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UKRAI ’EAN IML'. ‘

 

In;

A FOOT IN TWO WORLDS:
UKRAINIAN IMMIGRANTS NEGOTIATING A LITERATE IDENTITY

By

Bette J. Shellhorn

A DISSERTATION

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
Department of Education

2003

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ABSTRACT

A FOOT IN TWO WORLDS:
UKRAINIAN IMMIGRANTS NEGOTIATING A LITERATE IDENTITY

By
Bette J. Shellhorn

This study of immigrants negotiating language and identity in a Ukrainian
American community examined the literacy and social life in sociolinguistic and
historical perspectives, comparing pre-emigration life in Ukraine with life in the
United States. Research sites in this community included several Ukrainian
Catholic Churches and a Ukrainian Catholic Elementary and High School. My
role as a participant observer in the community provided an intimate look at the
community. Observation on site, interviews with participants in the community,
surveys given to community members, and collecting primary and secondary
source materials became the data focus. The question guiding this research
was, How does the experience of a new immigrant group unfold when there are
already ties to the homeland, its language and religion, awaiting its members?
Analyzing, describing and interpreting data from historical records, and
ethnographic study within this community presented an in-depth look at the
immigration process within one community where literacy, spirituality, and social
networks support English language learning and assimilation of American cultural
identity. Community support also provides maintenance of strong and
educationally supportive ties to the Ukrainian language, culture, religion, and

education.

Copyright by
BETTE J. SHELLHORN
2003

 

 

 

In honor of my parents, Philip and Pauline,
who taught me to love books and to treasure knowledge.

To my husband, Terry, the love of my life,
who selflessly loves me daily.

And for our dearest sons, Colin and Jason,

who are the joy of our lives and
my reason for pursuing the dream of education.

iv

Any work of g'

 

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SW of insp:'ation °
Stsar's timely words
issetaton process

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Any work of great value is created in concert with many people. This
dissertation is no exception. There are many people who have had a part in the
learning process for me over the years. Susan Florio-Ruane has been a great
source of inspiration for a number of years and an amazing dissertation director.
Susan’s timely words and poignant insights were so helpful during the entire
dissertation process. Thank you. Many thanks to Lynn Paine, Laura Apol, and
Jenny Denyer, for the coursework we shared during the doctoral program that
prepared me for this study and for their guidance as my dissertation committee.
Lynn Paine was the principal investigator for the one year pilot study completed
before beginning my dissertation study. All of these superb women have been
mentors and role models as scholars these past years of doctoral study.

P. David Pearson, David Labaree, Taffy Raphael, and Suzanne Wilson have
been generous with their knowledge and I am thankful for the opportunity to learn
the fine points of scholarship from each one. There are many others over the
years who have shared knowledge that has helped me to move fonlvard with my
research. My thanks to each one. The Detroit Ukrainian community warmly
welcomed me and provided a world of knowledge for this study. Each
conversation and activity that we shared was an exceptional experience. Thank

you, all, for your willingness to share your time and your knowledge with me.

 

 

vi

THE PHOTOGRAPH

He finds it in his mother’s drawer of souvenirs,
blurred and bent; an out-of-focus photograph
as brown and cracked as leather.

The trees and foliage arch like feathers.
There is a house, one story, in the rear,
behind the lumpy humans growing up —

those arms and shoulders so rigidly posed,
those faces like smudged thumbprints on a wall.
He must recognize these children —

by a slouch, a shape, a tilt of the head —

as his uncles and aunts. One daughter

is massive, and the other, the boy’s mother,

is as slim and tall as her eldest brother

and the man who sits stiff-backed in front
beside the round little woman in a shawl.

The details of each shape are off-center,
the photo looks as if it had been taken
at the instant people, house, and trees
were shaken by an earthquake or a wind.
The more he looks at it, the more the boy
cannot be sure of where this is, or when.
The house could be in Kovno, Vilna, or Carnarsie.
Is this his uncle, really? That his aunt?
The photo could belong to someone else.
The family could be anyone’s.
By Morton Marcus (Marcus,1988)

vii

 

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PREFACE

This is a study of identity formation during the immigration process for an
Eastern European immigrant community living in the United States. The study
focused on a group of Ukrainian immigrants living near the Detroit area.
Research sites in this community included several Ukrainian Catholic Churches
and a Ukrainian Catholic Elementary and High School. Worship services at the
churches were offered in English and Ukrainian to church members and their
families. Classes at the schools included English and Ukrainian courses for K-12
students. The public also participated in church events in English and/or
Ukrainian. My role as a participant observer in the community provided an
intimate look at the community. By analyzing, describing and interpreting the
data collected within this Ukrainian American community, a greater
understanding of the immigration process for immigrants emerged to view the
r Ole of identity formation in the immigration process.

The main research question for the study was: How does the experience
Of a new immigrant group unfold when there are already ties to the homeland. its
li-lrtguage and religion, awaiting its members? A variety of research methods
Were used to study the Ukrainian American immigrant community. Qualitative
research, using ethnographic research methods helped to define the research
paradigm. The study used participant perspectives and the participants in the
Ukrainian community had an interest in the findings about the community.

Observation on site, interviews with participants in the community, surveys given

viii

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to community members, and collecting primary and secondary source materials
became the focus for this study.

For example, observation during worship services at the churches and
classes at the school provided a view of daily life at the church and school. One-
hour interviews with some of the participants brought clarity to individual
experiences for a variety of informants. The interviews were audio taped, (where
permission from the participants was granted) to obtain a closer look during the
analysis of transcripts. Interviews less than one hour in length, observation field
notes, audio taping of events and interviews, public information about the
surrounding community and the immigrant experience, oral and written personal

history by family members and other members of the group, and information
observed from participation in the worship services and language classes were
other research methods used during the study. Direct quotes were not used in
this study to protect the anonymity of participants. Names of people who are
deceased were used, however, pseudonyms were used for participants that are
currently living, and all data was securely kept in my possession during the study.
An explanation of the research process regarding the use of names and quotes
can be found in Appendix A. Another method used to accompany the fieldwork
research described above included historical research of primary and secondary

sources documenting the immigration process for adults and children in the

Ukrainian American community.

The study contained a variety of dimensions in the community. Data

Sources reflected the variety and scope of the study. Analysis of these diverse

ix

data sets Involved 3'

 

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data sets involved the generation and refinement of assertions by means of
constant comparing of data sources, looking for information about the actions of
participants, finding artifacts that pertain to the immigrant community, and noting
relevant conversations within the community. Thoughtfully processing the data
by perceiving, comparing, contrasting, collecting, ordering, connecting, and
speculating provided the ability to construct and test theories, hypotheses, and
interpretations about the data, to inform the study. For the purpose of analysis,
the data was organized and classified initially into systematic groupings of similar
types of data, finding patterns in the data and then organizing those patterns and
findings into categories that helped to describe, explain, and interpret the data
findings.

Analysis took place in three stages, called, “item“, “pattern“, and
“structure.” “Items” included concrete, tangible, and specific information and
units of data. “Patterns” consisted of categories or groupings of items that relate
to each other or fit together into a pattern. “Structures” were composed of larger
groups of patterns. Sometimes a relationship between patterns helped to form or
eXplain a theory or hypothesis about the phenomena. This study was grounded
in ethnographic and constructivist perspectives. The constant comparative

approach provided inductive analysis of data, allowing data to be considered in
'ayers, and this approach facilitated interpretation of the study. Culture was a
principal lens through which identity formation was observed and studied in the
Community, as the immigrants became literate. (LeCompte and Schensul, 1999.

p. 66.)

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The analysis also used extant theoretical models and literature to inform
and test interpretations. For example, socio—cultural theory, or social-
constructivist theory informed the research and provided a conceptual framework
for the study. The term “constructivist” was used to indicate a social construction
of reality, which means that what participants know and believe to be true about
the world is constructed, or created and built, as people interacted with one
another over a period of time in specific social settings (LeCompte and Schensul,
1999)

“Constructs” used in the study explain concepts with greater detail. “A
construct is a concept used to put together, to ‘construct,’ a mental model that
helps you image unobservable processes presumed underlying events you can
observe” (Polansky, 1991, p. 25). Two constructs used in the study are the
terms, “immigration process” and “identity formation.” Several perspectives of
the “immigration process” and “identity formation” informed the project. The
immigration process began before the emigres left Ukraine, continued during the
Ioumey to America, and included settling and becoming assimilated into the
Ukrainian American community in Detroit. I argue that the immigrants who have
come in previous times and who are still living in the existing immigrant
community, within the United States, have helped to shape and form the
Immigration process, or the process of emigration from the homeland, to

immigration in the United States. This “immigration process” included the
formation of identity and is influenced by the spirituality of the ethnic community.

During the “immigration process,” it can be noted that within the Ukrainian

xi

 

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community, the existing community members mentored or scaffolded the new
immigrants coming to the established Ukrainian community. The process of
mentoring or “situated learning,” as described by Lave and Wenger (1991) can
be noted in the Ukrainian immigrant community. Those who could be considered
”old immigrants” or second and third generation immigrants facilitated the
process of learning in a new situation for the “new immigrants” or for those who
have recently come to the community from Ukraine. In the process, “identity
formation” took place for the immigrants who remained in the community as well
as for those who left the community of Ukrainian Americans. This mentoring
process facilitated identity formation and helped new immigrants to become
successful contributing Ukrainian Americans while living in the community.
“Identity formation” was another construct used in this study. This term
was used to explain the process that began as new immigrants settled in the
Ukrainian American community and found their own uniqueness and individuality
as a Ukrainian American. In this community, Ukrainian culture and spirituality are
a part of daily life. New immigrants who became a part of this community
embraced the existing characteristics of the cultural and spiritual ways of life for
Ukrainian Americans. The process of coming to America as a Ukrainian and
becoming a literate Ukrainian American is called “identity formation” in this study.
There are implications for this study that can lead to further research in the
field of education of immigrants, for bilingual education of immigrants, and for
r esearch on networks and communities of immigrants as ethnic groups.

Immigrants in general, throughout the United States, are currently educated in

xii

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inclusive and/or exclusive settings within elementary and secondary American
schools. Public and private schools educate immigrants in a variety of ways.
Some of the current methods for instruction have come under criticism. Strong
and heated debates about immigrant education include the topic of finances for
the education of immigrants and there is political rhetoric about the education
process, largely due to the demands placed on the public education system
where large populations of immigrants exist. My research informs this debate
and provides evidence to support bilingual education of immigrants in private
educational settings. As such, it enlightens the current reform discourse
including the size of schools, the relation of schools to local communities as well
as to national standards, and the ways that private schools (religious and charter)
might infuse the curriculum with social or spiritual values enhancing students’
motivation to learn.

There is also debate about the use of ESL or bilingual instruction for
immigrants as they learn English in schools within the United States. This study
looks at a particular, local approach to language and literacy education that is
infused with both the value of and the practice of Standard English, as well as
maintenance of the home language, or Ukrainian. This blend of the two
Ianguages is carried out during learning, especially by means of intergenerational

networks, in Ukrainian American homes, and in the Ukrainian Catholic Church.
I n this study, the Ukrainian American elementary and high school can be viewed
as a strategic research site because its model has apparently succeeded by a

developed system of education for immigrants that has proven successful for

xiii

 

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over 40 years. The Ukrainian Catholic High School has a 100% graduation rate
and most of the graduates go on to major universities, completing degrees as
lawyers, doctors, accountants, and other professional careers.
Finally, this study affords a way to think about the experiences of second
and third generation immigrants and new or first generation, immigrants. Eastern
European immigrants entering the US in the early twentieth century were often
isolated and regarded as less able than earlier immigrants who came from
Northern Europe and the British Isles. The language, politics, and religious
practices made them seem (like other Eastern and Southern European
immigrants) as outsiders, less able to succeed in school, and less able to
perform the work of an educated citizenry. Like many of their peers, Eastern
European immigrants contradicted these beliefs by assimilating into
“mainstream” US language, politics, and socioeconomic life of Americans.
However, unlike the history of other countries whose émigrés flooded the US
until immigration was greatly limited in 1920, Ukrainians not only assimilated but,
several generations later, in the late twentieth century and early twenty-first
Century, have become “new immigrants.” Reflecting social and political changes
Shaped by the fall of communism and the break-up of the USSR into discrete and
independent nations, Ukrainians now have the option and in many cases the
desire to leave their homeland for Ukrainian American communities, especially in
Iarge US cities.
As a result, like many other immigrant groups the Ukrainians coming to

the US today come for many of the reasons that their forbears came. However,

xiv

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they are joined this time not by Poles, Jews, Italians, and Greeks, but by people
from Latin America and the Pacific Rim. They are not greeted at Ellis Island
among other speakers of strange sounding languages and practitioners of
strange looking script, but they arrive at airports in many US cities and are often
met by second and third generation Ukrainian Americans who have become full

participants in American life — its language and institutions.

XV

 

UST OF FIGURES

 

lllTRODUCTION
The Dance .
Research A;
Dissertation

CHAPTER 1

In the Begin
Pursurng the
Description 0
Educational
Rationaée for |
Theoretica: Fl
Studying Lani
Data Sources
PafllCtpants
AnaIYSIS and

CHAPTER 2
Life in 3 Ukr;
Mikhails SiC'
HESIOW and Ir
mmaCUiafe (E
lCUC Gfamm
Imp‘uicmate. c
Gimmes. Ate

pi JCSafihat l

faces in. the

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF FIGURES

I NTRODUCTION
The Dance between Two Worlds
Research Approach
Dissertation Overview

CHAPTER 1
In the Beginning
Pursuing the Dream of Education
Description of the Dissertation Study
Educational Ethnography
Rationale for the Study
Theoretical Framework for this Study
Studying Language, Community, and Culture
Data Sources
Setting and Context
Participants
Analysis and Findings

CHAPTER 2
Life in a Ukrainian American Community
Mikhail’s Story
History and Immigration
Emigrating from Ukraine
Immaculate Conception Ukrainian Catholic Church
lCUC Grammar School
Immaculate Conception Ukrainian Catholic High School
Activities, Athletics, and School Accomplishments
St. Josaphat Ukrainian Catholic Church
Places in the Ukrainian Community Network
Ukrainian People

CHAPTER 3
Ukrainian American Literate Ildentity
Helen's Story
Ukrainian and English Language Practices
Language learning and the social ecology of the community
Learning Register and Genre by Participation
Learning in Russia and America
Ukrainian Immigrants Becoming Literate Americans
Learning Language and Culture in America

xvi

xviii

(33-5-3

11
13
13
16
18
28
34
35
37
4O

46
46
51
56
58
62
64
68
72
73
76

80
8O
84
85
86
89
94
98

 

 

Learnlng Or:I
Negotiating r

 

CHAPTER 4
Then and Nr
Elena‘s Steal
Educataon a“
lmmaculate C
Then: 191‘
Now: 203:
Then and N:
The Role of {I
The Role of it
The Role of :l

 

CHAPTER 5

RuShnyky in
Raimagininl
RUSDnyky
CWepfs of l
Kialnlan CU
Ukrainian 8y.
Ukrainian Arr

SHITI’TER e
What Weht r-

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OCIO‘CUiiura
eSEarch FlI'

OmmUley-

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Learning Oral and Written Language Practices 102
Negotiating a Ukrainian American Literate Identity 105
CHAPTER 4
Then and Now: Shifting Roles of Language and Culture 108
Elena’s Story 108
Education and Immigrants Then: 1900 to 1936 118
Immaculate Conception Schools: Then and Now 126
Then: 1917 to 1963 126
Now: 2000 to 2002 127
Then and Now: Culture, Traditions and Rituals 129
The Role of the Church 133
The Role of the School 136
The Role of the Community 139
CHAPTER 5
Rushnyky in Detroit: Remembering, Remaking, and
Re-Imagining Cultural Identity 142
Rushnyky 142
Concepts of Culture 152
Ukrainian Culture and Spirituality 153
Ukrainian Symbolism and Culture 159
Ukrainian American Cultural and Spiritual Identity 165
CHAPTER 6
What went right? Revisiting the Patterns for Success 172
Dissertation Review 173
Socio-cultural Theoretical Framework 175
Research Findings 177
Creating a Ukrainian American Community 179
Community: Similar Culture and Language 182
Community: Family and Relatives 184
Community: Economic Success and Education 185
Seven Major Outcomes 189
Research Results 192
Implications for Future Research 196
Conclusions 199
A PPENDICES 202
Ref-1'5 RENCES 233

xvii

 

 

FIGURE 1
Data Source

I
FIGURE 2
SocioCultc'

FIGURE 3
Matrix for Ba

 

 

FIGURE 1
Types of Da‘

FIGURE 5
Enghsh and

FIGURE 5
WQISIUD Se

FIGURE'I
Survey Que

FIGURE 8
Artifacts

LIST OF FIGURES

FIGURE 1
Data Sources and Participants

FIGURE 2 .
Socio-Cultural Theory Conceptual Framework

FIGURE 3
Matrix for Data Collection

FIGURE 4
Types of Data and Kinds of Analyses

FIGURE 5
English and Ukrainian Parents' Language Level of Fluency

FIGURE 6
Worship Services English and Ukrainian

FIGURE 7
Survey Questions

F IGU RE 8
Artifacts

FlGURE 9
Cover Terms for Artifacts

Fl GURE 10
Participants

I: l (SURE 1 1
Development of Ukrainian Catholic Churches and
Schools Detroit and Suburb 1913-2002

FIGURE 12
History of Grade School 1917 - 1964

Itic? URE 13
Names and Dates of Spiritual Leaders

xviii

 

212

213

214

215

216

217

218

219

220

221

222

223

224

 

 

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FIGURE 17
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LIST OF FIGURES

FIGURE14
Survey Self-Report Data on English and Ukrainian
Language Proficiency of Parents in the Community

FIGURE 15
Identity — formation as literate Americans
FIGURE 16
Places in the Ukrainian Community 1963 and 2002
FIGURE 17
Places in the Ukrainian Community 1963 and 2002
FIGURE 18
Ukrainian High School Program of Courses 1963
FIGURE 19
Ukrainian High School Curriculum 2002
FIGURE 20
Donations for ICUCS Building Project 2002
$2,000,000 Needed
FiGURE 21

Ukrainian High School Accomplishments 2002

xix

225

226

227

228

229

230

231

232

 

 

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INTRODUCTION
The Dance between Two Worlds
The process of immigration has changed dramatically several times during
the past century for all immigrants, no matter where their place of origin.
Immigrants in this study have faced these changes by negotiating their place in
life with a foot in the homeland and a foot in the new land upon immigration. This
meant that Ukrainian immigrants in this study had a foot in two worlds: Ukraine
and the United States. Dinnerstein and Reimers (1975) have noted that between
1880 and 1930 the United States received 27 million immigrants. Significant
numbers of emigrants from Southern and Eastern EurOpe immigrated to America
during this time in spite of adverse circumstances due to immigration restriction
laws and a major depression in the United States. Many peOple from Russia
came to the United States since the 1880’s, but they were not considered or
counted as a separate group. Instead, Russian emigrants were clumped with the
European emigrants, leaving Russian immigrants without a voice and without
consideration for their unique culture, language, and spirituality. Russian Jews in
particular were restricted in their lives when in Russia and forced to live in the
pale of Settlement, which was a region stretching from the Baltic Sea to the

B lack Sea, This area is now Poland, Lithuania, and Ukraine.
Many Russians living in the Pale of Settlement between 1899 and 1910

emigrated from Russia to the United States. Many (67%) of the Russian Jews

who Came as immigrants, came to America with trade skills such as carpentry,

s”C>el"'"léiking, painting, and butchering. These skills were learned and practiced in

 

the Russian Pale of Settlement and the skills were used in the United States
within the Russian immigrant communities. Today, those immigrants coming
from this area in Russia are called Ukrainians. A significant number of
immigrants now come with professional and technical skills, education, and some
knowledge of the English language. Foner (2001) divides today's immigrants
into two camps: those who come with little education and training and those who
come with specialized skills and college degrees. This “human capital” or the
resource of human labor and the positive additions made to the American society
that contemporary immigrants bring to the United States is also found in the
Ukrainian immigrant community.

Yet, with so many immigrants from Ukraine who were added to the
professional work force in America, their numbers were not counted as
Ukrainians, or even counted as Russians, until the last decade. They were
considered Europeans or “Other” when categorized. The story of Ukrainian
i mmigration has been without a voice for over a century. Most Ukrainian
i mmigrants were counted with Southern and Eastern Europe, with Slavic groups.
or with Russian Jews. The voices of Ukrainians have been silenced and ignored

for many years. It is my intention that this research about Ukrainian immigrants
W5 1' Provide a voice for Ukrainians, and bring the process of Ukrainian

Immigration into the ongoing conversation about immigration.

Immigrants from many different countries experience emigration from their
homeland and immigration to the United States in a unique and individual way.

Howe Ve r. there are similarities between many immigrant experiences that help

 

 

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us to understand the immigration process. Yet, immigrants are not aware of the
process that is needed when they first arrive in this country. The “dance”
between the two worlds has been explained in other studies, such as William

F cote Whyte’s study, Street Comer Society (1973, p. 273), “To get ahead, the
Cornerville man must move either in the world of business and Republican
politics or in the world of Democratic politics and the rackets. He cannot move in
both worlds at once; they are so far apart that there is hardly any connection
between them. If he advances in the first world, he is recognized by society at
large as a successful man, but he is recognized in Cornerville only as an alien to
the district. If he advances in the second world, he achieves recognition in
Cornerville but becomes a social outcast to respectable people elsewhere."

In this study, I entered the “dance" between worlds as a participant—

observer to better understand the process of immigration during identity
formation for Ukrainian immigrants becoming literate in the United States. My
research included unique perspectives and views to the identity formation during
the immigration process. One view included a history of the immigrant
experience, during segments of time from the late 18003 to the present. Each
time segment related to changes in the immigration laws and policies of the
L1 nited States, and the changing process of emigrating from Ukraine and
"'71 migrating to the United States. General information about immigration was
Compared to specific information about Ukrainian immigration to better
Under Sta nd the process and to give voice to those coming from Ukraine to the

United States, who had been left out of the previous conversation. (DeLaet,

 

233 l. (Dinnersfe

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2000), (Dinnerstein and Reimers, 1975, 1999), (Portes and Rumbaut, 1996,
2001), (Daniels, 1991).

Another view included the nature of the identity formation during the
immigration process. As many Ukrainian immigrants came to the United States,
they were brought into an existing community of Ukrainian Americans. This
community was characterized by participation in the Ukrainian Catholic Church,
by supportive Ukrainian social networks within the Ukrainian community, and by
the education that was received in Ukrainian Catholic Schools also supported by
several Ukrainian Catholic Churches within the extended community. The
immigrants were a part of the Ukrainian community during the immigration

process and the community helped to form a literate identity for each immigrant.

Research Approach
Ethnography is a research approach to learning about the social and
cultural life of people in a local setting (LeCompte and Schensul, 1999). The
goal of this educational ethnography was to learn about the social and cultural
l ife of the Detroit Ukrainian American community to be able to better understand
the process of immigration and the process of identity formation for Ukrainian
i mmlgrants in the Detroit community. Observation and interviewing were two
critical activities used during the study to form ethnographic theory. Constructing
Meanings. interpretation, and associations or theories that are significant for the

Community provided a way for the conceptual framework to develop. The

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ultimate ethnographic objective was to condense social and cultural reality in the
Ukrainian community to produce a coherent description of the community.
Ethnography has historically been considered both a product of research
and a process for research (LeCompte & Preissle, 1993). Products of research
for this study included interpretive stories and narratives about the Ukrainian
American community. The process of research included face-to-face interactions
with people in the community using ethnographic tools for data collection over a
period of two years. In Addition, background information and historical primary
and secondary source materials were added to the artifacts collected as part of
the research process. To restrict the focus for the study specific lenses were
used on particular aspects of the community.

One lens for this study focused on the Ukrainian Catholic Churches in the
Community, one lens focused on the Ukrainian Catholic Schools in the
Community, and one lens focused on the Ukrainian American community.
Observation field notes, interviews with participants, a survey, historical
info rmation and materials, and artifacts provided data for the ethnographic study.

Th is study was carried out in a natural setting within the Ukrainian community
AS a participant observer, l was able to provide an accurate reflection of
particular perspectives and behaviors for participants in the community
‘nductive, interactive, and recursive data collection along with analytic strategies
provided a way to construct cultural theories in this local setting. To provide a
Circumspect view of the community the study included organizing the data as it

Was collected and creating groups of data for analysis. During analysis, revisiting

 

 

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the data and triangulating the data provided a circumspect examination of the

community in the study.

Dissertation Overview
This dissertation has six chapters that together reflect a view of the Detroit
Ukrainian American immigrant community. Each chapter highlights a different
view of the community. Vignettes, poetry and quotations add richness to the
information about the community and each narrative provides personal
experiences to deepen the panorama of the community. Chapters include a
review of the literature used for the chapter, information and data collected during
the study about the topic of the chapter and together the chapters provide a
la ndscape of the research for the dissertation. Chapter titles include: In the
Beginning; Negotiating a Ukrainian American Literate Identity; Life in a Ukrainian
American Immigrant Community; Then and Now: Shifting Roles of Language
and Culture; Rushnyky in Detroit: Remembering, Remaking, and Re-lmagining
C u ltural Identity; and What Went Right? Revisiting the Patterns for Success.
Chapter 1 focused on the beginnings of the study and provided a
description of the dissertation. Chapters 2 - 5, each, contain a detailed look at
the separate parts of the study. Chapter 2 introduced the Ukrainian immigrant
Community and how community life developed over the years. Chapter 3
explained how Ukrainian immigrants formed a literate identity while living in the
Community. The chapter also tells of the provisions for educating Ukrainian

Catholic immigrants and how the growing numbers of students in the community

expanded the We

 

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expanded the educational system in this Ukrainian Catholic community. Chapter
4 viewed the shifting roles of language and culture in the community. The
community from the beginning chose to be decidedly bi-lingual, by providing
English and Ukrainian languages throughout the church, school, and community.
Chapter 5 focused on cultural identity for Ukrainian immigrants in Detroit.
Artifacts, such as rushnyky, which are ritual cloths, were highlighted as a part of
the Ukrainian American museum. Chapter 6 revisited the findings for the study
and put the spotlight on the patterns for success that were developed and
sustained for decades in the Detroit Ukrainian American community. Each
chapter provided a window into the community and the rich details offered by the
community provided a story of how the community began and how they have
m a naged to successfully educate immigrants and pass on the culture and
Spiritual life of the Ukrainian Catholic Church for more than one century.
The chapters in concert convey and answer the research question, How does the
experience of a new immigrant group unfold when there are already ties to the

homeland, its language and religion, awaiting its members?

 

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CHAPTER 1
In the Beginning
Every story seems to begin with “once upon a time,” and my once upon a
time began during my childhood with the dream of pursuing an education. This
dream was planted in my heart by my grandmother and my parents as I
observed my family living with a foot in two worlds: America and Ukraine. The
desire began when my parents read aloud to me every day. Books became a
constant companion especially each night before going to bed, in the car on trips
and any other time there was a minute to spare. One or more of my favorite
books were read to me each day. From my earliest recollection my father
instilled in me a love for reading, writing, and learning. At the age of three he
took me to the local library and made sure I received my first library card. The
Fi rst book I checked out of the library was about Papa Small and with that
Wonderful experience with books, I was hooked! Reading became a passion for
me and is to this day. My father said, “Books are your friends,” and I had great
reSpect for books and always held them in great esteem. I felt a connection to
the characters and the stories I read, always keeping my books close to me.
Mether found a collection of music with stories that were read aloud and so I sat
in my little rocker and listened to the stories and music I loved for hours on end.
During most holidays, our Ukrainian traditions were included in the
Celebrations. The attention of my family turned to the Ukrainian Catholic Church
and the surrounding Detroit Ukrainian community each holiday in the church

Yea r. My Ukrainian Baba, my grandmother, spoke Ukrainian and very little

 

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English. She celebrated Christmas in a Ukrainian way which meant Christmas
was celebrated in January, not December. Our Ukrainian Christmas began in
January and the holiday was called “Little Christmas” by my family. Baba
brought a Christmas tree home on the traditional December 24 Christmas Eve
and the family gathered to decorate the tree, baking cookies and making food for
our own “Little Christmas.” The excitement of our Ukrainian Christmas continued
for many days after December 25. It was great to still feel the joy of the holiday
when we opened our Christmas gifts and celebrated our own holiday in January
long after everyone else had taken down the Christmas tree and celebrated the
traditional January 1New Year.
Soon after the Christmas tree was taken down sometime in January, Baba
began to make pysanky, or Ukrainian Easter eggs. Easter was the most
im portant holiday in our family and in the Ukrainian Catholic Church. The
Ce Iebration began the first day of Lent and lasted 40 days. Making pysanky was
a Spiritual experience and an expression of the Ukrainian Catholic faith.
Blessings were said for each egg and then small cups were used to hold the
p‘ant and mineral dyes used for coloring the eggs. Wax lines were drawn on the
eggshells and each egg was fully decorated with colorful patterns. Rhythm,
t>alamce, space, and graphic placement of colorful Ukrainian designs meant that
the process took several days. Baba finished egg making before Holy Thursday,
the week just before Easter Sunday. When eggs were completed they were
p'aced in a large bowl, warmed in the oven to melt the wax, and then each egg

Was wiped with a clean cloth to remove the wax. She worked night and day to

 

make sure that

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make sure that everyone in the family would receive some of her eggs for Easter.

Baba used traditional Ukrainian designs for each egg and every Easter Baba
made sure that the grandchildren were given an Easter basket filled with a dozen
eggs that were blessed by the priest at Immaculate Conception Church the
Saturday eve before Easter.
Another Ukrainian tradition that Baba kept alive was to make embroidered
cloths that adorned most everything in her home. Rushnyky, or Ukrainian ritual
cloths, were used in the kitchen as table cloths or they were used to decorate the
windows as curtains. Rushnyky could be found in the living room draped over a
Ukrainian icon on the wall, or a rushnyk might be used as a doily to decorate a
side table in the living room. Baba even used rushnyky in the bedroom, where
they were placed on her dresser and over the headboard of her bed. I have fond
memories of watching Baba make rushnyky. She carried her many colors of
th read in a handbag and the handbag went everywhere she did. Her beautiful
ritual cloths were given to me and to all of her children and grandchildren for our
bi rthdays and other special events. Rushnyky became a part of our Ukrainian
Way of life.

Each tradition and cultural event seemed to encourage and nurture my
dream. As an adult I began to have questions about how my grandmother and
my family became Ukrainian American. When did Baba come to America?
Where did she live and how did she support herself? She spoke Ukrainian and
Only knew a few English words, even though she lived to be 99 years old. How

did she survive without speaking the native tongue of this country? How did my

10

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father learn to fluently speak, read, and write English? Why did my father have a
different last name than my grandmother and aunt? How did my family become
American? What is the process of becoming American for immigrants? All of
these questions primed the pump and led to pursuing the answers through
graduate school. And so the dream of education that began with my family in

Ukraine many years ago became reality for me and for my family, in America.

Pursuing the Dream of Education
My dream continued as I pursued graduate work and learned of the
discipline of anthropology. Through the work of Susan F lorio-Ruane and Taffy
Ra phael in their research on teacher book clubs (see, for example, Florio-Ruane
with deTar, 2001). l was able to participate in learning about culture,
a utobiography, and literacy. As a graduate student, for two years I was a part of
the Literary Circle. This was a voluntary teacher book club developed out of a
Cou rse Florio-Ruane taught on “Culture, Literacy, and Autobiography." The
Qro up included experienced teachers from several local school districts who were
Candidates for the Masters Degree in Literacy and four doctoral students. The
four doctoral students, along with Susan Florio-Ruane and Taffy Raphael,
Worked with the teachers in the Literary Circle for two years.
As participant observers, our project was to select and read
autobiographies, meeting monthly to discuss connections of these books to
culture, literacy, and our own lives as teachers. As we read autobiographies. we

'00ked for ways to connect our own learning about literacy with our personal

ll

cultural histories
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cultural histories. This group also worked to learn how autobiography could help
teachers to understand culture and in turn help children through literacy
instruction. We had opportunities to study the learning of the teachers within the
group and also to write and reflect upon our own learning (FIorio-Ruane, 2001;
Glazier, McVee, Wallace-Cowell, Shellhorn, Florio-Ruane, and Raphael, 2000).
This experience, combined with my already strong interest in literacy and culture
in my family history prompted my serious consideration of a dissertation focused
on the life and literacy learning of Ukrainian Americans.

Not everyone has a cultural community like the one in this study to learn
from and be mentored by, but everyone can increase an understanding about
cu lture and how it relates to students in the public school system. Through the

a utobiography work, I realized that using an anthropological lens in research
(:0 uld provide a way to pursue questions about my family. I designed and
Conducted a one year pilot study and then at the end of the year long study I
began to plan my dissertation research. My decision to use ethnographic
research to study the process of literacy and learning in one Ukrainian American
Community comes from the realization that ethnography takes a scientific position
that human behavior and the ways that people construct and find meaning in
t"Ieir lives and in their worlds are locally specific and highly variable. This means
that the method allowed me to investigate the Detroit Ukrainian American
Community in terms of the specific values and a way of living Ukrainian culture
that are uniquely their own. Ethnography assumes that researchers need to first

discover what people are doing and the reasons that they themselves give for

their actions b
taols provrde ;
and SChultZ. ‘

1999; Scher‘s

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303318 fll'ldrr‘

asking the q:

their actions before we can analyze and interpret their actions. Ethnogrpahic
tools provide a design for discovery and exploration. (Erickson, 1985; Erickson
and Schultz, 1981; Hammersly and Atkinson, 1995; LeCompte and Schensul,

1999; Schensul, et al, 1999) ‘

Description of the Dissertation Study
The aforementioned one year pilot study prefigured the dissertation study
and the findings of the pilot work became a strong foundation, a starting place for
asking the questions and planning the study that would become the dissertation
research. So much was already in place and the logical next step for the
dissertation research was to continue in the same fashion with a larger
ed ucational ethnography study.
My dissertation research began with a desire to study the texts,
e><periences, history, culture, entrance into literacy, and symbolic forms of
I'T1eaning for the Ukrainian community. Below I review some of the important
methodological and epistemological features of the ethnographic approach I

have taken in my research.

Educational Ethnography
My role as an educational ethnographer followed the pattern of Clifford
Geertz who views research through the lens of culture. “Culture is an historically
transmitted pattern of meanings embodied in symbols, a system of inherited

Conceptions expressed in symbolic form by means of which men communicate,

\

1
F or more information about the pilot study that led into the dissertation study, See Appendix A.

13

perpetuate. and
rGeenz. 1973) '\
themselves ense
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“My View

perpetuate, and develop their knowledge about and attitudes towards life”
(Geertz, 1973). Geertz notes, “A culture of a people is an ensemble of texts,
themselves ensembles, which the anthropologist strains to read over the
shoulders of those to whom they properly belong” (Geertz, 1972).

Following the work of Max Weber, Geertz states, “The concept of culture I
espouse . . . is essentially a semiotic one. Believing, with Max Weber, that man
is an animal suspended in webs of significance he himself has spun, I take
culture to be those webs, and the analysis of it to be therefore not an
experimental science of law, but an interpretive one in search of meaning. It is
explication I am after, construing social expressions on their surface enigmatical."
(Geertz , 1973)

Clifford and Marcus (1986) state that, “Ethnography is actively situated
between powerful systems of meaning. It poses questions at the boundaries of
civilizations, cultures, classes, races, and genders. Ethnography decodes and
recodes, telling the grounds of collective order and diversity, inclusion and
exclusion. It describes a process of innovation and structuration, and is itself part
of these processes.” The stories of and about immigrants in the Detroit Ukrainian
community were situated between the powerful systems of meaning in Ukraine
arid the United States. Therefore, immigrants have a foot in two worlds: Ukraine
80d the United States. It is the process of immigration — emigrating from Ukraine
and immigrating to the United States that have both a collective order and are
individually experienced. This range of meanings can best be captured through

Qualitative research methods of ethnography.

Bogdan a
research. Thefi
1_ Qualrt

an ,

2. Qualrta

3. Qualrta

4. Qualfia
5. 'Meani
My role in
:aacipant obser
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Sldy. The first i

Bogdan and Biklen (1992) list a number of characteristics of qualitative

research. The five features are listed as follows:

1. Qualitative research has the natural setting as the direct source of data
and the researcher is the key instrument;

2. Qualitative research is descriptive;

3. Qualitative researchers are concerned with process rather than simply
with outcomes or products;

4 . Qualitative researchers tend to analyze their data inductively;

5 - “Meaning" is of essential concern to the qualitative research.

My role in this study began as a participant and became one of a
participa nt observer, or one who was intimately engaged in the lives of those in
the study. For two years (2000-2002) I went to worship services, cultural events,
school activities, and became a participant of the Ukrainian community in this

study. The first year was the pilot study, which established me in the community,
helped to find people to participate in the study, and located places of importance
within the community. During the pilot study I made connections with people in
the Ukrainian Churches, the Ukrainian schools, and in the Ukrainian community
and some of the informants later became participants in the study. These

community connections provided a way to enter the community as a participant

Observer during the dissertation research.

 

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Rationale for the Study

There are multiple reasons for designing a research study in any certain
way. My dissertation research also had multiple reasons for structuring the study
as an ethnographic study. During graduate coursework I became introduced to
cultural groups and how they develop over time. However, when I sought
scholarship about Ukrainians and how this cultural group developed over time I
found information about Russia and Eastern European cultural groups, but there
was very little information about Ukraine or about Ukrainian immigrants. One
reason for studying Ukrainian culture became a mission to include this culture
group in academic scholarship.

A second reason for beginning this study was centered on the role of
immigration for Ukrainians. When teaching college students at Michigan State
University in methods for literacy instruction, I used immigration and westward
expansion in the nineteenth century as a theme to model and explain educational
history. This topic of immigration also did not include Ukrainians and as in other
aspects of history all people coming from Russia were put into a group that was
labeled “Russians.” Ukrainians were not mentioned nor were they identified as
part of the statistics for immigration. Doing this study became a way to expand
the history of immigration to include Ukrainians as a group of people who came
to America beginning with the first wave of immigration in the late 1800s

A third reason for doing this study was to place a spotlight on the deep

spiritual life that is intertwined with the cultural life for Ukrainian Catholics. My

16

grandmother ar
cultural lie ailVE
tie Detroit Ukre
share these stc
Ukrainian Cath

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grandmother and her children have kept the Ukrainian Catholic spiritual life and
cultural life alive and a part of our family for more than a century. Others living in
the Detroit Ukrainian community have similar stories. It was and is my desire to
share these stories of spiritual and cultural life so the world will know that
Ukrainian Catholics have a voice in our world.

The study was structured as a qualitative, interpretive ethnography to fully
capture the essence and details embedded in the Ukrainian immigrant
community. Using multiple data sources and many layers of data brought a
circumspect view of the community into sharper focus. This dissertation study
was assembled on the findings of the pilot study and the literature studied during
the pilot study became part of the data set for the dissertation study. Most of the
historical information provided background knowledge which became a solid
foundation for the rest of the study. Historical information, participant stories,
cultural artifacts and observational field notes were compared to triangulate data
and obtain an objective view of the Ukrainian immigrant community.

One purpose of this study was to understand how the experience of a new
immigrant group unfolded when there were already ties to the homeland, its
language and religion, awaiting its members. This study followed socio-cultural
theory and procured a social-constructivist theoretical framework. Philosophical
derivation of social constructivism followed the work of Bruffee (1984, 1986),
Mead (1934), Wittgenstein (1953) and others who conceptualized knowledge as
a social artifact that is preserved within a community. This meant that knowledge

is not an objective reality that can be measured or quantified, but knowledge is

17

formed and um
rite Vygotsky l
these theories
contends that l
:ommunrty. or
nature and tea
trawledge lS ll
created. throug
society.
Viewing
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interactions WI‘

ti

formed and understood through social interactions. Psychological origins began
with Vygotsky (1978, 1986), Wertsch (1985), and others who further developed
these theories (Bruner, 1985; Cole, 1985; Rogoff, 1986). This viewpoint
contends that knowledge is formed as individuals interact within a group, a
community, or a society. In other words, knowledge is considered social in
nature and learning occurs first between individuals in a social setting and then
knowledge is internalized within an individual. Knowledge is constructed, or
created, through the interactions of individuals within a group, community, or
society.

Viewing the immigration process through socio-cultural theory or a social-
constructivist lens offered a window to see how knowledge is constructed
through the interactions of individuals in a social setting. When my grandmother
came to America she learned how to become Ukrainian American through
interactions within the Ukrainian immigrant community. It was a process; not a
simple event. The community served as a context for situated learning (Lave
and Wenger, 1991) where older immigrants mentored new immigrant arrivals.
More knowledgeable immigrant peers within the Ukrainian network served as a
temporary scaffold to support and guide my grandmother and other immigrants

upon arrival in America during the immigration process.

Theoretical Framework of this Study

In this study I asked the following major research questions:

18

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t he
ame the C

. How does the experience of a new immigrant group unfold when
there are already ties to the homeland, its language and religion,
awaiting its members?

0 How do Ukrainian immigrants develop an identity as literate
Americans?

. What is the role of spirituality for Ukrainian immigrants?

o What is the role of networks for Ukrainian immigrants?

o What role has mentoring within gender groups played in the
immigration process?

Socio-cultural theory (Vygotsky, 1929, 1934, 1960, 1978; Wertsch, 1979.
1985) provided a theoretical framework for the design and conduct of my study.2
Figure 2 captures the conceptual framework for the study in a one dimensional
depiction which is like a snapshot of an in-motion process (Harre, 1984). Each of
the four elements of Figure 2 (literate identity, people groups, culture, and
history) have continually and repeatedly changed over time in a spiraling pattern
that flows out from the concentric circles. This escalating movement reflects the
tensions and growth of each element noted by the circles. Beginning with the
center of the circles, the inner circle represents the focus of the study, or the
literate identity circle. People groups, or the Ukrainian American immigrant
community near Detroit, and the networks that were a part of the community
became the context for the study and they are represented in the second circle.

The third circle stands for Ukrainian culture that was a part of all aspects of the

 

2 See Figures 1 and 2 for data sources, participants, and a graphic of the conceptual framework.
The four circles in Figure 2 each represent one part of the study.

19

community at
he Ukrainian
Dunng

conventions o
oar‘lropation lr
Ukrainian lmrr
Langer 1987.
Fetching soc:
zeroed a so
brine study It
issomptsons c
55531 knowlei

community and the fourth, or outer circle, signifies the social political history of
the Ukrainian American immigrants in the study.

During the immigration process, new immigrants learn social and cultural
conventions of the established cultural community through legitimate peripheral
participation in a social and cultural networking community like the Detroit
Ukrainian immigrant community where my grandmother settled (Kuhn, 1962;
Langer, 1987; Lave and Wenger, 1991; Scribner & Cole, 1981; Vygotsky, 1986).
Following socioocultural theory as a plan for learning about the community
provided a solid structure for the dissertation study. Qualitative methods used
for the study included a social, historical, and cultural view based on the three
assumptions of the social-constructivist theory about learning. One assumption
is that knowledge is constructed, built, or created as pe0ple interact in a
historical, social, and cultural setting. A second assumption is that higher mental
functions, such as reading and writing, have both social and cultural
characteristics. A third assumption is that established members of a cultural
group, or a community of practice (Lave and Wenger, 1991), can assist new
members of a group, much as a scaffold provides temporary and flexible support
to a building as it is being constructed. Immigrant communities that have
established cultural networks can provide a type of scaffold for new immigrants
joining the community.

Following methodologists such as LeCompet and Schensul (1999), I
designed my study following several principles which I have adapted from their

methodological writings:

1.The
conducted in‘
community; (
mdapanln‘
ndfyplcal 9‘
community a:
WmeUhEMl
iasgrown in
odMWMd
3mmaculate(
Stlosaphat
lonaculatei
mole schoc
was within fit

2. int.
my were fa

A
vs} V53
».$anor

I
- H

‘.iins

J

“a
u le SC

(L

m
V310 the n
3:3” .
tflmajan

Q; Sm
wall m.
3W

fig!
-4_ at“.
Ned-Ci

“SH

5

UP"?
1.

1. The study is carried out in a natural setting. This study was
conducted in the natural local setting of the Detroit Ukrainian American
community. Churches, schools, businesses and people within the community all
had a part in this study. Data was collected on site within the normal activities
and typical events of the community. Field notes were taken within the local
community and interviews and questionnaires were operational with participants
in the Ukrainian community during the course of their daily lives. The community
has grown in membership over the last 100 years and the borders of the physical
land now include another suburban city. With a radius of 20 miles from
Immaculate Conception Church, which was the first church site in the community.
St, Josaphat Church became a daughter church located in a nearby suburb.
Immaculate Conception Academy, which included an elementary school, a
middle school, and a high school, was also in the same suburb and the school
was within five miles from St. Josaphat.

2. Interactions with participants are face-to-face. Interactions for this
study were face-to-face contact with members of the Ukrainian community.
Conversations took place before and after worship services, during social events.
during the school day for the students, during other occasions such as weddings,
visits to the museum, trips to the businesses in the community, or during
scheduled appointments for interviews. Some of the face-to-face contact was
with small groups of participants, such as a school class or a family. Additional
interactions were with individuals who were interested in telling their story about

the community. A number of the interactions were audio taped with interviews

21

 

1‘.

E .

 

 

that had 5pr
and Imp“)mp
These interai
IflIETBCilOnSE-

3, Thr
and behavio
reflect the p9
to be opene
dealt Interv
seniortabie a
:“omants to
eaning, SOCI
:aocipant ar

Id‘i‘iduals a'

H
A

.oocsption L
Et'Ed ideas

'5 Ukrainian

Tito
“Vii memo

Coo.
"me-”TS tit;

\
-

term
ms and I

H..-
.” ~‘Q‘f
v5

.
Y\-
.5: a
. ARA

Npefid._
1.. x g,

that had specific questions and field notes. Other interactions were spontaneous
and impromptu without being taped and using only observation field notes.
These interactions were all in the presence of the participants and included live
interactions3.

3. There is an accurate reflection of the participants’ perspectives
and behaviors. Items for the interviews and questionnaires were chosen to
reflect the perspective and opinions of the participants. Questions were designed
to be open-ended which allowed each participant to share freely and with great
detail. Interviews were carried out in a calm setting to help the person feel
comfortable and relaxed while talking. The questions provided a way for the
informants to share their thoughts and feelings about the culture, language
learning, social interactions, and spiritual life within the community. Each
participant answered in a different way, which shows the uniqueness of the
individuals and revealed individual perspectives. Data collected at Immaculate
Conception Ukrainian Catholic High School was shared with the principal, who
offered ideas and added corrections where applicable. Items and artifacts from
the Ukrainian church and school community were shared with people who were
church members during the 1920s to the present for feedback and accuracy.
Comments that were made by these informants were added to the data before
analysis and interpretation to insure a circumspect view of the data. However.

direct quotes are not provided in this study to provide anonymity for participants.

3 See Appendix A for more information about interactions and interviews with participants.

L.)
[\J

Each particii
conmunty
4. In
strategies t
artifacts from
distnctively
Community

:aster eggs.

asguage au

Each participant offered a unique view into the daily life within this Ukrainian
community.

4. Inductive, interactive, recursive data collection and analytic
strategies build local cultural theories. Members of this community gave
artifacts from the Ukrainian community to me. The artifacts portrayed a cultural.
distinctively Ukrainian lens that provided cultural knowledge about the
community. Examples of artifacts included: matryoshka nesting dolls, pysanky
Easter eggs, rushnyky ritual cloths, Ukrainian books, photographs, and Ukrainian
language audio tapes. Historical information came in several forms:

0 Books about Ukraine or texts from Ukrainian immigrants

. Materials given to me by participants, such as photos, yearbooks,
and documents

- Artifacts used in the community, such as church bulletins, school
booklets, and other documents used at the church or schools.

The study included a variety of perspectives and points of views that
became lenses to view the research. Historical information and historical data
items provided an historical lens for the study. Participants at the church offered
a spiritual lens and students, faculty, alumni, and parents at the schools shared
an educational lens. Community members provided a lens into the daily life
within the Ukrainian networks of people. Information, artifacts, and historical
information found at the Ukrainian Museum provided an objective way to check
for accuracy of the information shared during interviews and provided in the

surveys by members of the Ukrainian community.

Data 605‘

study. For exai

 

and business CC
xntef of the CO
community. anC
process of than
community. 0!
to insure accur
repeating the p
he data led to
step in the stu
Sty were the
:ehoipants ar
wooded a hat
WE grouped
data the grou;
sn-

453‘

ted untl'

5. Nut

.r, ,
Urinal mtg

(I)

m -
" arilCles ah

5* n.
'74.,“

cling at! D

335m

6d do
at.
'- Pei;

Data collected pointed to several areas that could be developed for further
study. For example, during the pilot study while observing the church, school,
and business communities, a theory began to emerge that the church was the
center of the community. Observation field notes, historical information about the
community, and conversations heard during interviews were compared. This
process of triangulation of data led to general and abstract ideas about the
community. Once an idea was found to be true, a model was held up for testing
to insure accuracy. The process of grounded theory formation continued,
repeating the process until a pattern emerged from the data. Patterns found in
the data led to forming hunches about the community, which provided the next
step in the study. Hunches about the church community formed during the pilot
study were then investigated in this dissertation study. This interactive work with
participants and data sources led to a constant comparison of data items that
provided a natural recursive process during data collection. Collected data items
were grouped together to form categories. When a pattern was found for the
data the groupings were placed in categories. This cycle of data collection was
repeated until a grounded theory was established.

5. Multiple data sources are used. Observation field notes, informal
and formal interviews, questionnaire, historical information, artifacts, and books
and articles about Ukraine, Ukrainian culture, Ukrainian Catholic Church, and
schooling all provided data for this study. The research instruments used were
determined during the pilot study. People in the Ukrainian community were at

first reluctant to speak with me and body language revealed that some people

were uncor
pa’thipalIO'
communlii’
was alone a
number Off
«:oomunity.
WEWIEW. ‘
memories v
he year lor
:tsenraticn
dazzimentei
he. Once
553' fieid no

Once

”1538 from

were uncomfortable with my presence in the community. This situation led to my
participation in the events, such as worship services, school classes, and
community events. Field notes were not written during events, but later when l
was alone and away from the community I wrote observation notes. After a
number of months of participating and conversing with people within the
community, one person at the church and one at the school permitted a short
interview. The questions were general in nature about their own opinions and
memories within the community and each interview lasted a few minutes. During
the year long pilot study trust began to develop and I was able to write my
observations while in the presence of the participants. Observations on site
documented events and then I commented on each event after the fact at a later
time. Once the dissertation study began trust was established with participants
and field notes were written while being on site.

Once my presence was accepted on site, observation field notes were
made from a participant observer stance, rather than a participant position during
the research. Rapport was developed during the pilot study and I was able to
move from an observer to a participant observer during the dissertation study.
This brought a more intimate view to the study. Worship services, school
classes, community events and interviews were not only observed, but the notes
became an account of someone who is participating in the events. Notes were
written metacognitively, or in other words, the process for documentation was
observing, writing, reflecting upon what was written, and then revising the field

notes. Original field notes were made while being on site during the activity or

25

 

l
event being obd
Stare and the C I
the observation?
the field notes t‘
thformation for v

6. Beha\
who participatec
stody is the Ukrd

Cultural behavio

 

 

 

Uirrainian comm:
the people in this
understandings r

=-'§“r50ant consti

,,.muntty can t

v-._
. ‘5'
I: e

are differe

W as Polish. l

event being observed. After on site documentation, a reflection process took
place and the original field notes were reread with further comments made about
the observations. These reflections were added to the existing field notes, and
the field notes themselves were left intact. This process provided accurate
information for writing narratives in this study about interactions with participants.
6. Behavior and beliefs are examined in context. Many of the people
who participated in this study came directly from Ukraine, but the setting for this
study is the Ukrainian community that exists now in Detroit and a nearby suburb.
Cultural behavior and beliefs were studied as they appeared in this specific
Ukrainian community. This study is locally specific or in other words, the ways
the people in this Detroit Ukrainian community make meanings and construct
understandings of their world can be found in this specific location. These locally
significant constructions of beliefs and behaviors found in the Ukrainian
community can be very different from other cultures, even in the same locations.
There are different cultures and ethnic communities co-existing in the same area,
such as Polish, Muslim, Arab, and Indian. All of the ethnic communities live in
the same areas as the Ukrainian community and they are often neighbors. The
meanings of beliefs and behaviors, and the understandings of their own specific
worlds can be very different from the Ukrainian perspective. This means that
points of view can be distinct to their respective culture in this specific Detroit
location. Therefore, due to the unique situation and perspective of the Detroit
Ukrainian community in this local setting, ethnographic methods of investigation

were used to discover what takes place within the Ukrainian community.

26

Qualitative tect
community get"
Culture and SI“:
of ethnography

7. The c
Connecting Wit.“
and informed st.
finding someon
Step in the pilot 5.

he Ukrainian CC

eieot

sand peOF
were in the COP
inch meant a cit

observer to a par

 

Fit?!) the commu
itsewation field I

.-...-:~e involved. t
Tet

Qualitative techniques were used to find the reasons individuals within the
community gave for their actions. Ethnography is based on the concept of
culture and Singer (1995) argues that participant observation is the cornerstone
of ethnography.

7. The concept of culture is a lens used to interpret results.
Connecting with people in the Ukrainian community was a priority for an accurate
and informed study about the social, cultural and spiritual life in the community.
Finding someone to become a connection into the community became the first
step in the pilot study. This connection provided entrance into the daily lives of
the Ukrainian community. It was also very important for me to move about the
events and people freely. In order to obtain a close, more intimate view of the
culture in the community I needed to become one of them as much as possible,
which meant a change in my stance as a researcher — from being an outside
observer to a participant observer. Many of the events and traditions of behavior
within the community were open to the public and that was where I began to take
observation field notes. Observation field notes included the setting, noting the
people involved, the actions and behaviors that took place, and any other details
that seemed important in the context of the community.

As a participant observer during the dissertation study, the people became
familiar with the process of me sitting next to them and taking observation field
notes. Immaculate Conception Ukrainian Catholic Church and schools were the
first places for taking observation field notes. Weekly worship services offered

an ongoing event where I could make repeated observations within the

 

with individUa'S
commuh‘W eVE'

suture.

The disse

 

 

Ukrainian Amefl

aid culture. EDS

community. Lar
churches, and tr
tea and as a gr
tidy. Culture. a
athird focal porn

'* study as fielc

,7‘ 'l" l." '

giant Comm
All fieldwo

"3 5W informat

a,” ,.
Jtscl’tgtgg

I'I, With i

eValuation to t

.. .iz‘pants in the

 

community. After I became a participant observer I was able to make contact
with individuals in the community before, during, or after each worship service or
community event. This provided a way to study language, community and

culture.

Studying Language, Community, and Culture

The dissertation project incorporated qualitative research to study the
Ukrainian American literate identity for immigrants through language, community,
and culture. English and Ukrainian are spoken and written in all areas of the
community. Language practices became a focal point of study in the schools.
churches, and in the community“. The community, both as a place in the Detroit
area and as a group of Ukrainian immigrants, became a second focal point in the
study. Culture, as it is lived out in the daily lives of the Ukrainian community was
a third focal point in the research. These three focal points became the core of
the study as fieldwork was carried out in the Detroit Ukrainian American
immigrant community.

All fieldwork was done in the natural setting of the Ukrainian community
and any information about language, community, and/or culture was written as
description, with interpretation, but without adding a critical response or adding
my evaluation to the text. This decision was made to provide anonymity for
participants in the community and to honor the culture and language of my family

and the participants in this study. As the study progressed, the process of

 

4See Figure 5 for the language levels of fluency in English and Ukrainian for parents of students
at the high school.

 

immigration we
Rather than let
events and act
E”Silage. com'
deductive anat,
this study was t,
MOI and unde—
The Pique

iiomigrants and

 

nmmunity life. 2
tuning the study
0 Ore

' SUI

anc

 

immigration was studied as it related to language, community, and culture.
Rather than looking for outcomes or goals for those involved, the process of
events and activities was studied. Inductive analysis meant that data about
language, community, and culture brought about the analysis, rather than
deductive analysis with the data being reduced to simple findings5. One goal for
this study was to provide meaning and voice for the Ukrainian participants and to
honor and understand those I observed in the studyfi.

The project consisted of a collection of oral history stories from Ukrainian
immigrants and others in the Ukrainian community about language practices.
community life, and Ukrainian culture. These stories or narratives were collected
during the study in the following ways:

0 Oral interviews

Surveys about the language learning experience for immigrants
and community members

0 Field notes taken during fieldwork observations

0 Public information that pertains to the Ukrainian community

0 Events and activities that Ukrainians attend within the community

As a precaution to protect true identity of participants, oral histories were

written as narratives and direct quotes were not included. Susan Florio-Ruane
states in her book, Teacher Education and the Cultural Imagination:

Autobiography, Conversation, and Narrative,

 

5 See Figure 4 for types of data and kinds of analyses used in this study.
6 See Appendix A for more information about interactions and interviews with participants.

 

“Narrat'

 

coherer
stones c
them as
ReailZan

stones used in i

 

 

 

of the following
0 TI

re

“Narrative is imposed on the bits and pieces of experience to create a
coherent sense of meaning spanning past, present, and future. Our
stories can become so deeply sedimented that we lose awareness of

them as social constructions.” (Florio-Ruane, 2001, 145)

Realizing this tendency for social construction when writing narratives, the
stories used in this study are balanced with facts and information found in several
of the following areas:

a The immigration process as noted by immigration and historical
researchers

. Historical primary and secondary source information data collected
during the pilot study

0 Using several stories from different people for any one idea and
comparing the information collected

- Confirming stories as true or factual through comparison with other
data sources

0 Triangulation of data to provide an objective process of checks and
balances (Kelson and DeLaet, 1999), (Portes and Rumbaut, 1996,
2001), (Daniels, 1990), (Whyte, 1975), (Dinnerstein and Reimers,
1975, 1999), (Barkan, 1996), (DeLaet, 2000), (Foners, 2001).

In Robert Coles, The Call of Stories, the author noted the importance of
describing events as they happen in the here and now. There is power given to

a story through on site description and participants become empowered. Both

30

    
   

sources 0f dati

student:
'He was
a Story C
yes. but
dreams

ChekOV‘

 

paragfai‘i

So ll 906

perSUBSI‘

Thick d9?
erection. wher
dissertation. GI
events as well a
tee included if
* Ukrainian CC
:32 collection a

-
r

-'.:'..C'EC‘ thick de

arls. itis none

k0

sources of data provide meaning and authenticity to a story. He writes about a
student,

“He was reminding me, really, of the wonderful memetic power a novel or

a story can have - its capacity to work its way well into one's thinking life,

yes, but also one’s reveries or idle thoughts, even one’s moods and

dreams. ‘I come back from working with those kids and I think of what

Chekov wrote in “Gooseberries.” What he wrote isn’t just another

paragraph in a story; it is what’s happening to you, right here, right now.‘

So it goes this immediacy that a story can possess, as it connects so

persuasively with human experience” (Coles, 1989, 204-5)

Thick description as stated by Geertz (1973) was used during data
collection, when writing observation field notes, and during the writing for this
dissertation. Great detail about the setting, people, and feelings I had during
events as well as the expressions on the faces of people as we were conversing
were included in the field notes. Details about language usage, experiences in
the Ukrainian community, and Ukrainian culture provided rich description during
data collection and the interviews and narratives provided by the participants
included thick description. Although the study is based on description with many
details, it is none the less, interpretive.

Frederick Erickson uses the term interpretive for three reasons:
1. It is more inclusive than many other qualitative method terms;
2. It avoids defining approaches as essentially not quantitative, since

quantification can be used in the work;

3]

3. It 90

 

approaC
Erickson
The research I]
I

research. and t
consders man,

aspects in eact‘

oualitative meth

 

’lnterpretivists V
meanings and a
communication
Constructed as
flirt-ties.” (LeC

Other set

"'\A

332). eXplain l

arch Strateg
if .v

don, Socia
353 r

3.1.3.” .
utptl .
0n! USin.

the] . .
'Iwmmg abc

3-?3399
pra Cthq

3.3;: ‘h
at Ukralm
“in -
at?
on Cannc

3. It points to the key feature of family resemblance among the various

approaches. (Erickson, 1973, 1975, 1976, 1977, 1979, 1982, 1984)

Erickson’s reasons contain the raison d'étre for this interpretive study.
The research is inclusive, quantification is used in the study along with qualitative
research, and there are a variety of approaches to this study since the study
considers many different data sources and also has social, historical, and cultural
aspects in each part of the study. For the anthropologist, a term used for
qualitative methods is “interpretive”, which notes a careful view of reality.
”lnterpretivists view culture as both cognitive and affective, as reflected in shared
meanings and as expressed in common language, symbols, and other modes of
communication . . . Culture, then, is an abstract ‘construct’ put together or
‘constructed’ as people interact with each other and participate in shared
activities.” (LeCompte and Schensul, 1999)

Other scholars have described qualitative research. Bogdan and Biklen
(1992), explain the term “qualitative research” as an umbrella term for several
research strategies that have similar characteristics in research methods.
Education, social science, and anthropology have all opened the doors of
research to welcome writing about research with words that employ rich
description, using data that is “soft” or in other words using rich, thick description
when writing about places and conversations with people. This study involved
language practices in many aspects of the Ukrainian community and a variety of
ways that Ukrainian culture is lived out in the daily lives for participants; the

information cannot be reduced to statistics. Therefore, qualitative research is the

32

 

 

propel Cho'ce

ellinogiallmC d

 

(Geertz, i973 i
garticipants. ct
rm participanf
The info.
oiture was writ
narrative descr
interpretation.
It; own thougt
if Shitty. This
Just as
:aradigm for re
'Esearchers. l
hat constru at
here to be h
Zéczie We ta (2'

I,fi

‘t'VOlee an

proper choice as a research paradigm for this study. Thick description following
ethnographic methods was used to record and explain the process of research
(Geertz, 1973 and 1993). In other words, I established rapport with the
participants, chose participants, and observed and transcribed the interactions
with participants using elaborate details and abundant descriptions.

The information and data collected about language, community, and
culture was written with “rich description.” Every detail written in continuous
narrative description, or what Erickson calls, “writing like crazy,” was used for
interpretation. In this sense, I was a part of the participant voice that is written.
My own thoughts and views were a part of the information that is interpreted in
the study. This reflexivity provided an intimate look at the community.

Just as “interpretive” is used by anthropologists to note an interpretivist
paradigm for research, the term “constructivist” is often used by educational
researchers. Both terms denote a social construction of reality, which means
that constructivists and interpretivists believe that what participants know and
believe to be true about the world is constructed, or created and made up, as
people interact with one another over a period of time in specific social settings
(LeCompte and Schensul, 1999).

I used constructs to provide meaning for the participants and these were
balanced by comparing my constructs with the constructs the participants
created for the same information. One construct that was used is the term,
“immigration process.” The research project was informed by several

perspectives of the “immigration process.” In this study, I argue that the

33

immigration pry

 

immigration in

   
 
 

come in Die“:

community 7'

new immigrant
'Jérrainian Ame
:ommunity. an
as: provided a

mhmunity ha

”feet the neec

 

immigration process, or the process of emigration from the homeland to
immigration in the United States, has been shaped by the immigrants who have
come in previous times and who are still living in the existing immigrant
community. This “immigration process,” as mentioned in the preface, involves
the Ukrainian community as the immigrants assimilated into the community
mentored the new immigrants coming to the existing Ukrainian community. The
process of mentoring in the Ukrainian immigrant community made it possible for
new immigrants to Ieam how to live in America when first coming to the Detroit
Ukrainian American community. Mentoring with a concentration on language,
community, and culture facilitated the assimilation process for new immigrants
and provided a focus for data collection. This process of mentoring in the
community has evolved over time according to changes in American society to

meet the needs of new Ukrainian immigrants.

Data Sources
Data for this study comes from observation field notes, primary sources,
participant interviews, surveys, artifacts, historical and cultural information, public
records, and miscellaneous information collected.7 A pilot study from 2000—2001
provided background information about historical information, the immigration
process involved for participants, and allowed me to become a participant
observer in the community. Participants in the study include members of

Immaculate Conception Ukrainian Catholic Church and St. Josaphat Ukrainian

 

7 See Appendix B for examples of UCRIHS permissions and Figure 7 for an example of the
survey questions.

Catholic Churi

 

    
  

Catholic Soho:
Michigan. and

The nu.
otcultural iterr,
of the under Ui.
White. Othe

‘oand during d5

 

establishments .
oduded various
nusic recording
and school com
:gsnesses and

”,4
3"” sChOOI boot

 

Catholic Church, students and faculty at Immaculate Conception Ukrainian
Catholic Schools, and members in the Ukrainian American community in Detroit
Michigan, and the Ukrainian American community in the Detroit suburb.

The numerous objet d'arts collected during this study display a wide range
of cultural items significant to Ukrainians in this community. Some relics are part
of the wider Ukrainian community, as it exists over time between Ukraine and
America. Other artifacts were given to me by participants, some items were
found during data collection, and some were sought through Ukrainian
establishments and retail stores. During data collection, items that were found
included various books, photographs, fabric, icons, foods, items of clothing,
music recordings, language cassette tapes, a souvenir year book for the church
and school community, church bulletins, advertisements for community
businesses and groups within the community that appeared in church bulletins

and school booklets, and textbooks used in the school.8

Setting and Context
This study spanned two countries: Ukraine and America. Research for
the study followed the socio-cultural and social constructivist theoretical
framework which included a historical, social, and cultural context. Historical
information about Russia and present day Ukraine were part of the context for his
study. The local setting for the study included a Ukrainian immigrant community
in the city of Detroit and a sister Ukrainian community in a suburban area within

ten miles of the Detroit city limits. This Ukrainian American community of

 

8 See Figure 3 for a matrix of data collection used in this study.

35

 

Conception U

 
  
  

Catholic immig

and these net.
|I

inducted busrnl

student groups

 

other such neh
Stoport for net
settled in Amer
emigrant com
streams with S
liirarnran Catt

ImmaCL
.‘irainian Catt
difainian Catt
5’d a high sch
‘835? with class
35"! a full sch 0c

eatlished. cle

immigrants began in the city of Detroit in the late 1800s with Immaculate
Conception Ukrainian Catholic Church founded as a mission site for Ukrainian
Catholic immigrants. Ukrainian networks soon formed in all areas of daily life
and these networks provided form and structure for the community. Networks
included businesses, schools, church and community committees, parent groups,
student groups, musical cultural groups, planning and building committees, and
other such networks for daily life. Cultural networks facilitated a way to offer
support for new Ukrainian immigrants during the immigration process as they
settled in America and became Ukrainian Americans. As the Detroit Ukrainian
immigrant community grew in numbers, the community expanded into the
suburbs with St. Josaphat Ukrainian Catholic Church, which began as a mission
Ukrainian Catholic Church in the 1950s

Immaculate Conception Ukrainian Catholic Church and St. Josaphat
Ukrainian Catholic Church both support and maintain Immaculate Conception
Ukrainian Catholic Schools, comprising an elementary school, a middle school.
and a high school. The Ukrainian Catholic Church founded a grammar school in
1936 with classes provided for Ukrainian immigrants to not only learn English,
but a full school curriculum was provided. Before a formal school was
established, classes were offered to Ukrainian immigrant adults and children to
learn English in the evenings. Rooms above the convent were used for

classrooms and the priests and nuns of the parish were the first teachers. Aunt

36

     

Maria remen”.

Fathers. 1963

Particip‘

Ukrainian Catt“

 

Conception Uk
Detail Michiga
Observation fie
late collectec
attacks, ado
he notes. W
annotations a”:
he? were eme

't‘iiexive lens ‘.

\' as ._
“flwmm

Maria remembers learning English in the evenings beginning in 19249. (Basilian

Fathers, 1963; Interview with Maria, 2002)

Participants

Participants for the study include people from Immaculate Conception
Ukrainian Catholic Church, St. Josaphat Ukrainian Catholic Church, Immaculate
Conception Ukrainian Catholic High School, Ukrainian American community in
Detroit Michigan, and the Ukrainian American community in the suburbs.10
Observation field notes were made during all visits to the community. In addition,
I also collected materials that were relevant to the study such as church bulletins,
textbooks, advertisements, yearbooks, and other artifacts that pertained to the
field notes. When leaving the field, | reread the observation field notes and wrote
annotations about the experience, stating feelings, hunches, beginning theories
that were emerging, and any other information that was helpful to the study. This
reflexive lens allowed me to be a participant in the study as l was collecting data.
Notes were written with “thick description” (Geertz, 1973) to include rich details
and as complete a description of the setting, experience, people, and any other
relevant information that was possible.

Interviews with participants were usually between 30 — 60 minutes in
length. Some of the interviews were audio taped, but many of the interviews

were brief and impromptu, without a tape recorder available. Oftentimes.

 

9 See Chapter 3 for a detailed account of the education of immigrants in the community and the
process of literate identity formation for new immigrants in the Ukrainian community.

'0 See Figure 10 for a list of participants in the study. Participants came from the church. school
and community.

37

someone woo
l

 

would develo:

   

inowteoge at

o
o

. ‘i

l

0 E

0 l

All of th

$393M Simil

my.

QUeS-ti
bigéage pra
We free to E

" ally c
he .
"Spies w.

Elf-HM .
‘ P h .
“‘“v'har

fl

'“tsilons on

53:.
“ES. ed L

someone would be sitting next to me or walking near me and a conversation

would develop leading into a short interview. Interviews provided first hand

knowledge about the following:

. New immigrants who came to America in the last decade

Immigrants who came to America as children

Immigrants who have been here since the early 19005

Second generation immigrants and

Third generation immigrants

All of the interviews provided a view into the lives of different family groups
in the community. Interviews during the pilot study provided knowledge that
revealed similar patterns in the events and information about the immigrants that
presented questions to include in a survey that was taken during the actual
study.

Questions asked during interviews were open ended and focused on the
language practices, Ukrainian culture, and the community. Interview participants
were free to answer however they chose. However, some participants did not
answer any of the questions. During the dissertation study a survey was created
and copies were given to the principal at the Ukrainian Catholic High School.
The principal gave the survey to students chosen by the leadership at the school.
Questions on the survey included information about nationality, language

practices, education, culture, and life in Ukraine”.

 

" See Figure 7 for a sample of survey questions used in this study. See Appendix B for c0pres of
UCRIHS permission forms in English and Ukrainian.

38

In add

  
  
    
  

his study 0‘0
survey. and 01
in the type 0f ’
tidy. and the-
iyoes of artita
hoot-lets, pho‘.
sontual icons.
:lturch bulletin
The SOL
attaots found
surly from low
at average im_
tot add to a ki

“Ti Team

3 y". -
utility

39“ o
a (,an

hofth.

kite rt .
easy“ at

In addition to the interviews and survey, artifacts found and collected in
this study provided an additional data source to compare with the interviews,
survey, and observation field notes as a way to triangulate data. Artifacts varied
in the type of artifact, the source of the artifact, the importance given to this
study, and the significance of each artifact to Ukrainian life in the community.
Types of artifacts found included: textbooks, yearbooks, catechism text,
booklets, photographs, fabric (rushnyk), Ukrainian Easter eggs (pysanky),
spiritual icons, Ukrainian foods, clothing, music, Ukrainian language tapes,
church bulletins, advertisements for places in the community”.

The source of artifacts included: participant gifts, artifacts collected, and
artifacts found during the study. Each artifact had a level of importance for the
study from low to high. Clothing, foods, music, language tapes and booklets held
an average importance to the study - they represented the culture, but they did
not add to a knowledge base that was helpful for analysis or findings for the
study. Textbooks, yearbook, catechism text, photos, fabric, icons, church
bulletins, and advertisements each had a high level of importance for the study
and each of these artifacts became important for the triangulation of data and for
the analysis and interpretation of the findings. Artifacts in the study had a range
of significance for the Ukrainian community. The ways that artifacts were used in

the community displayed the level and types of significance of the artifacts to

 

‘2 See Figure 8 for types of artifacts collected in this study.

39

oommunity in
cultural. educ.
Panic...
community ar
Immaculate C
Catholic Clint
tom lmmaculz|
Spensors in th
CG"-"iill'dilil‘jr als
7"“ Dafilcip at
“a. ”"35 part
iii-”tumor re
IWilding the
3'0’e'ides an ‘I

community members. Significance was noted and grouped as: community,
cultural, educational, historical, museum, or spiritual”.

Participants for this study came from a Detroit Ukrainian immigrant
community and a Ukrainian community in a nearby suburb. Members from
Immaculate Conception Ukrainian Catholic Church and St. Josaphat Ukrainian
Catholic Church became participants in the study. Faculty, students, and alumni
from Immaculate Conception Ukrainian Catholic Schools and their business
sponsors in the community were also informants and participants. People in the
community also participated in the study through interviews and a survey. My
own participation in the study as a participant observer provided a reflexive lens
that was part of the story of my family and their membership in the Ukrainian
community (Au, 1997; Krieger, 1991; Harding, 1987). Bennis advocates
including the “self" in research, “The reflexive process can be an advantage, for it
provides an ‘inside track,’ a ‘within-ness’ that other sciences lack.” (Bennis, 1968

in Krieger, 1991)

Analysis and Findings
Analysis of the data came about in three stages: item, pattern, and
structure. Items collected included church bulletins, survey responses, artifacts.

taped conversations and face-to-face interview dialogue, and primary source

 

‘3 See Figure 9 for the cover terms of the artifacts used for data and how they were categorized
into three segments of life in the Ukrainian immigrant community: spiritual life, daily life, and

school life.

40

 

historical W0"

 

reiated to eat
arranged into

some form of .
oresented to s
n t I
to. aiways ha.

mmmdo

 

English for spéiy
tinting. and re;

Some p
hit-rt ‘
antithesis or I
i ri

Barents in the

Immunity, T

historical information. Items that fit together were grouped into categories that
related to each other and formed a pattern. Larger groups of patterns were
arranged into structures. These structures were then placed in charts, tables, or
some form of graphic image. For example, several questions on the survey
presented to students at the high school revealed that mothers and fathers did
not always have the same level of language fluency. A chart was then created to
display all of the language fluency levels that were given, such as mother’s
English for speaking, writing, and reading and father’s English for speaking,
writing, and reading.

Some patterns formed a relationship with other patterns and led to a
hypothesis or helped to explain a theory about the study. Figure 5 is an example
for language practices of the parents in this study”. The chart reveals that
parents in the study practice Ukrainian and English language at home and in the
community. This led to a theory that the community language practices are
bilingual - using both English and Ukrainian in daily life. To test this theory, the
data about language practices for parents was compared to the language
practices during worship services. Both English and Ukrainian languages are
used in worship services, which confirmed the theory of bilingual practices”.

Data collection continued until stable patterns were found in the data
items. Items that fit together were put into a grouping and organized into tables

and charts. Then, constant comparison of data groupings provided additional

 

"‘ See Figure 5 for an example of English and Ukrainian language practices of the parents at the
high school.

‘5 See Figure 6 for data of language practices for worship services.

41

 

information. 1
connections l‘

attending wor.

 
 
     

noticed that e:
section for ac.
ilGUped loget.
llEl-‘tbers. Th,
totes and for g

ln like f5
:Saced m 3 gr:

information. This information was compared with other data sources to find
connections that could point to a hypothesis about the data. For example, after
attending worship services for several months and collecting church bulletins, I
noticed that each bulletin had a section with upcoming community activities and a
section for advertisements of places in the community. When the activities were
grouped together, they provided a view of events attended by community
members. This knowledge opened up other sources of data for observation field
notes and for participant interviews.

In like fashion, when the advertisements in the church bulletins were
placed in a group and organized into sections, such as, restaurants, medical
services, banks, etc. it was evident that there were many varied businesses and
services available in the Ukrainian community. Ukrainian people in the
community could choose stores and services within the community for most
needs they would have in daily life and also for needs they might have
throughout a lifetime. A hypothesis developed that the community offered goods
and services to immigrants over a long period of time. This pointed to a stable
economic base for the places in the community. If this was true, then certain
places in the community would be sustained over many decades.

To test this hypothesis, the places noted in the 1963 Immaculate
Conception Ukrainian Catholic Church yearbook were compared with the chart of
advertisers in 2002 to look for the same types of places and to note any of the

places in 1963 were still part of the Ukrainian community in 2002. A model was

42

  
 

then formed :

s‘ormE'd trot?

 

 

tomalns of CU
:nnmunlty.
The on
toning hunct
Glaser and St
otter words, I
:cnparison c
Cretan/tie forr
fmtessed thi
1.983) and LI

Recun

 

then formed to use for analysis of the data”. In this case the model formed
included several forms of data: places in the community noted in a 1963 church
yearbook; places advertised in the church bulletins in 2002; and a chart to
compare both lists of places. LeCompte and Schensul (1999), note that a model
is formed from a hypothesized relationship between the items, the concepts, or
domains of culture, which in this case is Ukrainian culture in the immigrant
community.

The process of collecting data items, finding patterns for categories, and
forming hunches that are tested for accuracy continued throughout the study.
Glaser and Strauss (1967) referred to this process as “grounded theory.” In
other words, this recursive analysis is the continuous interaction or constant
comparison of data items until a stable pattern of the culture, a reliable cultural
prototype forms that can be analyzed and interpreted. Spradley (1979)
expressed the process as domain and structural analysis, whereas Merriman
(1988) and LeCompte and Preissle (1993) call it recursive analysis.

Recursivity refers to the cyclical process of data analysis that moves back
and forth between inductive and deductive analysis. Inductive analysis uses
specific data items and forms more general explanations about the items.
Deductive analysis begins with general explanatory statements and applies the
statements to groups of specific data items. LeCompte (1990) terms the result of
recursive analysis as a successive process, developing item, pattern, and
interpretive levels of analysis. In this study the recursive process continued

throughout the data collection and analysis of the data.

 

"‘ See Figures 16 and 17 for places in the community in 1963 and 2002.

43

  
  
 

For ex
Information i
lien. contacts
persons who
members we'
were plans tel
Mot Um air
hey were pla
offamily imrr
twentieth cer.
lli'ainlan cc
La-“ity memt
$3"? a workzir
lmhtgrants
J‘s-“3%. or co

WES-fies the

For example, during the one year pilot study the data of historical research
information regarding immigrants pointed to immigrants coming to America and
then contacting other family members to join them. During the dissertation study
persons who were interviewed or participated in some way were asked if family
members were in America. If they were not, the participant was asked if there
were plans to bring the family to America. Most of the new immigrants in the
Detroit Ukrainian immigrant community were here and living with a relative or
they were planning on a family member joining them in the future. This process
of family immigration began with the first wave of immigration at the turn of the
twentieth century. From the accounts of current new immigrants in the Detroit
Ukrainian community one century later, it is evident that the pattern for immigrant
family members in America to be joined by other immigrant family members is
still a working model. The principal at the high school also stated that new
immigrants came to the school to be sponsored by a relative, usually an aunt.
uncle, or cousin. Findings from data analysis became hypotheses or grounded
theories that included:

0 The church was the center of the community: geographically,
educationally, spiritually, economically, and socially.

. Leadership in the community beginning in the early 1900s first
came from the church leadership.

. As the center of the community, the church provided the core
values, cultural norms, spiritual guidance, and building space for

community needs

44

 

The d:
353m the res
Migrants l‘

Sig-“ll 00ml

. The community networks established a way for the daily needs of
immigrants to be met throughout a lifetime.

. The community offered mentoring for immigrants to facilitate the
immigration process.

. The immigrants formed an identity as Ukrainian Americans through
the interactions with people in the community and as the
immigrants interacted within the community networks.

The dissertation study described in this chapter begins the conversation
about the research for the study. In Chapter 2 community life for Ukrainian
immigrants is introduced and described as the Ukrainian social networks in the

Detroit community developed over the past century.

45

 

llilrllall’s Ste
This w
mole life. It -
tong over the
and Winding It}
In New York I.
standing in fig
“at began t-
Were were c
{$3.06 each

axed 00 the (

"Eli-“Q for th

CHAPTER 2
Life in a Ukrainian American Community
Mikhail’s Story

This was the day five year old Mikhail and his family had waited for his
whole life. It was a day filled with joyful anticipation and yet a fear of rejection
hung over their hearts and clouded the anticipated joy. Mikhail stood in the long
and winding line with his parents waiting for someone from the immigration office
in New York to interview the family. The Iong-drawn-out line of immigrants
standing in front of Mikhail’s family seemed to blend in with Mikhail’s family.
They began to feel like family to Mikhail since they all spoke the same language.
There were children playing with anything they could find that felt like home and
beside each child Mikhail could see a number of adults standing with their eyes
fixed on the children and looking afraid and worried. Each family stood together
waiting for their turn to be heard by the immigration officers. The loud voices of
people nearby speaking in a different language added to the anxiety that the
Russian family felt as they prayed for God’s favor in this situation.

Mikhail, a small child had health problems that affected his ability to walk
and the family feared that he would be denied entrance to the United States. His
family had prayed for weeks while still in Russia that they could stay together
when they reached America and Mikhail had practiced walking about without
help for weeks before they arrived in New York trying to hide his slight limp and
hoping to appear “normal” to those in authority at the immigration office. Now the

time was upon them and this day the family took their turn and went before the

46

artnonties, ‘

 

said a praye'
was alloweo
Ins spedal c

and hlS famifi

authorities. When Mikhail’s family was called they walked forward together and
said a prayer with each step for divine mercy. To everyone’s surprise Mikhail
was allowed to enter the country with the rest of his family. The remembrance of
this special day in 1949 has been deeply implanted into the memory of Mikhail
and his family. Now their dreams of a better life for the family would surely come
true.

Russia was their homeland and the family had lived west of the Austro-
Hungarian Empire in the region that is now Ukraine. Generations of family had
settled in the same area and the security felt from closeness between family
members and neighbors was something that kept the family in Russia for so
many years. However, there were small political uprisings frequently in and
around Kiev which brought feelings of instability to Ukrainians. Mikhail’s family
often felt unsafe and they feared for their children’s lives. His parents and
grandparents had dreams of more opportunity in life. They wanted their children
to have a good education which was not possible in Russia. The schools were
far from the family home with many schools only in large cities. There was also a
problem with transportation and living quarters for students which made school
almost impossible for the children in Mikhail’s family. Each class in Russia
instructed using only the Russian language and students were not permitted to

speak or write using Ukrainian. This also did not meet the family’s needs.

Mikhail’s family was Ukrainian and they did not want the children to
become Russian. There was a push for what Mikhail’s grandfather called,

“Russification,” which means that Russia moved throughout the surrounding

47

 

lands and CC

I
«noose Russ
lli‘nhail's lar‘

f only tell the

    
 

hey feared ll
be Russian-r
Feta, Those
America. The
Ukrainian fan
mess. anc
li'ey would b
Sher Ukrain
5‘ broughti
Ui'aine anc

"Fence. th.

lands and countries with the intent to dominate them and the result was to
impose Russian culture, language, and way of life upon all of the people.
Mikhail’s family watched this happen throughout Eur0pe and Asia and Mikhail‘s
family felt the pressure of losing their Ukrainian voice, losing their culture, and
they feared they would lose themselves in the process. Many families living in
the Russian-ruled territories moved eastward to settle in Central and Eastern
Asia. Those Ukrainians living in Central and Eastern Ukraine immigrated to
America. The fear of being dominated and becoming Russian pushed Mikhail‘s
Ukrainian family out of Russia and the dreams of personal freedom, financial
success, and free education pulled the family to America where they believed
they would be able to settle in the land where dreams came true. News about
other Ukrainian families who settled in America in the past and found success in
life brought courage to Mikhail’s family to make the difficult decision to leave
Ukraine and go to America. It stood to reason that if others could make it in

America, they could too. (Pawliczko, 1994)

Once the family was safe in America they moved westward from New
York to Michigan and settled in Detroit with other Ukrainian Catholic immigrant
families in the Ukrainian community. The community of Ukrainian immigrants
had been in the area since 1911 and there were Ukrainian networks in place so
life could be carried on with other Ukrainians. There were churches, schools,
banks, doctors, dentists, businesses, and establishments offered services such
as restaurants, drug stores, beauty salons and barbershops. Stores for food.

religious goods and imports/exports were near the houses where immigrants

48

lived. Life in

 

lllrhail and .‘l

   
  
 

anyplace els
community. t.
Ukrainian Ca:
household he
school - all l-‘l
roger afraid .

America was a

 

Mikhar

‘vinceptiort U :n

 

tent to Imma:
Ukrainian thror
ts‘amily whe
at: the other I
‘e class durir

3'5th WEre .

in. ‘

j :
~

-3 _ SChOQj F

lived. Life in this community was full of Ukrainian culture and Ukrainian lifestyles.
Mikhail and his family could walk from their home to church, school, and most
any place else in the community. Soon after the family settled in the Ukrainian
community, they were able to resume their Ukrainian lifestyle by attending a
Ukrainian Catholic Church, going to Ukrainian markets for food and other
household needs, and Mikhail and the other children went to a Ukrainian Catholic
school — all within walking distance from their home. Mikhail’s parents were no
longer afraid when he left the family home for the Ukrainian community in
America was a safe place to live.

Mikhail’s parents and the children in the family joined Immaculate
Conception Ukrainian Catholic Church near Detroit. When Mikhail turned five he
went to Immaculate Conception Grammar School where he learned English and
Ukrainian throughout his education. It was a dream comes true for Mikhail and
his family when they were able to speak Ukrainian at church and school. Mikhail
and the other children joined in the Ukrainian spoken discussions with the rest of
the class during religion classes and worship services in America. How proud his
parents were to have a son in school since there was not the same opportunity
for Mikhail in Russia. He continued his schooling at the Immaculate Conception
High School graduating in 1963 with the rest of his class. This class was the first
graduating class from Immaculate Conception High School. Graduating from
high school was not the end of Mikhail’s education. Mikhail then went to Wayne
State University graduating in the field of education and obtaining bachelor and

graduate degrees in education. (Interviews with Mikhail 2001-2002)

49

 

FOITY .v '
community nEI
community in
he suburbs a
chroh of low

rho also atte”

stroents at thc

.‘osaphat. Th

Schools bega
Sltool and hi
Corice-ptiorl CI

teats.

 

 

_ l
MlKhal

30m“Wilts. E
“Waiting in

and
U ImmaQU‘t:

Forty years later, in 2003, Mikhail is still living in the Ukrainian-American
community near Detroit, however, he lives, works, and worships in the Ukrainian
community in a nearby suburb. The community has now spread from Detroit to
the suburbs and there are now two churches with St. Josaphat as a daughter
church of Immaculate Conception, built in the 1980s. Mikhail has two children
who also attend Immaculate Conception Schools and his family now attends St.
Josaphat. The high school has successfully graduated 99% of all the graduating
students at the school since the beginning in the 1960s. Immaculate Conception
Schools began a $2,000,000 building project in 2002 for the elementary, middle
school, and high school located in a suburb ten miles north of Immaculate
Conception Church. The K-12 schools have been successful for more than 65
years.

Mikhail’s story is one of many stories from immigrants in the Ukrainian
community. Each story expressed a longing for education, striving to achieve
something in life, and having a steadfast loyalty to Ukrainian culture, spirituality,
and Immaculate Conception Church and Schools. The immigration process for
people in this community beginning with the first wave of immigrants in the late
1800s and continuing to the present is closely tied to the Ukrainian Catholic
Church.

My family and other immigrant families chose to leave their homeland, and
settle in American immigrant communities where others speak the same
language, value the same cultural traditions, and worship in the same way. Data

for the study, as mentioned in the previous chapter, came from a community of

50

 

 

Ukrainian immigrai
mission to an exte

community.

Magoso’ls
hisolssertation
Immaculate Co
Ukrainian Catt
Detrot Ukra‘lni
dissertation st
as a Russian
mining to Ar
three accoui
loowtedge ;

“eraser

Ukrainian immigrants that began in Detroit Michigan and grew in numbers and
mission to an extended community in a suburb several miles from the original

community.

History and Immigration

Magosci’s (1996) history of Ukraine was used throughout the chapters of
this dissertation. The Basilian Fathers, pastors and spiritual leaders at
Immaculate Conception Ukrainian Catholic Church wrote a history of the Detroit
Ukrainian Catholic community in 1963 and this account of the beginnings of the
Detroit Ukrainian community provided primary source materials for the
dissertation study. Mary Antin’s (2001) scholarship about her own experiences
as a Russian Jewish emigrant and her accounts of the immigration process when
coming to America provided another view to the immigrant experience. These
three accounts of the immigrant experiences for Russians provided historical
knowledge and information that was compared to current information about
immigration for the Detroit Ukrainian community.

Foner’s (2000) work, From Ellis Island to JFK: New York's Two Great
Waves of Immigration, addressed education, employment, neighborhoods,
gender, and race as the topics related to immigration. This book offered a critical
assessment of “myths” that have affected how immigrants have been viewed by
society. Foner revealed realities for both waves of immigration. Dinnerstein and
Reimers (1 977 and 1999) provided a summary of immigrant experiences and a

reflection of the recent scholarship and public policies about immigration. Ethnic

51

 

 

 

lnencans; A H i:
overview of 1mm
lllrraine. the Ukr
Ukrainian Wome
Ukrainian peopl
about their exp
bills misloen
Russian. If yo
'iDU have to 9'
mean. It is e'
l. 8588),
The L
interfaith me
Slated‘ The

Americans: A History of Immigration, offered a concise and comprehensive
overview of immigration from 1680 to 1996. Statistics and general information for
Ukraine, the Ukrainian Catholic Church, The Ukrainian Chronicle journal,
Ukrainian Women’s Alliance, Ukrainian Women’s League of America, and
Ukrainian people were other sources of information. Accounts from immigrants
about their experiences were included. For example, one Ukrainian man in
19205 misidentified himself and when asked why, he said, “I usually say I'm
Russian. If you say you’re Ukrainian, the guy tells you, . . . ’What’s that?’ and
you have to go into the whole history of Ukraine and explain to the guy what you
mean. It is easier to just say you are Russian.” (Dinnerstein and Reimers, 1999,
p. 85-86).

The Ukrainian Catholic Church was mentioned in regards to the notion of
interfaith marriages when in 1973, an Eastern Rite Catholic professor and pastor
stated, “The danger from increasing interfaith marriages is not that Catholics will
join some other churches or religions — but that they will become indifferent and
estranged from religion in general.” (Dinnerstein and Reimers, 1999, p. 187).
This comment shows the serious thought given to the spiritual life for Ukrainian
Catholics. Throughout my study, the notion that being Ukrainian and being
Ukrainian Catholic was also a very important point in identity formation for the

Detroit Ukrainian Catholic community.

The Ukrainian Chronicle was a journal published in the 19203 as a
periodical offered in the Ukrainian language with news about current events in

Ukraine and suggestions for how to cope with life in America. The Ukrainian

52

 

 

llonren‘sAll'ance
1925. llromoled til
now to read We
lllrrainians were c
Russians Rulher
and Bulgarians. .

bated States be

They Come? [m

atoll 3’9 cons
Batan noted U
have fell‘lcated

lie in America-
iierea key asp

over the deCad
let—ate, immigf

bneol Balkan
lens, Lithuanli

Immunities w

eter educate

Uirainian ethn

All UK
Terran way

Women's Alliance, which became the Ukrainian Woman’s League of America in
1925, promoted the maintenance of traditional culture and they taught illiterates
how to read while promoting the goal of a national Ukrainian state in Europe.
Ukrainians were considered part of the “Slavic” group of immigrants that included
Russians, Ruthenians (Ukrainians), Slovaks, Slovenes, Poles, Croatians, Serbs.
and Bulgarians. Together they accounted for 4 million new immigrants in the

United States between 1890 and 1920s

Barkan (1996) continued the conversation about immigrants with, And Still
They Come: Immigrants and American Society 1920—19903. Three segments of
history are considered in Barkan’s work: 1920—40, 1940-65, and 1965-1990.
Barkan noted that there was some similarity in the ways new immigrant groups
have replicated the efforts of their predecessors and contemporaries to cope with
life in America. These similar ways of adjusting, or the immigration process.
were a key aspect of my study. There were immigrant patterns that can be seen
over the decades. Barkan summarized the process as, “While Americans
debate, immigrants acculturate and their children integrate.” (Barkan, 1996, p. 6)
One of Barkan’s main points for Ukrainians is that they, like Armenians, Greeks,
Jews, Lithuanians, and other ethnic groups, entered their own ethnic
communities when they came to America. Some postwar groups may have been
better educated, more urbane, or perhaps more politically active, but the
Ukrainian ethnic group and cultural community provided entrance into the

American way of life for new immigrants.

53

Kelsoll and
belens 0l gendel
scholarship 355”
worlelS. when V‘
labor sector Of "It
were a variety 0f
ntemational mlgl

hat has not beer

Porles anl
addressed the or
Regarding langU
irs‘. generation ll
thence, but the
generation immi
has spoken whi
and the sooioec

:lbllc schools a

iteration imn~

Kelson and DeLaet (1999) addressed the notion of immigration through
the lens of gender. This work challenged the simplistic view that most
scholarship assumed, that international migration resulted primarily with male
workers. When women were acknowledged, the focus was on the low-wage
labor sector of the world economy. Kelson and DeLaet maintained that there
were a variety of occupational and social ways that women experienced
international migration; migration was and is a complex and diverse experience

that has not been fully examined for women.

Portes and Rumbaut (1996) provided a portrait of immigrant America and
addressed the origin of immigrants: who they were and where they came from.
Regarding language acquisition for immigrants, Portes and Rumbaut noted that
first generation immigrants learned as much English as they needed to get by in
America, but they continued to speak their mother tongue at home. Second
generation immigrants grew up speaking the mother tongue at home, but English
was spoken when away from home. The institutional pressures for Anglicization
and the socioeconomic benefits of native fluency in English meant that in the
public schools and in the wider society, English was expected. For third
generation immigrants, English was the mother tongue spoken at home and
English was used in public. A common thought about immigrants at the turn of
the century was that immigrants had a lower intelligence or poor academic
achievement due to bilingualism. A study in 1962 found that bilinguals actually
performed best when there was a balance between languages. Switching from

one language to another brought two different perspectives and found the

54

bilinguals to have a

coming from the twr

Coming to A
die by Roger Dani
immigration. This
around the world a
present. Daniels r
lnmigrants. the Al
Germany were no

stems from nation

Literature a
Migration from
heiOWn about t'
Artrerioa. The to
doubt Ukrainiar
Basilian Fathers
Ukrainian immic
Mind. the Ukl

“Unity and

 

bilinguals to have an “enriched environment” and a wider range of experiences

coming from the two cultures (Portes and Rumbaut, 1996).

Coming to America: A History of Immigration and Ethnicity in American
Life by Roger Daniels (1990) provided comprehensive historical research on
immigration. This work included both the immigration to the United States from
around the world and the nationality of immigrants beginning with 1500 to the
present. Daniels noted that in all of the statistics and information about
immigrants, the Austro-Hungarian and Russian Empires, and some parts of
Germany were not recorded in the American data. The reason for this omission

stems from national origin being listed when data was collected, not ethnicity.

Literature about immigrants opened the discussion about the process of
immigration from Ukraine to America. Ukrainians have a story to tell that is all
their own about their experiences of emigration from Ukraine and immigration to
America. The following sections focused on the immigration process for the
Detroit Ukrainian American community from primary source accounts of the
Basilian Fathers who were leaders in the Ukrainian Catholic Church. The
Ukrainian immigrant community began with a mission church in the early 1900s
In 1963, the Ukrainian Catholic Church hierarchy sent Basilian priests or Basilian
Fathers who were also monks, to the Ukrainian Catholic churches in the Detroit

community and from 1963 until the present Basilian Fathers have been pastors

55

 

lor the UI

fathers a

Catholic

CEbt‘ury

back it

Cathgi,

for the Ukrainian Catholic Churches in Detroit and the suburbs. The Basilian

fathers also provided leadership for the Ukrainian Catholic schools‘.

Emigrating from Ukraine

Historically, life in Ukraine has been difficult for practicing Ukrainian
Catholics for a number of centuries. In the midst of the persecution in the past
century, the Ukrainian Catholic Church sought to carry out its mission in a new
and different place where their hopes and dreams of living in freedom could be
realized. The mission of the Ukrainian Catholic Church spread across the
Atlantic Ocean to the United States and this new mission field in America was
said to become, “the synthesis between the East and West by leading the East
back to the One true fold. Because of this great mission, our Church has been
persecuted through the ages not only by Orthodox Moscow, but also by Latin
Catholic Poland” (The Basilian Fathers, 1963).

As many Ukrainian Catholics felt persecuted for their faith and way of life
in Russia, Poland, and other surrounding countries in the late 1800’s the
Ukrainian Catholics turned their dreams to America and great numbers began to
flee the persecution found in Russia and its surrounding countries. Ukrainian
Catholic priests viewed Russia as “Godless Russian communists.” The priests
could not understand how the communists seemed to tolerate the Latin Catholic
Church of Poland by giving it its own church hierarchy, churches, schools, and
newspapers and at the same time communists sought to exterminate the

Ukrainian Catholic Church and other Eastern rite Churches by killing many

 

' See Figure 11 for church and school growth between 1913 to 2002 of ICUCC and ICUCS.

56

 

people

and tart

‘C-ItEm.
Elt‘rl‘,‘ to
fieopie

Basil;

1". A‘
"'5th

people and sending the rest to concentration camps in Siberia. Yet, the priests
and faithful members of the Ukrainian Catholic Church continued to keep their
faith and their Ukrainian Catholic Church continued to grow and, “walk its thorny
path.”

Ukrainian priests viewed the long-standing persecution coming from
“enemies” in history such as, Czar Peter I and Catherine ll of Russia, who, “not
only tolerated Latin Catholics in Russia, but even granted freedom to these
people. People of our rite, however, were spiritually tormented to no end” (The
Basilian Fathers, 1963). This animosity between the Russians and Ukrainian
Catholics involved different views about the beliefs of the Ukrainian Catholic
Church. Ukrainian priests stated that the “enemies” spread false notions that the
Western Latin Church is the Catholic Church. They noted that the Eastern
Byzantine Rite did exist and was a part of the Catholic Church, which was a
contradiction to this false notion. It was this “false view” of the Catholic Church
as a Western Latin Church that was believed to be the root of so many
controversies to this day.

This push from the Godless homeland for the Ukrainian emigrants was
met with the pull of the “New World” freedom and American life for the
immigrants who came to the United States. Stories of “streets of gold” and
financial freedom were also being sent to Ukraine from those who left Ukraine
and settled in America and this hope for success was an added blessing to the
new immigrants. Large numbers of Ukrainians fled Ukraine with the first wave of

immigrants that arrived at Ellis Island in the 1870’s (Antin, 2001; Barkan, 1996;

57

Ft

 

 

 

Daniels. 1990. Dll
1996). My family
Ukrainian commu
only living family I
be events of her

lilravnian immigr.

Imma
ArneflCa b
atelBOO's. Detr
tut during the It!
bladed a parish
Ulrainlans from r
hearings. Fathe
irons and mo

loanvenient to tv

Daniels, 1990; Dinnerstein & Reimers, 1999; Foner, 2000; Portes and Rumbaut.
1996). My family left Russia in the early 19003 and settled in the Detroit
Ukrainian community. Aunt Maria was the youngest female in the family and the
only living family member. During a series of interviews Maria shared some of
the events of her life and provided a firsthand look into the beginnings of the

Ukrainian immigrant community. (Interviews with Maria 2000-2003)

Immaculate Conception Ukrainian Catholic Church

America became a mission place for the Ukrainian Catholic Church in the
late 1800’s. Detroit was the site for the first Ukrainian immigrant church that was
built during the first decade of the 20"1 century. A small Ukrainian community
founded a parish on the West side of Detroit during the first decade of the 1900s.
Ukrainians from all over the city of Detroit went to this church on Sunday
mornings. Father Bartosh became the first pastor of St. John’s parish in 1911.
As more and more people moved to the East side of Detroit, it became
inconvenient to travel to St. John’s on the West side. Parishioners walked for
miles or drove by carriage for hours to get to church on Sundays. Fr. Bartosh
organized a committee to plan a new church on the East side and to collect $600
to purchase land. Construction began in 1913 with the cornerstone blessed on
December 25, 1913. The first mass was held on Palm Sunday, April 12, 1914. A
Ukrainian National Home was built in 1915 several houses down the street from
the church. This building became the Ukrainian Cultural Center and it was used

for the Ukrainian Grammar School, parish organizations, parish dances, parish

58

 

meetings
mdmen
Manare‘

aseany

meetings, and all church related programs. Fr. Bartosh left the parish in 1918
and there were eight different priests at the church between 1919 and 1927.
Maria remembers being a part of the church and learning from the nuns at night
as early as 1924. (Basilian Fathers, 1963)

Fr. Chehansky arrived at ICUCC in 1936. He was young, energetic, and
had a vision of the potential for the church that inspired spiritual growth and
physical growth of membership and buildings. Three weeks after he arrived he
founded the Apostleship of Prayer. That same year he founded the Immaculate
Conception Grammar School and placed the school under the guidance of the
Sisters of St. Basilz. Fr. Chehansky also began The Brotherhood of the
Archangel St. Michael and the Sisterhood of Immaculate Conception, as well as
a church choir. In 1941, a new church building was built and it was blessed
during a ceremony in 1942. The parish was comprised of 200 families when he
arrived — ten years later there were 1,000 families in the parish. The spiritual
groups established at the church provided common values and spiritual
motivation for growth in the community. During Fr. Chehansky’s ten years at
ICUCC the parish also purchased land in a suburb set aside for a summer camp
for children and a picnic area for parishioners. He also started the Agenda Club
for youth (Basilian Fathers, 1963).

According to the historical account provided by the Basilian Fathers in
1963, Fr. Bilynsky followed Fr. Chelhansky and began a new building project for
the grammar school. The plans for the new grade school became reality and the

building was completed in 1951. Fr. Schmondiuk issued the first Parish Bulletin

 

2 See Figure 1 2 for a history of the grade school from 1917 to 1964.

59

with is still used
used at all worsh
Ukrainian tor bilinr
monastery tor the
immigrants comm
Parish Coed ucat
n 1959 with A D
llirrlarulate Cor
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which is still used for parishioners today. The church bulletins were and still are
used at all worship services at ICUCC and each bulletin includes English and
Ukrainian for bilingual texts.3 He planned to build a rectory for the priests and a
monastery for the sisters. Fr. Schmondiuk was responsible for many Ukrainian
immigrants coming to Detroit. Fr. Knapp founded the first Ukrainian Catholic
Parish Coeducational High School in the United States. The high school opened
in 1959 with A Day of Prayer. In 1962 the Apostolic See and Bishop Gabro put
Immaculate Conception Parish under the guidance of the Basilian monks. The
arrival of the Basilian monks saw a new era of spiritual growth for the parish. As
a monastic order, they held missions services and Lenten recollections and the
priests taught in the grammar school and high school. The Basilian Fathers also
provided an hour—long weekly radio broadcast called, “The Basilian Fathers’
Ukrainian Hour.” (Basilian Fathers, 1963)4

Immaculate Conception Ukrainian Catholic Church became a place for
first generation Ukrainian immigrants to call home. Portes and Rumbaut (1996,
p. 95) state that, “For the most part, the first foreign-born generation lacks
‘voice.”’ The history of American immigration has a thread of fear that the “alien
element” would bring disintegration and decay to the institutions of the country.
Dinnerstein and Reimers (1999) note that intolerance for ethnic differences was
one of the most serious difficulties new immigrants faced in America.
Established United States citizens often held a “nativist” perspective, or an anti-

immigrant perspective toward new immigrants. Daniels explains this perspective

 

3 Church bulletins for worship services are bilingual today at ICUCC and St. Josaphat.
‘ See Figure 13 to note spiritual guidance of priests and sisters in the community from 1911-1963.

60

 

 

as a resp
phases 0
Catholic
immigrar
evrstencr

began in

as a response to a specific aspect of immigration to the United States. Three
phases of “nativism” can be found with discreet anti-immigrant activity. The anti-
Catholic phase, aimed at Irish Catholics and to a lesser extent German Catholic
immigrants flourished from 1830-18505. There were fingers of this phase still in
existence for many years after 1850. The second phase, the anti-Asian phase,
began in 1870 with Chinese immigration thriving until the Chinese Exclusion Act
of 1882. Similar movements that followed included Japanese immigrants from
1905-1924 and Filipinos in the 19205 to 19305. This movement, like the anti-
Catholic movement never died completely. The third phase, or an “anti-all
immigrants” phase began in 18805. This phase gained momentum as a
movement with general restrictions for immigration and continued to grow until
the Immigration Act of 1924. This curtailed immigration to America for the next
forty years. Daniels (1990) says there was never a time in American history
when there was not a nativist perspective, or a nativist attitude. These attitudes
led to fears of the unknown when new immigrants came to a community.

The immigrant churches were also attacked as a target for nativist fears
and attitudes. Today, we see the restrictions placed on immigration as blatantly
discriminatory and the notions that led to the restrictions seem false and unfair.
Yet, with the anti-Catholic sentiment, the anti-alI-immigrant attitude, and the
governmental restrictions, the ICUCC community continued to grow and provided
a way for first generation Ukrainian immigrants to have a voice in a new land
through active participation at ICUCC. Therefore, the resilient ethnic

identification of many communities such as the Detroit Ukrainian community and

6]

 

heunmaje1
to the Plow

(alalE
lountl Wm ‘1
courll’l‘Tt
etlrmclderT
enmc00”‘
lihedsna
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ICUCC 00'
man It
and SUDDC
about the
who arrive
Othels in l
Rumbaut
unmunlt
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Rumbaut.

the unified ethnic politics that are based on cultural identity can be traced directly
to the process of reactive formation as noted by scholars.

Glazer and others have stated that there is an American ethnic resilience
found with immigrants in reaction to the discrimination they face in the receiving
country. These negative experiences produced an identity of national origin. or
ethnic identity as a basis for solidarity, rather than class or employment. The
ethnic community at ICUCC has allowed Ukrainian immigrants to come to the
United States and not experience the extent of discrimination that other
immigrants have faced in different settings and at different times in history. The
ICUCC community serves as a buffer for new immigrants which have a protective
quality. I maintain that this community network at ICUCC has provided protection
and support for new immigrants and this support allows new immigrants to move
about the new country with greater ease and less tension than other immigrants
who arrive in this country without a network, support group, or mentoring of
others in the community to help with the immigration process. Portes and
Rumbaut (1996), noted that it was natural for new immigrants to settle in
community groups with the same culture and who spoke the same language.
(Basilian Fathers, 1963; Glazer, 1954; Glazer and Moynihan, 1970; Portes and

Rumbaut, 1996)

ICUC Grammar School

Immaculate Conception Ukrainian Catholic Grammar School opened its

doors to elementary school students at the Ukrainian House on Grayling Street in

62

 

1917. T

were our
Religion

school ir
Openedi
students
114 stud
Place in

find to b
another:
Core-mom
ConstantJ
5119581
Stall The
inade up.

Uiilng the :

1917. The children came to the Ukrainian House after public school classes
were over for the day. The evening classes at ICUCGS offered Ukrainian,
Religion, and History. Before the Sisters of St. Basil the Great came to the
school in 1928, the church cantors conducted the classes. Fr. Chehansky
opened the parochial day school in 1936. The student body grew from 18
students in two classes in 1936 to 50 students in 1938, 108 students in 1939.
114 students in 1940, and the first graduating class from grammar school took
place in 1941. As the school continued to grow, Fr. Schmondiuk started a school
fund to build a new school building. The building fund collected $70,000 and
another $30,000 was borrowed from the parishioners. Ground breaking
Ceremonies brought another $7,000 for the school. In 1951, Metropolitan
Constantine Bohachevsky blessed the cornerstone of the new school building.
By 1958 there were 608 students in the school, which required a large teaching
staff. The Sisters of St. Basil the Great along with seven additional lay teachers
made up the faculty. In 1963 there were 483 students enrolled at the school,
filling the school to its physical capacity. (Basilian Fathers, 1963)5

In an interview with Aunt Maria, she recalled the longing for education that
she experienced as a child. The males and females were treated differently at
that time. Males were encouraged to go to public schools and females were kept
from attending school. Yet, Maria kept her dream of education alive and pursued
going to school. “I remember going to school at Immaculate Conception in 1924.
My brothers went to the public school, but I wasn’t allowed to go so I went to

school at night. The nuns taught the classes and we met upstairs in the convent.

 

5 See Figure 12 for a history of the elementary school from 1917-1964.

63

 

 

Mo
rhe
dvnn
EVE!
and 2
ll wa:
(Inter

She is

Uhialm

the Ukr

lib tn.

Mother was happy because I learned to speak Ukrainian, but I wasn’t very good
when it came to writing in Ukrainian. In the evening my family sat at the table for
dinner and my brothers talked with my father about everything, it seemed. They
even talked about politics, but I didn’t know about the things they talked about
and so I was quiet most nights. After a while, I stopped listening to the men talk.
It was my way of fighting back for not being a part of the conversation.”
(Interview with Aunt Maria, a member of the ICUCC community for 80 years.

She is now a member of St. Josaphat, 2001)

Immaculate Conception Ukrainian Catholic High School

The Ukrainian community in the United States worked to preserve the
Ukrainian traditions and rituals, especially for Ukrainian youth. Parents wanted
the Ukrainian Catholic Rite and the heritage of the Ukrainian culture to be shared
with the young members of the community. Before the high school opened,
parents watched children complete eight years of grammar school, and then go
away from the community and eventually lose contact with their Ukrainian
community at Immaculate Conception. It seemed obvious to those in authority
that the work of preserving the heritage could not be accomplished without the
Ukrainian Catholic high schools. Monsignor Knapp made a decision to organize
the first Ukrainian co-educational high school in the United States. The goals
were to: “1) preserve the youth in a religious spirit typical of our rite, 2) educate

them with a solid, fundamental knowledge of Ukrainian language, history,

64

 

 

literature.
toradmis
A .
purchaser
prepared
the first st
firststude
lo the prc
confidence
Shoot.” it
the Ukraini
sllllllsored
Diovided to
that the eu
became Die
Sihool Scl
SChOQI 06w:

Ubys beElan

literature, culture, and ancient customs, and 3) give them preparatory knowledge
for admission to colleges and universities.” (Basilian Fathers, 1963)

A first step was taken in 1958 when Tau Beta Community Center was
purchased. This decision received enthusiastic support from the principal who
prepared the curriculum for the new high school. The building was prepared for
the first students in 1959 and the graduates of the grammar school became the
first students at the new high school. This vote of confidence added momentum
to the project. It was said that the parents “unquestionably, placed their full
confidence in their religious leaders and registered their children at the new high
school.” (Basilian Fathers, 1963, p. 30) The name given to the high school was
the Ukrainian High School and classes officially opened in 1959. A concert
sponsored by the church choir in the Copernicus School Auditorium was
provided for the Ukrainian community on December 6, 1959. It is worth noting
that the event was called, “Ukrainian High School Day” and many Ukrainians
became pioneer-founders of the school by giving generous financial gifts for the
school. School colors were blue and silver and girls wore uniforms to school. A
school newspaper was published and the beginnings of an athletic program for
boys began in 1959 (ICUCC Yearbook, 1963).

The spiritual growth of the students was considered important from the
onset. A school retreat became an annual event where Liturgy and Thanksgiving
were celebrated and awards were given to the honor students. There were 32
students at the high school the first year and 95 students the second year. The

old high school building was remodeled and the students went to a local public

65

schoi
schoi
the h
the r

efec

Ugnh
TEBSC
adnmi
luani
Wovu
and k
Qfidt
56mg
and C
Educ;
tern

pflficg

school for a time. Students returned to ICUC School in January 1961. A high
school dance was held to celebrate the joyous occasion. Concerts provided by
the high school choir for Ukrainians at the church and school, were enjoyed by
the entire Ukrainian community. The high school events “were proving their
effectiveness for the Ukrainian community.” (Basilian Fathers, 1963, p. 32)

By 1962 there were 185 students at the high school. The year was
significant for the Immaculate Conception Ukrainian community for several
reasons. In August 1962 the Basilian Fathers were appointed as the
administrators of the parish. This tremendous work included: meeting the
financial commitments of the parish, teaching the students at the parish schools,
providing Liturgy and other religious traditions in the Ukrainian Catholic Church,
and leading the immigrant community. This year was also the year for the first
graduating class from the high school. Activities for the seniors included the
senior class trip to Washington and New York, the Senior Banquet, Senior Prom,
and Graduation Exercises June 9, 1963, which completed the secondary
education for the first group of high school students. There were 30 graduates at
the first commencement exercise. One of the first graduates became the
principal at ICUCHS in the 19905.

From the onset the high school curriculum included required classes for
students. These required classes allowed all students to be well prepared for
continuing their education at a college or university or to enter the business field
with clerical skills. The curriculum in 1963 included two programs: a college

preparatory course and a business course. College preparatory classes and

66

30C
yea
bioli
Eiec
two 1
years
elect
yeari

aiso c

locatic
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3’: the

Business classes each required four years of religion, English, Ukrainian, chorus,
and health and physical education. Each student was also required to take two
years of Mathematics and History (US History and East European). One year of
biology and one semester of American Government were also required.
Electives for college prep included four years of Latin, world history, geography,
two additional years of mathematics, general science or general business, two
years of French or German, chemistry, physics, or two years of typing. Business
electives offered in the program included two years of shorthand and typing, one
year of Latin, world history, bookkeeping, and general business. Both programs
also offered music, art, homemaking, and driver’s training as general electives.
For several decades, the high school was located in the city, but the
location changed to the suburbs in the 19905. The Sisters of St. Basil the Great
remained at the school for many years until one of the ICUCC graduates became
the principal of the high school in the mid-19905, becoming the first lay principal
at the school. This was a turning point in the leadership. During my visits to the
school during 2001-2002, the principal spoke of the changes that had taken
place over the years. Not only was the principal the first lay person to serve as
principal, but also the faculty for all of the subjects except religion were taught by
laypersons. In previous years the Sisters of St. Basil were leaders and teachers
at the school. In addition, the teaching staff included non Ukrainian speaking
teachers who would not consider themselves Ukrainian. The curriculum for the
2001-2002 school years included requirements in the core curriculum, curriculum

electives, and advanced placement classes. Of the required classes, all students

67

are required‘
Students can
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are required to take four years of English, religion, and a foreign language.
Students can take mathematics and science from two to four years. Three years
of computer literacy are required and two years of physical education. Each
student has one year of typing and one semester of health and civics. The
curriculum electives include music, humanities, current events, foreign
languages, accounting, and graphic arts. Advanced placement classes are also
provided for mathematics and English".

ICUCHS has a number of school activities, clubs, and service groups
available for students that include: oratorical contests, Ukrainian Heritage Club.
National Honor Society, chorus, yearbook, newspaper, computer club, debate
club, foreign exchange club, Iectors, SADD, ski club, Phi Beta Kappa, student
council, audio tech club and students can work as departmental assistants.
Athletics at the school include varsity and junior varsity basketball, women's
basketball, baseball, softball, Jr. varsity women’s volleyball, and soccer. The
school athletic teams have received championship awards for: men’s soccer -
they were Soccer CHSL Champions in 1994; volleyball - District Champions
1995 and 1996; women’s basketball CHSL Champions 1995 and 1996, and

women’s basketball District Champions in 19967.

Activities, Athletics, and School Accomplishments
During an interview, the principal at the high school noted that the school

has a 100% graduation rate, 99% of the students go to a major university after

 

" See Figure 19 for the ICUCHS 2002 curriculum
7 See Figure 11 for development of ICUCS from 1913 to 2002.

68

graduation. Sb
graduates rec
school is 15.
school there
the school v
school yearl
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some tromt
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graduation, 50% of the graduates receive four-year scholarships, and 85% of the
graduates receive philanthropic scholarships. The teacher/student ratio at the
school is 1:5, or one teacher to five students. Since the school is a parochial
school there is tuition for the students, but it is affordable so students can go to
the school without the family experiencing hardship. During the 2001-2002
school year three families who had previously home schooled sent their children
to ICICHS and the enrollment for the school year was 90 to 100. Immigrants
come from Ukraine throughout the school year. Three new Ukrainian immigrant
students came to the high school for the 2001-2002 school year. The school
faculty has 8 teachers who are ICUCHS alumni and the suburban campus has
13.5 acres. The high school moved to the suburbs in 1999 and the school was
noted as an “Outstanding American High School” in the US News and World
Report in January 19998.

Among the school accomplishments over the past 36 years, there have
been more than 1100 graduates from the Ukrainian high school. Of the
graduates, there are now more than 200 doctors, dentists, and health care
professionals, more than 200 attorneys, and more than 200 engineers. The
school graduates also consist of more than 100 business and administrative
professionals, more than 75 of the graduates are educators, and there are two
college professors, three principals — one elementary, one middle school, and
one high school. Two graduates are US diplomats and seven graduates are
journalists and authors. Six of the graduates are now in the entertainment

industry and five graduates are criminologists. There are also two builders, two

 

8 See Figure 21 for school accomplishments.

69

priests. one
boxer. one
television bi
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Students rr
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priests, one bishop, one Sister of St. Basil the Great, one archaeologist, one
boxer, one forest ranger, one fireman, one international rock star, and one
television broadcast journalist among the list of graduates at the high school.

In 2002, a building project began to combine the Immaculate Conception
Schools and the Ukrainian Museum on an expanded suburban campus.
Students moved into the completed facility during the 2003 school year. The
ICUC Elementary School, the Academy or previously what was called the middle
school and the high school are located in the same facility. There is also room
for a museum to keep the Ukrainian heritage alive in the community. Funding for
the $2,000,000 school project came from the Ukrainian community itself. There
were a number of options for supporters to donate money to the school through
the IC Building Fund. The choices included: The Donor Tree, Personalized
Engraved Bricks, Sponsor a Classroom, IC Schools Benefit Banquet, Donations
from ICUCC, Donations from St. Josaphat Ukrainian Catholic Church, Large
Glass Jar in the school for coins, Donations from Alumni, and Donations from the
communityg.

Of the financial supporters, there were 21 financial gifts between $10,000
and $150,000 given to the IC Building Fund by alumni, businesses in the
Ukrainian community, two Ukrainian Credit Unions, and supporters from the
Ukrainian community. These gifts of $740,935 were part of the “Sponsor 3
Classroom” fund. One family donated $150,000, one family and one credit union
each gave $100,000, anonymous sponsors gave $40,000, a 1978 alumni family

gave $40,000, one family and two credit unions pledged $30,000 each, five

 

9 See Figure 20 for donations given for the ICUCS building project in 2002.

70

 

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families donated $25,000 each, and four families of which two are alumni, gave
$15,000 each. There were two family gifts of $10,000 each, and one family gave
$5,000. An additional $10,935 in donations came from memorials for the building
fund.

The “Donor Tree” had options of $1000, Bronze Leaf; $5,000, Silver
Leaf; $10,000, Gold Leaf; or any amount could be given without a leaf. Each leaf
could have an inscription with three lines of writing. This 15’x10’ tree was
designed by an alumnus from the 1973 graduating class and will be placed in the
main lobby of the new school building with 6 1A”x3 %” bronze leaves, 7 1A” x 4 1/2"
silver leaves, and 7 1/5” x 5” gold leaves. In a school newsletter the
administrator of the school said this beautiful tree was to “represent our
immaculate Conception Schools’ Family — strong, united, always growing and
flourishing, while recognizing the donors, benefactors, and the work of countless
people.”

The personalized engraved bricks were placed in the entryway of the new
addition and the choices for donors included a 4” x 8” brick with two or three lines
of writing for a donation of $125, or 8” x 8” with up to six lines of writing for a
donation of $250. Each brick has a logo, graphics, a message, family names, or
other text. Homecoming for the high school took place Oct. 12, 2002 and that
weekend included the IC Schools Benefit Banquet at the Ukrainian Cultural
Center across from St. Josaphat Church.

All of the funds for the building project were advertised within the

Ukrainian community. The money donated came from church members, school

71

 

 

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families, faculty, and alumni, and people living in the Ukrainian community.
There were no attempts made to advertise outside of the community. This great
outpouring of financial gifts was evidence of the importance of education in the
community. Several generations of new and old immigrants offered financial
support for the ICUC Schools and the entire community displayed a commitment

to the future of the schools and to the youth in the Ukrainian community.

St. Josaphat Ukrainian Catholic Church

The early Ukrainian immigrants in the late 18005 came for economic
reasons, primarily. lsajiw and Makuch (in Pawlickzko, 1994) noted that the
western regions of Ukraine — Halychyna, or Galicia, Transcarpathia, and some
from Bukovyna — were the areas in Ukraine where the first emigrants lived. The
people in this area were predominantly from the Uniate Church, or the Greek
Catholic Church, as they were known at that time or as Ukrainian Catholics in
today’s terminology. Immigrants from this area of Russia were peasants who
were farmers or who were engaged in agricultural work in Russia. The group of
immigrants had one of the highest illiteracy rates of all immigrant groups (lsajiw
and Makuch, in Pawlickzcko, 1994, p. 375). The Basilian Fathers believe that
the “Providence of God" led the founders of the Ukrainian Catholic Church in
America to come to “this side of the ocean along strange paths” (Basilian
Fathers, 1963, p. 20). When the Ukrainian Church came to America, the
Byzantine Rite, or the Eastern Rite also became the order and structure adopted

for the Ukrainian Catholic Church.

72

 

teach
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of Ukr
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enserr
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doseh
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The first wave of Ukrainian immigrants identified with “rite” more than the
teachings of the church. Rev. Voliansky, the first Ukrainian Catholic priest. came
to America in 1884. With his arrival, he laid out a blueprint for community growth
of Ukrainian organizations — parishes, schools, fraternal organizations,
cooperative associations, cultural choirs, orchestras, and theater and dance
ensembles, and the press. This pattern, still used today, and can be found in the
Ukrainian community in Detroit. These early organizations of immigrants were
closely tied to parishes. As time went on parallel organizations developed, with
some distancing the organization from the church. (Basilian Fathers, 1963;

Canadian Catholic Conference, 1975; Pawliczko, 1994; Solovey, 1970)

Places in the Ukrainian Community Network

Ukrainian Catholic identity formation began with a blueprint created by the
Ukrainian Catholic Church. The blueprint or model for creating, developing, and
maintaining a Ukrainian Church community was embraced by the founding
priests of ICUCC from the very beginning. Fr. Bartosh set the plan in motion
when ICUCC began in 1913. The mission of the Ukrainian Catholic Church as
told by the Basilian Fathers has been handed down by the “Providence of God"
and the Ukrainian Catholic Church has “been trusted with the great mission of
becoming the synthesis between the East and the West by leading the East back
to the One true Fold” (Basilian Fathers, 1963, p. 6).

As ICUCC developed over the decades its members began to move from

the city to the suburbs and in keeping with the mission of the church, ICUCC

73

 

began
beoon
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St. Jos
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began a mission church in the suburbs of Detroit in 1963. This mission grew to
become the new St. Josaphat Ukrainian Catholic Church. Fr. Jerome, who was
a mission priest and assistant pastor at ICUCC, became the administrator of the
St. Josaphat parish. He began a building project in 1963 for $250,000 and then
became pastor at St. Josaphat in 1964. Today, St. Josaphat has several large
additions to the original building and these additions provided space for many of
the Ukrainian network organizations, such as choirs, orchestras, dance
ensembles, etc.

In keeping with Fr. Voliansky’s 1884 original plan to develop a community
around the church, a building for community and cultural events was built across
the street from St. Josaphat. The Ukrainian Cultural Center provided the ability
to combine ICUCC and St. Josaphat events. ICUC Schools Benefit Banquet at
4:30 on a Sunday in October 2002 became a celebration for the entire Ukrainian
community in Detroit and the suburbs. In addition, the Ukrainian network
included businesses and services for the Ukrainian population in Detroit and the
suburbs.10

The first settlers in the Detroit Ukrainian community began creating the
community with additions to ICUCC. In addition to the church the first rectory
which was the center for Ukrainian habitation was added in 1913. IC Parish
grade school was an addition to the community in 1917. In 1925 the lwan
Kotlarewsky Dramatic Society, with 46 performers in Ukrainian traditional
costumes added cultural flare. The Sister’s Convent was another building added

to the community in 1928. In 1929 the “Kotlarewsky” Choir, with 85 performers in

 

'0 See Figures 16 and 17 for places in the community in 1963 and 2002.

74

tadi
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whor
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traditional Ukrainian costume became part of the network. There was a local
Red Cross project for parishioners and a truck brought the Red Cross
organization and services to the parish.

Evening school classes were provided for 28 children from north Detroit,
who were not enrolled in the parochial day school beginning in 1917. Fr.
Chehansky and Mr. Nachwostach were the teachers. Fr. Chehansky was
instrumental in beginning a church choir with 41 adults dressed in traditional
costume, a Ukrainian band with 21 members, The Apostleship of Prayer, Blessed
Virgin Mary Sodality, Sisterhood of the Immaculate Conception Church, 17 young
men served the church as Knights of the Altar, and a bowling league with 50 IC
members was sponsored by the church.

In 1963, the network in the Detroit Ukrainian community included a
number of businesses. Following, is a list of some active businesses in the
community: Three businesses (Steel, Iron, Lumber); two funeral homes; three
banks; one credit union; two drug stores; one insurance agency; three food
stores; two furniture stores; four gas service stations and fuel oil companies; one
hair salon; one building corporation; two home improvement businesses; one
greenhouse; one hardware; four import/export businesses; three religious goods
stores; one photo processing business; two fire departments; and one cemetery.

The network plan for developing and maintaining the Ukrainian community
has continued for decades. All of the businesses and places in the Detroit area
that were in business and advertising within the Ukrainian community in 1963

were open for the Detroit community in 2002 and in addition now another

75

 

Ukrainiar
2002 the
network i
Conceph
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and othe
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Ukrainian community network has been established in the suburbs. By the year
2002 the Ukrainian community network in Detroit expanded and included a
network in the suburbs. Now, two Ukrainian Catholic Churches - Immaculate
Conception and St. Josaphat provide leadership in the expanded community .
Three Ukrainian Catholic schools at ICUCS are a part of the community with an
elementary school, a middle school, and a high school. The Ukrainian Cultural
Center has been a place for the community to offer banquets, cultural events,
and other activities that needed a lot of space for many people. There were six
funeral homes, two credit unions, two drug stores, one insurance agency, and
two restaurants in the community in 2002. Medical and dental services included
five physicians and two dentists. There was one hair salon, one home
improvement store, six real estate companies, two plumbing companies, four
roofing companies, one heating and cooling, two import/export stores, one
religious store, two photo processing/photographers, a retreat/picnic grounds,
one auto dealer, one retirement village, and one cemetery in the Ukrainian

network.

Ukrainian People

Ukrainian people have a significant place in the history of the churches
and schools in the Detroit Ukrainian community. Photographs of priests, nuns,
parishioners, committee members, community events and community groups
have been taken since the first church was established in 1913. In a Golden
Jubilee Souvenir Yearbook that was published by ICUCC and the parochial

schools in 1963, pictures of community people, places, and events were included

76

ac:

bio.-

lea;

and

: ‘8

half)

i r1 the book. One half of the book contained text in English and Ukrainian with
th 6 story of the Detroit Ukrainian community and one half of the book contained
p h otographs of the people and events of the parish community. The photograph
section of the book has the following text included as an introduction:

“OUR PARISH LIFE IN PICTURES -— To capture the span of fifty years of

parish work presents a problem. There are so many records to search;

people to interview; and then, reluctantly, conclude that the picture is not

quite complete. However, photographs are always helpful to portray a

more complete story of our parish. We were fortunate to collect nearly

500 photographs in our church and school archives. Here we report those

that shed light on our bustling past and present. As we glance at these

pictures of the Immaculate Conception parish, may these memories of the
past spur us on to greater deeds in the future” (Immaculate Conception

Ukrainian Catholic Church Golden Jubilee Souvenir, 1913-1963).

Great attention to detail was provided by those creating the yearbook to
accurately describe the people in the photographs and explain the context for the
PiCtures. Beautiful colored photos of some of the icons painted on the church
Walls, ceilings, and in the altar area were included in the book. The icon painter
was not only noted on each colored picture, but photographs of Mr. Dmytrensky

and Mr. Konka were also included, complete with easel, paint and brushes in
“and, standing by their work in the church as it was placed within the sanctuary.

Many photos proudly exhibited the “first” happenings of the parish.

77

 

05
an
an
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are

0 n

There were photos of the first altar made for the church, dated 1914.
other photos of “firsts” include: The first rectory in 1913; the first parochial grade
5 chool; the first Sister’s Convent; the first marriage in the church in 1913; the first
ch 5 Id to be baptized in 1913; the “pioneers” of the parish who served on the
fo 1.: nding committee; the first church hierarchy of the parish; and the first
traditional Ukrainian choir. Pictures of ICUCC as it was being built and pictures
of the grade school as it was built next to the church along with photos of the first
service in the new ICUCC building in 1941 were a part of the yearbook. The first

parish “First Holy Communion Sunday”, which was noted as, “One of the most
precious days in the life of a parish . . . a procession of ‘innocents’ " Each

picture had a caption of text included and many of the photos had the date of the
picture included with the text.

All of the details and the care taken to showcase many people and events
in the parish suggested that Immaculate Conception Ukrainian Catholic Church.
Ukrainian culture, Ukrainian Catholic spiritual life, and the Ukrainian immigrant
c30h'imunity connected to the church have been treasured by the Ukrainian
immigrant community for many decades. One can grasp the importance of
peOple to this community through the photos that have been taken over the years
and then chosen for the Jubilee Yearbook. The first picture in the yearbook was

a fu ll-page color photo of the painting of “The Mother of God Immaculate
co"‘Iception Ukrainian Catholic Church”, which fills the domed ceiling over the
alta r area of the sanctuary. Next, there is a photo of Pope Paul VI, with a photo

0f the telegram sent to IC parish on the event of the Golden Jubilee. The

78

t6 legram was from Western Union and had the following text: “ON THE

0 CCASION OF THE GOLDEN JUBILEE OF THE IMMACULATE CONCEPTION
PARISH UKRAINIAN CATHOLIC CHURCH, THE HOLY FATHER CORDIALLY
[M PARTS TO THE BASILIAN FATHERS, SISTERS, FACULTY, CHILDREN OF
G RADE AND HIGH SCHOOLS, PARISHIONERS AND BENEFACTORS HIS
PATERNAL APOSTOLIC BLESSING” (Basilian Fathers, 1963).

One of the strong features of the Ukrainian American community was the
we y its institutions (e.g. school, church, commerce) have interwoven both the
Ukrainian and English languages, forms, functions, norms and traditions. The
maintenance of this state over generations suggested that it is not “merely" a
transitional state between Ukrainian and US experience, but an integration of

cultures in ways which transform, invent, and re-invent Ukrainian American
cultural identity and, as such, scaffolded and facilitated the experiences of new
arrivals. The next chapter, “Ukrainian American Literate Identity,” deals with this

dynamic in the learning of language genres, registers, and speech events.

79

 

05 for

She VI

CHAPTER 3
Ukrainian American Literate Identity

Helen’s Story

For most of my growing up years, I have been told stories about my

9 randmother leaving Russia and coming to the United States. The stories
began with my grandmother as a young woman. Early in the twentieth century
a young woman, born in 1886, and her young husband came to the United
States from Lviv, Russia. During their visit, a rebellion broke out in Ukraine
and the borders of their Ukraine homeland changed from relatively
ind ependent Ukrainian villages and cities to Russian occupied areas. My
gra ndmother was not allowed to return to her homeland. Determined to build
a life for herself in America she and her husband raised a family in America.
Aunt Maria remembers the experiences of the children as they began their
schooling. The young males were sent to a public school when they became
established as citizens of the United States, but the females were not
encouraged to go to school to increase their knowledge or their English
lar‘Iguage skills. When the sons arrived at public school, their first and last
"8 r‘nes were changed from “Ukrainian names” to “American names.” The
ad L: It males in my family had a last name different from the rest of the family.
AU ht Maria repeatedly sought to be included at school and after several years

0‘ l(Dnging to go to school she was sent to the Ukrainian Catholic School, but

She was not able to attend the public school with the males.

80

 

yeah
ohld
conv
scho

lanm

hErt
Wher
Gian

lenu

Aunt Maria remembered beginning school in 1924 when she was five
years old. The classes were at night and the nuns taught English to the
children and other adult immigrants in classrooms that were above the
convent. Maria longed to know the same things that were taught in the public
school, but she was not allowed to join her brothers. Like the rest of my
family, Maria held fast to the dream of education throughout her life.

My grandmother chose not to learn English for many years as a way for
her to claim her sense of agency, voice, and independence in this situation
where she was forced to silence her Ukrainian self. Maria stated that
Grandma chose not to be assimilated into American culture and did so by
remaining solely in the Ukrainian culture in the community. She was active in
her Ukrainian Catholic Church and found support within a community of
Ukrainian immigrants. Grandfather died during the 19303 leaving Grandma
with young daughters and sons. During World War II the sons were drafted
and sent overseas to war, but the women remained at home. Grandma still
did not read, speak, or write English, but the absence of men in the family now
made it very difficult for her to carry on daily life in an English speaking world
where she frequented the grocery stores, banks, and other English speaking
businesses that were needed to keep life going. Maria also yearned to
communicate with her mother using English so after a great amount of
persuasion my Grandma agreed to learn how to speak English. Interestingly,
comic books were the texts used to teach my Grandma the English language.

Maria brought several comic books home and the two women sat at the

81

 

kitchen table and read the books together each evening. (Story told by my
Aunt Maria as she remembered the family history, October, 2002)

The story of my family coming to America and becoming literate is one
of many immigrant stories. Other immigrant groups have similar stories of
becoming literate in America and each group has language practices for the
native language and for learning English. My family became literate
Americans in an educational system that was bilingual, honoring their native
tongue and also providing English language classes. This study looked at a
local private school system that has been in place for nearly a century.

This chapter highlights the language and literacy learning experience of
Ukrainian Americans in the community I studied. The process of forming this
specific educational approach to learning English and at the same time
honoring the native Ukrainian language began in Russia with centuries old oral
traditions of language usage that also combined folk and formal culture. Oral
language and written language practices were embedded in the cultural
traditions of the Ukrainian people in this immigrant community. These cultural
mores included both the folk culture or grass roots cultural practices of
everyday life and formal cultural rituals and customs that have been taught
and thoughtfully handed down over the generations.

Language practices and cultural lifestyles were originally brought to
America by the church leadership and later maintained by the Ukrainian
immigrants themselves. Patterns of oral and written Ukrainian and English

language usage were established by the Ukrainian Catholic Church leadership

82

in the early 1900s and carried out at Immaculate Conception Church and in
the Immaculate Conception School curriculum from the beginning. One
century later, similar patterns of bi-lingual language practices and Ukrainian
cultural customs are still used in the churches, in the schools, and in the
community.

Today, Ukrainian immigrant parents and their children arrive in the
Detroit community and have come already competent in Ukrainian or a first
language and having acquired the sociolinguistic knowledge needed to
communicate appropriately in their first language and home culture. In
addition they are, in many cases, already learning English as a second or third
language in Ukraine. These are language and cultural resources they bring to
America and on which use to function in the new community (e.g. church,
school, commerce, etc.) Once the family settles in the Ukrainian American
community the immigrant children are placed in a learning situation at
Immaculate Conception Schools where they learn English, but keep their
native Ukrainian language as they learn to communicate with others at school
and in the community. The Ukrainian immigrants are therefore able to
understand and communicate with others in the community by using the
Ukrainian oral and written language in the new American setting. This
established pattern of bilingual communication within the Ukrainian community
provides an entrance into the American way of life as the Ukrainian language

offers a stepping stone to enter a new and foreign land.

83

Ukrainian and English Language Practices

My study focused on Ukrainian immigrants becoming literate Americans
in a local community in the Detroit area. This meant that the study included
language practices during literacy learning for Ukrainian immigrants in the
community. English and Ukrainian languages were used in everyday activities
in the community and the research incorporated language practices during
worship services, school classes, and community events. A comparison was
made between the language practices that were established in the community
in the early 19003 and those language practices used in the community today.
The bilingual pattern of Ukrainian and English usage in the church, school,
and community has remained stable with very few changes made over the
years.

This chapter focuses on the patterns of language usage which serve as
resources for new members in the community for learning English and for their
maintaining sociolinguistically a “foot in two worlds.” These patterns were
established by the Ukrainian Catholic Church leadership in Russia and
brought to America in the early 19005. Oral and written forms of Ukrainian
and English languages, and Ukrainian culture and American culture, were
blended to create a bilingual and decidedly Ukrainian American cultural form
of communication for Ukrainian American immigrants. These patterns of
language usage in the Detroit and suburban Ukrainian churches, Ukrainian
schools, and in the larger Detroit and suburban Ukrainian community remain

bilingual and bicultural today.

84

Language learning and the social ecology of the community

This analysis follows Barton’s categories of register, genre, and
discourse. When speaking, people choose a register, or a specific and
identifiable way of talking that is appropriate for the context, as it is defined by
Barton (1994). Russian and Ukrainian people living in Russia developed
registers to communicate in specific situations. Russian peasants were often
not literate, yet they were able to participate in community events through oral
discourse registers. Ukrainians living in Russia also used registers to
communicate during traditional cultural events, customs, and rituals in Russia.
Two examples include the event of going to a Russian bathhouse and going to
a church worship service. Peasants living in Russia going to a secular
bathhouse or religious church service participated, using oral language. Each
of the two events in Russia required knowledge of the specific language
register being used to fully participate in the event of going to a bathhouse or a
church service or even to become a part of a particular discourse community.
Thus, we can assume that immigrants arrive in the US perhaps unfamiliar with
US speech events, but quite familiar with Ukrainian ones. They also have
acquired in their primary culture an understanding of the ways that language is
used not only to convey information but to shape and participate within
activities. As such, they bring readiness to apply these skills and strategies in
a new language and in, perhaps new activities. Immigrants coming to the

Detroit Ukrainian community learn to communicate through participation in

85

community events in similar ways that were practiced in Russian bathhouses

and in church worship service events while living in Ukraine.

Learning Register and Genre by Participation

Just as oral language is identified by registers, written texts are
commonly identified by different genres. Barton (1994) defines genre as
commonly identified different forms of writing. For example, historical fiction,
poetry, and folklore are all different genres of written text. Going to a church
service in Russia meant that a specific register and genre was used during the
worship services. Participants in the worship services learned the particular
register and genre to be a fully participating member of the church discourse
community. In addition to language conventions in the Russian and Ukrainian
community, cultural and spiritual traditions and rituals were also included as a
part of the Ukrainian discourse community.

In Russia — Women - Culture (Goscilo and Holmgren, 1996), the notion
of Russian bathhouses (bania in Russian), which cleansed the body, is
compared to Russian churches, which cleansed the soul. For centuries there
were village bania, family bania, so-called black bania (or unvented), and
white bania (or vented) in Russia. There were also closed bania (pre-Soviet,
Soviet, or post-Soviet) where certain people were excluded. Russians may
have experienced the bathhouses at some point in life, beginning in the
centuries prior to the formation of the dominant Christian Church. In the Tale

of Bygone Years, one of the utterances that Andrew was to have said

86

regarding his travels states: “I saw with wonder the Slavic land as I traveled
through it. I saw wooden baths, and how they heat them red-hot, and undress
. . . and anoint themselves with tallow, and take upon themselves a young twig
switch, and beat themselves, beating themselves to the point that they barely
escape alive, and pour cold water over themselves, and so are revived. And
so they do every day, being in no way tormented by it, though they torment
themselves; and in this way they carry out their washing and not the torment“
(Dmitriev and Likhachev, 1969).

Russian baths, or bania, became an alternate temple or church, a
secular place that served to identify someone as being Russian, particularly if
there was not a church nearby. The Primary Chronicle states that bathhouses
were located from Kiev in the south to Novgorod in the north. The ritual of
going to the bathhouse was rich in symbolism. A venik, or twig broom, served
as a secular cross. Andrew was to have mentioned the venik, “[they] take
upon themselves a young twig switch,” when visiting the bania centuries ago.
There was also a connection between the venik and the church calendar.
Bathhouses, the richness of culture associated with the bania, used for
centuries by Russians were closed and sold for more lucrative land endeavors
during the Communist era. The custom of going to the bathhouse and the
“cleanliness” that was sought has been compared to the present day Russian
Church. With the closing of the bathhouses, the bania custom that was
cherished for centuries and had been a part of Russian identity was suddenly

gone. The cultural literacy that was a part of going to the bathhouse may have

87

been sought in other ways through the church. There was a “bania" type of
literacy that was understood and practiced by those who followed the secular
rituals on the Sabbath Day. The cultural practices and the knowledge of what
to do when going to bania became a form of literacy that Russians acquired as
they frequented and followed the folk cultural custom of going to the bania.

This bania register, or oral language discourse used in a secular setting
is similar to the spiritual register found in Ukrainian churches — both in Ukraine
and in the United States. Many of the rituals used during worship services
follow the same type of actions that were used in the bania (Goscilo and
Holmgren, 1996). Russian bania provided a way for Russians to learn
conventions of the Russian culture and become literate to the ways of the
bania. In much the same way the Russian and Ukrainian church offered a
place to learn the cultural and spiritual conventions of the church. There is a
connection between the Russian register used in the Russian bania and the
Ukrainian register used during church services. Bania represents secular
discourse conventions and the church services represent spiritual discourse
conventions. Both began with oral registers.

So it is logical that the educational system for immigrants in America
would also follow the tradition of using oral language in the community,
church, and school settings in America. Bania register and church oral
traditions in Russia were continued in America. In a similar way learning the
English language and the American culture in the Detroit Ukrainian immigrant

community also has an oral discourse that is part of the language practices in

88

the community. The centuries old conventions of oral language usage in the
Russian community are carried out during Ukrainian American church services
and school classes where oral Ukrainian and English is used in daily language
learning. Students learn English in the classroom through oral lessons and
the teachers use oral language when instructing at the school. The pattern of
using registers for learning and for communicating that began in Russia was
brought to America and remains a method of instruction for new immigrants
learning English in the community.

These oral language practices are centuries old patterns for
communicating in the Ukrainian community. Centuries ago, the priests were
the literate leaders in the church and through modeling, teaching, and leading.
they provided oral support to uphold and maintain learning for the
parishioners. The Ukrainian Catholic Church has certain oral practices that
are different from the Roman Catholic Church and the Russian Orthodox
Church. These differences become important to Ukrainian church members
who learn the conventions of the Ukrainian Catholic Church which are a
unique part of the Ukrainian register and genre found in the Ukrainian

American Catholic immigrant community in Detroit. (Basilian Fathers, 1963)

Learning in Russia and America
There is a link between education in Russia and education in America
and this connection can be noted for the education of immigrants. Language

practices and linguistics or the study of language brought language, per se,

89

into the conversation about becoming literate. With the entrance of linguistics
this new way of viewing language provided a way for Russians and Americans
to think about language learning. This fresh awareness became important to
the education of immigrants in America during the immigration process of
forming a literate identity. Through linguistics it was noted that changes of
dialect were a natural part of communication for many immigrants including
immigrants from Ukraine. A dialect is associated with a specific geographic
location. The term dialect is more than an accent, which is a different
pronunciation of the same words. Dialect includes a different sound system,
syntax and vocabulary, and phrases of language. These changes of dialect.
or code shifting, can be noted for new immigrants coming from Ukraine since
the beginning of the Detroit Ukrainian community. Multilingual communities in
some cultures have language practices that change for different social
situations. This means that a change of social settings brings a change in the
specific and particular language spoken, which is called code-switching.
Those immigrants living in areas of Ukraine that shared borders with other
countries learned to code shift or change dialects to fit the needs for any
situation in life. Barton (1994) explains this as literacy events that are a part of
the distinctive literacy practices associated with each community. For
example, someone living in Ukraine near the border of Poland may speak
fluent Polish and Ukrainian.

The church in Russia and America has been a major factor in education

for Ukrainians. For centuries the church played a leading role in Ukraine‘s

9O

educational system. Most Russian elementary schools were located next to
village churches and these parish sextons, diak, operated the schools.
Russian became the language of instruction for all subjects after 1765. By the
end of the eighteenth century Ukrainian territories in the Russian Empire had a
comparatively strong educational system. However, the education was readily
not available to peasants.

Now, education in Ukraine is available to most people. All of the
participants in the research for this study who came from Ukraine were
educated in Ukraine prior to their arrival in America. Students noted that the
culture and religious traditions in Ukraine were similar to those in the US.
Recent Ukrainian immigrant students stated that there were more science and
math courses offered in Ukrainian schools than offered at Immaculate
Conception Schools. The principal at ICUCS said that new immigrants from
Ukraine come with more knowledge in science and math than American
students. Time American students usually spend in science and math classes
at Immaculate Conception Ukrainian Catholic High School are spent with
additional English classes for new Ukrainian immigrants at the school.

In an interview with one of the teachers at Immaculate Conception who
came from Ukraine in 2000, it was noted that teaching methods are different in
Ukraine than at Immaculate Conception. For example, when teaching history
in America dates and names of people are important and students are often
expected to memorize facts. In Ukraine the big ideas or large issues are

considered important and the facts are details that are not memorized. The

9]

teacher said he had to change his way of teaching when coming to America.
Also, he brought books from Ukraine to use for instruction at Immaculate
Conception, but had to adapt the information so the students could learn in the
manner they were used to as with other American teachers at the school who
were born in America.

Recent immigrant students from Ukraine said that school in America
was similar to school in Ukraine. Students coming from Ukraine stated that
subjects in Ukraine included art, choir, Ukrainian literature, Polish literature.
World literature, Ukrainian government, Russian history, Ukrainian history,
World history, Eastern European history, algebra, geometry, trigonometry,
chemistry, physics, biology, Ukrainian, Polish, Latin, French, German,
Russian, and English. Recent immigrants said they liked school in Ukraine.
One student said school was “fun” in Ukraine and another student said school
was “very interesting and tough” in Ukraine.

Students were asked in a self-reported survey how long it took to learn
English and recent immigrants stated “not long”, “one year”, or “two years." At
Immaculate Conception Schools there are a number of teachers who speak.
read, and write fluent Ukrainian and all of the teachers have fluent English
skills. Though all of the classes are taught in English at the school teachers
help new immigrants with English. During all of the interviews with students
the principal was present and translated what I said in English into Ukrainian

when the person being interviewed did not understood my English.

When recent student immigrants to the US were asked about the
language practices in their American home with their family all of the
immigrants said they spoke Ukrainian at home. One of the student immigrants
who lived in the US for three years said she also spoke Russian and English
at home. It is also interesting to note that all of the students who participated
in the survey were asked if they considered themselves to be Ukrainian or
American and all of the recent immigrants said that they were Ukrainian.
When students who were born in the US were asked about language practices
in their home 33.3% said they spoke only English at home, 58.3% spoke both
Ukrainian and English with English being their primary language, and 8.3%
spoke both Ukrainian and English with Ukrainian being their primary language.
These results showed that the majority of student families in the Ukrainian
community spoke some Ukrainian at home, with most families having bi-
lingual language practices at home.1

The bilingual language practices today in the Ukrainian American
community are a continuation of the language practices that are a part of life in
Ukraine. When the Ukrainian community bilingual language practices were
set in place in the early 1900s, the pattern became a way to continue the
bilingual practices of daily life in Russia. Education in Russia at the turn of the
century was also included in the pattern of education established at

Immaculate Conception School (Basilian Fathers, 1963; Magosci, 1996).

 

' See Figure 5 for language practices of parents in the community.

93

Ukrainian Immigrants Becoming Literate Americans

In Russia the intellectual community provided written texts that
encouraged and promoted education for all Russians. However, the texts
were not accessible to Russian peasants who communicated with oral
registers. Yet the mindset and trend in Russian society during the mid-18003
was to make sweeping changes in the country. This thrust was felt by all
Russians including Ukrainian peasants. When Russians and Ukrainians
emigrated from Russia to America they came with a desire for education. a
hunger to become literate with oral and written language (Basilian Fathers,
1963). As early as the 18803, Ukrainians were well aware of the importance
of a good education. If an immigrant was to survive in the New World getting
an education was the process for procuring upward mobility.

However, the teachers of immigrants viewed the education for
immigrants in a different way. The goal of many Americans for instruction for
adult immigrants was to teach English in such a way that immigrants would
learn English to communicate thoughts and acquire the thoughts of others.
Trained language teachers in the early 19003 believed that speaking English
was the psychological basis for teaching English and speaking preceded
learning to read and write. In other words, visual symbols needed to be
presented in association with auditory symbols acquired in oral language.
This method of using oral instruction was also carried out at Immaculate

Conception School from the beginning of the school classes.

94

My study focused on two forms of everyday literacy for the Detroit
Ukrainian immigrant group. One form of literacy pertains to the oral language
(registers such as bania, which was previously noted) for Ukrainian people
that began in the church, centuries ago. This original century's old language
was called Old Church Slavonic and was spoken by the people, yet only
priests, elite groups, and educated people were able to read the language.
The other form of literacy pertains to how immigrants accessed the English
language and American culture. This form of literacy includes Ukrainian and
English textbooks, texts provided by the church, and also comics — both comic
strips and comic books.

Upon coming to America Ukrainian immigrants negotiated a Ukrainian
American literate identity that included Ukrainian and English languages in
spoken and written forms. In addition, creating a Ukrainian American literate
identity incorporated Ukrainian cultural practices that included both Ukrainian
and American customs and traditions. As Ukrainian immigrants learned to live
in America they were negotiating two separate worlds: Ukraine and America.
The Ukrainian Catholic Church, the Ukrainian Catholic Schools, and the
established Ukrainian American community all supported and facilitated this
negotiation by blending the two worlds into a new Ukrainian American literate
identity. This Ukrainian American community mentored new Ukrainian
immigrants as they formed a Ukrainian American literate identity. The

community provided a solid foundation and a familiar structure that offered a

95

stable and effective way for new immigrants to negotiate an identity between
the two separate worlds.

As the community educated the immigrants from Ukraine, the
educational history in Russia also had an impact on Ukrainian immigrants.
Ukrainian immigrants have been interested and they have pursued education
for themselves and their children for many years. With several centuries of
Russian life putting education in the forefront, Ukrainians followed the pattern
and established the tradition of seeking to be literate and educated. When
Ukrainian immigrants settled in America the early years of immigrant life were
situated around the church. The church and parish organizations provided a
way to establish Ukrainian group identity.

As well as religious life and Ukrainian network associations, Ukrainian
immigrants in America sought an education. It was common during the first
wave of immigration from the end of the nineteenth century to the beginning of
the twentieth century for the establishment of Ukrainian-language schools, for
educational funds, educational committees, a school board, and all—day
Ukrainian schools for elementary, secondary, and college levels to be founded
and maintained. Prosvita reading rooms, libraries, and education courses all
served the needs of adult immigrants. It was common to see many Ukrainians
create independent enterprises; Ukrainian credit unions and savings and loan
associations began to serve Ukrainian communities. There were Ukrainian
newspapers, journals, and books informing Ukrainian readers about events in

the United States, around the world, and in Ukraine. Radio broadcasts often

96

featured Ukrainian music and news; church sponsored programs included
religious broadcasting. Ukrainian artists, sculptors, musicians, and
professionals in many fields cultivated the fine arts, established architecture,
folk art, music, dance, theater, and film, and choirs, dance and theatrical
ensembles were organized in the immigrant communities. Archives,
museums, and libraries all served as depositories of Ukrainian books and
artifacts.

Ukrainians and the nation of Ukraine have considered ethnic identity
extremely important. Ukrainians fought to preserve the Ukrainian language,
religious beliefs, customs, and traditions that were constantly being threatened
by domination of Russia and foreign nations. Pawliczko (1994) stressed the
fact that when Ukrainian immigrants arrived in new countries they immediately
began to establish churches and organizations as a way to ensure that their
religion and culture would be kept alive. The Ukrainian church played a vital
role in the preservation of ethnic identity. Parish life was not only the center of
faith and spiritual life for Ukrainian immigrants, but the church was the center
of community life as well. The first years of Ukrainian immigration became a
time of settlement for immigrants. Priests provided moral support for
Ukrainian immigrants and they helped to preserve the Ukrainian language,
culture, customs, rituals, and traditions of Ukrainian life. The social and
cultural life for Ukrainian immigrants centered on the Ukrainian church.
Ukrainian immigrants have sought to become literate Americans and the

church provided the structure and resources for education. Even today, the

97

church is the center of the educational system for the Ukrainian immigrants
living in Detroit. (Glazer et al, 1963; Pawliczko, 1994; Subtelny, 1991;

Wolowyna, 1986)

Learning Language and Culture in America

The education of Ukrainian immigrants in the Detroit community
became a function of the church as described in Chapter 2 (and echoing the
literacy functions of the church in Ukraine described above). Unlike the public
schools for immigrants in the early 19003 that only offered classes for
immigrants to learn to speak English, the courses offered at Immaculate
Conception included a full curriculum with college preparatory courses.
Students learned English and Ukrainian in the full time day school since 1936
and in the high school since 1959. Both languages are still offered to all
students in K-12 classes. From the beginning of Immaculate Conception
School Ukrainian culture has also been a large part of the school community.
School festivals, concerts, choirs, and other Ukrainian culture events have
been provided from the beginning by the school to foster Ukrainian culture in
the school.2

The church began to publish texts for immigrants to learn English in
America in the early 19003 and the books included illustrations to make the
new language accessible. Books for teaching catechism were written in
Ukrainian and also had illustrations to facilitate learning. These and similar

texts were used in the school and church in formal educational settings. In a

 

2 See Figures 18 and 19 for school curriculum in 1963 and 2002.

98

similar way, everyday educational settings included other texts that were
informal and used by families in the home. Comic texts were one example
that was readily available in newspapers, in comic books, and in comic strips.
Comics became informal texts that were used in homes by the family for
immigrants to gain knowledge of English and at the same time learn about
American culture. In this way immigrants developed a sense of autonomy by
learning English and parts of American culture through the use of reading and
sharing comics with the family at home.

Nye (1998) and Goulart (1986) captured the role of comics for
immigrants and they stated that comic strips became a viable way for new
immigrants to learn English and understand American culture. One of the
reasons for writing and publishing comic strips was for the immigrant
community. Comic strips and comic books have played a role in literacy
learning for immigrants in the last century. Many immigrants found comics to
be affordable and readily available in most stores or news stands where
newspapers were sold.

Interest in my aunt’s story about teaching Grandma to speak, read, and
write English using comic books led me to view the genre of comics as a
viable way to become literate as an American. Aunt Maria found comics to be
a tool for Grandma to learn ideas about culture in American life and a way for
Grandma, as an immigrant, to learn how to speak and write English. Each
different country that published comics could be distinguished from one

another by the differences in the pictures. The interactions and dialogue

99

between characters revealed subtle cultural patterns which followed distinct
prototypes that varied from country to country. Examples of culture are found
in comics through portrayals of family life, episodes of war, the tension
between the rich and the poor in society, interactions and relationships
between people, foods and eating habits, clothes, the words used through the
language written as text, and the gestures and facial expression of characters
in the comics. The choice of words and the language usage in comics made
the conventions of the English language as it is used in daily life accessible for
immigrants.

My aunt chose to read comic books as a young child to learn American
culture. She in turn thought the easy access she found to the English
language and culture would benefit her mother. Comics allowed Grandma an
access to the same conventions of American life. The stories Aunt Maria told
about this process of teaching her mother to speak, read, and write English
revealed that my aunt read aloud to my grandmother and they shared the
pictures while reading the comics. Aunt Maria said that when my grandmother
had questions about the text my aunt would answer in Ukrainian, and then,
move on with the English text. This was the process my family used to learn
about life in this new country.

Becoming literate for my grandmother included listening to my aunt
read aloud, Grandma reading along with my aunt as she read aloud, and
finally my grandmother was able to read comics alone. The Read Aloud,

Read Along, Read Alone strategy is an effective strategy for teaching reading

100

that is used in classrooms across the United States today (Adams, 1990; Clay,
1967; Cooper, 2002).

Comic strips have been considered to be a narrative art developed
across cultures and over time. Marshall’s history book of American comics
noted the intent of publishers using language and picture images in such a
way as to engage immigrants. “There was no coyness about the Katzies
origin, either, inspirationally or ethnically; in fact, the prime motivator was
probably commercial. A German born cartoonist drawing a feature about
Germans reminiscent of a German children’s book classic was obviously
meant not to Iampoon, but to attract German readers. Immigrants still
composed a large percentage of urban subduction to the language, and
publishers aimed by simplified dialogue, clearly delineated drawings, and
sympathetic types, to cater to these readers.” (Marshall, 1989, pp. 42-43)
Publishing comics for a specific cultural audience became one way for
immigrants to access the English language, American culture, and the use of
illustrations along with the text provided additional cues for immigrants during
literacy learning.

Other people have also known immigrants who have used comic books
to access the English language even though specific comics were not noted.
Susan Florio-Ruane shared that her great grandfather also read comic books
to learn English and that during the 1950’s her English-fluent grandfather used
comics to teach her to read when she was a child. Jesus Garcia remembers

buying comic books when he was a child during the 19803 when his family

10]

came from Mexico. During a casual conversation, he said, “I felt foolish to
spend money on comic books rather than on candy like other children in my
class at school, but I found comic books to provide information about life in the
United States and the English language that helped me in the transition to life
in a new country as my family and I were immigrants from Mexico.” Audre
Lorde, a first generation immigrant from the West Indies writes a chapter in her
autobiography, Zami: A New Spelling of My Name, about going to a comic
book store when she first came to America. Susan, Jesus, and Audre all
provided evidence of the value of comic books for immigrants to the United
States. All three examples revealed that comic book users found comics to be
an informal way to become literate in English and to learn about American

culture.

Learning Oral and Written Language Practices

The Detroit Ukrainian immigrant community provided lessons for
learning English and becoming literate that have a tradition of orality, or using
oral language for instruction. More than 1000 years ago Old Church Slavonic
was a language used in parts of Russia that combined registers and genres.
The origin of oral language for Ukrainians began in Russia during the ninth
century. Old Church Slavonic was used in spoken form during church
services in Russia. Several scholars (Magosci, 1996; Gilbert, 1993; Heyman.
1993) included Old Church Slavonic language as part of the history of Russia

and Ukraine which provided a better understanding of the current oral

102

language usage for Ukrainian immigrants in the Detroit community. Magosci
noted that Old Church Slavonic as a written language was created by Cyril
and Methodius between 860 and 880 AD. They were brothers, Byzantine civil
servants, and fervent Christians who came to Ukraine as missionaries. This
language was derived from Macedonian dialects spoken in the Balkans. Their
disciples created a new Slav script based on Greek letters that became the
Cyrillic alphabet. The arrival of the Cyrillic alphabet brought a written
language. A Kievan religious literature appeared in Old Church Slavonic
which was the language used in church services.

Heyman (1993) stated that Old Church Slavonic was an acquired
language for Kievan Russia in 988 AD. that became necessary with the
conversion of the population to Christianity. Old Church Slavonic became the
language of religious documents, the language used for church services and
secular literature of poetry and historical chronicles were written in Old Church
Slavonic. Much of the Ukrainian cultural development to the twentieth century
was the struggle between leaders who favored maintaining a literary “high
language” (Church Slavonic, Greek, Latin, Polish, or Russian) and those who
desired to raise the spoken Ukrainian vernacular to a level that could be used
for intellectual and literary communication (Magosci, 1996).

Ukrainians had access to this language in spoken form through the
Ukrainian Catholic Church where Old Church Slavonic was used much like
Latin was used in the Roman Catholic Church. Old Church Slavonic was the

oral language used in churches in Ukraine until recent times. This pattern of

103

oral language usage with Old Church Slavonic became the pattern used in
learning English for the Detroit Ukrainian immigrants. Centuries of oral
language habits in the church were continued when the language changed in
the 1802 and Ukrainian became the language used in church services as it
replaced Old Church Slavonic. The prototype of using oral language during
worship services continued, even when written Ukrainian was used in the
church services. Both oral and written forms of Ukrainian have been used in
the Ukrainian Catholic Church today.

The Ukrainian language is an independent language with roots in the
Slavic family of languages and with Indo-European roots. Ukrainian became
the written and spoken language in Ukraine at the end of the nineteenth
century. The majority of Ukrainian immigrants in the Detroit community speak
the Ukrainian language and though they may come from a number of oblasts
in Ukraine they all speak and write the same version of the Ukrainian
language.

Present day Ukraine has twenty-five regions or oblasts which provide
Ukrainian ethno linguistic boundaries. The oblasts do not coincide with the
historical names and historical regions of the country. Ukraine has (1) a
dominant or principal ethno linguistic group within the borders as well as
members of the same group living on adjacent terrain in nearby states, and (2)
one or more ethno linguistic groups different from the principal one. Magosci
(1996) states that there is little variation in dialects and sub dialects throughout

the northern, the eastern, and even much of the western dialectal regions in

104

Ukraine. Over the past centuries Old Church Slavonic was gradually replaced
by the Ukrainian language in Ukraine and the Ukrainian language in oral and
written forms is used by Ukrainian immigrants in America.

Today, Ukrainian is spoken in Ukraine and in the Ukrainian American
community in Detroit. The oral traditions of using language in church services.
in education, and in community activities began in Russia and these traditions
were brought to America. Oral ways of communication were also set in place
for the education of immigrants and other students at Immaculate Conception
Schools. Patterns used for language practices in Russia became patterns
used for language practices in America. The Detroit Ukrainian American

community formed a literate identity through oral and written language usage.

Negotiating a Ukrainian American Literate Identity

Ukrainian immigrants in the Detroit Ukrainian community become
literate Ukrainian Americans through oral and written forms of English and
through English text and illustrations. The school has used oral instruction as
a form of teaching for many years. Language practices for the community
include oral and written forms of English and Ukrainian. During the
dissertation research a survey by self-report was given to participants relating
to the language practices of the students and parents in the community.
Some of the parents and children were US born and some of the parents were
recent immigrants from Ukraine. Survey results noted that 75% of all mothers

and 69% of all fathers, whether US born or from Ukraine spoke English

105

 

fluenllY- Results-
Ukrainian. In 30
writing PIaC‘ices

reading and Wm

 

survey represel'lt
groups the major
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The churc
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Josaphat church
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fluently. Results showed that 50% of both mothers and fathers spoke fluent
Ukrainian. In addition to oral language practices in the home, reading and
writing practices for parents revealed that a majority of parents had fluent
reading and writing skills in English as well as Ukrainian.3 Parents in the
survey represented US born as well as new arrivals from Ukraine. In both
groups the majority of parents in the Detroit Ukrainian community had fluent
English and Ukrainian language skills, or bilingual language practices.

The church services also have bilingual language practices. Both
languages are used in the worship services at Immaculate Conception and St.
Josaphat churches and the church bulletins for both churches are bilingual
with English and Ukrainian languages used side by side on a page. There is a
pattern of offering worship services in English and Ukrainian for both churches
and this tradition began in 1913.4 There are twice as many worship services
offered in Ukrainian at both churches than in English. Again, this supports the
notion that the community is bilingual. The church offers both languages in
oral and written forms.

The Detroit Ukrainian American community that began at the turn of the
century has established a Ukrainian American literate identity by negotiating
language practices and culture. By combining ways of living that were known
in Russia to the new ways of living in America, immigrants were able to form a
new pattern of living that mingled the Ukrainian traditions with the American

customs. This new Ukrainian American literate identity is maintained through

 

3 See Figure 5 for the language practices of parents in the Ukrainian community.
" See Figure 6 for language practices during worship services for both churches.

106

patterns of '3
jmmlgrant cor
support the U‘
This eff
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leaders at the 5
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immigrants from U

 

 

patterns of language usage and cultural practices that are a part of the
immigrant community. The church, school, and community work together to
support the Ukrainian American literate identity formation.

This effort to create and maintain a Ukrainian American literate identity
was originated by Ukrainian Catholic Church leaders who have also been the
leaders at the school. The church worship services and school classes
became a way to structure learning for new immigrants and to maintain the
language and cultural conventions for established members in the community.
Through bilingual practices of using Ukrainian and English new immigrants
were able to come to America and join the existing community in a relatively
short amount of time. Through this community structure a special way of
helping new Ukrainian immigrants to become literate Ukrainian Americans
evolved by using oral and written forms of Ukrainian and English, by
implementing Ukrainian culture through folk and formal cultural practices, and
by providing continuity over time that has become a pattern for success. New
immigrants from Ukraine have been coming to this community for nearly a
century and the pattern for success that began in 1913 is still in place today.
Church leaders continued to facilitate the process for new immigrants as they
negotiated a literate Ukrainian American identity. The next chapter notes the
shifting roles of language and culture as they occurred in the past and as they

are practiced today.

107

Tl

Elena’s Story

She was E
Elena was said tr
everyone to her.
inquisitive. and 3
common item in
hands on a book.
ground with “storie
world. Neverthele

learned to read an

 

 

CHAPTER 4

Then and Now: Shifting Roles of Language and Culture

Elena’s Story

She was small in stature, but larger than life to her family and friends.
Elena was said to have “dancing eyes” and a contagious smile that drew
everyone to her. Born in Russia during the late 18003, she was bright and
inquisitive, and she longed to learn how to read and write. Books were not a
common item in her home, but Elena was thrilled whenever she could get her
hands on a book. Her family often found her drawing pictures on the hard
ground with “stories” as she called them, of places she wanted to see in the
world. Nevertheless, education was not a part of her life in Russia. Elena
learned to read and write some words through her older cousins and other
relatives who lived nearby. Whenever she mentioned going to school she was
told there was too much work to be done on the farm where her family lived and
there were no schools near her home so Elena was left with only a dream of
going to school and getting an education. Elena was determined to keep the
dream of education alive throughout her long life.

Her parents and grandparents had always lived in a part of the country
where harsh winters were a way of life and it was accepted that the climate made
life difficult. Her ancestors were said to be of Austrian descent and she had
uncles with a military background, yet living with many relatives in the small town
of Lviv Russia was always home to Elena. Her childhood was spent on a farm

and her family often spoke of their own hope for a better life. Although Elena’s

108

 

grandparents w,
dream to strive

Russia and ther
began to annex
Elena was a sm

farm Coming fror

 

There were seve
9901316 were no I
Settling in Lvtv_
and there Were a
Ukrainian. Elen
family became S
and traditions.
For m an)
the village atten
Russian OrthOd
Ukrainian arid k

Elena’s parents

grandparents were content with life as it was, Elena’s father and mother had a
dream to strive for “something more” in life. Life had become complicated in
Russia and there were many changes taking place all over the land. Russia
began to annex surrounding countries on the western border of Russia when
Elena was a small child. Many new neighbors were moving in all around the
farm coming from Austria, Poland, Germany, and from other parts of Russia.
There were several different languages spoken in her small town now and new
people were no longer just “passing through” her village, but now they were
settling in Lviv. Some of the new villagers spoke Polish, some spoke Russian
and there were a few who spoke German, but Elena’s family spoke only
Ukrainian. Elena and her family were proud to call themselves “Ukrainian.” The
family became set in their ways and clung to the Ukrainian culture, spiritual life,
and traditions.

For many years before the new settlers arrived all of the people living in
the village attended the same church - it was not Roman Catholic and it was not
Russian Orthodox. Everyone went to a Greek Catholic Church where they spoke
Ukrainian and kept much of the Ukrainian culture alive in the church traditions.
Elena’s parents had told her the story about the church and how the Greek
Catholic Church had its beginnings in the Byzantine Empire which was far from
Lviv, but the Greek Catholic Churches shared the same beliefs and followed
many of the same rituals as the Catholic Church in the Byzantine Empire. Other
Catholic Churches spoke Latin or Russian during worship services, but in the

Greek Catholic Church services everyone spoke Ukrainian during all of the

109

services. Elena
own language, t
era in the elever

The flam
passed on to Ele
she became a rr
Canada. The fir

with 250,000 Uk

 

 

settled in urban ;
as forestry labor:
01 Albena ROSa

the mines (Panl

services. Elena felt special that she and her family could worship and speak their
own language, the language that had been spoken in Lviv since the Kievan Rus‘
era in the eleventh century.

The flame of the family dream for “something more” was ignited and
passed on to Elena’s older sister who found “something more” in America where
she became a mail order bride and married a man born and raised in Alberta
Canada. The first wave of immigrants to Canada spanned the years 1891-1914
with 250,000 Ukrainians settling in Canada. Most of the Ukrainian immigrants
settled in urban areas to work as laborers in mines, on farms, as domestics. and
as forestry laborers. Many immigrants went to the northern Peace River region
of Alberta. Rosa lived in Alberta, where her new husband worked as a laborer in
the mines (Pawliczko, 1994). Stories sent home from Canada were wonderful
and brought hope of a better life to the entire Lviv community. Soon Elena began
to save money to travel across the ocean to visit Rosa and her new husband. As
a young teen at the turn of the twentieth century, Elena joined the ranks of
emigrants, left her family in Russia and traveled to see her newly married sister
in Alberta Canada. Elena’s intention was to go and visit for a short time and find
work to support herself while in America. When she had saved enough money
to travel back to Lviv she was planning on returning home to her family in
Ukraine.

While visiting in Canada the shocking news came to Elena in 1905 that
the land borders of her much loved native country in Ukraine had changed.

Russian officials now controlled the village that was home. The place where

110

everything felt s
was now in the .
the western bor»
small groups ch
wave of emigra
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coming from AL
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COImmunities 0
Community, T
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and determin‘

everything felt so secure and where Elena found such nurture throughout her life
was now in the hands of Russians, not Ukrainians. Peasant groups throughout
the western border of Russia became discontent with life in Russia and many
small groups chose uprising against Russian domination which led to the first
wave of emigrants. Those who did not choose to join the revolt decided to
emigrate from Russia. There were about four million new American immigrants
coming from Austro-Hungary and three million coming from Russia from 1891 -
1914 (Dinnersten and Reimers, 1999). Many of these immigrants went to
Canada and settled throughout Alberta. The new immigrants formed ethnic
communities often making the Ukrainian church community the center of the
community. The world in Russia that Elena once knew no longer existed.
Everything changed for Elena and her world was turned upside down.
The former government in Russia was disbanded and new government officials
were in charge of all aspects of life in Russia. Her documents for returning home
were not acceptable in the new regime and Elena became a stranger to her
Ukrainian homeland overnight — a political refugee without a place in Russia to
call home. Her family home was now in a new province and her hope for going
home and entering Russia was not to become a reality. Elena, strong of heart
and determined in will set her sights to remain in America where she stayed with
her sister and began creating a new life — an American life. Edmonton Alberta
became Elena’s new home and the young Elena married Vladimir who was

several decades her senior. Vladimir’s family settled in Alberta when he was a

111

young man a
community.
The yo
common Ukra
new Canadian
Ukrainian East
Elena made p y
by inserting a F

using plant and

solution for blac

 

 

young man and now, he was well established in the Canadian Ukrainian
community.

The young Elena and older Vladimir began their life together with a
common Ukrainian heritage. It was comforting to Elena to speak Ukrainian in her
new Canadian home. Their livelihood consisted of Elena making pysanky
Ukrainian Easter eggs and selling them in many places throughout Canada.
Elena made pysanky using raw chicken or goose eggs, blowing out the insides
by inserting a pin in both ends of the egg. Then she would dye the eggshells
using plant and mineral dyes such as beet juice for red dye and a sulphur
solution for black dye. She began with the process of creating designs on the
egg by using a handmade stylus, called the kistka, dipped in hot bees wax to
draw the wax design on the white egg. Then the egg was dipped into a series of
different dye colors, from the lightest yellow color to the darkest black using the
bees wax and handmade stylus to create designs between the different layers of
color. This process continued using more wax and dipping the egg into different
colors until a beautiful design appeared. The bees wax was then taken off the
egg and a marvelously colored egg was discovered to be enjoyed and
celebrated.

Making pysanky eggs allowed Elena to work and earn a living, to weave
her cultural craft into her new life, to become part of the Ukrainian ethnicity in
America, to include her spirituality in her work, and to be an active part of the
economic system in America. Elena and Vladimir joined the many immigrant

families who were contributing members of American society. She was a partner

112

with her husba

  
 

Vladimir did ma
Alberta was the
Elena's lifelong
fought to insure

Vladimir

 

10 Get an educat
about “free educ
first Wave of lmr
and then TEtUrnr
work in the burg
live in the Unite

(”the growing I

with her husband and they combined their incomes for the good of the family.
Vladimir did manual labor and together they raised six children. Edmonton
Alberta was there home for many years until the children were school age.
Elena’s lifelong dream of getting an education became a passion for her as she
fought to insure the reality of the dream for her children.

Vladimir and Elena were concerned about their children and wanted them
to get an education. Elena heard stories in the Edmonton Ukrainian community
about “free education” for immigrants who lived in the United States. Many of the
first wave of immigrants came for only a short time as sojourners, to earn money
and then returned to their European countries, others went to Ontario Canada to
work in the burgeoning industrial factories, and a number of immigrants went to
live in the United States. Stories were told in the Edmonton Ukrainian community
of the growing Detroit Michigan Ukrainian community and how children were
educated in the evening, by the priests and nuns at the Ukrainian church. Family
members who settled in Detroit sent glowing reports about the opportunities for
employment in the factories and wonderful stories about the new Ukrainian
Catholic Church community that was growing rapidly.

This new Detroit Ukrainian community was budding and blossoming with a
large wave of immigrants coming from Russia and Europe. The hope of an
“educational dream come true” inspired Elena and Vladimir to relocate in Detroit.
The family moved to the United States and settled in Detroit Michigan in 1915,
where they became members of the Ukrainian community and they joined the

new Immaculate Conception Ukrainian Catholic Church. There were other

113

 

Ukrainian familJ

community wit

 

community was
I
The Ukra

often the priests

Bartosh was thel

 

Ukrainian families also leaving Canada and coming to the Detroit Ukrainian
community with the hope of educating their children. The Ukrainian immigrant
community was increasing in size on a regular basis.

The Ukrainian church was the center of community life for immigrants and
often the priests were the only educated persons in the community. Father
Bartosh was the priest at ICUCC when Elena and Vladimir arrived in Detroit in
1915. The number of church members had grown to such a large number that
the ICUCC parish also included a new church building and a rectory for the
priest. By 1917, a convent was built for the nuns of the parish, a new Ukrainian
grammar school began and a building was purchased for the Ukrainian Cultural
Center, which housed events for the Ukrainian community.

Throughout Elena’s sixty years at Immaculate Conception Church she
remained an active member of the church and an active member of the Ukrainian
community. Her daughter, Rose, tells of her loud voice in politics. Elena joined
several informal groups of Ukrainians who were politically minded and friendly
debates were heard amongst her friends in most social situations. The social
interactions were within the Ukrainian community throughout her lifetime and new
Ukrainian immigrants joined in the community gatherings. Vladimir did not join in
with the church and community activities, but he kept the conversations alive at
the dinner table with the four sons. Daughters were not included in the
discussions and Elena chose to remain passive and not join in the conversations
at the dinner table. Elena’s identity as an autonomous person began with her

Ukrainian family in Russia and continued with her entree into new situations and

114

cultural context"
Ukrainian Cathc
choices she ma

During al

 

refused to learn
could make her
saw no need to
Ukrainian Comn
taught Elena to
Vladimir had pa
Elena to learn E
banking, going <
by the Sons in ti

on daily life, but

cultural contexts as an adult. As Elena became an adult she fought to keep her
Ukrainian Catholic identity. This spiritual and cultural identity can be seen in the
choices she made throughout her lifetime.

During all of the years before World War II in the United States Elena
refused to learn how to speak or write English. This was one way that Elena
could make her own decisions and since she considered herself Ukrainian she
saw no need to learn English. However, as the years progressed, life in the
Ukrainian community began to include others who spoke only English. Rose
taught Elena to speak and read English using comic books during WWII when
Vladimir had passed on and the sons in the family went to war. Rose convinced
Elena to learn English so she could carry on the business for the family with
banking, going to the market, buying new clothes — all of which were carried on
by the sons in the family before the war. Elena learned enough English to carry
on daily life, but she continued to speak only Ukrainian to her friends and family
for the rest of her life. Rose never married and after Vladimir died in the early
19403, Rose and Elena lived together in the Detroit Ukrainian community until
Elena died in 1976. Elena and Vladimir had eleven grandchildren, sixteen great-
grandchildren and all of the family lived within thirty miles of the Detroit Ukrainian
community. All of the grandchildren graduated from high school and six of the
grandchildren went on to attend a college or university. The dream of an
education continues in Elena’s family to this day.

From the beginning of the Detroit Ukrainian community a pattern was set

for bilingual usage of Ukrainian and English in church services, school classes.

115

and in the Ukrainian American community as described in the previous chapter.
Time brings about changes to all aspects of life as patterns for living become
inefficient or ineffective. Common practices in the Ukrainian community were put
to the test as the roles of language and culture shifted to fit in with American life.
Any group encounters various challenges over time as changes take place in the
world that relate to language practices and cultural distinctions. The Detroit
Ukrainian American community also experienced language and cultural
challenges from its beginnings in the early 19003. Then, the community faced
language decisions about how English and Ukrainian would be used in the
church, in the school, and in the community. Cultural decisions were made about
Ukrainian traditions, rituals, and customs that would be kept in the community
and which American ways of life would be embraced by community members.
Some of the language and cultural decisions that were a part of the immigrant
community began to shift and roles began to change to keep up with the
changing ways of American life.

Now, first, second, and third generation Ukrainian immigrants face
different cultural changes and shifting language practices within the community.
The community has set roles for language and culture that help new immigrants
negotiate their place within the Ukrainian American community. Over time
language and culture roles in the community changed and shifted to fit the needs
of society. These shifting roles of language and culture created a dynamic
tension that was traversed by all immigrants coming to a new land. The tension

was and is felt as new immigrants began to experience the revised roles of

116

language and C
and its Convent
worlds. One for
familiarity and 5
ground in an Un
somewhat differ

In additic
language and Cl
community for a
happened in the
“Then and Now
immigrants living
in 1913 and the
Somethings the?
and what is hapt,

Community and fl

 

5
Q
C
(2.
(D

 

language and culture from one country to another. Adapting to a new language
and its conventions in a foreign culture meant learning to live with a foot in two
worlds. One foot has been firmly planted in the homeland where there was
familiarity and security of language and culture. The other foot was set on new
ground in an unfamiliar land where there were novel language practices and
somewhat different cultural customs.

In addition to the tension felt by new immigrants with the shifting roles of
language and culture, there was also tension for immigrants that had lived in the
community for a number of years. These tensions were felt between what had
happened in the past and what was going on now in a community, or what i call
“Then and Now.” This study focused on several generations of Ukrainian
immigrants living near Detroit for more than 90 years. The community that began
in 1913 and the community that exists today have some things in common and
some things that have changed. These changes between when happened then
and what is happening now created tension for new immigrants coming to the
community and for old immigrants who are established in the community. Each
person experienced some form of pressure in a unique way as culture and
language changes became overt. With the addition of new people to the
community, the existing community members were faced with a choice to either
change with the growing needs in the community or leave the community and
settle somewhere else. Changes over time that are addressed in this chapter

include education and immigrants, culture, and the community. This study

117

focused on nev

community for

T
19205. It was t

English. Educ;

 

to be a Way to a
new nativebo”
perDetuating tht
19203 it Was thi

contributions of

focused on new immigrants and those community members who remained in the

community for one or more generations.

Education and Immigrants
Then: 1900 to 1936
The education of immigrants has been a source of debate since the

1920s. It was thought that immigrants only needed to learn how to speak
English. Education for immigrants at the beginning of the 1900s was consrdered
to be a way to “Americanize” the new arrivals. Americanization was the uniting of
new native-born Americans with foreign born immigrants for the purpose of
perpetuating the political, domestic, and economic American way of life. In the
19205 it was thought that Americanism would develop best through mutual
contributions of a giving and taking for the new immigrants and the older
Americans in the interest of the “commonweal.” Thompson (1920), in Schooling
of the Immigrant, explained that education was to foster a sense of
nationalization through a common language, training in citizenship, and
democracy. Problems arose with the waves of immigrants and this led to public
and legal policies regarding immigration and education. Variations in community
programs, poor attendance of immigrants at school, and illiteracy in English were
some of the problems noted.

Thompson noted that beginning in 1915, Detroit put a tremendous effort
into attracting all adult non-English-speaking immigrants for education. The

industrial expansion of the city led to thousands of immigrants coming to Detroit.

118

Several influer
immigrants, su
department, a!
immigrants to i
the thrust for e
students of 15:
enrollment yet
had a similar SI
Detroit had an €
Cities in the Uni
to ”ith school if

One Drot
Many immigrantl
and many Were l
Parochial Schoo

statistics for atte

 

 

 

Several influences in the community united to support learning English for
immigrants, such as the Chamber of Commerce, the city government, the school
department, and the churches of all denominations were active in recruiting
immigrants to learn English. The press had a publicity campaign and with all of
the thrust for enrollment in night school there was an increase of immigrant
students of 153%. Detroit may have gained as much as 1,000% increase in
enrollment yet not half of the immigrant population was reached. All communities
had a similar situation regarding non-English-speaking immigrants. In 1915,
Detroit had an enrollment of 11,000 immigrants which was much more than other
cities in the United States yet it was only 5% of the number who might have gone
to night school to learn English.

One problem that all schools faced was poor attendance by immigrants.
Many immigrants who did go to school to learn English did not attend regularly
and many were not able to learn enough English to become American citizens.
Parochial schools and private institutions also offered English classes, but the
statistics for attendance and number of students in the schools was often not
recorded. All of this led to the fact that 70-90% of immigrants remained
unnaturalized, or in other words, the majority of immigrants were not and did not
become American citizens.

A second problem was noted for the methods of teaching English.
Instructors were left to their own way of teaching. There were no standards for
teaching or strategies for teaching the English language. When teachers were

asked about special equipment used for teaching immigrants, 40 did not answer,

119

28 reported nc
referred to the
textbooks. pan
not enter the n
1920s
Languai
order, were lml
lmportant for tr
immigrants bef
used as a med
Of readl’lg and
English. When
””9 English
EmphasiZGd reg
(Thompson, 19;
'"1920,
teaching Englisi
subject
Reading
Copwng
Dietetic”
phomeS

Spemng

 

28 reported no special equipment, and 10 misunderstood the question, 27
referred to the equipment used in the usual classroom and many referred to
textbooks, pamphlets, and charts. Special rooms, furniture, bathrooms, etc. did
not enter the minds of the people who were teaching English to adults in the
1920s.

Language teachers agreed that speaking, reading, and writing — in that
order, were important in the teaching of English and that this process was also
important for the non-English speaking immigrant. Becoming literate for
immigrants before 1920 included learning a second language, English, to be
used as a medium of communication, not for the purpose of learning the process
of reading and writing. The relative stress for education was placed on speaking
English. When educators were asked, “Do you emphasize speaking, reading, or
writing English in teaching foreign pupils?” 42 emphasized speaking; 3
emphasized reading; 35 reported emphases on all three; 42 answered “yes.”
(Thompson, 1920)

In 1920, a typical two hours for three nights a week school program for

teaching English included the following:

Subject Time in Minutes
Reading 40
Copying 15
Dictation 20
Phonics 10
Spelling 10

Civics

 

Conver
(Thom!
exercises in E
Reading and t
was a disprop
time stressed
writing. Thist;
Subjec
Greetin

Oral del

 

Oral de

 

Civics (reading text) 20

Conversation 1 5

(Thompson, 1920, p. 170) In this program, direct teaching for oral
exercises in English was found only in the conversation period of fifteen minutes.
Reading and writing took up the rest of the two hour period of instruction, which
was a disproportionate amount of time. Another program offered at the same
time stressed oral English rather than the less usable exercises for reading and

writing. This program used the following schedule:

Subject Time in Minutes
Greetings 10
Oral development of topic or theme 30
Copying of theme 10

Oral development of reading lesson 15

Phonics 5
Reading 25
Two-minute oral drill 2

Oral summary and closing salutations 13 (Thompson, 1920, p. 170)
The thrust for teaching immigrants to speak English in 1920 was met with
topics for English conversation, for vocabulary development and for teaching
English “locutions.” Topics included:
1. Learning name, address, occupation; greetings and salutations, farewells,

and inquiries; age, weight, illness, good health, pain, hunger, and thirst.

121

 

2. Schoo
standlr

3. Daily n
eahng,
visiting

4. Vocatic
5. Home 2
their rel

5- The cor
'Odge.u
Office, a

as DONG!

7. Local ar
great/tn

8' F0”Tlal c
(Thomps

TeaChErg

 

2. Schoolroom activities, objects and descriptive phrases such as walking,
standing, reading, writing, opening, closing, coming, and going.

3. Daily needs outside of school such as buying, selling, repairing, cooking,
eating, looking for work, riding, walking, counting, weighing, measuring,
visiting, enjoyments, leisure time, holidays, and recreations.

4. Vocational terms: occupations, technical expressions.

5. Home and family: renting, furnishing, cleaning, members of the family and
their relationships.

6. The community: the pupil’s relationship to the school, the church, the
lodge, the trade or labor organization; the newspaper, the theater. the post
office, and the local agencies for promoting well-being and security, such
as police, sanitation, licenses, and local ordinances.

7. Local and national holidays; national ideals as exemplified in the lives of
great Americans.

8. Formal civics: the relation of city, state, nation, and other nations.
(Thompson, 1920, p. 173)

Teachers of English thought there was a limited need for learning to write
when teaching beginning language skills and teaching to the interests of the
students was not as important as using interesting materials. indirect and direct
methods of teaching English were used in the early 1900s. Direct teaching
meant that a teacher would lead the student to associate the word directly with
the object, suppressing any connection with the word in the student‘s native

language. Indirect teaching of English meant that a triple association of idea,

 

 

 

native expres

 
 
  
  
  

was difficult t
more other Ial

teachers who

necessary” or
last resort." (1

Methoc
“Synthetic", 0r
SentEnces the
Thls is Similar
The "Syntheii.
with letters of
is Similar to tl’
literacy instru

Syllthetic me‘

native expression, and English expression was used. Thompson noted that it
was difficult to find competent teachers who spoke English in addition to one or
more other languages and dialects spoken by the immigrants. Out of 185
teachers who were asked if they used the foreign language of the students when
teaching English, 169 said no foreign language was used. The other 15 teachers
said the foreign language was used, but with qualifications, such as, “When
necessary” or “In unusual cases one pupil interprets for another,” or “Only as a
last resort.” (Thompson, 1920, p. 189)

Methods for teaching English could also be classified as “analytic”,
“synthetic”, or “analytic-synthetic". The “analytic” method presented connected
sentences that were analyzed until the elements of the language were found.
This is similar to the present day whole language approach to teaching literacy.
The “synthetic” model had a purpose to “build” language by accretion beginning
with letters of the alphabet, syllables, words, or isolated sentences. This method
is similar to the phonics instruction that is present in modern day classrooms for
literacy instruction. A third method that used the elements to build other
language forms was called “analytic-synthetic”. Thompson (1920) noted that the
synthetic method had “limitations” and the analytic method was “sound.”

Another similar method for instruction was introduced by Gouin that used
analytic and synthetic methods, but applied them in a different way. This
teaching procedure of combined analytic and synthetic methods included, “a
theme is a general end accomplished by a series of related acts.” (Gouin, in

Thompson, 1920, p. 199) Thompson noted there were dangers with this method

123

if sound principles were not used. Teachers of English were encouraged to

follow “principles, not prescriptions,” and the guiding principles were as follows:

1.

That language is to be taught for the purpose of communication and must
be taught by a method which emphasizes communication, or in other

words, the method must be direct, not indirect.

. That oral language is relatively more important than written or printed

language and is the basis for work in reading, as both reading and
speaking are the foundations for work in writing.

That the standard for judging the worth of a lesson in English is the use to
which the instruction may be to the student today rather than in the future.
Language forms, vocabularies, exercises, and reading material are
relatively worthwhile, as they approximate the standard of usefulness.
That training toward ability to use a language implies exercise in the forms
actually to be used.

That power to use a language grows by healthy exercise in
communication and is not built up by assembling letters, by building
vocabularies, or by conjugating verbs.

That the process of teaching requires a continuing adjustment of the
teacher’s method to meet constantly changing conditions, and that it is
most unwise to rely on any single procedure, most of all on those that are
advertised as all-inclusive.

That however the content of instruction may be specialized in factory

classes as opposed to schools, there is no special method of teaching

124

 

Englis
in ChUl

8. That it

9. That tr

specia

 

their ta

Profess

SPecial

 

With th

I
for immigrants

lcucs, mm,

the previous c

and Ukrainian

adUitS and Chi

English in factories any more than there is a special method of teaching it

in churches, in settlements, in lodges, in the country, or in the city.

8. That it is just as important for teachers of factory classes to be trained for
their task of teaching English as it is for school-teachers.

9. That the work of teaching English to immigrants requires a training
specialized, intensive, and broad enough to call for the highest
professional skill, and keep its maximum efficiency through supervision by
specialists in the field. (Thompson, 1920, p. 211-213)

With this background knowledge about immigrant education the education
for immigrants in the Detroit Ukrainian community stands out as a bright light of
distinction for the Detroit Ukrainian schools have offered a complete curriculum at
ICUCS, including college preparatory courses from the beginning. As noted in
the previous chapter, the school has 100% graduation rate and has used English
and Ukrainian language practices for many years. The church has educated
adults and children through English language classes as well as the curriculum
used in public schools across the nation since the mid 1900s. English and
Ukrainian have been used in the church, school, and community as bilingual oral
and written forms of communicating in the Detroit Ukrainian community.
Language learning in the Ukrainian community has also always included
Ukrainian and English, which are also taught as subjects in the high school
curriculum. The following sections provide a description of the shifting roles of

language and culture from 1917 to 2002.

125

 

Immaculate Conception Schools: Then and Now
Then: 1917 to 1963

Immaculate Conception Schools began with a grammar school in 1917.
Evening classes were offered for religion and English until a parochial day school
was established in 1936. From the onset of classes in 1936 a complete
curriculum of subjects was offered at the grammar school. This was in sharp
contrast to offering only English classes in other schools where immigrants were
educated. The number of students in the school grew from 18 in 1936 to 608 in
1958. In 1959 the K-8 curriculum was expanded to become K-12 and the first
graduating class of high school seniors entered the Ukrainian community in
1963}

The program of courses at Immaculate Conception Ukrainian Catholic
High School in 1963 offered required courses for graduation and in addition a
business curriculum and a college preparatory curriculum were offered to all
students.2 In addition to the regular required courses such as mathematics.
English, science, and history that were offered at the high school, there were a
number of foreign language classes offered, such as Ukrainian, French, Latin,
and German. Those interested in business could take courses in bookkeeping.
typing, shorthand, and general business. General electives of art, music, and
homemaking were also choices available to all students. Health, chorus. and
physical education were required courses for all students. There was a full

science curriculum offered with biology, chemistry, and physics. Extra curricular

 

' See Figures 11 and 12 for the history of ICUCS.
2 See Figure 18 for the ICUCHS curriculum in 1963.

126

activities were also available from the beginning of the high school and the
groups listed in the 1963 yearbook included a Ukrainian band and Kotlarewsky
Choir and Mandolin Orchestra, Trembita Chorus, Ukrainian chorus, Homecoming
with a king and queen and homecoming court, cheerleaders, Bengals basketball
team, Bengals baseball team, science club, 3 Mother’s Club, Future Nurses
Club, Knights of the Altar, a Ukrainian operetta, and the Kobzar Mandolin

Orchestra.

Immaculate Conception Schools
Now: 2000 to 2002
People living in the Detroit Ukrainian community have provided for the
needs of the community through labor, goods, and services for many years.
There has been a strong economic base in the community for many years.
Businesses and services of all kinds are available to the public and to those living
in the Ukrainian community. Each building project in the community was
constructed through the work of community members. The Ukrainian community
has been a stable community since the early 19005. For many years the
Ukrainian community has offered churches, schools, businesses, funeral homes,
banks, credit unions, drug stores, insurance agencies, food stores and
restaurants, physicians, dentists, furniture stores, fuel oil and gasoline stations,
hair salons, building companies, home improvement stores, greenhouses.
hardware stores, real estate agencies, plumbers, roofing companies, import and

export gift stores, religious goods, photography and photo processing, firefighters

and equipment, automobiles, a Ukrainian retirement home, and a cemetery.
There were 41 places in the Ukrainian community in 1963 — 28 in Detroit and 3 in
the suburbs. In 2002, there were 50 places in the Ukrainian community with 10 in
Detroit and 40 in the suburbs. The population still supports the community
businesses.3

During the building project for the Immaculate Conception Ukrainian
Schools in 2002, people in the community donated money for the $2,000,000
building project. The building contractor was from the Ukrainian community, the
artisan who crafted the artwork to be used in the school came from the Ukrainian
community, a school alumnus who is a bishop in the church was the guest
speaker at the banquet to raise money for the school, and once again, the
Ukrainian community offered support and labor to keep the dream of education
alive for Ukrainian Catholics.

The Ukrainian community high school education for immigrants began in
1963 and continued to provide a complete curriculum for college preparatory
classes. New immigrants are offered additional classes in English. Help with
learning in English is provided by the teachers at the school. The English
teacher stated that new immigrants learn to speak English and assimilate into the
regular classes within six months from arriving in the United States.

The language practices in the community have shifted over the years as
new immigrants from Poland, India, and the Middle East have also settled in the

area. These language tensions were met over the years with consistent bilingual

 

3 See Figures 16 and 17 for places in the community in 1963 and 2002.

practices of English and Ukrainian at church and school for Ukrainian
immigrants. In other immigrant communities across the United States the
tension created by language differences has been addressed by using only
English or only the language of origin. The high school principal stated that the
public schools near ICUCS offer ESL and the students that come as new
immigrants are lost because they only have six weeks to learn how to use
English in school. The bilingual approach for offering both English and Ukrainian
during school classes, at church, and at home has been successful in the Detroit

Ukrainian community for a century.

Then and Now: Culture, Traditions and Rituals

Ukrainian culture is rich with traditions, rituals, and symbolism. During my
field observations at Immaculate Conception Ukrainian Catholic Church and St.
Josaphat Ukrainian Catholic Church I was struck with the magnificence of the
rich spiritual symbolism and beautiful artwork in each Ukrainian church. The
spiritual imagery used has been handed down from generation to generation and
is similar to other churches in the Byzantine Church. Religious images and
symbols serve as a way for faithful followers to offer expressions of the Christian
faith. The term “spiritual” is used in this study to signify the personal faith of
Ukrainians in their spiritual life. Religion is a term used to identify convictions
and a belief system of a faith group. The spirit refers to the inner life of faith
where belief resides in each person. Ukrainian spiritual life, then, refers to the

inner faith life of Ukrainian Catholic believers.

129

One example of the deep spiritual symbolism found in the Ukrainian
Catholic Church is making the “sign of the cross” with the hands. This is an
important symbol for the Christian faith in many churches, from the beginning of
the Christian Church and it is widely practiced today. In the Ukrainian Catholic
Church, the sign of the cross is made by joining the thumb, index finger and
middle finger together, and by placing the other two folded fingers against the
palm. This is a standard form in the Christian churches of the Eastern rites. The
same gesture of the sign of the cross in the Roman Catholic Church uses only
the index and middle finger and places the other three fingers against the palm of
the hand.

Churches of the Ukrainian rite are usually built in the shape of a cross
(cmciform). The church building itself is normally divided into three main parts;
the vestibule (porch, narthex), the nave (body of the church), and the sanctuary
(altar). When a person enters the Ukrainian church building, she usually enters
the porch or narthex. Immaculate Conception and St. Josaphat have the main
entrance of the church leading to the vestibule. Church buildings in Ukraine were
built for worshipers to stand during services with benches around the outer
perimeter of the body of the church. In North American churches rows of pews
are placed throughout the nave in the church for members to sit during worship
services. The Divine Liturgy is celebrated in the sanctuary at the altar with
candles and a cross placed somewhere near it and used during worship
services. A chair is placed behind the altar in the cathedra, and the bishop is

seated while the epistle (letter) is being read from the Bible. The four Gospels, or

130

four books of the Bible are revered and all four are bound together and kept in an
open gold decorated book on the altar at all times. A small tabernacle, Kivot, on
the altar contains the Holy Sacrament, or Eucharist. During the proskomedia, or
offering, the priest stands at the left of the altar. At this table of offering the priest
prepares the gifts of the bread and wine before the Divine Liturgy.

Religious icons are an integral part of the Eastern Christian traditions.
Icon, a Greek word for image is not only an object of art, but the outward
representation of an inner spiritual experience for the Christian believer. An icon
is not a portrait and it is not intended to represent reality. The artist seeks to
draw the beholder into a spirit of prayer and contemplation. Icons are flat, two-
dimensional, and icons symbolically depict the subject. When the icon is
completed it is solemnly blessed and then it becomes an object of special
veneration to be placed on the iconostasis in the church or within the home.

lconostasis means image stand and it is a screen or grating divider within
the front of the sanctuary to divide the sanctuary from the body of the church.
The iconostasis has three doors: the royal doors in the center, used by the priest
during some ceremonies; the doors on the left and right are called the deacon’s
doors, and they are used for processions between church and sanctuary during
the Divine Liturgy. lconostasis became meaningful to the believers. The
vestments worn by priests began to show pomp and colorful pageantry during
celebrations. Ornamentation surrounding the altar offered a way to worship
using silence or a visual image to foster meditation and reflection. The religious

icons used throughout the churches expressed symbolic faith and the church

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leaders nurtured the growing body of believers with all of the symbolism for the
purpose of becoming mature followers of Christ (Katrij, 1983).

Russian immigrants and Ukrainian Catholic immigrants in particular,
brought Russian customs with them when they came to America at the turn of
the twentieth century. The centuries old Russian bathhouses as mentioned In
previous chapters, or bania, where rituals and symbolic traditions for secular life
often began with oral registers, were adapted for oral and written language use
within religious life in the Ukrainian Catholic Church in America. Russian salons
were another place where oral registers and written genres were used in Russia
since the eighteenth century. Russian salons became a meeting ground for
literate Russians, where literature and political life were discussed in freedom for
several centuries. Salon oral registers and written genres were adapted in
America as Ukrainian Catholics formed committees and community groups for
discussions and planning for the Ukrainian networks and community. The church
in Russia and the format for worship services used in Russia were brought to
America, with little change. Ukrainians spoke their native tongue in the church
community from the beginning of their new life in America. This ease in
assimilation is evidence to the success of the bilingual approach for language
practices in the Ukrainian community.

Many of the customs, traditions, and routines found in Russia and Ukraine
were brought from Russia with immigrants when they came to America. Many of
these cultural patterns for living are continued to this day. The familiarity of a

Ukrainian way of life for new immigrants provided support and facilitated the

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process of immigration and the process of becoming literate for new immigrants
coming to America. This meant that the Ukrainian language, many Ukrainian
cultural customs, rituals, and traditions, and the patterns for Ukrainian Catholic
Church worship services and church events were similar to those experienced in
Ukraine. The Ukrainian immigrant community initiated, created, and developed a
pattern for living in the community that followed the ways of life in Ukraine and
Russia. This pattern became a model for new immigrants to follow and the

model has been successful in America for decades.

The Role of the Church

From the Kievan Rus‘ era in the tenth century, Russia has been greatly
influenced by religion. Rus‘ received Christianity from the Byzantine Empire
when Olga led the Kievan state as its regent. She converted to the Russian
Orthodox Church in 955 AD. and Russia claimed the Russian Orthodox Church
as the church of Russia. Since that time the Russian Orthodox Church has been
the primary religious force in Russia. This created a problem for Ukrainian
Catholics. Russian Orthodox believers follow Orthodox Christianity and
Ukrainian Catholics follow Roman Catholic Christianity. Russia has persecuted
Ukrainian Catholics for centuries placing great pressure on the Ukrainian
Catholic Church to become Russian Orthodox.

When Russian authorities ruled that it was illegal to speak Ukrainian
during worship services in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries

Ukrainians looked for a way to flee Russia and worship as Ukrainian Catholic

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believers. This choice to remain Ukrainian Catholics began in Russia and
continued in America. The Detroit Ukrainian Catholic community began as a
mission church in the early 19005 as mentioned in previous chapters. In 1911,
Father Bartosh arrived to become the first pastor of the immigrants. Most of the
new immigrants were poor and illiterate peasants, yet the church grew and a new
building was erected in 1913 and Immaculate Conception Ukrainian Catholic
Church became a reality. (Basilian Fathers, 1963)

Realizing the need for immigrants to become literate Americans, the
church leadership offered night classes for adult immigrants to learn English.
Unlike the public school offerings these classes included Ukrainian Catholic
doctrine and used Ukrainian Catholic Catechism texts. The classes were
presented in Ukrainian and English, or in other words, there was a bilingual
approach to teaching English. My Aunt Maria remembers going to classes in
1924, when she was five years old. She attended with adults and other
immigrant children. Classes were held in a room above the convent and Maria
went to class two or three times each week (Interview with Maria, 2002).

Immaculate Conception founded Immaculate Conception Grammar
School in 1936 to provide a full time day school for immigrant children. Nuns
from the order of St. Basil the Great were the teachers at the school. It is
interesting to note that parochial schools were considered a problem for the
public school system. As early as 1850, parochial schools began competing for
pupils, money, and teachers. In addition, the Catholic community, both Roman

and Ukrainian Catholics, challenged the public school system. As early as 1829.

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American Catholic hierarchy decided to establish Catholic schools to protect the
faith of children. An American Catholic bishop decreed:
“Since it is evident that very many of the young, the children of
Catholic parents, especially the poor, have been exposed and
are still exposed in many places of the Province, to great danger
of the loss of faith or the corruption of morals on account of the
lack of such teachers as could safely be entrusted with so great
an office, we think it absolutely necessary that schools should
be established in which the young can be taught the principles
of faith and morals, while being instructed in letters.”

The first “school war” (Ravitch, 1974) between the public schools and the
Catholic schools began with the Catholic clergy pursuing public funding for
parochial schools in the 18405. Catholics won the battle to disengage from the
private society that had monopolized public education funds, however, they lost
the war for funding and the church decided with determination to build and
develop a separate educational system of their own. In 1840, Bishop Hughes
addressed the issue with the following statement,

“We are Americans and American citizens. If some of us are
foreigners, it is only by the accident of birth. As citizens, our
ambition is to be Americans; and if we cannot be so by birth, we
are so by choice and preference. . . . We hold, therefore, the same
ideas of our rights that you hold of yours. We wish not to diminish

yours, but only to secure and enjoy our own. Neither have we the

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slightest suspicion that you would wish us to be deprived of any
privilege which you claim for yourselves.” (Bourne, 1870, pp. 331-
338)

This war between public and private schools continued into the 19005.
Ravitch (1974) notes that there were four school wars from 1800 - 1970. The
first school war focused on public schools vs. Catholic Schools. The second
school war began with a reform movement, or the rise of the expert. The third
war was a crusade for efficiency and the fourth school war concerned racism and
reactions of power struggles. (Ravitch, 1974)

Immaculate Conception Ukrainian Catholic Church entered the schooling
process for immigrants after the first war between Public Schools and Catholic
Schools. The church made a deliberate decision to offer religious education for
immigrants, teaching English to new arrivals, as well as those who were settled
in the Detroit area. Immaculate Conception Church founded Immaculate
Conception Grammar School in 1936 and by 1959 the school grew to include a
new school, Immaculate Conception High School. By 1963, there were 45 nuns
who were dedicated to the church and the schools. Immaculate Conception
Ukrainian Catholic Church became a place for Ukrainian immigrants to become

literate.

The Role of the School

Immaculate Conception began evening classes for teaching English to

immigrants in the 19205. Adults and children attended the Ukrainian evening

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school, which was supervised by Immaculate Conception Church. There is a
picture in the church yearbook from the 19205 with 15 female students and 13
male students ranging from five years to teenage years of age. The priest and
the teacher were included in the picture, which was taken at the church. During
this time, there was a movement in Michigan to amend the constitution to abolish
parochial schools. While the petition failed, the topic of private education was
kept in the conversation about the problems with parochial schools for some time
(Thompson, 1920). A new parochial grade school was built next to the church in
1936. The school offered a complete curriculum for education and this provided
a choice for Ukrainian immigrants, other than the public schools in the area.

Immaculate Conception Grammar School grew and evolved into
Immaculate Conception Grade School. Realizing the need for high school
students to also receive a parochial education, the church founded Immaculate
Conception Ukrainian Catholic High School in 1959. A new Ukrainian High
School was dedicated in 1959 and the first group of students began in the fall of
1959. The first high school graduating class of 1963 had 39 students, 20
females and 19 males.

The curriculum in 1963 for the high school offered required courses
(Mathematics, Biology, US. History, East European History, Ukrainian History.
American Government, English, Religion, Ukrainian, Health and Physical
Education, and Chorus), college preparatory courses (Latin, German, French.

World History, Geography, Mathematics, General Science, Chemistry, Physics.

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and Typing) business courses (Latin, General Business, Bookkeeping, World
History, Shorthand, and Typing), and elective courses(Art, Music, Homemaking) “

This complete curriculum for the grade school and high school was an
outstanding model for other schools, whether public or parochial schools. The
general mindset regarding immigrant education had been that immigrants
fostered two “obsessions,” as noted by Thompson (1920):

“These delusions are, first, that native Americans constitute a
superior race when compared with the foreign born, and,

second, that our institutions and aspirations are peculiar and
distinctive to our own people and country. . . A progressive stage
of civilization is characterized, among other qualities, by the
capacity of its citizens to recognize both the shortcomings of their
own group and the virtue of other nationalities.” (Thompson, 1920,
p. 365-366)

Immaculate Conception Schools became a choice for educating Ukrainian
immigrants that has been successful for more than 80 years. The school began
in the face of opposition from several sources. One source of opposition was the
public school system. A second factor of opposition was the general public’s
contention that Eastern European immigrants were not capable to obtain a
college education. Following that train of thought led many immigrants into a
general or business education rather than pursuing a college preparatory
curriculum in high school. Immaculate Conception offered college preparatory

courses from the beginning of the high school curriculum in 1959. The

 

4 See Figures 18 and 19 for high school curriculum in 1963 and 2002.

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curriculum continued to evolve and in 2002 the high school curriculum included a
core curriculum, curriculum electives, and advanced placement classes. The
core curriculum offers English, religion, and a foreign language for four years;
mathematics and science are offered for two to four years; three years of
computer literacy; two years of physical education; one year of typing; and one
semester of health and civics are all included in the core curriculum. Curriculum
electives include: music, humanities, current events, foreign languages.
accounting, and graphic arts. Advanced placement classes in mathematics and

English are also offered to high school students.

The Role of the Community

The Detroit Ukrainian immigrant community began in the area surrounding
Immaculate Conception Ukrainian Catholic Church. With the passage of time
more and more people began to move to the area and people came to church in
carriages. In 1915, Ukrainians “watched with alarm as their children grew up
without a Christian or national background. Father Bartosh, then decided to build
a national home which could serve as a school and a Ukrainian center" (The
Basilian Fathers, 1963). A company that built homes on credit was hired and the
cost was $30,000. The blessing of the hall took place in 1917. Parishioners
pooled their resources to help pay the debt. This building became the Ukrainian
Cultural Center and the building also housed the first Ukrainian Grammar School.
The new Ukrainian Cultural Center became the site for parish organizations,

parish dances, parish meetings, and all types of cultural programs were held at

the center. These programs helped to quickly pay for the building and in October
1917, the community bought a home for the sisters of the Order of Saint Basil the
Great, for $4000.

Today, the Ukrainian Cultural Center is still a place for the Ukrainian
community to meet for group events. There is a new building for the cultural
center now in the suburbs, across the street from St. Josaphat Church. Cultural
events are still held at the center. Church dinners, banquets for the school,
receptions, weddings, and other group events are offered to the Ukrainian
community through the cultural center. The Ukrainian Cultural Center has been
a part of the Ukrainian community for 90 years.

People living in the Detroit Ukrainian community have provided for the
needs of the community through labor, goods, and services for many years.
Each building project was constructed through the work of community members.
The Ukrainian community has been a stable community since the early 19005.
For many years the Ukrainian community has offered churches, schools,
businesses, funeral homes, banks, credit unions, drug stores, insurance
agencies, food stores and restaurants, physicians, dentists, furniture stores, fuel
oil and gasoline stations, hair salons, building companies, home improvement
stores, greenhouses, hardware stores, real estate agencies, plumbers, roofing
companies, import and export gift stores, religious goods, photography and photo
processing, firefighters and equipment, automobiles, a Ukrainian retirement
home, and a cemetery. There were 41 places in the Ukrainian community in

1963 -— 28 in Detroit and 3 in the suburbs. In 2002, there were 50 places in the

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Ukrainian community with 10 in Detroit and 40 in the suburbs. The population
still supports the community businesses.

During the building project for the Immaculate Conception Ukrainian
Schools in 2002, people in the community donated money for the $2,000,000
building project. The building contractor was from the Ukrainian community, the
artisan who crafted the artwork to be used in the school came from the Ukrainian
community, a school alumni, who is a bishop in the church, was the speaker at
the banquet to raise money for the school, and once again, the Ukrainian
community offered support and labor to keep the dream of education alive for
Ukrainian Catholics. In the next chapter the role of culture for community
members is considered as remembering, remaking, and re-imagining a cultural

identity.

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CHAPTER 5
Rushnyky in Detroit:

Remembering, Remaking, and Re-Imagining Cultural Identity
Rushnyky

A small four room, two story, white wooden building rests
unassumingly close to the ground. It is across the street from a large stone
and marble church with domes and spires reaching to the heavens. Sharp
contrasting architecture and size would seem to make the buildings distinct
and different yet they are intimately connected with cultural and spiritual
bonds in the community. Each building holds vast cultural and spiritual
significance for the people who grace the doors with their presence. The
large picture windows on the front of the wooden building span the front wall.
Reflections in the window show the massive church building across the street
and mirror the blue sky in the heavens above. There is a welcoming sense, a
feeling of invitation to passers by to open the door of the small white edifice.
drop in, and look around on the other side of the picture windows. Wood on
the building tells the story of an old establishment with splinters gone and
white paint crackled in places on the wooden slats. While the building is in
dissimilarity to the church it seems to blend in with the homes and other
buildings in the neighborhood. The outside of the structure reveals a story
about the community and its endurance throughout the 19th and 20th

centuries.

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The distinctions between the church and the wooden building are
striking. While the church represents the Ukrainian spiritual identity that the
Ukrainian immigrant community has in this place, the wooden building
represents the Ukrainian cultural identity held by the community for more than
a century. Members of Immaculate Conception Ukrainian Catholic Church go
to worship services at the church and often go from the church to the white
building to further their cultural and spiritual experience. Community
members also visit the wooden building, reflect on the Ukrainian culture, and
then go to worship services across the street. Both buildings are a part of the
Ukrainian immigrant community. The exterior of the church is constructed
with elaborate marble and metal that has gold leaf decorations. Paintings on
the inside of the church also have gold leaf decorations, yet the white building
across the street is made of common wooden slats found in most dwellings of
its time.

This small building is now the home of the Ukrainian museum for this
community with objects d'art from a century ago and relics and treasures
collected today. Cultural and spiritual art can be found in the museum. Each
treasured relic of the Ukrainian heritage has been kept since the first
immigrants came to the area in the late 18805. Immaculate Conception
Ukrainian Catholic Church and the museum, both in Detroit Michigan, open
their front doors to the same street. Passersby are welcome in both buildings
and the front doors open outward as if the arms of the community are flung

open to greet everyone that enters. This small white antique of a building

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across from the church is the home of The Ukrainian-American Archives and
Museum, Inc. It is not by accident that the white wooden building resides
across the street from the church: the church and museum are connected
and the culture and spirituality for both are intertwined throughout the
Ukrainian culture and the spiritual life of this certain Ukrainian community.

Old hymnals, school textbooks, community photographs of Ukrainian
dances, Ukrainian choir and orchestra concerts and other cultural events,
church committee meeting notes, building plans, and student yearbooks all
adorn the shelves and walls in the archives room of the museum. A small
book is open on the table near the entrance of the museum and this guest
book is filled with names of Ukrainians and friends who came to see first hand
the items of daily life that are so much a part of the cultural and spiritual life of
Ukrainians living in this community. The many pages of handwriting reveal
the names of visitors whose presence offered respect and admiration for the

cultural and spiritual way of Ukrainian-American life.

Membership for the Ukrainian Museum consists of dues or a donation
that ranges from$10.00 for students to $1,000 for Founders. Pamphlets with
information about the museum and this exhibit are available upon entering the
museum and each one is decorated with colorful Ukrainian motifs of red,
white, and black on white paper. Also included in the tri-fold brochure is an
invitation for membership to the museum and highlights of the current
museum presentation. Exhibits include rituals and traditions from Ukrainian

culture and the recorded history of the spiritual life of the church and

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community. During the summer of 2002, Danyil, a Ukrainian anthropologist
and a museum curator, served as the director/ curator for the Ukrainian-
American Archives and Museum. On display was a collection of ritual cloths,
rushnyky), which were on loan from the “D. D.Ukrainian Ethnographic
Research Collection”.

The first day that I met Danyil l was headed to the Saturday 4:00 PM
worship service at Immaculate Conception Church, but at 3:45 PM there was
a wedding in process at the church so I went to the museum to wait for the
wedding party to enjoy their guests before I went into church. A5 I walked
across the street from the church to the museum, I was struck by the bright
reflection of the church in the front window of the museum. The church did
not overshadow the museum, but the reflection served as a constant
connection between the culture and the spiritual life of the community. The
small white building that I saw had a wooden door and it was wide open with
several other people entering the museum as I walked in. There was a
feeling of coming home or perhaps it just reminded me of going inside a much
loved and nurtured place. Oksana and a friend from Ukraine who are
students at MSU came to the museum with Marta and another woman. A
man from the Ukrainian community was also in the museum with Danyil when
we arrived and Danyil and the other patrons already in the museum warmly
greeted me. Danyil shook my hand and kissed it. They were joking that there
were actual visitors from outside the community — as if it were a rarity. Each

person in the museum greeted everyone present and there was a

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Iightheartedness that felt warm and inviting, even for me, someone new to
this community.

My first impression of the exhibit was that I was in the presence of
authentic Ukrainian culture. There was a sense of great pride and scholarly
professionalism in the orderly way the displayed items were presented in the
museum. The main room had three walls and a large picture window. There
were cafe style curtains on the inside of the window and the museum hours
were posted on a plaque on the outside of the building. Once inside I noticed
the three inside walls were each adorned with several rushnyky. Each ritual
cloth was carefully folded over a dowel and hung on the wall with each end of
the dowel connected to a decorative cord, forming a triangle when hung on
the nail in the wall. This display included rushnyky from the 19th and 20th
centuries and from Central Ukraine. Most of them were brightly embroidered
with red thread displaying the “Tree of Life” motif and although faded over
time, they kept the beauty of the embroidered design and showed the
uniqueness of each individual rushnyk.

All of the 10 visitors gathered around Danyil as he explained the
current exhibit in the museum and we chatted with each other about the
different ritual cloths. Danyil shared that a typical person in the 19th and 20‘h
centuries would have had about 40 rushnyky throughout a lifetime. Babies
were placed in a rushnyk at birth and the ritual cloth wrapped around their
bodies as a blanket when they were born. When a woman got married, she

brought the 40 ritual cloths to the marriage as part of her trousseau. On the

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day of her wedding, a bride wore a rushnyk wrapped around her waist and
another rushnyk was also placed underneath the bride and groom to stand on
during the wedding ceremony. These cloths have been used in the kitchen
as decorations, curtains, tablecloths, and placed on the walls as decorations.
Danyil also shared that rushnyky were also used to lower caskets into the
ground. Many of the uses for rushnyky are still found in Ukrainian
communities today in Ukraine and in America.

These 19 cloths on display were all unique examples of original
embroidery from the mid-19th to early 20th century and came from Central
Ukraine, which is present-day Poltava, Kyiv, and Chernihiv. The “Tree of Life"
motif became popular in the 17th and 18th centuries as symbols to the
Renaisance and Baroque styles of artwork at that time. Tree of Life motifs
were examples of the belief system of ancient times and thought to represent
interrelationships such as “undenNorld/earth/heavens” and
“past/present/future.” Some people attribute this motif to the pre-Christian
Ukrainian goddess “Berehynia,” and the form became stylized and distorted
over time into the floral depiction in this exhibit.

Of the other guests in the museum, Oksana was a student at Michigan
State University and she was in the United States with a visa for the 2002-
2003 school year. She was born in Ukraine and came to the museum with
someone who belongs to the Ukrainian community. Hanna shared about life
in Ukraine and how the rushnyky are still used for different life events. She

also shared with visitors at the museum about some traditions in Ukraine,

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such as the use of a pumpkin when dating. Oksana said that when a young
woman is dating someone, when she wants to end the relationship, she gives
the person a pumpkin as a sign of the end of the courtship. She spoke with
good English skills and all of the visitors laughed at the humorous cultural
stories that Oksana shared about life in Ukraine.

I met Marta the same day I met Oksana. Marta now lives within 100
miles from Immaculate Conception Church, but as a child she went to
Immaculate Conception Schools through the eighth grade, when she
transferred to the public school in Detroit. She is now middle aged and
practices law in Michigan. Malta is active in the Ukrainian community and
she supports the Ukrainian Museum. All of the guests in the museum joined
in the conversation with Danyil and Oksana. There was a sense of belonging.
even as a first time visitor to the museum. Danyil invited everyone to come
back to the museum and bring some of the embroidery pieces that we had
that came from Ukrainian women in the past. When returning to the museum
with several embroidery pieces, Danyil explained that the pieces were typical
of women who lived in the United States between 19405 and 19605.
Although they were not Ukrainian designs per se, they did represent the time,
when family members lived in a Ukrainian immigrant community in the United
States.

Rushnyky represent daily life in Ukraine in the past and in the present,
reminding immigrants of a treasured way of life. The ritual cloths represent

Ukrainian spiritual life as well. Each cloth found its way into homes and

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churches alike for centuries. They are one example of the cultural and
spiritual identity of daily life for Ukrainian immigrants in the Detroit community.
For centuries, rushynky, or embroidered decorative towels have been a part
of the culture and spiritual life in Ukraine and in the lives of Ukrainians around
the world. Rushynky have had an indispensable part in traditional folk and
Christian holidays; they are used in the rituals of ceremonies and in the
spirituality of the church. The most important events in people's lives never
took place without rushynky and the embroidered rushnyk was always a
symbol of hospitality. Bread and salt were offered to respected guests on
rushnyk and new-born babies were put on a towel and rushnyky also were
used to hold the coffin as it was placed in the ground to accompany people on
their last journey to eternal life. When a new house was built they lifted the
beam on rushnyky and then gave the rushnyky to the builder as a present. A
wedding could not take place without rushnyky. The rushnyk that a bride and
bridegroom stood on was a symbol of faithfulness. They tied the bride and

bridegroom's hands with the rushnyk and wished them a happy family life.

Wedding customs included rushnyky that were used during the
matchmaking, betrothal, the marriage ceremony itself, and the wedding
festivities that followed the wedding. Matchmaking occurred after courtship
and was merely a formalization of the intention to marry. It involved
ceremonial inquiries at the home of the woman’s parents, inspections of the
prospective groom’s family and home, acceptance of the bread by the girl’s

parents, the bride’s formal consent, the tying of ceremonial towels, or

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rushnyky, over the shoulders of each matchmaker, and the exchange of gifts
between parents and matchmakers. The betrothal took place at the bride‘s
house and was accompanied by ritual songs, speeches, binding with
rushnyky, and the exchange of gifts. When a young woman prepared a
dowry for herself, she embroidered many decorative rushnyky, blouses and
shirts to show her diligence because a bride's diligence was measured by the
quantity, beauty and the complexity of the patterns of the rushnyky. A mother
gave a rushnyk to her son before he set out on a long journey to ensure
happiness in his new life. The rushnyk was treasured as a memory of

Ukraine, of the home and of childhood.

Embroidery is a popular form of folk art among Ukrainians that has
existed since prehistoric times according to archeological discoveries in
Ukraine. Cloth embroidery was first inspired by faith in the power of
protective symbols and later by aesthetic motives. Using a weaving shuttle or
a needle to create the various symbolic designs provided Ukrainians a faster
approach to decorate woven cloths. There are three places in Ukrainian life
where embroidered folk art is widely used: Churches, on altar linens and
vestments for the priests; for folk rites and customs including rushnyky to
decorate spiritual icons and the ritual towels are used as part of wedding
rituals; clothing, on shirts and blouses, sleeveless jackets, and skirts, aprons.
scarves, and head coverings of married women. Each part of Ukraine has
characteristic embroidery that has unique stitches, techniques, favorite

designs and motifs, and their own predominant set of colors used for

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embroidery. Today, a typical festival of arts and crafts has hand embroidered
blouses, shirts, ties, purses, pillows, rushnyky, tablecloths, pincushions, and
bookmarks all with different colors, designs and stitches used for the
embroidery. (Basilian Fathers, 1963; Canadian Catholic Conference, 1975;
Horniatkevych and Nenadkevych, 1994; Kmit, et al, 1979; Sichynsky, 1994;

Pawliczko, 1994)

Rushnyky are important artifacts in Ukrainian culture. Their use and
identification over generations illustrate both how Ukrainian culture is woven
into daily life and how it is re-formed over time and generations in this
Ukrainian American community. This chapter takes a long look at culture:
remembering culture as it was in Ukraine, remaking culture in the Detroit

Ukrainian community, and re-imagining culture as an aspect of identity.

In this chapter I define culture in terms of the practices, values, and
artifacts shaping a sense of self. I do not equate culture with “location” nor do
I equate it with “ethnicity.” Instead, by analyzing data from one Ukrainian
American community I look at cultural identity as it bridges two worlds of
experience and enables modern people to “triangulate,” in Eva Hoffman’s
words (1989), a sense of self as they are in motion and as they remember, re-

make and re-imagine what it is to be Ukrainian American.1

 

' See Hoffman, 1989; and FIorio-Ruane with deTar, 2001.

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Concepts of Culture

Payne, in A dictionary of Cultural and Critical Theory, says about
culture, “To define ‘culture’ is to define the human; to be excluded from the
definition can have an ultimate cost” (Payne, 1997, p. 129). Geertz (1973)
defines culture by way of “webs of significance” that are spun by human
beings. In 1973 Geertz provided a definition of the concept of culture that he
proclaims as, “The concept of culture I espouse . . . is essentially a semiotic
one. Believing, with Max Weber, that man is an animal suspended in webs of
significance he himself has spun, I take culture to be those webs, and the
analysis of it to be therefore not an experimental science of law, but an
interpretive one in search of meaning. It is explication I am after, construing
social expressions on their surface enigmatical.”

A culture is in essence a system to ensure the continuity and
maintenance of well being for a group of people (Haviland, 1996. 1997). In
this sense, the Detroit Ukrainian American community has an established 90
year pattern for success and offers a life of reasonable fulfillment to those
who choose to be a part of the cultural community. (Basilian Fathers, 1963;
Bratkowsky, 2002; Haviland, 1996, 1997; LeCompte, et al, 1999; Maybury-
Lewis, 1993; Payne, 1997; Storey, 1998; Interviews in the community, 2001-
2002)

Research can be viewed from the perspective of those being studied.
which is an emic perspective and research can be viewed through the lens of

the researcher, which is an etic perspective. A5 a participant observer l have

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sought the perspectives of those living in the Detroit Ukrainian American
community. Primary source data, artifacts, and information were used
whenever possible. My perspective was also included in the study since I
was a participant in the group, I was observing the group, and interviewing
participants. Therefore, my approach to culture in this study is a combination
of emic and etic perspectives. (Haviland, 1996, 1997; Schensul, et al, 1999)
lnforrnation, artifacts, as well as historical data have been analyzed
without a certain perspective in mind. It is my intention to simply present the
material and let the data speak for itself whenever possible. Data sources
were the driving force behind paradigms, approaches, and perspectives
chosen for this study. Cultural relativism was also considered for this study
with judgment about the Detroit Ukrainian American group suspended and the
facts and information about the community presenting a relevant perception

of the group.

Ukrainian Culture and Spirituality

There are kindred connections between culture and spirituality in the
Ukrainian community. While both topics have importance in their own right
the two are intrinsically linked for the Ukrainian American community in this
study. In the Detroit Ukrainian community culture is expressed in the use of
artifacts in daily life. Rushnyk is both a cultural artifact and a portable symbol

of identity, marking significant life events for the Ukrainian community. The

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cloths in use bear witness to the many characteristics of cultural identity.
They symbolize wrappings that we take with us and apply to life events as
each new setting arises. Over the centuries rushnyky show the transforming
and reinventing of Ukrainian identity with their specific cultural designs.

They provide stability and yet remain versatile over time; they are available to
change by contact with new circumstances. Rushnyky are material, yet
spiritually symbolic; arbitrary, yet modestly functional. The cloths we use in
daily life show the varied features of culture and cultural identity. (Basilian
Fathers, 1963; Canadian Catholic Conference, 1975; Magosci, 1996)

For the purposes of this study, the question of culture is considered
through the history of Ukraine and Ukrainians, the present way of life for
Ukraine and Ukrainians, and how the Ukrainian culture may be continued into
the future. Even in our so-called postcolonial, postmodern, postfeminist
times, the word “culture” has many connotations. Although each culture has
unique and diverse features, there are three interdependent parts of any
culture that are common:

1. All cultures have a material economy and technology
2. All cultures have a system of organization

3. All cultures have a system of beliefs and values
(Podolefsky and Brown, 1997, p. 75)

LeCompte and Schensul (1999, Vol. 1, p. 21) explain the term “culture"
through the anthropology lens of an ethnographer as, “Culture consists of the

beliefs, behaviors, norms, attitudes, social arrangements, and forms of

expression that form a describable pattern in the lives of members of a
community or institution.” In this study culture is considered broadly using
definitions from many sources to better understand the Ukrainian culture that
is addressed in this project.

Spirituality and culture are connected for the Ukrainian community.
The concept of spirituality is something other than sensuality or intellect. It
concerns the higher moral or religious aspects, or in other words, the higher
or better part of the mind. This can be seen in the church, school, family,
museum, and in the community. In the church, the ornamentation and icons
used are a blend of religious art and Ukrainian art. Culture and spirituality
merge to form holy relics that have been used for centuries. In the school
many of the items found in the church are used throughout the school
buildings. The new school building also houses a museum filled with
Ukrainian spiritual and cultural artifacts that have had meaning to the school
and community for many years.

Culture and spirituality are embedded in the Ukrainian church. The
spiritual symbolisms found in the artwork inside the church building are full of
Ukrainian culture. The museum which is culturally Ukrainian is full of spiritual
artifacts. The two are intertwined for the Detroit Ukrainian community. All
aspects of Ukrainian life are full of culture and spirituality. Daily life is
centered on cultural and spiritually significant activities. Culture can be
viewed in several ways. Culture explains the perceived environment that

individuals and groups live within at any given time. Spirituality explains the

important aspects of life and how individuals and groups value certain arenas
of life. The behaviors that people choose and the perception of the culture
influence how people act and live. Each individual needs to learn about a
world of objects other than self. This becomes the physical environment
which is organized culturally and mediated symbolically through the uses of
language. Haviland (1996) likens this awareness of others to perceiving the
world through cultural glasses. Those qualities that are culturally significant
to a group of people are singled out in the environment and they receive the
attention and the labels. In the same way attributes that are not significant to
a culture are ignored or considered in general categories.

There are cultural activities that have been practiced and have become
a part of the way of life for the Ukrainian community. Regularly there are
cultural concerts given in the community by various groups. One such
concert was held at a middle school auditorium in the suburbs. It was called
the “Golden Jubilee Concert” and was provided by a credit union in the
Ukrainian community that has been in business for 50 years. All of those in
the concert were dressed in traditional Ukrainian clothes. There was a
women’s trio, a husband and wife singing duo, a woman’s group of 18
dancers, a male singing and instrumental group of 18 instruments and 24
singers, and a dancing group of 12 women and 9 men. This type of cultural
concert has been a part of the Ukrainian community since 1925. The earliest
date found for cultural performances in the Detroit Ukrainian community was

The lwan Kotlarewsky Dramatic Society, in 1925. A picture of this group,

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complete with traditional cultural dress was included in the 1963 Immaculate
Conception Ukrainian Catholic Church Golden Jubliee Souvenir Year Book.

There is a picture of the “Kotlarewsky” Choir, posed in traditional
Ukrainian costume, for a 1929 celebration in the 1963 Golden Jubilee Year
Book. The group had 34 men, 50 women, the priest and Mr. Kotlarewsky.
The church choir with Mr. Melnychuk and Father Chehansky as the leaders in
the 19505, was comprised of 26 women and 15 men, all dressed in traditional
Ukrainian costumes. As a child I remember having Ukrainian dancers come
to my school. They were also middle school students and they danced
traditional folk dances with everyone dressed in traditional Ukrainian
costumes. From the above examples it is clear that the Ukrainian community
has had a long-standing pattern of including traditional dress, dance, and
music in their way behaviors in the community and outside the area. These
behaviors include cultural traditions and they are a part of the spirituality of
the community. Church services and events sponsored by the church include
Ukrainian dancers, singers, and musicians.

In the Ukrainian community there are definite beliefs that are a part of
the culture and the spiritual life for Ukrainians living in Detroit and in the
suburban Ukrainian community. These beliefs can be observed in the
churches, during school sessions, and in the Ukrainian community.

Haviland (1996, p. 364) regards religion, “as the beliefs and patterns of
behavior by which people try to control the area of the universe that is

otherwise beyond their control.” There is a hierarchy of supernatural beings

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noted by Haviland, such as, God, the angels, and the saints of Christianity.
While the practice of religion spans generations, continents, societies, and
class structure, Haviland notes that much of the value of religion can be found
in the activities of the people as they are practicing religion. Religious
ceremonies are thought to provide a sense of personal security, a sense of
personal transcendence, and a feeling of closeness to fellow participants and
to God. (Haviland, 1996)

Kottak (1997) sees religion as an instrument in social change and as a
way to maintain order in society. He defines religion as, “a cultural universal,
consists of belief and behavior concerned with supernatural beings, powers,
and forces” (Kottak, 1997, p. 349). Science has attempted to provide
explanations and Tylor thought that religion would eventually fade away as
science provided better elucidation. However, afar different view of the
supernatural exists in the Ukrainian community. The Ukrainian Catholic
Church has many beliefs in supernatural concepts. For example, the
Byzantine Ukrainian Rite of the Eastern Catholic Church believes in the
Providence of God, the Spiritual life of the triune God, the Good News of
Christ’s death on the cross for the payment of sin, and the importance of rites
a5 a way to express the teachings of their Lord Jesus Christ. All of the rites
have been practiced in much the same way since 988 AD, during the reign of
Vlodymyr, Prince of Kiev.

It is this rich tradition of religious practices that embraces the spirit of

the Ukrainian people. This spirit of the Ukrainian people can be seen in all

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areas of daily life; in the church, in the school, in the community, and in the
language. The term spirituality is used in this study, rather than religion, to
capture the essence of the belief system that is expressed through a
relationship with Jesus Christ. Spirit has been defined as the thinking,
motivating, feeling part of humans, often as distinguished from the body. mind
and intelligence. A person with spirit can be someone who has a true
intention, a loyal follower of something. It is this true and loyal following of
Jesus Christ that is combined with the cultural practices of the Ukrainian
people that give them a unique Ukrainian spirituality. (Basilian Fathers, 1963;
Canadian Catholic Conference, 1975; Haviland, 1996; Kottak, 1997; Webster,
1997)

Ukrainian Symbolism and Culture

Culture is derived from symbols. Leslie White, in The Evolution of
Culture (1959), observed that all human behavior begins with the use of
symbols. Later all anthropologists shared this view and embraced the notion
that culture is based on symbols. While art, religion, and money involve the
use of symbols, the most important symbolic aspect of culture is language.
Language substitutes words for objects and through language humans are
able to transmit culture from one generation to the next. Goodenough (1990)
stated that language makes it possible to learn from our cumulative and
shared life experiences. Without a language to communicate, one cannot

inform others of events or other information that is important.

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The term adaptation suggests a natural process, a process that occurs
unaffectedly and has not been chosen by the will. People achieve a
beneficial adjustment to one’s environment naturally and the results of the
process are the characteristics that allow one to fit into a particular
environment (Haviland, 1996, 1997). When considering the Detroit Ukrainian
American community the established immigrant community facilitates cultural
adaptation. This has a positive affect on the new immigrants coming to the
community and it also benefits the community by having additional skills and
people added to the established immigrant group.

“There is a tendency for all aspects of a culture to function as an
integrated whole” (Haviland, 1997, p. 353). Looking at one aspect such as
language and then comparing the language with other parts, such as
economics, etc., provides information that is somewhat different from the
information learned when looking only at one aspect at a time.
Anthropologists have found that there is a tendency for any culture to Operate
as a whole with all of the parts working together. This tendency of cultural
integration allows the Detroit Ukrainian American community to consistently
offer school programs, church events, and community gatherings that would
not be possible if the community did not work as an integrated whole. For
example, the ICUCS have been in the community since 1927. ICUCC and St.
Josaphat have been involved in the schools programs, building projects, and
there is a long standing working relationship between the churches and the

schools. In addition, the community has been involved with the churches and

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the schools, as noted in the advertisements in the church bulletins and in the
school yearbooks. There is cultural integration within the community that
allows the community to work together as a whole.

Haviland, (1996, 1997) states that much of the art in the world is
created for functional rather than aesthetic purposes. Art is connected to
other human aspects that can be seen around the world. For example,
Navajo sand paintings are used to cure sickness, Mardi Gras costumes
express culture and social identity through the costumes, and graffiti on the
walls in Namibia express political statements. Art is indeed intertwined with
everything else that people do and to analyze the specific art works of people
provides a glimpse into the values, worldview, and cultural identity for a
people group.

The Detroit Ukrainian American community treasures the folk art of the
community. Not only does the museum house works of art from community
members, but also the cultural art created from Ukraine centuries ago is
highlighted as in the Detroit Ukrainian-American Archives and Museum
across from ICUCC. The new school complex houses a museum to celebrate
the cultural identity for the community and the works of art will be permanently
on display at the new museum.

Artifacts are objects that are made by human work (Webster, 1997).
The Ukrainian community has a wealth of artifacts that are used in daily life,
for worship, for cultural celebrations, and as art to be admired and enjoyed.

During the course of this study I was able to collect many artifacts that reflect

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the Ukrainian culture and spiritual life. Early in the analytical process the
items were grouped into domains, or groups of terms. The various terms
used for artifacts were included in the separate domains (Spradley, 1979).
These artifacts can be placed into several groups, such as: spiritual life, daily
life, and school life.2

Artifacts were accumulated during data collection. Each artifact was
then placed in a group according to whether an item was found, collected as
part of the study, or given as a gift and collected. Each artifact was then put
in one of the following categories: Textbook, Yearbook, Catechism Text,
Booklets, Photos, Fabrics, Icons, Food, Clothing, Music, Language Tapes,
Church Bulletins, and Advertisements. Artifacts were further placed in order
of importance to the community. Items that were used for a number of years
and/or are still being used in the community for an ongoing basis were placed
in the “high” category. This category would include items that are taken and
used in the Ukrainian Archives and Museum. Those items that were used a
number of times in the Ukrainian community, but there are no plans for
continuous use in the future were placed in the “average” category. A third
category was for a “low” level of importance or for any artifacts that were used
once or occasionally by the community. There were no data items collected
in this category. Most of the artifacts collected represent cultural and spiritual
items that are used on a consistent basis by the Ukrainian community.

Artifacts were then organized according to the type of significance

each item had in the Ukrainian community. Based on my field work and a

 

2 See Figures 8 and 9 for more information about artifacts collected in this study.

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review of common themes in their use content of the artifacts and the
contexts of their use, I sorted them into the following categories: Community.
Cultural, Educational, Historical, Museum, and Spiritual. A final category
displayed how each of the artifacts were/are used in the Ukrainian
community. The possible uses included: Church, Family, Museum, and
School. This category highlighted the segment ofthe community where each
artifact for this study and similar artifacts could be found in the Ukrainian
community.

Using constant comparison (Glaser and Strauss, 1965, 1967) of how
the artifacts were used and the level of significance of the artifacts within the
Ukrainian community, I was able to sort the artifacts into three groups:
Spiritual Life, Daily Life, and School Life. This beginning arrangement
allowed me to locate domains of influence for the Ukrainian community
(Spradley, 1979) and provided a way to analyze the items identified. Once
the domains of influence and groupings of artifacts were organized, the next
step in the analytical process was to gain understanding of the thought
processes that community members used to collect and keep certain artifacts.
This type of thought process was associated with theories of the mind and
how the mind interprets and explains knowledge.

The Ukrainian community has kept spiritual and cultural artifacts in the
museum that represent the cultural and spiritual way of life for Ukrainians for
centuries. When considering the artifacts that have been kept and how they

were used in spiritual life, in daily life, and in school life, it is evident that the

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museum houses common items that were used in the past, are used
presently in the church and school and will probably be used in the future.
These common items led me to interpret the collection of artifacts as a way
for the Ukrainian community to honor, remember, and celebrate the Ukrainian
spiritual and cultural life, both in Ukraine and in America.

In this study, I have combined interpretation and explanation of the
data in and the literature in narrative to provide a more circumspect view of
the Ukrainian American immigrant group and their experience as it unfolds in
the data. This study also comprised an historical, socio-cultural approach.
While it is not the goal of this study to be replicated, other studies that have
included sensory acuity, especially as it pertains to use of the mind have been
replicated across cultures. Findings in these studies have shown that cultural
differences exist in the organization of activity in everyday life. Where the
structures of activity within social groups are similar there are minimal
differences between cultures. Where the structures of activity within social
groups are vastly different, there are differences between cultures.

For example, in other social groups that are similar to the Ukrainian
American group that is represented in this study, the cultural differences will
not be significant. In the location surrounding the Ukrainian American
community near Detroit there are several other cultural groups living in the
same area. Polish Americans are also living in the same area and both
cultures have lived side-by-side for more than one century. They use the

same schools, churches, and other community based structures in the area.

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(Bruner, 1996; Cole, 1996) The local shops include Ukrainian and Polish
clothing, craft supplies, foods, and other distinctly cultural items for both
cultural groups. Many of the participants in this study can speak several

languages, such as Ukrainian and Polish, Ukrainian and English, etc.

Ukrainian American Cultural and Spiritual Identity

Spiritual identity can be explained as the process of becoming aware
of one’s own spirituality. The Ukrainian community has combined Ukrainian
and American culture with spirituality. A cultural, spiritual identity has been
one of the characteristics of the community. From its earliest stages,
Immaculate Conception Ukrainian Catholic Church was built with culture and
spirituality in mind. When the history of the Immaculate Conception parish
was told, the Basilian Fathers explained the self-sacrificing work of the first
pioneers as a challenge to first build a wooden church in 1913 and then to
rebuild a “mosaic shrine” in 1942. The first small wooden church that was
proudly erected included an onion dome cupola with a large cross reaching to
the heavens. The windows and doorways of the wooden church were
decorated with Byzantine architectural designs (Basilan Fathers, 1963).

When visiting Immaculate Conception Church l was struck by the
blend of culture and spirituality. My field notes on the first visit were full of
description about the beauty and cultural artwork that was everywhere I
looked. The inside of the Immaculate Conception Church has beautiful

artwork throughout the structure. There are mosaic paintings with people

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dressed in Ukrainian costumes and the buildings are depicted with Ukrainian
and Byzantine architecture. A Ukrainian artist, M. Dmytrenko, completed all
of the artwork in the church in the 19405. St. Josaphat, built in 19805, has the
same cultural and spiritual blend throughout the church. The outside of the
church, though made of brick and a few Byzantine architectural designs is
ornate, with gold leaf covering much of the inside walls of the sanctuary.
There are newer or perhaps more modern forms of Ukrainian artwork in the
sanctuary at St. Josaphat, but all of the ornamentation is clearly Ukrainian
artwork painted on the walls and decorating the altar area of the sanctuary.

One of the participants in this study provided several books to help
explain the traditions and rituals of Immaculate Conception and St. Josaphat
churches. The Byzantine Ukrainian Rite (Canadian Catholic Conference,
1975), A Byzantine Rite Liturgical Year (Katrij, 1983), and The Ukrainian
Church in America: Its Beginnings (Krawczeniuk, 1984) provided a look into
the Ukrainian Catholic Church and the cultural and spiritual connection. The
Byzantine Ukrainian Rite (Canadian Catholic Conference, 1975) described
the beauty and traditions of the Byzantine Ukrainian rite. The book was
written for teachers, parents and students, for members of the Latin rite and
the Byzantine Ukrainian rite as a way of promoting mutual understanding.
This text also served as a supplement to the religious education program for
the Byzantine Ukrainian Church with the hope to enable others to learn

something about the spiritual treasures of Catholics of the Byzantine rite.

I66

A picture of the Hoshiw Icon of the Blessed Mother adorns the cover of
The Byzantine Ukrainian Rite (Canadian Catholic Conference, 1975). This
icon was first revered in the Basilian Monastery church in Hoshiw, Western
Ukraine (Halychyna) since 1737. The book included the seven sacraments of
the Catholic Church that have been used in all of the rites throughout the
world: Baptism, Chrismation (Myropomazanja, Confirmation), Eucharist (Holy
Communion), Penance, Sacrament of the Sick, Holy Orders (Ordination.
Married Clergy), and Marriage. One noted difference between the Ukrainian
Catholic Church and the Roman Catholic Church was the position for
marriage in the two churches. While Roman Catholic priests take a vow of
celibacy, Ukrainian Catholic priests are allowed to marry and have a family.

A Byzantine Rite Liturgical Year (Katrij, 1983) was written after the
Second Vatican Council. St. John Chrysostom stated, “Many people
celebrate the feasts and know their names, but do not know why they were
instituted” (Katrij, 1983, p. 5). This book was written to provide a key to the
sacred treasure of the tradition, customs and liturgical rites of one of the
Eastern-Slavonic Churches. It was first published in the Ukrainian language
and then translated into English by Fr. Demetrius E. Wysochansky, OSBM.
The themes in the book are examined through several lenses: history, liturgy.
symbolism, asceticism, and includes some Ukrainian folklore. Since its
publication clergy, religious and Iaity, who cherish the Byzantine Ukrainian

Rite have used the book.

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ll

 

 

The Ukrainian Church In America: Its Beginnings (Krawczeniuk, 1984)
was written on the occasion of the Centennial of The Ukrainian Church in
America, 1884-1984. Vera Andrushkiw and Myrosia Stefaniuk translated
Krawczeniuk’s Ukrainian text before publication. This gem of a book shared
the story of the beginnings of the Ukrainian Church in America. It was written
in narrative form and gave voice to the immigrants who came to America
between 1880 and 18905. The first immigrants that settled in Pennsylvania
began a Ukrainian village and there is an established Ukrainian community
there to this day. One of the first items of business for Ukrainian immigrant
communities was to begin building a Ukrainian Church. When Ukrainians
worshiped in German, Polish, or Slovak churches, Krawczeniuk stated that
they felt like strangers. In addition, the Ukrainian immigrants were sometimes
met with the hostility of Polish priests. This made the immigrants realize that
their Ukrainian way of life would not exist for long if they did not build their
own Ukrainian Catholic Church.

One example of the tension felt by the Ukrainian immigrants was noted
by Father Wolansky, (1857-1926), who was the first Ukrainian Catholic priest
in America. He came to America in 1884 and settled in Shenandoah,
Pennsylvania, where he was greeted with “tears and great jubilation”
(Krawczeniuk, 1984, p. 5). There was much talk in America that Fr.
Wolansky’s arrival would not have much affect on the church at large and
many newspaper articles made light of his role as priest, or implied that he

was not officially sent to the area. One newspaper article stated, “he is not

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under the jurisdiction of the local church hierarchy in America or elsewhere,
but is ever subject to the Pope because of the Metropolitan of Lviw whose
brother, Archbishop Jeseph Sembratovich, represented the church in Rome.”
Fr. Wolansky responded that the Metropolitan gave him no orders, “simply
because he did not think any Roman Catholic authority would think of
exercising jurisdiction over a priest of another rite. Since no mention was
made of my being subject to the local Roman Catholic Church authority, the
Greek Catholic Archbishop suggested that l notify the local Roman Catholic
bishop in person or in writing about my mission and ask his help and counsel
for my work” (Shenandoah Herald, June 4, 1887, p. 4). The tension between
the Russian Orthodox Church and the Ukrainian Catholic Church has been
felt since the beginnings of the Byzantine Ukrainian Rite. Today, Immaculate
Conception Ukrainian Catholic Church and St. Josaphat Ukrainian Catholic
Church have withstood the test of time. Now, instead of priests leading the
churches, Basilian Fathers and Monks are the spiritual leaders of the two
churches. The church hierarchy is now firmly in place in the United States.
In 1961 a Ukrainian Diocese was established in Chicago and in 1984,
the Ukrainian Catholic Church celebrated its centennial. However, the path
for Ukrainian Catholics was often thorny and there were a number of difficult
instances, many of which people feared could not withstand the pressure of
others from different rites. Yet, the priests, monks, bishops and church
members view the Ukrainian Catholic Church in America today as, “a great

tree developed from the single tiny seed sowed 100 years earlier by Fr. Ivan

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Wolansky in Shenandoah. It had hundreds of branches - churches of which
we are beneficiaries today” (Krawczeniuk, 1984, p. 40).

The spiritual and cultural identity for the Ukrainian community is a
choice that has been made by each person. There are many Catholic
Churches in the community - the Ukrainian immigrants chose to build the
Ukrainian Catholic Churches as their own places of worship. There are a
number of public schools and Catholic Schools in the community — the
Ukrainian immigrants chose to build their own Ukrainian Catholic Schools.
There are cultural events in the community that reflect Polish culture and
other cultures — the Ukrainian immigrants chose to develop a Ukrainian Choir.
a Ukrainian Orchestra, and Ukrainian Dance groups to carry on the Ukrainian
culture in this community. The churches, schools, and cultural events have
been sustained and maintained to be true to the initial cultural emphasis for a
century. Ukrainian immigrants living in the Detroit and suburban communities
have kept their Ukrainian American spiritual and cultural identity alive for
generations.

Ukrainian American spiritual and cultural identity is connected to the
literate identity that is formed through education and the shifting roles of
language and culture in the Ukrainian American community. Each identity of
the self in the community connects to form a model or pattern of living
practices that have been successful in the community for many years. In the
next chapter, the model for success is considered to answer the research

question: how does the experience of a new immigrant group unfold when

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there are already ties to the homeland, its language and religion, awaiting its
members? The following chapter also includes my conclusions and the

implications of this dissertation for education and literacy research, theory,

and practice.

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CHAPTER 6
What went right? Revisiting the Patterns for Success

What began as a dream of education for my grandmother a century
ago became a reality for my family with this study. The desire my family had
for gaining knowledge also became my quest and this dissertation study was
one outcome of my family’s dream of pursuing education. It was an honor
and privilege to do this study in the community where my grandmother lived
when she came to America as a new immigrant a century ago. This chapter
revisits the research for this study to highlight went right in the community that
provided immigrants an ongoing opportunity to pursue education and find
success in life.

In our fast changing world where communities are ever changing,
churches are sometimes losing members, and some schools are fighting to
keep students so the doors of the schools can remain open, this Ukrainian
immigrant community stands out as a shining example of keeping what is
important in life alive in the community . Over a period of ninety years the
community has managed and maintained successful patterns of living for new
and assimilated immigrants while sustaining two churches with a growing
membership and nurturing a school system that has had a 100% graduation
rate.

These elements of success form patterns that are recognizable to
Americans and Ukrainians alike. I argue that the successful Ukrainian

community patterns can also become a model to not only keep the Ukrainian

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community alive, but to be used also as a model to follow that can help other
communities with issues of culture, language, and education. The Ukrainian
community began by establishing patterns for success, like a blueprint, to use
for development and growth in the Ukrainian community. These plans have
been implemented by church, school, and community leaders to continually
provide a course of action for new immigrants to follow in America from
generation to generation. Following is a review of the dissertation study that

highlights the community model that has been successful for nearly a century.

Dissertation Review

This study of immigrants negotiating language and identity in a
Ukrainian American community examined the literacy and social life in
sociolinguistic and historical perspectives, comparing pre-emigration life in
Ukraine with life in the United States. Research sites in this community
included several Ukrainian Catholic Churches and a Ukrainian Catholic
Elementary and High School. Worship services at the churches and classes
at the schools in English and Ukrainian, provided bilingual language practices
for church members and their families. The public also participated in church
events in English and/or Ukrainian. My role as a participant observer in the
community provided an intimate look at the community. Observation on site,
interviews with participants in the community, surveys given to community
members, and collecting primary and secondary source materials became the

data focus.

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Data collected for the study provided a way for me to know what
people said, what they did, and what they left behind. Analysis of data turned
the items collected into “cooked data” or “results” (LeCompte and Schensul,
1999) that led to a story about the Detroit Ukrainian Catholic community. The
results of the patterns in the data need a context, an interpretation, to convey
the meaning behind the data. This chapter focuses on my interpretation of
the research study in the Detroit Ukrainian American community. The
interpretive account was formed and corroborated during interviews with
community participants, with survey data provided by participants, through
observation field notes, historical information gathered, and artifacts collected
during the study. By observation, face-to-face interviews, participant surveys,
cultural and historical artifacts, oral histories, and historical primary and
secondary source materials, the community story came into focus.

Analyzing, describing and interpreting data from historical records, and
ethnographic study within this community presented an in—depth look at the
immigration process within one community where literacy, spirituality, and
social networks support English language learning and assimilation of
American cultural identity. Community support also provided maintenance of
strong and educationally supportive ties to the Ukrainian language, culture.
religion, and education. The question guiding this research was, How does
the experience of a new immigrant group unfold when there are already ties

to the homeland, its language and religion, awaiting its members?

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Socio-cultural Theoretical Framework

The conceptual framework for this study followed socio-cultural theory
and this theoretical structure provided a research approach to examine the
ways and practices of daily life for the Ukrainian American community in this
study. This Detroit Ukrainian community, Ukrainian culture, and social and
political history helped to mediate Ukrainian traditions, rituals, and customs
for immigrants coming to America. Socio-cultural theory was used for the
research design and this approach became the conceptual framework for the
study. The community where the research took place included a Ukrainian
American immigrant community in Detroit and a Ukrainian American
immigrant community in a nearby suburb. This study focused on Ukrainian
culture as it is lived out in the daily lives of Ukrainian immigrants. Ukrainian
culture considered for this study included ethnic traditions, rituals, and
customs. Social-political history that informed this study included different
perspectives that were considered over a period of time. These perspectives
of neighboring countries to Ukraine, such as Poland, Austria, Russia,
Germany, France, and other Eastern European countries provided a context
in which to place the historical information that informed the research for this
study. Looking at the Ukrainian American community, Ukrainian culture, and
Ukrainian social-political history gave a circumspect view for the research in
this dissertation study.

The following three basic assumptions of the socio-cultural theory

related to my study:

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. Knowledge is constructed through an individual‘s interaction
with the social cultural environment

. Reading and writing are higher mental functions and they are
social and cultural in nature

. More knowledgeable members of a cultural community can help
new members in the learning process
(Vygotsky, 1978; Wertsch, 1985)

Following this research design and conceptual framework was much
like fitting puzzle pieces together. This approach meant that the study
focused on literacy and language learning (i.e. English and Ukrainian),
community networks established in this one community, and Ukrainian
culture.

Immaculate Conception Ukrainian Catholic Schools provided the
setting for locating how knowledge is constructed through an individuals
interaction within the Ukrainian social cultural environment for this study.
Literacy and language learning, both English and Ukrainian, took place in the
schools. Reading and writing of English and Ukrainian were practiced in the
Ukrainian Catholic Churches, where higher mental functions and language
practices were social and cultural in nature during worship services. More
knowledgeable members of the Ukrainian community helped new immigrants
in the learning process of language and literacy. The study revealed a

number of research findings.

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Research Findings

Findings for the study included information about literacy learning in
the Ukrainian American community where culture and social-political history
are part of the traditions, rituals, and customs lived out on a daily basis. I
argue that the immigrants who have come in previous times and who are still
living in the existing immigrant community within the United States have
helped to shape and form the immigration process for new immigrants - or
the process of emigration from the homeland to immigration in the United
States. This immigration process as it was thoughtfully planned and lived out
in the community along with the process of forming a literate identity for new
immigrants became a focus for the research. During the immigration process
it was noted that within the Ukrainian community the existing community
members mentored or scaffolded new immigrants coming to the established
Ukrainian community. During the immigration process a literate identity was
formed for new immigrants coming to the community where Ukrainian culture
was a part of daily life. New immigrants embraced the existing characteristics
of the cultural ways of life for Ukrainian Americans. The process of identity
formation for new immigrants included coming to America as Ukrainians and
over time being mentored by community members to form a Ukrainian
American literate identity.

Data in the study was grouped into patterns. This chapter highlights
the results of the patterns found in the data, my conclusions of the study, and

the implications of this dissertation for education and literacy research, theory,

177

and practice. The interpretive account was formed and corroborated during
interviews with community participants, with survey data about language
practices provided by participants, through observation field notes during
worship services, school classes, and community events. Other types of data
used were historical information that was collected and gathered about the
Detroit Ukrainian community and life in Russia and Ukraine. Artifacts
collected during the study added to the information about the culture,
language, and daily life in the Ukrainian immigrant community. By
observation, face-to-face interviews, participant surveys, cultural and
historical artifacts, oral histories, and historical primary and secondary source
materials, a view of the community and its place in the world began to come
into focus.

One of my conclusions about the research was that the community had
afoot in two worlds: Ukraine and the United States. As the community
members came from Ukraine and settled in the Detroit Ukrainian American
community, they negotiated a Ukrainian American literate identity. The
church, school, and community provided a setting with bilingual
communication in English and Ukrainian. Ukrainian culture was kept alive
and situated within American culture. First, second, and third generation
Ukrainian immigrants lived together in the community with bilingual language

practices and bicultural living experiences.

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Creating a Ukrainian American Community

The roots of the community began in the early 19005 when the
Ukrainian Catholic Church sent a priest from Ukraine to Detroit to begin a
mission church for Ukrainian immigrants. Father Bartosh’s efforts attracted
many immigrants to the area and a group of core leadership from the
Ukrainian Catholic Church emerged to build a church. Immaculate
Conception Ukrainian Catholic Church was the center of the Ukrainian
community beginning in 1911. As Ukrainian immigrants came to America and
were drawn to the Detroit community the Ukrainian Catholic Church and
community grew in numbers and in mission. The growth of this community
followed the pattern of growth in other immigrant communities. Scholars
noted three reasons for the growth in numbers within immigrant communities.
First, when immigrants settled in a community they usually chose a
community of the same culture and one that spoke the same mother tongue.
In other words, immigrants chose to live in communities that offered a similar
culture and language. Second, Foner (1999) noted that government visas
were given to relatives, so family members coming to America settled in the
same areas. This means that immigrant communities were built from family
ties and other relatives that came from the same place in the homeland.
Third, Portes and Rumbaut (1996) stated that since immigrants often left the
homeland for economic hardships, they came to America seeking
communities that were thriving and offered economic opportunities. For

immigrants this meant settling in areas where job openings and an

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opportunity for economic stability and prosperity were present. These three
reasons for settling in a community are evident in the Ukrainian American
community for this study.

The community formed and developed by Immaculate Conception
Ukrainian Catholic Church offered immigrants a place where Ukrainian culture
and the Ukrainian language were practiced in familiar ways. New immigrants
were able to keep a foot in Ukraine as they were learning to put the other foot
in America. Visas were given to relatives living in Ukraine and family
members of the Ukrainian immigrants at Immaculate Conception came to
America and joined the Immaculate Conception community. Immigrants from
Ukraine sought economic opportunity and the Detroit area provided many job
possibilities. With a growing automobile industry in Detroit the new
immigrants found employment and economic opportunities that did not exist
in Ukraine. In these three respects the Detroit Ukrainian American immigrant
community had the same reasons for development as other immigrant
communities across the United States. The leaders of the Ukrainian Catholic
Church used the blueprint found in the Detroit community as a model to follow
for community growth in other cities and places in America. The Detroit
Ukrainian immigrant community became a successful model for community
growth.

The model created by the Ukrainian Catholic Church hierarchy in the
early 19005 for building the Ukrainian community in the Detroit area provided

a solid structure that has lasted nearly a century. Plans were developed in

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Ukraine by leaders in the Ukrainian Catholic Church. The plans were carrled
out in many cities across North America and were set into motion to establish
programs and networks of Ukrainians that could provide for the needs of daily
life in a community setting. Immaculate Conception Church leaders took the
responsibility for building the Ukrainian community in the Detroit area. This
strategy for community growth had three phases:

. Establish a Ukrainian Catholic Church in the community

. Establish a Ukrainian Catholic School in the community

. Establish a Ukrainian community surrounding the church and school
The design created for American immigrant communities was to first
establish a church. Once the church was established, a school was founded.
When the school was established, the community was developed. This
pattern of building a church, school, and community provided a successful
model that began in Detroit in 1911 when Fr. Bartosh founded Immaculate
Conception Ukrainian Catholic Church. A school began with evening classes
for immigrants in 1917 and the community groups were in place by 1925.
This meant that the plan was carried out in 14 years. In a similar fashion the
pattern for successfully developing a church, school, and community was
used over and over again across the nation and over the decades for
Ukrainian immigrant community development.

Once the church, school, and community were in place new Ukrainian

immigrants coming to America could fit into and join in with the existing

Ukrainian community to experience a similar type of life that was known in

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Ukraine. Another pattern that was established for the Ukrainian American
community was to establish habits of daily life that were decidedly Ukrainian
and found in Ukraine. By keeping familiar Ukrainian ways of living alive in the
Ukrainian American community, new immigrants were able to assimilate into
the new American community with less tension and in less time than they
would have if they came to a fully American setting. In the Ukrainian
community new immigrants were able to communicate in Ukrainian as they
learned to communicate in English. New Ukrainian immigrants found the
language was the same, the culture was the same and the church structure
was the same. Usually, family members were waiting for the new immigrants
as they arrived in the Ukrainian community so the process of immigration and
the time spent for adapting to a new situation was facilitated by the
established Ukrainian networks and community life. I argue that the patterns
set in place from the onset of the immigrant community provided a solid
model that facilitated the process of becoming literate Americans for a
century. The three factors that helped to create and develop the Immaculate
Conception community as well as maintain a successful model and a stable
community throughout these many years include: A similar culture and

language; Family and relatives; and Economic success and education.

Community: Similar Culture and Language

The city of Detroit was one site chosen by the Ukrainian Catholic

Church to develop a community of Ukrainian immigrants. Ukrainian Catholic

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Church leaders created a model of bilingual communication within the
community beginning in the early 19005. This language usage pattern was
applied in the church, at school, and in the community and the language
pattern provided familiar language practices for new Ukrainian immigrants
coming to the Detroit community. My grandmother was able to live in the
community for many years without speaking English, which illustrates the
fluent use of the Ukrainian language in the community. The bilingual model of
English and Ukrainian is found in the community today as the pattern is lived
out in daily life.

New Ukrainian immigrants have afoot in two language worlds —
Ukrainian and English — as they negotiate a literate identity in America.
Ukrainian immigrants communicate with others in the Ukrainian community in
their native tongue when they arrive in America. There is immediate
understanding when communicating in the community and new immigrants
can have a sense of being included in the community even though they are in
a new setting. New immigrants learn to speak English while they are settling
in the Ukrainian American community. This bilingual pattern of language
usage has provided a successful model of communication within the
community for nearly a century. Immigrants have been able to find their place
in a new country with less difficulty than they would have if they could not
communicate with others in the community. The bilingual model of Ukrainian
and English language usage has facilitated the process of immigration and

literate identity formation for new immigrants and new immigrants have the

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ability to speak the same language with others in the new community when

they first arrive in the community.

Community: Family and Relatives

Immigration laws have provided a way for family members in Ukraine
to join their relatives in America. My grandmother came to America as a new
immigrant and settled in the Detroit Ukrainian community in the early 19005.
Since her arrival several generations of my family have been members of the
same Ukrainian American community. Other families with similar stories in
the community have also been a part of this Ukrainian network for
generations. The high school principal came to America as a child in the
19505 and settled in the Ukrainian community. Today, the second generation
remains in the community and the principal’s children attend ICUCS.

Foner (2000), states that immigration is less difficult today than it was
in the early 19005. Immigrants came to America during the first wave on
time-consuming ocean voyages and were then met with long and tiring
journeys over land to get to a destination. The port of entry was Ellis Island
where the process for entering the United States was harrowing and even
though only 1 percent of the new arrivals were denied entry, there was
anxiety and tension as immigrants feared being sent back to the homeland.
Jet age immigrants now come on a fast plane and the price is relatively
inexpensive. The new immigrants may still worry about entry with

immigration authorities, but the vast majority of new arrivals make it through

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the process of entry in a matter of hours with a valid passport and legitimate
visas.

Obtaining an immigrant visa and “green card” are the main difficulties
for immigrants. This immigration process usually begins in the US. with a
resident relative or family member or employer filing an application with the
US. authorities. Approximately 70% of immigrant visas go to family members
(Foner, 2000). There are backlogs with applicants and it may take years to
be legally admitted as a permanent resident alien after the application for
entry is approved. More than 3.6 million people were waiting for immigrant
visas to the United States in 1997 and 98% of those on the waiting list were
waiting for family preference visas. For Ukrainian immigrants, a lottery
system is used for legal entry to the US. Many family members at ICUCC
and ICUCS have come to America with family preference visas and some
family members in Ukraine are still waiting with hopes of the lottery system
working in their favor to obtain entry and join the rest of the family in the

Detroit Ukrainian community.

Community: Economic Success and Education
Ukrainian immigrants have come to America since the turn of the
twentieth century with dreams of economic success and obtaining an
education. Immaculate Conception Church provided a way for the
educational dreams to come true by offering a complete curriculum for

immigrants that would enable each student to not only graduate from high

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school, but graduate and be prepared to obtain a college or university
education. The community members also set in place a network of
businesses and services provided by Ukrainians in the community. These
businesses and services were brought to the attention of community
members through the church bulletins, local newspapers, and other
information created and distributed by Immaculate Conception Ukrainian
Catholic Church. The pattern for advertising networks within the community
was established when Immaculate Conception became a mission church and
assumed the leadership in the community. Throughout the 19005 the church
kept the vision alive and actively carried out the plan for growth in the
community.

The stability of the church, school, and community leadership along
with the maintenance of programs offered at the churches and schools can be
observed over the decades. Flexibility and social adaptation within the
Ukrainian community continued as the center of the community shifted from
Detroit to the suburbs. Immaculate Conception Church had the foresight to
begin another mission church in the suburbs in the 19505. The plan also
included purchasing land to use for church picnics, retreats and for future real
estate needs in the community. Today, the new mission church is the center
of the suburban Ukrainian community. The grammar school and high school
buildings that were next to Immaculate Conception Church in the 19605 were
relocated to the suburbs as the people in the ICUCC congregation moved to

the suburbs. A new church building for St. Josaphat was built in the 19805 to

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meet the needs of Ukrainians who moved to the suburbs. The elementary
school and high school moved to the suburbs shortly after St. Josaphat was
built to also meet the needs of parishioners with school aged children. As the
charter members of Immaculate Conception Church grew older, a Ukrainian
retirement center was also built in the suburbs. Activities are provided at the
retirement center by the church and Ukrainian groups in the community. On
one of my visits to the retirement center a Ukrainian musical group provided
entertainment for the retirement home. The performers were dressed in
Ukrainian costumes and performers and community members alike sang
Ukrainian songs with the people living at the Ukrainian Village.

The needs of the Ukrainian community are considered with each new
decision made by the community, school and church leaders. Through the
many years of living together, the community has itself become a shining star
in the world. Immaculate Conception Ukrainian Catholic Church has been
growing since 1911and continues to grow when many other churches and
denominations have had to close their doors due to a lack of support by the
parishioners. The original ICUCC has grown over the years and has an
average of 250 people in attendance at each worship service. St. Josaphat
has also grown since the 19605 and now the church has between 250 to 500
people in attendance at each worship service. Immaculate Conception
Schools have a success record for more than 40 years and they can boast of
100% graduation rate and 99% of the graduates go on to major universities to

become doctors, lawyers, accountants, dentists, teachers, and other

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professionals. The school was noted as one of the top high schools in the
nation in 1999 and the high school was a finalist on Jeopardy in 1999.
People living in the Ukrainian community are productive members of
American society and the businesses and services that have been in the
community for a number of years are evidence of a strong economic based
community. Those Ukrainians living in the community could have their needs
met within the community, which added to the strength of the networks over
the years.1

The high school principal was a student at Immaculate Conception and
was in the first high school graduating class in 1963. During an interview in
2001, the principal stated that Ukrainian immigrants today are different from
immigrants ten years ago. “Students come to America now with four or five
years of English. Recent immigrants know more English. They are far ahead
in math and physics. When they come to Immaculate Conception, they take
more English classes and fewer science and math classes.” All of the
principal’s children attend the high school and the entire family is proud of the
Ukrainian community. There is only one other Ukrainian school like
Immaculate Conception and it is in New York. The Detroit Ukrainian
immigrant community has been successful for many years and the churches,
schools, and community offer their model for success to other Ukrainian

immigrant communities.

 

I See Figures 16 and 17 with places in the community in 1963 and 2002.

188

 

Seven Major Outcomes

Among the many things I have learned in this study, my dissertation

research noted seven major outcomes:

The church is the center of the community;

Leadership in the community is provided by the church;

The church established and maintains the core values for the
community;

Community networks were developed and continue to meet the daily
life needs for community members;

New immigrants are mentored by established community members as
they develop a Ukrainian American literate identity;

The Ukrainian Church hierarchy set a model plan into motion in the
early 19005 that is still in place today;

The church founded schools to offer a complete college preparatory
curriculum for immigrants so anyone in the community has the
opportunity to obtain an education and go on to succeed in life.

Early in my study I noted that the Detroit Ukrainian American immigrant

community church was the center of the community: geographically,

educationally, spiritually, economically, and culturally. All of the activities in

the community were initiated and advertised through the church. Church

groups were also the social networks that reached out into the community.

The example of Fr. Bartosh in 1911, as mentioned earlier, set the pattern for

ICUCC to be the loci of growth and the source of leadership with a strong

189

outreach system into the community. Leadership for the community came
from the leadership of the church membership. As the center of the
community, Immaculate Conception Ukrainian Catholic Church provided the
core values, cultural norms, spiritual guidance, and building space for
community needs. Community networks established a way for the daily
needs of immigrants throughout a lifetime to be met within the community.
The community offered an ongoing process of mentoring for new immigrants
to the community to facilitate the immigration process. New and assimilated
Ukrainian immigrants formed a Ukrainian American literate identity through
the networks that facilitated the identity formation process. The churches
facilitate the mentoring process, the schools have faculty to support new
immigrants, and the community provides bilingual information for new
immigrants to have immediate access to places in the community.

The focus of the study was about Ukrainian immigrants becoming
literate Americans while negotiating a Ukrainian American literate identity. I
found that immigrants in the Detroit Ukrainian community have surpassed
previous accounts of immigrant education that only provided English
language instruction.2 This local community has proven to be successful in
education and each school has offered a complete college preparatory
curriculum from the onset in the 19205. The first Ukrainian immigrants in the
early 19005 came, not only to learn English, but they became literate

Americans at a time when other schools reported a problem with absenteeism

 

3 See Figure 15 for participant identity formation as literate Americans

190

for immigrants. Public schools offered only courses in learning English for
immigrants so they could find employment and carry on basic living skills.
This study is presented as qualitative research in narrative text rather
than quantitative research that reduces the story to numerical terms. Using
ethnographic methods for the study provided an opportunity to capture the
process, tensions, and details of the story for each of the participants as they
experienced the immigration process. Research analysts state that words are
fatter than numbers; they have multiple meanings that can be ambiguous.
However, the findings in this study are given meaning when they are situated
in the context of the Detroit Ukrainian American immigrant community.
Analysis within this context led to grounded theories about the community.
History matters in research, especially the history of Ukrainian
immigrants in this study as they have a foot in Ukraine and afoot in the
United States. Research of Russian social-political and historical points of
view reveals a theory about the struggle Ukrainians have had for centuries to
be independent, to worship freely as Ukrainian Catholics, and to seek
economic and educational opportunities. Viewing Russian history through the
lenses of Eastern European countries provided background knowledge about
the immigration process, however this information is not provided in this
study. Additional information about the historical background can be found in
Magosci, 1996; Heyman, 1993; and Gilbert, 1993. Ukrainians have a
different viewpoint of their history which has not been well represented in

written accounts of Russian history. Throughout history Ukraine and

191

 

 

Ukrainian Catholic people have struggled for the right to speak their own
language, freely worship as Ukrainian Catholics, and have the freedom and
access to pursue educational and economic opportunities. Many of the
participants in my study said they came to this community to pursue their
goals in life. The Detroit Ukrainian American community has from the onset
been a setting where new immigrants as well as second and third generation

immigrants can find the freedom to pursue their dreams in life.

Research Results

The results of my research in the Ukrainian community reveal several
theories. One theory is that pioneers in the Ukrainian community took it Upon
them to create and develop patterns for living and learning in the US. These
patterns for social interactions in daily life became a solid framework within
the community and they included worship services at church, learning at
school, along with cultural and community events. Rituals, customs, and
traditions in the community were decidedly Ukrainian so new immigrants
found less tension when assimilating into the existing community. This
model, originated and provided by the Ukrainian Catholic Church hierarchy in
Ukraine in the early 19005, has been successful and the patterns for living
have been adapted to fit the changes in society over the years. Many of the
first wave Ukrainian immigrants coming to America settled in the Detroit
community and remained in the community throughout their life. My

grandmother, Elena, Mikhail and the principal at the high school are examples

192

 

 

of immigrants who came to the community and remained throughout life.
Now, in addition, second and third generation Ukrainian immigrant families
are a part of the Detroit Ukrainian community.

Results of the research in the Detroit Ukrainian immigrant community
also reveal a theory that the church was and is the center of the Detroit
Ukrainian American immigrant community. In addition to the geographical
placement of the church in the community, the educational, spiritual, and
cultural needs of the community are met through the church organizations. As
the center of the community, Immaculate Conception Ukrainian Catholic
Church provided community networks that presented a way for the daily
needs of immigrants to be met throughout a lifetime. The church community
offered an ongoing process of mentoring for new immigrants to the
community to facilitate the immigration process. New and assimilated
Ukrainian immigrants formed a Ukrainian American literate identity through
the networks and people in the Ukrainian community.

Research results also note that in this community Ukrainian immigrants
can become literate Americans which reveal a theory that immigrants in the
Detroit Ukrainian community have surpassed previous accounts of immigrant
education, which was only to learn English. This Ukrainian community has
proven to be successful in educating immigrants by setting a pattern of
offering a complete college preparatory curriculum. The first Ukrainian
immigrants in the early 19005 came to the school, not only to learn English.

but to become literate Americans at a time when other schools reported

193

problems with education for immigrants. Public schools only offered courses
for English learning to speak and communicate basic human needs in life.
Nativist views that non-English speaking immigrants were not as capable of
learning as native Americans was proven wrong in this Detroit Ukrainian
immigrant community. American natives complained that “non-English
speaking foreigners” were draining the nation. However, the Detroit Ukrainian
immigrant community has been an economically contributing part of society
since the early 19005.

Another outcome of the study relates to Ukrainian culture and
spirituality. An overview of the notions and significance of culture in the
academic world revealed there are many ways to consider culture, many
distinct and different lenses through which culture can be viewed. For the
Detroit Ukrainian American community culture and spirituality are vitally
important and the community chose a pattern to combine them in community
life. One of the reasons that immigrants left their homeland was to keep the
Ukrainian culture and Ukrainian Catholic spirituality alive. Ukrainian culture
and Ukrainian Catholic spirituality are intertwined and together they provide a
foundation of core values for daily life in the Detroit community. The Detroit
Ukrainian community has lived side by side with other ethnic cultures and
religions for a century and yet they have remained distinctly Ukrainian
Catholics. Though there are 25 ethnolinguistic regions in Ukraine, the Detroit
Ukrainian American community has found one Ukrainian language and one

Ukrainian culture to unify the community.

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Emigrés from Ukraine, since the late 18005, coming to Detroit to settle
and build a new life, have formed identities as Ukrainian Catholics and
Ukrainian Americans. These identities were created and shaped by social,
historical, and cultural factors that developed over time and have helped to

shape a distinct Ukrainian American Catholic literate identity and way of life

 

that have become a pattern for success. This model for success began over
the last century. Beginning with the Ukrainian Catholic Church hierarchy in
Ukraine, and then coming to the Ukrainian Catholic Church in America, this
model for success filtered down through the local church leadership and into
the networks and committees formed within the Detroit Ukrainian American
community.

Factors in the model for success include several patterns. One pattern
began by establishing and developing a community through the efforts of
pioneer immigrants who first settled in the Detroit area. A second pattern that
developed over time was forming networks within the community to connect
different people groups for the purposes of sustaining daily life. Examples
include: business and service networks; church networks; school networks
for parents, students, and alumni; cultural networks through the Ukrainian
museum and gift stores; and community networks to provide unity, continuity.
labor and financial support for building projects, and to insure a future for
current community members. A third pattern found in the model of success
included an educational system that has provided educational opportunities

for the community since the beginning of the community. Educating

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immigrants was considered a priority to the community leaders from the
beginning of the 19005. All of the opportunities that were offered to native
American citizens were also offered to Ukrainian immigrants through the
ICUCC educational system. The patterns mentioned previously that were
developed in the community provide a model for success that shines brightly
in the world today as an example of what went right in the immigrant

community throughout the last century.

Implications for Future Research

The results of this study point to implications for further research in the
field of education for immigrants, for bilingual education of immigrants, and for
research on networks and communities of immigrants as ethnic groups.
Immigrants in general, throughout the United States, are educated in inclusive
and/or exclusive settings within the elementary and secondary American
schools. Public and private schools educate immigrants in a variety of ways.
Some of the current methods for instruction have come under criticism.
Strong and heated debates about immigrant education include the topic of
finances for the education of immigrants and there is political rhetoric about
the education process, largely due to the demands placed on the public
education system where large populations of immigrants exist. This research
informs this debate and provides evidence to support bilingual education of
immigrants in private educational settings. As such, it enlightens the current

reform discourse including the size of schools, the relation of schools to local

196

 

communities as well as to national standards, and the ways that private
schools (religious and charter) might infuse the curriculum with social or
spiritual values enhancing students’ motivation to learn.

There is also debate about the use of ESL or bilingual instruction for
immigrants as they learn the English language in schools within the United
States. This study looks at a particular, local approach to language and
literacy education that is infused with both the value of and the practice of
Standard English, as well as maintenance of the home language, or
Ukrainian. This blend of the two languages is carried out during learning
especially by means of intergenerational networks in Ukrainian American
homes and in the Ukrainian Catholic Church. In this study the Ukrainian
American elementary and high schools can be viewed as a strategic research
site because its model has apparently succeeded by a developed system of
education for immigrants that have proven successful for over 40 years. The
Ukrainian Catholic High School has a 100% graduation rate and most of the
graduates go on to major universities, completing degrees as lawyers,
doctors, accountants, and other professional careers.

There are also Implications for helping classroom teachers to better
understand the culture of their students. Just as teachers working with the
Literacy Circle several years ago found great meaning for helping students
learn about culture, this study continues the conversation. Work that began in

the Literacy Circle with classroom teachers can be expanded to include

197

 

looking at one’s own culture and the cultures represented in other
communities, like the Detroit Ukrainian American community.

Finally, this study affords a way to think about the experiences of
second and third generation immigrants and new or first generation
immigrants. Eastern European immigrants entering the US in the early
twentieth century were often isolated and regarded as less able than earlier

immigrants who came from Northern Europe and the British Isles. The

 

language, politics, and religious practices of Ukrainian immigrants made them
seem like other Eastern and Southern European immigrants. These groups
were regarded as outsiders, less able to succeed in school, and less able to
perform the work of an educated citizenry.

Like many of their peers Ukrainian immigrants contradicted these
beliefs by assimilating into “mainstream” US language, politics, and the
socioeconomic life of Americans. However, unlike the history of other
countries whose émigrés flooded the US until immigration was greatly limited
in the 19205 Ukrainian immigrants not only assimilated, but several
generations later in the late twentieth century and early twenty-first century
have become “new immigrants.” Social and political changes shaped by the
fall of communism and the break-up of the USSR into discrete and
independent nations allowed Ukrainians to now have the option and in many
cases the desire to leave their homeland for Ukrainian American

communities, especially in large US cities like the Detroit area.

198

Like many other immigrant groups, Ukrainians coming to the United
States today, come for many of the reasons that their forbears came.
However, they are joined this time not by Poles, Jews, Italians, and Greeks,
but by people from Latin America and the Pacific Rim. They are not greeted
at Ellis Island among other speakers of strange sounding languages and
practitioners of strange looking script. Instead, they arrive at airports in many
US cities and are often met by second and third generation Ukrainian
Americans who have become full participants in American life - its language
and institutions. Not everyone can live in a cultural community like the Detroit
Ukrainian community, but everyone can gain a better understanding of culture
and how it is lived out in daily life. Teachers may not have access to a
cultural community in their area, but learning about one’s own culture and
finding out the model patterns for living that include culture can enrich the

educational system as we live and learn in a cultural world.

Conclusions
This study of immigrants negotiating language and identity highlighted
a model for community growth found in the Ukrainian American immigrant
community. The design began with leaders in the Ukrainian Catholic Church
and consisted of a plan to create a successful Ukrainian immigrant
community. Three phases of the growth plan included establishing a church,
establishing a school, and establishing community networks. All three phases

together provided for the basic needs of Ukrainian community members.

199

 

In addition to the three phases for community growth that helped to
create and develop the Immaculate Conception community, there were three
factors that helped to maintain a successful and a stable community
throughout the last century. One factor was to organize the community so the
language and culture was familiar to new immigrants as well as second and

third generation immigrants. A second factor was to develop the community

 

as a setting to provide a place for family members to come from Ukraine and
live in the community. This meant that when the first community at ICUCC
was full, a new community in the suburbs was developed. In this pattern for
growth, new immigrants were assured of a place to settle with family
members in the Detroit Ukrainian community. A third factor helping to
maintain a successful and stable community was the social and economic
networks that were developed in the community and the education provided
by the Ukrainian Catholic Schools. Businesses and services were promoted
in the church and school settings and in turn the businesses and services
promoted the schools in the community.

The Detroit Ukrainian American community has maintained stable
spiritual, educational, and economic networks since 1911. These successful
patterns for community creation and development along with patterns for
community maintenance over a long period of time form a model for success
that can be followed by other immigrant communities with issues of language
and culture. What is clear is that for the past century Ukrainian immigrants

have come to America and settled in a community that combined the culture

and language of the homeland with modern American life. This community
has continued to have a solid footing in two worlds: Ukraine and America.
The Detroit Ukrainian American community has become a place where new
immigrants can negotiate a literate identity. Whether learning the English
language or American values, new immigrants remain Ukrainian Catholics in

this community.

 

 

APPENDIX A
Pilot Study

This research began with a yearlong pilot study from June 2001 to June
2002 to prepare for my dissertation work. Lynn Paine was the principal
investigator and the study included historical research as suggested by faculty in
the history department at Michigan State University. Steve Averill suggested
doing an oral history of the community by using a series of general and open
ended questions and interviewing more than one person at a time. He
recommended sociology as a discipline and Eastern European history to use as
a lens for viewing data. In addition, he stated that when doing oral histories
finding two people who share the same story or same perspective about an event
is acceptable, much like a journalist finds two sources with the same story before
publishing a piece. I followed Averill’s advice for research methods and found
confirmation for all data sources for the pilot and dissertation study. Interviews
with participants were carried out with several people where possible, and oral
histories became the vignettes that are used in the dissertation. All of the data in
the pilot study became part of the data set used in the dissertation study.

Another meeting with Leslie Moch, a history professor at Michigan State
who focuses on immigration history provided a reference list to use for studying
immigration. She suggested studying the history of immigration in general and
then studying the history of the immigration process for the group in the study
to then compare how the history of the Detroit Ukrainian immigrants fits into the

picture of the history of immigration. Moch said to begin with books about

APPENDIX A '

immigration, move to articles, the New York Times, journals, and then look
through a humanities index for social science and history.

Data for the immigration study included census data (national, county, and
city), case studies and interviews, oral histories of immigrants and of the
community in the study. Books that Moch recommended included the following
authors: Alejandro Portes and Ruben Rumbaut, Nancy Foner, Elliot Barkan,
Leonard Dinnerstein and David Reimers, Roger Daniels, and Debra DeLaet.
These books became literature for the history of immigration study and were a
part of the methods for the pilot study carried out from 2001-2002. Literature
about the history of immigration also became part of the data set for the
dissertation research. This data provided background information and became
part of the foundation for the dissertation study.

A third meeting with Keeley Stan-Halstead from the history department at
Michigan State provided an Eastern European history lens for the study. She
stated that there was no Ukraine at the turn of the century and before WWI.
Everything in written history was in the Russian language; there was no
Ukrainian language or Ukrainian identity from the Russian perspective. Poland
and Russia may have also had a Russian identity since there were battles
between the countries that included Russian domination of Poland. Poles forced
Ukrainians to speak Polish or Russian and to be Roman Catholic. There was
tension between Ukrainians, Poles, and Russians in between wars. It was not
until after WWII that the boundaries included Ukraine. Up until WWII, there was

no country of Ukraine, per se.

ll

 

APPENDIX A

Stan-Halstead suggested studying why the Detroit Ukrainian immigrants
fled from Ukraine and what attracted them to America and to the Detroit
community. The “push-pull” theory of immigration could be a place to begin the
inquiry. She mentioned the role of the church and to study the “Uniate Church“
which began in 1526. Also, the Ukrainian National Movement in the Galician
Villages in the nineteenth century, the upheaval in 1905 that prompted
immigrants to flee to America and Canada, where they were offered money
during a time of economic blight. The Russian revolt started a constant upheaval
beginning in 1917 which began a continual process of fleeing from Russia and
coming to America. There was a famine in Ukraine in the 19305, but America
may not have let many immigrants in during this period.

The role of language was also discussed during this meeting. Stan-
Halstead stated that people living in Russia, Ukraine, Poland, Austria, Germany.
France, and other places in Europe would probably be fluent in at least two
languages. Each country shared goods and services for daily life and those
living near borders to another country communicated in the language used in the
other country. So, Ukrainians would most likely also speak Russian, Polish,
and/or another Eastern European language.

The role of the church was also a topic during the meeting. Stan-
Halstead said that the priest was usually the only literate person in a village in
Russia or in an American immigrant community during the 18005 and early
19005. Of the accounts written about Ukrainian history the movements and

tensions with other countries is noted as well as the role of the church and the

APPENDIX A

leadership position of priests. All of the suggestions offered in this meeting were
carried out and became part of the methods and data for the dissertation study.

Research questions during the pilot study began to form. Four questions
became the focus as the pilot study continued:

1. How do Ukrainian immigrants develop an identity as literate Americans?

2. What is the role of spirituality for Ukrainian immigrants?

3. What is the role of networks for Ukrainian immigrants?

4. What role has mentoring within gender groups played in the immigration
process?

Ethnographic methods used in the dissertation study began with the pilot
study in the community. This provided a scientific approach to finding and
exploring social and cultural patterns and the meaning of culture in the Ukrainian
immigrant community. The pilot study shaped the research for the dissertation
project by guiding and developing theories about the community. Information
about the community through field notes, interviews, and artifacts provided topics
for literature used in the study. When I began the pilot study I was an observer
doing research in the community, but as the project continued I became a
participant observer and moved from an outsider’s position to viewing the
community through an insider’s viewpoint. The experiences of the local
Ukrainian immigrant community, the interviews and surveys taken during the
study, and the cultural and spiritual artifacts collected throughout the pilot study

provided a circumspect view of the community that emerged over time.

205

APPENDIX A
During 2001-2002, the pilot study began with reading the suggested

references provided by the history department. The literature was then
categorized and the topics that were brought up in the meetings with Averill,
Moch, and Stan-Halstead became t0pics of further research during the pilot
study. The findings for this pilot study led to the topics in the dissertation study.
which are:

. Coming to America and the history of Immigration;

0 Emigration from Ukraine to the Detroit Ukrainian immigration;

. Learning from the Detroit Ukrainian immigrant community;

. Social-Political history of Russia: the land and the peOpIe;

- Cultural and spiritual identity for Ukrainian immigrants;

. Becoming literate for Ukrainian immigrants;

0 Findings and implications for future research and the field of education.

As the pilot study progressed I was able to become familiar with the

Detroit Ukrainian immigrant community as I went to worship services and
community events. During this time, several people became informants and later
became participants in the dissertation research. Locating people and places in
the community during the pilot study provided a way to narrow the focus of the
study. Focusing on certain segments of the community that were central to the
culture and daily life for the Ukrainian community provided clarity to the scope of
the study. The pilot study and the dissertation study followed educational
ethnography as a research paradigm. Information about the community that was

gathered during the pilot study became data sources for the dissertation study.

 

 

 

APPENDIX A

During the pilot study, the research question became, How does the experience
of a new immigrant group unfold when there are already ties to the homeland, its

language and religion, awaiting its members?

Interactions and Interviews with Participants

An agreement was made before this study began to use pseudonyms for
participants in the research to protect the identity of persons living in the
community. The leaders in the community of study itself asked that direct quotes
not be used in the reporting of the research to keep anonymity for subjects in the
study. This immigrant community has labored over the years to create and
maintain a community where new immigrants and second and third generation
immigrants can feel a sense of freedom and safety while living in the community.
There was also a concern that information disclosed in this study could
jeopardize visa approval for family members still in Ukraine. These concerns
were honored and direct quotes have not been used unless specific information
was granted by the participant. Instead, narratives of the content of the
interviews are provided as vignettes of the conversations that took place in the
community. In addition, the principal at the high school was present during most
of the interviews to translate my English into Ukrainian for the participants. I also
worked closely with the principal to monitor information that was used in this

study.

207

APPENDIX B
UCRIHS Forms in English and Ukrainian

Bette J. Shellhorn Date:
Michigan State University
College of Education

 

Dear

 

You are invited to participate in a research study that is interested in learning about the
culture and language experiences during the worship services and school classes. both ln
English and in Ukrainian. This study may include observing people during the worship services
and school classes, talking informally with individuals and groups about the different experiences
people have while in worship services and school classes. You may also be asked questions In
an informal interview that will take less than one hour, and sometimes audio-taping of the
activities will be used.

In order to carry out the study, your permission is required to observe you during worship
services and school classes and to talk with you about your experiences. If you are willing to
participate in this study, please sign the Consent Form on the following page. Please feel free to
ask any questions that you may have about the study. Thank you for your consideration of this
study.

Sincerely,

Bette J. Shellhorn

Ph. D. Candidate

Michigan State Universrty
Statement of Informed Consent to Participate

You are being asked to participate in the study and you have heard that Bette Shellhorn will
conduct research to learn about the culture and language experiences during the worship
services and school classes in English and Ukrainian. You have heard that Ms. Shellhorn
considers this study to be a learning opportunity and a way to better understand how culture and
language is learned.

By agreeing to participate, Ms. Shellhorn will observe you during school classes and/or worship
services, request interviews with you, take written notes, take photographs, and use audio-taping.
Ms. Shellhorn will always use a pseudonym for your name both in the data she collects and when
writing or speaking about the research. During the study precautions will be taken with handling
the tapes and the field notes in order to protect your privacy. All research materials will be kept in
a secure place and other people will not be permitted to view or use them without direct
supervision. When reports are given about the study, it will be for research or teaching purposes.
and will include only limited examples of your interview.

Your participation in this project is voluntary. At any time during the study, you can refuse to
provide information or discontinue your participation without giving a reason and with no negative
consequences to you.

You agree to participate in the study in the manner described above.

Signature of participant:

 

Name in print:

 

Date:

 

Researcher signature:

 

Date:

 

APPENDIX B
UCRIHS Forms in English and Ukrainian

Bette" J.* Shellhorn” llaTa“: __
Michigan* llepikaenm‘i YuieepcmeT"
Konemk” Oceim“

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Ph“. D. Karmmrar

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11am”: __~_

209

 

APPENDIX B
UCRIHS Forms in English and Ukrainian

REGARDING CONSENT FOR A RESEARCH STUDY — ORAL CONSENT

Text for an oral consent —

My name is Bette Shellhorn and I am a doctoral student at Michigan State University studying
how language is learned in a different culture. The study is interested in learning about the
language experiences, both in English and in Ukrainian and the study is also interested in the
cultural experiences of those who participate. This study will include observing people, talking
informally with people and groups about the different experiences people have had in the United
States. You will be asked questions in an informal interview that will be less than one hour long.
and sometimes the interviews and activities will be audio-taped.

You are being asked to work on this project, which is for research at Michigan State University
and all information will be kept confidential. To do this study, your oral consent is needed, giving
permission to take notes and audiotape the activities. You are under no obligation to participate
in the study, and your participation is on a voluntary basis only. Should you grant consent, you
reserve the right to discontinue your participation in the study at any time.

If you have any questions about the study, as well as the progress and intent of the research.
please contact:

Bette J. Shellhorn

301 Erickson Hall
Michigan State University
East Lansing, MI 48824

ORAL CONSENT FOR PARTICIPATION

You have heard the above statement, and give your consent to participate in the research
described. You give your consent for Bette Shellhorn to observe you, take notes, audiotape the
activities, and all information will be kept confidential. You are free to withdraw this permission at
any time.

Date Name in print

210

 

APPENDIX B
UCRIHS Forms in English and Ukrainian

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211

 

Figure 1
Data Sources and Participants

 

Data Sources

 

 

Field notes
Primary
sources
Interviews
Surveys
Artifacts
Historical and
cultural
information
Public records
and miscellaneous
information

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Participants

 

 

Immaculate
Conception
Ukrainian
Catholic
Church

St. Josaphat
Ukrainian
Catholic
Church
Immaculate
Conception
Ukrainian
Catholic
High School
Ukrainian
American
Community,
Detroit
Michigan
Ukrainian
American
Community,
Suburbs

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

FIGURE 2
Socio-Cultural Theory
Conceptual Framework

1 Literate
Identity

2 People
Groups

3 Culture

4 Soc/Pol
History

 

213

 

FIGURE 3

Matrix for Data Collection

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Data Setting Activities Participants
Field notes Churches Worship Priests
- Participant - ICUCC Services Congregational 1
Observation - St. Josaphat Members I
ICUCHS Principal 1
Teachers I
Students
Community Community
Members
Interviews Both Churches Worship Services Priests
- Lengthy Congregational
- Brief Members I
- Oral
ICUCHS School Classes Principal
Teachers
Students
Community Community
Events
Community
Members _
Survey ICUCHS - School Classes Principal
Immaculate Teachers
Conception High Students
School Parents
Artifacts Ukrainian Worship Services Community
- Church Bulletins American Members in
- Photos Community In School Classes Detroit
- Rushnyky Detroit and and Suburb
- Pysanky Suburb Museum
- Matryoshka
- Texts Community Events
- Audio Tapes
Historical/Cultural - Europe Immigration MSU History
Information - Russia Process Faculty
- Primary Source - Ukraine Soc/Political Priests
- Secondary - DetroitISuburb Events Principal
Source Communities Identity Formation Community
Members
Public Records! - Europe Community Events Community
Miscellaneous - Russia Church Events Members in
Information - Ukraine School Events Detroit/Suburb
- Detroit/Suburb Museum
Communities Historical Events .2 _ _g

 

 

214

 

FIGURE 4

Types of Data and Kinds of Analyses

 

Types of Data

Kinds of Analyses

 

Field notes

- Participant Observation

Collect data

Organize items into groups
Connect groups to find patterns
Analyze and interpret patterns

 

Interviews
- Lengthy
- Brief
- Oral

Collect data

Organize into chronological groups
Compare interviews

Connect patterns to form structures
Analyze and interpret structures

 

Survey

Collect data
Organize by participant
Organize by question numbers
Compare questions across
participants
Connect patterns to form structures
Organize structures into charts
Analyze and interpret

structures and charts

 

Artifacts
- Church Bulletins
- Photos

Collect data
Organize into groups (Culture,
Church, School, Community)

 

- Rushnyky Compare data to form patterns

- Pysanky Connect patterns to form structures

- Matryoshka Analyze and interpret structures

- Texts with other data sources
Historical/cultural Collect data
Information Organize into groups and find patterns

- Primary Sources
- Secondary Sources

Connect patterns for form structures
Analyze and interpret structures

 

 

Public Records
and Miscellaneous
Information

Collect data

Organize into groups to find patterns
Connect patterns to form structures
Analyze and interpret structures

 

 

215

 

 

 

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216

FIGURE 6

Worship Services English and Ukrainian

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Time of ICUCC ICUCC St. Josaphat St. Josaphat
Service Engfish Ukrainian English Ukrainian
SATURDAY
7:00 AM Ukrainian
8:00 AM Ukrainian Ukrainian
4:00 PM English English
SUNDAY
8:30 AM Ukrainian Ukrainian
10:00 AM Ukrainian Ukrainian
12:00 PM English English
WEEKDAYS
7:00 AM Ukrainian Ukrainian
7:45 AM Ukrainian
8:00 AM Ukrainian
HOLY DAYS
7:45 AM Ukrainian
8:00 AM Ukrainian
10:00 AM Ukrainian
7:00 PM English Ukrainian English
SUMMER
SATURDAY
8:00 AM Ukrainian Ukrainian
4:00 PM English English
SUNDAY
9:00 AM Ukrainian Ukrainian
11:00 AM Egglish English
WEEKDAYS
7:00 AM Ukrainian
7:45 AM Ukrainian
8:00 AM Ukrainian
9:00 AM Ukrainian
HOLY DAYS
7:45 AM Ukrainian
8:00 AM Ukrainian
7:00 PM English English
TOTALS ENGLISH UKRAINIAN ENGLISH UKRAINIAN
6 12 6 14
TOTAL ENG. 12 services
TOTAL UKR. 26 services

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

217

 

 

 

N-s

14.

15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.

22.
23.
24.
25.

26.
27.
28.
29.
30.
31.
32.
33.
. Do you consider yourself to be Ukrainian? American?
35.
36.
37.
38.
39.
40.
41.
42.
43.

FIGURE 7
Survey Questions

What is your nationality? Where were you born? How long have you lived here?
What is the nationality of your parents? Where were they born? Why did they move
here?

How many people are in your family? How old are they?

Who lives at home? What do you do for a living?

What is your level of education?

What is the level of education of your parents?

How fluent are you in Ukrainian? English? (Fluent, Good, Fair, Minimal)

How fluent is your father in Ukrainian? English?

How fluent is your mother in Ukrainian? English?

. What do you like about school/church? What don’t you like?
. What language do you speak at school/church?
. How are your language experiences at school/church different from your language

experiences at home?

. Are there any activities that you do not participate in because of the language

differences?

Do you speak Ukrainian at home? Do you speak English at home? Which language is
your primary language?

Does school/church help you with your cultural or language practices in any way?
When do you usually read, write, and/or speak Ukrainian?

How is your home life different form or the same as your school/church life?

What kinds of books do you usually read?

How are you different from your parents?

What do you think that the school/church community expects from you?

In your opinion, how are those who speak Ukrainian the same or different from those who
do not speak Ukrainian?

In your opinion, are there any differences in the language practices of males and
females?

Are the language experiences at school/church for males and females the same or
different?

How is the community that surrounds the church the same or different from school or
church?

What kindsof social and school related activities do you participate in? What language
do you usually speak and when?

How long did it take you to learn to speak English/Ukrainian?

How long did it take you to learn to write English/Ukrainian?

What does “culture” mean to you?

What was it like at school in Ukraine?

How is school and church the same in the US as it was in Ukraine?

What classes did you have in Ukraine?

What did you learn about the Ukrainian culture in Ukraine?

What did you learn about the Ukrainian culture in the US?

How is your life different lsame from/as your parent’s at your age?
What was life like in Ukraine?

Do you have family members in Ukraine?

Do they want to join you in the US?

What do you know about your grandparent’s lives growing up?
Where did they grow up?

What do you want to do when you graduate from ICUHS?

Do you want to go to college? Which college?

What career would you like to pursue?

218

 

FIGURE 8

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Artifacts
Type of Artifact Source Importance Significance
Textbook Participant High Cultural
Gift Educational
Yearbook Participant High Cultural
Gift Historical
Collected Spiritual
Catechism Participant High Cultural
Text Gift Educational
Collected Historical
Spiritual
Booklets Found Average Cultural
Historical
Spiritual
Photos Participant High Cultural
Gift Historical
Fabric Participant High Cultural
(Rushnyky) 8. Gift Historical
Crafts Collected Museum
(Pysanky)
Icons Found High Cultural
Historical
Spiritual
Foods Found Average Cultural
(Perishable) Historical
Clothing Found Average Community
To Cultural
High Educational
Historical
Spiritual
Music Found Average Community
To Cultural
High Educational
Historical
Spiritual
Language Tapes Found Average Community
Cultural
Educaflonal
Church Bulletins Found High Community
Cultural
Educaflonal
Historical
Spiritual
Advertisements Found High Community
Cultural
Educaflonal
Historical
Spiritual
Possible Found High Community
Artifact Part. Gift Average Cultural
Groupings Collected Low Educational
Historical
Museum
Spiritual
219

FIGURE 9
Cover Terms for Artifacts

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

How Artifacts are Used for Used in Used during
Used Spiritual Life Daily Life Schooling
in the Community
Books, Booklets, Photos, Textbooks,
Icons, Fabrics, Clothing, Music,
Church Bulletins, Clothing, Foods,
Advertisements, Advertisements, Icons,
Catechism Text, Textbooks, Crafts, Language
Clothing, Fabric, Foods, Tapes,
Types of Artifacts Music, Art, Advertisements
Art, Crafts,
Photos, Icons
Foods,
Yearbooks
220

 

FIGURE 10
Participants

 

Name

Community

Church

Student

Alumni

Faculty

 

 

Mikhail

 

Maria

 

Danyil

 

Marta

 

Chrystyna

 

Mr. Klym

 

Elena

 

Svitlana

 

Mykola

 

Peter

 

Volodia

 

Natalia

 

Tatiana

 

Anastasia

 

Oksana

 

Renee

 

Steve

 

Tryna

 

Rose

 

Adriana

 

Andrew

 

Martha

 

Nichlas

 

 

Total 23

 

axxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx

 

axxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx

 

axxxxxxxxxxxxxxx

 

 

 

22]

 

 

FIGURE 1 1
Development of Ukrainian Catholic Churches and Schools
Detroit and Suburb 1913-2002

 
   
     
     

FIRST SCHOOL
ICGS 1936
Ukr. House
Basilian Order
Slsters

 
       
     
   
   
     
      
   
     
   

 
   
     
   
   
 

 

 
   
     
   
   
  
  
   
     
   
 

  

K-12 ICUCA ICUCC
2002
Construction N9E4V3
' 1 .
”1.12.1.1? BUILDING
Detroit
FIRST
CHURCH
ICUCS 2002 “3”“ FIRST HIGH
Elementary, 1913 SCHOOL
Middle, Detroit ICUHS
HighSchool
form academy 1959

in suburb Detroit

  

ICUHS NEW
1999 CHURCH
Moves to St. Josaphat

Suburb 1985

Suburb

FIGURE 12

History of Grade School 1917-1964

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Location Date Number of Type of Teachers
Students School
Ukr. House 1917 Evening/Religion Church
on Grayling & History cantors
St.
Ukr. House 1928 Evening/Religion Sisters of St.
on Grayling 8 History Basil the Great
St.
In Ukrainian 1936 18 Parochial day Sisters
House schooll 2 K-8
classes
In Ukrainian 1938 50 K8 Sisters
House
In Ukrainian 1939 108 K-8 Sisters
House
In Ukrainian 1940 114 K-8 Sisters
House
New School 1951 K-8 Sisters
Near ICUCC
School 1952 20 8th gr graduates 5 sisters
Building
School 1952-53 355 Sept. K-8 Sisters
Buildilfi 385 June
School 1958 608 K-8 5 sisters; 7 lay
Building teachers
School 1964 483 K-8 4 sisters/ 10
BuildinL lay teachers
223

FIGURE 13

Names and Dates of Spiritual Leaders

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

PRIEST l SISTER NAMES FROM TO
Fr. Ewhen Bartosh - Built first church 1913 1918
Rev. Fr. Hordyansky 1918 1919
Fr. Bilynsky NA NA
Fr. Romaniuk NA NA
Fr. Poniatyshyn NA NA
Fr. Lysiak NA NA
Fr. Obushkevych NA NA
Fr. Dobrotvora 1921 1926
Fr. Zacerkovny 1925 1926
Rev. Kurylo 1926 1927
Rev. Pobutsky 1927 1931
Philadelphia Order of St. Basil 3 Srs teach 1928 NA
night school
Rev. Strutynsky 1931 1936
Fr. Chehansky (Apostleship of Prayer) 1936 1946
From 200 to 1000 families
Immaculate Conception Grammar School
Fr. Bilynsky 1946 1948
Fr. Schmondiuk (Bishop 1956) 1948 1956
Rev. Knapp (Day of Prayer - 2) 1956 1962
First Ukrainian Catholic Parish Becomes
Coeducational High School in the U. S. monsignor
and papal
Chamberlain
Asst. Rev. Fr. Vozniak NA NA
Asst. Rev. Fr. Lubachevsky NA NA
“ Rev. Fr. Kabarovsky NA NA
“ Rev. Fr. Fedyk NA 1954
“ Rev. Fr. Treshnevsky NA NA
Rev. Fr. Greskow NA NA
“ Rev. Fr. Kruchovsky NA NA
“ Rev. Fr. Paska NA 1951
“ Rev. Fr. Bobyak NA 1952
“ Rev. Fr. Blovaczky NA 1950
Apostolic See and Bishop Gabro put IC 1962 NA
Parish under guidance of OSBM -
Basilian Fathers
Rev. Fr. Lotocky 1962 NA
Asst. Fr. Gavlich 1962 NA
“ “ Paschak 1962 NA
“ “ Nytchka 1962 NA
“ “ Vysochansky 1962 NA
Br. Stelmach, OSBM 1962 NA
Sr. Sosler, OSBM 1962 NA
Sr. Mosiwchuk, OSBM 1962 NA
Sr. Mikula, OSBM 1962 NA
Sr. Kuprin, OSBM 1962 NA
Sr. Lawrence, lC principal 1962 NA
Sr. Leonita 1962 NA

 

 

FIGURE 14
Survey Self-Report Data on English and Ukrainian
Language Proficiency of Parents in the Community

 

Mothers

Fathers

 

 

75% Fluent English Speaking

69% Fluent English Speaking

 

81% Fluent English Reading

63% Fluent English Reading

 

70% Fluent English Writing

56% Fluent English Writing

 

 

50% Fluent Ukrainian Speaking

50% Fluent Ukrainian Speaking

 

56% Fluent Ukrainian Reading

50% Fluent Ukrainian Reading

 

50% Fluent Ukrainian Writing

50% Fluent Ukrainian Writing

 

 

 

 

 

225

FIGURE 15
Identity - formation as literate Americans

 

Participant * Birthplace Nationality of * Highest Level ‘ Homeland of
of Parents Parents of Education

           
 
         

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1. UKRAINE UKRAINIAN COLLEGE UGRAD UKRAINE
2. USA UKRAINIAN HIGH SCHOOL UKRAINE
3. USA UKRAINIAN COLLEGE GRADUATE EUROPE
4. UKRAINE UKRAINIAN COLLEGE GRADUATE UKRAINE
5. USA UKRAINIAN COLLEGE GRADUATE UKRAINE
6. USA UKRAINIAN COLLEGE GRADUATE W UKRAINE
7. UKRAINE UKRAINIAN COLLEGE UKRAINE
8. UKRAINE UKRAINIAN - UKRAINE
9. USA OTHER HIGH SCHOOL EUROPE
10. USA UKRAINIAN HIGH SCHOOL UKRAINE
11. UKRAINE UKRAINIAN COLLEGE UGRAD UKRAINE
12. USA OTHER HIGH SCHOOL EUROPE
13. USA UKRAINIAN COLLEGE GRADUATE UKRAINE
14. OTHER UKRAINIAN SOME COLLEGE UKRAINE
15. USA UKRAINIAN HIGH SCHOOL UKRAINE
16. UKRAINE OTHER COLLEGE GRADUATE UKRAINE

 

 

 

 

 

 

USA EUROPE 3
OTHER

 

 

LE

FIGURE 16
Places in the Ukrainian Community 1963 and 2002

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Places 1963 2002 Places
Churches:
ICUCC Detroit Detroit ICUCC
Suburb St. Josaphat
Schools:
ICUCES Detroit Suburb ICUCES
Suburb ICUA
ICUCHS Detroit Suburb ICUCHS
Event Hall:
Suburb Ukr. Cultural Center
Business:
Cymbal Steel Products Detroit
Gaulin Iron Works Detroit
Allen Lumber Co. Detroit
Funeral Homes: Detroit Buhay Funeral Chapel
Buhay Funeral Chapel Detroit Suburb Obarzanek
Lefchick Funeral Home Detroit Suburb Rudy
Suburb Wysocki
Suburb Waski
Suburb DS Temrowski & Sons
Banks:
Bank of Comerce Detroit
Liberty State Bank Detroit
Peoples State Bank Detroit
Credit Union: Ukr. Selfreliance
Self-Reliance Credit Un Detroit Suburb MFCU
Suburb Ukr. Future Cr. Union
Drug Stores:
P.C. Jezewski, Drugs Detroit Suburb Ryan Pharmacy
Preston’s Medicine Detroit Suburb Detroit Drugs
Insurance:
Roy Duzey Insurance Detroit Suburb State Farm
Food and Restaurants:
Steciuk's Meats Detroit Detroit Maine Street
A. J. Marshall Co. Detroit Suburb Coach Light
Atlas Quality Beverages Detroit
Physicians: Suburb Leo Murskyj, MD
Suburb Oleh Lawrin, DPM
Suburb Marko Gudziak, MD
Suburb Orest Sowirka, DO
Suburb Barbara Kucynski, MDfi
Dentists:
Suburb Family Dental Care
Suburb Dencap Dental Plans
Furniture:
Margolis Furniture Co., Inc Detroit
Mich Chair Rental & Sales Detroit
Fuel Oil/Gas Service Stations:
John’s Friendly Service Detroit
Sunoco Service Detroit
Phillips Petroleum Suburb
Ryco Mobilheat Fuel Oil Suburb

 

 

 

 

227

 

 

FIGURE 17
Places in the Ukrainian Community 1963 and 2002

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Hair Salon:

Marie’s Beauty Salon Detroit Suburb Coach-Lite Hair Stylists
Building:

Ukrainian Hetman Bld Corp Detroit
Home Improvememt:

Allen Lumber Co. Detroit Suburb All Pro Home Improvement

Fortuna Cabinet Shop Detroit
Greenhouse:

Florian Greenhouse Detroit
Hardware:

Gamalski Hardware Detroit
Real Estate: Suburb Remax in the Hills

Suburb Century 21 Town 8. Country
Detroit Century 21 Villa
Detroit I Buy Houses - ICUCC
Suburb member Andrew Konopada
Suburb Advantage One
Plumbing: Suburb Downey Plumbing
Suburb All About Plumbing
Roofing: Suburb Roofing
Suburb Ray Reiss Roofing Co.
Suburb David Edward Roofing
Suburb J & J Roofing
Heatigg and Cooling Suburb Absolute Comfort I
Imports/Exports and Gifts:

Viviano Importers, Inc. Detroit Detroit Ukrainian Gift Shop

Export to USSR Detroit Suburb Knipro

Travelers Trunk Co. Detroit

Cosmos Parcel Express Detroit

Corp.

Religious Goods, Radio, Press:
Krieg Bros. Religious Goods Detroit Suburb The Michigan Catholic

The Ukr Cath Radio Hour Detroit

Redeemer's Voice Press Suburb
Photography/Photo
Processing: Detroit Detroit Swifoto

Swifoto Other Wings of Love Wed. Phot.
Firefighters and Equipment:

Det. Fire Fighters Assoc. Detroit

Lakeside Fire Equipment Detroit
Detroit Ukrainian Cath. Park: Suburb Kyiv Estate
Autos: Detroit Al Deeby Dodg, Inc. __
Cemetery:

Mt. Olivet Cemetery Detroit Detroit Mt. Olivet Cemetery
Ukrainian Retirement Home: Suburb Ukrainian Village __~
Places 41 Places 50
Detroit 38 Detroit 10
Suburb 3 Suburb 40

1963 2002

 

 

 

 

 

Imcmm .m
c.4222. 16: moaoo. 132.2... 0. 00:83 .38

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

12.53.. 12....qu 12....qu 13:.qu m_o2.<oo E2223 E2272. 02.2.2
0:32.53 9.2.2.5.. 0:32.53 0:32.53 00.5% 00.3% 93.33» $2223
12: <38 #56 <33 Ono <2... 0.... $33.2 b.6338... Edema—SQ 02.36
02.30 002.3
EBEWSQ 2.235233
maze: 2.2.5323 @833 252.2... 5...: .L. 2.»... wk 5:... . >3
032.332..
126.2. Fm. 1.22... 02.32. .7» 02.2.2 02.22 3:20
9.2.3 9.2.53
52.9.22. mom. mcqo. 3.2.2. .7» 0:25.22 moo—:63. 12....r
1.22% an 32:30
12.5: 5.3.3.2. .22.... 1.22.. 3.8.3 5.2.6
3.... ma. 1.22.. 1.22...
0.5qu moon-m2... msonzmaa
.-~
4.6.3 .. 4.29:6 ..~

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

229

 

52.0.5»: 1.0.. 00:00. 054.055: N00»

locwm .0

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

02.0 00.0 003 02.0 003 02.0 003.055: >0<»:000
0.5.055: 054.055: 054.055: 002.050.: 002.055: 05.1055: m_00..<00 2000303
no... <0».0 4.20- 4:30 <00..0 450 <003 0:0 <02. 0:0 0.00000
12... <02.0 00300.0.
m:n_.0: 305030.80 02:00.0. 3.0.0». 4.6.3 100.... 300.0 3»...2:0..00
5.030.. 250.8:

10.6.0: 00.0:00 :0 1.0.0... 0.500 1030:...00 m:c..0:
3.0.0: m»0.. m:..o. 0020:.
r»:m..0m0 1.0.02 m<0:.0

52.0.50: 0.0.06:

1.0.0Q r0:m:0m00

0000.003. >002.:..:c

0.0.03.0 >30

 

 

230

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

FIGURE 20
Donations for ICUCS Building Project 2002
$2,000,000 Needed
Name of Fund Date Amount Number of
Donors
General Donations Ongoing Loose change Container at
and dollars school entrance
Benefit Banquet Oct. 13, 2002 $1000 Founders NA
Oct. 13, 2002 $100 Benefactors NA
Oct. 13, 2002 $60 Sponsors NA
The Donor Tree Ongoing $10,000 Gold NA
Leaf
Ongoing $5,000 Silver Leaf NA
Ongoing $1.000 Bronze NA
Leaf
Ongoing $100,000 NA
Diamond
Preserve a Ongoing $250 8"x8” brick NA
Memory
Ongoing $125 4”x8" brick NA
Adopt a Classroom Ongoing $150,000 1
Ongoing $100,000 2
Ongoing $40,000 2
Ongoing $30,000 3
Ongoing $25,000 5
Ongoing $15,000 4
Ongoing $10,935 1
Ongoing $10,000 2
Ongoing $5,000 1

 

 

 

 

is)
b)

 

 

FIGURE 21

Ukrainian High School Accomplishments 2002

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

School School Graduation Rates School Graduate‘s
Activities Athletics and School Facts Accompfishmepts __ _- _ __
Oratorical Varsity 99% graduates go to a More than 1250 graduates in
Contests Basketball university _th_e East-491005 _____
Ukrainian Heritage Junior Varsity 50% receive four year More than 200 doctors.
Club Basketball scholarships dentists,
andfleattflgaie Profesaenats
National Honor Women's 85% receive philanthropic More than 200 attorneys
Society Basketball scholarships ___p_ __p________ _ _ __ .- __A p _
Chorus Baseball Teacher/Student ratio is More than 200 engineers
1:5
Yearbook Softball Affordable Tuition More than 100 business and
admtnistra.“te_,9ro,tes_sioria*§-_- _ .
Newspaper Jr. Varsity Women‘s Three families previously More than 75 educators
Volleyball home schooled _
Computer Soccer Enrollment 90-100 Two college professors
Club
Debate Men’s Soccer CHSL 1936 ICUC Grade School Three principals — one elem. f
Club Champions 1994 founded one middle school, one high
school _ _
Foreign Exc. Volleyball District 1959 ICUCHS founded Two US. diplomats
Club Champion51995,1996 h______ _ _
Lectors Women's Basketball 1963 first HS graduating Seven journalists and authors
CHSL Champs class
1995-6 _
SADD Women's Basketball Principal of HS graduated Six in the entertainment
District Champs 1996 1963 ind_u§try_______‘ _ _ _ _.
Ski Club Immaculate Conception Five criminologists

Schools faculty - 8 alumni

 

Phi Beta Kappa

IMUCS Westbrook
Campus has 13.5 acres

Two builders

 

Student Council

1999 High School moves
to Westbrook campus

Two priests, one 006360" V
Sister of the Basflan Order ____-,

 

 

Audio Tech Club Outstanding Am. H. S. in One archaeologist
US News and World
Report January, 1999
Departmental 2002 ICUCS building One boxer
Assistants project begins

 

One forest ranger

 

 

One fireman

 

One international rock star

 

 

 

 

One television‘broadcast
journalist

 

 

[\J
'0)
Id

1
l
i

 

 

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