic scientiﬁc theory is that every action has an equal and Opposite reaction.

In relationship systems, the emotional process is the distinguishing portion from
other ecosystems (Bubolz & Sontag, 1993; Kerr & Bowen, 1988; Friedman, 1985). This

process is an integral piece of the system that contributes to the continual process of

13

development. Systemic thinking in relationships addresses the impact of connection on

human functioning -— the transactional nature of parts.

Support Systems

Research indicates that a strong support system is critical in the recovery from a
crisis event (Pierce, Sarason, & Sarason, 1996). Support is a transactional process.
Response by the surrounding microsystems and mesosystems help determine the ultimate
impact of the trauma an organism is experiencing (Herman, 1997; Vaux, 1989). Herman
discusses the cathartic advantage of simply being permitted to share the traumatic
experience with others. The response does not only affect the traumatized organism, but
the dyads and the microsystem itself also are changed by the interaction.

Often, a local faith group is a critical support system for families in the
community. This organization has the opportunity to contribute to the rebuilding of a
sense of order and justice for a family who has been entangled in incest. Because a
family often alienates itself ﬁ'om the community when abuse is taking place within, the
local congregation may be one of the few support systems that has recurring contact.
How the congregation responds, then, is likely to be critical to the ability of the family to

enter back into the community in a healthy manner.

Bowen’s Family Systems Approach

Balance in a living system contributes to a healthy symbiosis. In many Situations,

the balance determines the survival of the system itself. The theoretical formulations in

14

Bowen’s Family Systems Theory are centered in the balance of togetherness and
individuality (Kerr & Bowen, 1988; Nichols & Schwartz, 1998).

Bowen’s theory teaches that three systems contribute to human functioning and
relating. These three -— the emotional, the feeling, and the intellectual systems —
determine most behavior. The emotional system comprises the forces that guide a
person’s behavior. It is the driving impetus through life, and includes ways of perceiving
and of relating to others and to objects. The feeling system is inﬂuential in Social
processes. This system takes into consideration relationship and perception of self. The
intellectual system refers to the human’s ability to know and to comprehend. The human
being supercedes all other animals in this system in ability to comprehend abstractly and
to associate meaning.

Family Systems Theory emphasizes multigenerational inﬂuences. These
inﬂuences have an impact on all three systems, but most critically affect the emotional
system. Forces, past and present, produce models of thought and behavior. Bowen
suggests that, while events and attitudes in the immediate family heavily inﬂuence
actions, these deﬁning practices have been handed down through many generations of
thinking and acting, responding and reacting.

When people grow up, they do not leave their families, but instead, bring those
inﬂuences with them into their adult relationships. An individual is never totally free of
family inﬂuences. In fact, Bowen contributes the theory that unresolved issues with our
original families is the most important unﬁnished business of our lives (Nichols &

Schwartz, 1998, p.142). As we move away from our families, emotionally or physically,

15

the patterns of behavior and ways of relating follow us into school, church, the
workplace, social life, and all other formal and informal relationships.

Anxiety over relationships drives attachment. Anxiety can be deﬁned as response
to a real or perceived threat (Kerr & Bowen, 1988, p. 112). This anxiety often
undermines reason and self-control. A continuum exists between anxious attachment
(which is caused by an ‘imbalance’ or fusion in relationship), and ﬁmctional attachment,
which Bowen deﬁnes as Self-differentiation. Each individual is somewhere on that
continuum. There is no human being that is completely self-differentiated (Friedman,
1985; Kerr & Bowen, 1988; Nichols & Schwartz, 1998). Bowen asserts that anxiety is
directly related to the organism’s level of self-differentiation. The lower a person’s level
of differentiation, the less his adaptivity will be to stress and the higher his anxiety will
be (Kerr & Bowen, 1988).

Healthy family development happens when members are relatively well-
differentiated, anxiety is low, and when parents are in good emotional contact with their
own families of origin. The highly differentiated family will stay effectively connected
from one generation to the next (Friedman, 1985; Kerr & Bowen, 1988). People with
good differentiation, who remain in contact with previous generations, are more stable
than people from enmeshed or splintered families. Emotional attachment between

Spouses is likely to resemble the families of origin relationships.

Feminist Informed Perspective

While there have been many theories regarding marriage and family, they have

largely been driven by voices of power (McGoldrick, Anderson & Walsh, 1989). The

16

understandings that have been bequeathed down through the years come from the
privileged minority - who is the Caucasian male (Hesse-Biber, Gilmartin & Lyndenberg,
1999). AS the male gender has been the predominant creator of this ‘reality’, it has been
expressed reﬂecting the masculine understanding only.

What has been presented as truth, was developed by the entitled few of society
(Bordo, 1999), not the majority. Because of this, feminist scholars suggest that scientiﬁc
research is biased and limited in its ways of interpretation (Martin, 1999; Spalter-Roth &
Hartmann, 1999). If gender inequalities are ignored, some of the primary factors are
overlooked.

A feminist informed perspective is concerned with examining the ‘truth’ within
the context of the environment. Because of the very narrow deﬁnitions of truth being
derived from the fortunate few, feminists’ concern is not only with the female gender, but
also with interactions among race, class, age, sexuality, ethnicity, and differing abilities
(Daly, 1995; Hesse-Biber, Gilmartin & Lyndenberg, 1999; McGoldrick, Anderson &
Walsh, 1989). AS scholars look at truth, it is critical to understand that perspective is
important, and not all deﬁnitions of reality are the same. It is here that we must begin
communication. Effective communication demands that, not only the privileged
minority, but also the ‘voiceless ones’ must be heard.

The patriarchal paradigm is a salient issue that inﬂuences the local church’s
ﬁrnctioning. The value which women and men are given within individual families, the
role the genders have played down through the history of the church, the leadership’s
understanding and commitment to the importance of all voices being heard, the role of

men and women in the local community. . .these issues are inﬂuential in the day to day

17

Operations of the church. All of these considerations baptize the local church’s character
and help to form the commitment to the growth process of each individual. Both male
awareness of historical oppression in word and deed, and the need for all perspectives to

be given a voice, make a grave difference in the behavior of a congregation.

The Church as Family

The church is an emotional system, functioning, in many ways like a family. Due
to the unique role of the church in the American culture, families experiencing incest
often turn to it for healing, comfort and counsel. As an emotional system, the
congregation often reacts emotionally to issues of discomfort such as sexual abuse. This
anxiety chokes the ability of the congregation to respond in a healthy manner when
families seek them out for guidance and assurance. Unfortunately, the church has often
abandoned these same families, leaving them to ﬁnd their own way through the morass of
legal, psychological, social, spiritual and emotional experiences that follow public
knowledge of the incest. At a time when this organism could be efﬁcacious as a support
system, often the local church responds inappropriately, because of anxiety over the issue
and potential ramiﬁcations, causing further damage and victimization Of the survivors.

Looking at the church as a family system is a relatively new concept. Two
decades ago, Rabbi Edwin Friedman, a peer of Murray Bowen, began writing about the
functional similarities of the church and the family (Friedman, 1985). Since that time,
others have begun to see the challenges of church functioning in relationship to Family
Systems thinking, incorporating the Ecosystemic approach, with the speciﬁc focus on the

role of emotional relationships and the anxiety that drives the action.

18

AS in Bowen’s model of the family, the local church functions according to its
level of differentiation. Level of differentiation is directly related to anxiety over
emotional and conceivably controversial issues. Expanded studies indicate this level is
determined by four areas (Daly, 1985; Fortune, 1989; Friedman, 1985; Kerr & Bowen,
1988; McGoldrick, Anderson & Walsh, 1989; Rampage, 1995; Richardson, 1996;
Steinke, 1993): a) the individual families and their own levels of functioning, b) multi-
generational issues in the makeup of the congregation, c) the leadership’s differentiation,
and d) the environment in which the congregation ministers, and the emotional level of
the local culture. Because of the impact of the historical, denominational inﬂuence
within a local congregation (Smith, 1985; Tracy & lngersol, 1999), the researcher adds
the denominational component to the level of differentiation.

Although consideration of the ﬁrst area will be mentioned, in accordance with
Bowen’s concept of the role of anxiety in family functioning, the focus of this research
will target anxiety which drives the local church’s response to families who are
experiencing incest, and issues that may prompt that anxiety. This anxiety will be
addressed from each of the three positions; denominational, congregational, and
leadership differentiation levels. Denominational and local community environment in
which the congregation ministers, multigenerational issues of the congregation and the
leadership, and patterns, in each of the areas of concern, of addressing anxiety-laden
issues, as reﬂected in Bowen’s Family Theory concepts, will be examined.

Denominational: A church aligns itself with a denomination because of the
similarities of doctrine, theological position, administrative practices, and even social

policy. The reputation of denominations and their traditional practices within the world

19

inﬂuence the local congregations. A sense of political obligation and social
responsibility varies from denomination to denomination. Thus, anxiety surrounding
precarious issues, such as sexual abuse and incest, deviates among different
denominations and shapes denominational position (Daly, 1985; Fortune, 1989;
Friedman, 1985).

Congregational: The local congregation is, to some degree, a reﬂection of the
larger denominational organization. It also echoes local culture, including political,
socio-economic, educational, ethnic, historical and moral events and attitudes. The
families who are involved and the families in the community all inﬂuence and are
inﬂuenced by the local congregation, as are the patriarchs and matriarchs who helped
shape the congregation (Friedman, 1985; Richardson, 1996; Steinke, 1993). Anxiety in
dealing with sexual abuse will reﬂect all of these voices that have shaped and continue to
shape the congregation.

Leadership: It is well documented that an organization takes on the personality of
the leadership (Steinke, 1996 Friedman, 1985; Smith, 1985). The local church is no
exception to that rule. Not only the pastor(s), but also the informal leadership — the
patriarchs and matriarchs of the congregation — help to shape the way in which the
congregation functions. Steinke states that “the congregational leaders are the key
stewards of the congregation. . .by virtue of their positions in the system, can most
promote congregational health” (1996, p.26). Respect, communication and good
stewardship of resources by the leadership will facilitate a congregation to address stress-

laden issues - an element of daily ﬁInctioning - in a mature, well-differentiated manner.

20

The researcher is aware that interviewing the pastor is, in and of itself, fraught
with risk. While the pastor traditionally speaks for the congregation, and is generally
thought to have his or her pulse on the heartbeat of the ﬂock, it is possible that the
pastor’s interpersonal and intrapersonal dynamics are so overwhelming that his/her level
of differentiation precludes an honest evaluation (Friedman, 1985; Richardson,1996).
This is a limitation of this research.

In spite of this limitation, generally there is no more qualiﬁed person to assess the
inﬂuences that drive the congregation’s response than the pastor. A pastor is more likely
to know a wider breadth of congregational members, and the inner workings of the

congregation, than is any other church member, and certainly more than an outsider.

Respect for All Voices

The local congregation has a responsibility to minister to each member of a
family. This includes the voices of power and those traditionally perceived as
insigniﬁcant. In most areas of Society the women and children are powerless. As they
are most often the victims of sexual abuse, this voiceless majority is victimized even
further.

If it is to be healthy, the local church must take proactive measures to be a support
system to those who experience discrimination. This will include education, self-
examination, and courage. It will involve taking an unpopular stand in some
circumstances. It will involve allowing the transactions and interactions with each person
and family unity to inform the process. In order to facilitate healing and integration into

the community, however, if the local church is to be an effective support system, it will

21

honestly make intentional efforts to listen to and speak for all persons, including the

unempowered.

Summary

Regardless of the subject, conﬂict is an inevitable element of relationships. It is
based on anxiety level of the organisms involved in the relationship (Kerr & Bowen,
1988; Friedman, 1985, Shawchuck, 1983; Steinke, 1993). This particular study has used
the highly stressful subject of incest to illustrate the church in conﬂict. When theory
meets process, the organism often chaffs. Whether dealing with sexual abuse within the
church or the building of a new ediﬁce, level of anxiety, based on self-differentiation will
inform the communication and the action. If the church can take a non-anxious position,
yet remain connected to each individual, She is more likely to be an effective support
system to families, no matter what the family is experiencing. As the church is
constantly evolving, the ability or inability to maintain a non-anxious position in this
particular Situation, contributes to the level of anxiety for the conﬂict, both now and those
conﬂicts that will arise the next time.

The researcher examines several areas that may contribute to the level of anxiety
within the congregation. These areas are not exclusive, yet may give an indication to the

plethora of issues that complicate level of self-differentiation.

22

CONCEPTUAL AND OPERATIONAL DEFINITIONS

Family Systems, as deﬁned by Murray Bowen (Kerr & Bowen, 1988)
Conceptual deﬁnition — An integrative theory that describes human
emotional functioning, looking at the family as an emotional unit that is a
collection of interlocking relationships, continuously inﬂuenced by a number
of variables and by the interrelationship of those variables. Each individual
contributes to the overall level of ability to deﬁne self and family, and can
only be deﬁned in context to the family and other intimate relationships.
Among the variables are intergenerational and multi generational relationships
and ways of functioning that inform the present, evolving generation, further
clarifying patterns of behavior. The system’s level of anxiety is an illustration
of the compilation of each individual’s level of anxiety, and helps to

determine the ability to deﬁne itself in the presence of stress.

Operational deﬁnition - The church functions as an emotional family system
that is a collection of intergenerational and multigenerational family
relationships. Type of response to stimulus, such as the presence of sexual
abuse or incest, is determined in part by the combined level of anxiety of each
individual and each family system, including the level of functioning and
relationships Of earlier generations of family members and church families,

leadership, and denominational organization.

23

Human Ecosystems, as deﬁned by Urie Bronfenbrenner
Conceptual deﬁnition — A theory of human psychological development
wherein the organism is considered in the context of the external inﬂuences
that interact with each other and the developing human. The theory includes
the transactions and linkages between the family and other major settings
inﬂuencing development. It also includes events and transitions over the life
course and the course of the family and setting in which the organism is in the
process of developing. The transaction ﬁrst develops between two individual
organisms, which is the dyadic relationship. Each organism is inﬂuenced by
the other, and by every other dyad in the microsystem, and their relationship
inﬂuences. Recognizing the family as principal context of human
development, the ecosystemic philosophy is that all other systems that touch
the family, as well as the dynamic of time and the organism itself, inﬂuence
the continuing development of the organism and is inﬂuenced by the
organism. It takes a person/process/context form that is continuously

evolving.

Operational deﬁnition - The concept of the local congregation as an organism
made up of a plethora of Microsystems, which is continuously developing ,
impacted and affected by external inﬂuences that interact in relationship —
either directly or indirectly. These inﬂuences could include, but are not
limited to the socio-economic conditions, educational level of community,

ﬁnancial climate, cultural mores, ethnic climate, presence of other faith

24

assemblies, denominational headquarters, and population of the congregation.
The transactional dynamics of the patriarchal paradigm within the community
and the congregation, as well as each individual member and family unit and
the history of abuse within the congregation as well as the history of the
congregational presence within the community, also have an inﬂuence on the
development of the individuals, the family units, and the congregation during
the life of the church and up to the present time. The various dynamics
inﬂuence each individual relationship (dyad), as well as the relationships with

other dyads and Microsystems.

0 Sexual abuse support within the church program, for family members
experiencing incest:
Conceptual deﬁnition - The presence of programs supporting families who
are experiencing familial sexual abuse. This may include individual
counseling, support groups for survivors, perpetrators, counseling and/or

support, child protection statements or a sexual abuse procedural policy.

Operational deﬁnition — The presence of any sexual abuse support in the
church program. This will be ascertained by a series of questions regarding
individual, group, or family counseling by trained counselors; sexual abuse
support groups for individuals or families; risk and abuse prevention
programs - such as Christian Education classes, teacher training classes, or

the presence of a procedure policy regarding any incidence of sexual abuse

25

or incest that surfaces within the congregation. Each pastor will be asked to
conﬁrm the presence of any of these programs made available by the

congregation.

0 Constructs that may affect the presence and level of support of the local church to
the family experiencing incest:

l. Patriarchal paradigm
Conceptual deﬁnition - The local church’s perspective on women and

women’s roles

Operational deﬁnition — Pastor’s observations of congregation’s perspective
regarding women in families, church, and society - includes leadership,
ordination, position on submission of women to men. Data will also be
gathered regarding the denominational perspective on women and gender

issues and inclusion of women in leadership in the congregations.

2. History of incest related issues
Conceptual deﬁnition — The presence of a history of incidents of incest

within the local congregation.

26

Operational deﬁnition — Pastor’s understanding pursuant to the history of
incest within the families of the congregation. Have there been any incest-
related experiences within the history of the local congregation? Questions
will survey number of incidents and whether they occurred within the last

one month to twenty years, according to Pastor’s knowledge.

3. Family experiencing incest; status in the local congregation
Conceptual deﬁnition - Does the history of incest related incidents involve
active members of the congregation? Are they circumstances involving

non-members or visitors to the congregation?

Operational deﬁnition -— Pastor’s observations regarding position of families
who have reported incest. What best describes the families who have
experienced incest — (both perpetrators and victims): Within the leadership
of the congregation; active members of the congregation; peripheral
attendees; new to the church, possibly because of seeking abuse support;
persons related to members of the congregation, or those not at all involved

with the local congregation?

4. Self-Perception of Church Role
Conceptual deﬁnition -— How does the church see its role in the community?

Does it line up with denominational policies in the area of abuse ministries?

27

Operational deﬁnition — Does the pastor use any of the following deﬁnitions
to identify the congregation: evangelical, liturgical, conservative, liberal,
radical, social agent, or advocate? How is that deﬁnition comparable to
sister churches of the same denomination or faith group? Is it comparable to
the national denominational policy regarding sexual abuse? From the
pastor’s perspective, does the local congregation see it as the church’s

responsibility to provide support to the local families of the community?

5. Resources available to the local church.
Conceptual deﬁnition — Does the pastor consider the local congregation rich

in resources that can facilitate ministry to families experiencing incest?

Operational deﬁnition - According to the pastor’s evaluation, are there
trained and licensed individuals available to facilitate ministry to families
experiencing abuse? Does the community have adequate resources to
respond to familial sexual abuse? Has the leadership of the church
(including Sunday School teachers and Youth Workers) been trained to
recognize signs of childhood Sexual abuse? Is there a risk management
program in place in the church? IS a police check partial requirement for
people working with children and youth within the congregation? Has all

pastoral staff been trained to counsel and refer apprOpriately in the areas of

28

sexual abuse? What are the local educational opportunities? Are there local

facilities and organizations that address sexual abuse or incest?

6. Denomination.
Conceptual deﬁnition - A religious group, including many churches, bound
by common beliefs, doctrines and practices. Often the denominational
organization Of a faith group controls or inﬂuences expressions of faith

practices within the community.

Operational deﬁnition — The organization with which the faith community
ofﬁcially aligns. ls often acknowledged by title of denomination being
included in the name of the church, in official literature, governing materials

of the congregation or other publications referencing the church.

7. Congregation.
Conceptual deﬁnition - An assembly of persons formed for the purpose of
providing for worship of God, for religious education, and for other church
activities; local faith group that reﬂects the culture and systemic

characteristics of the community.

29

Operational deﬁnition — Any local faith assembly which meets at a speciﬁc
place at a speciﬁc time for worship. This would include people who

identify this assembly as the one with which they worship.

8. Leadership.
Conceptual Deﬁnition — The understood authority and inﬂuence within a
congregation - acknowledged and unacknowledged leadership. Includes

pastors, other ministerial staff or non-staff leadership.

Operational Deﬁnition — Pastor(s) on staff. Other clergy within the
congregation, CEO of church, board chairpersons, treasurer, the governing
body of the congregation, emotional matriarchs or patriarchs, and any

persons who hold inﬂuential position — either formal or informal.

30

TERMS USED IN THIS STUDY
(deﬁned)

. Church —— A faith-based community; synagogue, parish or temple; this study

focuses on protestant, Christian faith groups

Liturgical and Classical Faith Community - Emphasis on beauty of worship and
grace of God; social activism; progressive sanctiﬁcation; often called ‘main-line’
churches. Generally understood to be more liberal in theology (Tracy & In gersol,

1999).

. Evangelical Faith Community — Emphasis on Sinfulness of human beings and
need for salvation of souls. Accepted pietism emphasis; missionary minded,

generally understood to be more conservative in theology (Tracy & lngersol,

1999)
Effectiveness — Ability to inﬂuence; competent and operative

. Family - Related by blood or marriage to the victim. In this research, the study

focuses on individuals living within the same house or near proximity

Incest — Involves inappropriate sexual activities with a child or adolescent by an
adult family member, or one considerably Older than the victim (Finkelhor, 1994)
this may include physical contact, such as touching portions of the child’s body,
having intercourse, or having the child touch the abuser in a sexual manner.
Incest also includes non-contact sexual abuse, such as exhibitionism, voyeurism,

or having a child pose for pornographic pictures; also familial sexual abuse

31

7. Intentional - Deliberately enacted with speciﬁc purpose

8. Prominent — Visibly active within the congregation. . .easily recognizable to the

parishioners; also may be in a position of power and authority
9. Status — Position of inﬂuence within the congregation or the community

10. Support System — An assemblage of relationships - formal or informal, that
provide instrumental and affective functions, which may include education,

resources, meeting needs for identity and acceptance, feedback and socialization.

32

Chapter II.
REVIEW OF LITERATURE

INTRODUCTION TO INCEST

In most cultures today, incest is considered deviant behavior. Sexual
relationships between persons closely related by blood, particularly within the immediate
family, are forbidden in many societies. In the United States, most states have speciﬁc
laws setting parameters for acceptable relatedness of sexual partners. Parent/child sexual
relations are one of the few universal taboos today. Crossing all world cultures, it has
been historically forbidden throughout civilization (Trepper & Barrett, 1989). The
perspective of this study, in agreement with Finkelhor (1979), Dinsmore (1991), and
Russell (1994), is that incest is always wrong, because it is coercive and entered into

from a position of power.

In Spite of these universal prohibitions, studies reveal that incidence of incest has
quadrupled in the past century (Trepper and Barrett, 1989, p.2). Incidence rates vary
greatly, from a 1950’s estimate of incest with children involving only one in one million
children to one 1980’s estimate as frequent as one in three. Authorities in the area of
abuse today, conservatively estimate that l in 10 families are experiencing familial sexual
abuse (Heitritter & Vought, 1989). Presently, estimates of familial sexual abuse in Some
form, are approximately 20% of females and 5-10% of males (Dinsmore, 1991; Pellauer,
Chester, & Boyajian, 1987). While 1 in 3 girls, and l in 11 boys are sexually molested by

18, 50% of these are familial sexual abuse (Pellauer, Chester & Boyajian, 1987;

33

Stringham, 1998). Estimates of duration of incestuous abuse average 3 to 5 years

(Iangberg, 1997).

Deﬁnitions

Childhood sexual abuse is deﬁned by David Finkelhor (1994) and Dan Allender
(1995) as sexual contact or interaction with a child or adolescent by an adult or someone
who is considerably older than the victim or is in a position of power or authority, for the
purpose of sexual stimulation of the perpetrator or any other person. This deﬁnition
includes contact and non-contact sexual abuse, such as touching sexual portions of the
child’s body, genital, oral or anal intercourse, having the child touch the abuser in a
sexual manner, exposing child to pornography, voyeurism, exhibitionism, verbal sexual
interactions, having a child pose for pornographic pictures, physical/sexual boundary
violation or sexual/relational boundary violation (Allender, 1995; Finkelhor, 1994;
langberg, 1997; Luster and Henry, 1999; Stringham, 1998). Incest is sexual abuse by a
relative (either step-family member, or blood relation) who is older than the victim, or is

in a position of emotional or physical power over the victim.

It is well documented that childhood sexual abuse is damaging. Issues of Self-
worth, trust, and relationship development are at risk with victims of abuse. Abuse sets
off a series of emotional and developmental disruptions that, if they are ever to be
overcome, require a strong and nurturing environment. In the case of incest, that
environment is often unavailable or has been betrayed. The victim’s inability to trust is

proportionately related to the extent that parents or family failed to protect and nurture

34

the child (Allender, 1995; Russell, 1986). Thus, incest has the potential to become more

damaging than other childhood sexual abuse.

While recognizing that victims of incest are both male and female, as are
perpetrators, both clinical and descriptive research indicate females are more likely to be
victimized and males are more likely to be the perpetrator (Dinsmore, 1991; Langsberg,
1997). The researcher will endeavor to refrain from assuming a gender for either
perpetrator or victim, but when compelled, will generally describe the victim as ‘she’ and

the perpetrator as ‘he’.

Emotional Abuse

Emotional abuse is usually an element of incest (Allender, 1995; Finkelhor, 1994;
Luster & Henry, 1999; Luster & Small, 1997). Typical emotional abuse that exists
alongside incest is activity such as name calling, derogatory comments, persistent
shaming and ridiculing, acts of indifference, threats of harm, as well as bribery,
manipulative conversation, spiritual abuse, and gross inconsistencies of behavior and
relationship (Herman, 1997; Morriss, 1998; Stringham, 1998). These behaviors reduce
the victim’s feeling of self-worth, while at the same time bringing confusion, keeping the

victim from being able to anticipate a consistent relationship that can be trusted.

Because of the relationship between victim and perpetrator, it is not uncommon
for the victim to feel obligated to allow incestuous activity to occur, not trusting
instinctive feelings of inappropriateness or betrayal. The perpetrator exploits this

bewilderment, consciously or unconsciously recognizing the advantage this gives him.

35

LONG TERM EFFECTS OF INCEST
Consequences of Incest

It has long been understood that incest reaps long term effects to the development
of the survivor (Allender, 1995; Alexander, et.al., 1998; Burkett, 1991; Cole & Woolger,
1989; Dinsmore, 1991; Draucker, 1989; Herman, 1997; Lloyd & Emery, 1993; Roth &
Newman, 1993). AS it relates to adult functioning, the effect of incest is impacted by
three speciﬁc things: 1) search for meaning from the traumatic event(s), 2) regaining a
sense of mastery —— not only over the event, but life itself, and 3) self-esteem issues raised
by comparison with others (Draucker, 1989). Details such as age of onset, type of abuse,
duration, frequency, presence of physical abuse and relationship to perpetrator all seem to
have some bearing on the long term effect to survivors. Events following disclosure also
have an impact on the ability to heal from the trauma of incest (Luster & Small, 1997;

Langberg, 1997).

In comparisons with non-abused adolescents, research Shows some consequences
of childhood sexual abuse to be higher levels of fearfulneSS, anxiety, anger, depression,
feelings of inadequacy, nightmares, murderous fantasies, suicidal ideation, intrusive
memory, withdrawal and early interest in sex (Herman, 1997; Luster & Henry, 1999).
Characteristics commonly reported among incest survivors are helplessness, rage, fear,
loss, shame, guilt, diffuse affect, aggressiveness, strong need for control, self-blame,
alienation, and troubles with feelings of legitimacy (Dinsmore, 1991; Herman, 1993;
Roth & Newman, 1993). Often, perhaps because of a history of attention and affection
conditional on performance, an abused child will have a tendency to set impossibly high

standards for herself (Cole, Woolger, et.al., 1992).

36

Lloyd and Emery (1993) report that childhood sexual abuse has a direct effect on
the subsequent life course of the developing individual. Pervasive disturbances are more
likely to surface in the personality of the victim who has been abused by a relative. A
profound sense of badness and self-contempt often follows a survivor of incest (Herman,

1997)

Because of the blurring of boundaries in incest, diffuse role distinctions are
common in the developing individual. An incest survivor is developmentally affected in
areas of basic trust, autonomy and initiative (Alexander, 1993; Herman, 1997; Langberg,
1997). lack of appropriate role models has an impact on the ability to develop into a
responsible, autonomous individual who is able to relate in a healthy manner to others

(Cole & Woolger, 1989).

Both Diane Russell’s study (1989) and Judith Herman’s work (1997) with
survivors indicates profound deﬁciencies in self-protection, particularly in the context of
intimate relationships. Well—leamed dissociative coping styles can lead the survivor of
incest to ignore social cues that would alert them to impending danger in developing a
relationship. Russell reports the risk of rape, sexual harassment, and battery doubled for
survivors of sexual abuse. When the abuse is incest, the risk is higher for dysfunctional
social role functioning, particularly on an intimate level (Alexander, 1993; Draucker,
1989). Self-care is impaired and the ability to form stable, healthy relationships is

diminished.

37

A Family Affair

It is not uncommon for a family that is experiencing incest to be headed by at
least one parent who has been abused. Because of the high degree of interpersonal
problems - including revictimization, vulnerability to manipulative persons, tendency to
develop unhealthy relationships, and poor role models in family of origin - a victim may
be susceptible to exploitative intimate partnerships (Alexander, et.al, 1998). Hence, the
statistics that Show approximately 1 in 4 homes where incest occurs have at least one

parent who has been a victim of sexual abuse (Cole & Woolger, 1989) .

Survivors of sexual abuse report homes as being conﬂicted, inconsistent, and
lacking in cohesion. Boundaries are inconsistent and ill-deﬁned. The individual who has
grown up in such a home may have few resources from which to draw adequate internal
models of partnering and parenting (Cole & Woolger, 1989). Poor self-protection
abilities and inability to recognize manipulative or exploitative behavior may lead to
sexually abusive mate selection (Herman, 1997). Thus, the pattern is likely to continue

and sexual abuse may occur from one generation to the next.

FAMILY AS VICTIMS

“There is no doubt that living with an incestuous family leaves scars on all its victims/survivors. ”
- Dinsmore, I 99], p.31

It is, by now, commonly accepted that incest has long-term developmental effects
on the victim. What is not as easily accepted is the recognition of the damage

experienced by the family that is living in a home where incest exists.

38

Family context should be an accepted part of sexual abuse conceptualization
(Alexander, 1993). Much research within recent years has focused on the families
wherein incest exists. Alexander, in researching the families of origin with victims of
incest, reports that family functionng has a profound impact on the long-term effects of
incest. Some symptoms long attributed to incest, may actually be more related to the

family context.

lncestuous families often look very similar. Generally, they are considered by
most researchers to be enmeshed (Cole & Woolger, 1989; Burkett, 1991; Carson, Gertz,
Donaldson & Wonderlich, 1991). Overly strong external boundaries, inadequate internal
boundaries, crossover of function and parent/child roles, and lack of personal privacy are
found to be the common denominator among many families who are experiencing incest.
Lack of trust of outsiders is frequently an issue, as they may pose unwanted threats to the
dysﬁinctional family behavioral patterns that are in place (Burkett, 1991). The family
frequently is a closed system in which one parent or guardian, is ill, alcoholic, battered,
emotionally or physically absent, and the other parent is divisive, domineering and/or
manipulative (Dinsmore, 1991, p.30). The family is often ruled with intimidation and
fear tactics. Many times, they are isolated socially, and authoritarian in family
government. The abusive parent may betray tendencies such as difﬁculty in control with
aggression, self-isolation, and aversive or angry response to distress in others (Main &

Goldwyn, 1984).

Recent research has targeted dysfunctional family patterns in families of incest.
The research has a chicken and egg quality about it. Does incest occur because the

family is dysﬁinctional, or is the family dysfunctional because incest has occurred? It

39

appears from studies that the former is more likely to be the case (Cole, et.al. 1992,
Draucker, 1989). There is evidence that a family in which incest is occurring has highly
permeable boundaries, where role reversal is common (Burkett, 1991). Dysfunctional

boundary patterns are fertile ﬁeld for offenses, such as incest, to occur.

Disturbances in functioning patterns, for family members, are a result of the
internal self that has evolved from a family life of dysﬁrnction, abuse, and secrets (Cole
& Woolger, 1989). Because replication of patterns is a function of homeostasis (Kerr &
Bowen, 1988), the cycle of abuse is not unlikely to continue with children who grow up
in incestuous homes (Frank, 1998; Herman, 1997). Due to the alienation of an abusive
family from society, without adequate support systems to provide education or healthy
role models, the dysfunction snowballs, and the survivor may, in fact, repeat the
intergenerational patterns. Unhealthy relationships are formed in the succeeding families,

or, tragically, another abusive family may be formed.

Compulsion to Stay

When an individual ﬁnds that one or more of the family has been abused by
another member of the family, why does the person not simply leave? This iS particularly
bewildering in the case in which a child may be endangered. There is no easy answer. ..it
is, in fact, incredibly complicated. For many, the belief system confuses the issue. In
Christian homes, for instance, an acculturation of caring and goodness, and articles of
faith demand going the extra mile. Victims may misinterpret these characteristics and
remain in the abusive home with the idea that they can rescue the perpetrator from

himself. They may feel that to leave is ‘more wrong’ than to stay. Other reasons may

40

include the idea that somehow the victim caused the abuse and if She would change her
behavior, the perpetrator would change. A need for connectedness or afﬁliation may be
involved with the reasons to stay. Often, the victim states to leave is to fail — the family,

the perpetrator, the church, or one’s self.

On a more practical level, many children and women report they simply have no
place else to go, no resources, and no emotional support from other sources. A victim or
spouse of a perpetrator may speak to such issues as power and control, security, legal
resources, cost/beneﬁt ratio, lack of healthy role models, family systems and

expectations, and low self-esteem as reasons leaving was not considered (Griffin &
Maples, 1997; Herman, 1997). Feelings of shame and fear of public exposure, as well as
censure from other systems within the family’s environment, may also contribute to the

compulsion to stay in spite of an abusive, incestuous relationship.

Why then do the children of incest not report the abuse? Many reasons are given
by victims of incest; including disloyalty, fear of incarceration of the parent, fear that the
abuse will escalate, fear of angering the rest of the family (Cole & Woolger, 1989), and

loss of connection.

Summary

And so the cycle continues. An abused child becomes an abused adult, or even an
abusing adult. The rationalizations about abusive behavior are handed down to the
ensuing generations. The way of functioning in the family of origin is passed on to the

newly created family. The new generation inherits patterns of behavior and ways of

41

processing certain issues, so that when children come along, the context of the

relationship continues to help shape the process. Abuse becomes multi generational.

ECOSYSTEMIC NATURE OF COMMUNITY

“The ecology of human development is the scientific study of the progressive mutual
accommodation, throughout the life course, between an active, growing human being,
and the changing properties of the immediate settings in which the developing person

lives, as this process is aﬂected by the relations between these settings, and by the larger
contexts in which the settings are embedded. " Bronfenbrenner, l 989, p.188

Direct observation alone will not give a complete picture of human development.

Including context in the development of human relationships is essential to building a
holistic model of behavior. Human development is a transaction between the growing
(changing and evolving) human organism and its growing (changing and evolving)
environment. Development is a process that must always be viewed in context.
Bronfenbrenner deﬁnes development of an organism as a function of the interactions of
the periods during which the two factors of person and environment are joined together to

produce the outcome of that moment (1989).

Roles are critical in the microsystem of an individual or family. In his monogram
(1979) Bronfenbrenner discussed the dyads within the microsystem. In every
microsystem, each person is involved in a dyadic relationship with each other person. A
M is a two person system wherein both individuals interact, An observational dyad is
one where one person watches or observes the other in activity; while a joint activity
dyad involves both persons in the activity. These dyads are inﬂuenced, in turn, by the
relationship of every other dyad within the microsystem. This inﬂuence Bronfenbrenner

calls the second order effect. The second order effect takes place when there are more

42

than two people within a microsystem. For instance, a child and mother are a dyad, a
father and child are a dyad, and a mother and father are a dyad. These three dyads are in
the same microsystem of the child. But the relationships of each dyad affect the

relationship of the other ones.

This system, which Bronfenbrenner calls the N+2 system, is also inﬂuenced by
role expectations, other microsystems of each individual, as well as the mesosystems in
which they are imbedded, the exosystems that affect the microsystemic relationship
(example; mother’s workplace, child’s school), and the chronosystems of each of the
former, across time. The values, mores and events of the macrosystem also inﬂuence the

activities, roles, and experiences of the deveIOping child.

Over time, the transactional effect of these interconnected systems continue to
change the shape of interactions, relationships, expectations, and responsibilities. The
developing child learns early that she has a role in the systems in which she is involved.
Though there is no conscious understanding, the way she lives her life and responds to
the world illustrates unconscious awareness. She learns to relate, and early in her life,

begins the process of interacting with the world and individuals within her microsystems.

The work of Vygotsky and Kurt Lewin helped to form Bronfenbrenner’s
theoretical phIIOSOphy of the constantly changing macrosystem in which the deveIOping
child is placed. Lewin (1932), in his Field Theory of the individual, speaks of a ﬁeld of
experience that continually changes with age ability and experience. AS a child who
cannot read cannot enter the ﬁeld of studying reference books or reading long novels, so
the adult cannot enter the ﬁeld of kindergarten as a student with other four and ﬁve year

olds. Because of ability or experiences, size, or age, gender or understandings, different

43

ﬁelds are constantly opening or closing for each person. As a result of these ﬁelds, each
paradigm is distinctive, shaped, in part by individual boundaries and open ﬁelds. These
ever evolving ﬁelds of experience, unique to each individual, determine the choices the

person makes as life progresses.

SUPPORT SYSTEMS

“T he institution has the power and responsibility to protect the people it is called to
serve, thereby safeguarding its own credibility. Once it accepts this responsibility, it has

the capacity to name the evil in its midst and to act justly in order to rectrjy harm done. ”
(Fortune, 1989, xiv).

Social support may surface in a variety of forms. S.B. Crockenberg (Vaux, 1988)
identiﬁes three types of social support: emotional, instrumental or informational.
Emotional support refers to the range of expressions that are communicated to the
individual or family. These may be messages of empathy or encouragement delivered in
a myriad of ways. The communication of this emotional support may be articulated
vocally or physically. Instrumental support is more practical in nature. It targets the
concrete help of speciﬁc actions. Informational support is educational in nature and

facilitates understanding for the party being supported.

Regardless of the reality of a support system’s presence in the life of an individual
or family, perception (or individual appraisal) is critical to the effect of those systems on
deveIOpment (Lerner, 1986, 1992; Vaux, 1988). Ability to perceive support is based on
contextual issues, such as historical, cultural, ethnic, religious, educational, political,
gender, and familial processes, and is determined partially during the early
developmental stages of life (Bronfenbrenner, 1979; Bronfenbrenner and Morris, 1997;

Erikson, 1968; Gilligan, 1982; Vaux, 1988).

44

The ability to form partnerships through childhood, adolescence, and even into
adulthood, and the perception of support of those partnerships, is shaped by systems
surrounding the developing individual and the unique experiences of the person, within
those systems. Research suggests that marriage partnerships and other adult associations
are inﬂuenced by early experiences and responses, and by discernment of support (Vaux,
1988). A support system is bound, to a great degree, by the ability of the individual to

appreciate the quality of the system.

Ecological Model of Support

In his ecological model of support, Vaux (1988) lists three determinants of

support systems effectiveness to the individual:

The ﬁrst is the resource network, which includes ﬁnancial, material, educational,
and humankind. Resources include the mores and understandings across time.
Resources in a third world country that is gripped by political and ideological
enslavement or exploitation will have a different network than resources in a culture
which encourages and empowers individuals in their search for fulﬁllment. From
Bronfenbrenner’s perspective, this includes the macrosystem, with its ideologies and
values, as well as the smaller mesosytem (Bronfenbrenner, 1986, 1989). These networks
are constantly changing — never static, because the microsystems that comprise the

mesosystems are in continuous process of development.

The second determinant is the number, depth and richness of the support systems

available to the individual. This incorporates the organizational supports in the

45

community, and the ethnic and cultural support within access range - including family,
school, church, neighborhood, community programs, etc. Bronfenbrenner discusses this
in his model of microsystems of the individual and the mesosystems and exosystems
which feed the microsystems (1979). Also included would be the dyads and N+2
systems that produce second order effects, and higher third and fourth order effects
within the microsystem. Relationships are always in process, both within the dyad and
within the N+2 systems. The effect of the different dyads on the microsystem (as well as

on the other dyads within the microsystem) is never static.

The third determinant contributing to the support system’s effectiveness is the
appraisal of support. There are two different ways to look at this appraisal. First, because
others Shape the individual’s attitude within the microsystems (as well as the broader
mesosystems and macrosystem), their appraisal is critical in determining ability to
support the individual. Questions such as: Is the individual worth supporting? Can the
individual contribute anything to the system? Vaux addresses the issues of overuse; has
the individual depleted the support available? Is the individual too needy of support and
never a contributing member herself? These considerations contribute, he proposes, to

the support system’s appraisal of support.

Also crucial is the individual’s perception of the support. Is it worthwhile? IS it
doing what she needs? Will it require too much of her? Do her other microsystems value
that particular support system? Do the cultural, ethnic or economic mesosystem in which
she is a participant view the potential support system as valid? For example, has the

macrosystemic patriarchal paradigm communicated to the individual child that a female

46

doctor is not as good as a male doctor” If that is so, will the individual perceive female

medical support as legitimate support?

These three determinants are salient to the ability of the available support system
to provide effective support. The strength of all three determinants combines to result in

the degree of efﬁcacy.

Research cited in Pierce, Sarason & Sarason (1996, p. 460) ﬁnds that appraisal of
support also is partially dependent on perceiver — supporter interaction. This may be a
result of similarities, such as religion, ethnicity, social class, gender, and personality.
Friendship formation will increase perception of similarities, even if there are observably

few.

The Church as a Support System

The previous discussion introduces issues that are critical in the ability of the
local congregation to support a family in time of crisis. Appraisal of support, on the part
of both the church and the family, contributes to the effect the church will be able to have

as a support system.

First, the resources of the congregation must be considered valuable (Vaux,
1988). Healthy evaluation of the social, educational, ﬁnancial, emotional, and spiritual
resources within a congregation will give the congregation a sense of conﬁdence in their

ability to offer effective support.

Secondly, the local church must be able to see the individual or family as worthy

of support. The church’s ability to be an effective support system is predicated on its

47

appraisal of the organism. Although the casual Observer might contend that the church is
the place where all are welcomed and none are turned away, the reality suggests this
organization comprised of human beings, like any other, many times makes judgment

calls regarding people’s worthiness and useﬁilness.

Third, it is not enough to be able to give practical, concrete, or emotional support.
A family must be able to perceive the support of the church as valid. Is the church valued
in the community and with the family’s other surrounding systems? Ryan and Solky
(1996) discuss the element of trust as critical in social support biases and effectiveness.
Trust is identiﬁed as conﬁdence and security in the perceived character of, and
relationship with the support system. If the church is traditionally perceived as
trustworthy, the family reeling from the trauma of incest, may turn to her for support,
which may include emotional coping, resourcing, education, spiritual strength, or legal

advice.

If perceiver-supporter interactions are another critical element in appraisal of
support, as Lakey and Lutz report (Pierce, Sarason & Sarason, 1996), it behooves the
church to be intentional about forming relationships with families. Trust is a byproduct
of friendship formation. In times of crisis, the family that has had positive interactions

with the church will be able to use the church for needed support.

48

BOWEN’S FAMILY SYSTEMS THEORY
“When two individuals come together, a crowd of other people are with them

emotionally. ” — Murray Bowen

Balance in a living system often contributes to a healthy symbiosis. In many
situations, the balance determines the survival of the system itself. The theoretical
formulations in Bowen’s Family Systems Theory are centered in the balance of
togetherness and individuality (Kerr & Bowen, 1988; Nichols & Schwartz, 1998).

Bowen’s theory teaches that three systems contribute to human functioning and
relating. These three, the emotional, the feeling, and the intellectual systems determine
most behavior. The emotional system comprises the forces that guide a person’s
behavior. It is the driving impetus through life, and includes ways of perceiving and of
relating to others and to objects. The feeling system is inﬂuential in social processes.
This system takes into consideration relationship and perception of self. The intellectual
system refers to the human’s ability to know and to comprehend. The human being
supercedes all other animals in this system in ability to comprehend abstractly and to
associate meaning.

Using this deﬁnition of behavior determination, people are described as linking to
others on these three different channels:

1) Emotional channel — This system provides the color and vitality to
relationships. According to levels of anxiety, it will work effectively or not. If it is
weak, relationships will be unstable.

2) Operating channel - This system addresses the way people communicate their

thoughts and feelings. Patterns of communication are inﬂuenced by societal and cultural

49

habits. These patterns are developed from past generational models of operation and
utilize both the feeling and emotional systems .
3) Thinking channel - This system functions in relationship to knowledge

accumulated. It manifests dysﬁrnction to the degree that fact is confused with feeling.

Family Systems Theory emphasizes multigenerational inﬂuences. These have an
impact on all three systems, but most critically affect the emotional system. Forces, past
and present, produce models of thought and behavior. Bowen suggests that, while
actions are heavily inﬂuenced by events and attitudes in the immediate family, these
deﬁning practices have been handed down through many generations of thinking and
acting.

As persons create a new family, they gift this new organism with patterns of
behavior and attitudes toward life and relationships, which were developed in their
families of origin. The voices from other generations have a major impact on the Shape

of the functioning of the newly created family. (Nichols & Schwartz, 1998, p.142).

Anxiety

Anxiety over relationships drives attachment. This anxiety undermines reason
and self-control. A continuum exists between anxious attachment, which is caused by an
‘unbalance’ or fusion in relationship, and functional attachment, which Bowen deﬁnes as
self-differentiation (See Figure 2.1).

Anxiety, as deﬁned by Bowen, is the response to real or imagined threat (Kerr &

Bowen, pl 12). A person’s ability to adapt to a Situation, is partly determined by the

50

level of anxiety the person has. Response to stress is decided by adaptive capabilities
within the individual. These capabilities are developed as patterns, based on the
individual’s level of differentiation. Bowen suggests that the lower a person’s level of

differentiation is, the less is the individual’s adaptivity to stress. This lack of adaptive

        

 

ability adds to anxiety.
Gus
M ”E ¢ + MT
ATTACH A111“

 

 

Figure 2.1
Continuum of Anxious Attachment, based on level of Self-Differentiation

Nichols & Schwartz, (1998)

The goal of Family Systems Therapy is to decrease anxiety and increase the level
of differentiation of self. This is the balance between togetherness and individuality. The
major problem is emotional ﬁision. Emotional fusion is an unhealthy magniﬁcation of a
need for others. Often manifested as a need for togetherness, fusion may also be
expressed by a facade of independence, which is emotional distancing. The well-
differentiated person can stay connected to others while maintaining personal integrity.
The individual exhibits rational objectivity and individuality (Nichols & Schwartz, 1998,
p.150).

Healthy family development happens when members are relatively differentiated,
and anxiety is low. Even in stress inducing situations, the persons are able to respond
appropriately rather than to react emotionally. The highly differentiated family will stay
effectively connected from one generation to the next (Friedman, 1985; Kerr & Bowen,

1988), and will ﬁinction effectively, even in crisis.

51

BASIC CONCEPTS
Homeostasis

Homeostasis is balance. Systemic phIIOSOphy holds that within any set of
relationships is the tendency to maintain the organizing principles of its existence
(Friedman, 1985; Kerr & Bowen, 1988; Rampage, 1995; Richardson, 1996). For a
system to exist, it has to have attained some kind of level of continuity. The very
existence of the unit, and the fact that it has been named as an entity, means it has to
achieve a degree of balance to maintain its identity. There is a plateau effect that permits
continuity.

The idea of homeostasis helps to explain why a system is resistant to change. In
family functioning, a unit with an alcoholic member will go to extreme lengths to
maintain balance. AS one client quoted, “It’s better the devil you know than the devil you
don’t!” Family members develop what seems to them to be workable solutions to
achieve some semblance of normalcy, in spite of the atmosphere. Often these solutions
are enabling, serving to enmesh the family system more tightly.

The most important idea of homeostasis in family theory is that it places emphasis
on position rather than personality. The system is more important than the person. When
a system is too rigid, the same qualities that allow for stability are actually the ones that
hinder change. To change it would cause stress and destruction of balance. This would
result in unwanted anxiety. A symptom does surface when a family does not have the

capacity to maintain homeostasis as it is presently functioning.

52

Differentiation of Self

Differentiation of self is the goal for healthy human functioning (Kerr and Bowen,
1988; Rampage, 1995). Best described as self-awareness within the system, this is both
an intrapsychic and an interpersonal phenomenon (Nichols & Schwartz, 1998). Not only
is the person able to deﬁne self, but also is able to deﬁne self within the context of the
system. This includes considerations of what forces affect her, and what forces she
affects. On an intrapsychic level, the differentiated person balances thinking and feeling.
The individual is capable of strong emotion, but is also able to restrain self and retain
objectivity. This is the ability to think things through, decide, and act on beliefs.

Interpersonally, differentiation describes the ability to take deﬁnite stands on
issues, and yet remain in intimate contact with others. The well-differentiated person
refrains from being reactively shaped by others, and still is able to stay connected. This
person is able to deﬁne personal goals and values apart from the surrounding pressures of
family personalities and expectations (Friedman, 1985). On the other end of the
spectrum, an undifferentiated person will react emotionally to the dictates of family
members or authority ﬁgures.

Guerin describes differentiation as the process of partially freeing oneself from
the emotional chaos of one’s family. Calling this an ‘adaptive level of functioning’, he
characterizes it as an ability to continue functioning in the face of stress (Nichols &
Schwartz, 1998, p.145).

This capacity to differentiate is directly related to previous generations and their

particular levels. If self-differentiation is low, anxiety tends to be high, emotions control

53

actions and attitudes, and extreme positions of relationship, such as fusion or total
detachment, usually become the pattern.

Self-differentiation is not ignorance or indifference to the other. Instead, it is
knowing one’s position in the midst of voices, either opposing or agreeing. The higher a
person scores on the scale of differentiation, the more likely is that person able to
maintain functioning without being infected by the surrounding stressors (Kerr & Bowen,

1988, p.99). The key is to be both non-anxious and present in relationship.

Extended Family Field

The family is not just comprised of the ones living in the house. Instead, it is an
extended ﬁeld, including nuclear family, the family of origin, and relatives today and in
the past, who have contact with the individuals, and therefore inﬂuence the functioning of
the family. The intergenerational inﬂuence is critical to the functioning of the family.
There are speciﬁc patterns of behavior, perceptions, and thinking which has derived from
the family of origin practices. As one therapist noted, “The problem with the parents is
they had parents!” (Friedman, 1985, p.35). In assessing a problem, it is important to trace
the patterns, paying attention to emotional process and the structure of the extended
family.

The most Signiﬁcant role the extended family has is its contribution to the level of
self-differentiation. Bowen refers to a multigenerational transmission process (Kerr &
Bowen, 1988, p.333) in the development of an individual’s ability to differentiate. The
stability of each spouse’s family of origin plays a highly inﬂuential role in the outcome of

a couple. Clinical research shows there is value in assessing the earlier generations to

54

predict outcome (Kerr & Bowen, 1988). A part of what we are is what we have
experienced and what our parents experienced, as well as how each responded to the
experience.

An individual will usually inherit the multigenerational emotional processing
patterns. Problems are understood to inhere in the system — not the person (Nichols &
Schwartz, 1988). Speciﬁc problems reoccur. The way in which the family functions
during conﬂict, the way it resolves and expresses anger, the way stress is acted out... all
of these patterns of functioning are taught by example.

A part of the family ﬁeld is sibling position. Bowen supports the theory that
certain ﬁxed characteristics Of the personality are determined by the original family
conﬁguration in which a child grows up (Kerr & Bowen, 1988, p.314). Each family
member is raised in a microenvironment or subsystem of the larger family unit. Position
in the family dictates such attitudes as feelings of responsibility, self-worth, and
expectations. When an adult creates another family and leaves the family of origin, those
messages of obligation or privilege do not disappear. Instead, the individual brings the

characteristics into the next family unit.

DEVELOPMENT OF BEHAVIORAL DISORDERS
The Role of Anxiety
Behavior disorders proceed from emotional fusion that is transmitted from one
generation to the next. Fusion is the Opposite of differentiation. The fused person makes
decisions based primarily on feelings rather than on rational thought. The person reacts

to stress.

55

Symptomatic behavior results from a level of stress that exceeds a person’s ability
to handle it (Kerr & Bowen, 1988; Nichols & Schwartz, 1998). Symptom development
depends especially on the amount of stress and on the adaptivity of the individual or
family to stress. Stress may cause anxiety. Symptoms develop as the level of anxiety
exceeds the system’s capacity to offset it. These symptoms have the desired effect of
neutralizing anxiety for a temporary period. It effectively stops the pain for the moment.

The ability to handle anxiety is directly related to the level of differentiation. The
more well differentiated the person, the more resilient and more ﬂexible is the individual.
As a person develops more resilience, She is able to tolerate a higher level of stress. A
poorly differentiated - or fused person - however, will be vulnerable to stress and rigid in
the face of other systems. The most vulnerable individual is the most likely to develop
symptoms. This symptom bearer is usually in the center of the relationship conﬂict.

Anxiety is not necessarily unrealistic or unhealthy. Acute anxiety is a response to
a real threat. It is usually time limited and situation speciﬁc. Chronic anxiety, however,
is a response to an imagined threat and is neither time-limited nor situation speciﬁc. It
Often transfers to the next situation. Once triggered, chronic anxiety provides its own
momentum and becomes largely independent of the initial impetus (Kerr and Bowen,
p.113).

Because the nature of anxiety tends to be ‘contagious’, an individual is likely to
become infected with the basic level of chronic anxiety of the system in which the person
deveIOpS (Kerr & Bowen, p.116). There are other issues and inﬂuences, (such as family
position, and individual systemic inﬂuences), that contribute to the level of chronic

anxiety as well. Thus, each member of a family has a slightly varied level of

56

differentiation, and, consequently, anxiety. A pattern of functioning emerges through the
continual process of evolution of the individual.

Anxiety works much the same in a group situation. The higher the level of
chronic anxiety in a relationship system, the greater the strain on people’s adaptive
capabilities (Kerr and Bowen, pl 12). Once balance is disturbed within a system, chronic
anxiety is agitated more by people’s reactions to the disturbance than by the reactions to

the event itself.

Manifestations of Anxiety

Anxiety can be bound in a number of different ways. Distance, conﬂict, and
adaptation for harmony preservation are some of the most Obvious manifestations.
Triangling (page 58) is perhaps the most common effort utilized to manage anxiety. On
an individual level, emotional relationships, chemical dependency, eating disorders, over-
achievement or underachievement, preoccupation with physical health, extremes on
spending money are all efforts to bind anxiety. Kerr and Bowen (1988, p. 120) list
personality traits that are associated with anxiety; obsessiveness, hysteria, impulsiveness,
indecisiveness, passivity, aggressiveness, Shyness, obtrusiveness, procrastination,
perfectionism, paranoia, grandiosity, optimism, and pessimism. As the level of anxiety
rises, the traits become more pronounced.

The amount of anxiety 3 person is trying to bind or manage cannot be adequately
discussed unless one considers the context of the relationship processes of which the
person is a part. As the level of stress rises in the lower differentiated person, this person

reacts, based on anxiety, to each of the other system members. The person becomes more

57

intent on doing things in a speciﬁc way. The person becomes more rigid - the higher the
level of anxiety becomes, the more sure the person becomes of what is right. This
rigidity based on anxiety is communicated to the rest of the system.

Bowen and Kerr speak of a ‘ togetherness force’. Within a system, during high
stress periods, human beings have the tendency to strive for oneness (1988, p. 121).
However, this often has the opposite effect. We-they factions result from the pressure for
oneness and intolerance for differences. The more people respond based on anxiety, the
less tolerant they are of an opposing position. They are less able to allow others a
differing posture. In a system, when a crisis event causes stress levels to rise, the less
differentiated people are intimidated by the disagreement of others.

When people are under low stress, they are more able to allow each other to be
individuals. Disagreement is not a threat. When reactions to stress are low, those who
are unsettled are free to communicate thoughts and concerns. Emotional support is

healthier, and issues can be more objectively considered.

Emotional Triangles

All emotionally signiﬁcant relationships are colored by third parties (Kerr &
Bowen, 1988). Triangling explains one of the most common ways in which humans react
to anxiety. When any two parties are uncomfortable with their relationship, they will
bring in or focus on a third party, as a way of stabilizing the relationship and relieving the
anxiety, once again maintaining homeostasis. This occurs within individuals, families,
organizations, or between issues. The process allows the participants to release anxiety,

but paralyzes conﬂict. It can become a chronic diversion that corrupts and undermines

58

family relationships, setting a pattern of dysfunctionality that will be handed down to
ﬁIture generations.

The process of triangling is accomplished by speciﬁc steps. First, the person
experiencing the most discomfort in a relationship connects with someone else to gain an
ally. In this way, confrontation with the individual is avoided. This third person allows
herself to be positioned between the two parties. This can be done in a number of
different ways; by talking to each individual separately, by acting out, by allowing
oneself to be a conﬁdante or by deﬁning one party the ‘victim’ and the other party the
‘villain’. The person caught in the middle is triangled.

If the third person in a triangle stays in contact with the other two, but is able to
remain neutral, anxiety will be reduced and symptom development will be less likely to
occur. However, if the third person becomes emotionally involved and takes sides or
becomes the focus of displaced emotion from the other two, there is a likelihood of
development of symptomatic behavior.

Related to the concept of emotional triangles is pain and responsibility. Perhaps the

most uncomfortable point about the triangled person’s role is that increasing one’s own

capacity to allow another to withstand pain is an empowering tool (Kerr & Bowen, 1988).

Augmenting the threshold for another’s pain can help the other person sustain personal
pain. It is critical that the third person does not jump in and rescue, thus becoming a part
of the problem. By holding back, it is possible that the functioning of the other person,

and consequently the level of differentiation, will increase.

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Emotional Cutoff

Emotional distancing is a method people employ to solve problems and relieve
anxiety. Physical distance is often utilized, but is usually temporary and results in
transferring the problem to another system (Kerr and Bowen, 1988). Cutoff is practiced
to manage low self-differentiation and emotional intensity. The key to evaluating
emotional distancing techniques or cutoff is to recognize that the more polarized things
seem to be, the more connected they are (Nichols and Schwartz, 1998). The greater the
emotional fusion is between generations, the more likelihood there is of cutoff in the face
of anxiety.

lack of differentiation in the family of origin may lead to emotional cutoff from

parents. AS a child grows up, he or She may try to be more assertive or demanding.
Displeasure may be dealt with by giving in. This often results in fusion and/or emotional
cutoff. It does not solve the issue, only transfers it to another relationship. Emotional
cutoff from one’s parents may precede fusion in marriage. Usually the problem is

projected onto another person or issue.

Nuclear Family Emotional Process

Levels of differentiation and maturity are transmitted to children from the family.
When a family is anxious a projection process takes place with one or more of the
children, in an unconscious effort to reduce pain. A child who is the object of this
process becomes the most attached and has a lower level of differentiation than the

others.

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Multigenerational Transmission Process

As the child most involved in the family’s fusion moves .toward a lower level of
self-differentiation, the child least involved moves toward a higher level (Kerr and
Bowen, 1988). This process, which can lead to emotional instability or illness, goes back
several generations. The identiﬁed patient, or the person in the family who is the
designated symptom bearer functions partially as the result of relationship processes with
parents and surrounding systems, who function partially as the result of relationship
processes with their parents and surrounding systems, who function partially as the result

of relationship processes with their parents and surrounding systems, etc.

Societal Emotional Process

The emotional process that takes place in society inﬂuences emotional processes
within the community families (Nichols & Schwartz, 1998). Particularly with lower
differentiated families, the anxiety reﬂected is often a model of the local community.
Prolonged social anxiety can result in a gradual lowering of the functional level of
differentiation. A crisis in the community that affects a signiﬁcant number of people, if
protracted over time, can change the anxiety level and produce symptomatic behavior.
For example, anecdotal reports of broken marriages, suicides, and other family
dysfunctions have accumulated in the years following the 1996 bombing in Oklahoma
City. The societal emotional process inﬂuences and is inﬂuenced by other systems in the

larger mesosystem.

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Identiﬁed Patient

This identiﬁed patient, or symptom bearer, is usually the part of the organism that
is perceived as the problem. The individual is the part of the system on which all the
stress or pathology of the family has accumulated (Kerr & Bowen, 1988; Nichols &
Schwartz, 1985; Steinke, 1993). Usually the most vulnerable individual in the family, this
one is also the most triangled, and emotionally caught up in the family’s emotional
process.

The identiﬁed patient plays an important role in keeping the homeostasis. If the
focus can be placed on one member, the family can deny the issues and processes that
cause the person to be symptomatic. In this way, anxiety stays controllable and balance (
homeostasis) can be maintained (Nichols & Schwartz, 1985). The theory is that no one
will have to change.

The problem with this philosophy is that when one part of the system is treated in
isolation, fundamental change is not likely to happen. Shifting within the roles does not
alleviate the problem, it only postpones the symptoms for a period of time. When a part
of the system is diseased, the whole system is affected. The roles themselves have to be
changed for positive growth to take place. “The suggested expanded goal of therapy,
(beyond Bowen Family Systems Theory) is to increase differentiation by developing the
feeling and intellectual systems, while also fostering reciprocal experiences of

togetherness and separateness.” (Knudson-Martin, 1994, P. 44)

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Summary

Bowen’s Family Systems Theory is a comprehensive explanation of development
and behavior. Murray Bowen’s theory of human functioning extends to relationship with
all of life. He theorized that the family operates in a way Similar to systems and to the
principles of systemic ﬁrnctioning in nature. Because of this, he proposed that studying
human behavior is incomplete without studying both the systems in which the individual
developed, and the ones in which that person functions today. This theory separates
Bowen from traditional explanations of psychological behavior, which historically has

looked at the individual alone.

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F EMINIST INFORMED PARADIGM

“Therapy that ignores sexism is like rearranging the deck chairs on the Titanic. ”
— Betty Carter

A feminist informed perspective is concerned with examining the ‘truth’ within
the context of the environment. Because of the very narrow deﬁnitions of truth being
derived from the fortunate few, feminists’ concern is not only with the female gender, but
also with interactions among race, class, age, sexuality, ethnicity, and different abilities
(Daly, 1995; Hesse-Biber, Gilmartin, & Lyndenberg, 1999; McGoldrick, Anderson &
Walsh, 1989). AS scholars look at truth, it is critical to understand that perspective is
important, and not all deﬁnitions of reality are the same. It is here that we must begin
communication. To do that, not only the privileged minority, but also all voices must be

heard.

CONCEPTS
The major issues of a feminist informed understanding could be categorized into
four areas. These areas are a.) Gender as topic, b.) Context of patriarchal value system,
c.) Egalitarian relationships, and d.) Afﬁrmation of women and women’s ways (Nichols

& Schwartz, 1998; Rampage, 1995).

Gender as Topic

Culture is imbedded in the political and moral inﬂuences of the environment. The
human being evolves from the surrounding environment and systems. This includes the
economic, educational, ethnic, political, religious, and sociological systems. A feminist

perspective suggests that the environment of sexism, racism, and classism in which a

64

person develops, creates a harmful impact on the psychological well-being of the
individual (Knudson-Martin, 1994; Nichols & Schwartz, 1998; Rampage, 1995).
Whether the individual is functioning in a personal or a professional role, the
understandings of expectations and identities have a direct inﬂuence on the person, and
individual performance. It is critical to recognize that the personal and the professional
lives are interconnected (Whipple, 1996). The lack of congruity creates an anxiety in
relationship and conduct.

Rampage Observes that the tasks women traditionally have done, are more private
tasks - raising children, facilitating others’ development, and supporting others in their
goals. Bordo (1999) even suggests that, because of the woman as the child bearer, and
the emphasis on placing the child with the mother for physical nourishment at birth and
traditional responsibility of mother for physical and nutritional growth, a woman’s
contributions to society are bodily. They are of a private nature. Modesty and sense of
privacy regarding the body and bodily functions, further increase the messages of
invisibility and shame. This way of interpreting humanity places men, simply because of
the anatomy with which they are born, as more qualiﬁed to control and rule domains of
both public and private lives (deBeauvoir, in Rampage, 1995, p.261)

Meanwhile, the male observes from a distance. His contributions are usually
high proﬁle, publicly observed and rewarded. Men have taken the high proﬁle positions -
breadwinner, major decision-maker, head of the family. This has served to demean
women’s tasks, while at the same time elevating men’s operations. The subtle message
of body as the major area of contribution of women and mind as the major contribution of

men is set in motion.

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To present gender as topic is to address the political and contextual aspects of the
understandings of males and females in society. It is not enough to deal with the person,
but it is crucial to recognize the impact the historical position of gender has had down

through history. The personal becomes the political.

Patriarchal Value System

Perhaps no Single experience has shadowed the way people look at each other, as
has the sociocultural philosophy of patriarchal privilege (Daly, 1985; Dinsmore, 1991;
Gilligan, 1993; Rampage, 1995). This perspective permeates every aspect of society.
Daly speaks of sexist socialization as being ‘unspeakably deep and self-perpetrating”
(1985, R42), contaminating everyone through structures, such as the church, literary
history, and contribution to ignorance of women’s ways of being. Even rhymes, fairy
tales, educational texts, songs, theological texts, and the media have been tainted to
insure the Oppression of women, in favor of the white male (Daly, 1985).

Male life has been unquestionably accepted as the norm (Gilligan, 1993), which
leaves women’s ways as deviant, or other than the norm. Closer inspection of that
understanding reveals that all other perspectives apart from the white male are considered
second class, or less than sound. This way of observation degrades any other
interpretation of reality.

So intricately woven into our historical context is this perspective, that until the
last three decades, even social researchers have not been aware of their own
discriminatory positions (Bordo, 1999; Gilligan, 1982; Walsh & Scheinkman, 1989;

Wheeler, Avis, Miller & Chaney, 1989). Theorists and therapists have, without question,

66

taken the male value system as the acceptable, legitimate way and any other as marginal.
Categorizing in this way pathologizes the ‘other’. Not only women, but also children,
and non-whites become voiceless. The feminist perspective, however, is to give voice to
all participants in therapy.

As the institution of marriage is considered, feminists suggest that traditional
marriages have privileged men at the expense of women (Daly, 1985; McGoldrick,
1989). Historically, women have been deﬁned by the men in their lives; their roles have
been supportive and facilitative to the others in the family, even the children. The irony
is that the accepted myth is women are the main beneﬁciaries of marriage. Daly, and
other feminists declare marriage as the primary vehicle of female subordination. The
patriarchal value system has supported this pattern Of relationships.

The feminist perspective is that each participant in a marriage should be able to
freely explore individual goals and dreams, while facilitating the other in his pursuit.
Marriage should be a partnership of equality and love, which encourages individual

growth as well as a rich dyadic relationship.

Egalitarian Relationships

Empowerment comes through relationships of balance. Therapists encourage
mutual empathy and teach skills such as mutual respect and active listening techniques to
promote true partnership in relationship. There are two different elements of
commitment to egalitarian relationships — each person has responsibility to enter into this

covenant relationship.

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Recognizing each person has wisdom and knowledge of life and self to
contribute, feminist informed therapists model their commitment to empowerment by
collaboration. Jones (1998) suggests the use of interview as one method of collaboration.
Encouraging the client to narrate her own story gives the message of regard for a
diversity of ways of knowing (Gilligan, 1993). It is possible that the employment of the
interview method reveals information, understandings, and ways of functioning that
cannot always be quickly perceived through a traditional intake session. It is a positive

way to reinforce appreciation for where the client is and how She got there.

Afﬁrmation of Women and Women’s Ways

Closely related to pursuing egalitarian relationships is afﬁrmation of women
(Bordo, 1999; Rampage, 1995). Women must learn to value their own characteristics and
thus validate their female-centered view of the world (Sands, 1998). This includes
respecting what is traditionally considered as female characteristics of empathy,
cooperation, intuition, interdependence, and relationship focus.

TOO long strengths have been interpreted as weaknesses, because of the male view
of the world and relationships (Gilligan, 1993; Whipple, 1996). Historically, many
women have been socialized to be relationship oriented, as a way of deﬁning themselves.
While this is traditionally seen as a weakness, feminists suggest that this perspective is
often promoted by a white male value system. Working for social change, which
encompasses recognition of different ways of knowing, is a way to empower clients

whose voices have historically been seen as insigniﬁcant and ‘other’. Appreciation of

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women and different paradigms legitimates the experiences of the voiceless ones and

depathologizes behavior (Sands, 1998).

CRITIQUE OF TRADITIONAL FAMILY SYSTEMS THERAPY
As feminist therapists turned their focus on family systems therapy, a need for
change was observed. Gender bias was found to be inherent in the existing models. For
a discipline that has prided itself on sensitivity and awareness, family therapy has been
blind to sexism (Nichols & Schwartz, 1998; Terry, 1992). The role of gender
socialization had not been included in any of the major models of Family Systems

Therapy.

The Personal As Political

One criticism of family therapists is their negligence in using the therapy moment
as a teaching opportunity for gender bias. Terry charges that omission of gender in
Marriage and Family Therapy theories and practices, completely misses the context in
which the organization of role deﬁnition, pattern, and meaning is developed. All realities
are not created equal (Nichols & Schwartz, 1998). The problem lies in the cycle of
experience and interpretation of the relationship. Deﬁnition of power within
relationships is inﬂuenced by the contextual history of the family. Awareness of this,
however, must taught as part of therapy.

Marriages are often based on inherent imbalances. This idea must be introduced
in the therapy moment. Objective and data-based neutrality is not possible. Family

systems theories have often emphasized changing performance within the roles rather

69

than examining the roles and changing appropriately (McGoldrick, Anderson & Walsh,
1989; Terry, 1992). While process is critical — gender philosophy behind the process
must be examined.

An accurate perception of issues is critical in assessment. In therapy, an informed
professional will observe the manifestation of power differences in the family
relationships (Rampage, 1995; Wheeler, Avis, Miller, & Chaney, 1989). looking at the
sociocultural context in which the family develops encourages awareness of inequality of
inﬂuences (Terry, 1992). Use of collaboration or coercion is appraised. Position and
process are both important factors.

It is important to not assume equal relationships. Observed behavior has
meaning (Terry, 1992; Wheeler, Avis, Miller & Chaney, 1989). Helping family members
explore what meanings are evident in family interaction, facilitates comprehension and
sets the stage for reframing of realities. The parts contribute to the whole and the family
ﬁrnctions within its own cultural context, derived from each member’s background
environment. Because each family’s belief system is exposed during communication, the
process of therapy can help make them cognizant of gender biases (Terry, 1992).

Social analysis of the family is another way of accurate perception of gender
equality. Considering gender bias in the relationship and cultural expectations makes
gender a tOpic in family counseling. Restraints in family members based on age, gender
or position are considerations which assist in assessment of the functioning of the belief
system the family uses. It points out ﬂexibility vs. rigidity, omissions vs. commissions,

and the overall congruency of the belief system.

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Sex Bias of Therapists

The goals of feminist informed family therapy have an emphasis on considering
social context as a prime determinant of behavior. The mission is to develop a value-free
human continuum of behavior and thought (Bordo, 1999). To do this, Nichols and
Schwartz caution therapists to examine their own biases (1998). Inherent in each person
is a conditioned gender understanding. The therapist must be continually re-examining
personal attitudes and biases. Being aware of personal emotional response to an issue
helps the therapist integrate feminist informed values into the therapy moment.

Another consideration is the recognition of sociocultural stressors that inﬂuence
females in their development (Sands, 1998). It is important to see the differences in
expectations, cultural environment, social roles, economic Oppression, and social
restraints have contributed to the development of symptom bearing gender, so considered
because of the restraints of a traditional marriage contract and nuclear family pattern.
Symptomatic women are reﬂecting their acculturation to the one-down, or secondary
position in society.

Unfortunately, everyone is raised in a value-laden, subjective culture. We are
each a result of our environment, including biases, distortions, and myths. Therapists, too
have been raised in a patriarchal milieu, which is not sensitive to power differences
(Rampage, 1995). If ignored, these differences can contribute to further abuses in the
therapy experience.

A common goal for the therapist is to encourage ‘complementarity’. However,

this implies all roles and tasks are chosen freely and divided equally. This ignores deeply

71

imbedded understandings, which have been woven into the fabric of familial

relationships.

Attacking the Patriarchal Paradigm

Feminist informed therapists often take issue with the theory that attitudes and
behaviors are continuous or without cause. This recursive view of relationships does not
take into consideration the history of inﬂuences of social forces in general and the
patriarchal value system in particular (Black & Piercy, 1991; McGoldrick, Anderson, &
Walsh, 1989; Nichols & Schwartz, 1998; Rampage, 1995). To ignore the impact of
history on relationships is only to maintain status quo; this action contributes to blaming
and revictimization of those already maltreated.

Circular causation overshadows power differences and the gender role
understanding that is a part of the client’s histories (Black & Piercy, 1991; Dinsmore,
I992; Gilligan, 1993). While responsibility of one’s own behavior is a critical part of
therapy, assigning equal responsibility for problems could reabuse the victim, in which
case the therapist would become a partner with the abuser. Although systemic theorists
do attend to relationship systems, the traditional assumptions are apt to assign the
problem source, placing the crux of the problem without looking at the gender
understandings (Walsh & Scheinkman, 1989). To diminish the inﬂuence of the
patriarchal environment of the client, or to ignore it altogether is to miss a major piece of

the problem.

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Egalitarian Relationships

An examination of therapeutic techniques unfortunately does not always Show a
commitment to relationships of equality. Family Systems therapists have been known to
evaluate family relationships without assessing the state of the family in respect to
balance of power and respect (Knudson-Martin, 1994). Feminist informed therapists are
committed to providing an atmosphere wherein equality in personal power and freedom
of expression between men and women exists. This requires actively working to change
the culturally prescribed roles (McGoldrick, Anderson & Walsh, 1989; Rampage, 1995).
It includes hearing not just women, but all of the traditionally voiceless ones. It promotes
an environment where equal opportunities and rewards, as well as equal sacriﬁces and
responsibilities thrive.

Examining the relationship of each family member to the other helps to determine
the commitment to egalitarianism. Who makes the decisions? Do all members get a
chance to exercise their voices? How much respect is given to women? To children? To
the aged or the inﬁrm in the family?

An awareness of the gender intensiﬁcation process that goes on among peers,
within cultures, and even behind gender lines helps to assess the commitment of the
family to egalitarian relationships (Dinsmore, 1991; Gilligan, 1983; Martin, 1999).
Women and men are pressured to adapt to culturally stereotypical gender roles. There is
a price to pay for deviation from these roles. Facilitating awareness helps to shift the
conceptual paradigm with which the family or couple enters therapy, and to examine the

legitimacy of those stands.

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Conduct of Therapy - A Judgment on Women and Women’s Ways

Wheeler, Avis, Miller, and Chaney (1989) have also concentrated on the role of
therapy and the ways in which professional therapists not only express, but also advance
gender bias in practice. One of their observations is that women, because of their
socialized tendency to seek relationship, are more likely to pursue therapy and are more
comfortable with the process. Men, because of the interactional patterns involved, may
not be normally prepared to respond to therapy. With this understanding, it is easy to see
why therapists unconsciously may turn to the woman to search for and implement the
solution to the issue that brought the couple or family into therapy. This serves to place
the locus of blame, as well as the responsibility for resolution on the woman. Again, the
therapist has contributed to the woman being accountable for the maintenance of the
relationship.

Walsh and Scheinkman (1989) observe that, because the woman is more likely to
be the one to seek counseling, she is equally more likely to be diagnosed, resulting in
overpathologizing. The therapist must be aware of these tendencies to foster the
patriarchal methods of analysis. Diagnosis indicates a value judgment. If therapists and
those who work with abused families can refrain from labeling behavior, they will
depathologize other ways of being, rather than what has traditionally been the accepted

norm — which derives from a male paradigm.

Autonomy

Another area of concern is the stated goal of independence for family systems

theorists. Indicating that autonomous functioning is the ideal for a healthy, balanced

74

lifestyle is a gender-biased assumption (Daly, 1985; Gilligan, 1993; McGoldrick,
Anderson & Walsh, 1989). Some individuals, women in particular, may be apt to deﬁne
themselves partly by their relationships. Sensitivity and regard for the feelings of others
has been found to be an integral part of many women’s development (Gilligan, 1993).
From the other end of the Spectrum, the male goal for healthy emotional
development, has traditionally been one of independence. They are frequently taught to
distrust relationships, and thus may be generally suspicious or uncomfortable with
intimacy (Wheeler, Avis, Miller, Chaney, 1989). Research has shown perspectives and
decision-making strategies of many women are often based on consideration for other
people’s concerns (Gilligan, 1993). To consider this a less mature style of interaction, is

to buy into the male-dominated acculturation of personality development.

Summary

Therapists and researchers must be aware of sexism in family therapy theories,
and be constantly examining the environment and culture related to the therapy and
research (Whipple, 1996). Be willing to try intervention strategies that are outside of the
prescribed gender biased methods and to study new strategies and approaches to
understanding family dynamics. It is possible to be systemic and reject sexism at the
same time.

Feminist informed theory encourages mutual accountability for relationship
development and maintenance. The integration of research and social activism promotes
a partnership of equals, where relationships between men and women are examined

honestly, both in society and in families (McGoldrick, Anderson, & Walsh, 1989;

75

Rampage, 1985). It is critical to note that science is not the truth, but a way of looking at
truth. . .a social construct that has been developed by the voices in power, within an
historical context (Terry, 1992). Reality is only a perspective, a representation of those
who have walked the paths previously. Reality is not an objective, unchangeable

phenomenon, Terry says.

INTEGRATION WITH BOWEN’S FAMILY SYSTEMS
“To ignore gender inequalities is to ignore some of the primary forces that keep people
trapped in inﬂexible roles. " - Rampage

Neutrality

There is a need to use the systemic lens of Bowen’s Family Systems Theory, but
to edit that with a focus from the feminist informed perspective for the sociocultural
history. This aids in further exploration and encouragement of articulation of feelings
and cognitive understandings of the contextual meanings. Bowen Family Systems
Theory addresses the need for neutrality to approach relationships in counseling.
However, feminist therapists contend that neutrality is not possible. What is masked as
neutrality is a masculine model — highly cognitive, therapist’s role of coach, and
encouragement of emotional reactivity control (Nichols & Schwartz, 1998; Terry, I992).

Utilization of this model sends mixed messages between healthy balance and
emotional functioning. Addressing the wider family context of inequalities of gender and
class is critical, whether considering family or a larger system, such as educational or
religious institutions. The example of economic inequality within a family unit sends
messages to the family of control, as well as self worth. It is a powerful context of

marriage and family. Because of these and other messages imbedded in practices of the

76

family and other systems, the inherent imbalances in marriage and family must be

addressed by introducing gender equity values.

Female Connection

Knudson-Martin (1994) discusses the female challenge in Bowenian terms. This
is to become different or independent while maintaining connection, which is part of her
way of deﬁning self. The focus for all should be on togetherness needs, which
encourages self-responsibility and facilitates empowerment. Traditional Bowen Family
Systems Theory seems to suggest that maturity is developing autonomy and self-directed
behavior. This demeans other ways, because of the tendency of some, particularly
women and children, to deﬁne by connection. It seems Bowen indicates low level
differentiation is expressed by a need for togetherness. Feminist theorists, however, say
women often integrate the other into deﬁnition of self. The expanded model would say
that differentiation involves attending to other voices while learning to express one’s own
voice (Knudson-Martin, 1994). This does not conﬂict with Bowen, for his theory
considered dysfunctionality as a fused, reactive emotional position, being dominated by
emotions and overdependent on others. Differentiation was promoted to achieve a

deeper, richer relationship with others (Nichols & Schwartz, 1998).

Differentiation
Bowen’s goal of therapy is to increase level of differentiation (Kerr & Bowen,
1988). A part of this is to reduce the anxiety by controlling emotional reactivity. Critics

say Bowen does not clearly articulate the connection to others and self. It is possible to

77

focus inward and yet still acknowledge others’ needs. Individuals are born in a ‘Shared
emotional ﬁeld’, and continue to go from one ﬁeld to another as they enter into
relationships (Knudson-Martin, 1994). Anxiety is the tension between the two

needs. . .for differentiation , but also for connection.

While Bowen may be guilty of too much emphasis on the Side of cognitive
control, he still values the importance of maintaining connectedness and repairing cutoff
relationships in family. The interpretation of feminists sympathetic to Bowen Family
Systems is that healthy differentiation involves ongoing maintenance of self in relation to
one’s family (Walsh & Scheinkman, 1989).

Helping men and women to balance and value intellectual and emotional
functioning and differentiation with relatedness is the ultimate point of relationship. In

this place, self and connection to others can learn to live together.

78

THE CHURCH As FAMILY: A BOWEN’S FAMILY SYSTEMS APPROACH

AS in Bowen’s Model of the Family, the local church functions according to its
level of differentiation. Expanded studies indicate this level is determined by four areas
(Daly, 1985; Fortune, 1989; Friedman, 1985; Kerr & Bowen, 1988; McGoldrick,
Anderson, Walsh, 1989; Rampage, 1995; Richardson, 1996; Steinke, 1993): a) the
individual church families and their own levels of ﬁrnctioning, b) multigenerational
issues in the makeup of the church, c) the leadership’s differentiation, and d) the
environment in which the local church ministers, and its societal emotional level (See

Figure 2.2).

The local church, families and leadership are all imbedded in the environment of
the community. Because this community inﬂuences all aspects Of life, all subsystems
within the environment take on many of its values. Even geographical factors and
climate have an impact on the connections of families and groups. For example, these
characteristics may determine the frequency of contact, and thus the amount of inﬂuence
a local church has, and vice versa. Ethnic culture also sways the family’s attitude toward
the religious groups in the Vicinity, and their inﬂuence. Whether the local culture is
highly differentiated, or, because of anxiety, is greatly enmeshed, this will help shape the

families and organizations within.

This not only takes place in the present generation, but is also reinforced
throughout subsequent generations. Patterns strengthen as generations hand down ways
of functioning. However, this is not a one-way transmission of characteristics. The
families and groups that move into the community also color the local environment over

a period of time.

79

CONCEPTUAL MAP

 

Figure 2:2
Elements Determining Level of Differentiation within the Church
Legend:

0 = Mesosystems Inﬂuencing Church’s Level of Differentiation

@ = Environmental Interaction within the Church Community

Q = Anxiety Issues

0 = Local Congregation’s Microsystem

Friedman, Edwin (1985) Generation to Generation. New York, NY: Guilford Press

Kerr, Michael & Bowen, Murray (1988). Family Evaluation. New York, NY: W.W. Norton and CO.
Leonard, Juanita (ed.) (1989). Called to Minister, Emp_owered to Serve. Anderson, In: Warner Press.
Richardson, Ronald (1996). Creating a Healthier Church. Minneapolis, Mn: Fortress.

Steinke, Peter. (1993). Healthy Congregations. New York, NY: Alban Institute.

Vaux, Alan (l988).§ocial Supmrt: Theory, ResearchI and Intervention. New York, NY: Praeger

Images in this dissertation are presented in color.

80

DISCUSSION OF FIGURE 2.2
Individual Families

It is the families that make up the body of the church, who are the main
sources of behavioral patterns. It has been observed that as the families go, so goes
the church (Friedman, 1985; Steinke, 1993). The personalities of the families
involved contribute to the characteristics that make up the church personality.
Families bring their own level of differentiation into the groups in which they
participate. In doing so, they forever slant the groups level of ﬁrsion — and

consequently their level of functioning.

How do these individual families make decisions? What happens during
conﬂict? Are the individuals able to disagree, and yet remain a calm presence, while
taking their individual stands? How does the family react in crisis? The local
congregation is comprised of the combined personalities of all the families involved,

both present and past generations.

Multigenerational Forces

Bowen’s Theory of Family Systems heavily emphasizes the impact of
multigenerational inﬂuences on patterns of thought and behavior in the family (Kerr
& Bowen, 1988, p.221; Nichols & Schwartz, 1998, p.141). The church ﬁinctions in a
similar way as she interacts within the system. The organism resembles closely the
family’s ways of processing emotionally (Friedman, 1985, p.195). The relationships
are multigenerational and the patterns of behavior develop over a period of years.

Patterns of behavior are handed down from generation to generation within a church

81

family. A church will be likely to continue her multigenerational patterns of choosing
leadership, dealing with crisis, setting boundaries, grappling with conﬂict, and

confronting abuses.

The fusion of the body of the congregation is also a multigenerational issue.
Practices of empowering or crippling members are set by the previous generations.
As in a nuclear family, a congregation that is highly enmeshed will have the potential
for becoming more fused with each successive generation (Friedman, 1985;

Richardson, 1996; Steinke, 1993).

Church leadership

The church is also inﬂuenced by her individual leadership. However, even the
process of choosing leadership is often executed in such a way as to continue the
level of differentiation the church has developed. Anxious systems are less likely to

allow for differentiated leaders (Friedman, 1985, p.29; Kerr & Bowen, l988,p.368).

When a person does take leadership, such as a pastoral position, this
individual’s level of interdependent thinking begins to have an impact on the
congregation’s way of processing. To some degree, the congregation takes on the
personality of the pastoral leadership. The way the leader functions in relationship to
his or her position in the system inﬂuences the congregation. It is not so much the
stand that the leader takes on a certain issue that is critical, but the way in which the

leader communicates that stand.

It would be a mistake to ignore the inﬂuence of the patriarchs and the

matriarchs of the congregation. Leadership is not necessarily announced. Some of the

82

most inﬂuential persons in the church may not be on a board. They may not even be

alive!

Not only within the congregations, but also family members who have no
direct connection to the church, propel the decisions made and action taken.
Richardson (1996) suggests that at every church board meeting there are more than
just the present board members at the table (See Figure 2.3). Parents, spouses, past
‘movers and shakers’ within the congregation, as well as present congregation, all

attend the meeting.

Board members bring unresolved issues from their families of origin into the
encounter. Even if past generations of family have had no connection to the church
or are not in the vicinity, they impact the proceedings. Members’ patterns of
triangling, distancing, emotional cutoff, and ﬁIsion are exercised as they confer with

the other participants. Projection and avoidance are often utilized.

Anxiety

Anxiety surrounding each of these systems determines the functional capability of
each system. As the systems function in connection to each other, the systems’ levels
of differentiation, hence the anxieties of each, collide. Thus emerges the functional
ability of the combined systems — a continually changing environment in which

decisions and actions are determined.

83

O +6

Figure 2.3
Multigenerational Inﬂuences within a Board Meeting

Friedman, Edwin (1985) Generation to Generation. New York, NY: Guilford Press
Richardson, Ronald (1996). Creating a Healthier Church. Minneapolis, Mn: Fortress.
Steinke, Peter. (1993). Healthy Congregations. New York, NY: Alban Institute.
LEGEND: = Board Meeting
= Male Board Members
= Female Board Members
I Family/Congregational members with low differentiation resulting in

emotional cutoffs
= Family/Congregational members with low differentiation resulting in

enmeshment
= Family/Congregational members with relatively high differentiation

= Direction of inﬂuence

HO O HOBO

= Marital relationships
= Relationships of divorce

Images in this dissertation are presented in color.

DISCUSSION OF FIGURE 2.3

When a board meeting convenes, the members bring other members with
them to the table. Multigenerational patterns of differentiation, including ways of
handling conﬂict, levels of anxiety, and gender-speciﬁc values come from parents,
spouses, and other signiﬁcant inﬂuences in the members’ lives. Family events such
as divorce, emotional cutoff, and enmeshment of family members impact the
proceedings. Whether or not the parents or partners are within the local church, they
provide motivation for the attitudes expressed. Figure 2.3 illustrates the decisions
made by the board are driven by voices of leadership within and outside of the local

congregation and the histories of processing conﬂict and crisis.

Community Inﬂuences

There is also evidence to show that the environmental background in which
the church is set makes a large difference in the functioning of the church. Bowen
discusses, albeit brieﬂy, social emotional processes (Kerr & Bowen, 1988; Nichols &
Schwarz, 1998) and the impact on the individual families in the community. In the
same way that emotional process in society inﬂuences the family, the local church is
inﬂuenced by the degree of differentiation of the community. Culture,
intergenerational inﬂuences, geographical characteristics, socioeconomic status, and
ethnicity, all may contribute to the level of differentiation of a community, and of the

local congregation.

85

As communities process crisis, anxiety increases. If the social anxiety
continues to increase over an extended time period, a gradual lowering of the
functional level of differentiation in the families in the community could take place
(Kerr & Bowen, 1988, p.334). Unsuccessful social emotional processing may result
in such symptomatic behavior as elevated crime incidence, high divorce rate,

increased neglect of responsibility, sexism, classism, and ethnic prejudice.

The local church reﬂects these levels of anxiety that manifest themselves in
the community. As a crisis occurs, then, the inﬂuence of the community’s

differentiation has an impact on the way the congregation handles the crisis.

Inﬂuence of Patriarchal Value System

In all four of these areas, the patriarchal paradigm is a salient issue that
inﬂuences the church's functioning (See Figure 2.4). The value which women and
men are given within individual families, the role the genders have played down
through the history of the church, the leadership’s understanding and commitment to
the importance of all voices being heard, the role of men and women in the local
community... these play a critical part in the day to day Operations of the local
church. All of these considerations baptize the congregation’s character and help to
form the commitment to self-differentiation of each individual. Male awareness of
historical oppression in word and deed, and of the need for all perspectives to be

given a voice makes a grave difference in the behavior of a local congregation.

86

    
    
     

CULTURE

COMM"
CHARACTERISTICS
(12.3.4.5,6)

     
 

MIMI DZO—DZ-IOZID

:0-U>N>ﬂ I'>IO:U>-30-I>'U

Figure 2.4

Issues Determining Local Congregation’s Ability to be an Effective Support System to Families
Experiencing Incest

Daly, Mary (1985). Th Ch ch an the Sc nd Sex. Boston, Ma. Beacon Press.
Friedman, Edwin (1985) Generation to Generation. New York, NY: Guilford Press

 

Kerr, Michael & Bowen, Murray (1988). Family Evaluation. New York, NY: W.W. Norton and Co.
Leonard, Juanita (ed.) (1989). Called to Minister, Empowered to Serve. Anderson, In: Warner Press.
Steinke, Peter. Healthy Congregations. New York, NY: Alban Institute.

Vaux, Alan (1988). Sgial Suomrt: Theogg, Research, and Intervention. New York, NY: Praeger.

87

Figure 2.4

LEGEND: = Historical Culture (Literature, Pattems of Gender
0 understanding, Events)

= Local Community Characteristics
1 — Ethnicity
2 - Economic and Employment Issues
3 -— Educational and Political Environment
4 — Local Congregational Attributes
5 — Level of Differentiation
6 — Prolonged Anxiety Issues
0 = Other Systems which Inﬂuence Church’s Level of Anxiety

0 = Systemic Anxiety of the Local Church

Images in this dissertation are presented in color.

DISCUSSION OF FIGURE 2.4

The local church is imbedded in the community, but it is also set within the
denominational paradigm. The local community ﬁinctions within the overall
sociopsychological culture. Each person and every culture through history has been
inﬂuenced by the patriarchal value system. All systems operate within the historical

culture.

The family needs healthy models as they process abuse, dealing with such issues
as legal proceedings, therapy, public exposure, redeveloping family relationships, and

adjusting to transition and new family structure.

The degree to which the local church is able to differentiate, determines its ability
to effectively support families. This is Shaped, in part, by the constituency,

leadership, multigenerational issues, and the local community, as well as history.

88

Contextual

Map

 

Figure 2.5
The Church as Illustrated by Human Ecosystemic Theory

Bronfenbrenner, I986

89

Legend: = congregational families

I Pastor of congregation

= Other Microsystems that inﬂuence and are inﬂuenced by the family

A = families experiencing sexual abuse or incest

and the local congregation
(1 .SEC, 2.Political Climate, 3.Culture, 4.Education, 5.Resources, 6.Media,
7.Employment Conditions, 8.Population, 9.Ethnicity, lO.Financial Conditions,

I l.Legal Mandates, 12.0ther Faith Assemblies, l3.etc.)

4_. = Dyadic, 3rd and 4'h order transactional relationships

I As context of the local community changes, the process changes.
Changes in the process, over time, change the context. Both process and
context inﬂuence the person or the microsystem, just as the microsystem
or organism inﬂuences the mesosystem and, eventually, the chronosystem

o = Denomination; an example of the exosystems inﬂuencing the
congregation. Because traditionally only the pastor has communications
with the denomination, it is not in direct contact with the majority of the
congregation, yet has an impact on the functioning of the
church.

6 = Chronosystem —- The processes that take place over the life of the
congregation. A somewhat ﬂuid concept, the chronosystemic changes are
continuously processing from the founding of the congregation until the
time of the crisis.

0 = Local Congregation — A complex set of microsystems made up of a
plethora of individual units, dyads, and smaller microsystems. The local
congregation is inﬂuenced by the mesosystemic inﬂuences in the
community, and its sphere of relationships along the course of time

90

DISCUSSION ON FIGURE 2.5

Behavior has meaning. All transactions and interactions are in relationship to each
organism that they touch and to the dyads and second order events. Families are
microsystems made up of dyads and N+2 systems. The church is a plethora of
microsystems, which are the families. The church exists in the midst of the
mesosystemic inﬂuences, comprised of all the microsystems, exosystems, and
mesosystems it touches, directly and indirectly. Decisions and behaviors are
inﬂuenced by each of those many systems, as well as by the changes that have taken
place in each of those systems over the life of the congregation. Response to crisis is

always in context to the relationships and the processes that have taken place.

SUMMARY

People differ in their tendency to invest their ‘life energy’ in a relationship This
concept is called differentiation of self (Kerr and Bowen, 1988, p.68). Anxiety level
rises as differentiation level lowers. Therefore, as differentiation decreases, the
probability of anxiety being generated within relationships increases. Human beings
react to stimuli — either internal or external — according to their self-differentiation level.
The lower their differentiation level is, the more reactive the human beings will be.
Theoretically, the person on lowest end of differentiation (on a continuum), would react
100% of the time to the relationship process, and never on an objective level. In contrast,
the person on the highest end of differentiation (on a continuum) would choose an

objective response 100% of the time.

91

The level of differentiation will be manifested on intellectual, feeling and
emotional planes. On an intellectual level, the less differentiated person will be heavily
inﬂuenced in their thinking by feeling and emotion. The feeling plane, often the most
obviously manifested, is an automatic response. The emotional level makes itself known
in the person’s articulation of values, beliefs, and attitudes. Emotional reactivity is
manifested by sadness, preoccupation with lack of self-efﬁcacy, aggressive facial
expressions, anger, self-righteous attitude, closed, rigid stands, and often, withdrawal.
Withdrawal takes the person reacting out of the ﬁeld of inﬂuence of the other person,
thus lowering the anxiety. The lower the level of differentiation, the more anxiety is
manifested by the above symptoms.

One of the assumptions of family systems theory is that human beings align with
groups partly on the basis of an emotional process that attracts people to one another
(Kerr and Bowen, 1988, p.63). That attraction is determined to a degree, by a Similar
investment of life energy from the other person or group. Verbalizations, actions,
emotions and dreams reﬂect this investment, which people direct at others in anticipation
of energy that will be reciprocated.

It is not a great leap to propose that people gravitate to groups (microsystems) that
have a similar level of differentiation. This would mean that an individual would
gravitate to a church or congregation that appears to have the similar level of
differentiation. Like a family, church congregations exhibit a level of differentiation.
One church may insist on setting the rules for each member, while another congregation
is more likely to encourage the membership to set their own course. In each

congregation, however, the level of differentiation is uncovered in a crisis situation.

92

During crisis, such as disclosure of sexual abuse within a church family unit, the
response will be in direct relationship to the level of differentiation. The lower the level,
the less tolerance for anxiety and the quicker they try to relieve it — keeping the
relationship in balance. Intolerance for differences of perspectives increases, because the
goal is to maintain homeostasis. Pressure to adapt and to conform is increased in an
effort to relieve anxiety that is generated by the crisis.

Exacerbating the presenting crisis of incest, certain issues are crisis opportunities
creating anxiety-potential. These issues are transgenerational and embedded within the
culture. Among these, the researcher prOposes, are as follows; patriarchal paradigm,
history of incest within in the church, relationship of family experiencing incest,
denominational and congregational perspective of the role of the church in the
community, and identiﬁcation of resources in the community.

Stimulus comes from every angle. The family involved in incest may approach
the leadership in the church. The leadership, in response to these stimuli, may bring the
situation to the church council. Each one of the council members will respond according
to their perspectives based on the inﬂuences of the stimuli from each of the above
mentioned issues. Figure 2.6 illustrates the questions that address these ﬁve areas of
inﬂuence. In addition, each board member is also motivated by the process that is
contained within the relationship system. The members also each carry an
intergenerational process to the council meeting, which inﬂuences the process of the
moment.

The processing is continual, reciprocal, and is combined with stimuli from

presenting family as well as intergenerational inﬂuences that are swirling within the

93

individual, the council, the church congregation, and the denomination — all at the same

WHAT
HAPPENED
a o
WI-IATWE “"57
/

/

O O
A
DOIKNOW Q
0/ \ Sl-IOIIDWE
cermowa)

Figure 2.6
Questions illustrating stimuli that challenge individual’s self-differentiation level

time.

 
    

ARE WE
ABLE
TO HELP

 
 
 

   

Because the church ‘family’ relates as an emotional unit, in much the same way
as a biological family (Friedman, 198 7), the processes that occur within the unit or
mesosystem, are also occuring within the smaller unit (or microsystem). “The ﬁinction
of behavior is within the emotional system” (Kerr and Bowen, 1988, p.71). It is not
possible to separate these two simultaneous and continual processes.

Neither is it possible to separate the functioning of the group Item the functioning
of each separate individual. They are, to some degree, regulated by relationship. Family

systems focuses on this context of the relationship process.

94

Chapter III.
METHODOLOGY
RESEARCH OBJECTIVES

The objective was to complete a qualitative exploratory research project, utilizing
in-depth interviews of pastors of churches, and corroborative surveys regarding the
anxiety driving the absence or presence of programs for families experiencing incest.
This triangulated study is exploratory in nature, investigating the differences in
congregational programs, in order to determine the denominational, congregational, and
leadership inﬂuences on the church’s effectiveness as a support system to families

experiencing incest.

In order to meet the overall objective, the following, more Speciﬁc objectives

were:

0 To complete a qualitative investigation of pastoral perspective on inﬂuences
that have challenged the development of support programs for families
experiencing incest.

0 To develop an exploratory survey for pastors that would incorporate
denominational, congregational, and leadership issues inﬂuencing the
presence of programs for families experiencing incest

0 To investigate the assumption of anxiety, as deﬁned by Bowen, driving the

local church’s response to incest.

95

TO investigate the relationship of the pastor’s perception of patriarchal
paradigm within the local church, to the presence of programs for families
experiencing incest

To investigate the relationship of incest history within the local church family,
with the presence of programs for families experiencing incest

To investigate the relationship of status of families within the local church
experiencing incest, with the presence of programs for families experiencing
incest

To investigate the relationship of the pastor’s perception of the congregational
role in the community, including denominational understanding, with the
presence of programs for families experiencing incest

To investigate the relationship of the pastor’s perception of availability of

resources, with the presence of programs for families experiencing incest

96

RESEARCH QUESTIONS

In order to Obtain the above-mentioned objectives, six speciﬁc research questions

were addressed to the pastors of these churches:

1)

2)

3)

4)

5)

Does the level of anxiety, as deﬁned by Bowen and reﬂected by the pastor’s
responses during the interview, drive the response of the congregation to
families experiencing incest?

Does the pastor’s perception regarding the congregational position on
women’s roles in the home and society, including the position on female
leadership in the church, inﬂuence the presence of response, within the
congregation, to issues of incest?

AS far as the pastor is aware, does the history of incest within the local
congregation inﬂuence the church’s response to families with the presenting
crisis of incest now?

From the pastor’s perspective, does the local congregation respond differently
to families experiencing incest, according to the families’ status within the
congregation? Is the church, in fact, more or less likely to be an effective
support system if the family is actively involved in the life of the
congregation?

How does the congregation, as reported by the pastor, perceive its role within
the community, and its denominational role, in regard to being a support

system to families experiencing incest?

97

6) How does the congregation’s perception, as reported by the pastor, of
availability of resources (human, professional, educational and ﬁnancial) have
an impact on the local congregation’s response to families experiencing

incest?

RESEARCH MODEL

This research involved two phases. First, an in-depth interview with pastors
explored the processing of issues that have had an inﬂuence on the ability to develop a
program that would facilitate healing and empower individuals and families who have
experienced incest. Anxiety stemming from the issues that may have inﬂuenced
decisions to create such programs and to provide support for these families was

investigated.
The second phase was a measurement collected in the form of a survey (appendix

A). The poll was given to the forty-six pastors who were interviewed. The questions
addressed inﬂuences of denominational, congregational, and leadership characteristics
that impacted ministry to families experiencing incest, according to level of anxiety
within the local congregation. This, as well as observational and archival data, produced
a triangulated survey, designed to enhance the richness of the data collected in the

interviews.

The research included data collected in these two different phases. Initially, the
qualitative in-depth interviews reﬂected perspective grounded in Bowen’s Family

Systems thinking. AS pastors deliberated on the process of developing ministries to

98

families experiencing incest, they were encouraged to consider the core values that
provided impetus for action. The survey they were asked to complete also used this
philosophical perspective for reﬂection on choices regarding response to incest within the

faith community.

Interviews

The ﬁrst component of the research involved a qualitative study, with in-depth
interviews of forty-six pastors who may have or may not have developed and
administered programs within their congregations to families who have experienced
familial sexual abuse. The interviews included questions that reﬂected a Family Systems
approach. Questions targeted the need for homeostasis, multigenerational issues,
differentiation levels and anxiety in addressing sexual abuse and incest. Also addressed
was the patriarchal paradigm of denominational and local church doctrine and practices.
The focus was directed at how the anxiety surrounding these issues have inﬂuenced
ability to minister to families who have experienced incest. Inﬂuences that are related to
the development of such programs would include the following: reluctance to address
anxiety-producing issues such as incest, congregational perspective on women’s roles
and women in leadership, history of incest incidents within the congregation, the incest-
involved family’s relationship with the congregation, resources available and utilized to
develop existing programs, and other issues that may have presented an obstacle to or

facilitated the development of these programs.

A pattern of functioning develops within every system, in order to establish order

and balance. This homeostatic tendency contributes to regulating anxiety. Kerr and

99

Bowen (1988) address the impact of these systemic elements in the modus Operandi of
the family and Friedman (1985) argues that the church functions emotionally in a Similar
way to the family. Therefore, to suggest that the church unconsciously incorporates these
concepts when processing decisions regarding traumatic occurrences, such as the
experience of incest, would undergird the concept of pragmatic validity (Miles and

Huberrnan, 1994).

Interview Guide

Each interview reﬂected the research questions in an effort to ascertain the
pastor’s understanding of the issues that inﬂuence each particular congregation’s ability
to be an effective support system to families who are experiencing incest. The following
questions were part of this guided interview. The research question(s) each inquiry

addresses is in parentheses:

I. Has the church ever addressed the issues of sexual abuse or incest Since you have
been here? If so, what happened? (Research question #1, #3)

2. Sexual abuse is often a very volatile issue, particularly with friends and acquaintances
of the victims and/or perpetrators. Are you aware of any time when there has been
heightened anxiety within the congregation because of sexual abuse or incest? If so,
could you explain. (Research question # l)

3. How would you deﬁne sexual abuse? Is there any document in the church policy or
bylaws that addresses sexual abuse? What does that include? (Research questions

#2, #5, & #6,).

100

10.

In regard to your denominational policy (or that of your headquarters), has there been
a public statement regarding childhood sexual abuse or incest? Does your church
closely follow the policies of the denomination? (Research Question #5)
Does the church have female leadership? Is there a female on the ministerial staff?
Do you feel it Should have female leadership? Is there anything wrong with females
in leadership? Does the church espouse traditional gender roles within the family?
(Research questions #2, #3, & #6)
In your Opinion, does this congregation have an obligation to provide programs that
minister to the needs of the surrounding community? If so, would those programs
include counseling and support groups to peOple not within the constituency of your
church? (Research questions #4 and #5)
DO you have any programs that support families who are experiencing incest (such as
individual counseling, support programs, risk management policies, staff directives,
etc)? If so, could you describe them? If not, do you feel there is a need for such
programming? (Research questions #4,#5, #6)
Could you describe the role of elected and informal leadership within this
congregation? Would you describe this congregation as pastor-driven or more of a
shared leadership-style? (Research questions #1, #6)

Would you deﬁne the congregation as liberal or conservative? What do you mean
by that term? (Research questions #2, #5)
IS there a screening system for youth or children’s workers that is a part of formalities
in recruiting helpers?) If so, what does it entail? Was this screening system put into

effect before you came as pastor? (Research question #5, #6)

101

Data

Ethnographic data was collected from the audiotapes and researcher’s notes of
forty-Six individual interviews, conducted with pastors of seven different faith
communities. Because the personalities of denominations are different, each faith group
is expected to have incurred different challenges to developing programming for families
who have experienced incest. Half of the pastors represented liturgical faith communities
that are generally considered to have a more active involvement in social concerns. The
other pastors were drawn from a more evangelical paradigm, generally understood to

have a more conservative involvement in ministries to the community.

Based on ecosystemic theory, research data and anecdotal examples from clinical
studies on support systems, the researcher expected that pastors would report a variety of
inﬂuences that have had a strong impact on the planning and administration of programs
that support families experiencing incest. The paradigms of the denominational,
congregational and leadership systems interact with the community and the families with
whom the local church is ministering. The multigenerational dynamics of all the systems
provide an ever-changing character to the unfolding circumstances of church life and

policy, on both a national and local level.

The anxiety caused by the presenting crisis of familial sexual abuse, then, is
colored by all of these aforementioned systems. The method with which the church
chooses to address this anxiety depends on inﬂuences within the denomination, the local
congregation, and the leadership. It is understood that both the family experiencing

incest and the other church families contribute to the anxiety as well as to the

102

development Of efﬁcacious programming. This is an example of the transactional nature

of systems.

Data was collected from the survey (appendix A) that each pastor was encouraged
to complete. Miles and Huberrnan (1994) discuss the beneﬁt of evaluating data by noting
recurring patterns or themes. This proposed method of research has been designed to
provide consistency in the research and to faithfully represent each pastor’s responses.
Noting relationship between the answers in the interviews and the survey responses
helped the researcher to more accurately report the inﬂuence of each issue within the
body of research on effective support programs of the church to families experiencing

incest.

Archival data was collected from policies and official statements of each
denomination. Pamphlets, conference resolutions, web page information and
communication to clergy were investigated to ascertain denominational positions on

sexual abuse within families.

Observational material, based on clinical counseling techniques, was examined in
the interview process. The rich information that can be gleaned from body language,
tonal quality, and verbal expressions was noted. Both the atmosphere within the ofﬁce

and the attitude of the respondent toward the questions was noted.

Design

The ﬁrst phase is exploratory and analytical in nature. F orty-six in-depth

interviews with pastors of seven different-faith congregations, within four Midwestern

103

states, were conducted. The setting was partially controlled, as these were both pastors
who already have functioning programs for families experiencing incest or sexual abuse
and those who do not have such programs. The interviews were one and one half-hours
in length, and focused on systemic challenges that inﬂuence discussion and or
development of intentional programs for or counseling services to families experiencing

incest.

In order to carry out the objectives of this research, both an exploratory and an
experimental research design in a partially controlled setting is necessary. The second
phase forged the triangulated study, in an effort to more effectively evaluate the material

collected. Each pastor was asked to complete a questionnaire.

This questionnaire was composed of a 43-item survey, utilizing a Likert scaling
format. The questions were grounded in the Bowen Family Systems approach by
addressing homeostasis, multigenerational inﬂuences, differentiation of the leadership
and church family, and anxiety that impacts the ability to minister effectively to families
who have experienced incest. These issues were questioned from a denominational,

congregational, and local leadership perspective, reﬂecting the family systems theory.

The survey questions were designed in such a way as to reﬂect the assumptions based on

research and clinical experience.

The goal of this survey was to detect the nature of faith community inﬂuences that
impact the ability to develop programs of healing and empowerment to families who are
experiencing incest, as reﬂected by the pastor’s responses. Because of the lack of
research in the area of challenges to facilitating support programs for families

experiencing incest, the survey was both exploratory and observational in nature. It was

104

designed to uncover issues that inﬂuence the ability to be an effective support system to

families who are experiencing the crisis of incest.

The data was collected from the forty-Six pastors, analyzing the individual 90-
minute interviews in relationship to the survey responses. Answers are examined by
denomination, to establish contrasting patterns of behavior among the differing faith
communities. This clustering attempts to strengthen the soundness of the research

assumptions and initiates the effort to establish external validity.

RESEARCH ASSUMPTIONS
Assumption #1

When incest takes place, each member in the family is a victim, whether or not

the perpetrator has directly victimized each one.

“It is by now a commonplace that families in which child abuse occurs are socially
isolated It is less commonly recognized that social isolation does not simply happen; it
is often enforced by the abuser in the interest of preserving secrecy and control over
other family members. (Herman, I 992, p. I 00).

Assumption #2

Families who have experienced the trauma of incest and the ensuing legal
ramiﬁcations will turn to their traditional support systems to facilitate them as they go

through the process of resolution.

“Coplan emphasized the importance of support systems in protecting individual
wellbeing in the face of everyday demands, situational crises, and life transitions. (V aux,
I 988, p. 7)

105

Assumption #3
Social support has the Opportunity to inﬂuence the trauma processing the family

goes through as a result of experiencing familial sexual abuse.

“Supportive behavior may inﬂuence each critical point of the stress process: event
occurrence, primary appraisal (and reappraisal), secondary appraisal of coping options,
and actual coping eﬂorts aimed at resolving the problem or managing the emotional
fallout. ” (Vaux, I 988, p.143)

Assumption #4

The response of the local congregation to the family who has been involved with

incest, has the power to inﬂuence the families’ way of processing the experiences.

“Because traumatic life events invariably cause damage to relationships, people in the
survivor ’s social world have the power to inﬂuence the eventual outcome of the trauma. ’
(Herman, I 992, p.61).

9

Assumption #5

As a patriarchal paradigm is deeply imbedded into society, utilizing feminist
informed perspective helps to clarify some of the dynamics involved in the local church’s

response to families who have experienced incest.

“Theories formerly considered to be sexually neutral in their scientific objectivity are
found instead to reﬂect a consistent observational and evaluative bias. ” (Gilligan, I 982,

p. 6).

Assumption #6

The manner in which a local congregation addresses issues regarding its
constituency, is inﬂuenced directly and indirectly by both the elected and the assumed

leadership.

106

“Families, churches, business, and governments become sick by refusing to face painful
realities (M. Scott Peck, I983)

Assumption #7

The pastor is the best representative for a local congregation’s perspective on

issues surrounding incest.

9

“The pastor is in a position to provide a voice representing the local congregation. ’

(Friedman, I 985; T umbull, I970).

INSTRUMENTATION

A semi-structured, guided interview, one and one half hours in length, was
conducted with forty-six pastors from seven different faith communities, in four mid-
westem states. The interviews used the research questions as a springboard to encourage
the pastor to discuss the denominational, congregational, and leadership issues which

inﬂuenced the development of programs for families who have experienced incest.

Because there are presently no standardized instruments which measure the afore-

mentioned variables inﬂuencing the response of churches to families experiencing incest,

an instrument has been deveIOped, utilizing the concepts of Bowen Family Systems and
incorporating family ecosystemic phIIOSOphy with a feminist informed paradigm. A
survey in the form of a questionnaire inquired of pastors, using a Likert scaling format.

These questions reﬂect concepts based on Bowen’s Family Systems and also reﬂect

concerns of denominational, congregational and leadership character. The survey

 

considers the inﬂuence of the Six constructs (the church’s perspective on women’s roles
in family and leadership, incest-related history of the local congregation, status of
families within the congregation who have experienced incidents of incest, self-
perception of church tradition, including its relationship to its denominational
organization, and resources available to the local congregation), on the decision-making

process regarding programs for families experiencing incest.

With the exception of introductory and deﬁnitive questions regarding ethnicity
and racial differences of each congregation, at least ﬁve questions were concentrated on
each research question, while reﬂecting the denominational, congregational or leadership

paradigms.

Pastoral Survey

As an example of questions that were presented in the pastoral survey, in the area
of the church’s perspective on women’s roles in family or leadership, one item in the

survey is the following statement:

“When a couple disagrees on an issue, the husband should be the one to make

I

the final decision. ’
The pastor was given the following options of answering:
1) always, 2) usually, 3) I am not sure, 4) not usually, or 5) never.

This question reﬂects denominational and leadership paradigm and speaks to the

gender research question (#2).

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In the area of status of families within the congregation who have experienced

incest, a response to the following statement was sought:

“When an active person within the congregation is accused of sexually abusing
one of his family members, he is relieved of his position and responsibilities
until further exploration of the charge can be done. ”

The pastor again was given the following responses from which to choose:

1) always, 2) usually, 3) I am not sure, 4) not usually, or 5) never.

This question reﬂects congregational and leadership paradigm, and addresses the

research question regarding history of incest within the congregation (#3), as well as

impact Of position of family experiencing incest (#4).

In the research area Of history of incest-related incidents within the congregation,

the pastor was asked to respond to the following statement:

“Incidents of incest within the congregation have historically been addressed by

the pastoral staﬂ' only. ”

The response choices are:

1) always, 2) usually, 3) I am not sure, 4) not usually, or 5) never.

This reﬂects research questions regarding anxiety driving process (#1), and

impact of status within congregation (#4) as well as perception of resources (#5).

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A follow up question is:

“Persons not on the pastoral staff or elected to a board or church oﬂice have
some oﬂicial input on the response toward families experiencing incest. ”
The response choices are:

1) always, 2) usually, 3) I am not sure, 4) not usually, or 5) never.

These questions reﬂect the leadership paradigm of the congregation (#3) and

resource perception (#5).

SAMPLING PROCEDURES

Forty-six Semi-structured interviews were conducted with pastors from seven of
the denominations or faith communities who were also surveyed in the questionnaire.
These pastors were identiﬁed in various manners. The researcher belongs to one faith
community. Because of personal knowledge of the congregations within the Midwestern
states, some congregations with a supportive program for families experiencing incest or
sexual abuse were chosen. Other congregations, of different denominations, have been
identiﬁed by clergy acquaintances of the researcher. The remainder of clergy was
identiﬁed by an inquiry to denominational headquarters regarding congregations with or
without programs or counseling for families experiencing incest, intemet inquiry and the
telephone directory within certain targeted towns and cities in a four state area. The
survey was given to the forty-six pastors of churches from seven different faith

communities, within the midwest states of Illinois, Indiana, Michigan, and Ohio.

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DATA ANALYSIS

The data analysis process was a three~step process of cross-case analysis. These
three steps, accomplished concurrently, are data reduction, data display and conclusion
drawing and veriﬁcation (Miles and Huberman, 1994). The semi-structured, guided
interviews were transcribed from audio-tape. Observations collated from the researcher
at the time of the interviews, included detailed notation of body language, affective tone,
facial expressions, perceived willingness to discuss the various issues, and other

anecdotal observations.

Interpretive coding was done to identify distinction among the areas of inﬂuence
in the decision-making process of a church that has developed a program of support for
families experiencing abuse. This labeling of “chunks” of information, (Ary, Jacobs, &

Razavieh, 1990) facilitates the assigning of meaning to information compiled.

The data collected in the interviews were grouped together, according to themes.
This process of data reduction is thematic clustering (Miles and Huberrnan, 1994). At
ﬁrst, the clusters were organized into ﬁve research areas of a) patriarchal paradigm,
b) history of incest within the church, c) status, within the church, of families who have
experienced incest, d) perception of role of denomination and relationship to the
denominational policies, and e) resources available to the church. Because of the small
number of interviews, analysis of race and ethnicity were not included. It is, however,

noted in the body of the interview results.

In order to retain the richness of the data, the information was also organized into
data displays in the formats of both antecedent matrix and context charts. The matrix

included all reported inﬂuences that impacted each church’s response.

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Throughout the process of analysis, with the tools of faithful transcription, coding
and displaying, conclusion drawing was continually executed. The researcher examined
data for patterns, interpretive analyses of the pastors, and intervening variables that may
arise. The goal of analysis was to ascertain the inﬂuences that facilitated or hindered the
church’s development of programs of support for families experiencing incest or sexual

abuse.

The willingness or reluctance to respond to an issue as critical and delicate as
familial sexual abuse may indicate a faith community’s ability to address anxiety-laden
issues. If a speciﬁc faith community does not wish to respond, a lack of response may be

signiﬁcant. This may be an indication of Bowen’s concept of level of differentiation.

Written Policies and Actual Practices

Another form Of triangulated data is the written policies of denominations. The
rules that deﬁne the structure of denominations appear to indicate level of differentiation,
as it is deﬁned by Bowen. There is an assumed continuum of differentiation that can be
speculated through doctrine. If autonomy is a measure of differentiation, then it can be
assumed that the denomination that encourages a higher level of autonomy would have
more healthy and differentiated congregations, and therefore, would be less anxious when
stress ﬁlled situations, such as discovery of incest within the church families, must be
confronted. This is a large leap of assumption. Research was designed to indicate if this
assumption of relationship is valid. Speciﬁc denominational policies or statements as

well as congregational policies and practices were examined.

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It must be noted, however, that feminist informed paradigm would not necessarily
agree with autonomy as a measure of differentiation. Therefore, other ways of measuring
the inﬂuences that contribute to the local church’s effectiveness also needed to be

incorporated.

Measurement of Anxiety

Assessment of anxiety is problematic. Because a self-report does not always
indicate the degree of anxiety, other indications were used for measurement. The beneﬁt
of a face-to-face interview includes such clues as body language, tension in voice and
body, hesitations in answering, nervous ticks, agitated or repetitive movements, shifting
of the body, closed or Open body stance and quick eyelid movement. To a careful
researcher, the observation of such characteristics of the interview is valuable in

assessing anxiety.

Words used in the interview also provide evidence of anxiety. Recurrence of such
words as ‘fear’, ‘stress’, ‘afraid’, ‘problems’, ‘bad’, ‘anger’, and ‘reluctance’ are
important. Higher pitched timbre or aggressiveness in voice, change in voice inﬂection,
and defensive tone also provide valuable information during the interview. While
recognizing this reading is subjective, the researcher believes this method is helpful in

building an accurate understanding and measurement of anxiety.

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GROUNDED THEORY

Reﬁnement of a theory is often accomplished partially by grounding the theory.
Grounded theory lends credence to the research by beginning with a conceptual
framework, and placing it in the proposed setting. Using the prOposed theory or theories,
the researcher then applies them to the arena of study, illustrating the reasoning behind
adoption of that theory or theories. Grounding a theory is specifying how, where and
why it is going to be used and explaining the reasoning behind applying that theory to the
particular set of circumstances. Miles and Huberrnan (1994, p.27) describe grounding a
theory as “putting ﬂesh on the bones of general constructs and their relationships.” The
use of code systems directly related to the research questions and interview questions,
and reﬂecting the research questions will contribute to grounding this theory. The
process is never stagnant, but is progressive in nature — developing as the researcher
continues investigation. This process strengthens the precision, validity and stability of
the ﬁndings (Miles and Huberrnan).

In the study of inﬂuences that affect the congregations’ ability to be a support
system to sexual abuse survivors, two methods were used. An interview with a pastor or
associate pastor of each congregation was executed. After the interview, each pastor
responded to a survey. This survey was completed to get a more comprehensive
understanding of the interviews and to substantiate the theories. Looking at cross case
examples and between case examples further conﬁrmed hypotheses. This is grounding

the theory.

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The Family as an Emotional Unit

The family develops certain patterns of adaptivity to stress. This adaptive
capability is based on each individual’s ability to respond to stress and the process of the
family as they interact collectively on a daily basis. It is inﬂuenced by multigenerational
patterns of life energy investment in crisis producing situations (Kerr & Bowen, 1988;
Nichols & Schwartz, 1998). The ability to expend life energy in the presence of a
stressor is directly related to level of differentiation.

Anxiety is a function of differentiation. It is manifested in the face of stressors.
The lower the level of differentiation is, the higher the level of anxiety in crisis. In the
same way, the higher the level of differentiation is, less anxiety is manifested by the
above symptoms. In crisis situations, the level of differentiation is brought into sharp
focus by the level of anxiety demonstrated. It is apparent in the person’s daily
functioning, but is clariﬁed with the crisis.

One of the assumptions of family systems theory is that human beings and
families align with groups partly on the basis of an emotional process that attracts people
to one another (Kerr & Bowen, 1988, p.63). That attraction is determined to a degree, by
a similar investment of ‘life energy” from the other person or group. Verbalizations,
actions, emotions and dreams reﬂect this investment, which people direct at others in

anticipation of energy that will be reciprocated.

The Church As an Emotional Unit

People seem to gravitate to groups, developing mesosystems that have Similar

levels of differentiation as the family microsystems that comprise them. This would

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mean that an individual would gravitate to a church or congregation that appears to have
an equivalent level of differentiation as the person’s family. Like a family, church
congregations exhibit levels of differentiation. In each congregation the level of
differentiation is uncovered in a crisis situation. NO matter what the crisis-inducing
opportunity is, the manifested anxiety will demonstrate the level of differentiation.
During crisis, such as disclosure of sexual abuse within a church family unit, the
response will be in direct relationship to the level of differentiation. The lower the level,
the less tolerance for anxiety and the quicker they try to relieve it — keeping the
relationship in balance. Intolerance for differences of perspectives increases, because the
goal is to maintain systemic equilibrium, which Bowen terms homeostasis. Pressure to
adapt and to conform is increased in an effort to relieve anxiety that is generated by the

crisis.

Crisis Opportunities

Exacerbating the presenting crisis of incest, certain issues are crisis opportunities
creating anxiety-potential. These issues are multigenerational and embedded within the
culture. They inform the level of differentiation and help determine the response.
Among these, the researcher proposes, are as follows; patriarchal paradigm, history of
incest within in the church, relationship of family experiencing incest, denominational
and congregational perspective of the role of the church in the community, and
identiﬁcation of resources in the community.

When a crisis such as incest occurs, the level of differentiation is sharply

illustrated by the response of the congregation to the crisis. Low levels of differentiation

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may be manifested by cut-off (or distancing from the crisis), or enmeshment (becoming
overly-involved and controlling). The triangling process is intensiﬁed as participants

jockey for position and hasten to appoint an ‘identiﬁed patient’.

The processing is continual, reciprocal, and is combined with stimuli from
presenting family as well as intergenerational inﬂuences that are swirling within the
individual, family, pastor, the church council, the church congregation, and the
denomination — all at the same time.

Because the church ‘family’ relates as an emotional unit, in much the same way
as a biological family (Friedman, 1987), the processes that occur within the unit or
microsystem, are also occuring within the smaller unit, the family. “The function of
behavior is within the emotional system” (Kerr and Bowen, 1988, p.71). It is not
possible to separate these two Simultaneous and continual processes for they function in
the context of the relationship.

Neither is it possible to separate the functioning of the group from the functioning
of each separate individual. They are, to some degree, regulated by relationship. Family

systems focuses on this context of the relationship process.

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Chapter IV.

RESULTS OF RESEARCH

Responses were collected from pastors and associate pastors of forty-six different
congregations in seven denominations over a four-state area. Each respondent spent
approximately one hour with the researcher, answering ten interview questions and

completing a forty-three-item inventory, which was conducted orally by the researcher.

Including Information about Sexual Abuse

It became Obvious very early that few congregations had any formal response to
incest. Among the forty-six congregations, there were no programs uniquely designed
for incest survivors or families of incest. As the interview process evolved, the
researcher widened the area of questioning to include sexual abuse both of an incestuous
and of a non-incestuous nature in several of the questions. In this way, it became

possible to determine the presence of even modest levels of support to incest survivors.

Level of Anxiety

Level of anxiety is analyzed to ascertain its inﬂuence on the ability of
congregations to effectively support families experiencing sexual abuse. This can be
partially determined by address, within congregational life, of stress-inducing events or
circumstances. Address can be done in a variety of ways. The subject may be introduced
from the pulpit, training and education seminars may be provided, risk management

policies, background checks, or an application form may be incorporated as a portion of

118

the process of recruiting volunteers. Focused support groups are also deliberate forms of
address of sexual abuse. Even introducing the issue of sexual abuse in a general manner
in small groups, Bible studies, or during times of corporate prayer could be a way of
confronting the issue.

Presence of a congregational policy for confrontation of persons with abusive
backgrounds is also an indication of levels of anxiety. Because putting a policy in effect
and implementing a course of action for protection of children and youth can be time-
consuming, expensive, and potentially controversial, congregations would have to
intentionally set aside resources for these procedures. The process seems to be
intimidating to many congregations, and, as will be illustrated, is Often met with
resistance by both the leadership and the congregational members

It is possible, also, that the gender of either the researcher or the respondent would
inﬂuence the interview. A matrix of the responses by gender and according to presence
of different gender on the pastoral staff will illustrate the ﬁndings.

Anxiety is also measured in this research by the willingness of a congregation to
tolerate differing perspectives. Openness to the laity and their opinions regarding
governance, recognition of differing positions among the congregants, or written process
in place for disagreement with the staff and governing council, all are examples of
respect for diversity of opinion. A lack of ﬂexibility is a manifestation of low self-
differentiation and results in high anxiety (Kerr & Bowen, 1988). A low level of
differentiation could be evidenced by an unwillingness to countenance disagreement
among the parishioners. An atmosphere of control and disallowance for congregational

involvement in the decision-making process indicates high anxiety within the organism.

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Another point to consider is the anxiety level of the individual pastor. Conﬂict is
an inevitable part of leading a congregation of people. There are pastors who are able to
effectively manage conﬂict, and there are those for whom confrontation is intimidating.
An organism functions at its best when its leader is well-differentiated (Friedman, 1985).
A high-investment issue, such as sexual abuse, can be a good measure of the pastor’s
self-differentiation. The researcher is aware that the responses to any of the research or
survey questions could easily have a crisis-producin g potential for the pastor. Individual
conviction, lack of education, sexual history, and sense of apprOpriateness, all will
inﬂuence the pastor’s reply, among other issues. Although this area is mentioned, the
researcher does not feel there is enough investigation of the pastor’s anxiety level in this
study to warrant any conclusions.

The length of time the pastor has been at that particular congregation also has
some bearing on the responses. It takes a period of time for the pastor to establish
himself or herself as the leader. In his book on family systems and the church, Friedman
mentions the anxiety level of a group without a leader (1985). Those groups may tend to
be more reactive and the anxiety at a higher level.

Finally, consistency of response by each pastor has been noted. In cases where
there seems to be a discrepancy with interview responses and survey responses, it is
possible that the more pointed the questions became, the more divergent were the replies.
Because of the high-stress potential of the subject of incest, the pastors responding with
inconsistency to questions about screening systems for volunteers with children and
youth ministries, education and training of volunteers, child protection policies, and other

support measures could be manifesting anxiety with their replies.

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Organization of Results

The interview responses are arranged by research question. For the ﬁrst ﬁve
research questions, denominational information is offered ﬁrst. It was found that
denominational responses to interview questions did imply a difference in the way the
various denominations interpret and respond to crisis opportunities, such as sexual abuse
or incest within the church family. With the ﬁrst ﬁve research questions, each
denomination is separated to more clearly delineate differences between groups. As each
research question is analyzed by denomination, issues and processes are examined
through the lens of the speciﬁc question. This helps formulate the between-group
analysis.

For the sixth research question, the congregations have been analyzed by
resources. This was done to ascertain the responses according to size, Observation of
educational opportunities in the community, ability of leadership to address crisis
situations, and community opportunities, such as local universities, interfaith
organizations, and women in leadership as resources. Cities that are over 100,000 are
also noted, with the assumption that these may be more likely to have a wider variety of
resources. This method gives form to the within-group analysis of the data.

Forty-six congregations were researched in a four-state area. Eleven pastors were
interviewed in Illinois, thirteen in Indiana, eleven in Michigan, and eleven in Ohio.
Thirty-eight males and eight females were interviewed. Six Assemblies of God, seven
Christian Churches, eight Churches of God, six Missouri Synod Lutheran Churches,
seven Nazarene Churches, six Presbyterian Churches and six United Methodist Churches

were investigated. Thirty-eight congregations were at least 90% Caucasian, Six

121

congregations were at least 90% African-American, and two were a mixture of African —

American, Caucasian, and Hispanic.

Research question #1 .' Does the level of anxiety, as defined by Bowen and
indicated by the pastor ’s replies, drive the response of the congregation to families that

have experienced sexual abuse or incest?

This question is central to the whole project. All other research questions feed
into this main question, because the researcher sees the other ﬁve issues — roles of
women, including inclusion of women in leadership, history of abuse, status of affected
family, community outreach philosophy and perception of resources - as symptoms of

the anxiety level of the congregation.

Personality of Denomination

A thumbnail sketch of the personality of the denomination, as observed from the
churches researched within that denomination, introduces the responses to this question.
While recognizing this gives an incomplete and seriously limited understanding of each
denomination, the researcher nevertheless believes a basic character of the denomination
helps inform the manner of looking at the results of the research, particularly in reference

to this question.

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Anxiety Level of Denomination as determined by Congregation

The anxiety level of the congregations researched is then observed. Peter Steinke,
in discussing anxiety and the church (1996, p.62), explains that relationship systems
settle into their own levels of comfort. When a crisis arises to threaten that comfort,
those persons or microsystems that have a low threshold of pain become reactive. The
individual organisms of the system often try to triangle with each other to relieve anxiety.
They scramble to alleviate their anxiety by minimizing, anesthetizing, or relocating the
anxiety.

If, as has been suggested (Kerr & Bowen, 1988, p.63), the person gravitates
toward microsystems that parallel the person’s own level of self-differentiation, then it is
reasonable to suggest that churches are formed with people who have loosely the same
level of self-differentiation. Because of the transactional nature of microsystems, the
congregation inﬂuences the person and the person also affects the character of the
congregation. Anxiety is contagious (Kerr & Bowen, 1988). It tends to infect the
organisms around it. Therefore, a congregation with high anxiety and low self-
differentiation would be more likely to be made up of individuals with relatively similar
levels of self-differentiation and anxiety. The congregants would continue to re—infect
each other, building the level of anxiety. They also could inﬂuence other congregants by

their effective adaptability to stressors.

Provision of Protection for Innocent PeOple

After a general understanding of the denominational organization and its anxiety

level, the researcher looks at the data regarding provision for protection of innocent

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people. One indication of low anxiety - intentional address - illustrates the Bowenian
concept of providing a non-anxious presence. If a non-anxious presence is presented, the
congregation is able to take a stand against sexual abuse, without losing its connection to
the family or perpetrator. Intentional address also demonstrates a willingness to grapple
with uncomfortable and controversial issues, which is a characteristic of a high level of
self-differentiation. The leader (or leaders) is willing to deﬁne self and continue to stay
in touch (Friedman, 1985), taking a nonreactive, clearly conceived and clearly deﬁned
stand. This provides an atmosphere of safety for the family who may have been
victimized by sexual abuse.

The presence of a screening system, risk management policy, or child protection
procedure is further indication of disposition to effectively address issues of abuse. The
interpretation of the phrase ‘screening system’ would best be understood as on a
continuum. Among the pastors interviewed, there is a wide divergence of opinion as to
what this would entail. One pastor interpreted a screening system as his ‘gut feelings’
about a person — “I go with my intuition”. While the researcher affirms the value of a
subjective analysis, there are serious limitations to using this system exclusively.
Another pastor interprets the term screening system to mean a background check,
application form and references.

As research evolved, the question was also included — “If I had gone to your
church for Six months, was very active and enthusiastic, and volunteered to serve in either
of the youth, children’s or nursery department, would I be allowed to serve, even if I
refused the screening system process?” This question was posed to ascertain the

commitment of each congregation to its policy.

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Response to Experiences of Sexual Abuse or Incest

Another indication of anxiety level is the willingness to pro-actively address
abuse when it becomes apparent that a member or family within the congregation is
experiencing it. Does the congregation confront an abuser and minister to a family
experiencing abuse? Being a support system to the individual or family, as the process of
absorbing all the ramiﬁcations of abuse is being experienced, is a manifestation of being
a non-anxious presence in the event of a crisis opportunity.

In contrast, ignoring the topic, refusing to engage in discussion, minimizing the
damage, pretending that the event has not taken place or that the congregation should not
confront the issue, could all be manifestations of high levels of anxiety. Contacts with
the family or survivor are Often kept ‘brief and superﬁcial to reduce the discomfort” (Kerr
& Bowen, 1988). When peOple use this technique, it may lower their anxiety for the
Short term, but usually results in raised anxiety within the family.

Blaming the victim, isolating the family, or summarily evicting the perpetrator
from the congregation, further indicates low self-differentiation, as addressing the
problem threatens homeostasis within the congregation. Kerr and Bowen (1988, p.79)
explained that the ‘lower the level of differentiation, the less people’s tolerance for
anxiety in themselves and others and the quicker they are to do things to relieve it.”

These are the areas of consideration in analyzing the data to determine if the level
of anxiety drives the response of congregations to families experiencing sexual abuse or

incest. Each denomination is examined separately.

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Denominational Responses

Assemblies of God

The pastors of the Assemblies of God consider their congregations to be loosely
connected with the denominational headquarters. Each pastor described the character of
the congregation to be conservative. Their deﬁnitions relied basically on strict
theological and moral stands, and a faithfulness to Biblical principles, as interpreted by
the Assemblies. Although all six pastors interviewed considered themselves to be
reﬂective of the typical Assembly of God congregation, there is not a great deal of
communication with the headquarters. According to the survey, the denominational
headquarters are not perceived as having great control over the local congregations.
However, it was clear the denomination has some inﬂuence over the ﬁrnctioning of the
congregation.

The pastoral leadership in Assemblies of God seems to be CEO in nature —
casting vision, choosing and training leadership, delegating ministries, and having veto
power. Though the congregation is free to voice disagreement, and constructive criticism
is valued, the pastor appears to have the ﬁnal say in issues of management. Each pastor
indicated that pastoral leadership drives the congregational decision-making process. This
method of functioning may be more indicative of a lower level of differentiation within
the denomination. The researcher noted the terminology when one associate pastor
stated, in confronting issues Of sexual abuse, “The people trust us. They know the staff
will handle it.”

Between denominations there is a variety of levels of address. Among the

Assemblies of God (AOG) interviewed, 6 of 6 congregations have addressed sexual

126

abuse publicly, either in training sessions, support groups, hurt groups, through prayer in
services and as a part of the prayer and healing ministries, as well as from the pulpit. It
has also been addressed in a preventative training program called ‘good touch/bad touch’,
developed for the children’s department in one suburban congregation. A different
congregation incorporates sexual abuse counseling within its small group program. Three
congregations have a speciﬁc program for survivors or perpetrators of sexual abuse.

All of the Assemblies of God pastors conﬁrmed that there is a screening system
within the congregations in regard to recruiting volunteers in the children and youth
programs. This screening is mandatory. Criminal checks are required in 5 Of 6
congregations and three have a document that outlines policy in case of perpetration.
These policies may include references, background checks, staff directives, procedural
steps or risk management manuals. Two congregations send a memo to all involved
leadership in case of an event of sexual abuse or harassment of any kind. Application
forms for all child care and youth volunteers are required in four of the congregations.

Each of the six pastors admitted being aware of an incident of sexual abuse which
has taken place among the parishioners. Five of the pastors are aware of incidents that
have been of an incestuous nature. One pastor reported that his church has a reputation
for dealing with the issue pro-actively after the knowledge comes to their attention.

Incidents involving active church members in four of the six congregations were
recalled. One church reported heightened anxiety with one event. This pastor recounted
the incident which gravely affected the whole church — because the mother and step-
father (who was the perpetrator), both active members of the congregation, each talked to

many people in the church, gathering support. During the subsequent court case and

127

divorce that took place, both parents continued to recruit persons in the congregation to
their own positions. This polarized the congregation. The pastor took the leadership role
in confronting the situation and eventually suggested one of the members ﬁnd another
congregation to attend.

Conservative in nature, the AOG churches Show areas of healthy differentiation in
their choice of address of crisis opportunities. A high percentage of congregations
interviewed have put preventative measures for safety of children and innocent persons in
place. This indicates willingness to accept the reality of abuse among the parishioners
and to prepare for ministry to persons who are involved. While the evidence is that the
pastoral leadership has a more inﬂuential role in decision-making process than many
other denominations, pro-active measures of addressing abuse in each of the
congregations indicates a willingness to tackle the difﬁcult issues surrounding sexual

abuse, and thus, a higher level of self-differentiation.

Christian Churches

The Christian Churches are a little more loosely connected, with an independent
character. The Christian Church — Church of Christ has a reputation for being the more
conservative side, and the Christian Church — Disciples of Christ is reputed to be the
more liberal congregational fellowship. Not all of the Christian Churches align with
either of these groups, which have actually separated into two different denominations,
but in fact are independent from both of them. Because of this variation, there is less

homogeneity in the responses.

128

Perhaps because of the autonomous nature Of the denomination, this group
appears to value conﬂict as a growth Opportunity, and in general, seems to encourage
diversity of opinion and dialogue. Pastors report the congregations are not afraid to state
convictions or take a public stand in the community. A process is in place for
disagreement in 5 of 7 congregations. Among the Christian Churches interviewed, the
congregations are included in the decision-making process when a crisis arises. The
majority of the congregations seem to engage in the exercise of process, and there is an
implication of trust and strong reliance on wisdom of the lay leadership. The pastor takes
the role of senior partner in discussions, with the congregations actively involved in the
dialogue.

Two of the seven pastors have addressed sexual abuse or incest from the pulpit.
One congregation has standards for protection of children and youth already in place, two
have policies that are pending, and three do not have any written standards. Two of those
congregations have a staff-only set of guidelines. One pastor thought the congregational
policy is that of the region, but does not know. There is one risk management policy that
has been adOpted. Two of the Christian Churches refer survivors of abuse to a
professional counseling center. Five of the pastors report following child protection
guidelines informally. Only one is a written procedure.

Within the Christian Churches, all pastors interviewed reported having dealt with
incidents of sexual abuse either in the present or the previous congregation. Six of the
pastors have ministered to perpetrators within their congregations. One pastor, sought
out by the state headquarters, came to his congregation because of sexual abuse by one of

the youth workers. This worker had allegedly molested or harassed at least thirteen youth

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in two congregations and a state youth camp. Indicating a low level of self-
differentiation, if not something more ominous, the senior pastor had resigned
immediately upon revelation of this youth worker’s perpetration. In the two years since
this abuse has been made known, the congregation has not yet taken any formal steps to
make the congregation safe. Though they dismissed the youth worker and he is no longer
a part of the congregation, the congregation has buried it now that they have a new pastor
— no policy has been developed, no background check is yet required and no child abuse
education is offered. This also points to a very high level of congregational anxiety -
distancing and anesthetizing.

One church has adopted a written child protection policy, as well as guidelines for
steps in cases of perpetration. In this congregation, the guidelines were drawn up
speciﬁcally because of incidents of sexual harassment and abuse by a former pastor. The
responding pastor reported that their present screening system developed out of a need as
the leadership went through the process of addressing the damage that had been done to
parishioners. They subsequently put protective measures in place.

In another congregation, the pastor had to ask a convicted perpetrator to ﬁnd a
different church because he denied everything and wouldn’t abide by any precautions that
had been developed. The pastor expressed a feeling of disappointment at the inability to
reclaim the person.

It may be that part of the reason for the wide divergence of operations is the high
mobility of the pastors within the churches. Within these seven Christian churches

interviewed, four respondents are new pastors who have been employed by the

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congregation for less than a year. They inherited teaching staff and old policies and feel
they ‘do not have enough clout to change policies without a ﬁght.’

Although the strong congregational inclusion of the Christian Churches would
indicate a high level of self-differentiation and low levels of anxiety, the reality does not
seem to match the model. As stated previously, only one congregation has a risk
management policy, one conducts a background check and one congregation provides
abuse education to volunteers of children and youth. It appears that the level of anxiety
within the Christian Churches is more likely to make itself manifest in the tendency to
distance from the issue and neglect the opportunity to be a support system to families.
With the exception of two congregations that adopted policies, one of them directly
because of the pastoral abuse that took place, among the congregations researched, there
appears to be no other congregation within the Christian Churches that has made formal

efforts for protection or for address of abuse.

Churches of God

The Churches Of God (COG) are not literally a denomination. They are an
interdependent faith group without formal membership. Because of their non-
denominational nature, the Churches of God each determine their own government. Five
of the pastors describe the congregation as one that has a shared leadership style and two
deﬁne it as collaborative. There is no general agreement regarding the degree of
conservative or liberal tendencies. On issues of inclusion of all believers the theology
tends to be fairly liberal, however, the churches hold to a Biblical call to purity and

holiness, which most would see as conservative.

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The congregational polity has no one format for government within churches.
However, the congregation has a very inﬂuential voice. “Our philosophy is a lay
governed church, but staff managed.” Conﬂict of opinion is valued in 7 of 8
congregations, as normal, healthy and necessary for growth. “A concerned voice would
be equal to any other voice in this congregation”, one pastor stated, as he was explaining
the government of his congregation. The doctrine of the ‘priesthood of all believers’ is
critical here. There seems to be great respect for the spiritual maturity and wisdom of lay
persons in the church, and a high reliance on the ability of lay leadership.

Of the eight Churches of God (COG) pastors that were interviewed, ﬁve have
intentionally addressed sexual abuse from the pulpit, and four have hosted training
sessions — with one congregation hosting Marie Fortune, the acclaimed researcher and
author on the subject of sexual abuse within the church. Two pastors report conducting
regular abuse education for volunteers and church staff. In one congregation, the pastor
reported a yearly sexual abuse preventative training program in the youth department.
Another pastor has preached a series of sermons from the gospel of Luke, explaining to
the researcher that the whole gospel of Luke deals with people in the context of
dysﬁinctional and abusive backgrounds.

Within the COG, 5 of 8 churches have a child protection policy. These include
background checks and policies of treatment with events of perpetration. Six pastors
utilize background checks and seven have policies of varying degrees of stringency,
which were put in place while the present pastor was on staff. Three reported their

congregations as having what they would consider risk management policies.

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One congregation also has a charter school and follows state guidelines for that.
One congregation does not have an ofﬁcial policy, but offers a mandatory seminar that
addresses child'abuse every autumn for all child care and infancy department workers,
however has none for Sunday School or youth departments. Two pastors indicated a need
for more preventive programming.

Two congregations address incest and sexual abuse through their cell ministries.
The cell leaders are trained in areas of sexual abuse and have guidelines for procedure if
the situation arises. One church in Ohio joined with other inner city churches for a
program called “Focus”, which provides shelter for battered or abused women and
children, housing for homeless and women’s programs, including support groups and
counseling for sexual abuse. They intentionally address incest and sexual abuse. In one
congregation, former perpetrators are informed that if they leave the worship service they
will be watched and followed by an unnamed individual.

In addressing background checks, one of the pastors said all pastoral staff and
ministry leaders are required to lead the way by modeling. Each one has a background
check when assuming his or her position. This policy was met with resistance when it
was ﬁrst introduced. Several families left the congregation. According to the pastor
“These were good families - not willing to give up their innocence in believing such a
thing (as sexual abuse) could not happen in this congregation.”

The pastors in the COG report 5 of 8 congregations having screening systems.
One pastor who said there is no screening system, nevertheless provided a copy of the

Policy for Prevention and Management of Child Abuse and Communicable Diseases.

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Sexual abuse has been an issue in all eight of the congregations. Two of these
have included pastors or a member of the pastor’s family. One pastor reported he became
the senior pastor after two pastors were investigated for clergy sexual abuse. One of
these pastors was released from his position while one was given a severe reprimand and
eventually left. This caused uneasy alertness and ramiﬁcations of anxiety within the
congregation, which eventually blended with another congregation. Five pastors have
confronted incidents of incest.

One pastor reports that a person had to be removed from responsibilities while an
investigation took place, and then a call was made to the authorities. In one church, a
young man, who has served prison time for molestation was found to be working in the
children’s school, with indirect contact to the children. Because the television and other
media were called in, the congregation became aware of the situation. However, the
crisis was addressed honestly, which gave the congregation a sense of trust in the
leadership and the safety level of the church, the pastor reports.

Within the COG congregations researched, there does not appear to be high
anxiety. Although four pastors stated there were incidents that caused heightened
awareness within the congregation, it appeared from the responses that the concern was
appropriate to the fact that the congregation was kept well informed. In one church, two
or three individuals who had been abused by a local pastor in another denomination,
started coming to this suburban church. This incident caused some awareness within the
community and heightened the anxiety within the congregation. One congregation also

experienced an affair between one of the associates and a parishioner, both of whom were

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married. The pastor reports the congregation still is reﬂecting the turmoil from that
incident, ten years later.

The presence of preventative and procedural policies within the majority of
congregations indicates a willingness to take a non-anxious stance in potentially anxiety-
producing situations. This is a characteristic of a relatively well-differentiated
microsystem. Tendency to include the leadership in both training and wrestling with the
dynamics Of sexual abuse within a congregation, is an indication of healthy ﬁrnctioning

of the organism.

Missouri Synod Lutheran Churches

The Missouri Synod Lutheran Churches (MSLC) have a congregational polity.
The congregation has the ﬁnal authority and 3 Voters’ Assembly is all membership — to
whom the ministry boards are accountable. “Our authority is our Voters’ Assembly” one
pastor explained. In spite of this, four of the pastors described their congregation as
pastor or staff-led. Two pastors report a shared leadership style, but the two largest
congregations are pastor-driven.

The six pastors of the MSLC seem to perceive conﬂict as a healthy part of
congregational life — at least in theory. All six stated there is a process for disagreement
in place, as opposed to the other Six denominations researched. There was some
difference of opinion as to whether constructive conﬂict is valued as a necessary
characteristic of growth of a congregation.

However, there appears to be less differentiation within the denomination. The

doctrine and policies are narrower and there is little room for variance within the

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parameters set by denominational polity. There is an indication of lack of fellowship and
interfaith worship with other faith assemblies.

Within the Missouri Synod Lutheran Churches (MSLC), three of six
congregations have addressed sexual abuse from the pulpit or in group settings. The
largest Lutheran church researched has a counselor on staff part time that has done
training of leadership and the Stephen’s Ministry program in sexual abuse. One pastor
has mentioned it in the pulpit in response to a news story, but has done no other training
or preaching on sexual abuse. One inner city congregation has a parish nurse program
that has had to address sexual abuse on occasions.

Child protection policies are present within 2 of 6 Lutheran congregations. One
church is presently revamping a risk management policy and one has a policy entitled
“Special Considerations in Cases of Sexual Misconduct”. However, this document deals
speciﬁcally with staff behavior. The researcher was surprised to ﬁnd that one
congregation that has a pre-school does not have a background check for the teachers.
Their only guideline is a requirement that parents physically check children in and out of
school.

Two pastors report screening systems within the congregations. One church
requires a background check for volunteers. However, ﬁve pastors reported that formal
efforts have been made for protection of children and innocent people in the life of the
congregation. When pressed to explain, there was comment that the general
recommendation of a board was considered a ‘formal effort.’

One pastor reported no need for such a system. “We are so small, we’re like a big

family. Everyone knows everyone and everything about everyone.” The three largest

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churches have directors of different programs who perform the interviews with
prospective workers. Veto power is granted to the pastor.

The MSLC churches link with counseling services, but none of the six provide
any speciﬁc programs for victims or families of sexual abuse, other than the
aforementioned risk management policies of two of the congregations. One expressed a
probable need for providing services, stating “If we offered it, they would come.”

In the MSLC congregations, two pastors in separate communities discussed
heightened awareness when local teachers were indicted for sexually abusing students.
Two pastors mentioned the impact of the Catholic Church’s crisis, on the church’s re-
evaluation of risk management policy and sexual misconduct policy. Another pastor
discussed having to confront a defrocked former pastor of this congregation who wanted
to become more involved within the congregation and the former pastor was given
parameters for his area of service.

Within the Six MSLC congregations, three pastors have addressed experiences of
sexual abuse or incest Since they have been there. One of the incidents was incest that
became known to the constituency. The pastor of one congregation stated he has
addressed both incest and sexual abuse in his private counseling. In another setting, his
board also had to confront a perpetrator and refuse to allow him to transport youth to
church events.

A pastor of one of the larger churches explained that the congregants would
probably not come to him because reputation is very important in this congregation. This
is the reason they hired a part time counselor and train Stephen’s Ministers. “We are at a

church where looks are everything — reputation is everything - success is everything in

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this community. They are going to be more likely to talk to lay people about this than the
pastor. They do not want the pastor to know.”

The theme of the MSLC seems to be to leave the subject of sexual abuse alone
unless the situation arises. With only one church with a background check and two with
screening systems, there is an indication of reluctance to address this issue which occurs
with approximately one out of ﬁve females.

This reluctance, as well as the somewhat narrow denominational stand may be a
symptom of low self-differentiation. When sexual abuse arises within the congregation,
however, the pastors indicated there is confrontation and an effort at ministering to the
affected individuals. They appear to take the reigns and act responsibly. “None of us
wants to confront these issues,” one pastor honestly opined, and yet this particular pastor

has had to take the initiative in several incidents.

Churches of the Nazarene

The Churches of the Nazarene seem to be governed by the pastor’s preferred
style. One pastor reported “All Nazarene churches are similar in makeup. It is a pastor
driven church.” Although three report the church as a Shared leadership style, three
pastors tend to describe it as pastor driven and one (the largest congregation) is described
as ministry driven. Each pastor described his congregation as conservative in nature.

There is an elected church board in each congregation and the congregation is
active in decision-making activities. The larger congregations vote on (or ratify) a board
of elders or stewards to take responsibility for compassionate ministries and evangelism.

This could include address of sexual abuse events.

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The congregation is actively involved in ministry and governance. Within the
congregation, dialogue and diversity of opinion is encouraged. Though the pastor seems
to be the pivotal person, major decisions are made by the total leadership with a great
weight placed on congregational input.

Five pastors reported heightened awareness at some time since they have been
pastors. One community school district dismissed two teachers for sexual abuse of
minors and the pastors reported the churches became more cautious and anxious.

Within the Churches of the Nazarene, there was a wide range of address. Pastors
in 2 of 7 congregations have addressed sexual abuse in preaching, training, and setting
policy. One congregation, a mega-church of over three thousand in weekly attendance,
has a disciplinary committee that speciﬁcally deals with moral infractions- such as sexual
abuse — of lay or leadership personnel. This congregation intentionally ministers to
perpetrators as well, and employees a full-time counselor on staff.

Two of the congregations have a screening policy. One also emphasizes
conﬁdentiality in situations of accusation or perpetration. The three smallest
congregations, all under one hundred in attendance, have no formal structure for placing
volunteers in leadership with children or youth. Two pastors reported a background
check. One pastor states the workers must Sign permission for a background check,
which may or may not be performed.

One congregation showed an insurance video as education and address of abuse a
few years ago, but has done nothing else for protection of innocent people or education of
volunteers. Another pastor said “No one talked about the issue, even though it was

common knowledge within the congregation. Don’t drag the family name through the

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mud, that’s the rule.” When asked to deﬁne sexual abuse, one pastor was not even
willing to discuss it, though the subject was clearly explained in the contact letter
(appendix b). “I know what it is, but would rather not say.”

Pastoral leadership appears to take the responsibility with dealing with actual
reports or complaints — particularly in two churches. Four pastors reported risk
management policies, but only two have written guidelines and one church is developing
a policy presently. The largest congregation has a discipline committee that handles
reports, complaints, or charges.

There are no Speciﬁc support programs in these seven churches, for families
experiencing abuse or incest. Within the Churches of the Nazarene, 3 of 7 pastors refer
parishioners to therapists in the congregation. One church has a full time therapist and
three part time counselors on staff. Each of these congregations was above ﬁve hundred
in membership. Two churches fully or partially pay for counseling outside of the
congregation.

Within the Churches of the Nazarene, six pastors have addressed incidents of
sexual abuse and all ﬁve have also ministered to parishioners who have experienced
incestuous situations at their present congregations. Three of the pastors have worked
with numerous incidents of sexual abuse. One church had a family that openly discussed,
with other congregational members, sexual harassment of a minor by a stepfather.

One congregation seems particularly vigilant - recognizing names from a visitor
registry as convicted molesters, perusing intemet lists of sexual offenders, a policeman
within the congregation recognizing convicted offenders, and a parent reporting a

member who had been an offender. The pastor reported families of incest who are being

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ministered to by the congregation. A pastor of another congregation explained “We dealt
with it publicly, let the television station know when an incident happened at school, and
that is how peOple learned to trust us, we confront and deal. That is part of our growth.”

In one congregation where the associate pastor was reporting, he seemed to
indicate the former senior pastor did not report any of the three child molestation
incidents (all of them incest) that had been reported to him. This associate pastor had
personally reported the cases to the pastor.

The Nazarene congregation seems to look to the pastor somewhat as a benevolent
dictator, and allows him or her to take the active role in making sure this response to
abuse takes place. At the same time, the churches researched, except for one, seem
content to let the pastor handle the matter and stay uninformed about issues and
ramiﬁcations of abuse, as is evidenced by the lack of abuse education in spite of the high
reporting of abusive households.

Level of anxiety does appear to inform the response of the Churches of the
Nazarene in circumstances of sexual abuse. Indicating a willingness, on their part, to
take a non-anxious stand, three churches that were researched have been intentional about
trying to keep the congregation safe through methods of risk management, child
protection policies, and screening. The pastors of the larger congregations take a pro-
active stance, confronting abuse when it happens and setting up parameters for
perpetrators to be ministered to while keeping the congregation safe from sexual abuse or
harassment.

In spite of all the incidents of sexual abuse reported within the Churches of the

Nazarene, abuse education is a part of leadership training in only two congregations. Six

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responded afﬁrmatively that formal efforts have been made for protection of children and
innocent persons, however those policies only appear to be written procedures in two of
the congregations. This, and the somewhat extreme vigilance in the one exception, may

give evidence of a lower self-differentiation and high anxiety.

Presbyterian Churches

The Presbyterian churches are congregational in nature. “The power is in the
session.” The elders are the elected leaders that govern. They set the policies. The
pastor is a member of the governing board. “Everything about this church comes to this
table” one pastor explained. There appears to be some ambivalence toward the value of
conﬂict of Opinion. Three pastors deemed it necessary for growth and outreach, however
2 of 6 said the congregation would value peace above voicing issues of disagreement
within the church or community. Two pastors said they could not answer the questions
regarding conﬂict. There appears to be little consistency of commitment to the value of
conﬂict and diversity of opinion, in spite of the Commitment to a more democratic form
of governing. There does appear to be a consensus that the congregations are pastor-
driven, in spite of the well-organized lay leadership.

More than any other denomination in this study, the Presbyterian Church was
more diverse in character and in different values. The pastors seem comfortable with
their differences. This observation was made from the Opinions articulated, the
willingness to poke gentle fun at themselves, the Openness to the interviews, and the

willingness to discuss their diversity within the denomination.

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In the Presbyterian churches, all but one pastor stated if there was any heightened
awareness at any time, it was only within the staff. The one church that Seemed to have
anxiety was thrown into the middle of a crisis situation when their acting interim pastor
was charged with sexual misconduct within his previous congregation. While he was at
the present congregation, he was actually ﬂee to serve in his capacity, and did in fact
complete his assignment. Although he admitted to a history of sexual abuse within his
former churches, the congregation stood by him. He was eventually convicted. Later,
when a young woman returned home from out of state, She was made to feel unwelcome
enough to leave after she was accused of sexual abuse outside of the congregation. This
congregation has not changed its lack of child protection policy or screening volunteers,
even after these two events which took place over two years ago.

Among the Presbyterian pastors interviewed, 5 of 6 have addressed sexual abuse
or incest in either training seminars or from the pulpit. One pastor is on the board of
directors for the city’s Center Against Sexual Assault and hosts training events,
frequently having volunteers and staff speak in services. Another church has brought in a
nationally known specialist in the ﬁeld of sexual abuse, who addressed ministry to the
sexually broken.

Only one of the Presbyterian Churches researched has a program of intentional
address, other than a risk management policy. This congregation, the largest one, has a
fully staffed counseling center, staff directives, mandatory sexual abuse training for all
staff and a sexual misconduct workshOp offered for all volunteers. It provides continuing
Opportunities for further abuse education for volunteers and church workers. Two have

risk management programs and screening systems within the children’s departments, if

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not within the youth departments. Two others have limited guidelines for their child care
centers, but not for the regular church programs. The two smallest churches have no
system for screening.

Of the six Presbyterian churches, four have a policy of protection. The associate
pastor interviewed, who is the director of the Family Ministries Center within a
congregation of over four thousand members, could not say if there is a document within
the congregation, though he has been there ﬁfteen years. He did, however, afﬁrm that
there is a screening system for volunteers of children. One of the Presbyterian churches
has a policy it reviews every year. Three of the churches have background checks and/or
ﬁngerprinting.

From the six pastors interviewed, four answered afﬁrmatively for being aware of
sexual abuse having taken place within the congregational constituency. However only
three pastors said it had been addressed within the congregation. One pastor reported a
case of sexual abuse within the ofﬁces by a newly hired support staff member. This
caused turmoil within the staff and resulted in a court case and the victimized employee
suing the church.

In spite of only one pastor reporting heightened anxiety, three reported sexual
misconduct cases that directly affected the congregation. One church involved two
separate cases of a pastor (25 years apart), becoming sexually involved with a
parishioner. The church chooses not to discuss these cases. “I’ve only heard bits and
pieces,” the pastor, who had been there eighteen months, stated, “the congregation does

not talk about these stories. I actually stumbled on them while reading some past

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documents of the congregation.” This church has not adopted any risk management
policy, child protection document or screening system for volunteers yet.

While the Presbyterian churches appear to welcome dialogue, there seems to be a
sense of preferring not to acknowledge the abuse when it is exposed. The congregation
that chose to stand by the pastor and has yet to install any precautionary measures within
its children and youth departments, seems to be an example of low self-differentiation
and high anxiety - choosing to distance rather than to confront the clearly crisis-
producing opportunity.

level of anxiety does appear to inﬂuence the ability to be an effective support
system to families experiencing sexual abuse within the different congregations.
However, within the Presbyterian Churches, there seems to be a wide spread on a
continuum showing differentiation level. The largest congregation provides various
opportunities for staff and volunteers, requires background checks, and has addressed
abuse in many venues. The smallest two Presbyterian congregations have no background
check or risk management policy, have never had child abuse training. Nor, to the
pastor’s knowledge, have they addressed sexual abuse from the pulpit or in classes,
though, in fact, both of them are aware of incidents of sexual abuse within the

congregational constituency.

United Methodist Churches
The Methodist Churches function as a representative organization. “We are
democratic to a fault. We try to get as many people as we can involved.” Although

clergy members are assigned to pastorates by the bishop in the United Methodist Church,

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the congregation runs in a fairly democratic style. The pastoral leadership works with the
administrative boards in a collaborative manner.

Three pastors called their congregations pastor-driven. Two described theirs as a
shared leadership style. “Here the pastor is not king,” one pastor said. “There is a
respect for the wisdom within the body.” Two pastors discussed keeping the call of
Christ prominent as one of the pastors’ roles, including what that entails in meeting the
needs of the community.

The pastors report 3 of 6 congregations with a detailed process in place for
disagreement. Five pastors say the congregation is free to voice disagreement, however
there was not a clear agreement about the congregation feeling that they can disagree.

Within the United Methodist Churches (UMC), 2 of 6 pastors interviewed have
addressed sexual abuse from the pulpit or in a mandatory training seminar. In one
church, there are two one-hour segments of training for youth. One congregation
partners with Wesley Foundation within its facilities, to do training, which does include
abuse issues. A fourth church has adOpted a new policy, to become effective the
beginning of 2003, which requires volunteers in Sunday School and Children’s Ministries
to go through compulsory training on sexual abuse.

Three churches have a background check for workers of children and youth. One
church does perform criminal checks with the attached school, however, has not carried
the procedure over into the Sunday School, nursery, or youth program. Two of the other
congregations have a policy deﬁning harassment and sexual abuse, outlining guidelines
for working with children 18 years or younger, or giving directives for reporting abuse.

One pastor reported the congregation’s anger at the extensiveness of the policy.

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Methodist pastors report in two congregations addressing sexual abuse incidents
privately with peOple in the congregation or on staff. However, only two pastors reported
public awareness of incidents

Heightened anxiety was reported in three of the congregations. Two of these
churches have addressed sexual abuse events. One situation involved a local pastor who
had molested minors. This became known to the bishop’s ofﬁce, and other local
congregations of the denomination were affected by the ensuing anxiety. The reporting
pastor addressed it from the pulpit to the consternation of the older people, who wanted
silence, and the outrage of the younger people, who wanted more information.

In the second example, the associate pastor discussed a young man arrested and
investigated on child pornography charges. It was on television, so the parishioners were
aware. The young man was expelled from the university. The pastor reported anxiety
within the congregation.

Another pastor, in a former church, reported to authorities, a case of paternal
incest, only to ﬁnd that other youth counselors and the senior pastor had all known about
it, but had done nothing. Many of the congregational members were aware of the
incestuous relationship.

The United Methodist Churches appear on the surface to be relatively well
differentiated as a denomination. There is wide diversity, and articulation of conﬂict of
opinion is encouraged in addressing issues. However, there are symptoms of distancing —
a Sign of anxiety. According to the surveys and the interviews, four disagree that there
have been incidents of either incest or sexual abuse that their present congregation has

had to address. One pastor did mention she had counseled women who have had a

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history of sexual abuse. Two pastors recalled incidents in a former parish. Two pastors
indicated their Stephen’s ministry would address such situations, if need be. When the
most recent estimates of women who have been sexually abused are between 20% and
33%, it seems curious that only two pastors could recall an incident within the
congregation.

Other evidence of distancing is the pastor who mentioned a former female
associate that seemed to have had a sexual abuse background. Her relationships, both
professionally and privately, were chaotic. The pastor ﬁnally terminated the associate’s
position, without ever researching his suspicions.

These reports, as well as the lack of pastoral awareness of any other incidents,
indicate low toleration for anxiety-causing Situations. Four of the pastors did not seem to

feel sexual abuse was an issue that their congregation had any need to address.

Summary

Level of anxiety informs the dynamic of response to crisis opportunities within
churches. Situations such as sexual abuse of an incestuous nature are anxiety-producing
events. When the church is called upon to respond, it does so according to its level of
self-differentiation. Highly differentiated congregations will be more likely to engage in
the uncomfortable discussion of the situation, come to a concensus regarding response,
and act accordingly. It is also possible that the more differentiated a congregation is, the
more likely it is that there will be procedures in place for risk management. As the
researcher interviewed pastors from the seven different denominations, this

understanding inﬂuenced the ﬁndings.

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Another response of note was the overwhelming majority of pastors who reported
their congregation was working on child protection procedures, screening systems, and
risk management policies. In each denomination, at least two pastors answered the
question of such documentation and preventative activity with an indication that this is an
area they are presently working on. Some pastors stated they have been gathering
information for the past year or two. Several told the researcher these policies would be
in place by the beginning of the next year. This response seems to indicate an
acknowledgement of the need, yet a low priority rating of the actual action that is

required to fulﬁll the need.

Research Question #2 - Does the pastor ’s perception of the congregational position
regarding women ’s roles in the home and society — including the position on female
leadership in the church — inﬂuence the response, within the congregation, to issues of

incest or sexual abuse?

The sensitivity to listen to the concerns of the ‘voiceless ones’, such as women
and children, and the ability to value the contributions of both genders, will advise
congregations in areas of abuse. Perceptions of women’s roles also inform the

understanding of the type of behavior that is considered abusive, even between husband

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and wife. Because of this, the pastor was questioned about the role of women, as

understood by the denomination and local congregation.

Women in leadership

The use of women in leadership within the congregation exposes the level of
respect for women, both as equal partners and as resources for ministry. Congregations
that have multiple staff positions Show their intentionality to utilize the contributions of
women by choosing to employ both genders. Congregations that have only one staff
member manifest their acceptance of the leadership of women by the positions on boards

or in ministry capacities that the women may hold, or by a woman as the senior pastor.

Gender Roles within the Home

The perspective of gender roles within the home, may also give information to the
general understanding of the value of women, and the awareness of issues of patriarchal
paradigm. Pastors are questioned regarding the congregational espousal of traditional
gender roles. This term is discussed, particularly among the African-American pastors to
get a better deﬁnition. As one pastor stated, “Traditional gender roles are different

according to the culture.”

Attitudes and Statements
To measure the position of women and their roles in home and society, the
researcher also analyzes the responses as well as the observed attitude of the respondent.

A less tangible evaluation, attitudes and statements, enhance the general opinion of

150

women. While recognizing the pastor’s statements do not necessarily reﬂect the
congregation in attitude toward women, nevertheless, the researcher cannot ignore the
toleration of discriminatory language. The use of such language may indicate permission

from the congregation for inequities.

Deﬁnitions of Sexual Abuse

A deﬁnition of sexual abuse may give some clue of the sensitivity of the pastor.
There are areas of relationship and behavior that are not considered sexually abusive by
some cultures, yet are deﬁned as such by law or by another community. Denominational
statements or understandings of abuse also vary. As each denomination is examined, the

deﬁnitions, by the pastors, of sexual abuse are noted.

Provision of Response to issues of Incest of Sexual Abuse

The discussion of the pastors of each denomination is then examined with the
provision of response to families experiencing sexual abuse or incest. In this way, the
research will expose the correlation between issues and process. Does the theory align
with the action of the congregations? Is there any relationship between perception of
women’s roles and understanding of sexual abuse? Is the church more likely to be
sensitive to issues of abuse with the presence of a woman on staff or in a leadership
position?

These questions are considered in relationship to this research question. The

results are reported by denomination.

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Denominational Responses
Assemblies of God

The Assemblies of God use women in all areas of leadership. All six
congregations the researcher visited had women on the ministry staff. Two of the pastors
interviewed were female. There is a female on staff in the national headquarters.
However, none of the six congregations researched employed a female senior pastor.

It was implied that women are used in leadership but not in a senior pastorate role.
On a multi-staff, the senior pastor is typically a male. One pastor stated that women are
used in ministerial positions mainly for children’s ministries, women’s ministries, and
Christian education.

A part of this assumption also comes from the statements about traditional family
roles (ie.- the husband is head of the household as a scriptural mandate). Roles within the
family are clearly deﬁned, but three of the pastors state that they believe in equal
partnership within marriage. However, the pastors all indicated that man is considered
Biblically to be the head of the household. Three pastors delineated between the
husband as head of a family and the male as head of a congregation, stating they were not
the same concept.

The general statement of the Assemblies is that they believe in giftings and
ediﬁcations. “We go by giftings, not gender.” The gender is not the major issue, but the
mix of spiritual gifts, which determines the ministries. This denomination appears to
value women and welcomes them as partners in ministry, but seems to have some
semblance of ambivalence regarding women at a head, CEO, or senior pastor position.

One pastor stated “If it wasn’t for women, the Assemblies of God wouldn’t be in

152

existence. They come in and start churches and get them on their feet and then some man
comes in and says, ‘Well, we better take it over now.’”

The researcher was treated with respect and as an equal in ministry in three of the
congregations. The other three pastors inferred an inequality by language and actions.
When one female associate pastor was interviewed, she appeared to speak freely until her
husband, another associate pastor, came into the room after the ﬁrst thirty minutes. It
was noted that after he sat down to take part in the interview, his wife referred all other
questions to him.

When asked to deﬁne sexual abuse, one pastor stated “I could sexually abuse by
never touching, but speaking to my secretary in an inappropriate way, and because She’s
paid, she would be being abused because She couldn’t do anything about it without losing
her job. When persons feel they have no choice, it is sexual abuse. . .too many times, the
woman has no choice but to take it.”

Sexual abuse was deﬁned by other pastors as ‘violating the will through means of
sexual connotation or pressure. ..any violation of a boundary that an individual would set
— Speech, insinuations, touch against persons, or anything that makes the person not
comfortable. It doesn’t have to be physical.’

Among the denominations researched, the AOG were the most active in providing
a variety of venues for training of volunteers, protection for children and youth, and
ministry to survivors of abuse. One pastor (who referred to the researcher as ‘girl’
several times) supervised installation of more precautionary measures than had any other
church of the same size, and more than most of the other churches in any of the

denominations.

153

Among the AOG congregations, 5 of 6 congregations have mandatory
background checks. The sixth congregation gets permission for a background check but
does not always make one. They keep the option open, however. Four have incorporated
a written child protection policy and four require a written application process for
volunteer workers with children and youth. Three congregations provide support groups
for survivors or perpetrators of abuse, and all six provide sexual abuse education for

volunteer workers.

Christian Churches

The Christian Churches are likely to use females in roles of pastoral and
congregational leadership. Two of the pastors interviewed are senior pastors. Three of
the seven churches researched have females on staff, with one church having just hired a
female staff member. One pastor reported his wife is an ordained minister and serving in
a local ministry outside of the congregations. In the more conservative arm of the
Christian churches (Christian — Churches of Christ), one congregation does not allow
women on the board of elders, yet a woman can be pastor of the congregation, which
appears to be an inconsistent policy. The pastor of this congregation replied affirmatively
to women in staff positions, but stated mostly they are for children, youth or women’s
ministries.

One pastor of the more liberal element of the Christian churches pointed out that
“Christian Churches (Disciples of Christ) were one of the ﬁrst denominations to ordain

women”. The two female senior pastors interviewed are from the Disciples of Christ.

154

In 6 of 7 congregations, the pastors do not claim to espouse traditional gender
roles. One pastor stated their denomination does not make any public statement like that.

With each interview, the researcher was treated with respect and as a partner in
ministry. There was discussion about the need to utilize women on a more consistent
basis. The concerns about making the church a safe place for every person - child and
adult, woman and man, were stated.

In deﬁning sexual abuse there was an awareness of the damaging effect of words.
When asked to deﬁne sexual abuse, several pastors spoke of inappropriate language and
sexual innuendo. One pastor used the deﬁnition of ‘anything negatively affecting the
sexual identity of persons, brought on by an other outside presence.’ The understanding
of sexual abuse as an attitude as well as an action was prevalent in the deﬁnitions of each
of the Christian Church pastors.

In spite of the inclusion of women in leadership roles in the ministry of the
Christian Churches, there seems to be very little intentional preventative effort with
regard to child abuse. It seemed as if other issues take precedence in the life of the
congregation. Even in the one congregation where there were multiple charges of abuse
by one youth leader, there appears to be no effort to create protective measures for
children or youth.

Only two of the congregations offer minimal risk management policies. One
congregation incorporates a background check and one has a written child protection
policy. Two congregations offer abuse education for volunteer workers with children and

youth. These congregations both have women on their staff.

155

One female pastor and one male pastor seemed to recognize the seriousness of
statistical research and to be pro-active. However, only the male pastor had policies that
included laity as well as clergy, regarding sexual abuse. There is no clear indication that
the inclusion of women in leadership in this denomination has an inﬂuence on the

response to issues of incest or sexual abuse.

Churches of God

Within the Churches of God, all pastors claimed the congregations have female
leadership. From the congregations researched, 7 of 8 have females as senior or associate
pastors. This non-denominational fellowship has a strong history of females in ministry.
At its inception as a movement in the late 1800’s, over 30% of the clergy were female
(Leonard, 1989). All eight congregations researched have females in ministerial staff
positions.

Four pastors stated they espouse the traditional gender roles within the family.
However, as one African-American pastor said “What is traditional? In our culture many
of our families have only ever had a female head of household, so I would say — yes, we
espouse traditional gender roles within the family — as our culture considers traditional.”
As four of the congregations interviewed were predominantly African-American, it is
likely that the term ‘traditional gender role’ is interpreted differently within the eight
congregations of the Church of God.

The attitudes of the pastors interviewed were consistent with inclusion of women

in leadership roles. There was a sense of equality and understanding for need of

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intentionality in using both genders in leadership roles. The general impression was that
the church can minister more effectively to everyone if women are used as partners in
ministry.

Deﬁnitions of sexual abuse were inclusive of ideas such as imbalance of power,
contact or non-contact advancement of a sexual nature, and improper wording or
pressure. There seems to be an understanding of sexual abuse including conversations
and taking advantage of the authority position. One pastor discussed abuse as “any
violation (of a sexual nature) done to an individual against a person’s will or when a
person is powerless to resist because of power role or dominating role that would
compromise consensuality.”

Congregations researched within the Church of God are pro-active about support
for abuse. Although only one has a support group for survivors or perpetrators of abuse,
three more provide ﬁnancial support for counseling for families who may be
experiencing abuse. Six congregations require background checks and ﬁve have a
written child protection policy.

The position regarding women’s roles in home and society may inﬂuence the
response to abuse incidents within the congregations. As there is strong female
leadership and 6 of 8 congregations have addressed sexual abuse, with four congregations
having provided training sessions, it may be that the inﬂuence of women within the
movement actually makes the response more pro-active. There is a variety of support
measures within the congregations. Three of the congregations that state they espouse

traditional gender roles have child protection or risk management policies in place.

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Missouri Synod Lutheran Churches

The Missouri Synod Lutheran Church is the only denomination researched that
does not ordain women. That said, there appears to be some difference of opinion
regarding women in staff or leadership positions. In two of the churches, elders can be
women -— and are. Two pastors have women in ministerial staff positions. In one of those
two congregations, a woman iS chair of the governing board. The pastors that reported
women in ministry positions admitted the uniqueness of the practice within the
denomination. These were the two largest congregations interviewed within the
denomination. The other congregations do not have women in positions of leadership.

Five pastors report espousing traditional gender roles within the family. Two of
the pastors seemed uncomfortable with the position and made qualifying statements
about women working outside the home. One pastor reported not supporting that
position, but added, “We believe that the BEST family setting is where there is a
husband, wife and children.” One pastor stated “The Spiritual head of the family would
be the husband. . .women carry so much of the burden elsewhere. The husband should do
something!”

In three of the MSLC congregations, the pastors seemed defensive about the
position of women in leadership. They indicated they did not feel women belong in any
leadership position. These three pastors were very cautious with their responses and
spent the least amount of time with the researcher of any other pastors interviewed.

In the MSLC, one pastor deﬁned incest, saying it is “any inappropriate behavior
or speech that betrays the God-given order of the family. We think of sexual abuse as

touch, but language also could be sexual abuse.” The deﬁnitions included harassment,

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betraying trust, touching, speaking, insinuation, and pervasive activity. One pastor
included “Obtaining sexual favors by using power. It could happen between a husband
and wife. . .and has.”

Only one of the congregations conducts a background check. Two pastors stated
there is no need for any kind of formal risk management policy. Two pastors have a
screening system. Four congregations provide sexual abuse education for volunteer
workers. The largest congregation, a church of over two thousand parishioners, is
working on a full screening system with background check and referrals. The prOposed
date for incorporating this policy is by the end of 2003.

It is curious that the denomination that does not ordain women and limits women
in leadership is also the one where the research shows less intentional efforts for formal
protection of children or youth. This could be a product of the denominational and
congregational position toward women, but there are many other issues that would need
to be discussed. The inﬂuence of the patriarchal paradigm within the MSLC is likely to

have some inﬂuence on decisions about sexual abuse issues.

Churches of the Nazarene

All seven of the Church of the Nazarene pastors reported they do use women in
all roles of leadership. However, I Spoke to no females. The three congregations that
employee associate pastors have women on staff. The pastor of the largest congregation
researched, reported that almost one half of the ministers on his staff of twenty-two are

female.

159

One pastor Spoke to the difference between leadership in the church and
leadership in the family. He Spoke of the husband being head of the family, but a male
does not especially have to be head of the church. Although intellectual assent to
diversity in leadership was given, there is homogeneity within six of the congregations.
Men appear to be in the major leadership roles in those six congregations

All reported espousing traditional gender role and all reported being a
conservative church. The Nazarenes appear to be a traditional, family oriented
denomination.

The atmosphere was more guarded within the Nazarene interviews, and the
discussions with the researcher were carefully sustained, with an air of discomfort from 4
of 7 pastors. In two of the interviews, the pastors spoke in a condescending manner to
the researcher.

The pastors deﬁned sexual abuse as both verbal and physical. It was in this
denomination that perhaps the least eloquent deﬁnitions were given. One pastor hesitated
and stuttered before saying “I know what it is, but I don’t want to say.” These pastors’
lack of clear understanding about sexual abuse in its many forms may be a related to the
interpretation of women’s roles. If the denomination believes the husband is the clear
head of the household, it is possible that what could be referred to as abuse is interpreted
as the man’s right as a husband.

However, there were also deﬁnitions that seemed to Show an understanding of the
broad scope of behavior that could be considered sexually abusive. One pastor explained
it could be any sexual activity that is unwanted. He continued that abuse can take place

within marriage. Another pastor said there are other areas of sexual misconduct that are

160

inappropriate if not abusive and that the church has a responsibility to be aware and
careﬁrl.

In spite of ﬁve pastors reporting publicly known circumstances of sexual abuse
within their congregations, only two churches reported having a mandated background
check, one seeks permission for a background check, two have policies, and four use an
application procedure for volunteers. Two congregations provide sexual abuse education
for all volunteer workers and staff. The one church that has all of the afore-mentioned
controls has a large ministerial staff that is half comprised of females.

As it is in the MS LC, this more conservative denomination has a minority of
congregations with preventative measures in place in the congregations. It is possible
that the interpretation of a woman’s role in the home and society has some impact on the

presence of child protection and support programs within the congregations

Presbyterian Churches

Within the Presbyterian Churches, 5 of the 6 congregations researched have
female leadership, although only three of the churches have more than one person on
ministerial staff. One pastor offered the information that the session, presbytery, regional
and general assembly organizations all have females in leadership roles.

All pastors interviewed were male. None of the churches has ever had a female
senior pastor. One pastor stated concern that his congregation is very conservative and
minimizes the inﬂuence of a woman in leadership. As an example, he reported an

incident where the church committee had to go before a lawyer on a legal issue, and the

161

congregation insisted a man must be the one to represent the congregation, because their
position would then be one of weakness if a woman was the Spokesperson.

Neither the congregation, nor the denominations espouse traditional gender roles,
according to 5 of 6 pastors. The pastors spoke of the preponderance of nontraditional
parishioners in four of the congregations. One congregation has an active ministry to
gays and lesbians and one congregation is made up almost entirely of Single parents.

Among the Presbyterian churches, there is an impression of an egalitarian
organization. The pastors spoke freely to the researcher, expressing concern over the
issues of sexual abuse and discussing the questions in a collegial manner.

The pastors used the concept of unequal power to deﬁne sexual abuse. All
pastors mentioned the inability of the other person to be consensual. “When power or
authority that is unequal is wielded over someone else who cannot engage the other with
an equality or mutuality, it is sexual abuse.”

There is concern that the safety and protection of children is not a priority.
Among the Six congregations, though there is a commitment to women in leadership,
only three congregations have a policy addressing sexual abuse and three perform
mandatory background checks. One congregation ﬁngerprints all volunteers with youth
and children. Sexual abuse education is offered in ﬁve of the congregations in a variety
of forms. However, only one congregation requires a written application process for
volunteers with youth and children. There is not enough data to support the concept of
the congregational position regarding women’s roles in home and society greatly
inﬂuencing the response to issues of sexual abuse or incest, although it may have an

impact on the provision of sexual abuse education.

162

United Methodist Churches

All Six United Methodist Church pastors have female leadership. Three of the
pastors interviewed are female, all senior pastors. All six congregations have presently or
have had previously a female on the pastoral staff. The four congregations that have
multi-staff all have women on staff. One congregation only has a woman on staff,
employed at three-fourths time. One church has daughtered another congregation on the
other side of the city. This congregation has a female senior pastor.

None of the six pastors answered affirmatively to espousing traditional gender
roles. One church has a gay/lesbian ministry and so has drawn families from households
that have same gender parents. Two pastors discussed having churches with more single
parent households than double parent households. Four of the pastors deﬁned their
congregations as feminist, and theologically and politically liberal.

One female senior pastor informed her congregation of child molestation that had
occurred by a local pastor of the same denomination. She reported polarity between the
generations regarding the report. The older members were appalled at the mention of the
incident and stated the belief that such discussion was inappropriate. The younger
members were outraged about the situation. The pastor wondered if her gender had
anything to do with the response by the congregational members. “Because I am a
woman, maybe they felt uncomfortable talking about it. You don’t discuss that stuff.”

The UMC included unwanted comments, harassment with a sexual tone, ﬂirting,
discrimination, and unwanted attention in the deﬁnition of sexual abuse. There was a

sense of understanding from each of the Six pastors that sexual abuse is often about

163

taking unfair advantage of a female. “It’s a power event at its basest level,” one pastor
said.

In spite of the intentionality of including women in all roles of leadership and
treating women with equality and respect, there is not evidence that the UMC makes
preventative measures for children and youth a strong priority. Two churches have a
document for child protection and three congregations have incorporated a background
check, at least on a limited basis. Five congregations require a written application
process for volunteers with children and youth. However, this policy does not address
sexual abuse.

Two pastors reported that women had discussed sexual abuse by their fathers.
Both of these pastors were female. It is possible that a survivor of incest would be more
comfortable discussing their history with a person of the same gender.

Five of the pastors spoke of counseling parishioners who had experienced sexual
abuse in this or a former congregation, but only three indicated making efforts to instill
child protection. There is not enough data to support the theory that attitudes toward

women in leadership inﬂuence the response to issues of incest or sexual abuse.

164

 

Churches with Churches with Churches in

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

(From the congregations, Women as Women on which Women

number in each category) Senior Pastors Pastoral Staff were Interviewed
(6) ( 30 ) (8)

Background Checks of Volunteer 2 21 4

Workers with Children and/or Youth

Guidelines in Cases of Perpetration 1 1 1 3

Written Child Protection Policy 1 17 3

Written Application process for 3 15 4

Volunteer Workers with Children and/or

Youth

Counselor (other than pastor) or Parish 0 7 2

Nurse on Staff

Financial Support for Counseling of 0 6 0

survivors, perpetrators, or families

Support Groups for Survivors or 0 5 2

Perpetrators of Abuse

Sexual Abuse Education provided for 5 22 7

volunteer workers (sermons, seminars,
training days, etc.)

 

Community Resources Accessed (lawyers, 6 21 7
Therapists, social workers, ecumenical

org., eth

 

 

 

 

 

 

Figure 4.1
Between Case Matrix of Women in Leadership - Provision of Support Services

The matrix of women in leadership illustrates the possible inﬂuence of women in
leadership positions on the provision of support measures within a congregation. AS is
shown in column three, the sensitivity to such issues as sexual abuse education and
background checks for volunteer workers as an effort to provide a safe place for families
who may or may not be concerned about abuse does seem to be inﬂuenced by the

presence of women on the ministerial staff and community resources accessed.

165

Research Question #3 -— As far as the pastor is aware, does the history of sexual abuse or
incest within the local congregation inﬂuence the church ’s response to families with the

presenting crisis of incest now?

The experience of sexual abuse or incest within a congregation may make the
leadership more aware of a need for safety precautions, particularly within the children
and youth programs. This question probes the background of the congregations to
ascertain the inﬂuence of historical experience on intentional measures for prevention

and ministry.

History of Abuse within Congregations
With each denomination, the incidents of incest and sexual abuse were reported.
It is noted whether the sexual abuse is of an incestuous nature. These analyses were done

to set the background for the question of history within the congregations.

Preventative and Support Measures within Congregations

The presence Of background checks, educational opportunities and preventative
measures were then checked to determine the correlation between history and response
within each denomination. This is to ascertain the inﬂuence of history of sexual abuse on
response to families experiencing abuse. There is some discussion on relationship

between history and policy per denomination.

166

Denominational Responses

Assemblies of God

Within the Assemblies of God, four pastors reported incidents of incest and ﬁve
recalled at least one cases of sexual abuse became known within the congregations.
There were several stories of peOple who had come individually to the pastors for
counseling that did not become known to the rest of the staff or to the congregation at
large.

Of the AOG congregations, 5 of 6 have background checks, all Six congregations
provide abuse education to some degree, and three mentioned addressing sexual abuse
from the pulpit. One pastor commented, “We are very pro-active, very Open, not
reactionary.” That statement is supported by the presence of training, address of abuse,
support groups, and incorporation of controls within the congregations.

The education of volunteers may include training on ‘reason to suspect’ abuse,
what to look for in potential abuse situations, and limit of access. There are support
groups and hurt groups that have been trained to address the subject of abuse as it arises.
Three congregations have sexual abuse focus support groups. These three churches are
over one thousand in regular attendance each Sunday. These all developed in response to
a need voiced from the parishioners.

In developing support groups, four of the churches have found they have given
support to families experiencing incest. Because of the expressed need, in order to
effectively minister to the families, more training became necessary. One pastor stated,

“I believe that is what causes many problems, not dealing with an issue.”

167

One congregation had an incest experience that became very well known among
the parishioners. Because guidelines were already in place, the pastor and the
congregation dealt with it according to their checks and balances. Throughout the crisis,
they also tried to Show grace and love, in spite of the level of anxiety that was heightened
within the congregation by the family members’ reactionary behaviors.

The strong statement of protection within the Assemblies of God may be in
response to the history of all six of the congregations. The heavy proportion of
parishioners within the AOG who have revealed histories of sexual abuse or incest, and
the evidence of supportive response within the AOG may be indicative of the history
inﬂuencing the response. It could also be that the installation of protective policies and
abuse education opportunities makes the Assemblies of God that were researched a safer

place to worship for individuals experiencing incest.

Christian Churches

In the Christian churches, though the history of sexual abuse is strong within the
congregations, the responses, including protection, education, and confrontation seem to
be less than adequate. Pastors reported in 3 of 7 congregations, sexual abuse experiences
that became known to more than just the pastor. Within 2 of the 7 congregations, pastors
reported relationships of incest that became known.

One church conducts a background check for volunteers and workers in children’s
ministries. Two female pastors have addressed abuse in sermons. Two congregations

have incorporated abuse education into its program. There were no reports of support

168

groups within the churches. “There is too much of a hangup,” one pastor noted, “PeOple
are afraid others will ﬁnd out.”

“What I’ve noticed about church folk is that nobody is on high alert unless it
speciﬁcally is of importance to them,” one pastor stated. Yet even that is not always the
case. One pastor was recommended to a congregation by the regional ofﬁce because of
sexual abuse that had occurred within the youth group by one of the youth leaders. Their
response Since has not been pro-active, but rather has been to deny the risk. It is possible
the level of anxiety could have inﬂuenced the response, which was to get rid of the youth
worker and then to ignore that there might be a problem, either for the abused youth or
with their preventative policies. In this case the worker became the identiﬁed patient.
Once he was dismissed, the congregation went back to pretending all is well, thus
maintaining the homeostasis. This distancing indicates high anxiety level.

Conversely, one Christian Church had some critical incidents, and deveIOped
precautionary measures and guidelines as they processed these incidents. Background
checks and policies were created speciﬁcally because of the awareness of need. The
pastor reported no dissension in drawing up the policies, just “Disgust that such a thing
had to be done. To tell you the truth, it just made us Sick, having to struggle with the
reality of this issue among us.”

The lack of address in sermons as well as incorporation of either abuse education
or background checks is not congruent with the report of abuse within the congregations
of the Christian Churches. Other priorities seem to take precedence, despite the history

of sexual abuse and incest.

169

Churches of God

The pastors in 6 of 8 Churches of God report Sexual abuse incidents becoming
commonly known to some members of the congregation. Three of the pastors also
indicated relationships of incest that the congregation had to address.

Within the Churches of God, 6 of 8 have background checks. Three pastors have
preached sermons on abuse, partially in response to sexual abuse that had taken place
within the community and congregation. Four churches host training sessions to educate
volunteers on dangers, concerns, results of sexual abuse and what behaviors or symptoms
to watch for.

Support groups, cell groups and small groups that do not speciﬁcally address
abuse, but where the leaders have been trained for response, are present in ﬁve
congregations. One pastor explained that the small group setting is more likely to be the
arena for recounting abuse than is the larger congregational setting. A group of ten or
twelve that meets weekly is bound to become more intimate than is a congregation of
several hundred people, and often that group has an opportunity to minister more
effectively.

A different pastor, who reported a situation where a young child was accused of
sexually abusing another child, evidenced this theory. The pastor informed the cell group
leader. After meeting with the family and the leader together, the pastor secured
counseling for the child and follow-up for the family, through the leader.

Both the address of sexual abuse in training and congregational policies that were
created seem to have become reality in many of the congregations partly because of the

presence of sexual abuse among the parishioners. As persons would share their stories it

170

became obvious to the leaders that they would need training in order to facilitate the
survivors in their healing process. In one congregation the presence of a perpetrator
within the school housed in the church facility became public knowledge. The pastor
described the crisis, explaining that the congregation allowed the television crews to
come in and report the situation. The church dealt with the situation quickly and
honestly, creating a relationship of trust with the community.

The intentional address of abuse within the Church of God congregations here
researched appears to provide a safe place for survivors to come for healing. Deliberate
efforts to alert and train volunteers in sexual abuse issues, have resulted in the knowledge

of hurting families within the constituency.

Missouri Synod Lutheran Churches

Of the six MSLC pastors that were interviewed, two indicated experiences of
sexual abuse had become known within the congregation and one pastor had been
confronted with a situation of incest that became public. To date there have been very
few formal efforts at preventative measures among the six congregations.

One church has a background check, for leaders volunteering for overnight work
with youth and children. One congregation is presently working on a policy that would
include a background check. Four churches have incorporated abuse education into their
training programs for boards, committees and teachers. Two of those pastors have
mentioned abuse in sermons and provided training within group settings. One church has
deveIOped a policy they call ‘Special Considerations in Cases of Sexual Misconduct’.

Three churches have no screening system at all. “We’re like a big family.” One pastor

171

related. “Everybody knows everyone, so if someone takes a role within the church,
everyone know the person.”

Two churches have a Stephen’s Ministries program and within that program the
ministers are trained in circumstances where issues of sexual abuse arise. In another
congregation a parish nurse program is in effect. The nurse informed the researcher that
She deals with sexual abuse when it comes up.

Two pastors spoke of utilizing Lutheran Child and Family Services. These
pastors refer any issues of a serious nature to this counseling agency. Lutheran Social
Services is also called in to help in one inner city congregation.

The largest church researched set up policies and training when it was smaller.
The pastor indicated his concern actually inﬂuenced the procedures that were put in
place, not a speciﬁc incident. Two pastors in different states referred to situations with
public school teachers who were accused of child molestation. Because of the heightened
anxiety the congregations addressed the issue of sexual abuse.

However, only four of the MSLC congregations have addressed abuse in any way.
The others indicated they have seen no need for either education or preventative
measures. This lack of address may be a result of the size of those smaller congregations

as all three had less membership than the other churches in the MSLC.

Church of the Nazarene

Among the Churches of the Nazarene, 5 of 7 pastors have dealt with incest, two

of which have become known to some of the congregational members. At least one case

172

of sexual abuse also has been brought to ﬁve of the pastors’ attention, two of them
exposed within the congregation.

. In spite of this high revelation of sexual abuse, only two congregations require
background checks, two have a screening policy, and two provide abuse education. One
pastor reported addressing sexual abuse in a sermon. Two of the congregations utilize
small groups or hurt groups and it is within these groups that leaders are trained to deal
with the issue when it comes up.

Many congregations have funds to support people for counseling, as the pastors
expressed their lack of qualiﬁcation in handling such issues. This response has been
directly related to the presence of sexual abuse within the constituency. One pastor
addresses sexual abuse as it arises and stated the need has driven the process, while one
pastor reported the church addressed it as a preventative issue, recognizing the reality of
the presence of abuse within families.

The pastor of the largest congregation, with a weekly attendance of over three
thousand parishioners related an incident that became public. The church actually
approached the television stations with the information, so the true story would be told to
the public. Because they had done SO, the pastor stated the community became more
trustful of the church.

One congregation seems especially hypervigilant about watching for perpetrators
of abuse. This pastor reported several incidents of sexual abuse within the congregation.
He also reported several times when a parishioner or staff member would recognize a
name or a person from the newspaper or from the offenders list on the intemet. The

question arises — is the hypervigilance there because of the many incidents or are the

173

incidents becoming more commonly known because of the alert nature of the
congregation? Has sexual abuse become an issue because the church has become known
as a safe place to be ministered to for those who have been victimized by abuse? The
transactional nature of relationships would indicate that the need feeds the response and
conversely, the response creates a safe place for recounting of experiences.

However, within two congregations, although sexual abuse of minors became a
public issue within the community, there was no address. Both of these smaller
congregations reported heightened anxiety within the church. One of these situations was
with a youth in the congregation. The associate pastor being interviewed stated the
congregational policy was to report to the senior pastor and let him handle the situations.
The abuse was reported to the senior pastor, but the pastor did not report to the
authorities.

The lack of sexual abuse education in the presence of sexual abuse history within
so many of the Nazarene congregations researched is alarming. It appears to be a church
that invites peOple to share their concerns and tragedies, yet there is not clear evidence
that the congregations make enough effort to respond to the abuse within families. The
lack of background checks and child protection policies does not indicate intentionality in
making the church a safe place for children and youth, particularly those who may have a

history of abuse in the home.

Presbyterian Churches

Four of the Presbyterian Church pastors report incidents of sexual abuse. One

pastor recalled an incestuous relationship becoming known within the congregation. The

174

other two pastors knew of no examples of sexual abuse that had taken place within their
congregations, although they had all been at the church for at least three years.

Four congregations have background checks, three have some form of screening
system and ﬁve congregations provide abuse education in some form. One pastor
recalled addressing abuse from the pulpit. Three congregations have support groups that
do not necessarily address abuse. Three churches have psychologists or counselors within
the congregation and stated they refer individuals needing counseling to those persons.

One congregation has addressed abuse because one of the staff members of the
community’s Center Against Sexual Assault is a member of the congregation. Because
of that, the pastor states, the issue has come up in training sessions as well as during
times of prayer.

Although the people are familiar with the risks and prevalence of sexual
abuse, the church does not have a background check, nor does it have any written
guidelines regarding protection of children or youth. This congregation has had
two accused perpetrators, one of them an interim pastor. They supported the pastor until
his conviction, though he had a history of sexual abuse of a minor. The later event, when
a young woman was accused of abuse, resulted in emotional distancing, which eventually
drove her to leave the congregation.

Interestingly, the congregation now requires references and background checks
for all pastors, but not for any other workers in the church. The theory, according to the
pastor, is if they are careful with checking the pastor, no other abuse can take place
within the congregation. The high level of anxiety is once again illustrated by the

distancing of the congregation.

175

The largest congregation, which has a counseling center, created the center to
address mental health issues that would affect the family. This resource was not
formulated speciﬁcally because of abuse, however abuse issues were addressed from the
beginning. There is now a staff of counselors that work with families of abuse on a daily

basis. The creation of a resource brought about the disclosure of the need.

United Methodist Churches

Two pastors within the United Methodist Churches reported having dealt with
sexual abuse privately with parishioners. In one instance the pastor recalled counseling
with victims who had been abused by family members. Only one pastor reported any
time when sexual abuse became an issue known to some of the leadership or other
congregational members.

Three congregations have background checks. Two pastors have preached
against abuse. Although yearly training for pastors are required, and sexual abuse is
addressed almost every year, according to two pastors, abuse education is a part of the
training in only three of the congregations. Two congregations have support groups that
deal with sexual abuse issues that arise.

One pastor stated that her experience in a former congregation prompted her to
refer to abuse in sermons. She stated that her knowledge of the prevalence of sexual
abuse has driven her to address it from the pulpit.

The pastor at an inner city church discussed a Community Ministries program

where the associate pastor estimates 75 %-85 % of the women in the small groups have

176

experienced sexual abuse. This congregation is in the process of deveIOping a policy that
requires background checks for all volunteers.

The larger congregation, near a university has support groups and stringent risk
management policies, in order to minister more effectively to its constituency. This was
developed directly in response to articulated need. A pastor recalled a young man in a
former congregation who had a background of incest. This gentleman was in a position
of authority within the congregation and had an issue of inapprOpriate anger. Although
the pastor (then an associate) was aware of the past, the congregation was not. Several
uncomfortable scenes occurred because of the situation, but because of the issue of
conﬁdentiality, she could not share the information with anyone. She ﬁnally had to ask

him to resign.

This former church, in which She was the youth pastor, also had two young
women who had been abused by fathers. However, though she reported each situation to
the pastor when she became aware of it, the pastor did not report it, expressing concern
that reporting would drive the youth away.

The pastor who revealed these incidents expressed some concern that there is no
background check or set of guidelines within her present small congregation. Her
reasoning is that they are too small to incorporate screening policies.

There was not enough evidence to conclude that the history of sexual abuse or
incest within the local congregation has inﬂuenced the United Methodist Churches in
their response. In fact, what did seem clear, was that if it is not addressed, at least within
this denomination, it doesn’t seem to come up. Only in the congregation just mentioned

was there an exception to this observation.

177

Summary

The recital of support groups, hurt groups or programs such as Stephen’s
Ministries that found they needed to deal with incest should give some understanding of
the universality of the experience of incest within families. AS has been evidenced, when
a resource is provided for a safe place to share crises, the need almost automatically
seems to manifest itself — as if it had been waiting for the opportunity.

The pastors in each congregation expressed lack of expertise and training. Many
of them spoke of a need to meet the demand for counseling so a few congregations
provide partial pay or waive the fee with counselors on staff. Some congregations also
have a contract with a local counseling center or mental health facility. This response is
directly to the need for counseling in all areas that the pastor feels inadequate to address.
In each denomination, at least one pastor expressed the sentiment that he or she was

unqualiﬁed to counsel survivors of sexual abuse.

 

(Number Researched in AOG CHR COG MSLC NAZ PRES UMC Totals

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

each Denomination) (6) (D (8) (6) (7) (6) (6) (46)
Pastoral Awareness of Sexual
Abuse within Congregation

5 3 8 2 5 5 2 30
Pastoral Awareness of Incest
within Congregation

4 2 4 1 5 1 2 19

Figure 4.2

Between-Case Matrix of Pastor’s Awareness of
Sexual Abuse within Congregation; by Denomination

(46 Pastors Interviewed)

178

 

AOG CHR COG MSLC NAZ PRES UMC TOTAL

 

Mandated Background
Checks *

 

Guidelines in Cases of
Perpetration

 

Written Child
Protection Policy

 

Written Application

process for Volunteer
Workers with Children 4 0 3 0 4 1 5 17
and/or Youth

 

Counselor (other than
pastor) or Parish Nurse
On Staff 4 0 1 2 1 1 0 9

 

Financial Support for

Counseling of survivors,
perpetrators, or families 1 0 3 I 2 0 0 7
of abuse

 

Support Groups for
Survivors or Perpetrators
Of Abuse 3 0 1 0 0 I 0 5

 

Sexual Abuse Education
provided (sermons,
seminars, etc.) 6 2 6 4 2 5 3 28

 

Community Resources
Accessed (ecumenical
org’s., therapists, etc.) 4 3 7 3 3 3 4 27

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Figure 4.3
Between-Case Matrix of Support Measures within Congregations;
by Denomination

46 Congregations Researched

" - Two othcr churches obtain permission for background checks but do not do them unless rcason to suspect

AOG - Assembly of God CHR — Christian Churches
COG — Church of God MSLC — Missouri Synod Lutheran
NAZ — Nazarene PRES — Presbyterian Churches

UMC — United Methodist Churches

179

Research Question #4 — From the pastor is perspective, does the local congregation
respond diﬂerently to families experiencing incest, according to the families ’ status
within the congregation? Is the church, in fact, more or less likely to be an eﬂective

support system if the family is actively involved in the life of the congregation?

Is there a difference in response to survivors of abuse according to the family
involvement within the congregation? Each congregation that had a reported incident of

incest was investigated to determine the status of the family or survivor.

Status of Incest Survivors within Churches

The pastors’ stories were carefully scrutinized for status of incest-involved family
and corresponding response. Each congregation is checked for preventative policies and
support measures. The presence of a child protection policy, guideline in case of
perpetration or background check is investigated. Responses to survey questions
numbers 22, 28, 32, 38 and 39 (appendix a) were also studied to ascertain congregation’s

awareness of incest relationships and course of action exercised.

Response to Families Experiencing Incest

Is there a difference in the way the congregation responds to a survivor or family
of incest that is outside the congregation? Are they ministered to in the same way
someone involved with the congregation would be? It is also noted if people from
outside of the congregation are likely to be counseled in-house or if they are referred to

outside resources.

180

Only responses to incest were considered. While pastors recounted several
incidents of sexual abuse by former pastoral staff or other active parishioners, the
question speciﬁcally targeted families who had experienced incestuous relationships.

The responses are organized by denomination.

Denominational Responses
Assembly of God

Although four pastors indicated in the survey that incest has been exposed to the
congregation, all six pastors reported working with families in incestuous situations. Five
pastors responded afﬁrmatively to the survey question of only the pastoral staff
addressing incidents of incest.

Ministers spoke of having sat with families as they have dealt with sexual abuse.
Two pastors spoke about the survivors as being actively involved within the
congregations. It appeared that each pastor had individually counseled survivors of
incest.

One pastor spoke of a family that was intimately involved in the ministry of the
congregation. The father, a member of the worship leadership, confessed to the pastor of
incestuous activity years earlier. The pastor worked personally with the family during the
ensuing months as they absorbed the tragedy. The pastor was diligent in helping the
family ﬁnd the emotional and spiritual help they needed, even assisting the father as he
found another church home after the divorce.

One pastor talked about weekly prayer groups that worked hand in hand with

counseling groups. He said that frequently abuse issues were addressed through prayer

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for healing for the parishioners. This congregation hired a counselor for one day a week
to counsel people. The pastor’s implication was that the counselor was brought on staff
speciﬁcally to counsel issues of abuse. “We have ministered to a lot of victims (of abuse)
through counseling. We even have a professional counselor that uses our ofﬁces one day
a week.”

Two pastors spoke of their congregations having several confessed child
molesters who have worshipped with them on a regular basis. Both of these
congregations have installed strict guidelines for participation in the daily church life,
including boundaries at the youth, children’s and nursery level. Both pastors discussed
vigilance within the staff and dispersal of perpetrator information on a need-to-know
basis.

Three congregations have developed ministry to perpetrators or survivors of
abuse. These ministries take the forms of individual counseling as well as support
groups. Five pastors indicated the leadership would be more likely to invest in the
emotional healing of a parishioner than a community member.

Three pastors recounted training for children and nursery workers, which includes
warning signs, symptoms of abuse and other ‘reasons to suspect’. These congregations
also have directives for reporting in case of suspicion of abuse. Four pastors responded
afﬁrmatively to protective measures being taken if an active member is accused of
incestuous sexual abuse. This question in the survey states that the persons would be
relieved of ofﬁcial position and responsibilities until the charges have been further

investigated.

182

These congregations each have a background check and a set of guidelines for
responding to abuse. All of the pastors indicated that one of the pastoral staff took
initiative to create these policies within their congregations. It is not clear whether the
presence of these measures preceded knowledge of incestuous incidents or whether the
presence of incest drove the creation of guidelines and preventative actions.

The indication is that an experience of incest often involves counseling with the
pastor more than any lay counselor. It is then that the parishioner or family may be
referred to a professional counselor. There is no indication that the action is different if

the person is not a member of the congregation.

Christian Churches

Within the survey, two pastors reported that an incident of incest had been
exposed within the congregation. Three pastors had counseled or been aware of incest on
an individual basis. Only one pastor responded affirmatively to the pastor historically
dealing with issues of incest.

It should be noted here that in the Christian Churches, 5 of the 7 pastors have
been at that church less than one and one-half years. It may be that a trust relationship
has not been built up with the pastor in that short time. With victims of abuse, trust is an
element that has been betrayed (Ryan & Solky, 1996) within the family. It is not
unreasonable to suggest it may take a long period of time to learn to trust a new pastor
with information of familial sexual abuse.

Three pastors indicate there has been no report of incest in their present

congregations. In none of these congregations is there a policy or background check.

183

One suburban congregation is involved in training for hosting homeless families in the
nearby city. This congregation has become alert and attentive to issues of sexual abuse
and incest because of this training, however has a background check only for the hired
staff. There is no background check or application procedure for the lay ministers or
other volunteers within this congregation. This pastor has counseled a family with an
adult son who is a convicted perpetrator. This family is active within the congregation.

An inner city congregation has become aware of the presence of incest within the
community through their newly organized women’s challenges support group. This very
small church (under one hundred parishioners), which is presently reinventing itself, has
no existing policy or background check.

The one congregation that has a policy, mandatory background check, and
application process for volunteers endured a high proﬁle scandal with their former pastor
who was a perpetrator. The pastor stated that the presence of this abuse drove the process
of developing preventative procedures. He discussed having counseled on several
occasions with women who had childhood memories of incestuous abuse.

Five pastors said the leadership would be more likely to invest in the emotional
healing of a parishioner than a community member. Four pastors indicated that if an
active parishioner were accused of sexually abusing a family member, the accused would
be relieved of duties and responsibilities until the charges had been further investigated. It
is not clear whether the leadership would be apprised of the situation or if the pastor

would deal with the situation alone.

184

Churches of God

Three pastors indicated there have been incestuous relationships that have been
exposed within the congregation, however, four have privately counseled survivors of
incest. Six pastors responded afﬁrmatively that the pastors have historically dealt with
issues of incest within the congregation.

One pastor recounted a young woman, not a minor, who told of years of sexual
abuse by her father. This prominent person within the church did not want to confront
her father, also a member, but needed counseling for the abuse. The pastor has addressed
the abuse in sermons, held conferences within the congregation, and trained cell group
leaders to respond to issues of sexual abuse. However, within the congregation, there is
not a policy, a background check, nor an application process. It should be noted that the
pastor reported the father has no responsibilities with children or youth within the
congregation.

Other congregations do have policies on sexual abuse, an application process for
volunteer lay workers, and a background check. One pastor reported there is a woman
within the congregation who has led several midweek conferences about sexual abuse for
the congregation. He noted several homes where incest has taken place have participated
in the conferences.

One pastor discussed a development of a ministry that has been set up by
physicians within the congregation that speciﬁcally helps secure and pays for
psychological and medical help to those who have been abused. These physicians were
responding to the need within their private practices and within the church. This

congregation has found a pro-active method of bringing healing to those who need it.

185

A central city pastor has set up support for persons both within the congregation
and ecumenically within the community. This pastor reports several cases of incest
within the constituency of the congregation. He recalls both survivors and perpetrators
who worship in the congregation.

One high proﬁle circumstance was a young woman who was on the ministry
team. The pastor became aware of a problem when she began resigning from all
responsibilities. When she recounted a recently recalled history of sexual abuse by a
male relative, which took place over a series of years, the pastor referred her to a therapist
within the congregation. The ramiﬁcations for behavior and long term damage of the
individual became evident to the pastor, who helped the young woman ﬁnd professional
help.

This pastor has also participated with local churches in setting up an organization
of support for sexual abuse survivors. This organization serves people within all of the
participating congregations as well as those with no congregational afﬁliation. The
inference from the pastor was that the pastoral staff and therapists within the
congregation serve individuals within the congregation, and those who are not
constituents are eventually referred to this community organization.

When asked whether an accused person would be immediately removed from
congregational responsibilities until the charges had been ﬁirther investigated, all eight
pastors responded afﬁrmatively. All eight pastors stated the leadership would be more
likely to invest in the emotional healing of a parishioner than a community member.

Once again, the senior pastor appears to be the person who deals with situations

of incest within the constituency. This may be primarily because the pastor is the person

186

the parishioner approaches ﬁrst for counseling. Because conﬁdentiality is so highly
valued and is often requested by the parishioners in issues of incest, the information may

stop with the pastor, particularly if the parishioner is an adult.

Missouri Synod Lutheran Churches

Only one pastor stated that a relationship of incest had been exposed in his
congregation. However, three pastors have privately counseled parishioners who have
experienced abuse by a family member in the past. Four of the pastors stated that if
incest has occurred the pastoral staff would deal with it.

One congregation leaves all counseling and referral activity to the parish nurse.
This particular pastor seems to do no counseling himself. He is aware of no incestuous
relationship within his congregation.

Two churches have employed counselors on staff for families, however one
counselor was accused of abusing clients and was let go. In the other congregation the
pastor stated that the parishioners would prefer to reveal that information to a counselor
on staff and not the senior pastor. “They don’t want the pastor to know. Reputation is
everything here.”

Because of awareness of the prevalence of sexual abuse, one congregation
developed a sexual misconduct paper. This congregation also makes available a list of
sex offenders within the vicinity. The congregation’s policy states that when anyone
comes forward with an allegation of misconduct “We must research it — we must!” This
congregation is also the only congregation that has a background policy, even though it is

only for workers with children.

187

Two of the pastors that have dealt with incest have a congregational policy and
application process for volunteers with youth and children. One congregation has been
used as a supervised visitation site for parishioners who have been convicted of sexual
offenses. They work in partnership with the local police department to provide this
service. Four pastors stated that if a person within the congregation was accused of
incestuous sexual abuse, the person would be relieved of responsibilities and position
until the charges have been further investigated. All six pastors indicated the leadership
would be more likely to invest in the emotional healing of a parishioner than a
community member.

The pastors who have encountered incidents of incestuous sexual abuse appear to
have initially counseled the parishioners privately. However, two pastors stated they
neither have the training nor the expertise to counsel people who have experienced sexual
abuse. They explained they would refer to professionals. There is not enough
information to make an assumption about the status of families who are experiencing

incest inﬂuencing the church’s response.

Churches of the Nazarene

Five pastors within the Churches of the Nazarene answered afﬁrmatively to
relationships of incest being exposed within the congregations since they have been there.
One pastor did not address the issue except in personal counseling with the parishioner.
Two pastors stated that if incidents of incest have occurred the pastoral staff would
address them. Those congregations would be the two smallest ones within this

denomination.

188

Among these ﬁve congregations, only three have guidelines regarding abuse or a
policy for child protection. One incorporates a background check in the volunteer
recruitment procedure, and one secures permission for a background check. Two
congregations do not have a policy, guidelines, or a background check.

The pastors seem to have counseled both survivors and perpetrators of abuse
themselves. One pastor recounted ministering to several families who are suffering from
a history of incestuous abuse and who are adjusting to the removal of the perpetrator
from the home.

Two pastors reported incestuous abuse of minors. None of these were reported.
The perpetrators were not in the congregation. One associate pastor reported three
incestuous relationships to the senior pastor, as is required in their speciﬁc church. The
authorities were not notiﬁed, although minors were victimized in each situation. “It was
as if it did not exist.”

The largest congregation has a disciplinary committee that handles issues of
abuse. Particularly if the perpetrator is a member of the congregation, the situation is
referred to this committee. They adjudicate in these circumstances, setting boundaries
when the perpetrator is released from prison and determining the activities and arenas in
which the perpetrator may be involved. This congregation also has a full time counselor
and two part time counselors on staff.

Four of the pastors responded that if a person was accused of incestuous sexual
abuse he/she would be immediately relieved of ofﬁcial position and responsibilities until
the charges have been further explored. One pastor reﬂected on the question, stating it

depended on a couple of other issues. What position does the person have? What age

189

group does the person minister to? Is the accuser willing to report the abuse or confront
the abuser? These questions help determine the action to be taken.

All seven pastors indicated the leadership would be more likely to invest in the
emotional healing of a parishioner than a community member. There is not enough
information to determine if the church is more likely to be an effective support system if
the abused family is actively involved in the life of the congregation. It does appear,
however, that in 4 of the 5 congregations that incest has been revealed the senior pastors

have counseled the families and taken the responsibility for reporting to ofﬁcials.

Presbyterian Churches

Within the Presbyterian Churches only one pastor recalled any families who have
experienced incestuous sexual abuse. Three of the pastors stated that if incest would
occur the pastors would be the ones who would deal with it.

It appears that the pastors of the Presbyterian Churches take a less personal role
with the families. Among the Presbyterian Churches researched, the pastor-as-educator
seems to be the dominant role. Although the congregations were not larger that
congregations within other denominations, 4 of the 6 pastors seemed to have a more
distant relationship than do the pastors of the other six denominations. If this is the case,
failure to recall incest relationships may be due to a lack of reporting from the
parishioners.

The one pastor that recalled several circumstances of incest is head of the family
counseling center within the church. He recalled one instance where the clergy and staff

were made aware of the danger to one child from a divorced family. The staff was

190

alerted to the risk of abduction by the convicted perpetrator and was given a staff
directive for pick-up.

Within the counseling center the pastor recalled several other incidents of familial
sexual abuse. The counseling center is staffed with full time therapists. It offers
counseling for both parishioners and community members. The congregation provides
training for volunteers and requires a background check with all volunteer workers of
children and youth.

Five of the pastors stated that the leadership would be more likely to invest in the
emotional healing of a parishioner than a community member. Four of the pastors
reported that if a person was accused of incestuous activity, that person would be relieved
of ofﬁcial position and responsibilities until the charges had been further investigated.
Three of them acknowledged this is the theoretical position. Because of the lack of
experience with incestuous families, there is not enough information to ascertain whether
the congregation responds differently to families experiencing incest according to the

families’ status within the congregation.

United Methodist Churches

Within the United Methodist Church the pastors stated that no incident of incest
has been made known to the congregations they presently pastor. Two pastors recalled
privately counseling with survivors of incest. One of the three pastors has had to confront
a person who had been accused of incestuous activity. Two pastors stated that the
pastoral staff would deal with accusations of incest and one responded afﬁrmatively to

the theoretical question.

191

A new pastor to one of the United Methodist congregations reported to authorities
in her former church, a case of paternal incest with a youth in the congregation, only to
ﬁnd that other youth counselors and the pastor had all known about it, but had done
nothing. Many congregational members knew about this incestuous relationship.

Among the congregations researched, three incorporate a background check, two
have child protection policies and guidelines, and ﬁve use an application process for
volunteer workers with youth and children. Four pastors said that the leadership would be
more likely to invest in the healing of a parishioner than a community member. Two
pastors stated that if a person was accused of incestuous sexual abuse that person would
be immediately relieved of position and responsibilities until the charges have been
investigated further. Other pastors stated it would depend upon the position of the person
and the population that person ministered to within the congregation.

The Methodist Churches are assigned to congregations for a short period of time
(usually 3 to 5 years). It is possible that the short length of time has an impact on the
reticence of the congregational members to seek counseling from the pastor in cases of
incest. It also is possible that the role of the pastor within the Methodist Churches is less
of a shepherd role and more of an educator role. Research is needed to ascertain more
speciﬁc information.

The congregation may respond differently to families experiencing incest
according to their status within the congregation. One congregation employs a
Community Ministries Director who ministers with the community surrounding the
church. This director has stated that between 75 %-85% of the women she works with are

survivors of sexual abuse, most of them incest. This ministry does not speciﬁcally

192

minister to congregational members. That congregation has a pending background check

and revamped policy statement for working with children and youth.

Summary

Although statistics reveal that one in ﬁve women and one in twelve men
(Pellauer, Chester, & Boyajian, 1987; Dinsmore, 1991) are likely to be survivors of
incest, the church does not hear the stories as readily as they hear stories of sexual abuse
by a non-relative. This observation supports the psychology of damage by an abusing
relative. The double-bind characteristic of the incestuous relationship is manifested in
the tendency to keep the family secret within the family. Even the pastor of the local
congregation, who is in some cultures — extended family, is not to be trusted with the
knowledge of betrayal by the family member. The survivor of incest tends to keep the
experience to herself.

It seems that when incest is exposed within a family who is actively involved in
the congregation, the pastor seems to take a more active role in responding. In cases of
incest that are revealed, it appears that within all denominations, the senior pastors are
more likely to deal with the situation alone. Pastors may personally minister to the needs
of the congregational members who have experienced incest. If the family is involved in
the congregation, many pastors do not immediately report, investigating the situation by
themselves ﬁrst. This observation was made within each denomination. Less reporting
and more individual counseling may take place. Perhaps the pastor makes an effort to
‘ﬁx’ the situation alone. Twenty-two pastors recalled individually counseling with

survivors of incestuous sexual abuse.

I93

There is, however, a difference in the size of the congregation. Pastors of larger
congregations are more likely to bring in legal authorities immediately, while pastors of
smaller congregations seem to handle the issue themselves at ﬁrst. There are also more
support measures, such as individual counseling and support groups for survivors or
perpetrators, within the larger congregations.

Many pastors implied a method of handling issues of incest differently according
to whether the person is a part of the community or a part of the congregation.
Particularly in the inner city, several churches work in partnership with ecumenical
organizations for community members who may be dealing with issues of abuse. Several
congregations contribute ﬁnancially to these interfaith programs. They will then refer
nonmembers to professionals who are trained to deal with the ramiﬁcations of incestuous
sexual abuse.

Among the pastors interviewed 40 of 46 stated the leadership would be more
likely to invest in the emotional healing of a parishioner than a community member. This
bears out the tentative assumption that there is a difference in response according to the

status of the person seeking counsel.

194

Research Question #5 - How does the congregation, as reported by the pastor, perceive
its role within the community, including its denominational role, in regard to being a

support system to families experiencing incest?

Almost every church has a mission. It may not be articulated, and in fact, may
not be known to the parishioners, yet is manifested by the way the congregation
ﬁmctions. Their priorities, their focus of time and human effort, and their allocation of
monies, all illustrate the values and mission of the congregation — the reason for its
existence. A congregation in a suburb may consider its task as evangelizing the
community. The congregation in the country may feel part of its reason for existence is
to provide an avenue of fellowship and connection. An inner city congregation may be
focused speciﬁcally on supporting its members in their battle for day-to-day survival.
The congregation may be in a ﬁght for survival itself. If so, the survival is the mission.

There are arguably as many missions as there are denominations. This question
targets the perception of the congregation’s understanding one aspect of its mission as
intentional social action. Does the church consider itself a support system to its
community? Does it exist only to minister to its own members? Is it in partnership with

the rest of the community to enhance the lives of those surrounding the church?

195

Denominational PhiIOSOphy

It is the belief of the researcher that the denominational position on this question
is also relevant to the local congregation when encountering issues of sexual abuse.
Congregations that afﬁliate with a denomination do so because they support the doctrine
and basic theology of the denomination.

In analyzing the data for this question, several speciﬁc areas were considered
surrounding abuse issues. The ﬁrst area was the position of the denomination and the
pastors’ perception of whether they are liberal or conservative as a congregation. To get
a more speciﬁc understanding of meaning, the pastors were also asked to deﬁne the
terms. It would seem that a denomination (and its congregations) that is vocal about its
social action agenda is often perceived as liberal. While the denomination (and its
congregations) that tends to take care of its own members or is focused on religious
evangelism, is often seen as a conservative congregation. Either agenda will be
communicated by the actions the church takes, the statements it makes, the way the
business of the church is done, and where the money is spent. General opinion also
seems to be that the liberal congregations would be more likely to address sexual abuse
and its ramiﬁcations for parishioners and community than those congregations that deﬁne
themselves as conservative. Is that the case?

Ofﬁcial statements addressing abuse which the denomination may publish are
listed here. Intentional address of the issue gives some indication about the general
philosophy of the denomination toward abuse and its role in ministering to a population

that may have experienced such dysfunction.

196

Social Action Agenda

It is in this question that the stark difference between theory and practice is best
illustrated in this research. Many pastors stated they were committed to reaching out to
the communities, however, when quizzed about speciﬁc programs or statements to that
effect, they did not demonstrate the process correlating positively with the concept in
every denomination. Did the people speciﬁcally go outside of their congregations to
ascertain the needs? Do they intentionally work to make the church a safe place for all?
Do they welcome nonmembers to take part in their support programs? Do they
intentionally reach out to a different culture? Are they relevant to the culture surrounding

the facilities? Do they have anything to offer other than traditional church services?

Congregational Statements and Policies Regarding Abuse

Has the church made a statement about abuse or does it have a policy regarding
the protection of children or other unempowered persons? Have they made public their
position on sexual abuse? Does the church feel sexual abuse is not a topic they wish to
deal with? It may be that the pastor and the congregation do not feel the church is the
appropriate place for address. Or perhaps, in the opinion of the congregation, the job of

the church is simply to evangelize.

Abuse Education and Programs for Survivors or Perpetrators
Programming was then examined to determine the agreement of concept and
process. Are the churches more likely to invest in a parishioner than a non-parishioner?

Have formal efforts been taken for protection of the innocent or unempowered? Do the

197

congregations provide abuse education for the workers? If there is a multi-staff, is one of
the staff assigned to community ministries? What are the support programs offered? Is
qualiﬁed counseling available to people who need it? If not, are provisions made for
securing that counseling? Does the congregation work in an ecumenical setting or with
outside resources to provide support for those who need it?

These questions were considered in analyzing the data to ascertain the pastor’s
perception of the role of the church within the community. As with the ﬁrst four research

questions, the material is organized by denomination.

Denominational Responses
Assemblies of God
“This is a Come-As—You-Are Church! We try to make all peOple welcome. . ..
Whatever we can do to be a support system.” The six congregations of the AOG are
intentional about going outside of their own congregation to minister. One pastor
described his congregation as being conservative in theology and progressive in
methodology. In order to be more effective, their message of evangelism includes

meeting the felt needs of the community.

None of the pastors could state with certainty that there is a written policy or
statement regarding sexual abuse or incest, however assumed there must be. The
denominational headquarters in Springﬁeld, Missouri have actually drafted a statement
against sexual abuse which is stated in their booklet “The Assemblies of God

Perspectives: Relationships, Conduct, and Sexuality.” This states:

198

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“The Assemblies of God strongly Oppose abuse and the many tragic
forms of dysfunction now plaguing our world. It must grieve the heart of
God, who cares greatly for the downtrodden, to see one human being abuse
another. It must also grieve the heart of God too if His children observe
abuse and sit idly by, allowing the evil to continue.

Abuse is the imposition of one person’s destructive will or actions
upon another person which inﬂicts harm to the victim on a physical,
emotional, or spiritual level. Ultimately the victim’s will or future well-
being is neither considered nor respected. Abuse usually occurs because of
the abuser’s misuse of his/her higher standing, position of authority, or
psychological/physical strength. In inﬂicting the abuse the authority and/or
strength of the abuser overpowers the will of the victim. In nearly all cases
the victim is incapable of preventing the abuse.” (Bicket, Davis, & Purdy,
1997)

All six pastors acknowledged that social activity is one of the missions of the
churches. There is evidence that conﬁrms the mission. At least two congregations have a
person on staff whose focus is outreach ministries. The churches welcome the community
to support groups and try to provide groups that will be relevant to the community.

Support and/or recovery ministries are a part of each congregation’s
programming, including, in different congregations, such tasks as putting siding on
houses, feeding the homeless, cleaning houses, grief support, divorce recovery,
addictions support and other relationship counseling. There is a further presence in the
community in diverse ways, such as a childcare center, an independently run school
within the church, a Saturday inner city program for children, an Open gym, and a
women’s ministry to prostitutes and women who work in a local topless bar. In the latter
circumstance, speciﬁc women of the church take baskets of luxury toiletries to the
women in an effort to connect with them and develop ﬁiendships.

In order to make the congregation a safe place, all churches get signed permission

for a background check for all volunteers with children and youth. Four congregations

199

have written child protection policies and guidelines in cases Of perpetration and four
require a written application process for volunteers.

The AOG follows through with this conviction Of outreach in the community by
providing sexual abuse support groups in three Of the congregations. Abuse education is
a part Of the training in every congregation researched. All have made formal efforts to
protect children and youth, including a teaching program for children called “Good
Touch/Bad Touch.”

Although there is a lack Of understanding regarding the intergenerational dynamic
Of sexual abuse within the family there is sincere effort to address the issue. “If someone
is abusing his wife or children. . ..let his momma talk to him. She’ll set him straight.”
This pastor personally confronts abuse when it is made known to him.

Two congregations have counseling centers Open to the community and four
employee at least one counselor on staff. One congregation partners with a statewide
ecumenical program to provide support for abuse survivors.

Though it is largely considered a conservative denomination, the Assembly Of
God congregations appear to try to involve themselves in serving as a support system tO
families who have experienced traumatic events, such as sexual abuse or incest. The
congregations researched are vocal, intentional, and pro-active in making the church a

safe place for all who would come to worship.

200

Christian Churches

Because the Christian Churches have a more autonomous nature than most
denominations, they are limited in tapping into resources Of a larger denominational
organization. There appears to be some administration between the states, but only
minimal. The churches are divided into regions that help guide their local polity. There
is a diversity Of Opinion regarding the issue Of liberal or conservative. One pastor, who is
from the Christian Church-Churches Of Christ branch, state he was conservative —
“typical Of most Christian churches”, while another pastor, who deﬁned her congregation
as independent, labeled her congregation as liberal - “Like most Christian churches -
democrat, outside Of the mainstream.”

While the Christian Churches (Churches Of Christ) denominational headquarters
have a policy requiring training in sexual abuse and sexual conduct for all pastoral staff,
none Of the pastors reported any awareness Of a policy regarding sexual abuse within the
laity. There is a Sexual Misconduct Investigation Team in the regional organizations Of
the Christian Churches (Disciples Of Christ). Two pastors reported becoming senior
pastors at their present congregations directly because Of sexual abuse incidents.

In the Christian Church-Disciples Of Christ, there is a national staff person for
children’s ministries, and one pastor indicated that this staff person has published
statements regarding sexual abuse. The Christian Churches - Disciples do have a
statement out Of their headquarters in Indianapolis, Indiana. In a general letter to all the
churches the General Minister and President Of the Christian Church (Disciples Of Christ)

issued the following statement:

201

“Statistics show that one in every ﬁve women and one in every eight
men were sexually abused by the time they were 12. Most Of these abused
children knew the person who abused them. We simply cannot ignore the
possibility that abuse Of children can occur in any denomination or 7
institution of the church. In view Of this, we Disciples each need to
recommit ourselves to doing all we can tO avoid such tragedies.

As we seek tO insure the safety Of every child, we need to have a
child protection policy in place in every congregation and institution Of the
church, and we need to be intentional about following that policy (having a
policy and not following it is truly worse than having nO policy at all both
legally and because parents and others may be lulled into a false sense Of
security)” (in Disciples News Brief, June 5, 2002)

As there is no hierarchical authority within the Christian Churches, this strong
statement speaking against abuse is the strongest mandate that can be given. A Child
Abuse Prevention Packet is also Offered to the congregations, sent upon request.

Some states have a Sexual Misconduct Team that is run on a regional basis. This
addresses abuse Of clergy, but does not address laity. The autonomous nature encourages
a congregation by congregation interpretation Of the policies Of the denomination.

“We have an identity Of outreach.” One pastor stated. All Of the seven pastors
agreed that they encourage their congregations tO be active within the life Of the
community. Four Of the seven facilities are Open to be used for groups not within their
constituency. These may include twelve-step programs, grief support, gay/lesbian
support, and a homeless families host program — a community wide program which trains
families tO host homeless people in their own homes. They join with other churches in
such ecumenical service organizations as Christian Services, which includes monetary
support, provision of fumiture and clothing, and teaching English as a second language.

Although the general Ofﬁces have recommended each congregation draft a child

protection policy, only one church researched has incorporated one. This document

requires a background check for volunteers. Two congregations have drawn up

202

guidelines in cases Of perpetration. NO congregations have a written application process
for volunteers with children and youth.

Although the Christian Churches seem to be aware Of the high incidence Of incest,
none Of the congregations Offer programs that support families who are experiencing
sexual abuse. Only two Of seven congregations train their workers in abuse education.
NO congregation employs a counselor, nor did any pastor indicate the church contributes
tO a person’s counseling expenses. Three pastors do use outside resources to enhance the
ministry Of the church.

Although parishioners have approached at least three Of the pastors with
experiences Of abuse, in the majority Of the Christian Churches the response does not
seem tO be pro-active in the provision Of support for the wounded family or individual.
The claim Of the pastors that their congregations encourage social activity is not
supported in the provision Of services tO families experiencing either sexual abuse or

incest.

Churches Of God

The doctrine within the Churches Of God bespeaks their interdependent nature.
They are actually not a denomination but a reformation movement. Because the
fellowships do not believe in formal membership, but in fact hold that all believers are a
part Of the one church Of God, each congregation is independent. Their headquarters
exist to communicate the basic theology Of the church, to empower congregations to
minister more effectively and to administer the practical tasks Of the business of the

organization in a practical and orderly manner. However, the headquarters have no

203

formal authority over the individual churches. Some administrative tasks are
accomplished on a state-by-state basis. The COG congregations have local church polity.

There is general agreement that the congregations are closely aligned with the
doctrines and policies Of the Church Of God. They are diverse in style. Pastors deﬁned
their churches as Open and progressive. Five pastors considered their congregations tO be
liberal and two labeled their congregations moderate in style.

The Church Of God, whose headquarters are in Anderson, Indiana, issued a
statement about abuse in 1992. Seven pastors were aware Of a public statement against
sexual abuse, however no one could recall what details are in it. The following is the
resolution:

“Whereas abuse, whether sexual, emotional, or physical, is a growing

problem in society; and whereas the effects Of abuse create lifelong
problems for the abused, attacking their very self-understanding and their
relationship tO God and the Church; and whereas we increasingly recognize
that the church community includes both the abused and abusers in
signiﬁcant numbers; and whereas abuse is Often a cycle where those who
have been abused are more likely tO become abusers; and whereas both
persons who abuse and persons who suffer the abuse are in need Of the
redeeming power Of the gospel and support from the church; and whereas we
acknowledge that healing from abuse comes only as a gift from God;
therefore be it resolved that ...the General Assembly urge churches to initiate
programs to bring justice, healing, and restoration for the abused and the
abuser; and be it further resolved, that the General Assembly urge all persons
tO support programs and efforts to end abuse and aid in healing from abuse in
their communities and throughout their nations.”

“We determine needs (within the community) and focus our ministry on meeting
those needs.” Seven pastors consider social activity tO be one Of its missions. All eight
pastors maintain that the congregation has an Obligation tO provide programs that minister

to the needs Of the surrounding community. In two Of the churches this has been done

through their cell ministry program. These larger congregations break up the families

204

into different cell groups in order to meet the needs more effectively. Much address Of
abuse and trauma issues is facilitated there.

There is a variety Of strategies for outreach into the community. Some pastors
spoke Of hosting after school programs, childcare centers, and charter schools. There are
support programs in six Of the congregations where the community is encouraged tO take
part. The church runs some Of those programs and outside agencies or organizations use
the facility for other programs. Two congregations employee a staff person for outreach
ministries.

Seven Of the eight congregations provide support program Opportunities that are
Open to the community. These may include twelve-step programs, divorce and grief
recovery groups, women’s support groups, depression support, and other chronic illness
or addiction programs. One congregation presently has a counseling center and one is
negotiating the rental Of a part Of its facilities for another ecumenical counseling group.
The congregations all seem to work actively with other faith groups and community
organizations to provide support, shelter for homeless, protection for battered and abused
persons, food, counseling and medical services tO the community.

Statements and measures for protection Of children and youth are written in ﬁve
Of the congregations researched. Background checks are required in six congregations
and three congregations have a written application process for volunteers with children
and youth.

All eight pastors agree that formal efforts have been made to protect the innocent
ones in the congregation, and there are six congregations that make sexual abuse training

a part Of their training for workers. The congregations have pro-actively addressed

205

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sexual abuse, hosting abuse education conferences in four churches, and Opening the
facility for training. One congregation worked with the television stations when a person
with a past conviction Of child molestation had been mistakenly employed in the school
on the premises. They kept the station informed Of the facts and allowed the crews to
come in and report the situation and the actions taken.

Two congregations participate in programs that have been mentioned in the
outreach efforts Of other denominations in this research. These interfaith programs
intentionally address sexual abuse and incest.

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carrying through is not always in agreement, the COG congregations do seem tO work
with other resources within the community to provide services. Abuse education does
seem tO be a priority for the volunteer workers, and there are many Opportunities, hosted
by the churches, for connecting with educational training in sexual abuse. There are no
intentional programs that support families who are experiencing incest. However two
congregations work in partnership with interfaith organizations tO provide services to

survivors Of sexual abuse within the community.

Missouri Synod Lutheran Churches

The MSLC is less autonomous than are the three denominations previously
discussed. From the responses Of the pastors, the research shows less independence and a
more narrow set Of guidelines. Nevertheless, while all six Of the Lutheran churches claim

to have close denominational ties, there was a consensus Of Opinion that the denomination

206

 
  
  
  
   
  
 
    
  
   
  
   
    
     
  
 
  
  
   

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does not have great control over the congregations. One pastor summarized it by saying
the focus Of the synod is mainly advisory.

The MSLC appears tO be mostly a conservative branch Of the Christian faith.
They hold tO a confessional, biblically based theology and, in general separate themselves
from other denominations. All six pastors described their congregations as conservative.
The one pastor that described his congregation as liberal within the denomination,
explained the term by saying they worship with other denominations and Often have
interfaith organizations with which they work.

All six Of the pastors knew that there is a statement about sexual abuse from the
denominational headquarters. One pastor was aware Of a Commission Of Awareness Of
Sexual Abuse and a Ministerial Health Group that addressed Sexual abuse Of adults and
children as well as clergy abuse. The local districts also hand down guidelines. One Of
the statements from the headquarters in St. Louis, Missouri follows:

Child abuse is ANY mistreatment or neglect Of a child that results in harm or injury.
. Physical abuse--includes injury, neglect and abandonment.

. Sexual abuse--includes inappropriate touching, non-touching Offenses (indecent
exposure, showing a child pornographic material)

. Emotional abuse--includes threats, harassment and humiliation.

Possible warning signs include: Physical signs like bruises, broken bones, burns,
difficulty walking, genital discomfort, headaches or stomachaches. Child's
appearance, like dirty, torn clothing, inappropriate dress. Child's behavior, like
weepiness or excessive sadness, frantic activity, aggressiveness or being withdrawn.
Our Purpose is tO heighten the awareness Of the critical needs Of children and the
issues that must be addressed so that ALL children daily experience the Gospel Of
Christ in their lives. What's in a Logo? The logo above focuses on Christ. Adopted
by the Children at Risk Task Force Of The Lutheran Church-Missouri Synod this
logo draws on contrasts in symbolism surrounded by the arms Of the cross. The
blossoms represent the promise and possibilities in each child. The swing draws a
picture Of isolation felt by many children experiencing the loss Of hOpe and safety
due to impoverishment, violence, neglect and lack Of Opportunity. Yet, as Jesus
stretched our His arms on the cross, so He also stretches His arms out to children
that they might be "rooted and built up in Him, strengthened in the faith." (Col 2:6)

207

“The basic job Of the congregation is to minister to the spiritual needs Of the
congregation and NOT the community,” one pastor informed the researcher. However,
three Of the pastors responded afﬁrmatively to considering social activity as part Of the
mission Of the congregation. On most Of the moral issues, ﬁve Of the pastors saw the
congregation as needing to take a public stand within the community. Two Of the pastors
have addressed from the pulpit, local child molestation cases within the school system.

In spite Of the inconsistency Of response regarding social activity, four of the six
congregations provide support groups and encourage non-parishioners to participate.
Programs such as job networking, unemployed/ underemployed counsel, singles’
connections, pregnancy aid and a home welfare ministry are Offered in an effort for
outreach. One congregation has a pre—schOOl and another church runs a high school
ministry tO link with youth. Two of the MSLC congregations Open their facilities tO
public use. Four Of the pastors indicated by their answers a use Of the community
resources tO provide help for people.

Five pastors speak to formal efforts being made to protect innocent people. A list
Of sexual Offenders residing within the community is available in one congregation. Two
pastors discussed recent evaluation Of their risk management and sexual misconduct
policies in wake Of the Catholic Church’s crisis. However, the one congregation that runs
a pre-schOOl does not use a background check for the workers. Only two congregations
have a policy for child protection and no one has a mandatory background check for
workers.

Abuse education is a part Of the volunteer worker training for three Of the

churches. One pastor has created a sermon series, called the ‘91] Generation’ addressing

208

various crises in the lives Of people. In this series, the pastor has included abuse within
the family. One congregation employs a parish nurse and one has a counselor on staff.

Within the MSLC congregations there are no support programs for families
experiencing incest. Although there is awareness Of the pervasiveness Of sexual abuse
within the community, the churches have not addressed the need for recovery. Though
one congregation does employ a qualiﬁed counselor, there is no evidence that the
congregations partner with interfaith community organizations to provide other services
for survivors Of sexual abuse.

There is ambivalence in the responses from the pastors Of the MS LC. At one
extreme a pastor explains the needs of the community are not the church’s problem, and
at the other extreme a pastor Opens up his facility for groups such as the YMCA and the
police union to have meetings, intentionally going out Of the congregation’s culture tO
host a Spanish language class. It is not clear from the congregations researched whether
the MS Lutheran Churches perceive their role as being a support system tO the
community. The concept is undecided among the six congregations, however the process

indicates a more intentional effort to support the community.

Church Of the Nazarene

There is agreement within the Nazarene denomination about the closeness Of the
headquarters tO the congregations. Like the MSLC, the Nazarene Churches seem to be
more closely aligned with their denomination than did the other ﬁve denominations in the
study. The congregations act with independence, however, there was great similarity

among the congregations. There is not clear agreement as tO how much control the

209

headquarters have. All seven pastors reported their congregations as being conservative
in nature.

The pastors were aware Of a published statement about abuse in a chapter within
the denominational Manual Of the Nazarene Churches. Many Of the pastors turned to it
and read parts Of this statement to the researcher. This chapter entitled “Abuse of the
Unempowered”, addresses guidelines for safety Of those who need protection. From the
Board of General Superintendents in Kansas City, Missouri, the Church Of the Nazarene

has also issued the following statement:

“Recent media coverage Of cases of clergy abuse has heightened
our awareness Of the delicate nature Of the relationships which clergy and
other Christian workers have with the people to whom they minister,
whatever their age, gender, or circumstance. Local churches and districts
have always been encouraged tO pursue allegations Of sexual abuse
rigorously, following the recommended procedures for removing the
credentials of ministers who Offend. . ..We encourage our people tO carefully
select those persons, whether clergy or lay, who work with children and
youth. The necessary safeguards for workers should include requests for
permission tO do necessary background checks with appropriate legal
authorities, policies regarding the presence Of at least two adults with
children at all times, and windows in all classroom and Ofﬁce or hallway
doors.

The integrity Of the Church Of Jesus Christ must be protected at all
times. Our holiness ethic will allow us no alternative but to protect those for
whom we are responsible by insuring that all workers in the church, clergy
and lay, both paid and volunteer, are above reproach.” (Statement Of
Concern, Board Of General Superintendents, Nazareneorg)

The pastors were adamant about the Obligation Of the congregations to be socially
active in the community. However one pastor stated, “There is sometimes a lack Of

knowledge as to how to act”.

210

Many efforts Of outreach are manifested within the communities Of the Nazarene
churches. One suburb congregation ministers tO homeless families in the nearby city.
They make efforts tO tie them into the church community. Another congregation has a
downtown compassion center in a city with a high pOpulation Of Mexican immigrants.
This center feeds, counsels, and facilitates individuals in ﬁnding job Opportunities. The
largest congregation has a K-12 school that is approximately 5 0% neighborhood children.
One Of the smallest congregations runs a kids club one day a week for the community.
There are food pantries, clothes closets, blended families counseling and support groups.
One pastor stated the congregation has ‘well over one-hundred ministries’ that are
available tO the community.

There is a person on staff in one Of the congregations whose major responsibility
is community outreach. Support programs are Offered in four congregations, which may
include twelve-step programs, recovery groups. A staff Of three counselors is employed
in one congregation to handle the load. Three congregations work with interfaith
organizations to provide physical needs and other support services.

Five Of the pastors responded afﬁrmatively to formal efforts being made to protect
innocent people. However, two pastors spoke Of issues Of conﬁdentiality that sometimes
confused the procedural policies. These pastors spoke Of the dilemma Of confession from
parishioners of past Offenses, and protection Of children and the unempowered. Four
congregations require a written application process for volunteers with children and
youth, but only two have written child protection policies, guidelines in cases Of

perpetration, or background checks.

211

 

One pro-active congregation discussed the commitment tO the local community
when dealing with a sexual abuse situation in the school. The pastor described informing
the television stations and newspapers of the incident and the actions taken by the church,
so the neighborhood would be able to trust the congregation tO deal honestly and
responsibly with such issues.

Another pastor spoke Of addressing the issue of sexual abuse when there was a
local attempted rape Of a teenager by a teacher, and another discussed a time when two
teachers were dismissed in a local schOOl district. They both described the need Of the
churches to become more cautious and to be more intentional. One pastor recounted
experiences Of ministering to families outside Of the congregation who had a family
member convicted Of incest.

Abuse education is a part Of the training for volunteer workers in only two
congregations. This ﬁgure does not coincide with the statement Of intentionality and the
denominational mandate to protect the unempowered.

Though there is ample evidence Of sexual abuse within the communities Of the
Nazarene congregations, none of the congregations provide intentional programs for
families experiencing incest. One congregation does employ three counselors on staff.
Two congregations have a discreet scholarship fund to help with counseling for such
issues as abuse. These pastors afﬁrmed that they work with other churches for support Of
abuse issues, as well as other crisis circumstances. However, none Of the pastors
indicated they partner with other interfaith groups or organizations to provide services tO

survivors Of sexual abuse.

212

The majority Of the Nazarene congregations, as reported by the pastors, do
consider their roles to be active in the community and supportive tO families Of abuse. It
appears, however, that there is some confusion as to what shape that support takes.
Outreach efforts are many, yet abuse education and protection for children and youth is
sparse, and there are no speciﬁc measures for families experiencing incest. This
conservative denomination at times seems conﬂicted about the methods tO adopt in order

tO be an effective support system.

Presbyterian Churches

The Presbyterian Churches assume a more autonomous character than do the
other liturgical churches in this study. They seem tO act independently, and differ greatly
from congregation tO congregation in regard to moral issues, public statements and types
Of worship. This is not to say the churches do not take stands on speciﬁc issues. “The
Presbyterians have an Opinion about everything,” one pastor stated.

Five Of six pastors reported their congregations as having very close
denominational ties and four responded afﬁrmatively in being reﬂective Of
denominational doctrine and ideology. There was some ambivalence in the responses
when asked to deﬁne the congregations as liberal or conservative. At one point in time,
four Of six pastors labeled their congregations as liberal, with one claiming neutrality, yet
when asked if the congregation is conservative, three of six answered yes.

The pastors generally assumed there is a denominational policy on sexual abuse.
One pastor said a statement Of that kind would come down from the general Ofﬁces and

the local congregation’s policy is based on the larger denominational policy. However,

213

he could not tell what the policy is or even if the Presbyterian congregations publicly
stated a position. In fact, the Presbyterian Churches (USA) whose headquarters are in
Louisville, Kentucky have issued the following statements:

In 1991 -

“The absence of challenge within the church as well as the wider
community contributes to a conspiracy Of societal silence and denial
regarding the prevalence of family violence. Male domination Of women
together with the collective refusal tO respect the bodily integrity Of
children, provide implicit sanction Of violations against individuals
perceived as ‘permissible victims’. . .the social and religious requirement
that children comply indiscriminately with the wishes Of their parents and
other adults contributes to their being violated. Despite our claim that
children are our nations’ most important resource, we continue tO treat
children as if they are liars, manipulators and incapable Of describing what is
real for them (regarding their own abuse).

In 2001 -

For most abusers, violence is seldom a onetime occurrence. Quite
Often a pattern Of violence is passed on from one family generation tO
another and becomes the customary way Of family members to relate tO one
another and others...

Direct the General Assembly Conucil to establish cross divisional
staff team with responsibilities related to domestic violence, ...through the
Ofﬁce on domestic violence, incorporate sex abuse prevention training in
child and teen education programs and curricula. . .direct the Child
Advocacy Ofﬁce to work for the eradication Of the sexual and commercial
exploitation Of children. . .encourage all clergy, elders, church members,
other church staff, and volunteers tO always report to the appropriate
authority the abuse Of children, the elderly, and those disabled in ways that
prevent them from reporting the abuse themselves; and after appropriate
training, discuss with all victims/survivors their risk and safety Options, and
refer the victims/survivors tO appropriate resources.” (Social Witness Policy
Compilation,l972-2001)

“The neighborhood is our mission.” The Presbyterian Churches like to think Of

themselves as a socially active denomination. Most Of the congregations manifested an

214

intentionality about being an inﬂuential support system within the neighborhood. “This
church is deﬁned by its social outreach.” Another pastor stated.

From the responses Of the pastors, it appears the congregations tend to think Of
themselves as liberal in culture social action, and theologically, with a healthy
willingness to grapple with uncomfortable and controversial issues. The one pastor, who
deﬁned his congregation as conservative said that “in doctrine and social outlook we are
clearly evangelical with a social witness.” However, there seemed tO be more
inconsistency among the Presbyterian churches between concept and process than with
the other denominations.

Theoretically, ﬁve pastors reported the congregations feel strongly that they have
an Obligation tO provide programs for needs Of the surrounding community. Yet one
pastor immediately added that not all churches are called tO provide programs. Four
churches have programs of outreach. In the survey, only on racism did all the pastors
state the congregation felt they should take a public stand.

One Caucasian congregation “Thirty years ago, made an intentional decision tO
stay here (in the inner city) and minister to this community. 90% Of the neighborhood is
Black. Thursday nights we have a service totally for the neighborhood which is
neighborhood attended. Every day there are people who come in from the neighborhood,
seeking counsel.” Compare this with another pastor who stated, “We don’t know what
the needs are. Practical issues get in the way. We’re not really a program driven
congregation.”

The efforts Of outreach within the community are diverse. One congregation has

a day care center, one congregation has a free lunch program three days a week, and one

215

church hires a schoolteacher tO provide a ‘Rainbow Program’ for community children.
This program functions during the day, for twelve weeks in the summer. One pastor is on
the board Of directors for the Center Against Sexual Assault within the community.

One inner city congregation, which is totally Caucasian, hired an African-
American social worker tO coordinate provision Of support for the needs Of the
community. There is also a Family Ministries Center in one congregation. There are
tutoring programs, teen mother’s support, caregivers’ support, PFLAG (Parents and
Friends Of Lesbians and Gays) as well as twelve-step programs that are housed in the
congregations. These are Open tO the community. The Presbyterian Churches seem to
work actively with ecumenical organizations, helping to support women’s shelters, and
taking a role in a local Domestic Abuse Forum.

One Of the pastors stated “We need tO balance support with safety.” Although
most responded afﬁrmatively to the question Of formal efforts being made tO protect, only
two have sexual abuse education as part Of the required training for volunteers. Two
pastors have recently hosted a specialist in the ﬁeld to address the whole church, as a
preventative and healing measure. However, those two do not perform background
checks.

In spite Of the wide variety Of outreaches, only three pastors indicated the
congregation had addressed occurrences Of sexual abuse, and only one replied
afﬁrmatively Of knowledge Of incest among the congregational members. “Need? I’m

not aware Of situations.” There was an implication Of status and reputation being

important.

216

The Presbyterian churches researched do not provide support groups for families
experiencing sexual abuse. Although one congregation does have a family counseling
center and has various support programs for people, there appears to be nO speciﬁc
program for survivors Of incest. Neither did the reporting pastors indicate they partner
with other interfaith organizations to which they can refer families who are experiencing
sexual abuse.

It seems there is a difference between being socially active and ministering tO
families who are experiencing incest. The three churches that recalled the highest proﬁle
sexual abuse situations (pastors or staﬁ) did not have child protection policies,
background checks, or support programs for sexual abuse. Nor did these congregations
even indicate employing a qualiﬁed counselor on staff or support families with referral or

underwriting Of counseling services.

United Methodist Churches

The United Methodist Churches seem to have a comfortable relationship with the
denominational headquarters. All six pastors stated the congregation has close
denominational ties. Two pastors said they closely follow denominational policy and

four articulated some ambiguity.

All six congregations disagreed that they could be called conservative and four
stated they are liberal. Two pastors explained the church emphasizes both personal piety
and social ministry. “For John Wesley, tO respect the faith was both/and, not either/or.

Here we have to deal with real life.”

217

The pastors all stated there is a denominational policy that addresses both sexual
abuse and child protection. “We’re Methodists. We do everything methodically,” one
pastor stated. There are publications and pamphlets Of information regarding prevention
Of abuse and protection Of children. The regional conference then has speciﬁc policies
against sexual abuse. These are drawn up in agreement with the wider denominational
position. A pastor reported that they are required to share this policy with all the staff
annually and with the parish community. The staffs must sign a statement that this has

been accomplished.

There are numerous statements and decisions that have been made by the UMC.
A cursory glance at the web site shows hundreds Of policy statements on sexual abuse.
The denominational position from the Ofﬁcial web site, as directed by the Nashville,

Tennessee Ofﬁce is summed up in the following statement:

...The facts are grim: One out Of three girls and one out Of seven boys in the
United States will be sexually abused before the age Of eighteen. Fifteen million
US. adults alive today were incest victims as children.

The church must reexamine the theological messages it communicates in light
Of the experiences Of victims Of domestic violence and sexual abuse. We must
treat with extreme care the concepts Of suffering, forgiveness, and the nature Of
marriage and the family. The Social Principles Of The United Methodist Church
afﬁrm the family as "the basic human community through which persons are
nurtured and sustained in mutual love, responsibility, respect, and ﬁdelity" (1]
161A). Clearly, violence and abuse cannot be tolerated within such an
understanding. The Social Principles "reject social norms that assume different
standards for women than for men in marriage" (1] 161C), thus eliminating most
Of the tacit rationalizations that undergird spouse battering. The Social Principles
also call for the protection Of children from all forms Of exploitation and abuse.

Situations Of violence and abuse exist in families in virtually every
congregation; tragically, no church or community is exempt. Numerous pastors
have been asked, alter asserting their conviction that there were no families
experiencing violence or abuse in their congregations, to mention the issues from
the pulpit, using words like battering, rape, incest, child abuse. Virtually without

218

exception, they have reported that members have subsequently come to them with
current stories Of abuse in their families. Clearly, church families are not immune,
and many are waiting for a signal that these concerns are appropriate ones to share
and struggle with within a Christian community.

The church is being challenged to listen to the stories Of victims and survivors
and to Obtain information and guidance that will lead to wiser and more effective
ways Of ministry with persons who experience domestic violence and sexual
abuse. The church must be a refuge for people who are hurting, and it is an
entirely appropriate place for these issues to be addressed. We must ﬁnd ways tO
demonstrate that the church is a place where people can feel conﬁdent in turning
ﬁrst, not last, for comfort and healing.

People Of faith should take the lead in calling for a just response by the
community in the face Of domestic violence and sexual abuse. A just response
involves several steps: righteous anger; compassion for the victim; advocacy for
the victim; holding the Offender legally and spiritually accountable for his or her
sin against the victim and the community; treatment for the Offender; and
prevention Of further abuse by addressing the societal roots and not merely the
symptoms Of violence and abuse.
(http://infoserv.umc.org/faq/sexualethicsresolutions.htrn)

“We are socially liberal in that we believe in being active in social areas.” The
United Methodist congregations seem to be proud Of their identity Of a social action
church. All pastors Of the congregations researched felt programs for the surrounding
communities are vital. Homeless lunch programs, food banks, soup kitchens, a farmers

market on the church property for the inner city community, summer day camp for

children, and a center for seniors are provided in three Of the churches.

One congregation runs a school within the facility. A congregation housed by
the capital building in one state provides a wall phone at the main narthex for ‘street folk

to use.’ One pastor said there is a four-page list Of organizations that meet at his church.

Even the smallest congregation is pro-active, with an after school program,
summer lunch program, and limited health services, partially funded by the government.

However, when pushed for more illustration of that statement, it appears physical needs

219

are more the focus Of activity for the congregations. Four out Of six state they would
provide mental health services for the community and the congregation equally. Two

congregations do so.

There are numerous support groups within the United Methodist congregations.
Twelve-step programs and support for divorce or grief recovery are present in two
congregations. One congregation employs a Community Ministries Director. The
pastors reported working with interfaith organizations tO provide safe houses and
domestic violence training tO battered women and children, a student ministry for the
local university, and with Christian Services, an ecumenical organization providing a

wide variety Of physical needs and job training Opportunities tO the local community.

Three Of six congregations have made formal efforts to protect innocent persons.
Background checks and a child protection policy are a part Of the provisions for safety in
three congregations. However abuse education is a part Of the mandatory training for

volunteer workers in only two Of the congregations.

Apart from the Community Ministries program in one inner-city congregation,
there appears tO be no programs or support for survivors or perpetrators Of abuse. The
partnering with community resources may be the method Of ministering tO families, as

there is no qualiﬁed person on staff to appropriate that task.

In spite Of the involvement with the local community, none Of the United
Methodist congregations researched provide any programs that support families who are
experiencing incest. Four pastors stated they saw nO need for it. The other two expressed

they knew there would be a response if it was Offered. “I mean, it’s out there, isn’t it?”

220

Summary

Although most Of the congregations in each denomination considered ministering
to the local community tO be part Of their Obligation as a faith organization, only 5 Of 46
congregations researched provide programs speciﬁcally for individuals or families who
are experiencing sexual abuse or incest. At least four congregations link with other
interfaith groups to provide an ecumenical program for the community tO which they can
refer survivors Of sexual abuse or incest. A few pastors spoke Of providing monies for
therapy in areas they are not qualiﬁed tO counsel. In spite Of commitment tO being
relevant to the community, the congregations seem tO distance themselves from the

reality Of the prevalence Of sexual abuse within families in the community.

221

 

Assemblies Of God

“We do whatever we can tO be a support system.”
“We’ve done more counseling outside Of this congregation than within.”
“Let’s not alienate, let’s love.”

 

Christian Churches

“There is too much Of a hangup to have a support group. This is a small
town.”

“Ten days ago we had a planning meeting. They want to do ministry
within the community.”

“This church has an identity Of outreach.”

 

Churches Of God

“We determine the needs Of the community and focus our ministry on
meeting those needs.”

“We reach out and do all Of the above, because we recognized there was a
great need.”

“We have an Obligation to meet the needs when pressed — that is abusive
situations, spiritual situations, ﬁnancial and material needs as well.”

 

Missouri Synod
Lutheran Churches

“The basic job Of the congregation is to minister to the spiritual needs Of
the congregation and NOT to the community.”

“It is good to have a resource available for the need.”

“The needs and concerns Of the community... the church can address
some Of these things in a better way.”

 

 

Churches ofthe “There is Often a lack Of knowledge as to how to act.”
Nazarene “We try to reach out.”
“We do some (programs) ourselves and some in cooperation with other
churches.”
Presbyterian “Thirty years ago we made an intentional decision to stay in the
Churches community and minister...”

“The neighborhood is our mission.”
“This church is deﬁned by social outreach.”
“We don’t know what the needs are. Practical issues get in the way.”

 

 

United Methodist

 

“Our main focus Of support is on grief recovery because we have an Older
congregation.”

“We are socially liberal in that we believe in being active in social areas.”
“There is a problem of identifying people. How do we do it?”

 

Figure 4.4

“Does the Church have an Obligation to provide programs that minister tO the needs of the

surrounding community?”

Pastor’s Perception Of Obligation tO be a Support System to the Local

Community

222

 

Research Question #6 —How does the pastor ’s perception of availability of resources
(human, professional, educational and ﬁnancial) have an impact on the church ’s

response to families experiencing incest?

Perception Of resources is critical in providing services tO people. If the
organization is limited in resources, or if it does not value the resources it has, then there
is a limitation tO the range Of support it will provide. As Salvador Minuchin once wisely
said, “You can’t defeat helplessness.”

Resources may be evaluated in a variety Of arenas. Size, community
Opportunities, educational culture and ﬁnancial capital are all taken into consideration.
Availability of warm bodies is Often as important as capability Of those bodies when
assessing depth Of supplies. Use Of both genders gives a different understanding to
availability Of resources as well. Support measures speciﬁc to the need is also a

consideration in assessing resources.

Size of Congregation

The congregations are separated by size tO extract information about awareness Of
abuse and provision Of resources according tO average weekly attendance Of the
congregation. It is assumed that the larger the congregation, the more ability there is to
provide support measures for families experiencing abuse, because there would probably
be more available resources among the congregants. These resources may be more

education, more people not already involved in a ministry Of the church, more ﬁrnds

223

available, a larger facility in which to house the support measures, and a more diverse
understanding Of available community resources.

A cursory lOOk at the matrix (Figure 4.5, p. 230) Of support measures by average
Sunday AM attendance would in fact back up this assumption. It seems that the larger
the congregation is the more aware is the pastor Of sexual abuse and incest within the
constituency.

It is also the case in this body Of research that the larger the congregation, the
more likely are they tO require background checks for volunteers with children and youth,
and the more likely are they to have guidelines for perpetration, written child protection
policies or a written application process for volunteers with child and youth. Churches
with over one thousand will be more prone to have a counselor on staff and will
incorporate sexual abuse education into the training for workers and leaders.

It is interesting to note that churches between 500 and 999, while not as likely to
have a counselor on staff (3 Of 9), will tend to ﬁnancially support parishioners in securing
counseling. Whether on or Off campus, 15 Of 19 congregations with over 500 in average
attendance set aside resources to Obtain counseling for survivors, perpetrators or families
who have experienced abuse.

The only congregations that provide support groups speciﬁcally for survivors,
perpetrators or families Of sexual abuse are all over 500 in Sunday morning attendance.
Four Of them are above one thousand. The larger congregations also tend to access
community resources, even when they are not in a metropolitan area.

Size Of congregation does seem to have a signiﬁcant inﬂuence on the perception

and access of resources. Among the pastors interviewed, there seems tO be a willingness

224

within larger congregations tO delegate tasks to those more qualiﬁed. Support measures
are put in place and allowed to function. Obligation to protect and support peOple who
have less Of a voice is more likely tO be carried out, possibly because the Opportunity is

more likely tO be available.

Knowledge Of Community Organizations for Sexual Abuse

A few communities have developed associations that speciﬁcally address issues
Of abuse. These organizations may have been created by a variety Of community groups
who recognized the need for protection and support Of individuals or families
experiencing abuse. In some of the metropolitan areas, the area churches answered the
need by developing a house or support center that would extend the arm Of the local
congregations. They may include crisis counseling, safe houses, legal aid, and medical
support One such organization is state wide. The state Of Ohio has developed a
program by the name Of ‘Emerge’. This interfaith organization;ministers to victims Of
abuse.

However, knowledge Of the support centers is not always readily available. While
interviewing pastors in certain areas, the researcher noted that not all pastors were aware
Of the community resources that had been created. It would seem a priority Of the
organization to make this valuable resource available to all within the community. A

higher proﬁle among the churches is necessary.

225

Churches with Women on Ministerial Staff

The understanding Of women as resources in ministering tO the community
broadens the range Of assets a congregation can have. If women are limited or hindered
in their abilities to contribute in perspective, discernment and education, the resources Of
a congregation will be severely limited — as would be the case if men are limited in their
abilities to contribute.

Data pulled from the second research question is also used here. The matrix
shows the congregations with women on staff are more likely to have background checks
for volunteer workers (21 out Of 30) and are also more prone to provide some type Of
sexual abuse education (22 out Of 30). Financial support for counseling of survivors,
perpetrators and families, a counselor on staff, a written child protection policy, and a
written application process for volunteers with children and youth also seems to be more
prominent in congregations where a female is on staff.

In the congregations under one hundred in average attendance, the only written
application process required for volunteers, Of the nine churches in that category, is one
where a female is pastor. Two Of the three congregations Of that size that both provide
sexual abuse education and access community resources, have females on staff and the
third one has a pastor whose wife is an ordained minister, though not serving on staff.
This is rather signiﬁcant when the Observer will note that Of all support measures, these
are the only ones in congregations under one hundred in attendance. It is even more
signiﬁcant when two Of these four congregations that provide support have never
encountered sexual abuse in that congregation, and two that have no females on staff are

aware Of sexual abuse within the congregation yet provide no support.

226

There is no female on staff in any Of the eight congregations that have between
100 and 250 average Sunday attendance. In those congregations, only one provides
sexual abuse education and two access community resources, although ﬁve are aware Of
sexual abuse or incest within the congregation. There are no background checks and only
one has a preventative policy or guidelines in case Of perpetration. Two require a written
application process for volunteers with children and youth. In spite of the increased size
Of the congregation, these churches which dO not employ females have not incorporated a

process for volunteers in 6 of the 8 churches.

Metropolitan Area

It is generally understood that the larger the city the more resources are available
tO the community. In looking at communities, the researcher deﬁned a metropolitan area
as any city or community that was over 100,000.

It does not appear that metropolitan congregations tend to utilize written policies
or application processes in recruiting volunteers any more than do small towns or farming
area congregations. Less than half use a written application process, as is the case with
rural congregations.

However 22 Of the 27 congregations within a metropolitan area do provide sexual
abuse education. That is in comparison tO 6 Of 19 congregations that are not within a
metropolitan area. Background checks are utilized within 16 Of the 27 metropolitan
congregations, while only 7 Of 19 rural areas incorporate background checks into their

recruitment process.

227

Eight Of the twenty-seven congregations do provide a counselor on staff or
ﬁnancial support for counseling within a metropolitan area. In the more rural areas, only
4 Of 19 do so. The availability Of resources and awareness Of such seems tO be more

prevalent in the metropolitan areas.

University in Close Proximity

It is not unreasonable tO expect that a community with a university is going to
have more understanding Of the issues Of abuse and the ramiﬁcations to all people who
are involved. A university setting is Often a more Open environment where survivors can
freely discuss their history, education about issues Of abuse is Offered, and counseling
Opportunities are available for the individuals and family.

The congregations were examined according to their proximity to a university.
Twenty-three congregations utilize background checks for volunteers with children
and/or youth. Twenty-one Of those congregations are within ten miles Of a university.
The other two are not. This statistic show that .567 Of the congregations close to a
university do incorporate background checks while only .222 Of the congregations further
than ten miles from a university do so. Sexual abuse education is provided in 25 Of the
37 congregations close tO a university (or .657), while it is provided in only 3 Of 9
congregations (or .333) further than ten miles away. Written application forms are
required for volunteers in 16 Of 37 congregations (.432) close to a university and only 1
Of 9 (.111) congregations outside Of the ten mile range. All Of the congregations that
provide guidelines in cases Of perpetration are within a ten mile range Of a university.

While that percentage is low (40%), there is no congregation further than ten miles away

228

from a university that has drawn up guidelines. It should also be noted that all Of the
congregations that provide support groups for survivors or perpetrators Of abuse are
within ten miles Of a university.

It seems clear from this data that the presence Of an institution Of higher learning
is able tO provide some direction tO churches and other organizations in responding tO the
reality of sexual abuse within the community. The resources available in a university

community can contribute tO ministry to families experiencing sexual abuse.

229

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1-99 100-250 251-499 500-999 1000+
(9) (3) (l0) (9) Ill)
Pastoral Awareness of Sexual
Abuse within Congrggation 4 2 6 8 9
Pastoral Awareness of Incest
within Congregation 0 3 5 5 6
Figure 4.5
Between Case Matrix of Pastors’ Awareness of Sexual Abuse within Congregation:
By Average Sunday AM Attendance
46 Congregations Researched
1-99 100-250 251-499 500-999 [000+
(9) (8) (l 0) (9) (10)
Background Checks of Volunteer Workers
with Children and/or Youth
0 0 7 7 9
Guidelines in Cases of Perpetration
0 l 4 4 6
Written Child Protection Policy
0 I 7 4 7
Written Application process for Volunteer
Workers with Children and/or Youth 1 2 5 4 5
Counselor (other than pastor) or Parish
Nurse on Staff 0 0 l 3 6
Financial Support for Counseling of
survivors, perpetrators, or families 0 0 l 4 2
Support Groups for Survivors or
Permtrators of Abuse 0 0 0 l 4
Sexual Abuse Education provided
(sermons, seminars, training days, etc.) 3 l 8 7 9
Community Resources Accessed (lawyers,
Therapists, social workers, ecumenical org., 3 2 7 6 9
etc.)
Figure 4.6

Between-Case Matrix of Support Measures:
By Average Sunday AM Attendance
46 Congregations Researched

230

 

 

 

Knowledge of
Local Organiza-
tions for Sexual
Abuse *

Churches with

Women on

Ministerial Staff
(30)

Metropolitan
Area (Over
1 00,000)

(2 7)

University
within ten miles
Of church

(37)

 

Background Checks
of volunteer workers
with children and/or
youth

21

16

21

 

Guidelines in cases
of perpetration

11

ll

15

 

Written child
protection policy

14

18

 

Written Application
process for volunteer
workers with
children and/or
youth

15

10

16

 

Counselor/parish
nurse (other than
pastor) onsStaff

 

Financial Support
for counseling
survivors,perpetra-
tors, or families

 

Support Groups for
survivors or
perpetrators of
abuse

 

Sexual Abuse
education provided
(sermons, seminars,
training days, etc.)

22

22

25

 

 

Community
resources accessed
(lawyers, therapists,
social workers,
ecumenical org., etc.)

 

 

21

 

20

 

25

 

Figure 4.7

Resources Matrix and Provision of Support Measures for Congregations

 

*- There is no data available regarding actual ﬁmctioning community organizations that address sexual
abuse

231

Chapter V.

DISCUSSION

When using Bowen’s deﬁnition Of anxiety as ‘the response Of an organism tO a
threat, real or imagined’ (Kerr & Bowen, 1988, p.112), the exposure Of sexual abuse in a
congregational family could certainly qualify as an event which has anxiety-producing
potential. The ramiﬁcations of abuse are fertile ground for anxiety within the local
congregation. What if the perpetrator is an active member Of the congregation? What
damage has been done to the survivors and how will that be manifested within the
congregation? What will the community say if they ﬁnd out that there has been sexual
abuse within the constituency? How can the congregation be kept safe? Should the
perpetrator be ministered to? Can we help? What can we do?

Friedman states that no issue, “merely by nature Of its content is automatically
more virulent than another. It is almost never the issue that is destructive, but the Overall
homeostatic conditions that give to any issue its destructive potential” (1985, p.204).
Because the congregations have a need to feel safe, disturbance potential Of homeostasis
within congregations with low differentiation must be summarily dealt with — minimized,
ignored, or cutoff. Rather than decreasing the level of chronic anxiety, this distancing
actually maintains the level.

However, Kerr and Bowen (1988, p.131) suggest that tO make an intentional
choice tO “engage people and situations one prefers to avoid and to make a decision to
tolerate the anxiety associated with not doing things one normally does tO reduce anxiety
in oneself in those situations can, if done repeatedly over a long period Of time, lead tO a

reduction in one’s level Of chronic anxiet .” Therefore, if a con e ation would address
y

232

the reality Of sexual abuse within families, educate their volunteer workers, and put
appropriate preventative and supportive measures in place, Family Systems theory
suggests the level Of anxiety with the emergence Of an incident of sexual abuse would be

reduced.

Level Of Anxiety and the Response tO Sexual Abuse

The local congregation functions as a nuclear system. Of all work systems,
emotionally the church is the one that most closely parallels the functioning of the family
(Friedman, 1985). Family Systems philosophy is that the family responds to a crisis
according to its level of self-differentiation, which informs the degree Of anxiety. The
presence Of sexual abuse or incest within the church family has the potential Of being
highly emotionally evocative. While it is possible that the response Of a congregation to
sexual abuse may not be a function Of its anxiety level, evidence from this research
indicates that there is at least some relevance.

It seems from the pastors’ reports that many Of the congregations in this study
prefer tO ignore issues Of sexual abuse — even if they are of an incestuous nature, rather
than tO effectively discuss ways Of protecting the children and youth. Minimization of the
damage done to the victim, the family, and in fact, the congregation, is a characteristic

many Of the congregations researched seem tO make manifest.

Denominational Results

The diverse results between the denominations indicated that there is a difference

in degrees Of anxiety when the churches are confronted with sexual abuse. While the

233

researcher does not claim that the research represents all congregations within these
seven denominations, some Observations are Of note. If the assumption that organisms
tend tO align with microsystems that are similar in level Of self-differentiation is correct,

it is possible that the following results are germane tO this discussion.

Assemblies Of God

The Assemblies Of God that were researched have taken a non-anxious stand.
Denominationally there have been clear statements regarding abuse Of all forms. Sexual
abuse education is a part Of each congregation’s agenda. The congregations have all put
processes in place for screening volunteers to make the church safe for all. Among the
congregations, there are clear directives for process and a variety Of resources for
facilitating in the healing process for both families and perpetrators. The AOG does not
hide the issue of sexual abuse — which would be a symptom of anxiety — but addresses it
within the congregations. There appears to be faith in the process and a trust in the
leadership within the congregations.

Perhaps the inclusion Of women in active ministry roles is directly related tO the
intentional stand on addressing sexual abuse. This intentionality may be a product Of high
inclusion Of women in leadership within the Assemblies. Another theory is that the
church considers part Of its ministry as protection of women and the innocent — as the

‘weaker’ ones. However, there is not enough data to make that conclusion at this point.

234

Christian Churches

While there are denominational statements regarding clergy abuse, the Christian
Churches do not seem tO have a general statement about abuse. The majority Of the
congregations researched seem to invest their life energy in maintaining homeostasis.
There is a tendency tO distance from the issue Of sexual abuse. This distancing could be a
manifestation Of high anxiety. The impression Of the researcher was that the efforts Of
the congregation are more focused on survival.

It seems that, although there were several incidents Of sexual abuse reported
within the congregations, other priorities have taken precedence. This may be directly
related tO the fact that ﬁve Of the pastors had been at the congregations for less than
eighteen months. New pastor adjustment may be the priority that usurps any other
process. (Icaderless organism anxiety reference) The two congregations that have
drafted measures for safety Of individuals and have incorporated sexual abuse education

into their programs have had the same pastor for at least ﬁve years.

Churches Of God

There seems tO be a commitment to sexual abuse education and preventative
measures within the congregations researched. There was a willingness tO discuss
perceived areas Of weakness and an honesty regarding needed areas for improvement.
There is a high trust level in the lay leadership which is directly related to the doctrine Of
the church. The pastors manifested an Openness tO address crisis situations and a
willingness tO tolerate congregational anxiety, yet an uncertainty as to how tO proceed.

Within the Churches Of God, the pastors interviewed were pragmatic about the reality Of

235

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sexual abuse and intentional about giving the church handles to process an issue that
research shows is a part Of every church and community. Even the smallest
congregation, which is in the process of incorporating a screening process, that will
include a background check and application form, has hosted sexual abuse seminars.
This activity indicates a willingness tO grapple with the difﬁcult task Of ministering tO
families Of abuse. Among the congregations researched within the COG, the level Of

anxiety does appear to inﬂuence response to sexual abuse.

Missouri Synod Lutheran Churches

The MSLC indicated a reluctance to address the issue of sexual abuse until it
erupts. The pastors interviewed within this very conservative denomination expressed
inability to deal with the reality Of sexual abuse. There was an indication Of denying
reality, with three Of the pastors saying it simply is not an issue. The pastors of the two
larger congregations have, however, been pro-active about developing processes and
seeking outside resources tO respond to abuse. Although the MSLC congregations have a
process for disagreement in every congregation researched, strict controls seem tO be the
method of managing conﬂict. It is possible that the level Of differentiation, which
appears tO be lower in the MS LC has an inﬂuence on the lack Of ability to minister to

families experiencing abuse.
Churches Of the Nazarene

Although pastors Of the Nazarene churches recounted many instances Of sexual

abuse within the constituency, there was ambivalence in provision Of preventative

236

measures. The larger congregations seemed to have the more thorough policies and
guidelines. The denominational statement is clear in condemning abuse and calling for
protection Of the unempowered, yet local congregations do not seem to make abuse
prevention 3 priority.

A sense Of high anxiety is underlying four Of the congregations researched, and a
fear Of change or crisis was perceived. Sexual abuse education is only provided in two Of
the seven congregations. It is not clear whether the low level Of self-differentiation that
was Observed within the smaller congregations has an inﬂuence on the ability to respond

tO families experiencing abuse.

Presbyterian Churches

The preference Of the Presbyterian churches, as deﬁned by one Of the pastors, is
‘not tO make waves’. One pastor stated the church is deliberate in being neutral about all
perceived ethical and political issues. In four Of the churches, the tendency tO distance
from the issue Of abuse was evident. This may be a product Of the role of the pastor
within the Presbyterian Churches. It appears that the main function Of the pastor is to be
the educator. There is great faith in the process Of education. This is evidenced in the
data that ﬁve Of the six congregations Offer sexual abuse education to their congregations.
Background checks and child protection policies are also a part Of the procedural policies
within the churches, however only one congregation Offered counseling or ﬁnancial aid
tO families experiencing abuse, and most pastors indicated the only knowledge Of sexual

abuse they had was with past childhood issues Of women in the congregation.

237

The tendency tO minimize the ramiﬁcations Of sexual abuse was best illustrated
with the congregation that continued to employ an interim pastor during his trial for
sexual abuse Of a minor even though he had confessed to having abused minors in the
past. This manifestation Of high anxiety is further evidenced with the lack Of any

preventative or supportive measures within the congregation two years later.

United Methodist Churches

Within the UMC, policy and theory are well deﬁned regarding abuse Of any sort.
The hierarchy, which Bowen would deﬁne as the extended family (Friedman, 1985) and
Bronfenbrenner (1989) would term part Of the mesosystemic inﬂuence, hands down
guidelines for training and congregational policy. The congregations have processes for
screening volunteers and half Of the congregations researched provide sexual abuse
education.

However, the tendency to distance from the issue is evident in that only two
pastors recalled incidents Of sexual abuse. The role Of the pastor, which Often appears to
be one Of visiting professor, may be the main issue in the lack of awareness Of abuse.
Perhaps the term-limit characteristic of the United Methodist Church pastorates precludes
much divulging Of family secrets. An Observed preference tO distance from a situation
that has high crisis potential is indicative Of high level Of anxiety within the system.
Evidence is inconclusive to suggest that the level Of anxiety inﬂuences the response tO

families experiencing abuse.

238

I

Summary

It is important to note that there is more than one right answer when discussing
the response to sexual abuse within a congregation. Although several preventative and
supportive processes were suggested within this study, as well as healing Opportunities,
the congregation with a high level Of self-differentiation is unlimited in its range Of
possibilities for addressing sexual abuse.‘ The congregations that had more elaborate
measures for abuse education, protective measures, and response directives seem tO be
the ones that indicate strong congregational leadership and input. The goal is tO be able
to confront sexual abuse by taking a non-anxious position and yet staying connected tO all
individuals involved (Kerr & Bowen, 1988). The church must be that non-anxious
presence.

The indication by many pastors Of the intention to draft child protection policies
and various methods Of risk management procedures seems to be signiﬁcant. When
responding to questions Of the presence Of preventative measures, pastors in each
denomination intimated it is an item on the agenda, yet has not been accomplished at this
time. Several stated they hoped to have a policy in place within the next year. Yet there
appeared to be a lack Of urgency about the issue.

There could be a variety Of reasons for this. Lack Of knowledge about
requirements for risk management, confusion regarding what steps must be taken and
where to access resources, fear Of broaching such a highly emotionally evocative subject
with the leadership and parishioners, and a lack of available work hours to make it
happen, all may contribute tO the lack Of action. It appeared Obvious from the responses

that the pastors are aware that measures to protect children and youth are critical in

239

providing a safe atmosphere. Yet other, more urgent issues take priority. This ‘head in
the sand’ approach only illustrates the anxiety-producing potential Of the subject. It is a
manifestation Of anxiety which has been bound within an organism (Kerr & Bowen,
1988)

If the leadership of the congregation makes an intentional effort tO address the
reality Of sexual abuse and to work to make the church a safe place for all, when an

incident of sexual abuse occurs within the church constituency, it will be less likely tO

threaten homeostasis, which each congregation strives to maintain. Developing a process

for confronting abuse situations will give conﬁdence tO the leadership and create trust
within the congregation. Efforts to reduce anxiety by dealing with the process and
avoiding speciﬁc content generally will lead tO fundamental change in the long run
(Friedman, p.210).

Although there are other mitigating circumstances and inﬂuences within the
surrounding systems cannot be ignored, the data suggests anxiety is a major inﬂuence on
the ability Of the local congregation tO be an effective support system tO families
experiencing sexual abuse or incest. It seems that within these seven denominations in
this four state area the level Of anxiety does help drive the response tO families

experiencing sexual abuse or incest.

Women’s Roles and the Response tO Abuse
Gender socialization Of churches is critical to being able tO recognize action that
fosters abusive language or behavior. The presence Of women on the staff may bring

more Of an awareness Of potential abuse areas. A woman in leadership will surely be

240

more sensitive to recognize the nuances Of gender bias (Terry, 1992). Ostensibly, the
presence Of a woman on staff will make the whole congregation more sensitive tO all
voices rather than just the privileged minority (Hesse-Biber, Gilmartin & Lyndenberg,
1999)

Data indicates women are Often perceived as more approachable for counseling
among abused persons (Langberg, 1997; Sands, 1998; Rampage, 1995). Of the eight
female pastors interviewed, ﬁve recalled parishioners in past or present congregations
who had come tO them for counseling because Of sexual abuse by a father or step-father.
It is possible that women — who are the abused gender in 9 out Of 10 cases - are more
likely to seek out women for incest or sexual abuse counseling. Perhaps it is that women
Often tend tO use collaboration in the counseling moment (Jones, 1998), by encouraging
the client to narrate her own story. This indicates a respect for the experiences and the
wisdom gained. Afﬁrmation Of women, particularly women who have been abused,
facilitates the process Of healing from damaging relationships (Dinsmore, 1992).

The presence Of women on staff also seems tO inﬂuence the provision Of
Opportunities for sexual abuse education. Sands infers (1998) that what she terms as a
female-centered view Of the world may contribute to the provision Of support measures.
The female survivors can collaborate with congregations by using their stories tO help
develop strategies for ministry (Langberg, 1997). It is important not to re-abuse the
survivor by exploitation. However, inviting the survivor to inform the process Of
learning to be more sensitive to families who have experienced abuse, can promote
healthy relationships for each person involved. Pastors, counselors, and congregations

can learn a great deal from those who have walked the path.

241

Because Of the high percentage Of sexually abused persons being female, it seems
that women are more sensitive tO the need for training regarding abuse and prevention.
Education for females as well as males may decrease toleration for sexist attitudes which
give permission to abusive behavior. From the research with these forty-six
congregations it appears that the interpretation Of the woman’s role in the home and

church does inﬂuence the sensitivity tO abuse issues within congregations.

History Of Abuse within the Congregation

Perhaps more than any other research question in the study, the issue Of history
illustrates the level Of anxiety Of the local congregation. From the Observations Of the
researcher, it is not so much a matter Of history determining response as it is history
pointing out ability Of congregation tO differentiate in a high-stress producing
Opportunity. Response at the crisis moment demonstrates level Of chronic anxiety. Kerr
and Bowen (1988) point out that when anxiety is low the organism is less likely tO be
reactive. It is during a circumstance where anxiety is potentially high that all people
become more reactive and less thoughtful. If self-differentiation Of a congregation is
low, the exposure Of sexual abuse within the constituency is likely to produce high
reactivity and functioning will decline. Conversely, if the congregation is highly
differentiated, the leadership will be more prone to maintain high functioning and
thoughtﬁrl processing, even in a highly stressful situation (Kerr & Bowen, p.99).

The congregation that experienced multiple events Of sexual abuse Of minors by a
youth worker, illustrated that crisis-producing events actually expose level Of anxiety

rather than encouraging the process Of development Of support measures. This

242

congregation illustrated low levels Of differentiation as they expended their life energy in
naming an identiﬁed patient, placing all the blame on him and taking nO responsibility for
providing precautions for the safety Of children and youth within their congregation.
Maintenance Of homeostasis mandated that the congregation move as quickly as possible
back to their normal modus Operandi. Thus, to date, no sexual abuse education, no child
protective policy, no application process for volunteers, no background checks, and nO
address has been incorporated into the functioning Of this congregation. This is a prime
example Of Bowen’s Family Systems process — level Of differentiation determining
response to crisis.

The question arises, does the church become vigilant because Of incidences Of
sexual abuse that occur, or do the incidences Of sexual abuse become disclosed more
frequently because the church intentionally addresses the issue. It is possible that
protective measures within churches, regardless Of denomination or size, are deveIOped in
response to the exposure Of events Of sexual abuse. It could be, conversely, that the
evidence Of history in the churches is in response tO the strong statement Of protection.
As the statistics indicate at least one in ﬁve females are victims Of sexual abuse
(Dinsmore, 199]; Pellauer, Chester, & Boyajian, 1987), then every congregation has a
number Of sexual abuse survivors. This information may not ever come to light unless
the congregation is made to be a safe place, with protective measures, abuse education,
and guidelines for action upon declaration Of perpetration.

The responses Of the pastors indicated that it is not just history within the
congregation that drives the response Of abuse by a church, but it also appears tO be an

outgrowth Of a community crisis. Several pastors recounted school system scandals that

243

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inﬂuenced their action on developing protective measures for the youth and children
within their constituency, as well as counseling Options for families who appear with the
presenting issue Of sexual abuse or incest.

The recent public events with the Catholic Church seem to have been an impetus
for pro-active measures. Though some Of them were not aware Of any sexual abuse
having taken place within their constituency, the pastors stated they began to formulate
some intentional education for leaders and tO address abuse in more public forums.
Several pastors in all seven Of the denominations mentioned this as an inducement to risk
management or child protection policy development. One pastor told the researcher that
the congregation was motivated tO create a set Of guidelines within the last two years only
because Of the Catholic Church.

Several pastors, particularly in Ohio mentioned being motivated to evaluate their
risk management and child protection policies by insurance companies. Unfortunately,
sometimes the law must impel organizations tO take action tO protect their own members.

Friedman states (1985, p.169) that the crisis state (such as incidence Of sexual
abuse) Offers Opportunities for working out Of unresolved family issues that may not be
possible at any other time. While the event Of sexual abuse is a tragedy to all involved, it
also presents an unusual Opportunity for promoting emotional health. As an example, it
would appear from the congregations researched that the Assemblies Of God have utilized
the crisis-Opportunity Of sexual abuse among families within the congregations tO
develop processes to be effective as a support system to victims and survivors Of sexual

abuse.

244

Status Of Family Experiencing Incest

Within this research, the responses to families, who are actively involved in the
congregation, experiencing familial sexual abuse can be seen on either ends Of a
continuum. Either the knowledge is minimized or denied, or the reactivity is extreme and
the congregation shifts into high gear. The congregation, illustrating enmeshment,
usually seeks to do damage control. They may try tO force one Of the individuals (Often
the survivor) to take responsibility, or they work tO acquit anyone Of responsibility,
blaming ‘the circumstances’. This is done in an effort tO maintain homeostasis,
(Friedman, 1985, p.23) which the congregation sees as a laudable goal.

Four speciﬁc areas Of note arose with the research Of this question: Active
membership appears to get more pastoral attention in incidents Of incest, non-parishioners
are ministered to in a different manner, questions Of conﬁdentiality cloud the issues for
the leadership and personal investment Of the pastor also has an impact. These concerns

were articulated or intimated by the majority Of the pastors interviewed.

Individual Pastoral Attention

There could be several reasons that the pastor seems to address incest
relationships among the active membership on a more personal basis. Among those
reasons is the possibility that high-proﬁle families involved in incest are more likely tO
cause a greater degree Of concern among the congregational members. They know and
are more well known to a greater number Of people. They may be involved in the day-to-
day functioning Of the congregation, and they may have a higher level Of inﬂuence over

the members. Because Of these reasons, there may be more tO lose for the functioning

245

‘.

and ministry Of the church if the issue becomes public. The presence Of abuse in an
active family within the congregation threatens to upset homeostasis within the
congregation. The threat tO the homeostatic condition Of the congregation may threaten
the pastor’s sense of well-being as well (Friedman, 1985). By trying to take care Of the
situation alone, the pastor may unwittingly encourage burying the problem, which only

results in sustaining the chronic anxiety Of the congregation.

Supporting Non-parishioners in Situations Of Incest

Individuals or families who are not a part Of the congregation seem to be treated
differently when they approach the pastor for help. Many congregations are involved in
community organizations that minister to families with various abuse problems. Non-
parishioners are Often referred tO these organizations. Pastors may refer tO a local
counselor or therapist. Among the possible reasons for this is limitation Of resources.
There are so many crises in the day-tO-day life Of the congregation that the pastoral staff
feels they must focus ﬁrst on those situations. To be able to refer those families who are
not a part Of the local congregation is a practical allocation Of time resources.

One United Methodist congregation in an inner city setting has effectively
addressed this challenge by hiring a Community Ministries Director speciﬁcally tO deal
with issues such as this with the local community. In doing so, the church is enabled to
minister to its own constituency, but at the same time effectively support the community.

This seems to be a way Of ‘being my brother’s keeper!’

246

Conﬁdentiality

Another issue at stake is conﬁdentiality. A few Of the pastors mentioned this
issue, and discussed the role Of the church in guarding the conﬁdentiality Of the
parishioner, no matter what the issue. It became clear that some pastors consider part Of
their responsibility is to preserve the privacy Of individuals and thus maintain the trust
relationship. This concept Of trust was evidenced in each denomination, where pastors
spoke Of parishioners telling pastors they’ve never told anyone, asking them to promise
not to report it, or in requesting pastors tO swear tO ‘take it to the grave’. Despite the
requirements Of law, many pastors choose not tO report.

One element Of the role Of pastor, priest or rabbi in a faith assembly is
traditionally that Of ‘father-confessor’. When the parishioner confesses a sin which has
betrayed another, particularly a child, the pastor experiences a type of role confusion.
The conundrum is in ministering tO the confessing individual yet taking responsibility to
see that justice takes place. The pastor is pastor over the whole congregation, not just the

one individual. It is the pastor’s role to make sure the church is safe for all.

Personal Investment

The pastor ﬁnds it more difﬁcult tO follow procedures when he or she is more
intimately involved with the person who is experiencing incest, either as survivor or
perpetrator. It is not as difﬁcult tO be responsive and process oriented when there is little
or nO personal relationship. When a member Of the leadership or part Of the congregation
is hurting, however, the tendency is tO become more reactive. Ronald Richardson (1996)

discusses this as the processes Of fusion and differentiation. “Internally, the degree tO

247

   
    
   
  
  
   
    
 
  
    
 
   

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which a person can separate thinking and feeling, and bring greater Objectivity tO his or
her own inevitably subjective stance, and interpersonally, the degree tO which a person
can be clear or more Obj ective about the emotional separateness between self and other,
knowing what is self and self’s responsibility and what is not” (p. 81). Family Systems
philosophy states that a ‘family tends to function best when its head is well-
differentiated’ (Friedman, 1985, p. 221). It is probably in this moment that the level Of
self-differentiation Of the pastor is best illustrated.

Once again the status Of the family experiencing incest does not so much seem tO
inﬂuence the provision Of support measures to families experiencing abuse as it does
illustrate the level Of anxiety Of the congregations. Those congregations that seem to
indicate low levels Of self-differentiation show enmeshed relationships with the
individuals involved, by fusing with the survivors or perpetrators, minimizing the effects
Of abuse, or distancing from the issue. The congregations that show evidence Of high
levels Of self-differentiation seem to indicate actions that are thoughtﬁrl and responsive,

not reactive.

Philosophy Of Community Presence Of Congregation
Denominational headquarters Of all seven congregations indicate the need to be a
presence Of grace and love within the local communities. Whether the main focus is to
evangelize, tO disciple, or be a messenger Of hOpe the denominations appear to call their
congregations tO make manifest the presence Of God tO their communities. All
denominations have put a statement about abuse in print. The relationship between

congregations and denominational headquarters, however, is not always clearly deﬁned.

248

Therefore the statements or positions articulated by the general headquarters are not
necessarily the positions Of the local congregations.

The concept is clear but the process is nebulous. It seems the congregations want
to choose how to be a support system tO the community. While there is general
agreement that the ideal is tO be a presence within the local communities to provide
healing and wholeness, churches do not always perceive the best way tO exemplify that.
Even if they do come to an agreement about the breadth and method Of support, the
family experiencing abuse, may not perceive that the congregation’s support is the type
they need (Vaux, 1988). Support that the congregations may feel comfortable in
providing is not necessarily the kind Of support the community needs. The perception Of
need as well as resources helps determine the support.

Crockenberg (in Vaux, 1988) discusses three types Of social support; emotional,
instrumental and informational. The latter two are easier to provide, because they
awaken less anxiety. Both instrumental and informational supports usually require less
life energy than does emotional support. Often though, families living with the reality Of
sexual abuse need the third type Of support as well. Emotional damage executed upon
survivors Of incest is Often the most protracted damage, and requires the more extensive
support (Dinsmore, 199 l ).

The transactional effect of interconnected systems continually changes the shape
of relationships, expectations and responsibilities (Bronfenbrenner, 1989). What the
congregation may see as an established need for families experiencing abuse will change
as the process continues. As an example, safety from the predator may be the ﬁrst area Of

focus, however, that does not effectively take care of the situation. The survivors will

249

certainly beneﬁt from emotional support as they gain a sense Of respite from the abuse,
but may soon feel the pinch Of what has been the main breadwinner taken from the home.
The congregation may continue to minister in a variety Of ways until such time as they
perceive their resources are being drained by this one family. This appraisal Of support
(Vaux, 1988) then changes the attitude Of the congregation in ministering to the family.
This was illustrated by the remarks Of some pastors who expressed desire tO aid
the families, but confusion regarding how tO gO about it. The danger is that confusion

may lead tO frustration and result in no effectiveness Of support at all. Herman (1997)

 

and Vaux (1989) both caution that the response by the microsystem and larger systems
will help determine the ultimate impact Of the organism experiencing trauma. The
researcher would add that it will also have an inﬂuence on the impact Of the abuse on the
congregation, particularly over the chronosystemic processes in the subsequent
generations.

According to the level Of anxiety, the congregation may respond with thoughtful
and careful action, or may ignore the family altogether. The congregation may, if
functioning in a state Of chronic anxiety, try to manage every aspect Of the situation, or
may seek to minimize the abuse, re-abusing the survivor and family.

An organism always functions within a relationship. That is as true about the
local congregation with the family as it is about the local congregation with its
denominational afﬁliate. Denominational inﬂuence is a ﬂuid concept as well (Smith,
1985; Tracy & lngersol, 1999). If the congregation is highly differentiated, it will assess
the denominational stand and respond according to its own perception Of the issue. If,

however, the congregation is less differentiated, in an anxiety-producin g situation the

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response tO the denominational policy may be strictly followed, totally ignored at this
moment, or adOpted in pieces. The perception Of the crisis at any given moment,
determines the response.

Most pastors expressed commitment tO ministry within the local community.
The responses did indicate the perception Of the congregational role within the
community does inﬂuence the way the church wishes tO respond to families. Process,

however, does not always equal content.

Perception Of Resources

Within this body Of research, it is by perceived resources that the level Of self-
differentiation is most impacted. The resource network available within and around a
microsystem inﬂuences the ability to answer the need to be an effective support system
(Vaux, 1988). Perhaps the clearest differences among the congregations in preventative
and protective measures addressing sexual abuse are their understandings Of available
resources.

If a congregation feels bereft Of resources, the self-differentiation Of the
parishioners will more than likely be low. They will feel ill-equipped tO handle a crisis
situation such as incest. Because Of the high-stress potential Of the issue, homeostasis
may be threatened. The life-energy required to effectively address the situation and
process it in a healthy manner will be more than the congregation can handle. The
congregation then is more likely to react emotionally than to respond in a thoughtﬁrl
manner. This only serves to heighten the anxiety. The reactionary behavior has

effectively lifted the level Of anxiety to a higher level. An identiﬁed patient is targeted,

251

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the people involved triangle with others, sides become polarized, blame is cast, and the
perceived Offender is summarily dealt with. In this way the participants can distance
from the perceived crisis. The enmeshment of the relationships is now ﬂourishing and
once again, the real issue (inability to process) is pushed beneath the surface. The
congregation can go on again, functioning in denial until another crisis rises to threaten
homeostasis.

Conversely, a congregation that perceives itself rich in resources is more likely tO
have a higher level Of self—differentiation. A crisis-Opportunity such as incest will be
processed using established measures and healing resources (Steinke, 1996). This does
not mean there is a lack Of anxiety. However, the leadership is able to regulate its Own
reactivity by thinking. Respect for others’ abilities, communication Of the felt need,
allocation Of the appropriate resources, and a non-anxious stand in the face Of the high-
stress potential Of the issue are all a part Of the process in effectively being a support
system to families in crisis. The congregation is in a position tO respond apprOpriately to
the need rather than react emotionally. The transactional dynamic Of the situation is that
effective processing Of the traumatic issue helps build up the level Of self-differentiation,
giving the congregation conﬁdence in its ability to process such highly emotionally
evocative events.

High anxiety inhibits thinking capacities and Opens up doors tO reactivity, closing
the door tO healthy response. On the other hand, low anxiety allows processing to take
place and a thoughtﬁrl, effective response is possible, allowing the persons involved to

stay connected in spite of the high-stress potential Of the issue.

252

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Size of Congregation

Of the many varieties of resources that contribute to a congregation’s ability to be
a support system to families experiencing abuse, it seems that the most signiﬁcant is the
size of the congregation. Churches with more pe0ple tend to see themselves as having
more ability to respond to the crisis of incest. They may see their resource network as
more extensive (Vaux, 1988). A quick look at the matrix (ﬁgure 4.6) on page 231
illustrates the discrepancy between churches under 100 in average weekly attendance and
those over 1000. The more people there are, the more potential there is for persons
committed to ministering to abused persons, more funds available for provision of
programs and training, more education in the ﬁeld of abuse, and more awareness of
community organizations, it would seem. Financial, material, educational, and
humankind resources give the perception of a more effective support system.

There are many reasons the larger churches are more likely to be aware of sexual
abuse situations - tenure of pastor tends to be longer in larger congregations, the more
people the more abuse is likely to be revealed. When searching for a safe place, families
of abuse may trust the larger organization to have more checks and balances available.

The smaller congregations are consumed with survival. It is very hard to provide
services of counseling and support when there are not enough people to do the job to
keeping the machine running. The priority may be to survive. It is only when more
warm bodies are present to share the load that the congregation can look to the unique
needs of abuse.

The smaller congregations are also often more likely to have only one staff

member. That pastor wears many hats. Many times, he or she will try to counsel and

253

 

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handle crisis situations alone, not knowing who to trust, not aware of outside resources,
and afraid to lose the parishioners that are already there. Anxiety is high because of
perception of low resources and inability to partner with others. The pastors of smaller
congregations may also tend to be less educated, but that has not been established.

Research shows women on staff contribute to the development of preventative
and support measures within a congregation. The differing perspectives of both genders
are invaluable in addressing an issue so deeply embedded in the patriarchal paradigm of
the culture. The church without a female in leadership is deprived of a priceless resource.

Metropolitan areas are more likely to have organizations that have been
developed by a consortium that has pooled its various resources to address the needs of
the community more effectively. Data gathered from the churches researched shows the
larger, more populous areas used their collective assets to answer the challenge of support
within their communities.

Education makes people more aware of the problem of sexual abuse. The
congregations that were located in close proximity to a university seemed to have more of
an understanding of the myriad issues involved in sexual abuse and were more intentional
about protecting their parishioners. Research showed that using a variety of methods to
educate the community about sexual abuse raised awareness and provided a number of
resources for the local congregations.

Positive use of the rich and diverse mesosystemic inﬂuences, such as have been
mentioned, provide a wide platform for addressing sexual abuse. Collaboration of the
systems to attack an evil that oppresses the innocent and voiceless in our society is a

necessary process for continuing development of a healthy environment. Sharing energy

254

to thwart dysfunction is an example of transactional dynamics in their highest, most noble
processes. All systems beneﬁt emotionally from the exercise.

The key is perception. If a congregation does not see itself as having the
ability to be a support system, it will not invest its stockpile of life-energy into serving
others in a supportive manner. Each congregation, no matter how small it is, has
resources to be a support system. It may not have multi-staff, sophisticated programs or
unlimited funds at its disposal, but there are warm bodies with abilities to respect the

value of each human being and to listen to a hurting victim. Every congregation has a

'— ‘

'I

voice to speak out against atrocities between human beings and to address abuse of the
unempowered. There is a telephone close at hand to call a police station or a hospital.

Best of all there is the priceless resource of prayer and faith, which a church does best!

255

Chapter VI

LIMITATIONS AND IMPLICATIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH

Because there has been, as far as is known, no other survey that has endeavored to
measure the inﬂuences that impact the church’s ability to respond to the crisis of familial
sexual abuse, the survey will is given as collateral support to the interviews. In an effort
to obtain a valid reading of the inﬂuence of each variable, a similar number of surveys
was given to each denomination or faith community surveyed. Four states, within the
midwest only, were surveyed in an endeavor to acknowledge regional differences in

addressing issues of extreme sensitivity.

PROJECTIONS REGARDING LIMITATIONS
There are, of necessity, limitations to this study. An area that would hamper the
understanding of the seriousness of the issue, is that at least two states do not have laws
regarding incest, although they do have laws against childhood sexual abuse. One of the
midwestern states from which the sample is drawn, is just such a state. This contributes
to the confusion regarding what must be reported and what the required laws are. It
seems to this author that the lack of law sends a message regarding the perceived

seriousness of sexual abuse within families.

A pastor’s perspective is going to be different than the perspective of an elder or
that of a patriarch or matriarch within the congregation. Self-reports are, by their very

nature, biased. A pastor may be defensive in reporting, as he or she answers the survey.

256

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lnsight may also be limited by length of pastorate, ability to discern issues correctly, or

by the pastor’s own background and intergenerational issues.

A pastor is understood to be an authority ﬁgure within a local congregation. The
scope of inﬂuence includes the provision of programs, such as support to families
experiencing incest. The pastor brings his or her own perceptions and biases in directing

the response of the congregation (Friedman, 1985; Tumbull, 1970).

Do the Pastor’s responses indicate an effort to inﬂuence the congregation, as
pertains to providing services to the community, particularly families experiencing
incest? In-depth interviews will question the pastor’s agreement with denominational
policies, regarding women in leadership, Opinion of importance regarding the issues of
sexual abuse, individual perception of the church’s responsibility to provide support, and

perception of pastoral role within the local congregation.

The anxiety level of the pastor was not investigated in this study. There can be no
totally objective interview, by either the researcher or the respondent. Friedman (1985, p.
208) states that the capacity of the leadership to contain his or her own anxiety,
particularly in the face of such a high-stress potential, may be the most signiﬁcant
capability in the arsenal. Kerr and Bowen (1988) and Friedman both discuss the
importance of the level of differentiation of the leadership to an organism’s response.
Human ecological theory (Bronfenbrenner, 1989) would indicate that the organism
inﬂuences the microsystem at the same time that the microsystem is inﬂuencing the
organism. While it is highly unlikely that the knowledge of incest within a congregation
will not raise the anxiety level of the leadership, if the pastor is able to sustain a calm yet

ﬁrm position in the face of such a highly emotionally evocative moment, that steadiness

257

 

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may lower the level of anxiety for both the congregation and the family. A focused study
on the anxiety level of the pastor in these high-stress opportunities would contribute to
the understanding of the congregation’s ability to be a support system.

A follow-up study may be to survey families or victims who have experienced
incest, regarding their perspective of the church’s support to them during the crisis time.
Perceived support is critical to the ability of the system to be effective in the role (Vaux,

1988).

There may be a difference in the way a church responds to abuse based on the

type of abuse that has taken place, based on the legal ramiﬁcations, based on the ﬁnancial
situation or position of the family in the community, or based on how many people in the
church know. Has the community become aware? ls this a high proﬁle case?

It becomes clear that there is no one characteristic of a congregation that
inﬂuences its ability to be a support system to families experiencing sexual abuse. Many
areas that may well have a bearing on the issue, were not researched. Many other
variables are possible mitigating inﬂuences to churches ability to respond as an effective
support system to families experiencing incest. Among them may be the type of setting
in which the church is located. A rural church may respond differently than would an
urban or suburban faith community. Education level of the congregation or socio-
economic circumstances would possibly affect the way the church would view the issues

surrounding familial sexual abuse.

Local cultural understanding of resolving conﬂict would illuminate this study.

The mesosystem in which the microsystem is embedded greatly inﬂuences the organisms

258

  
 
 
  
  
   
  
    
  
  
  
  
   

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within the microsystem. What is the response of the community in a highly stressful
situation? How does that inﬂuence the local congregation’s ability to respond?

How does the manner in which the family approaches the congregation for help
affect the situation? Is there a difference when the perpetrator voluntarily confesses
abuse? Is the church more likely to be punitive in its behavior if the child is discovered
to have been abused? Does the age of the survivor and the number of people abused
affect the ability to stay non-reactive? Are all of these issues merely functions of the

level of self-differentiation of the congregation? From the knowledge that levels of

T—

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anxiety are contagious (Friedman, 1985; Kerr & Bowen, 1988), the question arises; how
does the level of self-differentiation of the family inﬂuence the level of self-
differentiation of the congregation?

Do Caucasian congregations provide more or less preventative measures than
Hispanic or African American congregations? Is one culture more likely to set up
intervention programs or support groups for survivors of abuse? It would be enlightening
to research the signiﬁcance of culture in examining ability to be a support system to
families experiencing sexual abuse.

Does the concept of women as subservient to men have an inﬂuence on the ability
to be a support system? The inconclusive evidence from this study would indicate that
there is some inﬂuence of patriarchal paradigm on effectiveness as a support system.
However, whether the denomination is more or less likely to provide education and/or
preventative measures regarding sexual abuse should be researched more thoroughly,
looking at the denominations’ understanding of male and female roles, and how that

inﬂuence is manifested.

259

 

 

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Finally, this research was conducted in a four state area with only forty-six
congregations. Although it will give some indication of the various denominations that
were researched, this research cannot be generalized to include all protestant

denominations, or even all of the seven denominations researched.

SUMMARY

The church is an organism built primarily on the concept of grace and mercy.
Despite her frailties, in spite of her prejudices, because of her humanness, she continually
struggles to minister with these twin concepts. Although the church does ﬁmction
emotionally as a family system, this particular priority of the church is uniquely different
from the family system within the biological family.

The difﬁculty of confronting an issue as highly charged with emotion as is sexual
abuse is that grace must be given in spite of the repugnant nature of the action. Grace
involves forgiving the sin, but setting boundaries to protect the innocent. It includes
taking a non-anxious stand in the presence of an anxiety-producing event.

This is the dilemma each congregation must face, as she struggles to be an
effective support system to families — both perpetrators and survivors — who are
experiencing abuse. The church must be pro-active and responsive. If she is to live out
her purpose, she must speak against evil, protect innocent ones and work to rehabilitate

those who have been damaged by sexual abuse, both the perpetrator and the survivor.

260

 

Appendixes

261

 

A.) SURVEY QUESTIONS

1) Strongly Agree, 2) Agree, 3) Am not sure, 4) Disagree, 5) Strongly Disagree

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Code Question 1 2 3 4 5
1. It is a mission of this congregation to respect all voices, including
cg children, women , and aged, handicapped, and minority groups.
2. This congregation sees part of its task as taking public stands on
ci what is oﬁen perceived as moral issues - such as:
23. - abortion
2b. - homosexuality
2c. - domestic abuse
2d. - sexual abuse
2e. - racism
2f. - discrimination
3. Women are ordained in this denomination or faith community.
da
4. This congregation has very close denominational ties.
c1
5. Conflict of opinion is respected within this congregation as normal
cl and healthy.
6. This congregation is driven by the pastoral leadership.
cl
7. The pastor is readily accessible to this congregation.
cl
8. If there is a major crisis in the church such as pastoral abuse — every
clh effort is made to keep the whole congregation from knowing.
9. There is a detailed process in place for disagreement with the
ch pastoral or elected leadership.
10. Women are involved in all roles in this congregation.
cg
l l. The congregation sees one of its missions as social activity within
dci the community (such as facilitating the disenfranchised, and
ministering to others outside the congregation)
12. Our denominational headquarters have great control over the local
dc congregations
13. The pastoral leadership of the church has the ﬁnal say on issues of
cl conﬂict within the cogegation.
14. The husband is considered head of the household, and as such, has
_cg ﬁnal say in issues ofcontention.
153 This congregation values peace above voicing issues of
ch disagreement:
- within the congegﬂn.
le - within the community
16. If there is a major crisis in the church, every effort is made to keep
ch the whole congregation from being informed about the situation.
17. This congregation has a variety of resources for counseling,
cr education, and protection of innocent persons.
18. This congregation is reﬂective of the main denominational proﬁle
dci in doctrine and ideology.
l9. Constructive conﬂict is valued as necessary for the growth and
clh outreach of the congregation.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

262

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

20. Major decisions in this congregation are made largely by the

clh pastoral leadership, rather than bythe whole congegation.

21. When the problem of sexual abuse has arisen within leadership

hil meetings, the majority of the leaders do not want to discuss either
the issue or the church role.

22. The congregation has had to confront a member of this

chp congregation with a charge of incestuous sexual abuse.

23. The congregation is encouraged to be active in the life of the

ci community.

24 The congregation provides mental health services, in some form,

cpr for both the parishioners and the community, equally.

25 it is the responsibility of the “leadership to address abuse issues.

cl5

26. Abuse education is a part of the "leadership training of this

clr congregation.

27. The congregation is free to voice disagreement with the

lh ”leadership.

28. When an active person within the congregation is accused of

cp sexually abusing one of his/her family members, the person is

lhg immediately relieved of ofﬁcial position and responsibilities until
the charges have been explored ﬁthher.

29. The position of the denomination is that when a couple disagrees on

dg an issue, the husband is the one to make the ﬁnal decision.

30. The congregation is free to voice disagreement with the

cd denomination.

31. Persons not on the pastoral staff or elected to a church ofﬁce, have

clh some ofﬁcial input on the response toward families experiencing
incest.

32. To your knowledge, at least one incident of incest has been exposed

ch within the church constituency in the last twenty years.

33. There is a risk management program in place in the congregation.

clr

34. Based on your understanding of the term, the parishioners in this

cli congregation would be deﬁned as mostly conservative.

35. When a moral charge is made, there is every effort made to treat

cl each person involved with respect, no matter what the position in

gp the congregation.

36. Formal efforts have been made for protection of children and

crg innocent people in the life of this congregation.

37. There would be formal consequences if the congregation were to

dci deviate ﬁ'om the denominational ideology.

38. If incidents of incest have occurred within this congregation, they

clh have historicallj been addressed by the pastoral staff only.

39. The leadership would be more likely to invest in the emotional

cpi healing of a parishioner than a community member who is not a
part of the congregation.

40. Based on your understanding of the term, this congregation would

cli be deﬁned as mostly liberal.

4 l cli This congegation is mission driven.

42. Within the leadership meetings, any discussion regarding the issue

hil of incest, often ends in tabling the issue.

43. To your knowledge, this congregation has addressed at least one

ch incident of sexual abuse within the last twenty years.

 

263

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

"For this survey, unless otherwise speciﬁed, the term leadership is deﬁned as formal or in formal
emotional and spiritual guides. This could include both pastoral staff and/or spiritual matriarchs/patriarchs,
as well as accepted governing heads of the congregation.

Legend:

Each of these questions reﬂect the source from which anxiety would be derived.

D = Denominational issues

C = Congregational Issues

L = Leadership Issues

G = Gender Issues in the life of the congregation

H = Historical Issues in the life of the congregation

P = Position of the family/individual within the congregation

I = Perceived congregational image within the community, including responsibilities and services
R = Resources available within the congregation

Research Questions addressed by survey questions:

Research Question #1 — 5, 6, 9, l3, 15a,l6, 19, 20, 21, 27, 30, 42

Research Question #2 — l, 2a,c,d,f, 4, 9, 12, l3, 16, 18, 29, 36

Research Question #3 ~ 8, 22, 28, 31, 32, 38, 43

Research Question #4 — 22, 23, 28,35, 39

Research Question #5 - 2a,b,c,d,e,f, 4,11, 12, 15b, 18, 22, 24, 25, 30, 33, 36, 37, 39, 41

Research Question #6 — 7, 17, 24, 26, 33

264

B. Pastor’s Contact Letter

June 27, 2002
Dear Pastor,

You have been asked to participate in a research project entitled “Denominational,
Congregational, and Leadership Inﬂuences on the Church’s Effectiveness As a Support
System to Families Experiencing Incest”, for a doctoral program. In an effort to ﬁnd
ways for the church to minister to families experiencing incest, I will be interviewing
twenty pastors from six different faith communities in four mid-west states. I will also be
asking you to ﬁll out a 43 item survey regarding issues which may be inﬂuential to your
church’s policies and practices in regard to sexual abuse. This survey will take
approximately 25 minutes to complete. My goal is to locate denominational,
congregational, and leadership issues that may inﬂuence the church’s effectiveness in
developing ministries for families who have experienced incest.

I would like to involve you in this research project. Let me assure you that your
responses will remain conﬁdential; neither your name, nor the name and location of your
congregation will be listed in any of the literature, including my doctoral thesis, or any
future references to this research. Both the surveys and the audio-tapes will be kept in
locked storage in my office at 1101 E. Cavanaugh St., Lansing, Mi., 48910. There will
be no extra copies made. No other person will have access to either the surveys or the
audio-tapes.

I will be contacting you by telephone within the next 30 days to discuss any
questions you may have and to set up an appointment for a 60-90 minute interview, at
your convenience.

l hOpe you will be willing to participate in this study. By signing the consent
form, you are agreeing to participate in both the survey and the interview. You are able
to withdraw participation from this research project at any time. If you choose to do so,
the information gathered from you will be immediately destroyed. Otherwise, the
interview and survey data will be kept until December 31, 2003, at which time all of it
will be destroyed.

Hopefully, as we better understand the issues that affect our efﬁcacy to minister
to victims of abuse, we will be better equipped to address these issues.

Thank you,
Sincerely,

Rev. Rebecca New Edson
Pastor of Worship and Arts
Pennway Church of God
Lansing, Michigan 48864
5 17-882-0223

265

C. Consent Form

“Denominational, Congregational, and Leadership Inﬂuences on the Church’s
Effectiveness As A Support System to Families Experiencing Incest”

CONSENT FORM

You have been asked to participate voluntarily in both an interview and a survey,
exploring the inﬂuences surrounding a congregation’s response to families experiencing
incest.

In order to obtain more complete information about the congregation’s process of
responding to incest within the church community, the researcher will be interviewing
each participant in a 60-90 minute session, which will be taped for the researcher’s
accuracy in reporting. All will be held in conﬁdence and privacy will be protected to the
maximum extent allowable by law.

Your identity, and that of the church, will be withheld. Neither your name nor the
location of your congregation will be listed. The data collected will be destroyed no later
than December 31, 2003. Should you decide to withdraw from participation, please
contact me via telephone or email, and the data will be immediately destroyed.

If you have any questions or concerns regarding your right as a participant, you
may contact Ashir Kumar, MD, Chair of the University Committee on Research
Involving Human Subjects (UCRIHS), 202 Olds Hall, Michigan State University, East
Lansing, Mi 48824-1046; phone 517-355-2180; Fax — 517-432-4503; Email
UCRIHS@msu.edu.

By signing this consent form you are giving your permission to the researcher to
use information collected for research on this project. You may withdraw consent at any
time by contacting the person at the name and address below.

Signature

Date

 

Contact:
Rebecca New Edson
3969 W. Sunwind Ave.
Okemos, Mi 48864
Phone: 517-351-6475 Email: rebeccancw@voyagcr.net

266

 

 

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REFERENCES

267

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