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This is to certify that the
thesis entitled

FRIEDRICH JUSTIN BERTUCH’S “LONDON UND PARIS”
THE PORTRAYAL OF FRENCH AND ENGLISH
CARICATURES FROM THE GERMAN PERSPECTIVE

presented by

Michael Thomas Albert

has been accepted towards fulfillment
of the requirements for the

MA. degree in German Studies

 

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p.15

FRIEDRICH JUSTIN BERTUCH’S "LONDON UND PARIS"
THE PORTRAYAL OF FRENCH AND ENGLISH CARICATURES FROM THE
GERMAN PERSPECTIVE
By

Michael Thomas Albert

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulﬁllment of the requirements
for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS
Department of Linguistics and Germanic, Slavic, Asian and African Languages

2004

ABSTRACT
FRIEDRICH JUSTIN BERTUCH’S "LONDON UND PARIS"
THE PORTRAYAL OF FRENCH AND ENGLISH CARICATURES FROM THE
GERMAN PERSPECTIVE
By
Michael Thomas Albert

Friedrich Justin Bertuch was a very prominent publisher living in Weimar during
the second half of the 18"1 and early part of the 19th centuries. His contemporaries and
personal acquaintances included many of Germany’s most renowned and respected
philosophical and literary minds. Benuch used his inﬂuence as a publisher in an attempt
to educate, inform, and shape the opinions of his readers, the upper classes of German
society. Among his most influential projects were the periodicals published under his
direction. One such periodical was the journal London und Paris, published between 1798
and 1815. The journal focused on the two most powerful and inﬂuential nations in
Europe and reported on changing social and political trends, technological advancements,
and new forms of entertainment which were taking place in their respective capital cities.
Bertuch recognized the importance of the use of imagery in his endeavors, and an
essential part of the joumal’s efforts focused on French and English caricatures which
were included in every issue. Detailed commentaries to the caricatures were provided so
that German readers could better interpret the images. The caricatures and accompanying
commentaries worked closely together in order to encompass all aspects of the journal’s
stated goals of informing and entertaining. Of course, such images could also be used as a
powerful means of influencing opinion. This thesis attempts to examine the relationship

between these caricatures, their commentaries and their audience.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF FIGURES ............................................................................................................ iv
1. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... l
2. The Late Enlightenment Period ...................................................................................... 3
3. Europe’s Political Situation and its Importance for Journal Publications ....................... 5
4. Bertuch’s Life ............................................................... . ................................................. 11
5. “London und Paris” ....................................................................................................... 19
5.1 Appearance of the Journal ....................................................................................... 23
6. Signiﬁcant Contributors to “London und Paris” ........................................................... 26
7. Audience ....................................................................................................................... 29
8. Role of the Journal, “Plan und Ankiindigung” .............................................................. 31
9. Development of Caricatures .......................................................................................... 36
9.1 Lichtenberg’s Commentaries .................................................................................. 38
10. Role of Caricatures in “London und Paris” ................................................................. 42
10.1 A Contrast in French and English Styles .............................................................. 43
10.2 The Signiﬁcance of the Use of Color .................................................................... 46
10.3 James Gillray, the Deﬁning Artist for “London und Paris” .................................. 47
10.4 Cultural Bias Reflected in the Journal .................................................................. 49
11. French Caricatures ...................................................................................................... 52
11.1 The Comet ............................................................................................................. 52
11.2 Landing in England ............................................................................................... 57
11.3 Bastringue ............................................................................................................. 60
12. English Caricatures ..................................................................................................... 63
12.1 The Tree of LibeIty ............................................................................................... 65
12.2 The Flying Sword Gone Mad ................................................................................ 68
13. Conclusion ................................................................................................................... 73
APPENDD( ....................................................................................................................... 75
BIBLIOGRAPHY ............................................................................................................. 82

iii

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1. Cover page of London und Paris ....................................................................... 76
Figure 2. Venus ou la pretendue Comete .......................................................................... 77
Figure 3. Divers Projets sur la descente an Angleterre ..................................................... 78
Figure 4. Bastringue .......................................................................................................... 79
Figure 5. The Tree of Liberty with the Devil Tempting John Bull ................................... 80
Figure 6. The Flying Sword Gone Mad ............................................................................ 81

iv

1. Introduction

In the 18th century, a new genre of art, the caricature, was developed and reﬁned.
AS happens with most new art forms, a debate quickly ensued as to the validity and
seriousness of such work. It was thought by many that such caricatures could not even
legitimately be considered art; however, these caricatures became immensely popular not
only in the countries where they were produced, but also ended up acquiring an
international audience who appreciated the work of the artists who produced them,
because the caricatures introduced them to social, political, and cultural events from other
parts of Europe and had a signiﬁcant inﬂuence on the formation of people’s attitudes
towards other nations and cultures.

In Germany, one of the individuals who was most inﬂuential in the introduction,
and circulation of caricatures was Friedrich Justin Bertuch. He established a publishing
enterprise which became one of the most powerful businesses in Europe due to its ability
to inﬂuence the tastes and attitudes of the social elite in Germany as well as many other
parts of the continent.

Up until now, there has been a fair amount of research conducted into the
development of caricature as an art form and there has been a limited number of works
produced which look at Bertuch’s contributions to the publishing world, but very little
research has taken into account the value of the caricatures from England and France
which were reproduced under his direction for the consumption of a German speaking
audience. Furthermore, almost none of this information is currently available in the
English language. Also, the research has tended to focus on more detailed aspects of the

relationship of caricature to London und Paris, the journal in which they were published

by Bertuch, without any attempts to put them into the greater context of their role in both
reporting on and inﬂuencing European political and social affairs.

This paper will attempt to establish the historical and social context which led to
the development and rapid spread of the caricature as a legitimate form of art and which
had a substantial inﬂuence on German speaking Europe and thus indirectly the rest of the
European continent during a period in which it was undergoing dramatic social, political,
and economic change. Secondly, it will be shown how Bertuch’s publishing empire was
established in this historical context and why it was interested in providing German
readers with such detailed accounts of life and events outside of Germany. Finally,
speciﬁc examples of caricatures will be considered more closely in an effort to Show how
they were used, explained, and sometimes manipulated in an effort to form the opinions

of an audience for which the caricatures were not originally intended.

2. The Late Enlightenment Period

The eighteenth century has become known as the age of Enlightenment and was a
time when long held philosophical and religious positions began to be questioned. The
great debates that were raging across Europe were focused on such issues as the role of
religion in society and on the divine gift of self consciousness that mankind had been
given which allowed for the mysteries of the universe to be freely explored. Virtue and
the pursuit of self improvement were considered essential characteristics required for
humanity. The greatest minds in Europe focused much of their energy not only on
scientiﬁc discovery, but also on such questions as the nature of love and its role in the
religious and secular aspects of society, the burden of nobility to govern justly, and on the
supreme right of all mankind for self determination. It was a deﬁning period in European
history which contributed greatly to establishing the cornerstones of modern western
society, including basic human rights, scientiﬁc discovery, and democratic ideals.

One of the most Signiﬁcant themes of the Enlightenment period was the notion of
self improvement through expanding one’s understanding of the world. According to the
Auﬂcla'rer (Enlightenment philosophers), it was every individual’s obligation to take
advantage of his individual ability to observe and draw conclusions regarding the nature
of God, mankind, and the world around him. The dramatic increase in the production of
literature and periodicals during the period played a Signiﬁcant role in this process, by
radically increasing the amount of information readily available to people.

There existed for the ﬁrst time the opportunity for Enlightenment philosophers,
authors, and poets to join together with the new, yet rapidly expanding publishing

industry in order to spread information and ideas on a scale previously unknown. The

hunger for new books and information from the far ﬂung comers of the world became
insatiable, and this demand created great opportunity. The fact that someone could
publish and sell so many works and be assured of an audience with an unquenchable
appetite for entertainment, educational information, and news about the massive amount
of technological and scientiﬁc discoveries then taking place in conjunction with world
shaping events meant that a person could become not only very wealthy, but also highly
inﬂuential. This was exactly the situation in which Friedrich Justin Bertuch found himself
in the latter part of the 18th century.

The concept of Enlightenment was in part to call into question the commonly held
philosophies of previous centuries and, in essence, pose the question of whether or not
humanity had developed any further. Ancient western philosophies such as stoicism and
Epicureanism were now found lacking in any ability to fundamentally explain humanity
and its role in the world. Additionally, the themes of nature and compassion repeatedly
began to appear at the forefront of the most signiﬁcant literature produced during the
century, and the function of these concepts in relation to the Enlightenment is essential in
understanding both how Bertuch was a product of this period, as well as how his personal
views differed from his contemporaries and thus directly inﬂuenced the literature which

was produced and published under his direction.

3. Europe’s Political Situation and its Importance for Journal Publications

The name chosen for Bertuch’s journal London und Paris has its roots in the

 

importance that they had for the Enlightenment. England and France were considered to
be the nations where advancements in the philosophical thinking of the time had begun
and seen the most development, and this is something Bertuch acknowledges in “Plan
und Ankiindigung”, the first article to appear in London und Paris which establishes the
justiﬁcation and intentions of the Journal. This article will be discussed later in more
detail. However, there were Si gniﬁcant differences between the countries in terms of their
approach towards world affairs, personal freedoms, and social customs. Even so,
educated individuals from the rest of the world looked towards these two nations as
models for the advancement of their own societies. Although these two nations were
competing for inﬂuence on the world stage and were, during the entire length of
Publication of London und Paris, either actively at war or under a very tenuous peace,
there existed a great interest and often a genuine admiration for the social and political
developments taking place within both of these countries.

A Signiﬁcant cause for the hostility between France and England during the late
18’h and early 19th centuries can be traced directly to the French Revolution which began
in the summer of 1789. The French monarchy under Louis XVI found itself in an
extremely difﬁcult Situation. The country’s economy was foundering, the government
had no money, and the people were starving. In order to help ﬁnd a ﬁnancial solution, the
king assembled the Estates-General. With popular support from the discontented middle
class and calls for “liberty, equality, and fraternity”, cornerstones of Enlightenment

thinking, the Estates-General formed a new National Assembly (Assemble’e national),

overthrew the monarchy, and established a new government through a series of
Assemblies and ﬁnally created the National Convention. This new government was
plagued by internal strife and was generally unsuccessful at effectively governing the
country. It did, however, imprison or execute thousands of French nobility, including the
executions of the King and his wife Marie Antoinette in 1793. These executions reached
a high point between the fall of 1793 and the summer of 1794 when, during the “Reign of
Terror”, the Jacobins under the leadership of Maximilien dc Robespierre took over
control of the French Government in a concerted and brutal effort to eliminate foreign as
well as domestic threats that were both real and perceived. The revolt led by Robespierre
was successful in averting a military disaster for France by raising a substantial army
through forced conscription. With this army in place, France was able to defeat the
Austrians, Prussians, Spanish, and the English who had all allied against France after the
king’s execution. Much of Europe was deeply concerned about the Spread of revolution
to their own countries after these executions and thus ended up at war with France. This
conﬂict lasted from 1791 until 1802 when the British signed the Treaty of Amiens.
French territorial gains were ofﬁcially recognized and Napoleon became emperor of
France. However, peace did not last long. Hostilities began anew in 1803 and the
Napoleonic Wars continued unabated until Napoleon’s ﬁnal defeat at Waterloo in the
summer of 1815.1

In contrast to the unpredictable and violent revolution occurring in France,
England appeared as an island of stability in a sea of revolutionary upheaval. Over a long
period of time, England had slowly introduced a series of institutions such as the

parliamentary system and documents such as the English Bill of Rights of 1689 which

 

'<http://en.wikipedia.orglwiki/French_Revolution>

established the country as a constitutional monarchy. There existed in England an
evolutionary approach to the same ideals of liberty and equality that were being
demanded by the citizens of France. These were, quite simply, the basic tenets of
Enlightenment thinking. The rest of Europe, including Germany, were, in general,
supportive of these concepts, but were not as progressive as England in their adoption for
fear of undergoing the same unrest that was rampant in France. In fact, at the time
Germany only existed as a loosely held together conglomeration of small principalities
still based on an older form of absolutist monarchy was thus reluctant to introduce
reforms too quickly. During the entire length of publication of London und Paris, from
1798 to 1815, these political upheavals, revolutions, and wars resulting from demands for
individual freedoms were at the center of Europe’s attention. Subsequently, they also
heavily inﬂuenced the content of, and opinions expressed by the journal.

Furthermore, differences existed in the tendencies of the interpretations of
Enlightenment within the countries of England and France. While in England there
appeared to be greater personal and political freedom, as well as freedoms granted to the
press, the moral conventions tended to be more stringent. On the other hand, with regard
to France there existed a feeling that the people were much more relaxed concerning
social freedoms in terms of sexuality, morality, and religion, but that the government was
much more restrictive in terms of political freedoms permitted to the citizenry. This can
be directly attributed to French fears of continuous political conspiracy and rebellion as
had occurred through much of the 1790’s.

Because of the leading roles played by England and France in European politics

and reform, many Germans were naturally interested in ﬁnding out as much as possible

about all aspects of events taking place in these nations as well as learning more about the
personalities who were the driving forces behind so much change, upheaval and
controversy. For Germans, these nations represented the heart of Enlightenment thinking.
Furthermore, due to their importance, it was the desire of many Germans to have the
opportunity to travel to these countries and experience for themselves the things that they
could often only read about. Thus much literature of the period was devoted to the idea of
individuals traveling in order expand their horizons and open themselves up to new ideas,
customs, and experiences.

Traveling was, however, not always possible for the typical, well educated, upper
or upper-middle class individual located in Germany, far away from the heart of the
Enlightenment. “Since travel restrictions were frequently imposed on their subjects by the
rulers of German states, many educated Germans had become ‘armchair travelers’
addicted to the exploration of other countries through the medium of books, periodicals
and prints.”2

This intense interest in England and France naturally led to a desire to learn about
the most signiﬁcant places in these countries, their respective capital cities. In fact,
according to Karl Riha, it is this fascination with the people and events of these major
cultural centers which can be directly attributed to the creation of periodicals in the form
of newspapers and journals in the ﬁrst place due to the constant exchange of letters from
merchants who were interested in the latest news from large cities in relation to business
and social opportunities. This development of periodicals began much earlier, but had

reached a critical mass by the end of the 18th century and is in this way directly related to

the massive expansion of the publishing industry during the period. Riha further goes on

 

2 Banerji, Gillray Observed, 8.

to say that the modem idea of the news correspondent is something that was already very
well developed by the time that London und Paris was being published, and this is
evident when one looks closer at who was producing the articles and providing the
caricatures for the journals publication.
Ganz im traditionellen Sinn deﬁniert Zedlers ,,Universal Lexikon” ,correspondiren’
dahin, daB es Sich hierbei um das Wechseln von Briefen handle; doch gilt als
,Correspondent’ auch derjenige ,,bey den Kauﬂeuten [...] welcher mit einem andem
sowohl in Waaren als Wechsel negotiiret, und welchen sie meistentheils nur ihren Freund
nennen“ Damit ist auf die Anféinge der Zeitung aus der Kaufmanns-Korrespondenz
hingewiesen, — ein vertrautes Faktum der Zeitungsgeschichte! Noch nicht festgehalten ist
hingegen, daB ,Correspondent’ zu eben diesem Zeitpunkt auch schon die ganz modeme
medienspeziﬁsche Bedeutung eines ,,festgestellten oder freiberuﬂichen Mitarbeiters einer
Zeitung oder Nachrichtenagentur“ anzunehmen beginnt, und dieser Umsprung des
Terminus hat fiir unser Thema besonderes Gewicht.3

The letters and publications coming from the major urban centers of Europe
(Groﬂstadtkorrespondenz) thusly gave impulse to an entire industry of travel literature
which was a phenomenon that began long before Bertuch’s involvement in Publishing,
but the ever-increasing demand for such news and the desire for the it to be timely and
therefore still of value and interest made the publication of London und Paris not only
possible, but also assured its success. In addition to the publication of literature and
information, there grew up a signiﬁcant demand in Germany for products from England
and France. These included not only items of men’s and women’s fashion, but also a
great variety of domestic goods such as fashionable tea services, writing podiums, and
even heating stoves, which were all associated with the latest advances in both aesthetic
appeal as well as technological achievement. Because of this demand, Bertuch saw an

opportunity to provide the public with information about, and access to such goods. This

was the reason for his publishing the Journal des Luxus und der Mode (often referred to

 

3 Riha, GroBstadt-Korrespondcnz, 107.

as the Modejoumal). This journal was a predecessor to London und Paris and continued
publication long after the latter journal ceased to exist. All told, the Modejoumal was
published under a variety of similar names between the years of 1786 and 1827. It played
an important role in the development of London und Paris in that this later journal was
intended from its very inception to be a compliment to the Modejoumal. It was to focus
on issues that were related and of interest to the Modejournal ’3 readers but outside of the
fashion joumal’s scope in terms of content. Bertuch’s publishing activities therefore

made him quite powerful, but also controversial.

10

4. Bertuch’s Life

Friedrich Justin BeItuch was born neither to a well known nor exceptionally
wealthy family. However, before his death in 1822, he would become one of the
wealthiest and most inﬂuential businessmen in all of Europe. Bertuch was born in
Weimar on September 30‘“, 1747. His father was the doctor for the local military garn'son
and his mother was the daughter of a civil servant. Four years after his birth, Bertuch’s
father died and he was thus raised by his mother until her death in 1762. At the age of 15,
Friedrich Bertuch moved in with his uncle and lived happily there, until he left to study
ﬁrst theology and then law at the University in Jena. Neither of these professions really
held much interest for him though, and while at the university, Bertuch took a much
greater interest in literature and natural history. These interests would in fact go on to
play a Signiﬁcant role in the rest of his life and led directly to his burgeoning fortune and
inﬂuence. At the time, Bertuch wished to become an author and, at the age of twenty two,
broke off his Studies in order to pursue his literary ambitions. In 1769 he received a
position as private tutor to the sons of the former Danish ambassador to Madrid, Baron
Ludwig Heinrich Bachoff von Echt. It was during his employment with the Baron, that
Bertuch learned to speak ﬂuent Spanish and also wrote his ﬁrst works. However, his
literary achievements were not received with the highest regard. One critic wrote the
following regarding Bertuch’s work. “Gewollt hat der Verfasser freilich wohl gute Verse
zu machen, aber geworden sind sie es gewiB nicht.”4

Bertuch was ﬁnally able to achieve literary acclaim, but this praise did not come
from his skills as an author but rather as a translator. While still employed by von Echt,

Bertuch began working on a translation of Cervantes’s famous work Don Quixote, but

 

 

‘ P. Kaiser, Das Haus am Baumgarten, 4.

ll

this effort was not completed until 1775, two years after Bertuch had left his position as
private tutor and returned to his home town of Weimar. Bertuch’s Translation was widely
regarded by critics as the ﬁnest example of Cervantes’s work then available in the
German language. One such critic had the following to say.
Er ist einer von unseren wacheren Ubersetzem, die nicht... Haut und Knochen ihres
Originals, sondem Geist und Starke und Leben desselben liefern... Wer kennt seinen
,Don Quichote’ nicht gegen welchen alle die vorigen Ubersetzungen Stroh und Stoppeln
waren‘?5

The translation of Cervantes’s work had signiﬁcant consequences for the course
of Bertuch’s life. While the ﬁnancial reward was indeed substantial, 2000 Taler by 1780,
it was the resulting personal connections and publishing experience that would prove
most meaningful, but it is also somewhat foretelling that he gained his initial fame and
fortune by translating this particular work, as the story is essentially about a man who
does not quite ﬁt into the time in which he is living. At the time, there was a great interest
in Cervantes’s novel because it focused on a problem that concerned the Enlightenment
philosophers and authors of the period. Cervantes’s Don Quixote embodied the
juxtaposition of outdated philosophical beliefs against a more modern world. It
essentially posed the question of, how does one uphold a particular philosophy or code of
behavior when there are no longer any dragons to be Slain or princesses to be rescued.
Metaphorically, Bertuch and his contemporaries found themselves in a similar Situation
as the world slowly transitioned towards the very beginnings of the industrial revolution.
Christoph Martin Wieland dealt with this very issue and approached it in much the same

way in his work Musarion where he looked at the Greek epicurean and stoic schools of

philosophy and how they were relevant in the age of Enlightenment. He was well aware

 

5 P. Kaiser, DaS Haus am Baumgarten, 4.

12

of the signiﬁcance of Cervantes’s work, and it was thus not coincidental that he would
look favorably on the young man who provided such an accurate and insightful
translation of this work. In some respects, Wieland was a very signiﬁcant personal
connection for Bertuch early in his career. Wieland was the most widely read German
poet of his time and the ﬁrst of what would later come to be known as the Weimarer
Klassiker.

In Weimar, Wieland was the personal tutor and later advisor to Duke Carl August.
While there he ﬁnally had the opportunity to realize his personal ambition of publishing a
cultural journal, Der Teutsche Merku_r. Its purpose was to provide readers with cultural
and literary news as well as serve as a forum for the circulation and defense of
Enlightenment concepts and ideals. It was through Wieland’s Mgrlrﬂ that Bertuch had
the opportunity to publish his ﬁrst works as well as form his initial concepts regarding
journal production. As previously mentioned, his initial works were not greeted all too
favorably by literary critics, but it did introduce him to important contacts.

Wieland was initially responsible for recommending Bertuch for a position as
advisor and administrator to the court of Carl August in Weimar when he took over the
regency in 1775. For the next decade Bertuch worked in this position and had numerous
and ever increasing responsibilities within the court administration. He also continued his
publishing endeavours, but more from the business side. He worked with Wieland on his
Algemeine Literatur Zeitung as well as Der Teutsche Merk_ur: and other publications such
as the Magazin der Spanischen und Portugiesischen Literatur. In 1786, Bertuch began
publication of Das Journal des Luxus und der Moden which, as previously mentioned,

tied in very well with many of his other business ventures. In addition to his publishing

[3

activities, Bertuch had, for example, established a small company in 1782 to produce
artiﬁcial ﬂowers. Situated on the grounds of his home in Weimar, the factory employed a
number of young women and created a very progressive working atmosphere in which
the women were even encouraged to establish savings accounts from their wages. Among
the ﬁrst women working there was Christiane Vulpius who would later marry Goethe.
Eventually, this small ﬂower manufacturing ﬁrm would turn into a substantial industry
for importing foreign goods into Germany while also encouraging the export of locally
manufactured luxury items such as porcelain, textiles, and delicacies like chocolate and
ﬁne wines. Through all of these activities Bertuch continued to add substantially to his
personal fortune. By 1791 Bertuch ﬁnally managed to establish a sort of parent company
for his many endeavours. With the permission of Duke Carl August, he established the
Industrie—Comptoir (renamed LandeS-Industrie-Comptoir in 1802). Bertuch then resigned
from serving the Dukes court in 1796 and was able to completely devote himself to his
other business ventures. He had established himself by this time as the most important
employer in Sachsen-Weimar-Eisenach, and before even beginning the publication of
London und Paris, he had become a wealthy man whose inﬂuence was felt throughout
Europe. Bertuch’s name was more widely known in Europe than even the literary and
intellectual giants assembled around the court in Weimar. Of course, his wealth and
inﬂuence also created resentment.

Bertuch was a classically educated man, but he diverged from the thinking of his
contemporaries in his approach towards progress and change.
Bertuchs Auﬂdarungsbegriff rangiert keineswegs auf der vertrauten gedanklichen Hdhe

der Zeit und ist weder im philosophischen noch im politischen Sinn emphatisch, vielmehr
praktisch und pragmatisch gestimmt.6

 

6 Diers, Bertuchs Bilderwelt, 433.

14

He was a highly progressive man who Sincerely believed in the practical application of
acquired knowledge. Like many of his contemporaries, Bertuch was interested in the
natural sciences and in scientiﬁc discovery. However, he was interested in seeing this
knowledge put to use. In this regard, he was fascinated with the large metropolitan cities
of Europe, especially London and Paris. Bertuch may have appreciated the notion of
nature and “das Leben auf dem Land”, but it was the thriving bustle and contagious
excitement of the city that appealed to him on a more basic level. Bertuch believed not
only in scientiﬁc and technological change, but also in progressive social change.

Many of Bertuch’s contemporaries criticized him for his affection to these cities

and to the ever-changing technology which was being developed there. Even renowned
individuals such as Wieland and Goethe offered these criticisms against Bertuch because
they still regarded the ideas of a life in accordance with nature as more meaningful.
Die groBen Dichter Weimars ﬁnden freilich nicht viel Gutes am Journal [des Luxus und
der Moden] ,Aber welcher Mann von Gefiihl und Ehre wird von den Lastem und
Torheiten seines Zeitalters leben wollen’, wirft Wieland Bertuch vor. Doch er bleibt
ungeriihrt.7

In addition, Bertuch regarded knowledge simply for the sake of knowledge as
something quite useless. His ambition was to make more possible the spread of
knowledge, technology, and practical advancements in social thinking through his
publications. Bertuch expressed these ideas quite explicitly in 1793 by the publication of
a treatise called “Uber die Wichtigkeit der Landes-Industrie—Institute fiir Deutschland”.
Wissenschaft hat nur dann erst ihre hohe edle Bestimmung erreicht, wenn sie ihre
Wohltaten iiber das gemeine Leben verbreitet, das wissenschaftliche Gewand auszieht

und ihre kostbaren Schatze dem Laien in die Hande legt; wenn dieser ihre Resultate fiir
sein Leben benutzen und Sich dadurch gliicklicher machen kann.8

 

7 P. Kaiser, Das Haus am Baumgarten, 24.
3 Diers, Bertuchs Bilderwelt, 434.

15

Bertuch referred to this conversion of knowledge from the theoretical to the practical as
“Popularization”. Even the use of so many illustrations in his publications was quite
revolutionary as it represented a break from the traditional belief that text alone sufﬁced
in order to provide someone with an accurate description of an object or event. According
to Michael Diers, Bertuch’s employment of imagery as a tool for education as well as
entertainment was highly reﬁned, and actually instrumental in giving the use of imagery
not only validity but also a new level of prestige.
Auﬂdarung und Popularisierung geh'dren fiir Bertuch wie Theorie und Praxis aufs engste
zusammen. Dem Prograrnm einer gemeinverstandlichen Unterrichtung und Manollen
Auﬂdarung (,,nicht Vielwisserey“, ,,nicht Verfeinerung“, ,,nicht Neuerungssucht“, ,,nicht
Emporungsgeist“) seiner Zeitgenossen hat Bertuch seine verlegerischen und
publizistischen Untemehmungen gewidmet. In diesem Kontext kommt dem Bild als
Medium der Darstellung, Information und Unterhaltung groBte Bedeutung zu. Pointiert
gesagt lasst sich davon sprechen, daB Bertuch durch sein Wirken der Illustration als dem
angewandten Bild nicht nur hinsichtlich der Quantitat und der Qualitiit der technischen
und kﬁnstlerischen Gestaltung, sondem auch im Hinblick auf die allgemeine Validitat zu
einem bis dahin ungewohnten Prestige verholfen hat.9

An example of his idea for progressive social change is the picture books for
children which he published. They showed in great detail the discoveries being made in
the natural sciences with the idea of popularizing the knowledge. The use of imagery in
this context was by far the most effective means of accomplishing his goal for the
dissemination and popularization of new scientiﬁc knowledge. However, these books
went against the conventional wisdom of the time which insisted that only an accurate
textual description was appropriate for the scientiﬁc mind. Conventional wisdom held
that anyone interested in mere pictures was simply a dilettante.

Bertuch was also highly involved in efforts to get rid of the old Germanic Fraktur

typeface in favor of Antiqua, a much more legible typeface that would be more

 

9 Diers, Bertuchs Bilderwelt, 434.

16

commonly accepted and understood throughout the rest of Europe. The development of
this typeface is credited to Justus Erich Walbaum. He had established a type foundry and
book press in Goslar and later Weimar and worked under contract for Bertuch’s
Industrie-Comptoir. His Antiqua typeface was to be used in the production of Bertuch’s
picture books so that children would begin learning to read a more progressive print that
would permit them to later interact more easily with the rest of the western world.
Bertuch wrote the following to this theme in a letter dated 16th April, 1790.
Ich habe femer den Text des Bilderbuchs mit lateinischen Lettem drucken lassen, weil
ich herzlich wiinschte, daB wir endlich unserer altfrankischen widrigen teutschen
Monchsschrift loswerden, und in teutschen Werken auf die lateinischen weit schoneren
Typen aller abendlandischen Volker von Europa allgemein ﬁbergehen kbnnten, wie es
England und Frankreich schon vor etlichen Jahrhundertengethan haben. Ich weiB, daB
sich hierin kein rascher Schritt thun liiBt, und daB wir den Ubergang erst in den Schulen
lange vorbereiten miiBen, um das Auge der neuen Generation, gleich vom Anfange an, an
neue Forrnen der Buchstaben zu gewohnen. Da ich nun gerade ein Buch fiir Kinder
schreibe, so halte ich es fiir Pﬂicht, mein Scherﬂein zum Ganzen mit beyzutragen. Thun
5000 his 6000 Schriftsteller dieB eben so wie ich in Teutschland, so wird die Reforme
bald bewiirkt seyn.IO

Bertuch was also a pragmatist. He fully intended to proﬁt from the pursuit of
facilitating the advances in human knowledge and scientiﬁc discovery, and the
combination of his immense wealth and ability to widely distribute his views through his
publishing business meant that Bertuch became highly inﬂuential. This also led to further
rapprochements of Bertuch’s business practices on the part of his contemporaries, but
Bertuch was a ﬁrm believer in mercantilism, which was the prevailing economic force in
the 18'h and early 19"I centuries, and which would later lead to the industrialization of
Europe. In this regard, he was quite aware of the rather backward status of Germany in

comparison with economic developments in England, France, and even the newly formed

United States of America. Bertuch was also well aware of the economic writings of

 

'0 P. Kaiser, Das Haus am Baumgarten, 49.

17

individuals such as Adam Smith and later David Ricardo. Smith’s most renowned work,
An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations was published in London
in 1776, and had far reaching effects on economic principles throughout Europe and
North America. AS an educated man, Bertuch was most certainly well versed in the
economic theories of his time, and Bertuch found himself in a position to take advantage
of this knowledge.

Entbehrliche Luxusgiiter wandelten sich in Massenbedarf, der die Erweiterung und
Intensivierung der Marktwirtschaft machtig ankurbelte. Indem sich das Verhiiltnis sowohl
nach der Menge wie nach der Mannigfaltigkeit der Erzeugnisse zugunsten der
Marktwirtschaft verschob, ergab sich aus der Verrnehrung gewerblicher und
kaufmannischer Tatigkeit und der dazu erforderlichen Kapitalien eben die Veranderung,
die gemeinhin als der Durchbruch des Kapitalismus angesehen wird’. In diesem Sinne
erweist sich Bertuch als ein Friihkapitalist, und das in einem Umfeld, das progressivem,
wirtschaftlichem Denken nicht aufgeschlossen war. Er war, selbst kontinental gesehen,
ein Pionier.ll

Bertuch’s Modejoumal and its Sister publication London und Paris ﬁt very well within
his overall business plan in terms of being the vehicle not only for providing readers with

information about the latest news and developments, but also for generating interest in,

and thus sales for the products provided through his Landes-Industrie-Comptoir.

 

" Hohenstein, Bertuch, bewundert, beneidet, umstritten, 17.

18

5. “London und Paris”

London und Pa_r_i§ was in print under various names during the course of its
publication, and the journal, initially published in Weimar, was later moved to the town
of Halle and ﬁnally to Rudolstadt. The reasons for these name changes and relocations
were purely practical and necessitated by the ongoing political problems between France
and England which, for much of the time, were at a state of war. This strenuous
relationship between the countries whose capital cities lent not only their names to the
Journal but also comprised their content often caused difﬁculties on a variety of levels
which affected not only the name and location of publication, but would also come to
have a serious affect on the joumal’s content.

London und Paris ﬁrst appeared in May, 1798 and would continue an
uninterrupted publication through Bertuch's Landes-Industrie-Comptoir, his publishing
house located in Weimar, from that time until 1803. These ﬁrst six years comprise the
primary focus of this study. In 1804, Bertuch was inclined to move the publishing of
London und Paﬁ to Halle (at the time part of Prussia) due to the publication of
caricatures that were highly critical of France. Duke Karl August had as a result of these
caricatures ordered that Weimar no longer be associated with a journal in which such
politically Signiﬁcant topics or individuals were so openly ridiculed.l2 The journal
remained in Halle until 1807 and was published there by the Neue Sozietr'z'ts-, Buch- und
Kunsthandlung. In 1808, the political situation resulting from the Napoleon's defeat of
Prussia necessitated yet another move to the nearby city of Rudolstadt. Here the Journal
was published by the Hof-, Bach, and Kunsthandlung and remained until its ﬁnal

publication in l 8 15.

 

'2 G. Kaiser, Bertuchs Zeitschrift London und Paris, 566-567.

19

More signiﬁcant than the occasional requirements to move the journal's place of
publication are the name changes that occurred during this same period. These name
changes were also the result of the tumultuous relationship between England and France
which often made it difﬁcult for the Journal to have access to the latest information
coming out of London. The ﬁrst 20 volumes (1798 — 1807) which were produced in large
part in Weimar and partially in Halle have articles about London in every issue, but in
1807 France initiated an economic war against England and introduced the Continental
System which resulted in a blockade being placed around England. The idea was to
completely prohibit trade with England by France, her allies, and any neutral nations.
Napoleon expected that the unfavorable balance of trade would destroy England’s
banking system and cause English industry to collapse.'3 The prevention of trade with
England naturally cut off the supply of current information from England making its way
to the continent and seriously affected the content of the Journal. Beginning in 1808,
articles about London were of limited interest to readers because they had to rely on
second-hand information, or they were based upon excerpts from older letters originating
from England. The journal attempted to maintain its originally intended format and
produce articles about both London and Paris in every issue, but there was simply not
enough information and the articles from London began to appear at irregular intervals.
Then in 1809 the journal was not produced at all due to the continued political
uncertainty resulting from the French occupation of Prussia. In 1810 there was a
continued effort to publish articles about London, but the material available was simply
not up to the previous standards set by earlier issues of the journal, and a substitute had to

be found. Therefore, the publishers began including articles about Vienna and renamed

 

l3<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Continental_System>

20

the Journal ParisLWien und London. In 1812 London was given up altogether and the
journal was again renamed Paris und Wien. Furthermore, the journal was forced to
continue moving away from its original concept due to the France’s control of much of
Germany.

Die Jahrgéinge 1811, 1812, und 1813, in denen die Berichterstattung aus Wien hinzukam
und London weiter zuriicktrat, um schlieBlich gar nicht mehr beriicksichtigt zu werden,
bringen zugunsten von Herrscherportrats, Wappen und Orden bzw. unverfanglichen,
gelegentlich geradezu lappischen Bildem aus den Metropolen, wie dem des ,,Kiosks des
[gerade geborenen ] Konigs von Rom auf der Terrasse des Gartens der Tuilerien, nur
noch sehr wenige — unpolitische - Karikaturen, womit auch die ausfiihrlichen
Erkliirungen entfallen. Ftir die sp'arlichen London-Texte des Jahrgangs 1811 wurde auf
Ubersetzungen ,,aus einem franztisischen, in London gedriickten Journal“ sowie dem
,,Monthly Repertory“ und der Zeitschrift ,,Panorama“ bzw. auf l'angst veraltete Berichte
Johanna Schopenhauers aus dem Jahr 1804 zuriickgegriffen. Informationen aus dem
,,Almanach imperial“ der Jahre 1812 und 1813 gibt ,,Paris und London“ vdllig unkritisch
wieder und Napoleon erscheint nun in ganz anderem Licht als in den Jahren 1800 bis
1806.”

In 1814, Paris und Wien was not published, but there were plans to reintroduce the
Journal as London. Paris und Wien for 1815; however, only the ﬁrst issue was published
under this new title and then the journal completely ceased production. The main
contributing factors to the end of the journal were likely the early death of Bertuch’s son
Carl in 1815 who had become the joumal’s editor, and the dramatic change in the
political landscape of Europe after the defeat of Napoleon which very likely led people to
look for a new source of Entertainment not so closely associated with the political strife
of the previous two decades. On the inside cover of the last issue was the following
message indicating that London would once again become an integral part of the
publication, but for the reasons outlined above, this was not to be.

Nachricht. die Zeitschrift ,,Paris und Wien”, welche von J anuar 1811 ihren Anfang nahm,

war die ununterbrochene Fortsetzung von ,,London und Paris“, doch durch den
interessanten Artikel ,,Wien“ vermehrt. Jetzt, nach Befreiung Teutschlands vom

 

‘4 G. Kaiser, Bertuchs Zeitschrift London und Paris, 568.

21

Tyrannenjoche, und aufgehobener Seesperre, hat dieselbe nun wieder ihre alten Artikel
,,London“ erhalten und behalt ihren neuen schonen Artikel ,,Wien“ fortwahrend bei.lS

The Journal itself has a very consistent structure that only changes later in

conjunction with the above mentioned name and publishing location changes which
necessitated an alteration in subject material. Thus, the years 1798 through 1807 reﬂect
most accurately the original intentions of the publishers in terms of layout and content.
Gerhard Kaiser describes how it was really an ideal structure which served the journal
well throughout the years by directly addressing people’s requirements for entertainment
and current, reliable information while at the same time maintaining a distance from
political issues and more or less openly expressing a preference for the English point of
view.
Die Konzentration auf London und Paris, die zugleich parallelisierende und
polarisierende Zuordnung beider Metropolen und die mehr oder weniger offene
Parteinahme fiir die englisch-evolution'are gegen die franzosisch-revolutionare Option bei
gleichzeitig beteuerter politisch-wertender Enthaltsamkeit und in Verbindung mit
aktuellen, verlaBlichen Informationen, die auch das Unterhaltungsbediirfnis befriedigten,
waren so gut durchdacht, daB fiir ,,London und Paris“ vom ersten Heft des Ersten
Jahrgangs an eine Form gefunden werden konnte, die sich ﬁber J ahre bewéihrte.l6

I would also agree that this is for the most part true, because it would be absurd to
say that London und Paris was particularly successful at remaining uninvolved and
objective regarding the political issues of the period. Rather it would be more accurate to
say that the journal was, for the most part, merely good at remaining just on the border of
being acceptable in terms of not becoming too openly involved and biased. I would also
argue the journal had, from the very beginning, every intention of inﬂuencing opinion

with respect to European politics. It is rather contradictory to say that the journal could

express a preference for the English without really taking sides in the political arguments.

 

'5 Riggert, Die Zeitschrift ,,London und Paris“ als Quelle englischcr Zeitverhiiltnisse, 10-1 1.
'6 G. Kaiser, Bertuchs Zeitschrift London und Paris, 557.

22

It Should also be noted that the journal was from its very beginning intended to
have a wide readership, and not only within Germany. This was not an unrealistic
expectation based upon the tremendous success of Bertuch’s previous journal effort Qﬁ
Joumnal des Luxus und der Moden which had already succeeded in gaining a very large
number of subscribers from all over Europe. With this in mind, the publishers
emphasized from the very beginning that London und Paris would be available in all
bookstores and at post ofﬁces throughout the continent, and the price was thusly listed in
several different currencies.

Man abonniert sich darauf bey allen loblichen Postamtem in und auBer Deutschland, bey
allen Intelligenz- und Zeitungscomptoiren, so wie bey allen guten in- und auslandischen
Buchhandlungen, welche davon ihre gewohnliche Provision erhalten, hingegen den PreiB
davon nicht erhoben werden...Das Abonnement ist fijr den ganzen Jahrgang, oder 8
Stticke, ein Carolin, oder 6 Rthlr. [Reichsthaler] 8 gr. [Groschen] oder 11 Gulden
Reichsgeld durch ganz Deutschland.l7

5.1 Appearance of the Journal

The cover of London und Paris is deceptively simple in overall appearance, but it
is complex in its detail. On the orange background of the cover page is a very elaborate
hand drawn border consisting of repeated dark and light lines going around the outside
cover. These are interspaced with small squares and points ﬁlling in the space between.
The lines and squares are drawn to give the appearance of an offset shadow, and this is all
bordered on the outside by repeated hatch marks. Centered at the top is the Title “London

und Paris” followed by the joumal’s motto in Latin. “Quicquid, quos Tamisia nutrit, quos

Sequana, n'dent, Gaudia, discursus nostril est farrago libelli.”18 Below the motto is the

 

'7 London und Paris, I 1798, inside cover.
'8 “Everything that approaches the Themes, about which the Sein laughs, the sprees, the distractions. These
are the mixed contents of our little book.

23

publication year, “erster...”, “zweyter Jahrgang”, etc., followed by the place of
publication, the publishing company and the year Shown centered at the bottom.

Each Jahrgang (publication year) consisted of 8 Stricke (issues) where every four
issues made up a Band (volume). The four issues of each volume are numbered
consecutively so that the ﬁrst issue begins at page one while the second issue then begins
page numbering where the previous issue left off. At the end of every four issues there is
a complete index covering the entire volume. Issues tend to be approximately one
hundred pages in length, and each issue contains ﬁrst a lengthy article focusing on
England accordingly entitled “London”, followed by a second article dealing with France
and consequently entitled “Paris”. For both articles, the material is rather random in terms
of what iS discussed and in what order the information appears, but the predominant
focus in each article is a general theme, such as social events currently available only in
these cities, the latest fashions for men and women, or recent museum and artistic
attractions. The third section of each issue contains detailed commentaries on the
included caricatures that are very reminiscent of Georg Christoph Lichtenberg in terms of
style and content, and will be dealt with in chapter nine in much greater detail as they
play an essential part in the overall content, opinion, and mood established in each issue.

Finally, the caricatures themselves are provided at the very back of each issue and
typically include three caricatures which are large format and folded neatly inside the
back cover. Normally the caricatures consist of two hand colored English caricatures and
one black and white caricature of French origin. However, there are sometimes other

items of interest such as the music and accompanying text to popular vaudevilles as well

24

as highly detailed city maps or plans for signiﬁcant areas such as large gardens or

important buildings.

25

6. Significant Contributors to “London und Paris”

Although Bertuch may be considered ultimately responsible for the success of his
publications, it would not have been possible without the help of numerous other
individuals. In the case of London und Pa_ri_s_, there are several people who contributed
greatly to the journal. In fact, they actually had more to do with the issue by issue content
than Bertuch who primarily maintained editorial control. The three most important
individuals in terms of literary contributions were Johann Christian Hiittner, Gottlieb-
Friedrich Winckler, and Karl August Bottiger. Hiittner and Winckler worked as
correspondents reporting directly from their respective host countries of England and
France. Hiittner knew Bottiger personally as they had met in 1784 when Bdttiger was
working as the headmaster at a school in Hiittner’s home town of Guben. Hiittner later
went on to the University in Leipzig and after his studies became a private tutor to the
son of English diplomat George Staunton and moved to London in 1791. He then
accompanied Staunton on a long diplomatic expedition taking them as far away as China
before ﬁnally returning to England where Htittner continued working as a correspondent
for not only London und Paris but also the Neuen Teutschen Merlgr as well as his own
publications. He ﬁnally took on a position as translator for the English Foreign Ministry
and by 1808 was no longer reporting for London und Pa_ri_s_ which also had a signiﬁcant
effect on the “London” portion of the joumal’s content.19 The second most proliﬁc writer
was a woman by the name of Jana Wynandina Gertraud von Engelbronner d’Aubigny
who insisted upon anonymity in order to be able to write more freely.20 While in

England, she wrote various letters to London und Paris and signed them as either “0., N.

 

'9 G. Kaiser, Bertuchs Zeitschrift ,,London und Paris“, 549-550.
20 Banerji, Gillray Observed, 20.

26

v. E., or Nina”.2| Like Hiittner, she included a substantial number of caricatures in her
communications with Bottiger. Several other authors sometimes contributed to the
journal, but to a much lesser extent. Two of these occasional contributors were
clergymen. One was Karl Gottlieb Horstig, the brother-in-law of d’Aubigny, who wrote
articles for both the “London” and “Paris” sections. The other was a Lutheran pastor from
London’s East End by the name of Schwabe.22

The most important correspondent for the “Paris” section of the Journal was
Gottlieb-Friedrich (The’ophile-Fréde’ric) Winckler. He was born in 1770 in StraBburg,
where he also completed his studies before moving to France. While in France, he wrote
articles on language, literature, and music for the Magasin encyclopédique, in addition to
translating numerous works from German into French. He also took a position in the
Cabinet of the médailles der Bibliotheque impe’rial from 1804 until his untimely death in
1807.23 In addition to Winkler, Carl Bertuch, and Wilhelmina Christiane von Hastfer von
Chézy also worked as correspondents from Paris. Carl Bertuch later took over the
position of editor for the journal in 1806 and held this post until his death in 1815.

Karl August Bdttiger worked as the editor for London und Pa_g. He had
originally come to Weimar in 1791 to take the position of headmaster at the Gymnasium.
He was well known as an intellectual man with a deep knowledge of classical history and
literature. AS a result, be naturally became part of the salon culture of the upper social
circles in Weimar and worked as editor for both Wieland’s Der deutsche Merk_ur and
Bertuch’s Journal des Luxus und der Moden. Bottiger was primarily responsible for the

commentaries to the caricatures. Although, as a foreigner attempting to interpret the

 

2' Riggert, Die Zeitschrift ,,London und Paris“ als Quelle englischer Zeitverh‘altnisse, 14-15.
22 Banerji, Gillray Observed, 19-20.
23 G. Kaiser, Bertuchs Zeitschrift ,,London und Paris“, 550.

27

intentions and humor of English and French art, it was likely necessary for him to receive
often detailed explanations from outside sources such as the correspondents working in
those respective countries or additional help provided by natives from those lands who
were living in Weimar.
The balance of likelihood is, therefore, that Bottiger in Weimar worked up or at least
polished the texts sent to him by Hiittner and the other correspondents. In fact, the
internal evidence of the commentaries themselves frequently suggests such joint
authorship; they read as graphic accounts of political affairs and ephemeral news and
gossip in London which were given shape, thematic coherence and a range of literary
references by a writer of considerable erudition, such as Bottiger was. The many
digressions on Greek and Roman archaeology and philology are certainly his, and indeed
his contemporaries often accused him of pedantry.2

For the purpose of this study, only Hiittner and to a lesser extent Winckler play a
signiﬁcant role, as they contributed the overwhelming majority of articles during the ﬁrst
nine years of London und Paris’ publication, and it is during this period of time that the
journal most accurately reﬂects the opinions and original intentions of Bertuch and his

colleagues, especially with regards to the publication of caricatures and the information

being submitted from London.

 

2‘ Banerji, Gillray Observed, 21.

28

7. Audience

The target audience for Bertuch’s London und Paris was the upper and upper-
middle classes of German society and included not only the social and intellectual elite
from Germany’s nobility, but also the German bourgeoisie; members of families with
wealth acquired through banking or mercantile trade as well as respected members of the
medical profession and theologians. From these classes came those individuals who had
the level of education to which the journal spoke. At the same time, the journal also
served the function of furthering these individuals’ education. Readers of London und
132$ needed to be well aware of classical history and mythology, the arts, music, and
other aspects of high culture in order to really understand the full meaning behind much
of what was discussed in the articles. Based on the literary style and detailed explanation
of references appearing in the articles and commentaries, one also notices an attempt on
the part of the publishers of London und Paris to educate readers by introducing subjects
to them on a level that is more fundamental than what would have appeared in German
high literature of the period, such as Wieland’s Musarion or Goethe’s Legit. That is not
to say however, that London und Paris focused only on aspects of high culture. There are
a great deal of articles and caricatures dealing with crime, political corruption, scandal,
and issues of morality, but they are presented in a way that often requires a certain level
of education in addition to knowledge of [then] current events in order to fully appreciate.

Therefore in terms of potential readers, the numbers in Germany and throughout
the rest of Europe were actually quite limited. One must keep in mind that the majority of
people living during the period of the 18th century were illiterate, and of those that could

read, there was still a rather Signiﬁcant educational and economic gap to bridge before a

29

Journal such as Bertuch’s Modejoumal or London und Paris would be of much interest or

 

USC.

30

8. Role of the Journal, “Plan und Ankiindigung”

Bertuch’s Journal London und Paris served a valuable function in the upper
classes of German society by providing an often otherwise unobtainable link to the
outside world, to events and ideas outside of readers’ immediate social circles. While one
might presume that their interest primarily took the form of entertainment derived
through experiencing far away lands and cultures, it would be a rather Short sighted
analysis of the intended purposes of Bertuch’s publications in general and London und
Earl's speciﬁcally.

In order to have a good foundational understanding of Bertuch's intentions with
London und Paris, one only need read “Plan und Ankiindigung”, which was written as the
ﬁrst article in the premier issue from 1798. Presumably the article was written by
Bertuch, but there is a conscious effort on the part of the journal to not reveal the names
of the individuals contributing to the articles or commentaries. In this article, the editors
provide insight into Germany’s preoccupation with both England and France as well as
the fascination with the culture of the western world’s largest and most sophisticated
cities.

The fact that London and Paris were the two most important cities to which the
educated elite turned for the latest and most important information is something that is
freely admitted to in “Plan und Ankiindigung” in that it is acknowledged that there was
an enormous amount of published information being generated in both cities.

Das papieme Zeitalter erstickt fast unter allen Joumalen und Zeitungsblattern. Und alle
diese Welt- und Zeitkunde, die sich in so viele grdBere und kleinere Can'ale ergieBt,
striimt eigentlich nur aus zwey Hauptquellen... Was Wunder, daB nun auch auf diese

zwey Mittelpunkte, um welche sich in entgegengesetzter Richtung alle Welthandel
drehen, alle, die Augen zu sehen, und Hande zu schreiben haben, ihre Blicke eben so

31

unverwandt heften als jene Kdnigscandidaten den ersten Sonnenstral bewachten, dessen
friihester Anblick dem Spaher eine Crone brachte.25

Therefore, there was no need to justify the reasoning behind producing literature devoted
solely to the events transpiring in these distant capitals as it was a phenomenon that had
already been occurring for a great deal of time. Instead, “Plan und Ankiindigung” makes
the justiﬁcation for a periodical journal devoted to the subject of current trends and
events in England and France. Simply put, travel literature was already widely read and
very popular at the time, but there was a constant desire for the latest information. Part of
the very nature of entertainment comes in the form of experiencing something new. There
is the constant desire for change in this regard and London und Pags Speaks directly to
this desire in that it is critical of that fact that lengthy books offering to describe these
cities, the fashions to be found there, or the popular events that make up the character and
culture of these places can only be accurate for a limited period of time. The editors refer
to several works covering London and Paris and remark that they were hugely successful
in the German speaking states; however, they question the accuracy of these works given
the constantly changing situations in the respective countries.26 A periodical publication
on the other band would always remain current and thus relevant.

Aber wer konnte dieses Gahren und Brausen verpuffen und verkohlen, Pracipitiren und
Sublimiren der ungleichartigsten Stoffe in diesem ungeheueren Retorten durch cine
gestehende Beschreibung und eine geschloBene Schilderung festzuhalten sich einfallen
lassen? Ich kann sagen: so ist es heute. Aber in wenigen Wochen sind oft Schauspieler,
Decorationen und Zuschauer neu, und das alte Stiick wird mit neuen Umgebungen vor
neuen Zuschauem neu aufgefiihrt. Wer ein Buch dariiber schreibt, setzt nur Grabsteine.

Aber eine regelmaBig wiederkehrende periodische Schrift verjtingt sich mit dem
verjtingenden, ﬂiegt mit dem ﬂiegenden Genius der Zeit, und liefert stets frische

 

25 London und Paris, I 1798, 3-4.

26 Two works brieﬂy mentioned in “Plan und Ankiindigung “ are Wendebom’s London and Archenholz’
Lander- und Viilkerkunde. Neither work is accompanied by a footnote or Similar reference which would
seem to indicate that the works were already extremely well known and likely considered to be dated and of
limited value.

 

32

Gemalde, so wie sie selbst frisch ist. Eine solche Zeitschrift 3011 von nun an unter
Aufschrift London und Paris erscheinen.27

In this ﬁrst article, reference is also made to the lack of reliability offered by other
periodical publications. Here they were referring mostly to the foreign press, which
naturally expressed a bias in favor of their countries. Essentially, London und Paris
claimed to be an attempt to dissect and interpret the propaganda war between England
and France in an unbiased manner by fulﬁlling the role of conciliator. It was, from the
very beginning, the announced intention of Bertuch and his editorial staff to present the
view of a disinterested third party looking in on the philosophical, social, and political
happenings in England and France, and Bertuch was well aware that there were certain
limitations as to how far they could go in freely expressing opinions, especially with
regards to political issues and persons of political signiﬁcance. In this respect, there
existed the need for a degree of self-censorship.

Ihr sind keine langen Ankiindigungen vorausgegangen. Sie erftillt den Wiinsch vieler
Einzelnen. Sie steht keinem andem Joumale im Wege. Sie schlieBt sich an alle an, die
statistischen, politischen, oder weltbiirgerlichen Inhalts sind. Sie will bloB vergniigen,
scherzen, erziihlen, was heute in Paris, gestem in London zu sehen war. Sie hiitet sich vor
der Politik, als vor einer Sphinx, die Taglich die Siihne und Ttichter der Buotier friBt.
Alle Staatsverhandlungen, alle politischer Raisonnements, alles, was in die zwei groBen
Hauptrubriken, Krieg, und Frieden, gehbrt, liegt auf immer auBer ihrem Plane, Aber was
oft schon die geheime Triebfeder einer Kriegserklarung oder eines Friedensbruches
wurde, die geheimere Anecdote,, und wie sich der Volksgeist bey Kriegs- und
Friedensbegebenheiten, bey Wahlen und Zuriistungen, bey Siegen und Niederlagen,
Charakteristisch ausdriickt, dieses wird sie gem berichten.28

At times the journal did make changes or decide not to publish particular caricatures, but
there were instances when things went just a little too far. This censorship will be looked

at later in more detail when considering the caricatures, but from the very ﬁrst issue it is

clear that there existed substantial bias in favor of the English evolutionary rather than the

 

27 London und Paris, I 1798, 4.
2“ London und Paris, I 1798, 7-8.

33

French revolutionary approach to social and political reform, even though this bias went
against the stated goals of journal as outlined in “Plan und Ankiindigung.”

It was Bertuch’s further intention to provide not only a clearer more unbiased
interpretation of events for his readers but also to delve deeper into the initial causes and
backgrounds of reported events. This was something that he accused ofﬁcial news
sources of failing to do.

Nur ist das was gesehen und geschrieben wird, oft sehr zweydeutiger Natur. Gaukelspiele
der Fee Morgana; politische Truggestalten, leere Tonnen, vom Redacteur oder dem Star
zur Belustigung der gaffenden Menge hingeworfen; um das geheime Spiel desto sicherer
Spielen zu konnen. Selbst die glaubwiirdigsten Berichte ofﬁcieller Tageblatter, wie
unbefriedigend und abgerissen sind sie, da Sie hochstens nur den letzten Erfolg, selten
oder nie das eigentliche Warum? Und Wodurch? Angeben.29

In essence, like any person of Enlightenment education, his intention was to seek the
truth.

Sic macht nur einen Anspruch, aber auf diesen Halt sie auch, wie das arme
Rosenmiidchen zu Salancy auf ihren Kranz. Sie will wahr sein. Sie will treu geben, was
ein paar gesunde und nicht ganz ungeiibte Augen an Ort und Stelle selbst, taglich wo
anders herumgetragen sehen kiinnen.3

However, in. the case of London und Paris, the truth meant a decidedly German
interpretation of events and the people involved in them. In order to reassure the public
that they would be reading the truth, one aspect of the joumal’s production received
particular emphasis. Readers were promised that the articles appearing in London und
Paris would be provided by authors who were themselves witnesses to the events

described. And should they not be able to see events for themselves, the correspondents

would use only accounts provided by reliable eye witnesses of unquestionable reputation

 

2" London und Paris, I 1798, 4.
30 London und Paris, I 1798, 9.

34

who possessed relevant knowledge. It was widely accepted that second or third hand
information was of little value, and the journal was also clearly of this opinion.

“Wie hastig greift man im Joumale Frankreich zuerst nach den Briefen teutscher Manner
aus Paris, weil sie den Stempel an der Stim tragen, daB sie in keiner teutschen
Studierstube geschrieben sind?“ '

This attitude is also revealed in the dramatic decline of the “London” section of the
Journal after 1807. Had there been a continued effort to publish information regarding
London but only by providing information second hand through France, the reputation of
the Journal would have suffered severely. Bertuch further assured his readers that the two
foreign correspondents working for London und Paris were Germans with extensive
knowledge of, and years of experience living in their respective host countries.

Zwey Manner, beyde Teutsche, beyde nicht seit heute oder gestem in jenen
Tummelplatzen der weltbeherrschenden Mode, haben sich vereinigt, treue Berichte
regelmaBig einzuschicken, und wo ihnen selbst die Allgegenwart versagt ist, sich durch
Wohlunterrichtete zu vervielfailtigen.32

Although he does not reveal them by name, Bertuch was most certainly referring to

Hiittner and Winckler.

 

3' London und Paris, I 1798, 5.
32 London und Paris, I 1798, 9.

35

9. Development of Caricatures

Although the foreign correspondents were paid for writing articles and
occasionally for descriptions of caricatures, they were also reimbursed the costs of
purchasing prints in the shops of London and Paris. It is clear that, from the very
beginning, the caricatures were not merely an afterthought to provide the journal with an

added element of light hearted humor and a little bit of color, but rather this artwork was

 

to play a central role in the goals of the journal. However, London und P121115 did not set
the precedent for taking an interest in caricatures or for providing commentaries on them.
The journal had in fact taken direct inspiration from the previous work of Georg Chistoph
Lichtenberg who had spent time in England and was very much intrigued by the work of
one English artist in particular, William Hogarth.

Hogarth was born in 1697. Before his death in 1764, he would establish a new
genre in art. 33 As a young engraver’s apprentice he had amused himself and reﬁned his
artistic skills by Sketching the metropolitan life and events of his home town of London.
By 1720 Hogarth was working as an engraver and also began producing small book
illustrations, prints and oil paintings. He was a relatively unknown artist producing high
quality if not somewhat traditional and unremarkable works. This was however, the
height of the Enlightenment and the idea of commercial art was beginning to ﬂourish.
Much in the same way that the Enlightenment fostered the prodigious production of
novels, prints were becoming increasingly popular for a public with an insatiable appetite
for new things. Hogarth then hit on the idea of painting and engraving modern moral

subjects and treating them in the very same way that an author would present them in a

 

33 <http://www.wordiq.com/deﬁnition/William_Hogarth>. See also “The Site for Research on William
Hogarth ( l 697- 1764)” http://come.to/William_Hogarth/.

36

tragedy for the Stage. The ground of his images became the stage for developing a tale of
morality. In 1731 he painted “a Harlot’s Progress” which was a series of six scenes
depicting the tragic life of a simple country girl seduced into prostitution and eventually
perishing as a result of venereal disease and being buried in accordance to the unkind
circumstances for such women deemed unsuitable for a Christian burial by the church.
This was followed in 1735 by the sequel “A Rake’s Progress”, the eight piece story
depicting a wealthy merchant’s son who lives a life of luxury, gambling, and debauchery
until he is ultimately ruined.

Hogarth went on to achieve great success with portraiture and also continued
making prints and paintings based on morality, and in these works, he very often
parodied imagery from notable religious scenes by artists such as Albrecht Diirer and
Leonardo da Vinci. Also, in order to add satire, he would emphasize particular aspects or
character traits, which is a feature essential to caricature. His work is considered by many
to be the very beginnings of caricature.

The primary goal of caricature is to clearly express a point of view. This is
accomplished by exaggerating already apparent details in order to provide images with an
obvious focal point for the purpose concentrating on a basic idea. This is often implied
through simple metaphors and juxtaposition. Of course, the concept behind making
caricatures was not without controversy for a number of reasons. Most signiﬁcant among
these were the merits behind the notion of using imagery to convey ideas when text
would be considered a more appropriate medium, the worthiness of the caricature as a
legitimate art form, and the obvious problems that could arise from the satirical nature of

such images, for example when used to ridicule powerful political ﬁgures.

37

9.1 Lichtenberg’s Commentaries

Lichtenberg made a name for himself by writing commentaries to Hogarth’s
works so that they could be enjoyed and appreciated by a German speaking audience. His
commentaries along with reprints of Hogarth’s work appeared regularly in the “Gottinger
Taschen Kalendar”, and Lichtenberg’s commentaries became as well known in Germany
as the artwork they described. They were not mere descriptions of the action taking place
within the frame. Instead, he developed a theory of commentary writing that would later
be adopted and expanded on by B'dttiger, who then applied it to the caricatures in London
und Paris.
Das immer wieder zitierte Vorbild fiir die in London und Paris vorgelegten
Karikaturbeschreibungen ist Georg Christoph Lichtenbergs ,,Ausfiihrliche Erklarung der
Hogarthischen Kupferstiche“. Schon von 1784 bis 1796 waren im ,,Giittinger Taschen-
Kalender“ seine Erléiuterungen zu Hogarths Stichen erschienen, die der Autor in der 1794
his 1799 in Gottingen publizierten ,,Ausfiihrlichen Erkliirung“ erweiterte. Durch sie
wurden nicht nur Hogarths Werke in Deutschland popular gemacht, auch die von
Lichtenberg ,erfundene’ Gattung der Karikaturbeschreibung fand in deutschen
literarischen Kreisen Anklang.34

Lauterbach describes in detail two ways that Lichtenberg considered for providing
descriptions to Hogarth’s work and which could naturally be applied to other artists
working with caricature as well. The ﬁrst method was to simply provide explanations of
references made by the artist and to then clarify the intended meanings of elements within
the work. Lauterbach describes this as the prosaic method. It was a method that would
serve the purposes of informing the viewer as to how to understand the work, but it does
not add to the enjoyment or in any way really supplement the work of art. In this sense,

such a description lacks, in my opinion, any entertainment value beyond what the work

itself could provide. In fact, by providing such a prosaic description, I believe the

 

3‘ Lauterbach, “London und Paris“ in Weimar, 213.

38

artwork’s value in terms of entertainment is actually diminished. A prosaic description
removes any sense of surprise that a viewer, otherwise familiar with the references,
exaggerations, and satirical elements inherent within a caricature, would ﬁnd in the work.
It is the element of ﬁnding something unexpected through juxtaposition and exaggeration
that imbues caricature with its humor. Put simply, an academic description of elements
being juxtaposed and references to the parody within a work remove the element of the
unexpected causing the satire to be lost. For an educated Londoner, it is not especially
difﬁcult to understand many of the references which make the satire or parody possible,
because they are an inherent part of the viewers own culture, and these explanations were
thus not necessary. However, in order to introduce a foreign audience to a work of art,
there is a necessity to explain aspects of the culture from which the art comes. Otherwise,
the meaning and therefore the value of the artwork is diminished or Simply lost to the
audience. Of course, this has always been an obvious concept in terms of high art.
Without a solid foundational understanding of Greek and Roman cultures, the 18th
century enlightened individual would have been at a loss to understand the signiﬁcance
of changes in Greek vase painting from the early geometric period to later Black and
ﬁnally Red ﬁgure painting styles. They may have looked at Roman sculpture as
something merely interesting without understanding the signiﬁcant differences between
the Greek idealized and later Roman realist sculptural Styles which were fundamentally
intertwined with cultural precepts. Caricature from a modern culture required the same
sort of background understanding by a foreign audience in order for them to properly
appreciate the artist’s message. The only difference is that no 18'h century Auﬂcla’rer

would have argued that it was not necessary to be classically educated, and that Roman

39

and Greek art had little to offer the modern world, so why attempt to understand the
culture that produced it. This was a period universally admired by Enlightenment
philosophers, writers, and artists. Caricature was, on the other hand, a contemporary art
form, and did not, in the opinion of many people, merit the same kind of attention or
admiration. However, that did not mean that viewers outside of the original cultural
context in which the caricatures were produced did not require an “education” in order to
understand meaning. Lichtenberg recognized this and developed a way to simply make it
more interesting for the viewer to gain the required cultural knowledge in order to
appreciate the artwork. For this he employed what has been called the poetic method.

The poetic method still involved giving the audience the required cultural
information to interpret the artwork, but it also meant doing so in a much more creative
way. The goal of writing commentaries to artwork using the poetic method was to
establish a mood through the style of writing that matched that of the artwork itself. The
commentary was intended to be a companion piece to work in conjunction with the
artwork. The intent by Lichtenberg was to create a textual reference that contained the
same mood und humor, in essence, the same kinds of surprises or insights which were
present in the artwork. This allowed the reader to be entertained through the description
as well. Both the description and the work of art were then to be enjoyed concurrently
which allowed the artwork to retain its freshness. Simply stated, Lichtenberg attempted to
recreate the print using the written word, and that required a tremendous amount of
creativity. His commentary was intended to be a literary work of art. He stated this
intention in the forward to his work Ausftihrliche Erklarung der Hogarthischen

Kupferstiche; “Was der Kiinstler da gezeichnet hat, miiBte nun auch so gesagt warden,

40

wie er es vielleicht wiirde gesagt haben, wenn er die Feder so hatte fiihren konnen, wie er

den Grabstichel gefiihrt hat.”35

 

35 Lauterbach, “London und Paris“ in Weimar, 213.

41

10. Role of Caricatures in “London und Paris”

As mentioned previously, the purpose for the inclusion of imagery in the journal
was to entertain, educate, and persuade readers. Using imagery was naturally a highly
efﬁcient means of accomplishing this goal, but in order to better understand how this was
achieved and to what ends, one must ﬁrst consider why the journal concentrated on
showing works from particular genres and speciﬁc artists. Regarding the genre, the type
of caricatures depicted depended predominantly on whether they originally came from
England or France. The vast majority of English caricatures were of a political nature and
tended towards blatant ridicule, while the caricatures of French origin tended to focus
more on social issues in the realm of fashion, customs, and morality wherein the humor
relied heavily on accompanying explanatory words from the artist. However, this choice
of different genres from the different cultures was not necessarily so much dictated by the
editors of London und Pa__r_i_s_ or the correspondents working in the foreign capitals as by
the content being produced in these respective countries. It has been suggested by Iris
Lauterbach, that the differing nature of the caricatures from France and England was
primarily a direct result of culture rather than any sort of difference in the comparative
level of freedom enjoyed by the English or French press, even though this difference in
freedom was indeed a factor. An analysis of French caricatures in the 5th issue, volume
XX (1807) of London und Pari_s dealt speciﬁcally with this issue from which Lauterbach
quotes.

Zwei Griinde verhindem also — so ,,London und Paris“ —, daB Franzosen gute Karikaturen
machen: Der in gesellschaftlichen Verhaltensvorstellungen verankerte mangelnde Sinn
fiir das Komische im Individuum und ein bestimmter, relativ rigide angewandter

Geschmacksbegriff. Der ,,biense’ance“ und ,,convenance“, der Wohlangemessenheit als
einem wichtigen MaBstab gesellschaftlichen Verhaltens und kiinstlerischer Produktion,

42

widerspricht Karikatur, indem Sie die der kiinstlerischen Darstellung im N amen des ,,bon
goﬁt“ gezogenen Grenzen bewusst fiberschreiten muB, um zu wirken.36

Essentially, it was maintained by London und Pa_ris that the French were unable to
produce the same sort of caricatures as the English because the customs of their society
prevented them from overstepping the bounds of what was considered appropriate humor
in public, and it was this exact form of humor upon which these sorts of caricatures
steeped in ridicule depended. To so openly deride and satirize using imagery as the
medium was to ﬂaunt the societal conventions that the French believed held them above
their rather unsophisticated and base neighbors across the channel. However, it was this
very mind-set in France that led to the formation of attitudes in England that would come
to deﬁne the positions so often expressed in their media and thereby eventually appearing
in Germany as well where they were often just as eagerly accepted. In this regard,
London und Pﬂ exhibits a clear prejudice in favor of the English, which shows up in a
variety of ways and will be discussed at length in chapter twelve. As will be Shown, it
was also not, as was believed, a lack of French humor, rather it was a different attitude
towards humor that determined their approach towards caricature. This different sense of
humor is readily evident in the French caricatures in terms of both style and subject
matter, but it was not as eagerly accepted by London und Pan's or, in all probability, the

majority of its readers.

10.] A Contrast in French and English Styles
In terms of style, the ﬁgures in French caricature are portrayed in a typically

realistic manner. Thus, with respect to artistic technique the French prints appearing in

 

36 Lauterbach, “London und Paris“ in Weimar, 212.

43

London und Pa_r§ only fall within the category of caricature in a very understated way.
Simply put, they do not attempt to overly exaggerate a particular subject’s features or
characteristics in order to produce a comic effect. The ﬁgures and the situations in which
they ﬁnd themselves would better be described as plausible. Plausible does not, however,
imply realistic. The imagery is instead created in a manner that corresponds roughly with
reality, but may depict a situation that can only be ﬁctitious. For example, an image
might include inventions which are simply impossible or completely impractical for the
period, or ﬁgures might be included who are completely ﬁctional such as a Greek god or
a female ﬁgure representing Liberty. Their representation does however correspond to
what one would realistically imagine such objects or individuals to look like. Although
there may be an ever so slight alteration, exaggeration, or warping in order to achieve a
desired effect or emotional response, these are always kept within the realm of plausible.

This contrasts dramatically with typical English caricatures which often portray
ridiculous situations such as ﬁgures carving up the world for consumption at the dinner
table or individuals partially taking on an animal form to accentuate particular attributes.
The English, as will be seen, were more direct in their approach, but not necessarily more
effective as there were some valid criticisms of English caricature, such as
oversimpliﬁcation for propaganda purposes, which must also be taken into consideration.
However, due to the biased approach of the editors and writers of London und Fags, such
criticisms were predominately ignored. By comparison, the French artwork in the journal
is often subject to rather harsh condemnation.

The humor in the French images appears in a much less obvious form which is

most often derived through subtle implication of particular behaviors or not so apparent

contrasts in appearance or attitude among the depicted ﬁgures. Essentially, the French
caricatures do not fall into the same category as that of the English in terms of using
exaggeration and literal interpretation to Create metaphors. Because of the methods used
by the French artists whose caricatures appear in London und Paris, it becomes much
more difﬁcult to supply a commentary using Lichtenberg’s poetic methodology. In order
for the viewer to properly interpret the image, he or she needed a rather thorough
understanding of French customs, attitudes, and current events. Due to the necessity for
this extensive background knowledge, it becomes difﬁcult to provide a meticulous
commentary set in the mood of the original artwork. It ends up being far more prosaic
and explanatory. In order to describe the extremely subtle humor of such imagery the
author of the commentary had to provide the necessarily detailed information.
Commentaries of this sort tend to eliminate the surprise because it becomes more of a
description of the picture rather than an accompanying text which paints the same or
similar image with words rather than with an artists brush. From this perspective, it is
understandable as to why, purely for stylistic and entertainment reasons, there was a
preference for publishing English caricatures.

It is not that that the French images are somehow less humorous. It is merely that
they are a different style which does not lend itself as easily to a poetic form of
commentary outside of the culture which produced it. One could argue that this is also
completely acceptable since the images were likely never really intended to be viewed
outside of the context of their own culture. On the other hand, it does introduce certain
difﬁculties in publishing such images to ﬁt within a Speciﬁc style and format, in this case,

that of London und Paris.

45

10.2 The Significance of the Use of Color
Color also plays an important role in understanding the function of images, and

this is equally true for the caricatures appearing in London und Paris. The use of color for

 

mass publication prints of the time was not only very costly, but also labor intensive, but
it provides a much more dramatic quality to elements within an image. Bertuch
recognized that color was a very powerful aspect of design. It was also during this period
that many intellectuals began to seriously explore aspects of color theory and asked
questions including what produces color, and how individuals respond to it. Color
essentially functions based on its ability to generate an emotive response which tends to
give a work of art more impact and thus observers naturally tend to react more strongly to
color as opposed to black and white images. This can work in both positive and negative
ways. For example, an analogous color scheme can establish a sedated mood while a
discordant scheme can create feelings of unease. These qualities were naturally very
important when producing images of the latest fashions when one wished to convince
people that these fashions offered something otherwise unobtainable. This form of mass
produced artwork from the time was labor intensive, and the use of color therefore
strongly indicates a level of importance given to a particular work of art. Thus coloring a
print was always a deliberate decision. In later issues this tends to lend more importance,
and meaning to the English caricatures which are nearly always produced in color, and it
functions on an almost subconscious level to imply that the English images should be
given more attention. The commentaries often further reinforced this by implying on
occasion that the French were simply incapable of producing caricatures that were as

sophisticated as the English, which was quite contradictory given the fact that the French

46

were consistently portrayed as far more cunning than their rather simple if not honest

English counterparts.

10.3 James Gillray, the Defining Artist for “London und Paris”

The joumal’s afﬁnity for the English perspective led to a very deliberate choice
by Bertuch in terms of which artist's work to publish for the German public. It was not
only a matter of what artwork to portray, but also a matter of deﬁning the perspective for
the commentaries to the caricatures published in London und Pan's. The most prevalent
Caricatures to appear in London und Paris were produced by the English artist James
Gillray, who lived from 1756 to 1815. Many of the English caricatures which appear in
the journal are Signed by Gillray and of those lacking a signature, many more can be
traced directly to him by direct attribution to the author in the accompanying
commentary. A majority of anonymous English caricatures are also almost certainly from
Gillray, as they match his characteristic style and typical subject matter. In addition to
Gillray, other artists such as George M. Woodward and Isaac Cruikschank do appear;
however, none of these individuals achieved the notoriety of James Gillray, who, even by
his contemporaries, was very well known. Gillray's notoriety took all forms from
admiration to loathing depending on ones political views, but his famously sharp wit and
biting sarcasm likely caused some people much aggravation after becoming the subject of
his work. Gillray's fame as a caricaturist did not necessarily mean though that he was
universally respected, even by those who agreed with the views expressed in his art.

According to London und Paris, Gillray was the undisputed master of this form of

caricature art, and the journal really goes out of its way to bill him as the one true

47

successor to Hogarth and as an artist of consummate ability who possesses the perfect
balance of wit, sympathy, and intelligence to be able to produce caricatures that, within a
single frame, capture the true nature of the subject and present it in a readily
understandable way. In the second issue of London und Pa_r_i§ from 1798, the following
description appears as an introduction of Gillray to the readers. It points out not only his
artistic ability and intellectual aptitude, but also good nature going so far as to mention
that he is a perfect son who generously supports his aging father.

Er studierte ﬂeiBig in der Mahleracademie in Sommersethouse und stach, atzte und
mahlte viele Sachen mit Beyfall. Er ist ein trefﬂich unterrichteter, ausserst belesener und
in Gesellschaft angenehmer Mann. Er Sprudelt vor Witz iiber, und wenn geringere
Kiinstler den unbeschreiblichen UberﬂuB seiner neuen Ideen niitzen konnten so wiirden
Sie noch glanzen konnen. Zu alledem nehme man noch, daB Gilrey ein einfacher,
grundehrlicher Mann und ein musterhafter Sohn ist, der seinen alten Vater alle weise
untersttitzt.37

There was a determined effort to present him as a nearly ﬂawless individual, but the
description of Gillray outlined by the journal does not really correspond to reality based
on what little historical evidence that exists from contemporaries who knew him
personally. Initially Gillray was interested in becoming a serious artist; however, he felt
that his work was underappreciated and unfairly criticized. As a result of this perceived
mistreatment, Gillray was said to have become cynical, depressive, and rather dry.
Therefore, “the idea of treating him as a second Hogarth, and giving his works such
expansive and admiring critical attention, must have been some solace for the slights he
felt he had suffered in his own country.”38

Naturally, there was an ulterior motive for the tremendous amount of praise from

the journal on Gillray’s behalf. On one level there existed the beneﬁts of nurturing the

 

37 London und Paris, 11 1798, 195-196.
3‘ Banerji, Gillray Observed, 29.

48

personal acquaintance that existed between Gillray and Hiittner, the joumal’s
correspondent in England. Their relationship ensured a level of access to the English
caricatures which could not have been achieved in any other way. When attempting to
interpret caricatures, it would have been immensely helpful to have access to the artist in
order to provide further clariﬁcation. Furthermore, it ﬁt with the political aims of the
journal in that “the portrayal of him in London und Paris gave the German readers an
impression which corresponded more closely to the satires they admired...”39 The
German readers had certain preconceptions regarding the English way of life as well as
the English interpretation of Enlightenment ideas, and, because of its opposition to the
political situation in France, the journal often explicitly attempted to reinforce such

notions.

10.4 Cultural Bias Reﬂected in the Journal

In “Bertuchs Zeitschrift ‘London und Paris’”, Gerhard Kaiser gives an excellent
overview of German preconceptions and prejudices regarding England and France during
the turn of the 18th to the 19'h century. He provides a summary of the descriptions about
both the English and the French taken from the ﬁrst couple years of London und Pagis’
publication. In the ﬁrst two years, the typical Englishman is repeatedly portrayed in a
highly positive way. He is described in articles and shown in caricatures as generally
being rather unsophisticated and socially inept, but as a person of genuine sincerity and
trustworthiness. According to the journal, the English are a people with whom one can
negotiate and speak freely. They are a people of business and trade and not of aggression

and revolution. In contrast to the English, Gerhard Kaiser Shows how London und Paris

 

’9 Banerji, Gillray Observed, 35.

49

portrayed the French as being highly unpredictable, sensationalistic, and unstable with a
tendency to be hypocritically devout one moment and openly atheistic the next. They are
even described as having a tendency towards uncleanliness and sexual deviancy. Finally,
the basic character of the Frenchman is depicted as that of a revolutionary.

Der wahre Brite sci selbstbcwuBt, ,,rauh“, abcr bieder, ,,hart“ und ,,unvcrzartclt“,
,,ungeselllig“, ,,verschlosscn“, doch durchaus zu gemeinsinnigem Handeln fahig, ,,crnst“,
,,dankbar“, frei von MiBtrauen, auf die Unabhangigkcit seiner Person, ,,Selbstdenkcn“
und ,,freies Sprechen“ bedacht, ein Mann dcs Handelns, nicht dcs Krieges. Diese
positiven Merkmale werden dadurch vcrstarkt, dass England und die Englandcr mehrfach
gegen negative deutsche Urteile und Schutz genommcn werden...Die gelegentliche
Verteidigung dcr Franzosen gegen deutsche Vorurteile ist deutlich zuriickhaltender, ja die
Betonung dcs cifcrsiichtigen Zusammenhaltens franzosischer Ktinstlcr und Handwerker
gegen unliebsame deutsche Konkurrenten arbeitet geradezu im Sinne einer
gegcnsiitzlichcn Vorcingcnommcnhcit. Die Franzosen seien ,,vifs“, quecksilbrig,
scnsationsliistem, leichglaubig, leichsinnig, zu Unsauberkeit neigend, von gesteigerter
Sinnlichkeit, frivol-lcichtfcrtig, ohne tieferes Gcfiihl fiir Naturschonhcit und Kunst
Typisch fiir sic seien ,,glitzcrdiinner Auftrag“, ,,Opcrnklcistcr“. Sic schwankten zwischen
Extremen wic bigotter Frommigkcit und Atheismus; gelegentlich verwandelten sic sich in
rechndc Bestien; Verandcrun g, Revolution lagcn in ihrem Charakter.40

Kaiser further points out that many of the qualities that the German readers associated
with the English were characteristics that they also considered part of being German.
These were the perceived English tendencies towards hard work, honesty, cleanliness,
and piety. The journal worked to reinforce these concepts among its readers while also
presenting other positive traits from the English as examples that the German people
would do well to emulate.

Unvcrkcnnbar sind in die angcblich typischcn Merkmale dcs Engliindcrs Elementc
stcrcotyper dcutschcr Sclbstzuschrcibungen cingcgangen, wie Sic sich zumal in dcr
antithetischcn Abgrenzung vom vcrrneintlich sinnlich-lcichtsinnigcn Franzosen
hcrausgcbildet hattcn. Glcichwohl vcrliert die Imago dcs Englandcrs ihre
Orienticrungsfunktion nicht, dcnn die frcic Individualitat, das ausgcpr'agte Bcwusstscin

dcr cigcncn Wiirdc, das Sclbstdcnkcn und cntschiedcn praktischc Handeln werden dem
deutschen Lcser als vorbildlich vor Augen gefiihrt und sollcn gerade wcgen dcr

 

4" G. Kaiser, Bertuchs Zeitschrift London und Paris, 562.

50

unterstellten Verwandtschaft beider ,,Nationalcharaktere“ die ihnen zugedachte Wirkung
entfalten.“

Under these circumstances, it was desirable to portray an English artist who embodied the

qualities of the English that the Germans so admired. James Gillray fulﬁlled this role.

 

4' G. Kaiser, Bertuchs Zeitschrift ,,London und Paris“, 562-563.

51

11. French Caricatures

The first issue of London und Paris establishes several trends that continue to
appear throughout the publication for the next six years. Namely these include the
previously mentioned bias in favor of the English, and the inclusion of French caricatures
which tend to focus predominantly on moral behavior as opposed to the English
caricatures which are generally of a political nature. However, there are some unique

aspects to the ﬁrst two caricatures published by London und Paris. Both of them are of

 

French origin and deserve some explanation in order to show not only how they establish
typical patterns that are then apparent for the next six years, but also how they are
remarkable in their treatment when compared to later French caricatures. In these early
examples, the journal still exhibits a clear bias, but it is far more restrained in its criticism
and apathy towards the French. There is an effort to provide a livelier commentary as
well as a more balanced political outlook; however, there is still a notable difference in

treatment when compared to the English works of art.

11.1 The Comet

Essentially, this ﬁrst caricature establishes a precedent for the typical French
caricature regarding subject matter and how it is treated. Additionally, it represents a tie
in with Bertuch’s Modejoumal in that it focuses on French fashion and society as
opposed to political issues. This print is also highly unusual in that it is a hand colored
French caricature. This is signiﬁcant because the majority of French caricatures were
reproduced as black and white prints. In fact there are only two colored French

caricatures to appear in the entire ﬁrst year of publication. In 1799 just one colored

52

 

French caricature was published. All told, there are typically only one or two colored
French caricatures to appear in any given publication year for the ﬁrst six years. Later
this changes simply due to the lack of information available for the “London” section of
the journal. In comparison, well over a dozen English colored caricatures appear in any
given year.

This ﬁrst caricature is entitled “Venus ou la pretendue Comete” (Venus or the
alleged comet). It informs readers, especially women, of recent trends that they would do
well to follow should they wish to be considered fashionably sophisticated. This print is
an excellent introduction in that it reveals the origins of London und Paris as being an
extension of Bertuch’s Modejoumal. The caricature relates the story of a comet recently
sighted in France and uses it as an occasion to look at how such events had an inﬂuence
on French fashion. In doing so, the artist is also poking fun at the phenomenon that
seemingly any occasion could be used as the justiﬁcation for a new fashion trend. Of
course, this is an aspect of fashion that still exists today and ﬁnds its roots in the
fundamental notion that entertainment, also in terms of fashion, is derived through ever
new and unexpected experiences. As soon as something becomes expected, it achieves
the status of passe. Therefore men as well as women who had the disposable income and
free time to concern themselves with fashion trends would have naturally always been
looking for a new occasion to inspire a new trend in fashion. Bertuch’s Modejoumal
naturally fulﬁlled the role of providing these individuals with information on such trends,
and the journal London und Paris functions here in a complimentary way by

acknowledging in light hearted way that following such trends can often provide some

53

humor in retrospect. The commentator is however very careful to not be too mocking or
derisive, and that is revealed in his treatment of the depicted ﬁgures.

It is a contrast of changing styles from the beginning of the century, when a
previous comet sighting had created a ﬂurry of interest and, in the words of the
commentary, fashion foolishness at the trendy court of Louis XIV and the most recent
sighting at century’s end. According to the commentary, any such event was an occasion
from which women of status and taste could ﬁnd inspiration for fashion.

The individuals on the right represent the fashions from the earlier period. Most
notable is the hat called a fontange being worn by the woman seated in the chair. A
fontange was an accessory consisting of several layers of ribbon and lace repeatedly
folded to form a small arched shape going across the top of the head. Attached to the
back was often a sort of lace veil with ribbons extending down the back. The fontange
pictured here differs in that is has two exceptionally large hom—like structures extending
upward from the top of the woman’s head. These represented the basic shape of the
comet that had been observed. According to the article, a fan made of peacock feathers
was also often included which depicted the falling comet in the middle. The style of this
fontange was known as the a la Comete. The man standing behind her is also
representative of the comet’s inﬂuences on men’s fashion from the period. Most notable
is the wig which he is wearing. Above the forehead one can see the repeated theme of
two hom-like structures reﬂecting the comet’s inﬂuence. They are however markedly
smaller than what appears on the woman’s fontange.

The ﬁgures standing on the left are representative of the contemporary fashions

from Paris. The author shows here how the women have become much more

54

sophisticated and discriminating in terms of fashion sense. “Gegeniiber stehen die
Agréables du jour des neuesten Paris, und liefem uns, was besonders die
Damenkleidungen anlangt, die neuesten Musterkarten der Pariserinnen, so wie sie sich
bey der beliebtesten Modehandlerin haben ankleiden lassen.“42 The end of this sentence
is marked with a footnote that appears at the bottom of the page. When such references
are made, they are extremely important and show where Bertuch felt it was necessary to
essentially interrupt the articles for the purposes of providing what he considered
exceedingly relevant or important information that would have otherwise taken away
from the concept of writing a commentary with the same mood and artistic sensibilities
used by the original artist who created the caricature. These footnotes typically provide
very detailed information and are very revealing in the attitude or the stance that the
journal takes regarding a particular person or event. They are also frequently used to
provide educational information for such things as Greek mythological references in the
article. Finally these footnotes will sometimes serve to closely tie the commentary to the
Journal des Luxus und der Mode. This footnote to the ﬁrst caricature for example offers
this connection between London und Paris and the Modejoumal. It points out how the
truly most fashionable women would no longer dress themselves, but rather they would
go to their personal fashion dealer and be dressed there for special occasions such as the
opera or a ball. Bertuch makes this suggestion in such a way that addresses these women
on two levels. In keeping with the idea that it is only the most sophisticated women who
would not dress themselves at home, he puts this behavior in the context of classical
Greece which would appeal to these educated women. To go to a fashion dealer or

retailer is the equivalent of going to a temple. It is also implied that the innermost

 

‘2 London und Paris, I 1798, 88.

55

sanctuary of this temple is reserved for such reﬁned women who would then be dressed
by a priestess with the deepest knowledge of proper fashion. The use of such metaphors
is intended to communicate with these educated, upper class women on a level that only
they can properly appreciate. However, at the same time he refers to the practical side
effect of thus saving money on personal hairdressers and servants which would have been
in line with the efforts of the Modejoumal to teach women how to properly manage a
household.

“Es ist nehmlich jetzt gewohnlich, daB sich die Damen von bestem Ton im groBten
Negligée zu ihrer Modehandlerin hinfahren und dort im Innersten des Tempels sogleich
von der Kunstverstandigsten Priesterin der Gottin nach dem neuesten Geschmack zum
Bal oder Oper anputzen lassen, So ersparn man Friseurs und Kammerrniidchen.“43

The women portrayed on the left in this caricature are therefore not treated in quite the
same jesting tone as with the ﬁgures on the right. They are admired for their taste in
fashion and the qualities of each woman’s costume and hairstyle is addressed where
necessary.

As a ﬁnal note, the author mentions that fact that all of these women are holding
their dresses in a particular manner. This is done as a conscious effort to reveal as much
of the ﬁgure as possible while still retaining a certain level of propriety. It points out that
it is not only the particular style, but also the associated behavior that determines fashion.
Naturally if a woman wished to wear a particular style of dress, she had to also be aware
of the behavior and gestures that were included which in total determined a particular
fashion trend.

However, the journal generally never misses an opportunity to insert undertones

of an anti-French sentiment even when simultaneously admiring the highly developed

 

‘3 London und Paris, I 1798. 88.

56

tastes of the French. Such remarks typically take the form of condemning negative
attributes such as greed or frivolousness that are traits generally assigned to the French as
opposed the English.

Here the author refers to the woman pointing up towards Venus and wearing a
leopard print shawl. Under these spots could also be a creature that hungers after gold
rather than blood. “Ihr Schaal gleicht einer Tigerhaut, and man will bemerkt haben, daB
nicht immer blutgierige, aber wohl goldgierige Herzen unter diesen Tigerfellen

schlagen.”“'4

11.2 Landing in England

The second caricature from the ﬁrst issue of 1798 is also of French origin. It is
relatively rare in that its subject is of political signiﬁcance. However, at this early stage,
the journal remains true to its goal of not overtly expressing opinion with regard to
possible political ramiﬁcations and merely comments on the humorous aspects of events.
This black and white caricature entitled “Divers Projets sur la descente an Angleterre”
(Various projects about the invasion of England) details different methods that could be
employed for crossing the English Channel. This was something that many French and
English military thinkers concerned themselves with at the time. There were serious
debates in France in 1798 as to the best way to invade England, and the logistical
concerns for making an opposed landing from across a large body of open water would
have been a military operation of immense difﬁculty. The inclusion of this print depicts

the hostile condition of Franco-English relations at the time, but commentary avoids the

 

4“ London und Paris, 1 1798, 88.

57

overt and accusatory tone of later issues. It does however establish the trend of portraying
the French as the militant aggressors in Europe.

As is typical for the work from French artists, the term caricature can only be very
loosely applied to this image in that the objects and ﬁgures presented are entirely
plausible in both form and concept. The characteristic subtle exaggeration occurs here by
combing the various suggestions for invasion into a single image which the artist
considers ridiculous or simply impossible. In the foreground, French troops are shown
crossing the English Channel via a large tunnel. No one today can argue the
implausibility of the concept as it is possible to now make this crossing via the Chunnel;
however, the reality of the time suggested to any reasonable person that, while an idea
may be theoretically possible, it can also be that it is simply not technologically feasible
or practical. Additional suggestions depicted include sending over countless small
rowboats that could overwhelm the English ﬂeet with sheer weight of numbers, or using
hot air balloons to ferry troops across the channel that would then be able to drops bombs
on the English defenses. To defend against such an aerial assault from balloons, the
English have sent up a large number of kites with sharpshooters tied to their tails. Also
interspersed among the boats are French soldiers. They are attempting to swim across the
channel undetected by the English defenses.

The ideas depicted here are clearly a stretch for reality, but in every case there are
currently modern equivalents to these basic concepts in military technology. Thus this
print is a particularly good example of the fundamental difference in the way that French
and English artists approached the concept of humor, satire, and exaggeration in

caricature with the French much preferring subtlety in contrast to the English

58

employment of overly exaggerated form to point out the ridiculousness of certain real
situations.

Another interesting and important aspect of the journal that is revealed in this
caricature is the important relationship between the artwork and the accompanying
commentary. In this case, the caricature is used as an occasion to tell a series of stories
which are only indirectly related to the artwork in that they concern similar concepts for
crossing the English Channel which are not depicted in the print.

For example, the commentary refers to an individual by the name of Thilorier,
who offered up two of his own inventions for enabling an army to invade England. The
ﬁrst was a single hot air balloon that could be used to transport a large force over to the
island in a single trip, while the second was a method for moving an entire army over to
England by traveling under the water. French journalists made fun of the man and
ridiculed his claims. According to the commentary, Thilorier insisted however that his
inventions were completely viable and that it was merely a matter of obtaining the
permission from the French government in order to make his plans a reality. Journalists
then announced a demonstration was to be given; however, Thilorier never appeared at
the appointed time. In the commentary, the author provides much greater detail of this
story involving Thilorier and only summarizes the caricature at the end of the
commentary by simply listing many of the other suggestions which can then be found
depicted in the image. This leaves the image open for interpretation by the viewer and
preserves much of the “unexpected” within the piece, by not having revealed too many

details in the commentary.

59

In fact, the telling of other, similar events provides a clever solution to the
problem that many of the commentaries have in explaining the subtle nature of the
French caricatures without giving too much away. A related story helps the viewer to
interpret the work by providing appropriate background knowledge and context without
diminishing the entertainment value of the print by removing the subtlety through
detailed explanation of what is actually visible. In essence, the element of the unexpected
within the artwork remains intact and allows the viewer free range to explore the image
and discover the humor without having ﬁrst been exposed to lengthy prose describing in
detail elements that would be readily apparent to an individual intimately familiar with
the culture and the events depicted, in this case, an individual who is part of the French
culture. It holds with Lichtenberg’s ideas of writing a commentary which maintains the
mood and intent of the original print while allowing the viewer to also become familiar
with elements and references foreign to his or her own culture. The text and the image
have to complement one another. With the French caricatures relying so much on subtlety
there is a necessary difference in how best to complement the image with text when

compared with the English caricatures.

11.3 Bastringue

Having looked at the above examples from the ﬁrst issue of 1798 in which
precedents were established for the handling of French caricatures, it is now worth
looking at a later caricature that embodies the typical treatment given to French
caricatures in London und Paris. This work entitled “Bastringue” is from the seventh

issue of 1800. It depicts a typical scene from a lower class dance hall. One sees examples

60

of rather vulgar behavior including clumsy attempts at seducing women and drunken
individuals unable to control themselves. One immediately sees that these ﬁgures are all
drawn with relatively realistic proportions and features. Furthermore, the actions of the
ﬁgures are not implausible. This print could neither be classiﬁed as highly artistic in
terms of technical achievement nor in terms of being a sensitive and artistic interpretation
of moral depravity. As a result, the work here neither meets the commonly accepted
standards of caricature nor of high art. One can safely say that it is a work of art though
which best ﬁts under the description of illustration. The effectiveness and thus value of
art can however be measured in terms of its affect on its audience, and, in this regard, the
French caricatures are still very much a worthwhile object of study. If this were not the
case, they would have neither appeared in the journal nor been so popular among the
French viewers. As previously mentioned, the main reliance of the French artists was on
subtlety of message to convey ideas by entertaining the viewer by allowing them to
explore and look for the “unexpected”.

The commentary provided for this caricature is treated by the journal much in the
same way as the caricature itself. That is to say, there is a certain predisposition towards
the French works of art as something of only very limited value for consideration and
discussion. At the beginning of the description, the author points out that much of the
action is as seen and not really worthy of comment beyond some very basic indication of
the individuals present.

Sie sehen hier Lasttr'ager und Soldaten aller Art, unter andem einen Fort de la halle, der
an seinem groBen runden Huth kenntlich ist; die z'artlichen Liebkosungen, von denen
Mercier spricht, mitunter auch einige Szenen, deren Anblick der Zeichner uns vielleich

hatte ersAparen konnen, die aber um des Karakteristischen willen nicht gut fehlen
konnten.

 

‘5 London und Paris, v11 [800, 255.

61

This is not really a very creative attempt at interpreting the image in Lichtenberg’s sense
of maintaining the same mood as established by the work of art. Instead, the majority of
the commentary is devoted to the etymology of the word “Bastringue” which had come to
mean a dance hall of the lowest social class. Finally, at the end, there is brief mention of a
song and melody which had also been given the name “L’eloge du Bastringue” and had
become very popular. It was often sung by commoners in the streets of Paris. Here the
author also provides the words to the song. All told, the commentary barely
acknowledges the content of the illustration and makes no efforts to provide any kind of
endorsement of either the artist or of the French in general. It is merely a factual
statement of the sorts of dance halls that can be found in Paris and of what one might hear
while walking down the Elysee. This contrasts sharply with the often gushing praise

given to the English caricatures.

62

12. English Caricatures

Whereas the French caricatures rely on subtlety in order to entertain by allowing
the viewer to explore an image and discover the humor and the message of the artist
buried within, the English approach is dramatically different. Rather than the
“unexpected” being hidden within a plausible situation, it is created through extreme
exaggeration intended to capture the essence of an individual or of a situation and
completely surprise the viewer with such outrageous or ridiculous forms that one requires
time to simply take in the work.

Much like the French caricatures, the English caricatures tended to focus
predominantly on particular themes; however, whereas the French caricatures focused
mostly on issues related to trends in society, in essence, morality, fashion, and social
behavior, the caricatures from England were , as previously mentioned, almost
exclusively devoted to political issues. Interestingly, the political issues dealt with in the
English caricatures also tended to deal more frequently with internal political problems
than directly with the ever present conﬂict with France. That is not to say though that
France did not play an important role in these political caricatures, because the object of
criticism was typically associated with France in some way. For example, an individual
would be depicted wearing the symbol of the Jacobins (a cockade of red, white, and blue
ribbons), who had initiated the “Reign of Terror” during the French Revolution and were
noted for being revolutionaries of a particularly ruthless, suspicious, and unforgiving
nature. By associating someone from the political opposition with such revolutionaries in
a foreign land, it automatically implied that such individuals supported dangerous ideas

and methods that would fundamentally threaten the peace and stability of England.

63

In contrasting English virtues with perceived French deﬁciencies of character as
well as the lack of peace, freedom, and stability that would exist in a Europe dominated
by French inﬂuence, there is one particular ﬁgure who makes repeated appearances
during the ﬁrst six years of the joumal’s publication. He is the ﬁctitious ﬁgure of John
Bull who represented the typical Englishman. Between 1798 and 1803, he appeared in
more than a dozen different caricatures. John Bull embodied the positive traits of the
English while generally lacking in those characteristics which could be considered
unnecessary for a virtuous life. For example, John Bull dresses simply, and possesses an
equally simple intellect, but he is also depicted as being honest, and close to nature in that
he is often shown as a farmer. He is a man with a fundamental understanding of right and
wrong, and of justice and injustice. He is also peaceful, modest, and equally loyal to the
English crown and to the principles of the basic freedoms espoused by Enlightenment
ideals. John Bull may not be a philosopher with the ability to explain the Enlightenment,
but he does not need to be. He possesses an intrinsic understanding of these principles
without having to work them out through ponderous philosophical thought. This ﬁgure is
presented to the German reading public as an example worthy of admiration, because he
also represents much of what Germans wanted to see in themselves.

Another aspect of the English caricatures which tended to distinguish them from
those produced by the French, was the inclusion of characters, settings, and events that
were much closer to the common man. They tend to present a much wider picture of life
by considering a greater variety of common cultural references. Karl Riha explains this

by referring to James Gillray and his contemporaries as “realists” of a sort who accurately

reﬂected the true nature of their society through their caricatures by exposing through
exaggeration the truth behind the objects of their artwork.

In der Tat beschréinken sich Gillray und seine satirischen Kupferstich-Genossen nicht auf
die simple Illustrierung politischer Ereignisse oder die bloB deforrnierende
Portratzeichnung der Beriihmten und Machtigen ihrer Zeit, sondem suchen ihren Effekt
gerade darin, daB sie konsequent auf die verschiedensten Momente der aktuellen
Londoner Alltagswirklichkeit zuriickgreifen und sie - ganz im Sinne des Zitats —

konsequent als konkrete karikaturistische Erklarungsmetaphem einsetzen; ohne es
ausdriicklich zu intendieren, werden sie auf diese Weise zu ,,groBen Realisten“ ihrer

chit.46
12.1 The Tree of Liberty

A good example of the John Bull that incorporates many of the recurring themes
of the English caricatures is ”The Tree of Liberty with the Devil Tempting John Bull”
which is also a work of Gillray. It appeared in the second issue of 1798 and embodies,
from the English perspective, the differing vieWpoints of France and England towards
Enlightenment thinking and towards the countries respective constitutions.

John Bull, the simple farmer, is seen passing by the Tree of Liberty, which, like
any object offered as a temptation by the devil, is made to look deceptively appealing.
The Serpent in the Tree is the embodiment of the devil but actually has the face of
Charles James Fox, the leader of the opposition party in England, and he offers “Reform”
to John Bull. From the artist’s perspective, reform is essentially a complete change to the
parliament and to the constitution. The meaning of this reform can be seen by the makeup
of the rest of the tree. Thomas Paine’s Book, The Rights of Man makes up the central
stem, while a cap symbolising the French Jacobins is the crown of the tree. The Whig
club (described as traitors), and the London Corresponding Society are depicted as fruits

9, ‘6

not too distant from the cap. Among the fruits of “democracy , revolution”, and the “age

 

“5 Riha, GroBstadt-Korrespondenz, I I7.

65

of reform”, one can also ﬁnd “conspiracy”, “slavery”, “atheism”, “murder”, and
“treason”. The roots of these terrible problems are quite literally depicted as “envy”,
“ambition”, and “disappointment”. As is the common practice with caricature, a literal
interpretation is the usual and preferred method of depicting ideas. Its goal is often to take
concepts and give them visual form. This tree is thus the ideal representation for this
caricature, and, from an artistic perspective, embodies one of the most common criticisms
of caricature as an art form. This is due to the simplicity of the design which is reduced to
the visual equivalent of a pun. However, it is this very simplicity in making visual the
complexities of ideas wherein caricature achieves its success and thereby its appeal. Such
things are intended to be obvious to the viewer in the form of a visual metaphor. The
commentary makes note of this when discussing the fmits hanging from the tree.

Niemand wird hierbey den Sinn ﬁbersehen, welchen der Kiinstler in die doppelseitige
Form dieser Friichte zu legen suchte. Sie locken von der einen Seite durch eine schon

gerothete siiBen Wohlgeschmack versprechende Schaale, wahrend sie auf der andem
FaulniB und WurmfraB verrathen.47

With his pockets already full of apples plucked from tree in the background, the
virtuous John Bull is perfectly content to continue on his way without falling for the
devil’s ruse. He recognizes the rottenness within the apples offered to him and wants
nothing of it. The tree in the background is of course the representation of the British
government. Its roots are the House of Commons, House of Lords, and the King. The
British parliamentary government provides John Bull with “freedom”, “happiness”, and
“security”. Of course, there is no room in the caricature for a detailed explanation of just
how these fruits of the British parliamentary system are to be achieved. In this way,

Critics of Gillray could argue that his caricatures, including this particular example,

 

‘7 London und Paris, 11 1798, 207.

66

function more as propaganda than as a genuine effort to communicate difﬁcult to
understand concepts. This propaganda function is a signiﬁcant criticism simply because
caricature often relies on exaggeration and simpliﬁcation in order to communicate its
message. In this respect, Gillray’s critics could argue that his caricatures were not at all a
“realist” reflection of the world.

The commentary for this caricature is also revealing in the aspect of how London
und Paris fulﬁlls its role as a complementary publication to Bertuch’s Journal des Luxu_s
und der Mode in terms of inﬂuencing readers future purchasing decisions. When
discussing the virtuous nature of the English, the author mentions Milton’s Paradise Lost
as an essential book to own for anyone with a measure of common sense. Naturally,
prices are provided and it is implied that owning such a work can be seen as a status
symbol.

Neben der Bibel hat jeder rechtliche Hausvater in England jetzt wenigstens noch seinen
Milton und Shakespeare auf dem Schranke stehn. Milton’s verlomes ParadieB ist als ein
heiliges Nationalgedicht allen im Munde und Herzen. Man hat Ausgaben davon von 1
schilling bis zu 20 Guineen.48

In the footnotes to the commentaries it is also typical for the journal to provide additional

publishing information to such works for the convenience of people wishing to ﬁnd or

purchase them.

 

‘8 London und Paris, 11 I798, 205.

67

 

12.2 The Flying Sword Gone Mad

The ﬁfth issue of 1803 can be considered the point at which the journal ﬁnally
pushed its political views too far in being overly critical of France. Gillray’s caricature
which appeared in this issue directly led to the publication of the journal being forced to
move from Weimar to Halle. Even so, the caricature which appears in London und Paﬁ
is actually an edited version created in a not too successful attempt to avoid going too far
in overtly criticizing the French and Napoleon in particular. The ﬁgure of Napoleon was
removed from the caricature and replaced by the depiction of a sword which was
intended to represent Napoleon.49 Because of his personal relationship with London und
1%, it is also not unrealistic to assume that Gillray was likely personally involved in
editing the caricature and provided the information regarding the inspiration for depicting
the sword.

The ﬁrst part of the commentary is also noteworthy because the appearance of the
sword needed to be addressed. Bottiger, the senior editor and author of the commentaries
during the early years of the joumal’s publication, is forced in the commentary to provide
some logic for the symbolism of the sword which replaced the ﬁgure of Napoleon. Here
his classical education is very apparent in his explanation. He begins by relating the story
of a knife made by the forger Barriol in commemoration of Napoleon which symbolically
honors him by depicting him in the same manner as a Roman Consul and referring to him
as the “savior of France.” The sword in the caricature is intended to draw parallels to this
knife, and since the original caricature did not depict a sword, it was necessary to create

such a parallel.

 

‘9 For a visual comparison of the version of this caricature created for London und Paris and Gillray’s
original, see pages 12 and 13 (Plates 1 and 2 respectively) of Banerji’s Gillray Observed.

68

 

Like in many other instances in the commentaries, Bottiger uses this “classical”
design of the sword as an opportunity to educate his readers about the mythological and
literary history of inanimate objects springing to life. He provides several footnotes when
discussing the design of the sword with its extended wings and makes comparisons to the
Greek origins of the oriental Cherub, the griffon, and other objects from mythology such
as the winged chariot of Triptolemus. The commentaries throughout the journal are very
often liberally interspersed with historical and mythological references to classical
Greece and Rome, and as part of the joumal’s educational function, these references are
typically explained quite thoroughly in the commentary to the caricatures or in detailed
footnotes. On one level, it could be safely assumed that the readers of London und Paris
were educated in the classics and such references could thus generally be understood, but
it also provided an opportunity for readers to receive a further education in the classical
period and to be referred to detailed scholarly or literary works. This provided an
entertaining setting for readers where they could be given such information in a
straightforward and easy to comprehend manner, whereas the high literature of the
period, such as Goethe’s _Fa_us_t or Wieland’s Musarion, would frequently make subtle
references to classical history and mythology and simply expect that the reader had the
requisite education in order to understand them. It can therefore be seen here how
London und Paris acted as a general guide for providing readers with basic information as
well as sources for furthering their classical education.

Bottiger provides more than just references to classical history in this and his
other commentaries. He uses the caricatures to inform readers about more recent trends,

and, in so doing, shows how the journal endeavored to stay current in not only changing

69

fashion and technology, but also in philosophy, art, and literature. For example, the sword
coming to life is a fantastic event and thus occasion to mention other wondrous aspects of
the then current literary and philosophical thinking. Reference is made in this case to
Goethe’s Zauberlehrling.
Wir leben trotz allem, was die neueste Auﬂdarerei gegen die Wunder vorzubringen wagt,
in einem Zeitalter der groBten Wunder. Goethes Zauberer macht aus einem bloBen,
einfaltigen Besenstiel einen geschaftigen Wassertrager; ein Magisterdiplom beriihrt einen
Kaurtkopf, und augenblicklich fiihlt er sich ein einen wohlmoblirten Doctorkopf
verwandelt.50
There was a conscious effort to refer to such things on a regular basis in order to tie them
together with the caricatures. In so doing, the caricatures were associated with serious
works of art, literature, and philosophy from various periods in history. This lent the
caricatures a degree of legitimacy, by showing that the artists who created them were
classically educated intellectuals who were capable of creating such art because they
possessed a fundamental understanding of human nature along with the obligatory
knowledge of contemporary political and social problems.

Finally, it is necessary to consider why this caricature created such a controversy
for the journal. The commentary to this caricature begins immediately by establishing a
contemptuous attitude towards the French by referring to their caricatures and the people
who created them as being absolutely humorless. In addition the journal deliberately
refers to French caricaturists as nothing more than “dilettanti whose pictures merely
distort reality” rather than artists, and declares them to essentially be devoid of any talent
at all in comparison with the great Gillray.
Wahrend die Franzosischen Zerrbildpinsler (sie Zeichner oder Maler zu nennen, ware

Todsiinde, da sie auch nicht den geringsten Witz in Himschalle oder an ihren
Fingerspitzen haben) sich in den abgeschmacktesten und ungesalzensten

 

50 London und Paris, V 1803, 7].

7O

Caricatursudeleien herumtreiben, die nur einem Pariser Badaud einiges Lacheln
abgewinnen konnen: schwingt Gilray regelmaBig seine GeiBel zweimal in jedem Monat
und nie fallt diese herab, ohne ihren Gegenstand wirklich auf dem empﬁndlichsten Theil
zu treffen und zu verwunden.5 '

The Commentary then shifts to attacking Napoleon. Naturally, none of the readers
at the time would have missed the symbolism of what the sword truly represented. This
ﬁgure of Napoleon is seen as having become a raving lunatic and it represents a personal
attack against a very powerful individual who had substantial inﬂuence within the
borders of Germany. This caricature thus went too far since it put German nobility
(speciﬁcally Duke Carl August of Weimar) in the awkward position of having allowed
the publication of such a caricature and thereby potentially incurring the wrath of the
French emperor.

The sword is screaming about the British interference in Egypt, as well as the
freedom of British press which, unlike their French contemporaries, is able to report the
truth about Napoleon’s actions and ambitions. The sword is also possessed by the idea of
revenge and wants to lead an army of 480,000 Frenchman in a cross-channel invasion of
England. Lying scattered on the ﬂoor around this ﬁgure are plans for future military
conquests as well as critical articles from the British press.

Lastly, the commentary includes an addendum. It is satirical poem based on
Hamlet’s monologue of “To be or not be” and it concerns Napoleon’s contemplations of
attacking England, which is an effort that he decides would, in the end, be futile. It was
apparently written by a man named Cobbet who was editor of the Weekly Register in

London and personal acquaintance of Gillray. This particular piece is entitled

“Bonaparte’s Soliloquy at Calais.” Bottiger points out here that such satirical poems were

 

5' London und Paris, V 1803, 67-68.

71

 

something that the French had begun doing ﬁrst. He presents as an example a satirical
work called “Goddom” by the French poet Evariste Parny which ridiculed the British
Royal Family. In essence, the gloves came off because of such satirical poetry from the
French, and the English now felt permitted to return the favor, ten fold according to
Bottiger.
Nach solchen Angriffen diirfen sich auch die Englander alles fiir erlaubt halten, und sie
hielten sich in der That auch schon friiher dazu berichtigt. Spottgedichte wetteiferten mit
den Zerrbildern in den Caricaturladen, und Goddam wurde zehnfach verstarkt den
Franzosen wieder zuriickgegeben.52

This caricature is therefore a prime example of just how biased the opinions of the
journal had become shortly after the turn of the century. The journal would have likely
continued with this line of argument against the French had political circumstances not
forced the dramatic reduction of English content in the Journal after 1807 and, due to

French occupation of Germany, forced the editors to take a much more benign tone with

regards to France.

 

52 London und Paris, V 1803, 78-79.

72

 

13. Conclusion

The caricatures collected from sources in France and England and reprinted in
London und Paris are not only revealing of contemporary trends in art, politics, social
problems, but they were also instrumental in forming opinions at the time. The power of
imagery was something that Bertuch recognized very early in his career. While others
debated whether the use of pictures, especially color images, could in any way effectively
supplement text in ﬁelds such as the natural sciences, Bertuch embraced these concepts
very early and very eagerly. He not only saw a use for them in educational applications
such as the development of his picture books for children, or other scientiﬁc and
educational works published under his direction, but he saw a use for images in also
informing readers of trends in technology and fashion being produced in other parts of
the world. This led to the tremendous success and longevity of his Journal des Luxus und
der Mode. It was only natural that he would see that the intense demand for information
about other parts of Europe, speciﬁcally England and France, could best be satisﬁed by
supplementing traditional textual descriptions with imagery. Something that can be seen
is brought to life in way that textual description simply cannot do, and when attempting
to show people aspects of something that is unfamiliar to them, a picture truly is worth a
thousand words. The power of images to inform and inﬂuence people is therefore
something that cannot be denied. Consequently, such deliberate use of imagery lent his
journal London und Paris a tremendous amount inﬂuence. However, a picture alone
leaves open a lot of room for a variety of interpretations. By supplementing images with
text, one can clarify aspects of what is visually presented. One can direct the viewer’s

attention and present ideas to be considered in relation to what is seen. This interaction

73

 

 

 

between image and text is an aspect of Bertuch’s London und Paris which made the
journal revolutionary in its design. A long history of using text to supplement and
describe visual information had existed prior to the publication of Bertuch’s journal, but
this was one of the ﬁrst times that caricature was considered as a legitimate form of art
and deliberately used in conjunction with commentary not only to entertain, but also to
inform and to shape opinion, and Friedrich Justin Bertuch could thus be viewed as one of
the founders of the modern concept of mass media where the lines between

entertainment, news, and propaganda become increasingly less clear.

74

APPENDIX

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Figure 3. Divers Projets sur la descente an Angleterre

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Figure 6. The Flying Sword Gone Mad

81

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