The as .1304 ’45 la?“ r3 )1. J This is to certify that the dissertation entitled A CRITICAL ANALYSIS ON BANTU SCHOOL BOARDS, 1954-1978: LOCAL ADMINISTRATION OF BLACK EDUCATION IN SOUTH AFRICA presented by Canaan Jabulani Buthelezi has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for / M4 Ma jd: professor Date 7/[2/00 MS U is an Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution 0- 12771 LIEFIAfiY ' Michigan State University PLACE IN RETURN BOX to remove this checkout from your record. TO AVOID FINES return on or before date due. MAY BE RECALLED with earlier due date if requested. DATE DUE DATE DUE DATE DUE 6/01 c:/CIRC/DataDue.p65-p.15 .A CRITICAL ANALYSIS ON RANTU SCHOOL BOARDS, 1954-1978: LOCAL ADMINISTRATION 0? BLACK EDUCATION IN SOUTH AFRICA BY Canaan Jabulani Buthelezi A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR or PBILOSOPH! Department of Educational Administration 2000 \— ABSTRACT .A CRITICAL ANALYSIS ON BANTU SCHOOL BOARDS, 1954-1978: LOCAL ADMINITRATION OF BLACK EDUCATION IN SOUTH AFRICA BY Canaan Jabulani Buthelezi The literature on Black education in South Africa is replete with structuralist studies that ascribe all the ills of Black education to policy-makers, especially on the Minister of Bantu Affairs, Verwoerd This literature deletes Blacks from making their own history. Critical analysis of Bantu School Boards focuses on a multiplicity of interactions that produced a configural constellation that shaped Bantu School Board. The period from 1954 to 1987 marks the apogee of apartheid with its quasi-liberationist statutory bodies governing the Black lives. The Bantu Education Act No, 47 of 1953 created governing councils, school committees and school boards for the local administration of Black schools. These bodies have a long history in South Africa. They were not introduced by Bantu Education. They existed in White schools in the Cape, the Orange Free State and in the Transvaal. Blacks expressed a desire for school boards in Black education to the Native Education Commission of 1883. The African National Congress in 1941, and some liberal Whites from 1925 expressed the same desire. Boards introduced in 1954 were tainted by the apartheid politics that excluded Africans from power, properties and progress. Though opposed by most Blacks, Bantu Education and school broads came into being within the White partenalistic framework. On. paper ‘the functions of’ the Zboards were educationally sound, but the implementation was marred by contradictory bureaucratic practices and by hward-members incompetence. Board members were not trained for their neW' positions. They were expected to build school but they had no guidelines for that function. For instance, White local authorities were custodians of the funds for building schools in urban areas, while White magistrates known as Bantu Commissioners were custodians of the funds for building school in rural areas. Most of those White bureaucrats decide to let sleeping dogs lie. This study found that the managerial skills of board-members were inadequate for most of the tasks they were expected to execute. If they had been adequately prepared, they would have performed their tasks better. The researcher tested the legislation for funding of buildings for schools in urban areas and in rural areas. In both areas, he built schools though the White officials had not been prepared for releasing funds for building of Black schools. Noting the weakness of top-down and rational comprehensive model as implemented in founding school boards, this study argues for the founding of effective, efficient and proactive local administrative bodies which. will empower' as much. as possible Street level policy-implementers. The designation "school boards", however, should avoided in the new South Africa. Dedications This work is dedicated to: To the memory of my father, Malina Daniel kaLanula kaDoke Butholezi And to my mother, Kata, Toto Mlaao kaSoahikazi kaGawozi Who taught me hard work, commitment and integrity; Whose monumental strife and love for the righteous Instilled in their ten children the value of education. To my beloved wife Sybil, Mazo, Thonbokilo MaDlamini Butholozi Who has always been my pillar of strength To my daughter and sons S’thokoziao, Shang- and Mangaliso Who taught me Love, Friendship and Parenthood. W ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to extend my sincere gratitude to all the people who contributed in making the preparation of this manuscript possible. Sincere tanks go tx> Dr. Casmer Heilamn, mgr academic advisor and chair of the guidance and dissertation committee for his solid advising, his support and encouragement throughout the research preparation. I also wish to express my sincere appreciation to Dr. Darlene Clark Hine for sharpening my historical perspective, and for being willing to advise an education student though her field of expertise is History. Special thanks are extended to Dr. James Snoddy and Dr. Howard Hickey, members of the research committee, for their advice support and tuition in Educational Administration. I am also grateful to Dr. Seshi Chonco, my student-turned- teacher, my protégée-turned-mentor. Dr. Chonco recycled me into scholastic activities by facilitating my admission to Michigan State University. I hope that he is happy with the outcome of his contribution. Numerous school committee members and school board members assisted me in making sense of the administrative conundrum of Black education. Special thanks are extended to Gilbert G. Ntombela, Chair of the Amakholwa High School Conunittee, Joakim Ndlovu, chair of the Greytown School Committee/Board, Chief L. S. B. Mini. These men helped me in testing the legislation pertaining to building schools for Blacks. They made it possible for us to build Buhle Buyeza Secondary School and Amakholwa High School. I thank the students of both high schools for giving me the honor to be their advocate and facilitate the building those two schools. You were great students! I shall forever be grateful to my wife, Sybil Mazo Thembekile MaDlamini who took over the sponsorship of my doctoral studies when employment and fellowship ceased. Her academic, financial and moral support made it possible for me to finish this work. Ume njalo sithandwa sami! Shenge! Rfiamanda! Mfoloz'emnyama ekhetha abaweli! I also thank my children Shenge, S'thokoziso and Mangaliso for typing this work and for their moral support. fl TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter INTRODUCTION The problem 1 Purpose of the study ... 6 The Scope of the study ... 7 Need for the study ... 8 Definition of terms .. 12 Assumptions 15 Design and methodology .. 20 Summary .. 22 References .. 23 1. OVERVIEW OF EDUCATION IN SOUTH AFRICA Introduction . 27 The growth of decentralization ... 28 Making bricks without straws 35 Summary .. 41 References .. 41 II. RESEARCH METHODOLOGY School Boards in White education . 43 Trends in local administration of White education from 1910 to 1953 . . 49 Local administration of Black schools from 1792 to 1953 .. 55 References .. 67 III. THE BANTU EDUCATION ACT NO. 47 OF 1953 AND BANTU SCHOOL BOARDS Introduction .... 71 Bantu Education Act No. 47 .. ... 73 Opposition to the Bantu Education Act of 1953 ...... . 88 Participation and the support for the board System . 94 Board members from 1955 .. 96 Summary ..120 References ..120 ‘VI. CASE STUDIES OF THREE BANTU SCHOOL BOARDS Greytwon Bantu School Committee/board ......................... . 127 Edendale Bantu School Board . 147 Soweto Bantu School Boards 161 Summary .. 179 References .. 179 fii APPENDICES A B school boards C A 1974 circular on medium of instruction ..................... D A 1975 departmental circular on medium of Instruction E Minister of Bantu Administration on medium of instruction F List of Soweto school showing ethnic divisions List of Soweto school showing ethnic divisions List of Soweto school showing ethnic divisions BIBLIOGRAPHY SUMMARI, FINDINGS AND REFLECTIONS Re-statement of the problem Reflections References Extract from the Commission on Native Education 1949-51 .. Extract from the Commission on Native Education 1949-51 continued . Bantu Education showing regional divisions and an ..183 ..193 ..203 206 207 208 209 210 211 212 213 214 215 LIST OF TABLES Table 3.1 Growth of Black school population: 1955-1975 ....................... 3.2 Black schools, teachers and pupils: 1972,1974 and 1975 3.3 Black student population: 1953 to 1975 3.4 Qualification of Black teachers 3.5 Salaries of teachers in 1970 3.6 Missionary contribution to Black education ........................... . 4.1 Edendale population and schools from 1965 to 1979 m.. 4.2 Johannesburg Black population .. 4.3 Level of education in Soweto, 1962 and 1967 ........................ . 4.4 Level of education in Soweto, 1962 and 1967 continued 4.5 Provision of schools in Soweto in 1977 INTRODUCTION The Problun One of the problems of Black education has always been fragmentation with little coordination at the local level and little or no participation by parents, teachers and students in local educational administration. To bring about the coordination of educational activities, the Bantu Education Act No. 47 of 19531 created Bantu School Boards. These school boards received so much opposition that they were abolished in the late 1970s after Soweto students had demanded the resignation of all members of the boards and other statutory bodies in Soweto. In 1977 it was alleged that Tietsi Mashinini, the president of the Soweto Students Representative Council (SSRC), maintained that "Black Power had shaken the infra-structure of South Africa by doing away with Afrikaans as a medium of instruction, doing away with Urban Bantu Council (UBC) and doing away with certain school boards."2 The gap created by the abolition of school boards and other Black local administrative bodies gave rise to a proliferation of local community organizations, popularly known "crisis committees" as "grassroots organizations" or "people's organization." These organizations were not primarily concerned with education per se, but included education in their activities. The activities of these committees ranged from labor disputes, rent boycott, political activities such as supporting' political organizations and other societal problems. In Soweto alone: the list is mammoth and includes the Committee of 10, Soweto Students' League, Soweto Civic Association, Soweto Action Committee, Soweto Resident Committee, Teachers' Action Committee, Congress of South African Students (COSAS), Azanian Students' Organization (AZASO), Azanian Students' Movement (AZASM), Black Priest Solidarity Group, Independent African Ministers' Association of South Africa (IDAMASA) and the Black Parents Association.3 Numerous parent-teacher-students associations mushroomed, died and were replaced by crisis committees.4 The first organizations were the South African Students' Movement (SASM) and the Soweto Students' Representative Council (SSRC). Members of these committees were high school students who concerned themselves not only with educational matters but also with an array of issues beyond their capabilities. The students found. themselves fighting social battles for which they had been prepared as their struggle gained its own momentum. Much of this student activism "has to do with political impatience. But sheer political impatience differs from thoroughly thought-out strategy and tactics, thoroughly thought-out mobilization and organization."6 The SSRC circular on the next page shows some of the problems that local organizations face when they try to deal with too many issues. The circular on the next page indicates this: .AZIKHHELIA (LET US BOICOTT) TO ALL (GRADE 10) FORM III STUDENTS URGENT CALL 1. FROM MONDAY 8TH OCTOBER, 1976 2. INSTRUCTIONS: (a) Go back to school on Monday and write your examinations because it is your last chance- Matrics and others will get another chance in 1977 before March. The sacrifice you have brought for Azania will bear fruit. Time is running out!!! (b) PARENTS: Send your children to write the exams otherwise you have paid your money. (c) TSOTSIES AND OTHERS: Please do not disturb those who want to write. (d) TEACHERS AND PRINCIPALS: Please be on duty and stop fooling. (e) SHOPKEEPERS: Thank you for responding to our call— you may go back to normal trading hours now. THE STRUGGLE CONTINUES!!! BLACK PEOPLE LET US BE ONE!!! UNITED NE STAND!!! VICTOR! IS OURS!!! Issued by: Soweto Student Representative Council5 From the circular above, it becomes clear that non-statutory people's organizations issued instructions to anyone and everyone in the name of the struggle. They were the self-appointed watchdogs of their communities. The parents, teachers, principals, shopkeepers, "tsotsies and others" referred to in the circular could not be members of the SSRC, nor elect members to the SSRC. The SSRC exercised arbitrary, unauthorized intimidation fbrms of power. The absence of a democratic mechanism for regulating this power and ensuring its accountability enabled grassroots organizations to wrestle power from statutory local educational bodies. As absolute power corrupts absolutely, the SSRC was trapped into a position of corrupting the democratic process. Most of these non-statutory bodies lacked supportive machinery for their activities, so they resorted to "people's, justice" which resulted in arson, violence, intimidation, "necklacing"7 and "juvenile justice."8 It is perhaps this fear which the youth infused in their communities which caused Mandela to call them "young lions"9 or Ken Owen to call them "little beasts that ought to be at school."10 Emergent South Africa seeks to spread power to all South Africans through a democratic process which brings about power- sharing and the inclusion of the marginalized Black majority in the governance of South African schools. One way of doing this could be founding local educational administrative bodies, elected by their communities and accountable to those communities. School boards were abolished for Black education in 1978 but have operated for White schools since 1905 in all provinces except in Natal. White education, which serves five million Whites, has three levels of democratization from the national to the provincial and then to the local level. The White electorate elects the Minister of National Education. Each of the four provinces has a director of a department of education. Each department has its own curriculum, appoints its own teachers and conducts its own examinations. Each department is further divided into school board areas and school committee areas except in Natal where there were school boards for African schools while Indian, Colored and White schools did not have school board. as W. l- . These three levels of democracy are lacking in Black education that caters to 32 million Blacks. The Minister of National Education, although not elected by Blacks, is still the supreme head of Black Education. Although Black education has 11 ethnically divided departments of education, these are extensions of the central government with no autonomy similar to the decentralization exercised by directors of departments in White education. Teachers are appointed by the cemtral government, the curriculum comes from the center and the central government conducts examinations in Grades 10 and 12. Black education seems to violate all arguments for decentralization. These arguments are: the redistribution arguments which has to (R) with the sharing of power, the efficiency arguments, which is geared to enhancing the cost-effectiveness of the educational system through a more efficient deployment and management of resources; and the culture of learning argument, which emphasizes the decentralization of educational content.11 It is doubtful that post—apartheid education will scrap the existing school boards and hand over local administration to ad- hoc grassroots committees. Existing school boards may continue to cater for White education and may not be able to serve Black education, as will be seen when we compare Bantu School Boards to school boards in White education. The over—arching question then becomes, "What local educational administrative bodies, consistent with. democratic and. pedagogic imperatives, should South .Africa create?" Purpose of the Study It is the purpose of this study to present a history of Bantu School Boards from 1953 to 1976 by studying: (1) origin of school boards; (2) supportive local administrative bodies that were supposed to work with the boards; (3) people who served in the boards; (4) functioning of boards in: (a) providing continuity and bridges for students moving from one school to another; (b) building of schools; (c) employment of teachers; (d) curricula matters. It. is also the jpurpose» of this study' to compare Bantu. School Boards with the school boards that existed in White education from 1905. This study will also evaluate the whole concept of Bantu School Boards against the quasi—local administrative bodies that were created for Blacks with an aim of giving these bodies functions without giving them any power. To examine the above, this study focuses on the Greytown Bantu School Committee Board as an example of a school board in a so-called ‘white area'- a board that largely depended on.ai town council for fUnding. The second focus is on the Edendale area which lies within a radius of 30 km around Pietermaritzburg and had the Edendale Urban Bantu School Board and the Edendale Rural Bantu School Board. The latter depended cut a regional tribal. authority' for' funding, while the former should have depended on the Local Health Commission for funding. The study deals with the way the Soweto school boards handled the issue of Afrikaans as a medium of instruction. In this maze: of local. administrative structures created from. 1953, the study seeks better administrative structures that could give meaningful power to parents, teachers and students. The objective of this study is to improve understanding of local citizen participation in the administration of schools and to propose the directions which. policy—making should take to jprovide :maximal, efficient, effective citizen participation. The Scope of the Study This study covers the years 1954 to 1978 because Bantu school boards only existed during that period. The periods before 1954 and after 1978 illuminate the subject being studied. This necessitated an inclusion of brief studies of the periods. Edendale, Greytown and Soweto were chosen for this study because these places represent three different points in the wide spectrum of Black administration. Soweto is part of Johannesburg, which is the premier of education in South Africa and the peak of Black administration, urbanization and industrialization. Edendale takes the middle point. It is one of the only two places in South Africa where Africans buy land. The residents are rate—payers, yet placed under an elected chief. Edendale had an urban school board and a rural school board. Greytown represents a small-town rent-paying African community in what is known as a White Area. Need for the Study The foundation of local administration of Black schools lies much deeper than the Report of Native Education of 1951,12 or the report of the Interdepartmental Committee on Native Education of 1935-1936.13 Perhaps, when Philip described the failure of missionaries to break through the culture barrier to their It14 "failure to provide a native agency, he was in essence pointing the direction black education had to take. We also find him saying, "Knowledge always desires increase, it is like fire, which must be kindled by some external agent, but which will afterwards 1'15 propagate itself in every direction. The cries for People's Education,16 the people's "17 n 18 organizations and "the jpeople shall share among Blacks in South Africa indicate the desire by Blacks to have an effective voice in the education of their children. Westermann long expressed the idea of parental participation when he said: As long as the school is not under a Native Council, it has not taken root in the community. It is equally necessary that the Native Community should have a share in the administration of it's school and should feel responsible for its guidance."19 Writing in 1927, Rev. J. P. Othea saw the solution to the problem of parental participation in Africa as follows: With the village headman. on ‘the chair' and. all male parents present, the teacher as secretary, the mission and the government officials as mere visitors, let all school. procedure and.1activity' be discussed, directed and organized in outline. In rural schools, nearly all members of such a body will be quite illiterate! But they are very wise."20 The exclusion of female parents by Rev. J. P. Otheo is not consistent with inclusionary educational dispensation. To exclude women from the local governance of schools is to exclude more than half of Black, parents and to exclude the more concerned and committed parentage to Black education. There is, therefore, a need for a study that will indicate what place, what powers, and what functions are to be granted to all parents, teachers and students in the administration of their education and what possible training these participants would need for an effective participation in school matters. These different segments of the population will invariably need preparation for participation in democratic local processes. I have had twenty 25 years of experience as a teacher in Black education in South Africa since 1967 as a high school principal and as secretary of The Greytown Bantu School Committee/Boards I was a student in Black schools before the introduction of Bantu education in 1953 and have been a teacher during and after the school board era. My twenty five year study and interest in local administration of Black education indicate to me that a well-thought-out quest for a plausible local administration of post-apartheid South African school is essential, especially because there seem to be no studies that look at local administration of Black schools. People education and the cry for power to the people suggest that Blacks do want to have a say in the local administration of their school. Definition of Terms The important terms which are used in this study are defined as follows: am: This was an official term used by the Nationalist Government to refer to Africans from 1953. This tenm was based on false nationhood21 and was regarded as derogatory by Blacks. It came to disuse in the 19703 and was replaced by the term Blacks. lO Bantu Community Schools, Government Schools and Farm Schools Con-unity schools Almost all schools in 1953 were placed under school committees and school boards and were called Bantu Community Schools, abbreviated as B. C. Schools. In the 19703 Black schools dropped the "B. C." appendages to their names. This should not be compared with "American community schools which seek to break down the barrier between formal education and community activity by encouraging neighborhood residents to use school facilities to enrich their lives."22 Government schools Government schools were big schools with boarding facilities. These belonged to missionaries. When the government took over all mission schools, some of the bigger schools were called government schools, were run by White principals and had White teachers. These schools could not be under Bantu School Boards because government policy stated that Blacks should never' occupy' positions of superiority. These schools appointed local governing councils. tarn.8choole Farm schools were Black schools erected on land belonging to White farmers and administered by farm owners who were called managers of the schools. Parents of children attending such ll schools had. no say in the local administration of these schools because their managers were White. Farm schools and government schools were forbidden areas for Bantu School Boards although these schools operated in the areas of school boards and shared educational activities with school boards. Bantu School Boards: The Bantu Education Act of 1953 placed all Black schools under‘ partly-elected. and. partly nominated. parents' bodies called school committees. Members of school committees within a district were either nominated or elected to Bantu School Boards. All elected matters had to be approved by a White circuit inspector. Elected Blacks who were members of “undesirable” organizations, or those who were critical of the government were often not approved. Blacks: Blacks denote indigenous peoples of Africa, often called the Africans. This uses the word Black in that restricted form. Indians and Coloreds are not included in this usage. Black Education: Education in South Africa is racially segregated into White education, Black Education, Cblored Education (mixed race) and Indian Education for all Asiatics. 12 Black Areas and White Areas: Black Areas are 13% of the land allocated to 29 million Blacks. These areas are now called homelands. White Areas are 87% of the land reserved for 5 million Whites, 3 million Coloreds, and less than a mdllion Indians. Blacks in White Areas are rent*payers and cannot own land in those areas. Department of Native Affairs: Founded in 1924, this was a department responsible for matters pertaining to Blacks. The head of this department was a Minister who had a number of White chief native commissioners under‘ whom served a number of native commissioners for all districts. These native commissioners were local White magistrates. The Minister was the “paramount Chief of the Blacks” He appointed all chiefs. Tribal Local Authorities: These were local tribal structures under chiefs in rural areas. A number of these tribal authorities formed regional authorities, one of their duties was to build schools. The regional authorities formed ‘tribal territorial authorities some of which were Venda, Zulu, Tswana and Southern Sotho tribal authorities. Four of these tribal authorities became "independent states." The Urban Bantu Councils: Like Bantu advisory boards, Bantu Urban Councils were local administrative structures in Black urban areas. Local Authorities: These are municipalities, town boards, village boards and other administrative structures for cities, towns and villages. Blacks could not be members of these local bodies although they paid rates, taxes, rent and indirect taxation to these local authorities. The nation wide rent-boycott of was part of a "no taxation without representation" policy. Medium of Instruction The 'medium. of instruction refers to a language used for instruction in schools. South Africa has eleven languages. The Union Act of 1910 stipulated that English and Afrikaans were to have equal status. Dual medium schools came into being where Afrikaans and English were used as languages of instruction. These dual medium schools gradually disappeared as Afrikaner schools used Afrikaans as the medium of instruction while English schools used English as the medium of instruction. Black schools used African languages for the first three years of schooling and then used English throughout their schooling. The government imposed Afrikaans as third medium of instruction for Black schools in 1976. The English had English and Afrikaners had Afrikaans as their media of instruction. The difficulties created by the imposition of Afrikaans was that the subjects to be taught in Afrikaans were stipulated. While these subjects had their own difficulties, those difficulties were impounded by the problems that students and teachers had with Afrikaans. All Black teachers had been in English medium schools. They had been taught in English in their training colleges. Assumptions The following are assumptions to be tested in this study. . Bantu School Boards could have been powerful instruments of coordination and parental participation in the development of Black education had the government respected them, trained them and funded them. The boards failed because of the ignorance of board members on some important issues. The absence of school boards causes fragmentation of educational activities and hinders communal ownership of vital educational resources . . The failure of school boards may also be ascribed to an assumption that boards were part of a hegemonic strategy by a state that was trying to legitimize itself. This reduced 3 calls parental participation in school boards to what Pateman2 pseudo-participation or to what Gramsci calls pseudo-hegemony24 or pseudo forms of decentralization25 15 Review of Literature and Related Research Black education in the history of South African education was, in the nineteenth and the first half of the twentieth century, merely a footnote of White education. Official reports are descriptive and thin. They do not specifically deal with local administrative bodies. They do, however, mention these local bodies. The most valuable official document for this study is The Report of the Commission on Native Education 1949-1951 which forms the basis of the consolidation and centralization of Black education. Parliamentary debates, especially those which deal with exposition of Bantu education by Verwoerd, the Minister of Native Affairs and later the Prime Minister, by De Wit Nel, the Minister of Native Affairs, and by Esselen, the first Secretary of Bantu education, provide insights into the thinking of policy makers. An avalanche of literature on Bantu Education will not be used in this study as this literature provides thick descriptions of structuralist expositions of Bantu education without explanatory and critical expositions. This literature is often partisan in that it heaps all the blame for Black education on apartheid and ignores educational pathologies existing before the introduction of apartheid in 1948. This literature ignores the fact that the cornerstones of Bantu Education and decentering of Blacks in South Africa peaked from 1910 after the exclusion of Blacks from the governance of the country by the Union Act of 1910. This literature ignores that the social engineering unleashed by the politics of exclusion followed legislation and I6 was maintained by discriminatory laws such as the Color Bar Act of 1911, then the Land Act of 1913, the Native Affairs Act of 1920, the Differentiated Curriculum of 1922 and the Urban influx Control Act of 1923. These secondary sources include the works of % Horrel,27 Hurwurtz,28 Kallaway29 Marcum30 and Tabata.31 Davis, There have Ibeen few' research. studies on. Black. education. Available to the researcher“ were unpublished. dissertation like those of Atkinson, "History of Education Policy in South Africa"”; Davis, Nineteenth Century African Education in the Capefi; Kumalo, .u, I "Education and Ideology' Mason, Bantu Education in Tanganyika and Africa"35; Murray, "Bantu Education."36 Ngobese's37 is nearest study to the present study although Ngobese deals with local administration as it pertains to the circuit inspectors, the inspectorate, principals and not parental bodies. Rhonester in "Skool Gemeenskaapverhouding"38 (Relationship Between School and Community) has dealt with relationship between a school and community without specifically dealing with school committees and school boards. The researcher is not aware of a study that focuses on school committees and school boards in Black education. Valuable information was gained from studies that were conducted on local administration in White education. These were Du Preez van Wyk's "Die Involved van die Engelse Skoolwese 1806—1915"39 (British Influence on School Systems); Roos' "Plaaslike Beheer in die Onderwys in die Zuid Afrikaanse Republick" (Local Governance 0 of Education in South African Republics);4 Van der Merwe's "Die Ontwikkeling van in Stelsel van Plaaslike Beheer in die Onderwys l7 in Kaapland"41 (The Development of Local Educational Governance System in the Cape); van Wyk's "Plaaslike Beheer in die Onderwys van Transvaal42 (Local Governance in Education in the Transvaal). These studies made it possible for the present study to compare local administrative bodies in White education and those in Black education. For the theoretical analysis, the researcher found many sources on the Gramscian concept of hegemony which will be employed to analyze the data. The works of Carnoy and Hanaway,43 Lauglo and Mclean“ and Rizwi45 on policy issues such as decentralization, centralization, deconcentration, devolution of power, democratization and participatory structures were useful. It is evident from this literature, especially from Elmore ' 3 contribution, that decentralization in education is an example of a democratic wish based on direct communal democracy; and the fact that concentrations of power in government institutions are dangerous to individual liberty.46 Baily expresses this fear as follows: Every movement and every circumstance that takes starting power and incentive away from the people, even though it makes for exact administration, is to be challenged. It is especially to be deplored if this loss of power affects the persons who are first hand with surface of the plant and the product that comes directly out of it.47 18 This quotation is instructive for the South African Blacks who find themselves deprived of power in the school which educate their own children. Rizwi shows that organizational democracy with participatory decision-making is possible and desirable despite the debate to the contrary.48 To suggest a road map for the development of local educational structures, we need to retrace our steps to the roots of present South African local educational administrative structures. This requires a historical investigation into the past. Although not containing much on Black education, Coetzee,49 MacMillanf’0 and Marlherbe51 give comprehensive coverage of the history of South African education. These works had to be supplemented by annual reports of the various provincial departments of education. Material in these annual reports is to a large extent history from above, history heavily laden with structural data which describe the movement of history without pausing to analyze the meaning. This study will approach this material from below and explore the meaning of structural data. Facts and information so gathered will be analyzed within the interplay between facts and theories and between human agencies and structures. The analysis of the interplay or Freire's praxisfl, Habermas' communicative interaction53 or Giddens structurations‘ is interested in human agency, while history as has been written or constructed in the past focused on the "big men of history" or men of power and property. To locate Blacks within an historical perspective, l9 the study uses Giddens' hidden or unacknowledged conditions, knowledge and understanding of the rules by the actors, and unintended consequences. Apple's, Aronowitz's and Giroux's55 writing help the study in understanding how actors reformulate, reshape, resist and rethink policy issues. Elmore's backward mapping and his insistence on informal authority which derives from expertise, skill and proximity to the essential tasks enabled this study to look at the implementation of local educational policies rather than looking at the intent of policy makers56 as do most writers on Black Education. This literature is incorporated in the design and methodology of the study. Design andIMethodology This study ‘uses a qualitative, interpretative and 'valuative design based on analysis of relevant literature and researches and personal observation."57 This design sought "not to evaluate so much as to reveal and. disclose the world as felt, lived and experienced by those studied,"58 in this case, the black communities, board members, and White officials who were connected with Bantu School Boards. The researcher made a study of documents pertaining to Bantu School boards, especially departmental circulars, newspapers, reports of commissions and documents contained in the Republic of South Africa Supreme Court v C.C.W. Twala and Ten Others microfilm.59 This inicrofilni contains students letters, teachers' organization documents, minutes and letters of school boards and 20 other relevant documents. The State accused the first ten students of terrorism and sedition. They were found guilty and sent to Robben Island. Ethnographic studies were conducted in the Edendale area where the researcher was a participant observer as a teacher from 1967—1969, and principal of Amakholwa High School from 1973 to 1978. To present participants on their own terms, the researcher was a participant observer in the Greytown Bantu School Committee-Board as secretary of the board from 1970-1973 as well as being principal of a school under this committee board. In Lofland's language, the design used involved: 1. Getting close to the people being studied through attention to the minutia of daily life. 2. Being truthful and factual about what is observed. 3. Emphasizing a significant amount of pure description of action, activities and 4. Including in data direct quotations from participants. .w The methodological strategy' will be the presentation of rich, thickly textured ethnographic descriptionsm' (If school board activities as seen and heard from 1955-1978. The researcher is aware of the pitfalls of an ethnographic study, the gravest of which is being too subjective. The researcher minimized subjectivity and other weaknesses of ethnographic studies by triangulating the findings through examining related. literature 2] and casting the findings within the theoretical debates on centralization and decentralization. The value of an ethnographic methodological approach 1i; succinctly stated tn! that "celebrated methodologist Yogi Berra who said ‘you can see a lot by looking,"62 to which Levine adds her corollary— "you can hear a lot just by listening."63 Through participant observations, life history research and collection of behavior specimens“, data analysis presents a narrative or impressionistic summaries of Bantu School Boards from 1955—1978. Su-nary To achieve the objectives stated above, chapter one of the study is an introduction to the study. It deals with the problem, the purpose of the study, the need of the study, the scope of the study, definition of terms, assumptions, review of literature, design and methodology and the summary and conclusion. Chapter two is a background to the study and deals with education in South Africa. Chapter three is local administration of South African schools from 1872 to 1954. This is broken down to schools in Natal, Transvaal, Orange Fee State, the Cape and in Black education in all these areas. Chapter four deals with the Bantu Education Act No. 47 of 1953 and school boards. Chapter five looks at three case studies of school boards in three different areas. Chapter six chapter contains summaries, reflections and conclusion. 22 References 1. Macquarrie, J. W. The New Order in Bantu Education, Africa South, October 1956. p. 35. 2. Supreme Court of South Africa, Transvaal Division v C.C.W. Twala and Ten Others, Microfilm No., 16564, Michigan State University Library. 3. Brewer, John. After Soweto: [um unfinished Journey. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986, p.100. 4. National Educational Crises Committee. People's Education. Johannesburg: 1986. 5. West, Cornel. Beyond Eurocentricsm and Multiculturalism, Vol. II. Monroe, Main: Common Courage Press, 1993, p. 195. 6. Supreme Court of South Africa. Op. cit., court exhibit. 7. Grinker, David. Inside Soweto. Johannesburg: Eastern Enterprises, 1985. p. 69. 8. Keller, Bill. A Short Violent Life in South Africa, The New York Times, Nov. 17, 1993. p. A3. 9. Mandela, Nelson, Formal Speeches at Cape Town, following his release from prison, Voice Library, M 836, Michigan State University Library. 10. Sunday Times, March 13, 1991. p. 11. 11. Weiler, Hans, N. Control Versus Legitimation: The Politics of Ambivalence, in Hannaway, Jane and Carnoy, Martin. Decentralization and School Improvement: Can We Fulfill the Promise? San Francisco: Jossey-Boss Publishers, 1993, p. 57. 12. Union of South Africa. Report on Native Education 1945-1951, Pretoria: Government Printers, 1954. 13. Union of South Africa. Report of the Interdepartmental Committee (n1 Native: Education,1935-l936. Pretoria: Government Printers 1937. 14. Philip, John. Researches in South Africa, Vol. 1. New York: Negro University Press,1928, p. ix. 15. Ibid. p. 6. 16. National Education Crisis Committee. People's Education. Johannesburg: 1986. 23 17. Keller, Bill. Township Guardians as Law to Themselves, The New York Times, Feb, 1. p. A4. 18. .African National Congress, The Freedom Charter. Johannesburg: 1960. 19. Westermann, Diederich. The African Today and Tomorrow, London: International African Institute, 1949. 1ND. Marlherbe, E. G. Educational Adaptations in a Changing Society, Cape Town, Juta, 1937,p. 168. 2M” Magubane, Bernard M. The Political Economy of Race and Class in South Africa. New York: Blinthey Review Press, 1979, p. 123. 22. Smith Bruce, L.R., and La Noue George R. The Politics of School Decentralization, London: Routledge, 1985, p. 68. 23. Pateman, Carol. Participation and Democratic Theory. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970. 24. Gramsci, Antonio. Selection from Prison Notebook. New Yerk: International Press, 1971. 25. Chau, Ta Ngoc, Equity and Decentralization Question, in Langlo, Jon and McLean, Martin. The Control of Education, international Perspectives on the Centralization- Decentralization Debate. London: Heinemann, 1985, pp. 96-102. 26. Davis, Hunt. Bantu Education and the Education of Africans in South Africa. Athens, Ohio: University Center for International Studies, 1972. 27. Horrel, Muriel. Bantu Education to 1968. Johannesburg: South African Institute of Race Relations, 1972. 28. Hurwurtz, Nathan. A decade of Bantu Education. Johannesburg: South African Institute of Race Relations, 1964. 29. Kallaway, Peter. Apartheid and Education in South Africa: The Education of South Africa Blacks. Johannesburg: Ravan Press, 1984. 30. Marcum, J. Education, Race, and Social Change in South Africa. Berkeley, California: University of California Press, 1982. 31. Tabata, 1.8. Education for Barbarism in South Africa. London: Pall Mall, 1960. 24 32. Atkinson, Norman. "History of Educational Policy in South Africa". Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Rhodesia, 1964. 33. Davis, R. H. Jr. "Nineteenth Century African Education in the Cape". Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Wisconsin, 1969. 34. Kumalo, Gleopas. "Education and Ideology." Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, Boston University, 1959. 35. Mason, R. J. Bantu Education in Tanganyika and Africa. London: Longman 1952. 36. Murray, John. "Bantu Education". Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Rhodesia, 1957. 37. Ngobese, Mthandeni, "Local Administration of Black Schools", Unpublished M. Ed. Thesis, University of Orange Free State, 1987. 38. Rhenoster, J. C. "Skool Gemeenskaap verbouding." Unpublished M. Ed. Thesis, University of the North, 1973. 39. Du Preez, Van Wyk. "Die Involved van die Engelse Skoolwese." 1806-1915.Unpublished D. Phil. Thesis, University of South Africa, 1947. 40. R003, W. I. "Plaaslike Beheer in die Onderwys in die Zuid .Afrikaanse .Republick."’ Unpublished. D. Ed. Dissertations, University of Potchefstroom, 1955. 41. Van der Merwe, A. B. "Die Ontwikkeling Van 'n Plaaslike Beheer in du Onderwys in Kaapland." Unpublished M. Ed. Thesis, University of Stellenbosch, 1952. 42. ‘Van Wyk, J. T. "Plaaslike Beheer in the Onderwys van Transvaal 1902-1910." Unpublished M.Ed. Thesis. University of Porchefstroom, 1964. 43. Carnoy, Martin and Hannaway, Jane. Op. cit. 44. Longlo, Jon and Mclean, Martin. Op. cit. 45. Rizwi, Razal. In defense of Organizations and Democracy, in Symth, John. Critical Perspectives on Educational Leadership. London: The Falmer Press, 1989, pp. 215-236. 46. Elmore, Richard. School Decentralization. Who Gains? Who Loses?, in Carnoy Martin and Hannaway, Jane. op cit. p. 35. 25 47. Baily, L.H. Ground Levels in Democracy. Ithaca, New York: Blinthy Press, 1916, p. 52. 48. Rizwi, Fazal. Op cit. p. 231. 49. Coetzee Chr., J. Onderwys in Suid Afrika. Pretoria: J.L. Van Schaik Ltd., 1958. 50. Macmillan, R.G. and Behr A. L. Education in South Africa. Pretoria: J.L. Van Schaik Ltd., 1972. 51. Malherbe, E.G. Education in South Africa. Cape Town: Juta, 1925, p. 26. 52. Freire, Paulo. Pedagogy of the Oppressed. New York: Continuum Books 1990. p. 34. 53. Habermas, Jurgens. Moral consciousness and Communicative Action. Cambridge Mss: MIT Press, 1990. 54. Giddens, Anthony. Social Theory Today. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1989. 55. 55. Giroux, Henry and Aronowitz, Stanley. Education Under Siege: Conservative, Liberal and Radical Debate Over Schooling. South Hadley Mass: Bergin and Garvey, 1985. 56. Elmore, Richard. Backward-Mapping: Implementation Research and Policy Decisions, Political Science Quarterly. Winter 1979, pp. 601—616. 57. Patton, Michael Quinn. Utilization Focused on Evaluation. London: Sage Publications, 1978. 58. Denin, Norman K. Contributions of Anthropology and Sociology to Qualitative Research Method, New Directions for Institutional Research. No. 34, June 1982, p. 20. 59. Republic of South Africa. Supreme Court, op cit. 60. Lofland, J. Analyzing Social Settings. California: Wadworth, 1971. 61. Lennie, Arthur. Qualitative Research in Academic Decision Making. Sand Forks:[kdflersity of North Dakota 1975. 62. Ibid. p. 3. 63. Dennin, Norman K. op. cit. p. 21. 64. Patton, Michael Quinn. op cit. 23. 26 CHAPTER I AN OVERVIEW’OF THE STUDY Introduction Though this study focuses on Bantu School Boards, it is pertinent to give an overall view of the whole education in the Republic of South Africa, showing its centralist and decentralist trends. From it inception in 1658, education in South Africa was multiracial, integrationist. and. centralist.l Decades later, the Dutch settlers became hostile to racial integration, and schools became racially segregated and slightly decentralized. This decentralist wave was accelerated by the EHitish colonization of South Africa and the arrival of British settlers after 1806. In 1820, British settlers, especially Lord Somerset tried to Anglicize the Afrikaners.2 Afrikaners responded by founding their own schools and insisting on parental participation in the governance of their education. The root of the educational decentralist trends in South Africa was borne out of Afrikaner resistance against domination by the British settlers. The Afrikaners insisted on maintaining local autonomy and parental participation in educational matters even at the formation of the Union of South Africa in 1910. Vestiges of Afrikaner local government and of Afrikaner local educational bodies established themselves in the Cape, in the Transvaal and in the Orange Free state, the last two being Afrikaner republics before the Union of South. Africa in 1910. These vestiges were implemented in the Department of Native 27 Affairs in 1920 and again in Bantu Education in 1953. These local institutions have "left an indelible impression on the educational control for :most of South Africa,"3 says Marlherbe. Marlherbe describes this local control by saying: "At the head. of each district, representing the Central government was the landrost, or magistrate, who, together with six citizens called heemraden, constituted the executive for the management of that district."‘1 The magistrates in charge of native affairs and Bantu affairs were called Bantu commissioners. These commissioners, as representatives of the central government, worked with Bantu advisory boards and Bantu regional authorities. Their presence in these bodies tended to make these bodies representatives of the central government instead of being representatives of their communities. The Growth of Decentralization in Education The four provinces retained their respective departments of education and their different forms of local educational administrative bodies when the Union of South Africa was formed in 1910 and still retain these structures even today. From 1912 Afrikaners strove to maintain their own identity by promoting a two-stream. policy, namely, an Afrikaner stream and an English stream.5 No attempts were to be made to allow one of the streams to swallow the other. Dual medium schools were replaced by Afrikaner schools and English schools. This ethnic division of White South Africans was extended to institutions of higher learning such as 28 founding of the Rand Afrikaans University for Afrikaners and Rhodes University for the English. Blacks were not permitted to participate in this two stream policy in the period of British settler hegemony from 1910 to 1948. Racial discriminatory laws legalized and legitimized the separation of Blacks through a series of laws, the chief of which were the Union Act of 1910, the Color Bar Act of 1911, the Land Act of 1913, the Native Affairs Act of 1920, the Differentiated Curriculum Act of 1922 and the Native Urban Influx Control Act of 1923.6 These acts laid the foundation for the separation of Black education from White education and were the cornerstones of apartheid. Blacks seemed to have been passive recipients of state policies on education from 1910 to 1950 as oppositional activities were few and weak prior to 1954. Though the African National Congress was formed in 1912, it did not subvert or contest education policies before 1954. When the Afrikaner came to power in 1948, they maintained that South Africa was multi-stream, each stream entitled to its own identity and governance of its own affairs.7 Afrikaner policy makers maintained that there were a Colored, an Indian, a Ndebele, a Shangaan, a Sotho, a Swazi, a Tswana, a Venda, a Xhosa and a Zulu stream. Thus a department of education had to be created because all these ethnic groups and school boards in metropolitan areas were divided into ethnic lines as were the schools in these areas. This extreme decentralist trend caused fragmentation and duplication of services although the practice served a redistribution argument and also a culture of learning argument. 29 The efficiency argument was violated through a wasteful deployment and management of resources. Ethnic divisions were opposed by some Blacks who saw this educational dispensation as a divide-and-rule strategy. The government justified the introduction of Bantu Education and expressed its reason for this decentralist position was that: The effect on the Bantu community of the remoteness from them of educational authorities had not been happy. The system has robbed them of any sense of participation in or responsibility in education. Taxes are paid and disposed of without local knowledge of the money which has been spent.8 Bantu parents should as far as possible have a share in the control and the life of the school. It is only in this way that children will realize that their parents and the schools are not competitors but they are complementary.9 Isolated from the grand apartheid design, these reasons seem educationally plausible. They were, however, eclipsed by apartheid which rendered local educational administrative bodies powerless against the South African state. School boards in Soweto opposed the introduction of Afrikaans as a medium of instruction and the State dissolved the boards which opposed it in 1976.10 Thereafter, Black youth forced board members to resign from all governement 30 administrative bodies such as the Urban Bantu Councils. Bantu school boards and South African school boards differ from school boards found in the United States of America. Marlherbe sees the differences as follows: This centralized system in South Africa contrasts to what happened in the United States where local school district. was the unit of administration, county and state units of control being later developments. In South Africa the educational system was centralized from the start, actually the development has been towards a greater devolution of power to smaller units. In the USA, the smaller units always surrender certain powers to the larger bodies for the common good.11 The power of the boards and school committees in South Africa came from the central government, and that may be one reason that the central government dissolved local bodies that opposed it and had to approve all members elected to local educational administrative bodies. Despite the abolition of school boards, the devolution of "power" to smaller educational units continued in South Africa. By 1990, education in South Africa was governed by apartheid which had racially and ethnically divided the country into numerous educational units. These educational units, are in Figure 1.1. As shown in Figure 1.1, there are 15 ckmertments of education with almost 15 versions of local educational 31 administration bodies such as school boards, district school committees, school committees, governing councils and parent— teacher associations. Some ethnic groups were divided into different departments because of geographical settings, the Xhosas of Transkei and Ciskei being an example of this division. A cursory glance at the divisions creates a sense of decentralization and perhaps democratization, This is, however, not the case as the "self-determination" which the White central government gave to the departments was already determined by the central government through the Ministry of National Education. The ministries of Black education and other departments work within constraints and parameters determined by the Minister of National Education who is "responsible for policy regarding formal, non- formal and informal education in respect of: —Norms and standards of financing of education for all population groups. -Professional registration of teachers and salaries and condition of employment of staff. -Norms and standards of syllabuses and examinations and the certification of qualifications”. It should be clear from the above that the powers given to the: Minister' of 'National Education leave very little room for other ministers to develop educational potential for the citizens in their constituencies. Other ministries cannot even decide on 32 the norms or the standard of syllabi, examinations, and certification within their departments as these are already decided by the Minister of National Education. Culture of learning and redistributive arguments were violated by the resultant fragmentation of Black education. Provincial departments of White education, however, enjoy some measure of decentralization because they decide on norms and conditions of employment of staff, on norms and standards of syllabi and examinations and on the certification. EIGURE 1.1 DECENTRALIEED EDUCATION STRUCTURE IN SOUTH AFRICA EDUCATION IN SOUTH AFRICA & SELF GOVERNING STATES] [EDUCATION IN INDEPENDENT STATE?! l_ PRESIDENT j limes TENTS] CmndhfmmuwmowndhnuomhanmmudfihoII; [Ikpmttf Ixmutof anflwfl IEdmnqu Efiwmhn (fNflMmfl I“ H I CgEmemxlm lffimumd mmsmel I M I 0 my FreeStatc LanPmme kmmmdw»: 0 m1. V881 L Diamond Feilds] 33 The Setting For a better understanding of the geographical setting of the provinces the department of education referred and the three areas that are studied are shown on 2.2 on the next page. As indicated earlier, the departments of education are racial or ethnic components rather than geographical entities. With Asiatics, Blacks and Coloreds, educational departments run across geographical boundaries in order to accommodate racial groups. For instance, the Department of Education and Training is found in all four provinces. This is not the case with White Education that has a department of education in each province. Black education falls under several departments of education, ten of which are in Black areas i.e., the 13% of the land occupied by Blacks. It also falls under the Department of Education and Training formerly the Department of Bantu Education, is in the White areas i.e. the 87% of the land occupied and owned by Whites. With its seat in Pretoria, the Department of Education and Training is headed by a minister who is elected. by the White electorate and owns no allegiance to the Blacks whose educational policies he designs. It is the Department of Education and Training that dictates educational policies to the ten Black departments of education, although some of these homeland governments are said tobe independent. Their independence does not, however, make them not to be dependent on South Africa, its Department of Education and Training for the provision of educatioanal facilities such as examinations and certification. 34 FIGURE 1.2 SOUTH AFRICA, SEWING moon PROVINCES AND HMLAND GOVERNMENTS 3" .III II! ,‘ll All A A 1i.__J A I 1 T Y 1 RI um I!!! .‘m Emu-In -'-"v "’ Cape Prov i ncc ":31, ..m I’ort Elllnbclh LE;SOTH ....Z...W l \3'; lint. ‘London Conflict in South Africa. Ig‘ Cape 'l'uwn = v5” Source: Smith, Chris. KEY ,"v'N -.--.." Q7. '“ l'llc lunm'lnmts, or "fidewfl‘km' "m“chnd / "1n ‘ T Bmttustmts, tlmt Im'rc set .1 . BUPMWNWJM ) it l upfront 1953 ummrds by ' I ‘ . . Ciskei 1“,.) \ tltc Bmttu Autltorttn's Act. ‘ u Transkei fl, 3‘ By 1981, Trmtskm, , . . Vcnda ‘ J,” 1:5) W Buplmtlmtszmun, chln .Non-lndependem' HONlCIIIIIdI . ,mom .1 «IIml Ctskut tug-H: all math. Kuugwanc Trmwu-mIrO-l'mlnflflb'lfl . ”E1 It’lnlt'pclulc’ftltl ‘blfllth. ~‘ ‘ - = - ' ’vcr mr Kwazulu ,- "W. '~\ _ SW ZIL . D UIUL , chum r? ,A’l A" _ M ”in“ g imlcpwulcncc was not .I ---r ma...) . _ . :1 ‘ ‘ Nam 5 rcmgmzcd outs/dc South 0mm" ,1! Orange Free State “l ‘ ~~ 1 l ' .. t -l can“... “mum,“ _. m; Ajmn mu tut] tummzu "('05 d3“)? ‘1 ccwmmicnllu um! Kwandcbclc Bloemfontein. ‘ ,I’ ‘ f" g: t _ . . ’ - pultttcnIlI/ dependant on South Africa. p. 11.“ The setting of the study was in semi—urban and urban areas because these areas formulation/policy implementation Africa. are contested zones in the policy debacle going on in South Urbanized communities suffered most from the effects of apartheid which neglected Black urban communities with the hope that they will one day return to the homelands. government funds we re governments especially those which opted for their used Most of the in the development of homeland "independence" i.e Bophuthatswana, Ciskei, Transkei and Venda. Making Bricks Without Straws The quasi-decentralization in South African accompanied by unequal distribution of resources. boards were expected to make bricks without straw. education was Bantu schools That Blacks 35 were economically disadvantaged and could not provide funds for their education can be examined in their economic activities. Although the economic activities of Blacks had significantly changed since 1946, the 1946 census indicates what Blacks were like when the Bantu Education was being formulated in 1951. Blacks were in low—paid, low-esteem jobs as indicated by Table 1.1. on the next page. The Report of the Commission further indicates that in 1946 the percentages of the population of 10 years and over (excluding peasants) were, "females 19.5 percent, males 50:4 percent."15 It has to be borne in mind that 58.6% of the 19.5% females were domestic servants, the lowest-paid segment of employees. Males were 40.9% in Agriculture and 21.2% in mining, both of which were low-paying jobs6 As apartheid. progressed, the .Africanization. of poverty' was accelerated Iby discriminatory laws which. prevented Africans from highly-paid jobs. The Bantu Labor Act of 1970 provided that: 1. Not withstanding anything contrary contained in any law, the Minister may prohibit the performance of working or continued employment of a Bantu: a) in a specified area b) in a specified class of employment c) in a specified trade or d) in the service of specified employers . (SARR;197O:88)16 36 The low-paid Blacks had to pay for their education while Asiatics, Coloreds and Whites had free and compulsory education. One of the results of this discrimination was that education did not prepare Blacks for high paying occupational activities. The earnings of the Blacks were inadequate for paying for school services especially in secondary schools. The shortage of books in Black secondary schools and the absence of libraries, laboratories and other supportive facilities compounded the problems of secondary school. The high drop-out sent hundreds of ill prepared Black you to swell the thousands of unemployed youth. mm 1.1 BLACK LABOR FORCE PARTICIPATIW: 1946 Occupation Males Percentage Females Percentage Agriculture 824,585 40.9 239,023 31.9 Mining 426,724 21.2 - - Industry 368,289 18.3 14,324 1.9 Transport and Communication 1 16,371 5.8 385 .05 Commerce and Finance 12,1 17 .6 667 .09 Professiom, Sport and Entertainment 33,128 1.6 10,241 1.4 Persoml Service 164,257 8.1 439,066 58.6 Other workers 70,856 3.5 45,878 6.1 Total pitifully occupied (excluding 2,016,327 100.0 749,584 100.0 peasants) Peasants 644,725 428,595 Independent 5,791 7,574 Household Duties 11,636 1,262 Inmates of Institutions etc 11,387 172 Dependent Parents etc 13,744 7,138 Scholars 258,901 41,833 Person under 10 years 1,034,646 282,804 1,055,058 GRAND TOTAL 3,997,157 3,834,758 Source: Report of the Commission on Native 1951. p. 24.17 37 Education 1 94 9- The government found it expedient to tax Blacks for their education because government spending in Black education from 1926 8 In addition to this to 1950 was pegged at R680.000 per annum.1 government funding, Blacks jpaid. school fees which "varied from province to province and from school to school within the same province."”. What ditermined thase varaitions were activities such as the payment of building funds, and the privately—paid teachers funds. The schools that taxed students for building were those in rural areas because school in urban areas were erected by municipalities. For instance, In the Cape, free secondary education was provided for pupils below the age of 19 in school under the school boards. An annual fee of R4.00 was paid by students above the age of 19. In mission schools R4.50 up to R6.00 was paid. In Natal fee ranged from R1.00 to 4 per annum, in the Transvaal from R1 to 6, in the Orange Free State it was R4.20 There was also the tuition fee paid. by students in boarding schools. In the Cape this fees ranged from R16—00 to R28-00 per annum in the late 19305.21 When Black education was removed from provincial administration it; lost of pmovincial government officials' interest that had enabled Blacks schools to benefit from discarded surplus books, furniture and other equipment from White and Indian 38 schools. Surplus, furniture, books and sometimes science equipment easily found their way into Black school prior to the separation. Black education also lost provincial funding when it was transferred to the central government. This provincial funding was from the central government, from the Consolidated Fund in which Blacks contributed through indirect taxation. The distribution of these funds by the province got the provinces to be interested in Black education in as far as the disbursement of these funds were which in 1946 'were as concerned. Provinces provided bursaries, indicated in table 1.2 below: TABLE 1.2 PROVINCIAL CONTRIBUTION TO BURSARIES FOR BLACK STUDENTS: 1946 Cape Natal Orange Trans- Total Free State vaal - For Secondary Education- Number of bursaries 75 60 5:15 20:4 179 Amount of each bursary R40 R36 R12z20 R10:2:1 _ Total amount R3,000 R2,160 R1,3 80 R8,252 B—F or Teachers Training- Number of bursaries 60 145 Amount of each bursary R40 R36 R12z20z35 95:33:] 410 Total amount R2,400 R5,220 R1,3 80 R40:30:10 - C- Fort Hare Bantu College Rl3,700 Annual bursaries 15 15 Amount of each bursary R20 R100 Total amount R600 R l ,500 2 32 D-For Industrial Education R90 _ Number of bursaries - - 20 R180 R2,280 Amount of each bursary - - R16 Total amount - - R320 Total number 150 220 116 641 Total bursaries. R6,000 R8,880 R1,960 R24,552 Source: Report of the Commission on Native Education 1949-1951. p. 68.22 39 Despite this provincial funding, which was primarily aimed at improving secondary school and teachers' education, the distribution of Black students according to standards and the qualifications of teachers did not show plausible improvements. The school/ teacher/pupil increase was also disproportionate from 1925 to 1975 as indicated below by Figure 1.3. The funding of schools was also disproportionate and discriminatory as shown on the next page, on Figure 1.3. Bantu school boards were, therefore, taking over ill-funded Black schools from missionaries and provincial government and were expected to achieve what provincial governments had failed to achieve. It was against these historical facts that Bantu school boards were introduced and operated. The demand for schooling exceeded the provision for education. Government funding to Black schools did not increase as the demand increased. One estimate of this demand was that in 1960, 62.5% of Blacks under the age of 15 had no schooling. This declined to 51.8% in 1970.23 Differentiated. educational provisions for Asiatics, Blacks, Coloreds and Whites had differentiated outcomes of schooling. In 1974 the estimated percentage of South Africans above the age of 18 who had completed four years of schooling was 98.64% of Whites, 77.42% of Asiatics, 68.3% of Coloreds and 40.13% of Blacks."24 The figures on the next page capture these disparities: 40 norm: 1.3 m CAPITA EXPENDITURE mm 1‘0 RACIAL moor FIGURE 1.4 NUMBER OF 8C800L8,PUPIL8 AND moms IN BLACK EDUCATION 17 703' r 600 — Key Key and Scale ,es 007 Afi'ican_ '— _ Schools, one interval = 2000 l/ .2 573 500 " _ White __ ----- Teachers, one interval = 10,000 , ----- Coloured Pupils, one interval = 500,000 400 r ......... Indian 300- / l O O _ 2646 ’,/ . —/ 5293",.--” L 1 l 1 I 1 l _ 'u 1 1925 30 35 40 45 50 55 60 65 70 75 191.75 30 35 40 45 50 55 60 65 70 75 80 Yau Yen Per capita expenditure according to group Number of schools, pupils and teachers in Afi‘ican education and Newman, Stanton P. Soweto's Children: of Attitudes. pp. 64-65.“ Source: Ceber, The Development Beryl A. Summary Bantu school boards were introduced to take over Black schools from ndssionaries and from pmovincial administrations as part of the grand apartheid scheme which came into being after the Afrikaner‘ Nationalist Government came into being in 1948. The roots of local administration of South African schools had, however, been long established as indicated in the next chapter. References L Theal, McCall G. History of South Africa Before 1795. London: G. Allen and Unwin, 1927. 2. Walker, Eric. A History of Southern Africa. London: Longman, Green & Co. Ltd. 1968. 3. Malherbe, E.G. Education in South Africa. Cape Town: Juta, 1925, p. 124. 4. Ibid. p. 126. 5. Adamastor (pseudo). White Man Boss: Footsteps of the South African Volk. Boston: Beacon Press, 1951, p. 62. 41 6. Osmond Roger. The Apartheid Handbook: A Guide to South Africa's Everyday Racial Policies. Middlesex, England: Penguin Books, 1985, p. 26. 7. Adamastor (pseudo).Op. cit. p. 62. 8. Union of South Africa. Commission on Native Education: 1949- 1951. Pretoria:Government Printers, 1952, p. 27. 9. Ibid. p. 74. 10 . Supreme Court of South Africa . Transvaal Division v C . C . W . Twala and Ten Others . Microfilm No . , 16564 , Michigan State University Library. 11.Marlherbe, E.G. Op. cit. p. 116. 12.Du Pisani T., Plekker S.J. and Dennis C.R. Education and Manpower Development. Bloemfontein: Institute for educational Planning, 1990, p. 3. 13.Ibid. 14.Smith, Chris. Conflict in Southern Africa. East Sussex: Wayland, 1992, p. 11. 15.Union of South Africa. Commission Native Educationzl949-1951. Pretoria: Government Printers, 1952, p. 29. l6.South ,African Institute of Race Relations. Race Relations Survey, 1970. Johannesburg:l97l. p. 208. l7.Union of South Africa. Op. cit. p. 24. 18.Ibid. p. 36. 19.1bid. p. 23. 20.Ibid. p. 37. 21.Ibid. p. 14. 22.Ibid. p. 68. 23.South African Institute of Race Relations. Op. cit. p. 121. 24.Ibid. p. 27. 25.Gerber, Beryl and Newman, Santon P. Soweto's Children: The Development of Attitudes. Academic Press, 1980, pp. 64-65. 42 CHAPTER II School Boards in White Education Introduction We need to examine school boards in white education in order to understand Bantu school boards as they largely followed patterns set by White school broads. Black education was part of provincial education until 1953.1 It was the administered like the rest of education in South African until 1953 when the Bantu education..Act. placed. Bantu Education under the Department of Native Affairs. The provinces of South were the Cape, Natal, Orange Free State and Transvaal2 Local administration in White education differed from province to province. The Cape came into existence in 1652, while the other provinces were established after 1835 when the Afrikaners left the Cape for the interior of South Africa. Afrikaners established republics in Natal, the Orange Free State and in the Transvaal. The British annexed Natal in 1843. Afrikaners left Natal and moved into the other republics. In 1910, the British colonies, the Cape and Natal joined the Afrikaner colonies, the Orange Free State and the Tmansvaal to form the Union of South Africa. The Union Act of 1910 gave the 3 These provinces autonomy in the government of their education. historical developments had a bearing on local administration of the different provinces, which then adopted differing systems of 43 local education. As the mother province, the Cape made major contribution in the development of local administration of South African schools.4 Capo In the Cape the idea of school boards came in the 18603. A Westermeyer Commission the establishment of school boards.5 This recommendation was supported by Inspector Rowan and Inspector Clark.6 Rowan recommended founding of school boards elected by voters empowered by to levy local rates and enforce compulsory. education. A feeling was expressed that school committee were' inadequate for their task as they lacked continuity. Inspector‘ Clark criticized school committee and maintained that "In baie‘ openbare skool 'n klein oorloggie tussen die onderwyser en - 7 komittee was . " The first commission failed to get enough votes for the establishment of school boards. The second commission, the De Villiers8 brought up the question of school boards in 1879. It recommended the founding of school boards to determine and provide for the needs of at district, to buy properties and erect schools, and select and! appoint teachers with the approval of the Department of' Education.9 The Superintendent of Education (SGE) Dale, was,, however, against the establishment of school boards. Inspector. Ross contended that the guarantee system was unsatisfactory in! that it placed the burden of funding schools on "half—a-dozen‘ "10 liberal-minded gentlemen. He was of the opinion that school. boards would provide continuity as well as security for the teachers, but felt that Divisional Councils and Municipalities could raise more funds than school boards. In 1891 the Barry Commission added its part in revealing the weaknesses of the existing system of local administration. It pointed out that the householders were not legally bound to elect managers, nor were managers legally bound to risk their private funds for public ventures. The commission felt that the assertion that school boards would be unpopular was not a general felling. The idea of school boards enjoyed some measure of support as well as condemnation. Prof. de Vos and N. T. de Vaal supported the idea of school boards. Muir maintained that the improvement of education in the Cape would depend on departmental organization, establishment of school boards and compulsory education. Suaer (later a Minister) said that school boards are undoubtedly becoming necessary in the Colony. The Synod of the N. G. Kerk was also in favor of school boards. Some people were, however, against the establishment of school boards. The Bishop of Grahamstown maintained that local boards would mean local taxation, and there is a great trouble in even getting the streets reservoirs properly attended to. Murray pointed out that school boards would find difficulties in towns with large outlying districts, because the interest of the towns and districts are conflicting. This opposition coming from the clergy is not surprising when one considers what C. L. Hofmeyer says about the clergy: "Op die plattelande was die predikant feitlik 45 direkteur van onderwys in sy gemeente. Dit was by wet sy kerkraad laat teken bet (as waarborge). Dit was by wet uit sy pad gegaan bet, om geskikte onderwysers in the band te kry. Dit was by wat die ouers aangemoedig bet om hulle kinders skool toe te stuur. Dit was by wat moes plan maak om van 'n ongewenste onderwyser onstal te raakm." The opposition of the clergy to the introduction of school boards has to be seen in the light of Government encroachment in an area that had a strong religious undercurrent. The influence of the Church would wane as it lost the position of being guarantors. The School Attendance Bill was introduced in 1896 but failed to pass. The bill aimed at founding attendance boards that had to provide half the cost of education. In 1899 the Prime Minister introduced a bill to make provision for compulsory education and school boards, but these innovations were not accepted. A bill introduced in March 1905 became the School Board Act of 1905. This Act divided the country into about a hundred school districts, each consisting of ES‘UD 18 members. Election was by rate-payers and, not by’ parents of children attending school. The establishment of school boards promised that the task of founding new schools . . . a duty hitherto belonging to no one in particular . . . was entrusted to the school boards. Competition between the various school and overlapping would be prevented by school boards. 46 Boards controlled the financing of their schools by fixing teachers salaries and determining school fees. Where expenditure exceeded the income, one half of the deficit was paid by the Department of Education, and the other were to be paid by the Divisional. or' Municipal Council. As all local residents paid taxes, they had a right to vote for the educational custodian of their school funds. More funding was available for education as funding was not restricted to parents who had children attending school. The boards had the power, subject to approval of the Department, to borrow either from the Government or from any source, for purposes of erecting school buildings. School committees were retained to represent parents and guardians of pupils. These committees were retained because, as [hi Preez van Wyk cites F. S, Malan as saying: "They had grown with the people, and the breathed the spirit of the people."10 Later, the Cape local administration of schools was introduced in the Orange Free State and in the Transvaal with various modifications as the Cape remained to be the most liberal province in South Africa. Orange Free State Local administration in the Cmange Free State was decentralist, having features resembling the Cape model. The Orange Free State made provision for the establishment of local school committees for every district, Each committee consisted of the landrost. A minister of the Dutch Reformed Church, and three other members of nominated by the Executive Council. Later, these committees were 47 divided into District School Committees and Ward School Committees. They were elected by all inhabitants of the districts who were entitled to vote. The parents of school going children were not the only ones who voted for school committees. The District School Committees selected teachers, but teachers were appointed by the President. Ordinance No. 29 of 1905 divided the Orange Free State into 26 districts, each with a school committee responsible for education of its district. Tax-payers elected the majority of members, and the Governor appointed the remaining members. Blacks were excluded from any form of governance. Transvaal In the Transvaal, local administration of schools devolved much power to the people. The Smuts Act of 1907 divided the country into 126 districts with a school board for each district. The electorate consisted of ordinary voters One third of the members of the school board were appointed by the Minister of Education as in the Cape. These boards administered funds, but did raise funds from property taxes as in the Cape. This made these local boards to be "correctly perceived as local agents of the central authority, or outposts or advanced guards of a single administrative force."8 The boards was recommended the appointment of teachers. It was, however, the government that made the appointment. Like the Orange Free State, the Transvaal did not consider Blacks as citizens enjoying political equality with Whites. Blacks did not take part in any form of governance. 48 Natal Natal was the only province that had a centralist educational administration. "Natal," says Malherbe, "has an uninterrupted English system from the time of its inception to the present day ' ° . . and in contrast with the English system, Natal has the most centralized system of the four provinces . . . . having prae‘tically no form of local control of education."8 As indicated ear:Lier, Natal was annexed by Britain in 1843, six years after the arrival of the Afrikaners. Traditional Afrikaner decentralist administration had not taken roots in Natal when the Afrikaners left Natal. The province then remained English, autocratic and cent :ralist. The English in Natal never had cause to fear being COL<>nized and their children being forced to accept an education they wee against. This was not the case with the Afrikaners and the Blacks. The Afrikaners were against Anglicization during Sort‘Lerset's Government at the Cape in 1820, and during Milner's time after the Anglo-Boer War in 1902. Trends In Local Administration of White Education From 1910 to 1953 A15‘Cer the formation of the Union of South Africa, provinces re‘tained their different local administrative preference. The Cage retained what it had founded by the School Act of 1905; the Transvaal retained the structure set up by the Transvaal E“Q11.1.cation Act of 1907, and the Orange Free State followed a pattern envisaged by the School Act of 1908. Natal did not only 49 retain her centralized system of education, but rejected school 1 boarcls.1 These divergent local administrations persisted beyond 1953 despite the fact that three provinces found school boards useful and making healthy contribution to school government. Adamson, a director of education in the Transvaal, defined a School board as usually an independent body raising directly its own funds, appointing its own clerical and teachers staff, and 12 building its own schools. According to him, the "fundamental idea of the Transvaal school boards is that of representative, advi ser, and, with regard to the certain funds, a local administrator of central department,"13 This perception though dece ntralist, is not devolutionist . It was merely a de(z'Ebl'lcentration of power. One tends to accept partially Adamson's Perception of the differences between the Cape School Boards and t“Ose of the Transvaal. The latter did not see their task as that Of raising funds, and equipping schools. This comes out in items 101 and 112 of the conference of school boards in 1911 where it was resolved that it was the sole duty of the government to build and equip schools. School boards as independent bodies, raising 111$ ir own funds and building their own schools did not ma‘Cerialize in the Transvaal. The whole of South Africa gradually gravitated towards the Tltfinsvaal concept of school boards so that all school boards beQame mostly representative, advisers, and local administrators 0f certain educational funds. These were disempowered school boards. The constituencies of school boards varied from province 50 t0 plfc>vince. For instance, the school board areas in the Free Statea- were 49 and these coincided with the Dutch Reformed Church disturercts areas.14 In the Cape constituencies coincided with Divi.sszional Council areas. Any meeting for the election of the SChC><>CL board was called by the school board. In the Orange Free Smitlee the meeting was called by the Director of Education”, while in 1C¥k1e Transvaal it was called by a principal of a school. An imp<2>3rtant variation was that a meeting for election of members to the looard in the Cape required a quorum. The electorate consisted Of. £3'-<::hool committee members in the Orange Free State, and in the TralI‘lsvaal, while it consisted of all voters in the Cape. In all Prcr‘7iinces, four members were appointed by the administration. FrC>Itl their inception, school boards held periodical conferences such as that of the Orange Free State held in Bloemfontein in 1912,- that of the Transvaal held on the 4th, 5th and 6th July 1931-116; that held in Port Elizabeth from the 5th to the 8th DeCember 1927”. Of these conferences held in Bloemfontein the DidITector of Education said that "it succeeded in lubricating the wh‘Etels of administration with the result that all component parts 0f the official and semi-official machinery have since run with glmfiéater smoothness and efficiency,"18 It may give us an idea what type of person avail t1~163mselves for nomination to school boards, and what matters were disscussed by these boards. Let us examine the Transvaal school anrd conference held in Pretoria 1911. Out of fifty delegates fCFUI were doctors, and fourteen were ministers of religion”. This 51 conference dealt with many vital educational issues such as salaries of female teachers, teacher-pupil ratio, leave for teachers and the appointment of teachers. From this conference comes the following resolutions: "That this conference most Strongly protest against the disregard shown to resolutions Passed by this body at its last session held in September 1909, and. Would courteously but firmly urge that consideration should now be given to . . . . That no primary class should have more than thirty five scholars under one teacherzo." This conference alsQ dealt with the curriculum because it moved that "more aut11'1lentic South African History books be introduced."21 Viewed against the decentralization/centralization debates as presented by Hans Weilerzz, these conferences dealt with redistribution arguments, efficient arguments and the culture of 1e’arning arguments. Adamson, the Director of Education recZommended frequent conferences between inspectors and boards. The re were frequent conferences, especially during the first deQade after the formation of the Union. The Departments were keQn on them as can be seen in that the Department of Education deQided to meet the school committees and school boards members "1'19 attended the Dutch Reformed Synod held in 191623. One of the reasons for founding of school boards was to 1Improve school attendance. It is not easy to gauge exactly the part played by the boards in improving school attendance. InSpector Wessels and Inspector Brinsley ascribed better attendance to conditions under which the Union subsidy was paid 52 t0 provinces. Many inspectors, however, attributed better attendance to "vigilance of the school board secretaries."24 Inspector Graig25 maintains that attendance improved because attendance officers gave notice to parents whose children were attending irregularly. Inspector Schalkwijk26 reported attendance Officers visiting school : some about fifty miles away from town, at tll‘leir own cost, once every quarter." Inspector Kerricke stated that attendance officers were doing good work, and boards had imp’zfi‘oved attendance by providing transport”. Inspector Noaks also held the view that the provision of transport by boards had done much to improve school attendance”. In the Orange Free State, boards received transport bursaries of R10-OO per annum and for boarding R15-OO per annum for pupils attending county schools, and RIO-00 for children attending town schools”. By 1917 the cost of transport amounted to R15,506 covering 137 9 pupils in the Orange Free State. The provision of transport facZilitated the centralization of schools, and Inspector Botha was of the opinion that transport and centralization were some of the greatest difficulties faced by the Department of Education. He gave examples of schools such as Vlafontein No. 364 which cost R4 0 000-00 to build, but had only twenty children. There were ca Ses where local opinion was prejudiced by self-interest in the cthsing of the center”. By 1930 it had been laid down that the CCDr)sent of the school committee and written consent of the parents whose children were to be conveyed to the central school had to be procured before centralization”. Adamson, praised the 53 boards in that they provided facilities”. Van Wyk34 says that many inspectors spoke well of the boards and indicated that boards had the interest of education at heart, and had made the work of an inspector lighter. Despite their valuable contribution, school boards were not without some adverse comments. Inspector Wessels reported that "some board members were long suffering with negligent parents in applying the school laws so that some parents kept their children away from school for service at home. Inspector Hofmeyer states that boards could not effectively apply compulsory education beca use they could not plead and persecute. When compulsory education became a partially accepted practice, the government ass1.1.Ined financial responsibility for White education. The appointment of teachers became the function of school committees rather than boards. The functions of school boards had so dwindled that by 1924, Malherbe said this about boards, "They degenerated into mere officers for passing on resolutions of the Sc1':n.ool committees onto the Department of Education- work which Chg secretary alone could easily perform. The futility of school b0émds of today has been evident all over the country."37 Despite this criticism, school boards persisted so that by 1953 when Black education ceased to be part of National Eel1.1cation, the Cape, the Orange Free State and the Transvaal had SQ113001 boards. In the Cape some of the Native schools were under beards, the same boards that were responsible fore White e’ducation. They were only few of these. A comparison of school 54 Luukaxr the school boards and those without school boards in the Cape: :from 1941 to 1945, shows two differences. The school under schc><:yl boards had less uncertificated teachers, and the pupil- teacher ratio was higher in schools were not under boards, while 1t Vwaas lower in schools under boards.38 Local Administration of Black School from 1792 to 1953 The local administration of Black school was shaped by the fac=1tl that Black education owes its existence to missionary zeal WhC>=Eie history in this service stretches as far back to 1792. Hei—3:?ick Marsveld, Johana Kenhel and Daniel Schwinn of the ”“II?£Eavian missionaries established a mission station and a school at. 'EBaviaanskloof in 1792”. What is significant about this period is 1:hat prior to the arrival of these missionaries, no education 01? Inissionary institution worthy of note had been founded by the CCDIIJonists since their arrival in 1652. Apart from the work of the MC>31‘avians, pioneering educational enterprise of Van der Kemp of trlee London Missionary Society, merits some attention. Van der KEEItm>" applied to King Gaika (Ngqika) for liberty to remain in Ili~=s country . . . and commence his instruction amongst the p6-*eriority which was not sympathetic to Black participation in any form of administration”. Of this changed missionary attitude LO 3Sam quoted Blacks as saying, "Sir . . . in the olden days, the Wh ite missionary took me into his study for a cup of tea and talk when I called on him. To day I am told o wait in the kitchen"43. Rubusana and Yergan44 harp on the same note of the changed mi Ssionary attitude. Davis45 ascribes the changed missionary attitude to frontier wars and the cattle-killing episode of 1856. one could add to these causes the Black—White clashes in the interior, the waning of humanitarianism and the gradual introduction of South African born missionaries. This changed attitude led to the change in missionary activities, which changed from conversion to paternalism and trusteeship. Paternalism and trusteeship precluded Black participation in mSaningful positions of governance. 56 Black exclusion in all corridors of power and administration Of education was also partially determined by Government attitude towards Black education. This was characterized by tolerance bordering on antipathy, as can be seen from the time of founding Genaciendal (Black School) in 1792 and the founding of Bethels- dorp in 1799.46 A study of Governor Janssen's regulation for Bet-1“.Lelsdorp in 1804 reveals this ambivalent White attitude. Some Of the regulations were: "No missionary at Bethelsdorp could go beycbnd the bounds of the colony; no Khoikhon who was already working for farmer could be admitted to Bethelsdorp and while rea<fling could be taught to Blacks, writing could not."47 Government antipathy is also clearly especially in the point Which prohibited Blacks from learning to write. Janssen is said to have stated that "most missionaries (rogues) should be sent away with the greatest possible haste, and those who were allowed to stay . . . if there were any, should be given new itistructions‘”. Inspector Kusckhe reported that "The idea of ha~\ring Native school on their farms is repugnant to them (farmers) . . . because children make new footpaths by walking across the veld, or because they climb through the fences. More o:Eten the objection was raised that children would not be at"eilable for work if they attend school“. As an inspector well aQquainted with White attitudes towards Black education, he SLll'nmarized the attitude by saying, "if our public opinion does begin with mistrust it does end in indifference. Mistrust and 57 indifference excluded Blacks from local administration of schools.“19 Even Whites engaged in Black education in general have not always been sympathetic towards Black education or showed much concern about Black education. Jacob Dirk Barry, Chairman of the l 8 92 Education Commission had this to say about Black education. "I s it not better for these Natives to know how to herd sheep Sand dig than read newspapers?" Dale, the Superintendent of Edcucation in the Cape wrote: "I do not consider it my business to EC) :rce education on all aborigines; it would mean utter ruin to SQuth Africa, If I produced 600,000 Fingoes or Tembus tomorrow, What would you do with them?"‘19 The small portion allotted to Bl ack education in the report of inspectors and directors of e(fisucation of all provinces from the nineteenth to the twentieth century shows indifference of official to Black education. The appointment of inspectors of Native education in all provinces highlighted the problems of Black education. These problems can be summarized by quoting extracts from a 1941 Departmental Report on Black education. According to this report: "One could condense all the reports of the recent years to read ad follows: we have managed to keep the existing schools going; a few new schools have been registered; the teachers have again had to be told that Owing to shortage of funds, no increment can be paid; hundreds of C1lildren were refused admission, especially in large towns, because there were no rooms in which they could have been tlanght, because if there had been adequate accommodation, there 58 would have been no teachers to teach them, and because even if there had been enough teachers to teach them, there would have been no money to pay them for their work”. Bantu school boards are often associated with Verwoerd, especially his views on Black education. These views were however, in most cases dim echoes of what Shula Marks calls "50 An examination of the "Vituperative British settler racism Proceedings of the Royal Institute in London reveal British ho stile attitudes towards Black education. Black participation 10 cal administration of schools was not possible under these Cc>r1dition. Sir Sidney Shippard, one of the conferees, who in the l 8 98-99 conference said“: I am one of those who hold that we have gone to a great deal too far in the direction of giving what we call too superior education for many of these native subjects. We develop and encourage ambitions that can never be gratified and succeeding in breeding dis- content.. . . we ought to train some of them to be good servants . . . the majority of the natives of South Africa will be hewers of wood and drawers of water to the end of time. Athher version of the same attitude came from Sir Frederick Young, anther conferee, who, at the Colonial Institute in London, 11"; February 1903 said”: 59 Everyone acquainted with South Africa knows that little progress can be made in the development of industries without proper supply of native labor. There is quite sufficient scope for the White man if he confines himself to the directing of Black labor, and to skilled artisan labor . . . The Bantu is in my opinion, will not in the next hundred tears be able told this class of work efficiently. 13<2>I force Blacks to work Young thought tat "they, (Blacks) had to h><33. made to contribute more largely towards the expenses of the §I<2>vernment . . ."w He went on to say "The South African native is altogether an inferior animal to the White man, and must be tincreated accordingly. At the present time, the native is treated It11_1ch to leniently, with the result that he is insolent, lazy and iI‘ICIJnoral."54 To Sir Henry Bulwer, a Black person was an inferior all'llimal that did not deserve education. He spoke of the hereditary J—Eiuziness of and demoralization that was produced by the high rate of wages at the Johannesburg and Kimberly mines. To him, the b1&5“sz were "uncontrolled packs of female slave drivers."55 These attitudes expressed in the Royal Colonial Institute in London were not without their counterpart in South Africa. Amongst the British settlers. One has to read the debates of the Natal Le3