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This is to certify that the
dissertation entitled

THE HISTORY OF ETHIOPIAN IMMIGRANTS IN THE
UNITED STATES IN THE TWENTIETH CENTURY,

1 900-2000

presented by

SOLOMON ADDIS GETAHUN

has been accepted towards fulﬁllment
of the requirements for the

PhD degree in History

 

 

 

 

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2/05 p:/CIRC/DaleDue.indd-p.1

THE HISTORY OF ETHIOPIAN IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES IN THE TWENTIETH
CENTURY. 1900-2000

By
Solomon Addis Getahun

A DISSERTATION
Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
Department of History

2005

ABSTRACT

THE HISTORY OF ETHIOPIAN IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES IN THE TWENTIETH
CENTURY, 1900-2000

By
Solomon Addis Getahun

The dissertation is a study of the history of Ethiopian immigrants in the US, who are
estimated between 250,000 and 350,000; and who came to the US. between the 19503 and
19903. The majority of these Ethiopians are victims of the “Red Terror’ which hit hard cities like
Addis Ababa and Gondar. For this reason, I also assess the role of the “Red Terror“ as a “push”
factor, and its ramiﬁcations on Ethiopians at home and abroad. Their migration history, beside
other things, reﬂected the hegemonic role of the US in the post-1945 period; and the development
and nature of the Ethiopian and American relationship since then. Thus, I explored the nature of
Ethiopian and American friendship in relation to migration.

The Ethiopians in America are roughly categorized into two groups. The ﬁrst group
comprised highly educated Ethiopians, tourists, businessmen and government ofﬁcials, who failed
to return home because of the 1974 Revolution. The next band, however, encompassed those
brought to the U.S. from refugee camps, mainly from Sudan, between the early 19803 and the mid
19903.

The Ethiopian immigrants are ethnically diverse and at times acutely divided in terms of
regional or ethnic origins. The latter phenomenon, especially, has became more glaring after the
Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front, EPRDF, which is an ethnically based

organization, took power in Ethiopia in 1991. This ethnic division, coupled with the difference in
manner of entrance, levels of education, degrees of exposure to the outside world prior to arrival to
the U.S., religion, political afﬁliation, the desire to return are some of the variables that characterize
Ethi0pians in the US. Their diversity has tremendous impact, both positive and negative, on their
adjustment to their new surrounding and their survival as a distinct group in the US.

Either due to the actions of the Refugee Resettlement Bureau of the US Government or
simply as the result of internal migration, certain US. cities appear to be dominated by a single
Ethiopian ethnic group, or people from certain province. I examined the causes of such
developments and its implication on the host society and the immigrant community.

Despite such anomalies, Ethiopians are affecting the society, culture and politics of the
United States. Their community organizations and churches are popping up here and there.
Ethiopian restaurants are common in major US. cities, and the Ethiopian cuisine is becoming part
of the US. diet. In some cities, the cab and parking attendant business are almost dominated by
them. American politicians have also begun appreciating Ethiopian voters. Similarly, American-
based Ethiopian opposition political parties are trying to inﬂuence America’s foreign policy on the
Horn of Africa while some Ethiopians are observed in fostering economic development either
through technology transfer, investment or remittances. Surely, this achievement was not gained
without a problem: how did the Ethiopians adjust to American life? I looked at the many adjustment
problems that Ethiopian immigrants faced, and their relationship with Americans and how the latter
viewed them. I also displayed the ethnic, political and regional tension among Ethiopian
immigrants, and their survival as a distinct ethnic group in America. What is more, I probed into the
role of the Ethiopian Orthodox church and other organizations in maintaining this distinct Ethiopian

identity.

PREFACE 8r ACKNOWLEDGMENT

When I came to Michigan State University, I initially proposed to my advisor, the late
Harold G Marcus, to study the "The Impact of the Matama-Humera Commercial Farms on the City
of Gondar,” which could have been an extension of my MA Thesis, 'T he History of the City of
Gondar.” However, two things convinced me to change my focus of study from economic/urban
history to migration studies. One of the reasons was political developments in Ethiopia, especially
in Gondar province. The current ethno-centric regime in Ethiopia slashed almost a quarter of the
province and annexed Humera and merged it with Tigray, the home province of the ruling party,
the Tigrayan Peoples Liberation Front (T PLF) while wding Matama to the newly created and
ethnically based Bene Shanguel-Gumuz territory otherwise known as Region 7. In light of these
new circumstances, I found it difﬁcult, if not impossible, to do my research on the proposed area.

The second and most important rationale, however, was my experience in Seattle,
Washington. While I was volunteering in the Ethiopian Community Mutual Association in 1995 in
that city, I witnessed interesting things. There were many Ethiopians who did not read and write
English and thus badly needed translation services, yet, there were very few Ethiopian volunteers
who could help. What is more, in spite of the existence of an Ethiopian community center, which
allegedly espoused to serve all Ethiopians, there were also ethnic based community associations
such as Tigrayan, Oromo, Somali and regional Ethiopian organizations like the Gondar Mutual
Association, to name the few. What intrigued me most was not their existence, since the ofﬁcial
administrative policy of the ruling government in Ethiopia is ethnic in origin. I thought that such
division within and among Ethiopians in Seattle was a reﬂection of what was going on in Ethiopia. It
was the rivalry and at times the animosity within and among these associations which mesmerized

and enticed me to commence my own research about Ethiopians in Seattle. I began interviewing

people. Meanwhile after hearing from one of his students about me, a sociology professor from
University of Washington, Joseph W Scott, who was consulting with the Refugee Women
Association in Seattle, sought my help. One day the association brought him an Ethiopian refugee
for counseling, but, neither she nor he could understand one another. He needed an Ethiopian to
help him, and he contacted me. My acquaintance with Prof. Scott further encouraged me to take
the matter of Ethiopians in America very seriously. It was as the result of these encounters that I
decided to study Ethiopians in America.

Research into the history of contemporary Ethiopian immigrants requires the utilization of
archival, oral and secondary sources. Some of my data came from participant observation and a
careful tabulation of oral histories. To get a balanced view of the life of Ethiopians in America, using
the snowball method, I conducted random interviews across all sections such as refugees and
exiles, different gender and social groups, men and women, the old and the young, the rich and the
poor. In addition, leaders of community organizations such as Ethiopian Community Mutual
Associations, Tigray, Drama and Gondar Associations were interviewed. My being Gondare also
helped me to know intimately who is whom in cities like Seattle and the impact of transnationals of
Gondar origin on Gondar. To further strengthen my observations, transnationals or retumees that
comprise business owners, government officials, and students who reside in either Addis Ababa or
Gondar were also interviewed. All the interviews were open-ended.1

Using the annual Ethiopian soccer tournament, which brings Ethiopians together from all
over the US. to one of the American cities, as an opportunity for research, I was also able to

randomly distribute questionnaires and conduct interviews in California (Bay Area/San Francisco)

 

1 See the attached list of interviewees and survey respondents at the end of the bibliogrwhy. A total of more
than eighty interviews and surveys were conducted. Of these, nineteen respondents aid inbnn'ewees were Males.
The interviewees and survey respondents range from university provost to a parking casher and nursing home
assistants; and from ambassadors to people engaged in money laundering.

and Washington DC in 2001 and 2002 respectively. I also used other venues such as the August
2001 Kalamazoo, Michigan, conference on Development Issues in Ethiopia to distribute
questionnaires and conduct interviews.2 l have also videotaped some of these events and
interviews.

While the ﬁnancial help from the Department of History and the Graduate School at
Michigan State University helped me to conduct surveys and interviews in the aforementioned
cities, the Fulbright Dissertation Grant enabled me to stay in Ethiopia for a year, and explore the
impact of Ethiopian-Americans on Ethiopia and examine the role of the Red Terror as a ‘push’
factor. During my stay in Ethiopia, in addition to conducting interviews, I examined various archival
materials at the Institute of Ethiopian Studies Library of the Addis Ababa University, the archives of
the lnvestrnent Bureau of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, the Immigration Ofﬁce,
Ethiopian Tourism Commission, the Ministry of Justice, The Expatriate Affairs Ofﬁce of the Ministry
of Foreign Affairs, Gondar Municipality and Administration. The Cultural Affairs Ofﬁce of the US.
Embassy in Addis Ababa also facilitated my quest for information on Diversity Visa lottery
applicants and winners in Ethiopia from the Consular Section of the embassy.

At the Institute of Ethiopian Studies (IES) library, in the manuscript section, I found
declassiﬁed US. State Department ﬁles that dealt with relations between the Imperial Government
of Ethiopia and the United States between 19403 and 19503. From these ﬁles, in addition to nature
and volume of military and economic aid from the U.S., I learned that their relationship was not
always smooth. In this same section, I also found pamphlets of the Ethiopian Peoples
Revolutionary Party (EPRP) and All Ethiopian Socialist Movement (AESM) which were the main

opposition parties against the defunct military regime of Mangistu Haile Mariam (1974-1991). From

 

2TheEthiopianArnerican Foundation, a non-proﬁtorganization thatseekstohelp Ethiopian studentsaid
academic institutions in Ethiopia, organized the conference. Since 2001, the conference has become an annual event
that is held either in Ethiopia orthe U.S.

these pamphlets, l Ieamed about the nature and character of these political parties and the
circumstances that brought them at loggerheads. Their actions contributed to the mass exodus of
the Ethiopian intelligentsia to foreign lands, mainly to the US. At the IES, I also found a list of some
seven hundred (700) people with their pictures and names of govemment ofﬁces where they were
working. The notice urged every Ethiopian to hunt down these counter- revolutionaries, and
execute them on site. Among the hunted were central committee members of EPRP and Tigrian
Peoples Liberation Front (TPLF now EPRDF).

At the Expatriates Affairs Ofﬁce of the Ministry of Foreign affairs, I found various
monographs which contained ﬁgures and descriptions of Ethiopians who resided in the various
parts of the world including the US; a memorandum of understanding between the Ethiopians in
the United States and EPRDF; various research papers on the Ethiopian Diaspora in the US . . .
etc. The head of the Expatriates Affairs Ofﬁce also gave me business cards and a list of Ethiopians
who came to his ofﬁce either seeking help or expressing their intentions while in Ethiopia. Most of
them were from US. I also interviewed the Ofﬁcer about the Diaspora community in the U.S., the
purpose and intention of his ofﬁce regarding the Ethiopian Diaspora; the capabilities and
shortcomings of his ofﬁce . . . etc. The Expatriates Affairs Ofﬁce also provided me with an ID card
to use the library in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. There, I found no archival sources. Then, I
contacted and interviewed the American (North and South) and European section chief of the
Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Prior to his appointment to this post, he worked at the Ethiopian
Embassy in the United States quite for sometime. I asked him if I could see some archives that
deal with Ethiopia and the US. Though willing for an interview, he declined my request for access
to the archives.

My endeavor at the Ethiopian Investment Ofﬁce, Addis Ababa, was much more successful.

There, I found data on Ethiopian-bum foreign nationals, including “Ethiopian Americans,” who

vii

invested in Ethiopia or proposed to do so. The data included the amount of capital they invested or
proposed to invest, type of project they were engaged in, the region or regions where they
invested, the nature of the company these investors had . . . etc.

I went to the Ministry of Interior, Immigration Ofﬁce, and enquired if they have any data on
Ethiopians who came from abroad. They informed me that the available data was not sorted by
country of origin or destination; and their archive was not very well organized. However, they
brought me the 1993-1994 incoming and outgoing passenger log that contained names,
citizenships, passport numbers, origins and destinations . . . of incoming and outgoing travelers. l
tabulated the ﬁgures, both by gender and citizenship of Ethiopians who came to Ethiopia or left for
US. at that time. The Ethiopian Immigration ofﬁcials also provided me with a compiled list of all
Ethiopian-ham foreign nationals who were given “Green Card“ to work, invest and live in Ethiopia.
The data also contained how many of these Ethiopian-ham foreign nationals were from the U.S.,
Europe . . . etc. The Immigration ofﬁcials also informed me that the Ethiopian Airlines (EAL) might
have the information I am looking for. I contacted the Ethiopian Airiines Public Relations Ofﬁcer.
After a series of unsuccessful attempts, I stopped seeking information from EAL.

While in Addis Ababa, I also contacted the Ethiopian Tourism Commission Ofﬁce. l was
referred to their statistics department. The Department made available annual ﬁgures for the last
twelve or so years for tourists who visited Ethiopia from around the world including the US. While
the ﬁgure for some of the years was broken by country of origin, the rest was not. Nevertheless, it
was an invaluable archival source. It helped me to assess the volume of trafﬁc between US. and
Ethiopia and its ﬁnancial implications.

Looking for information on remittance, I went to the National Bank of Ethiopia. In addition
to providing me with an invaluable data on remittances since the 19703, they also gave me

information on one of the international money transferring agencies, the Western Union: its places

viii

of operation throughout Ethiopia, number of bmnches, its partners outside the Commercial Bank of
Ethiopia (CBE) etc.

The Red Terror being one of the “push“ factors for Ethiopians in the US. and the Diaspora,
I visited one of the centers for victims of the Borg regime, Rehabilitation Center for the Victims of
Torture (RCVTE) in Addis Ababa. I interviewed the director of the rehabilitation center, himself a
victim of torture, about the purpose and achievement of the center. The director also allowed me to
copy some of the manuscripts that contained narratives of victims of rape, torture . . . etc.

To further understand the nature and magnitude of the Red Tenor, I went to the Ethiopian
Federal Court, the Special Persecutors Ofﬁce, seeking information not only on victims of the Borg
but also the perpetrators of torture, rape and mass killing. The chief judge gave some nineteen (19)
pages of indexes of cases that the Special Persecutors Ofﬁce was following. He also regretfully
informed me that some of the cases, in fact most of them, are pending and active. Hence, before
the cases were tried and closed, I cannot get access to these ﬁles. However, I was welcomed to
watch some videos and listen to audiotapes of the some the trials.

My quest for archival information on the Red Terror in Gondar—one of the cities that
suffered most in the days of the revolution and one of the major sources of Ethiopian
immigrants/refugees in the U.S.—was unsuccessful. The ﬁles, I was told, were transferred to Addis
Ababa. The Gondar Municipality, however, provided me with invaluable information on Gondare
(people of Gondar origin) retumees who were given free land. The Municipality also granted me
acwss to its marriage registry. From the register, I tabulated transnational marriages (1991-2002),
between Ethiopians from abroad and Gondares in the city.

Yet, despite the strenuous effort to present a comprehensive view of Ethiopian
immigrant/refugee community in the U.S., the dissertation has certain limitations. As I trudged

through my thesis, I realized that instead of studying Ethiopians in America as a whole and

throughout the United States, a regional or even ethnic based approach in a single American city
might be better suited to thoroughly understand the odyssey of Ethiopians to the U.S., their
patterns of settlement and their adjustment. Yet, I also realized that focusing on Ethiopian
immigrant/refugee community in a single city or state also has its own drawback. Since
immigrant/refugee settlement patterns are affected, beside other variables, by ethnic/regional
afﬁliation, a study of a certain Ethiopian community in a certain American city might present a
lopsided view of Ethiopians in America.

Though there is a plethora of literature on migration to the United States from the various
parts of the world and ﬁom which I beneﬁted immensely, some of the pitfalls in this dissertation
were due to the lacuna of literature that deals with African immigrants in general and Ethiopians in
particular. The handful of works that exist such as The African Emigrés in the United States were
focused on reasons why Africans are not interested in going back to their country and how much
immigration to US. had drained Africa’s trained manpower,3 while Alusine Jalloh and Stephen
Maizlish's collection of articles on the African Diaspora solely dealt with the Trans-Atlantic Slave
Trade and its role in Diaspora formations.4 The very latest work on the African Diaspora, by Isidore
Okpewho et al, except for a couple of articles that addressed African immigrant women, and the
role of the African American Caucus in the US. foreign policy making concerning Africa, does not
say much on the new African immigrants in the US. In short, they are mainly interested in the

slave trade and its impact rather than on the postcolonial Aﬁican Diaspora formations.5 Joseph

 

 

Aprak ’
w (New York Praeger 1991)
4 Joseph E. Harris, Alusine Jdloh, and Stephen E. Maizlish. 13 African Dim. 1st ed. (Arlington: A&M
University Press, 1996).
5 Isidore Okpewho, Caole Boyce Davies, and Ali Al Amin Mazrui, The African OM a: African
O_ng' ins and M World Identities (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1999)

Harris’ Global Dimensions of the African Diaspora is no exception.6 Obiagele Lak’s article, Towards
8 Pan African Identity, though acknowledging the existence of the new African Diaspora, his main
focus was not on African immigrants in the US. but on African returnees to Ghana.7 The latest
edition of Immigrant America, too, though an all inclusive and scholariy work, doesn't say much
about immigrants ﬁom Africa except for a passing remark on African immigrants higher
educational attainment prior to their arrival to the US. vis-a-vis other immigrants.a However, there
are a few exceptions such as April Gordon’s The New Diaspora- - African Immigration to the United
States, besides acknowledging the existence of a new African Diaspora and the need to study it,
has pointed out the major factors for such development.9 John Arthur's Invisible Sojoumers: Africm
Immigrant Diaspora in the United States, is another exception.10 It is the ﬁrst comprehensive
account of post-19603 African immigrants in the US. Besides dealing with crucial issues such as
manner of entrance into the US and adjustment problems thereof, the author pointed out Aﬁican
immigrants reluctance to settle permanently. Some of the shortcomings of the book are it attempts
to view Africans as one. It also tries to address all aspects of African immigrants in America.

The very few monographs that studied Ethiopian immigrants in America such as The
Ethiopian Revolution of 1974 and the Exodus of Ethiopia '3 Trained Human Resources, despite its

immense conﬁibution in understanding how much the 1974 Revolution had decimated the

 

6 Joseph E. Harris, Global Dimsions of the African Dim, 2nd ed. (Washington, DC: Howard
University Press, 1993).

7 Lake, Obiagele. “Toward a Pan-Africm Identity. Diaspora African Repatriates in Ghanaian,“
mummy. Vol. 68 (Jan. 1995). 21-36-

3 Alejandro Porbs and Ruben G. Rumbaut, Im‘ tAmerica: A Portrait. 2nd ed. (Malay.
University of California Press, 1996)

9 April Gordon, “The New Africa Diaspora: African Immigration to the United States,“ The Journal
of Third World Studies Vol. 15, No. 1, (Spring 1998), 79-103.

1° Arthur, John A Invisible Sam mers: Africar lm‘ t Lam in the United States (Westport;
Presser. 2000)

 

intelligentsia and their exile life in America, portrayed the Ethiopians as highly educated.11 In so
doing, it disregarded the existence of the many uneducated Ethiopians, some of them peasants
with little or no knowledge of urban life; and who are thus struggling to survive. These Ethiopians,
according to the 1990 US. Census, constituted 36 per cent of the total Ethiopian immigrant
population in the US. do not understand English. Some of them do not even read and write their
own language. In order to fully comprehend Ethiopian immigrants in America, the statement, which
assumed that they are highly educated, needs to be given the beneﬁt of doubt.

One reason for such misrepresentation of facts might have emanated from the timing of
the book. It was written in 1991 which seems to have left out many of the refugees, who began
arriving into the US after 1980, among whom a sizable number of illiterates were found. The
division among Ethiopians immigrants in the US. has been very well noted and the causes of this
friction have not been addressed, though highlighted. Though the book has a chapter on the
adjustment of Ethiopians in America in which politics in exile, cultural differences between
Ethiopian parents and their American children, citizenship, economic achievement ...etc were
discussed; issues of gender and race are absent ﬁom the discourse. Despite such shortcomings,
the book is one of a kind and more than an eye opener on the Ethiopian immigrant saga in US.

Tekle Woldemikael’s article on Ethiopians and Eritreans, though a good addition to the
study of Ethiopian/African immigrants in America, lacked empirical data for Eritreans in spite of the
authors claim to have studied both groups.12 There are also a couple of books on Ethiopians,

which either narrate the story of escape from Ethiopia,13 or the ordeals of a speciﬁc ethnic group in

 

‘1 Getachew Metaferia and Shiﬁerraw Maigenet, The Ethm' 'an Revolution of 1974 and the Exodus of
Ethiggia's Trained Human Resources, (Lewiston: E. Mellen Press, 1991)

‘2 Tekle M. Woldernikael, “Ethiopians and Eritreans“ in Refugﬁ in America in the 19903: A Rm
Handbook David W. Haines (ed), (Westport Greenwood Press, 1996), 147-170.

‘3 Avraham Shmueland and Arlene Kushner, Treacherous Journey: m Em from Ethm' 'a (New
York: Shapolsky Publishers, Inc, 1986); Taddele Seyoum Teshale with the Assistance of Virginia Lee Barnes, The Life

Hism of an Ethm' ian Refuge_e(1944»1991)m mim the Fourth WOIId (New York: the Edwin Mellen Press, 1991)

 

xii

refugee camps in Sudan. These books, though helpful in understanding the manner of exit, the role
of ethno-national organizations in refugee camps and refugee lifestyle, have lesser signiﬁcance in
understanding the life of an Ethiopian immigrant in the US."

John Sorenson’s Politics of Social Identity: ‘Ethi0pians’ in Canada, as the title might
indicate, is mainly focused on the identity crisis among Ethiopian immigrants in Canada.15 This was
partly done while exploring ethnic based associations, operating in Canada. Thought it is true that
Ethiopian identity is contested by various ethnic and nationalist groups, there is no clue by which
these same ethnic groups or nationalities, who refused to be considered Ethiopian, deﬁned
themselves. This is a major issue in molding their own identity vis-a-vis other Ethiopians who
contest it. The author also highlights on Ethiopians’ encounter with racism and their reaction
against it.

The handfuls of dissertations on Ethiopian immigrants in the US. are either clinical studies
focused on the psychological problems/stress of Ethiopians on their way to the US.“ or
anthropological studies concerned with community development.17 Kathryn Moran's work, for
instance, emphasized political and ethnic fragmentation within and among Ethiopians in Los
Angles. The study is limited to a single refugee community. Besides, Moran seems to believe that
some of me disagreement among Ethiopian immigrants community association is the result of a

tradition that has no rules of order during deliberaﬁons. The Ethiopians, according to the author,

 

‘4 Bulcha, Mekuria, “Conquest and Forced Migration: An Assessment of Oromo Experience, in Seyoum Y.
Hameso, Trevor Trueman, and Temesgen M. Erena, ed., Ethiopia Conguest and the Quest for Freedom and
gems! (London: TSC, 1997); Gaim Kibreab, “Refugees and Development: A Study of Organized land Settlements
for Eritrean Refugees in Eastern Sudan, 1967-1983,“ Ph.D. dissertation, Uppsala University (Sweden), 1985.

‘5 “John Sorenson, “Politics of Social Identity. Ethiopians in Canada,“ ngal of Ethnic Studies,
Vol. 19, No. 1, (199), 67-86.

‘6 Bantirgu Tadesse Mammo, “Psychological effects of prolonged stress on Ethiopian expatriates in the
United States,“ PhD dissertation, University of Cincinnati, 1995; Cubic Allen Bragg, “The impact of psychosocid
stressors on depression and anxiety of Ethiopian immigrants,“ PhD dissertation, The Union Institute, 1995.

17 Kathryn Myers Moran, “Community, Cohesion, and Conﬂict Ethiopian Refugees in Los Angeles,“ Ph. D.
Thesis (University of California, Los Angeles, 1996)

xiii

discuss “without rules of order,“ which is untrue. The Ethiopian society is extremely hierarchical.
Every body’s place is delineated in the society based on age, wealth, knowledge, education, etc.
Therefore, although it doesn’t follow the ‘westem’ pattern of order, village or other meetings were
held in orderly fashion chaired by either the notable of the locality, the elders of the community,
government authority, or a religious ﬁgure. In fact, instead of disorder quietness and calm seem to
dominate much of such gatherings for the norm is to be meek and quiet until asked. Rather the
source of the problem in discussions and other public gatherings among Ethiopians in America, I
contend, is of transitional nature. It is the contradiction between endorsing “modemity,“ western
style of debating, or using both.

Although Moran’s acknowledgment of ethnic diversity within and among Ethiopian
immigrants is very rewarding, the treatment of Eritreans as separate but homogeneous ethnic
group is far from both historical fact and anthropological observation. There is no as such Eritrean
ethnicity. It is neither a nation-state nor composed of a single ethnicity like Somalis, for instance.
Eritrea, at best, is a geographic unit that encompasses at least ﬁve ethnic groups: Kunama, Saho,
Beja, Tigre, Afar...etc.18 The political and ethnic fragmentation among Ethiopians in America was
also wrongly attributed to the political culture of the “zemena messaﬁnt', the Era of Princess, a late
eighteenth to mid nineteenth century political phenomena in which Ethiopia was characterized by
regional strife, which the author parallels it to the cunent situation in Ethiopia, and the Ethiopians in
America. But, a closer look at the “zamana mesaﬁnt“ reveals that it was a period in which regional
lords vied against each other to be the supreme ruler, king of kings. That does not reﬂect the

cunent situation prevalent among Ethiopians in Ethiopia and the Diaspora, where political strife is

 

‘3 For Eritrea’s ethnic composition, see G. K. N Trevaskis, Eritrea: A Colony in Transition, 1941-1952
(London: Oxford University Press, 1960); Testfalsion Medhanie, Eritrea: Dynamics of a Naﬁonal M' (Amsterdam
B. R. Gruner, 1986)

xiv

primarily aimed at secession.19 Furthermore, the concept of “agar or hagar,“ which literally means
country, was portrayed as a rigid form to mean my ‘village.’ Yet, in reality it is more ﬂuid like any
other mark of identity. Accordingly, when a foreigner asks an Ethiopian where is helshe from,
his/her response is Ethiopia, which equals ‘hagar,’ (country). But, if a fellow Ethiopian posed the
question, then ‘hagar’ might refer to a certain region, district or village depending upon the person
who solicited the information. If both of them are ﬁom the same province, then the respondent will
speciﬁcally refer to his district, town or village as ‘hagar’ than Ethiopia.

Lack of empirical data that shows progress through time is another source of predicament.
For instance, establishing the exact number of Ethiopians in America is difﬁcult because the
available data are incomplete. Prior to the 19803, the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS)
had never broken down the number for Africans by country of origin. Also, the US. Census ﬁgures
for Ethiopians since 1990 are contested—the ﬁgures understate their number for the following
reasons: A sizable number of Ethiopians reside in low-income government housing. Though illegal,
these Ethiopians share their living quarters with other Ethiopians, but they do not report them and
hence the census misses such Ethiopians. Cultural norms, too, prevent the Census Bureau ﬁom
having a relatively exact count of Ethiopians in America. It is improper for Ethiopians to inform a
stranger about the size of their family. The absence of census tradition of any sort in Ethiopia until
very recently makes conducting surveys among Ethiopians very difﬁcult. Like all other immigrant
groups in America, there are illegal aliens among Ethiopians are unaccounted for. On the other
hand, the ﬁgures that are posted by many Ethiopian immigrant community centers in the U .S. and
other unofﬁcial sources are also problematic. These ﬁgures are, more than often, highly inﬂated.

Hence, caution is required when using them. Moreover, although certain ethnic groups and people

 

‘9 See for instance, Mordechai Abir, Eth'ggig' : The Era of the Princes, the Challe_ng§ of lslarn and the Re-
uniﬁcation of the Christian Emm're, 1769-1855 (New York: Praeger, 1968)

from certain regions seemed to be more numerous than other Ethiopians in the U.S., the INS and
other immigration ofﬁces do not tabulate their data based on ethnicity such as Amhara, Oromo,
Tigre, Ethiopian-Somali, or on regional origin like Gondare, Shawe or Wallege. Hence, I would like
to forewam my readers that the numeric evidence in this dissertation concerning ethnicity and
regional origin are estimates. What is more, although Muslims and non-Ethiopian Orthodox
Christian believers such as Catholics and the many denominations of the Protestant sects might
have come to the U.S., the study of religion is primarily focused on Orthodox Christians because
they are the majority among Ethiopians in America. Furthermore, though I found the
interdisciplinary approach that combined history and sociology in the study of migration very
rewarding, it might offend some specialists in both disciplines, for which I apologize, and I leave it
to subsequent researchers to ﬁll in the gaps and reﬁne the study of Ethiopian immigrants/refugees
in America.

I am thankful to all who were involved in my education. However, my appreciation
especially goes to my mentor, friend and father ﬁgure, the late Prof. Harold G. Marcus—May God
bless his soul. I also would like to thank Prof. David Robinson and James C. McCann, for their
meticulous guidance and assistance, and for ﬁlling the void created as the result of the unfortunate
and unexpected death of my advisor. Without their help the dissertation would not have become a
reality. My deepest gratitude also goes to Prof. Darlene Clark Hine, Leslie P Moch, Kenneth
Waltzer, and Steve Gold for their advice, constructive criticism and moral support throughout my
study at Michigan State University (MSU). My gratitude also goes to Prof. Fred W. Barton, Director
of the Learning Resource Center at MSU, who tirelessly edited and reedited my dissertation and
gave it its current look. I also would like to acknowledge a good friend and source of inspiration,
Prof. Joseph W Scott for his support in showing me the right path, pursuing further education in

America, and convincing me that it could be done. I also would like to thank Prof. Tekle Haymanot,

Chair of the Department of History, Addis Ababa University, for facilitating and providing the
institutional base for my research in Ethiopia. Last but not least, I would like to extend my heartfelt
appreciation to my ﬁiend and wife, Nebiat Tessema and to my supportive daughters, Samii and
Hilena, for sharing the ordeals of graduate studies and bearing with me.

I am also grateful to the staffs of the following institutions: The Department of History and the
Institute of Ethiopian Studies, Addis Ababa University; the Federal lnvestrnent Bureau, Tourism
Commission, Immigration Ofﬁce, the Expatriate Affairs Ofﬁce, and the Federal High Court in Addis
Ababa; and the Gondar Municipality and Administration. I also would like to acknowledge the
Department of History, Michigan State University, for the material and moral support that it
provided me during my stay at the university. Special thanks also goes to the Graduate School of
MSU for granting me the Dissertation Completion, the King-Chavez—Parks (KCP) and Competitive
Doctoral Fellowships without which I could not have made it through. I also would like to thank the

Institute of International Education (HE) and Fulbright for supporting my research in Ethiopia.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

 

 

LIST OF TABLES xxi
ABRIVATIONS xxli
INTRODUCTION ....................................................... 1

CHAPTER I: AN OVERVIEW OF ETHIOPIAN AND AMERICAN RELATION
BETHWEEN 19008-19703; AND ITS ROLE IN THE MIGRATION OF

ET HIOPIANS TO THE USA ...................................................................... 11

I. 1: Ethiopian and American Relations before 1945 ................................................... 11
/ I. 2: Ethiopian and American Relations between 19403 and 1970s: The Coming

ofEthiopianstoAmerica... 22
I. 3. 1: American Education and the Ethiopian Armed Forces between 19503

and the 19703. ....................................................................................... 27

/ l. 3. 2. American Educational Assistance and the Migration of Ethiopians to
/ America 19503-19703 ............................................................................... 32

1.3.3: Some Aspects of Ettriopian Asylees/Immigrants' in America, 19503-19703 ............ 38
CHAPTER II: REVOLUTION IN ETHIOPIA: THE COMING OF REFUGEES TO

AMERICA (1970349903) ......................................................................... 43
ll. 1: Some Major Causes for the Refugee Crisis in Ethiopia The Red Terror, War,

Famine and Cold WarPoIitics" .. .. ... ...............43
0.1.1: The Red Terror .......................................................................................... 44
".12: War between the Govemment and the Various Guerrilla Movements;

and within the Different Guerrilla Forces ....................................................... 50
ll.1.:3 Drought, Famine and an Ill-advised Economic Policy... ...58
ll. 2: Why Ethiopians Preferred Sudan for Refuge ....................................................... 60
ll. 3: The Journey to Sudan ................................................................................... 74
ll. 4: The Lives of Ethiopian Refugees in Sudan, 19703-19903: Some Features............. ...81
ll. 5: The Plight of Ethiopian Refugee Women in Sudan .............................................. 92
".6: The Rise of EPRDF to Power and the Continued Refugee Flow from Ethiopia,

1991-2000 ............................................................................................. 99

CHAPTER III: ETHIOPIANS IN AMERICA: PATTERNS OF SETTLEMENT,
SURVIVAL AND ADJUSTMENT. AN EXPOSE OF ETHNIC,
REGIONAL, CLASS DIFFERENCE AND GENERATION GAP WITHIN AND

AMONG ET HIOPIAN IMMIGRANTS IN AMERICA ...................................... 104
III. 1: Patterns of Settlement: The Role of Resettlement Agencies... .105
Ill.1.:2 Patterns of Settlement: The Role of Gender and the AvailabiIity of Jobs” .............. 109

xviii

"LI. 3: Patterns of Settlement: The Role of Ethnicity/Regionalism and Religion

among Ethiopians in America ................................................................... 112 I/
lll.2: Adjustment Problems: The Exile-Refugee, Educated-Uneducated and Regional
Cleavage among Ethiopiansin America" .............122
Ill. 3: Adjustment Problems: Sojourner Mentality, Changing Gender Roles and
Downward Mobility among Ethiopians in America... ... 132
Ill .:4 Adjustment Problems: Differences of Attitude between Ethiopian Parents andm /
their Children in America" .........144

III. 5: Adjustment Problems: Ethiopian Immigrants and the American Race System ......... 152 I/
III. 6: Adjustment Problems: Relations between Ethiopran Immigrants and
Aﬁican Americans" .. 158

CHAPTER N: PROCESS OF ADJUSTMENT. THE ESTABLISHMENT OF COMMUNITY
ORGANIZATIONS (THE CHURCH, SPORT CLUBS AND

AN IMMIGRANT PRESS) ....................................................................... 163
IV.1: The Struggle to have one’s Own Church, the Ethiopian Orthodox Church. ............. 163/
IV.2: The Ethiopian Orthodox Church Since 1991: Crisis, Consolidation and Change ...... 171
IV.3: Crisis in The Ethiopian Orthodox Church: The Ethnicization of the Church ............. 175
NA: Rancor Within the Synod in America: Regionalism on the Rise ............................ 185
IV. 5: Prospect: The Fate of the Church in America ................................................... 187
IV. 6. Soccer and the Shaping of Ethiopian Immigrant Community/Identity The Ethiopian

Sport Federation in North America (ESFNA)... .. .190
IV.6.1: Some Problems that Threaten ESFNA ......................................................... 196

IV]: The Changing Contours of the Ethiopian Immigrant Press in America: From Being
Ouﬂets of Long Distance Naﬂonalism to Becoming an Ethnic Press in America...204

 

CHAPTER V: THE IMPACT OF ET I-IIOPIAN-AMERICANS ON ETHIOPIA .................. 218
V. 1: The Economic Impact .................................................................................. 221
V.:2 The Cultural Impact 235
V. 3: The Political Impact: Relationship between the Ethiopian Diaspora

and the Ethiopian Government ................................................................. 244
CONCLUSION .. ......................................................................... 251
BIBLIOGRAPHY .............................................................................................. 265

xix

LIST OF TABLES

Table 1: Ethiopian Military Personnel Trained in U.S., 195049703 ................................... 30
Table 2: Ethiopians Educated in the U.S., 19503-19703 .................................................... 36
Table 3: Number of Ethiopian & African Refugees Resettled in the USA (1980-2000) ..... 98
Table 4: Number of Ethiopians who were Granted Asylum/Refugee Status in

America between 1940 and 19903 ....................................................................... 128
Table 5: Number of Naturalized Ethiopians in America ...................................................... 173
Table 6: Private Transfer/Remittance Earning (In Millions of Birr) ................................... 222
Table 7: Remittance vis-a-vis Export Earning (In Millions of U .S. Dollars) ......................... 224
Table 8: Ethiopian Born Investors by Country of Citizenship, 1991-2003 .......................... 227

Table 9: Number of Ethiopians from the Diaspora who Took Land from Gondar
Municipality, between 1995 and 2003 ................................................................... 229

Table 10: Major Tourist Generating Countries for Ethiopia and the Share
of the Ethiopian Diaspora, 1998-2000 ................................................................... 231

Table 11: Graph Showing Number of Ethiopians and their Country of Citizenship
who Received “ID Card.“ ..................................................................................... 248

ABREVATIONS

AESM: All-Ethiopia Socialist Movement

ANC: African National Congress

COR: Sudanese Commission of Refugees

ECDC: Ethiopian Community Development Council
EDU: Ethiopian Democratic Union

EDORM: Ethiopian Democratic Ofﬁcers’ Revolutionary Movement
ELF: Eritrean Liberation Front

EOC: Ethiopian Orthodox Church

EPLF: Eritrean People’s Liberation Front

EPRA: Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Army

EPRDF: Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front
EPRP: Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Party

ERA: Eritrean Relief Association

ESFNA: Ethiopian Sport Federation in North America
ESUNA: Ethiopian Students Union in North America
ETV: Ethiopian National Television

EVD: Extended Voluntary Departure

GDP: Gross Domestic Product

ICM: International Committee for Migration

ICMC: International Catholic Migration Committee

IES: Institute of Ethiopia Studies.

INS: Immigration and Naturalization Services

IRCA: Immigration Reform and Control Act

IRC: lntemational Rescue Committee

MAG: Military Advisory Groop

NAACP: National Association for the Advancement of Colored People
NCO: Non Commissioned Ofﬁcer

OAU: Organization of African Union

OLF: Oromo Liberation Front

ORA: Oromo Relief Association

PMAC: Provisional Military Administrative Council
PMGE: Provisional Military Government of Ethiopia
RCS: Refugee Counseling Services

RCVTE: Rehabilitation Center for the Victims of Torture
RST: Relief Society of Tigray

SPLA: Sudanese Peoples Liberation Army

SWAPO: South-West Africa People’s Organization
TLF: Tigray Liberation Front

TPLF: Tigray Peoples Liberation Front

UNHCR: United Nations Higher Commission for Refugees
UN: United Nations

US: United States

ZANU: Zimbabwe African National Union

ZAPU: Zimbabwe African People's Union

INTRODUCTION

Either because of the relatively recent nature of migration from Africa to the United Sates
or simply as the result of an oversight, there has been little or no study conducted on post-19603
African immigrants in the US.1 Therefore this dissertation, which is the study of the history of
Ethiopian immigrants in the US. who are estimated between 250,000 and 350,000, and who came
to the US. between the 19503 and 19903, will enrich the study of migration while helping to further
understand immigrants from the Third Worid in general and those ﬁorn Africa in particular.

The migration history of Ethiopians to the U.S., among other things, reﬂects the nature and
development of the Ethic-American diplomatic relationship since 1903,2 and the hegemonic role
that America played in the world since the post-1945 period. The Ethiopian and American
relationship began on an ofﬁcial basis in 1903 with the sending of the Skinner Mission to Ethiopia,
and remained relatively uneventful until the 19303, and the Italian occupation (1936-1941).

The arrival of the Arrrerican Mission in the early twentieth century does not seem
accidental. America was then transforming itself from a republic to an empire, sending its troops to
Cuba, Haiti and its navy, “the Great White Fleet,“ around the world. It had been involved to a
certain degree in developments in the Far East such as China and in the Russo-Japanese war of
1905.3 Meanwhile, Ethiopia had defeated Italian colonialism successfully in 1896 which inspired
oppressed people throughout the world and those of the black “race“ in America. The defeat of the
Italians convinced the rest of the European powers to acknowledge Ethiopia’s independence and

 

1 In fact, alttrough Africans/Ethiopians may have resided in the U.S., there was no data on Africans as such in
America. The 1970 US census does not have any information on African immigrants, while the 1980 US. census
indicates their existence by simply refening to them as Africans, as if Africa was one country, while there is country
speciﬁc information for immigrants from other parts of the world.

2 See Robert P. Skinner, Abﬂ'nia of Toﬂv: An Accou_nt of the First Mission Sent by the American
Government to the Court of King of IGngs, 1903-1904 (New York: Longmars, 1906)

3 For an excellent summery of US. foreign policy in the 20" century, see Robert D. Sclrulzinger, _U_._S_.
Dim Since 1900, 5" edition (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002).

send their emissaries as a gesture of good will. Thus, it appeared logical for the US. to send its
delegates to the court of Menelik as part of the ‘good will,’ and as a blooming global power. Until
after the Second World War, the relationship between the two countries was uneventful. The only
signiﬁcant interest exhibited towards Ethiopia was from the African American community. This
interest was not consistent, and the response from Ethiopian ofﬁcials was not as warrrr as African
Americans expected. 4

The Itan-Ethiopian war of 1936 and the outbreak of the Second World War disrupted the
relationship between the two countries, at least at the ofﬁcial level. It was during this time that
many African Americans volunteered to ﬁght beside Ethiopians while others engaged in
fundraising. Nevertheless, the then isolationist stance of the US. government deterred African
Americans from helping Ethiopia.

By the end of the Second WorId War, however, things begin to take a different turn.
America, which emerged as one of the most powerful nations, began following an aggressive
foreign policy. In the meantime, Emperor Haile Sellassie, who was trying to circumvent British
imperial aspirations, sought Franklin Roosevelt’s help. Accordingly, the two countries signed an
agreement which paved the way for Ethiopians to come to America, mainly for technical training.
Although Ethiopia’s relationship with Europe predated that of U.S., and in spite of the existence of
European-educated Ethiopians in various government positions in the 19403 who could have

inﬂuenced decision-making, rrrore Ethiopians were sent to the US. than any other country up to

 

1 For the unofﬁcial contact between the USA and Ethiopia, especially for the relationship between African
Americars and Ethiopia see William R Scott, “A Study of Afro-American aid Ethiopian Relations: 1896-1941,“
Dissertation, Princeton University, 1971; Negussay Ayele, Ethrgm ' and the United States, Volume I: The Season of
my; (NP: Ocopy.com, 2003).

that point. Thus, the presence of Ethiopians in America, which began with the sending of a handful
of Ethiopians for further education in the 19203, grew into thousands by the 19703.5

Moreover, in the 19703 about 10,000 Americans have worked in Ethiopia and with other
expatriates helped Ethiopians to be aware of the outside world. Although Ethiopians continued to
go abroad for further education, they always retumed to Ethiopia to take up the excellent
opportunities available to them throughout the 19603. Permanent migration, as such, was virtually
unknown among Ethiopians prior to the 1974 Revolution.

The 1974 Revolution drastically changed this scenario. While Etlrio-American relations
went down to zero level, and while the number of Americans and other expatriates who were in
Ethiopia were substantially reduced, the number of Ethiopians living abroad, mainly in the United
States, increased by tens of thousands. By the late 19803, in addition to the political exiles, more
than 25,000 Ethiopians had settled in various parts of the US. Most of these Ethiopians were
educated. Here, one ﬁnds a paradox. It was these educated Ethiopians who condemned Haile
Sellassie’s govemrrrent as “Iackey of US. Imperialism and Zionism.“ It was also these same
Ethiopians who chanted “Yankee Go Home;“5 and yet, they all came to America. This paradox can
partially be explained by the hegemonic role and involvement of the US. in Ethiopia in particular
and the world in general. As Saskia Sassen aptly summarized it: “. . . The emergence of a global
economy—and the central military, political, and economic role played by the United States in this
process—contributed to the creation abroad of pools of potential emigrants and to the formation of

linkages between industrialized and developing countries that subsequently were to serve as

 

5ForacomprelrensiveunderstandingofEthiopianarrdArrrericarrdiplornaticrelatiorisintlrepostwarperiod.
see Harold G Marcus, The Politics of Empire: Ethm’ 'a, Great Britain and the United States, 1941-1974 (Lawrenceville:
The Red Sea Press INC, 1995).

6 For the arrti-Arnerican imperialism stance of Ethiopiar students see Randi Ronnirrg Balsvik, Haile
Selassie '3 Students: The Intellectual and Social Background to Revolution, 1952-1977 (East Lansing: Michigan State
University, 1985).

bridges for international migration.“7 Similar opinion was also held by Rubin G. Rumbaut, who
indicated that “as the United States has become more deeply involved in the world, the world has
become more deeply involved in America—indeed, in diverse ways, it has corrre to America.“8

Therefore, while the emergence of the United States as a Super Power since the 19403
partly elucidates the migration of Ethiopians to the U.S., a series of changes in the US.
immigration law also contributed to Ethiopians coming to America, as well as the diverse origin of
immigrants in the U.S., especially since the 19603. It is true that America always had been a
country of immigrants but not all immigrants had been admitted into the country. Those who were
welcomed were primarily from North and Western Europe, and this was the scenario until the
19603. But these days, the main immigrants to U .S. are coming from Asia, Latin America and the
Caribbean. 9

This shift in the composition of immigrants and pattern of migration to the US. was
initiated in 1965 when President Johnson signed a bill that ended the National Origins Quota which

had been in place since the 19203. The new amendment, among other things, abolished the old

 

7 Saskia Sassen, Globalization and its Discontents (New York: The New Press, 1998), 34.

8 Ruben G. Rumbaut, “Origin and Destinies: Immigration, Race, and Ethnicity in Contemporary America“ in
Ruben G. Rumbaut and Silvia Pedreza (ed.), Origin and Desﬂnes: Immigration, Race, and Ethnicrjv in W
(Belmont Wadsworth Publishing Company, 1996), 24; see also Donna Gabaccia, From the Otter Side: Women
Gender and lmmjggnt Life in the US. 1820-1990 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1994), 8-11.

9 Between 1800 and 1925, which Douglas Massey refers to as “the industrial period“ of migration, 48 million
Europeans left for Australia and the New World of which, however, 85 per cent of them Ieﬂ for ﬁve major centers of
migration. These destinations were Argentina, Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and the USA. Of these countries, the
US took 60 per cent of the European immigrants. Thus, by 1900 America had a population of about 76 million of which
some 24 million were immigrants who came to this country between 18803 and 19203. See Douglas S. Massey et at,
World in Motion: Understanding lntemational Mg‘ ration at The End of The Millennium (Oxford: Clarendon Press,
1998), 1, 2-3; see also Donna Gabaccia, “The “Yellow Peril' and the Chinese of Europe: Global Perspectives on Race
and Labor, 1815-1930“ in Jan and Leo Lucassian (ed), M'gration, Migration Histgry, Hi3togy: Old Parad'gms and New
Mme; (New York: Peter Lang, 1997), 178-179; Stephen Castles & Mark J. Miller, The Age of Migration:
lntemational Population Movements in the Modern World 2'"I ed. (New York: The Guliford Press, 1998), 47-56; Gary
Gerstle, “Immigration and Ethnicity in the American Century“ in Harvard Sitkoff (ed.), EM’ves on Modern America:
Making Sense of the Twentieth Cenng (New York: Oxford university press, 2001), 275, 286-287; Leslie Page Moch,
“The European Perspective: Changing Conditions and Multiple Migrations, 1750-1914“ in Dirk Hoerder and Leslie
Page Moch (eds), Euroman Migrants: Global and Local Peggecjves (Boston: Northeastem University Press, 1996),

124-125; Desmond King, Making Americars: Im_rryrg' ration, Race, And The my ins of The Diverse Dewy
(Cambridge: Harvard university press, 2000), 52.

 

 

 

 

preference system and gave priority to reuniting families.10 The 1965 legislation also sought to
eliminate the bias against South and East Europeans and non-Europeans, and to regulate the ﬂow
of immigrants through a series of elaborate systems of general preferences and quotas. Under this
law preference was given to immediate relatives of US. citizens and professionals. The emphasis
on family was meant to ensure that the new immigrants would come, as usual, from Europe
because it was Europeans who had families already settled in US. But, the outcome was different.
Non-Europearrs dominated the new immigrants such as Southeast Asians, Mexicans and people
from the Caribbean.11 The highly skilled immigrants from the Third World who had been admitted
because of their skill, and those ‘guest' workers (mainly Mexicans) who meant to retum after their
job was done, began using the new immigration law. It appears that with the enactment of the 1965
immigration law, Pandora’s box had been opened. These changes, in part, were the results of the
Civil Rights Movement that brought an increasing openness towards Catholics, Asians and Jews.
Yet, developments in Cuba and Southeast Asia further revealed that America had no
coherent refugee policy, and that the existing immigration law was inadequate to deal with
refugees and illegal immigrants at a time when America was increasingly becoming a global player.
As a result, the Refugee Act of March 1980, which incorporated the United Nations deﬁnition of a
refugee—a person who is unable or unwilling to return to place of origin “because of persecution,
or a well-founded fear of persecution“—was passed. This law provided the legal frame for admitting
hundreds of thousands of refugees, who were primarily ﬂeeing communism, such as people from

 

‘0 Under this preference system, unmarried children of US citizens were given highest priority. Second
mmwasgmmUhmmbdmidrmmdspwsesmmtdims. Skillwasmovedfrom 1‘to3'd. Other
relaﬁvesofdﬁzensandalbnsgotﬂardshmﬂeneededwakeswerealbuedﬂ.The?“preferencewasleﬂfor
refugees.

1‘ Elliott Robert Barkan, And Still They Come: Immg' ants And American Society, 1920 to the 19923
(Wheeling: Harlan Davidson, Inc, 1996), 73-76, 101-102,115-119; Gerstle, “Immigration,“ 286-287; Sassen,
Globalization 32; Roy Beck, The Case Against lmm'gration: The Moral, Economic, Social And Enrotional Reasons For
Reducim US lmmg’ ration Back To The Traditional Levels (New York: Norton 8 Company), 16, 18; King, Makigg
Americans 238-243, 247-250; Roger Daniels and Otis L. Graham, @119 American lmmg' ration, 1882-Preﬂt
(Lanham: Rowman & Littleﬁeld Publishers, INC., 2001), 33-34.

 

 

Cuba and Southeast Asia.12 Consequently, America's immigration policy appeared to be
increasingly inﬂuenced by Cold War politics. Anyone who was against communism was welcomed.
Thus Ethiopians, communist or otherwise, who were opposed to the military junta that had
befriended the USSR. since the late 19703, were admitted to the US. as people who voted
against communism with their feet.

The majority of these Ethiopians were victims of the “Red Terror“ which hit cities like Addis
Ababa and Gondar hard, and hence played the role of a “push“ factor. Yet, these Ethiopians
comprised two distinct groups. The ﬁrst group consisted highly educated Ethiopians, tourists,
businessmen and govemment ofﬁcials who came to America prior to the 1974 Revolution, but
failed to return home because of the revolution. Among these, the majority were students who were
sent by the Imperial Government, their parents, or were given scholarship by the American
government. In most instances, these students were from the well-to-do families or sons and
daughters of men with connections in high places. However, there were also students, though few
in number, who belonged to the lower class yet, who distinguished themselves in the academia,
and were sent to America. The next “wave” however, encompassed those brought to the US. in
the 19803 ﬁom refugee camps, mainly from Sudan. They mainly constituted of political refugees
who Ieﬂ their country because of the mass killings, which was known as the “Red Tenor“ and mass
arrests by the military junta, and people who were victims of drought, famine and resettlement. The

refugees have diverse social, economic and educational backgrounds. Among them, one ﬁnds

 

‘2 Barkan, And StrlThev Come,118; Daniels and Graham, Debating American,47-48; Michel Mignot,
“Refugees From Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam, 1975-1993“ in Robin Cohen (ed), The Camb_nr_lg§' Survey Of World
M'gration (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 452-456; Naomi Flink Zucker and Norma L. Zucker, “US
Admission Policies Towards Cuban and Haitian Migrants, in Robin Cohen (ed.), The Cambridge Survey of World
My ration (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 447-451.

“ Robert Skinner was instrurrrental in sending a mission to Ethiopia. He tabled the proposal, sending a
mission to Ethiopia, in 1900 to the then American president, McIGnIey. See Robert P. Skinner, Abﬁg'nia of To-Day: An
Account of the First Mission Sent 81! the Amerign Government to the Court of the K1110 of Kings (1903-1904) (New
York: Longmans, Green & CO., 1906), ix

people with a Ph.D3 and peasants with no education whatsoever. Yet, members of this group were
politically conscious. Some of these refugees were members or syrnpatlrizers of EPRP, AESM . .
.etc. Before the demise of their parties, they had supported and fought for the Marxist-Leninist
ideals. At one time or another, they might have been imprisoned or tortured by the military junta.
Almost all of them had stayed in refugee camps, mainly in Sudan.

The Ethiopian immigrants were ethnically diverse and at times acutely divided into Amhra,
Ororrro, Tigre or, in terms of regional origin such as Gondare, Shawe, Walge . . . etc. The ethnic
and regional tensions among Ethiopians became more glaring after the rise of the TPLF (T igray
Peoples Liberation Front, also known as Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front
(EPRDF), which is an ethnically organized party, to power in Ethiopia in 1991. This ethnic division,
coupled with the dissimilarity in manner of entrance, levels of education, degrees of exposure to
the outside wortd prior to arrival to the U.S., religious, political afﬁliation, and the desire to return or
not, are some of the variables that also characterized Ethiopians in the US.

In relation to their adaptation to immigrant life in America, Ethiopian immigrants also faced
some of the most common immigrant adjustment problems, such as changing roles in the family,
generation gap between the old and the young within the family, language barriers, downward
mobility and child rearing mechanisms.

Their diversity and the tension that arose from it and the many adjustment problems they
faced had tremendous impact, botlr positive and negative on their adaptation and integration into
their new surroundings and their survival as a distinct group in the US. Either due to the actions of
the Ofﬁce of Refugee Resettlement (ORR) of the US. Government, or as the result of internal
migration, both of which could be inﬂuenced by a set of interrelated factors, certain US. cities
appeared to be dominated by a single Ethiopian ethnic group or people ﬁom a certain province,

which has its own implications for both the host society and the Ethiopian community. This

concentration is especially true in light of the racial categorizations of the US. society. The
Ethiopians, because of their lack of colonial experience, were not aware of “racial“ divisions. But, in
America, where things have “racial“ labels and the society is highly “race“ conscious, Ethiopians
appeared to be at a loss in deﬁning themselves vis-a-vis the host society, while the latter
categorized them as African American.

Yet, despite such anomalies, Ettriopians are having an impact on the society, culture and
politics of the United States. Their community organizations and churches are popping up here and
there. Ethiopian restaurants are not uncommon in US. cities, and the Ethiopian cuisine is
becoming part of the US. diet. Certain American cities now have “Ethiopia Day“ on their calendars
while others like Los Angeles have dubbed a section of the city as “ Little Ethiopia.“ In some cities,
the cab and parking attendant business are almost totally dominated by Ethiopians. American
politicians have also begun appreciating Ethiopian voters. Similarty, American-based Ethiopian
opposition political parties are trying to inﬂuence America’s foreign policy in the Horn of Africa while
some Ethiopians are observed trying to foster economic development either through technology
transfer, investment or remittances in Ethiopia.

Using chronology as the main frame and interfacing it with a ttrematic approach, the
dissertation, “The History of Ethiopian Immigrants in the United States, 19503-19903,“ is
systematically organized into ﬁve chapters. The ﬁrst chapter is the background of the study. It
deals with Ethiopia’s bilateral relations with the United States in the 20" century and explores its
progress, or lack of, with the various rulers and regimes that came to power. Emperor Menelik ll
(r. 1889-1913), Empress Zawditu (r. 1916-1930), Emperor Haile Sellassie (1930-1974), the Borg
(1974-1991) and TPLF/EPRDF (1991 to present), and seeks to show how this bilateral relation laid

the foundation for future migration of Ethiopians to the US. In relation to this, the number of

Ethiopians educated in the U.S., both ﬁom the civilian and military sector, will be brought to light.
However, the emphasis of this chapter is on the post-WWII period.

The second chapter deals with Revolutionary Ethiopia in relation to the Red Terror and the
exodus of Ethiopians to the neighboring countries, especially Sudan. Here, in addition to showing
state-sponsored repression as a factor that initiates refugee ﬂows from countries like Ethiopia, the
chapter also illuminates the often-overlooked rivalry among various guerrilla movements and their
repressive natures as another cause for refugeeism. The nature of exodus (the way to Sudan), the
life of Ethiopians in Sudanese refugee comps (how the Christian, Jewish and Muslim; and male
and female Ethiopians fared in Sudan), is also scrutinized. Finally, the airlift of Ethiopians to the
US. is discussed beginning with why America became more willing to airlift Ethiopians than other
Africans.

Life in America, patterns of settlement and adjustment problems are the main themes of
chapter three. Here, issues related to settlement such as who settled Ethiopians and why they
settled them in such a way are explored. Reasons for intemal migration, and the nature of
occupation and how Ethiopians found them, and the various adjustment problems that Ethiopians
went through such as downward mobility, shifting gender roles and confronting the American racial
divide will be also be discussed. The chapter also deals with class, ethnic and ideological
differences that also encompass differences in manner of entrance and level of education among
Ethiopians. The nature and implications of internal ethnicity on botlr the host society and the
immigrant community is also evaluated.

Chapter four covers the establishment of community organizations such as the Ethiopian
football federation, Orthodox churches and the Ethiopian immigrant press. The impact of political,
ethnic and regional as well as class difference on community organizations, and the ramiﬁcations

of these differences on the process of adjustment on the Ethiopian immigrant community is treated.

Chapter ﬁve examines transnationalism such as the impact of Ethiopian-Americans on
Ethiopia: remittances (both ﬁnancial and intellectual), the introduction of the fast food culture or the
McDonaldization of Ethiopia and what it means in a country wtrere life is not as fast paced as in
America and where Judaism, Christianity and Islam have a strong hold. The change in attitude
towards migration and refugeeism among Ethiopians is also discussed.

Finally, tlreconclusion addressestheshiﬂing contoursofEthiopiar ardAmericar relations
in the 20“ century. It specially examines why and how America failed to stop the 1974 Revolution,
which some referred to as “the creeping coup“ in spite of its strong inﬂuence and hold over
Ethiopia. It also probes into the increased migration of Ethiopians into the US. and its potential in
inﬂuencing Etlrio-American relations, in particular and US. policy towards Africa in general.
Meanwhile it also addresses the impact/contribution of Ethiopians on the country of origin. Their
input on the democratization process and liberalization of the Ethiopian economy; and their role as
agents of “Americanization.“ Questions regarding the fate of the second generation and the role
and survival of Ethiopian community organizations in the increasingly Americanized Ethiopian
immigrant populations are also raised. In all these, the political squabble among Ethiopians in
America and how ethnic and regional differences coupled with different class background have
further strengthened the disagreement within and among Ethiopians and prevented them from
establishing a pan-Etlriopian association in America. In line with this, the conclusion also highlights
the ongoing asylee/immigrant and refugee rivalry for leadership role within and among the
Ethiopian community in America. Finally, the conclusion reﬂects upon the continually increasing
number of Ethiopians in America and the changing attitude among Ethiopians at home towards

migration.

10

CHAPTER I

ETHIOPIAN-AMERICAN RELATIONS AND EARLY MIGRATION OF ETHIOPIANS TO
AMERICA, 1903-1974.

Chapter I. 1. Ethiopian and American Relations Before 1945

Ethiopian-American relations ofﬁcially began in 1903 with the arrival in Addis Ababa of an
American trade mission led by the American diplomat, Robert P. Skinner, making Ethiopia one of
the ﬁrst African countries to establish a diplomatic relationship with the US.1 The arrival of the
American mission was not serendipitous: America was then, as Robert McMahon aptly described
it, transforming itself ﬁom a republic to an empire.2 It had sent its troops to Cuba, Haiti and its ﬂeet,
“the Great White Fleet,“ around the world. It was becoming involved, to a certain degree, in events
that impacted the Far East such as China and the Russo-Japanese war of 1905. The American
media viewed the growing EtIriopian-American relations as part of the “manifest destiny,“ the
success of America’s “open door policy for trade“; and as one of the logical outcomes of becoming
a world power which “must have a world ﬁeld for its activities."3

At the turn of the 20'h century, Ethiopia was emerging from the abyss of civil war and the
threats of colonialism. Not long before, in 1896 at the Bafﬂe of Adwa, Ethiopia had defeated Italian
colonialism successfully which guaranteed its independence. The defeat of the Italians also

convinced the rest of Europe to acknowledge Ethiopia's independence and send emissaries to

 

I Foreign Service Dispatch No. 287: From Joseph Sirnons, American Embassy, Addis Ababa, to the
Departrmnt of State, Washington DC, April 20, 1955. The Embassy dispatch contains a brief history of Ethiopiar-
American relations. See also Robert P. Skinner, Abﬁg’nia of To-Day; Harold G. Marcus, The Life and Times of
Menelik ll: Ethiopia 1844-1913 (London: Oxford University Press, 1975), 75; Bahru Zewde, A Historv of Modem
Ethiog'a, 1855-1974 (London: James Currey, 1991), 111; Hagos Mehary, The Strained U.S.-Ethiog'an Relations
(Stockholm: Alrrrqvist 8r ersell International, 1989), 30.

2 Robert J. McMahon, “The Republic as Empire: American Foreign Policy in the “American Century“ in
Harvard Sitkoff (ed), nggcjves on Modern America: mm Sense of the Tmntieth Centuyy (New York: Oxford
University Press, 2001), 80-101.

3 Quoted in Harold G. Marcus, Haile Sellassie I: The Formative Years 1892-1936 (Lawrencevrlle, NJ: The
Red Sea Press Inc, 1998), 87-88.

 

11

seek favors ﬁorn Emperor Menelik ll (r.1889-1913).4 Thus, it was logical for the U.S., too, to send
delegates to the court of Menelik as a gesture of “good will,“ and in the service of its own self-
recognition as an emergent global power.

Aside from ambitions of an emergent world power, American interest in sending a mission
to Ethiopia was also driven by the desire to have unfettered access to international comrrrerce. As
Robert P. Skinner, who ﬁrst tabled the idea of sending a mission to Ethiopia in 1900 and who
became the ﬁrst American representative in Ethiopia, summed it “. . . to investigate and report upon
the trade possibilities of Ethiopia, to safeguard our existing interest by the negotiation of
commercial treaty—these were the motives which had prompted the organization of American
mission.“5

After the signing of the agreement, “The Treaty of Amity and Commerce,“ in 1903, America
quickly supplanted Europe as the main destination of Ethiopia’s major export items, coffee and
hides. For instance, some three years after the establishment of the US. Mission in Ethiopia,
America's share of Ethiopia’s total foreign trade ($2,316,000) accounted for more than half,
$1,389,600. Of these, coffee and hides took the lion’s share. A 19203 American Legation report
from Addis Ababa also indicated that though American Khaki dominated the textile market in
Ethiopia, much of the proﬁt went to European and Arab middlemen who had direct access to

markets in Ethiopia than American business. Hence, the consular ofﬁce suggested establishing an

 

4 Marcus, The Lifeard ‘l‘rrrresofMenelik II, 198, 214; 881mm 81, 111; Harold G. Marcus, A_l-Iis_tp_r;y
of Ethpp' la (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994), 101, 103, Robert L. Hess, Eth'mia: The Modernization of
Autocrﬁy (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1970), 59. For a detailed account of the civil wars in the 19" century
Ethiopia, see Seven Ruberrson, The Survival of Eﬂrm’ ' lm (London: Heinernann education Books Ltd,
1976)

5 Skinner, Abyginia of To-Dgy, 94, 91.

12

American warehouse at Djiboub'. The ofﬁce also believed that there is a potential market in Ethiopia
for American products such as autos.6

The Ethiopian and American relationship was further strengthened when Ethiopia offered
an American company the chance to construct a barrage over Lake Tana. The choice of an
American company was motivated because of three major reasons. One was Ethiopia’s suspicion
of European, especially British ulterior motives over the Nile River and adjoining Ethiopian
territories. The second was that working with America would bring the latter to Ettriopia’s side in an
event of confrontation between Ethiopia and the European powers. The third was Ethiopian
leaders’ belief that America posed no threat to Ethiopia—A sentiment which was also well
understood by Americans. For instance, Skinner attributed Emperor Menelik’s warm welcome to
heAnericmm’esbnmmpopulamnvecﬁonmatherbmﬁiendshiphadmgggeﬁ
[emphasis added], and would be a source of moral strength to the nation, [Ethiopia].7 A 1931 US
Legation report from Addis Ababa to Washington also has it that “the Emperor [Haile Sellassie] and
his Ministers have long sought our friendship for selﬁsh political reasons, of which the rrrost
irnportarrtwastohaveana_llyagalr_st' p_otentid British, Frenchorltaliargggm‘ [emphasis
added].“8 On a similar note, John Spencer, who was Haile Sellassie’s advisor for almost half a
century, explained Ethiopia’s preference for US. in the following manner. “. . . during the ﬁrst third
of this century [ie.201h century] the United States had remained diplomatically as well as

geographically distant from Africa caused [Emperor] Haile Sellassie to tum to it with conﬁdence

 

5 See “Voluntary Report“ From Legation of the United States, Addis Ababa, Minister and Council weral,
Addison Soutlrard, to Assistant Secretary of State, US. Depatrmnt of State, November 28, 1929; see also Skinner,
WY. 92-93185-

7 Skinner, Abyssinia of To-Day, 82.

°FromAddison E. Soutlrard, Legationofthe United States, AddisAbabatotheHonorable, Secretaryof
State, Washington, No. 810, September 12, 1931.

13

and hﬁehopeoffosteﬁngdoserrelaﬁmswiﬂrmatnahmbnialmﬁmphascsaddedlﬂ In
the same vein, Harold Marcus, one of the foremost Ethiopianist historians, concluded that Haile
Sellassie “sought to break Europe's economic dominance of the Ethiopian economy by seeking
new and Wm [emphasis addedI-"° Accommu. the 000m of Ihe
Lake Tana danre was awarded to an American company, J. G. White Engineering.

However, before commencing work, the company had to allay the fears of the British who
had interest over the Blue Nile River and its source, Lake Tana; and the Italians who considered
the northern half of Ethiopia as under their sphere of inﬂuence. To this end, both England and Italy
had consular ofﬁces in Dangla (Gojjam) and Gondar (Bagemidr and Semen province) respectively.
As part of their colonial design, the Italians also suggested that the Addis Ababa-Lake Tana Road,
which was part of the Lake Tana Dame project, pass through Desse (the capital of Wallo, a
northeastern province of Ethiopia that also adjoins the Italian colony of Eritrea) and thence to
Gojjam. If accepted, their suggestion would have hastened the construction of the Assab-Addis
Ababa road, which would have strengthened their clout over Ethiopia. The French, on their part,
opposed the construction of the Addis Ababa-Lake Tana road through Desse to Gojjam. They
believed that this road would threaten their proﬁt ﬁom the Ethic-Djibouti Railway and ultimately the
welfare of their East African colony, Djibouti. The construction company also has to deal with local

magnates like Res Hailu Takla Haymanot, the hereditary ruler of Gojjam (where both Lake Tana

 

9 John H. Spencer, Ethm’ 'a at Bay. A Personal Account of the Haile Sellassie Years (Algonac: Reference
Publications, Inc., 1984), 6. 7.

‘0 Marcus, A Hism of Ethipg‘a,126, Marcus, The Life and Times of Menelik ll, 198-199; Harold G. Marcus,
Haile Sellassie: The Formative Years, 1892-1ﬁ (Lawrenceville: The Red Sea Press, 1998), 87; James McCann,
“Ethiopia, Britain, and Negotiations for the Lake Tana Dam, 1922-1935,“ The International meQ of African HM '
Strips, Vol. 14, No. 4 (1981), 667-699.

14

and the Blue Nile River are located) and one of the richest and most powerful notables of
Ethiopia.11

The desire to lessen European inﬂuence over Ethiopia and the realization that America
had no colonial ambition over Ethiopia also induced the latter to seek American advisors.
Consequently, in 1930 a certain Everett A. Colson became ﬁnancial advisor to the Eﬁriopian state.
He became one of the most trusted foreign advisors in the court of Haile Sellassie. Upon his death
in 1937, a fellow American, John Spencer, took Colson’s place to become one of the nrost trusted
consorts to the Emperor until the 1974 Socialist Revolution.12

Another American who served the Ethiopian state prior to the Italian invasion was Frank
Ernest Work. Prior to his appointment as educational advisor to the Ethiopian government, he was
Professor of History and Social Science and a Registrar at Muskingum College (Ohio) where
Ethiopian students, Malaku Bayan, Worqu Gobana and Bashahwerad Habta Wold, were sent to
study. These were the ﬁrst Ethiopian students to study in the US. A “conﬁdential“ U.S. Legation
memo from Addis Ababa revealed that it was these students, especially Malaku Bayan and
Bashahwerad Habta Wold, who, by their recommendation, landed the professor the job of an
advisor in Ethiopia. “The two boys“ said the conﬁdential memo “requested the legation to report
their desire to assist His Majesty in inﬂuencing the letters whish of long standing for a personal,
impartial, and loyal general advisor and assistant, to be close at hand at all times and to assist His

Majesty in any way possible . . . A loyal personal friend, a good Christian, a man with sound

 

‘1 “Conﬁdential,“ from James L. Park, Charge'd’ Affairs, the Legation of the United States of America. Addis
Ababa, to the Honorable Secretary of State, Washington, No. 422, May 17" 1930; see also Depertrnent of State, Near
Eastern Affairs, “Memorandum of Conversatkrn by Telephone with Gano Dunn, President, J. G. White Engineering
Corporation, NY.,“ March 4, 1930; From Addison E. Southard, Legation of the United States of America, Addis Ababa,
Ethiopia, to the Honorable, Secretary of State, Washington, No. 330, January 20''1 1930.

1i’ltisnotuncommon, infactﬂisaﬁadiﬁmJohavemeormueforeignersasbustedadvisorshﬂremyd
court of Ethiopia since earlier times. Among the 19" century Emperors, Tewdors II had two trusted British advisors,
John Bell and Walter Plowden; Yohannis Vl had another British advisor, Kirkham; Menelik II, the Swiss Alfred llg; and

Li] lyasu had the Syrian Hasib Ydlibi. See Bahru Zewde, Pioneers of Chm in Ethm' 'a: The Refonnist lntelﬂﬁ Q!
the Earl_y Twentieth Cerrtugy (Athens: Ohio University Press, 2002), 173-174.

15

judgment, who would not endeavor to exploit the important conﬁdence placed in him . . . the two
young men report that they had proposed such a man, an America, [Frank Ernest Work] to His
Majesty.13

Another outcome of Ethiopian-American diplomatic relations was the sending of Ethiopian
emissaries and students to the US. Prior to 1903, though Ethiopian emperors or empresses were
known to send delegates and students to the various parts of the world, none had been sent to
America. Upon his arrival at Menelik’s court, one of the things that Skinner suggested to the
emperor was sending Ethiopian students to American colleges and schools, and organizing an
Ethiopian exhibit as part of the Louisiana Purchase Exposition which was to be held at St Louis.
While Menelik promised to look into the details of organizing and sending an Ethiopian exhibit to
St. Louis, he was very enthusiastic and receptive to Skinner's suggestion of sending Ettriopiarr
students to the US. As Skinner reported “. . . Yes, that will come' said . . . [Menelik]; “our young
men must be educated. We have much to do.““ However, because of Menelik’s ill-healtlr and the
political uncertainty that ensued in the country, sending Ethiopians to America has to wait until his
daughter’s, (Zawditu) ascension to the throne. Thus, it was Empress Zawditu (r. 1916-1922), who
sent Ethiopian students for the ﬁrst time to study in the United States.” They were Malaku Bayan,
Worqu Gobana and Bashahwerad Habta Wold. Their sponsor was a Presbyterian missionary, Dr.
Charles Lambie, who had come to Ethiopia in 1918 upon the request of the Ethiopian government
to help curb the inﬂuenza epidemic that was ravaging the country. The Ethiopians were initially
sent to the Muskingum College in Ohio, where they stayed from 1922-1929. The anival of

 

13 See the letter “Conﬁdential" from James L. Park, Charged Affairs, Legation of the United States of
America, Addis Ababa to the Honorable, Secretary of State, Washington, No. 444, June 11, 1930; from Addison E.
Southard, Legation of the United States of America, Addis Ababa to the Honorable, Secretary of State, Washington,
No. 474, June 20", 1931; Bahru, Pioneers of Charrgp, 90.

‘4 Skinner, Abm‘nia of To-Day, 79, 102.

‘5 Gebra Egizabher, Powers, Plety and Politics, 126. Thought Menelik did not put it into effect. the American
diplomat, Skinner. had suggested that it is good to send Ethiopians to the USA for education. Thus, Zawditu’s action
could be the culmination of Skinners suggestion, See Skinner, Abm‘nia of To-Day, 103-104.

16

Ethiopian students in 1922 must have been a very unique event at Muskingum. They were
introduced to President Harding. Because of their uniqueness, the local population referred to them
as “the Muskingum boys“ or the “princes.“ Moreover, because of their strange Ethiopian names,
the community also dubbed them with much more convenient ones: “Mathew, Mark and Luke.”16

Another group of Ethiopian students carrre to the US. in 19303. They were Makonnen
Desta, Engeda Yohannis and Makonnen Haile.17 They did their studies on the East Coast. The
latter group attended prestigious universities like Harvard and Cornell. Among these Ethiopian
students, two of them, Malaku Bayyana and Makonnen Desta, became the ﬁrst American-educated
medical doctors in Ethiopia. Thus, by the beginning of the Halo-Ethiopian War, 1935, six Ethiopian
students had studied in America.19 Of these, Malaku Bayana is of great interest for two reasons: his
role among the African American community, especially during the interwar period; and the fact
that he became the ﬁrst Ethiopian student, for that matter the ﬁrst Ethiopian, to settle in America
permanently.

Empress Zawditu also sent Ethiopian emissaries for the ﬁrst time to the US. in June 1919.
The envoys included Dajazimach Nadew, Kanitiba Gebni, and Bilata Hiniy. The purpose of the
envoys was to congratulate the Allies on their victory in the First Worid War.19 Another group of
messengers were also sent to the US. in 1927. The leader of the mission was the British educated

 

‘9 Bahru, Pioneers of Change, 89-90.

‘7 Haile Sellassieappointed Makonnen DeshasnﬁrisbrofﬂeWsﬁydEducaﬁon aid FinArtsinthe
immediate aﬂennath of the Italo-Etlriopian War, 1941. See Haile Sellassie I lGng of lﬁngs of Ethiopia, My Life and
Ethm’ 'a's Proqre3_§. Vol. II, Edited and annotated by Harold G. Marcus, et at, (East Lansing: Michigan State University
Press, 1994), 167.

‘9 Bahru, Pioneers of Ch_angp, 89-91, 95; Richard Pmkhurst, Economic Hmy' of Eth‘m‘ , 1800-1935
(Addis Ababa: Haile Sellassie I University Press, 1968), 681.

According to Pankhurst, however, the number of Ethiopian students in the US. was eight. He also indicated
that by 19203 there were 63 students in France, which was the largest, 25 students in England, 10 in Switzerland, 10 in
Italy, 20 in Lebanon, 19 in Egypt, 12 in Sudan, while Germany aid Belgium had 2each. In addition, there were 39
students sent by the Roman Catholic Church to Vatican.

‘9 Gebre-lgizabher Elyas, Powers, Piety and Politics: The Chronicle of Abypto lyasu and Emm Zawditu of
_Eth_iopig (1909-1930), (edited and trans.) Reidulf K. Molvaer (Koln: Rudiger Koppe Verlag, 1994), 103; Bahru, Pioneers
of Changp, 46, 183, 187.

17

Hakim Worqinah Eshate, alias Dr. Martin. This time, the group was entrusted with the task of
negotiating a deal with one of the American engineering companies, J. G. White Engineering, for
the construction of a dam on Lake Tana. The delegation, in addition to talking to ofﬁcials of the
company, met with President Coolidge. Following this, there were two more Ethiopian delegations
to the US. prior to the World War II. These were in 1930 and in 1933. They were led by Kentiba
Gebni and the Emperor’s son-in law, Ras Desta Damitaw', respectively. The purpose of the
missions was seeking a loan and an American ﬁnancial advisor, Colson; and to pay a special visit
in return for the visit of Murray Jacoby, who was America’s ofﬁcial representative at Haile
Sellassie’s coronation in 1930.29

It was also during this time that the US. Immigration and Naturalization Bureau allotted a
quota of 100 for Abyssinians to immigrate to the US?1 One wonders what prompted the
Immigration ofﬁce to provide a quota for Ethiopians at a time when America was following an
“isolationist“ foreign policy, and closing its doors to immigrants save those from North and Western
Europe.

It is also unclear whether any Ethiopians used the quota. Immigration and Naturalization
ﬁgures do not mention Ethiopian immigrants until the 19803, though available data indicates the

existence of Africans in the US.” One can also argue that Ethiopians were averse to migration

 

2°In additiontoMr.Jacoby,theAmericandelegationsalsoincludedGen HartwhowaslheAid-de—campof
PresidentWiIson; arrdacertain Mr. Cook, acerernonialadvisorattheStateDepa'tment SeeForeign Service
Dispatch, No. 287: From J. Simons, US. Embassy, Addis Ababa to the Npt of State, Washington DC, April 20, 1955.
See also Bahru, Pioneers of Chapgp, 39-40, 91, 187; William N. Huggins and John G. Jackson, An Introduction to

African Civilizations: With Main Currents In Ethiory'an Hism (New York: Avon House Publishers. 1937), 88

2‘ Desmond King, Making Americans: lmmrg' ration, Race, and the QM 'ns of the Diverse My
(Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2002), 208.

In addition to Ethiopia, the INS has also allotted 100 quotas each for the following African countries: Egypt,
the two Cameroons, Morocco, and South Africa.

21’Seeforinstance, U.S. DepartrnentofJuslice Immigration aid Naturalization Services, lard N Rm.
Vol. 8, No. (July 1959), 14; I and N Rem, Vol. 9, No. 1 (July 1960), 14; l and N Rm, Vol. 9, No. 3, p. 42; Imp
Hm, Vol. 10, No. 1 (July 1961), 14; l and N Rpm, Vol. 11,No. 3 (January 1963), 42; I and N Rm, Vol.
12,No. 3 (January 1964), 42; I and N Rm, Vol. 14,No. 2 (October 1965), 88; I and N Rm, Vol. 14, No. 2

18

until the 19703,23 since they had limited exposure to the outside world in general and America in
particular. Moreover, Ethiopian-American relations were still new and few ties existed.

There is an eaity twentieth century photograph of Ethiopians who allegedly immigrated to
the US. via Ellis Island; and some historians have used it to substantiate the presence of
Ethiopians as early as the 19103 in America?‘ A closer scrutiny of the picture, however, seems to
suggest otherwise. They were not migrants but rather visitors to an exposition on a world fair.25
They were dressed in regalia and sorrre had spear and shield—not a normal luggage for aniving
immigrants.29

In the 19303, Etlrio-American relations entered a tuming point, at least at an ofﬁcial level:
Ethiopia was, once again, threatened with Italian colonial aggression while America’s ofﬁcial

interest and involvement in the world beyond its shores dwindled. 27 The only visible cooperation

 

(October 1965), 88; land N Rm, Vol. 15, No. 3 (January 1967), 42; l and N Rm Vol. 19, No. (July 1970), 14;
l and N Rmh Vol. 20, No.2 (October 1971), 28.

The Report, however, progressively provides ﬁgures for immigrants from speciﬁc African countries, as
opposed to the general number, since the 19603. Accordingly, the data for “immigrants admitted by country of origin,
birtfr, sex and age“ for the continent will include Egypt, South Africa and other in late 19503; and Tunisia in 1961;
Algeria in 1962; Nigeria in 1964; Cape Verdi Islands in 1967 . . .etc., which seem to have been dictated by politicd
developments in the Africa: the beginning of the of colonial rule in Africa.

23 Peter H. Koehn, M1929 From Revolu__tion: U.S. Polg' and Third-World M'gration (Boulden Westview
Press, 1991), 273.

24 Eric Foner, “Who is an Arrrerican“ in Culturefront, Vol. 4, No. 3, (Winter 1995-1996), 7; See 830 Winston
James, Holding Aloft the Banner of Ethiopia: Caribbean Radicalism in America 1900-1932 (New York: Verso, 1998),

25 In those days, “ethnological“ exhibits in wortd fairs was not uncommon. See Curtis M. Hinsley, “The World
as Marketplace: Cornodiﬁcation of Exotic at the World’s Columbian Exposition, Chicago, 1893“ in Ivan Karp and
Steven D. Lavine, (eds), Exhibitipg Cultures: The Poetics and Politics of Museum D§p’ lay (Washington: Smithsonian
Institution, 1991), 344-366. Another instance in which the Western World brought Africans as a showpiece was the
story of Sarah Bartrnann, alias, Hottentot Venus, who was taken from South Africa and exhibited in France and other
parts of Europe in the early decades of the 199 century. It was only recently, 2002, that her deceased remains, which
was on exhibition in the French Museum, was sent back to South Africa. See Sander L. Gilman, “Black Bodies, White
Bodies: Towards an lconography of female Sexuality in Late Nineteenth-Century Art, Medicine, and Literature“ in
Henry Louis Gates Jr. (ed.), Race Writing and Difference (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1986), 225, 231-
235; Michale Wallace, “Modernism, Postmodernism and Problem of the Visual in Afro-American Culture“ in Russel
Ferguson, et al., (eds), Out There: Marginal-tion and Contempo_rgy Cultures (New York: The New Museum of
Conbrnporary Art, 1990), 45.

26 See for instance the cover picture on John Bodnar, W: A H_is_torv of lmmg‘ rants in Urban
America (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1985), 59.

27 For an excelbnt summery of US. foreign policy in the 20" century, see Robert D. Sclrulzinger, y._3.
gm Since 1900, 5" edition (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002). For the declining American ofﬁcial
interest and the rising African America inbreston Ethiopia see Brice Harris, Jr., The United States and [he lmlo-

19

between the two countries was on an unofﬁcial basis; and this, too, was shaped by African
American support for Ethiopia: The existence of an independent black African nation kept the hope
for freedom and equality of African-Americans alive!9 Thus, with the news of the Italian fascist
aggression against Ethiopia in 1935, African American interest in Ethiopia became intense.
Accordingly, either to mobilize their support or the support of Americans at large, Emperor Haile
Sellassie sent Melaku Beyan, a former student in America with a deep sense of Pan-Africanism, to
New York, as a representative of his country. There, Melaku Beyan established an organization,
the Ethiopian World Federation, and a newspaper, The Voice of Ethiopia. While Melaku and his
Aﬁican American wife, Dorothy H. Beyan, served as First Vice-President and Executive Secretary
of the organization respectively, prominent African Americans such as Dr. Lorenzo H. King and
Warren E. Hanigan worked as President and second Vice-President in that order. The organization
had an advisory board that also served as chapters in parts of the U .S. Africa, Europe and the
Middle East. Members of the advisory board were Lij Worku Gobena (Aden), Lij Andarege Messay
(Djibouti), Mr. Michael Dei-Anang (Ghana), Ato Lorenzo Taezaze (England), Hugh G. Bell (New
York), Ato Akililu Habiteworld (Paris), Mr. Richard Ratlrebe (S. Africa), Prince Nayabongo and Dr.
Ernest Calibala (Uganda), and Prof. Leo Hansbeny, Dr. W. H Jemagin, and Mrs. Mary C. Tenell
(Washington).

As it could be witnessed ﬁom the above, Melaku’s attempt in rallying Americans on

Ethiopia’s side was more successful among African Americans; and this was not an accident.

 

Elm ' Crisis (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1964), 23; Vlﬁlliam R. Scott, The Sons of Sheba’s Race: African-
Americans and the ltalo-Eth'm’an War, 1935-1941 (Bloomington: lndiarra University Press, 1993), 39-40.

29 For a comprehensive understanding of Ethiopia's place among blacks, botlr in the US. and the Caribbean
see Fikru N. Gebrekidan, “Bond Without Blood: A Study of Ethiopian-Caribbean Ties, 1935-1991“ Vol. I and II, PHD
Dissertation, Michigan State University, 2001, especially chapters One and Two; also Vlﬁlliam N. Huggins and John G.
Jackson, An Introduction to African Civilizations: Wrth Main Currents In Eth'm‘an Histgy (New York: Avon House
Publishers, 1937); William R. Scott, The Sons of Sheba’s Race: African-Arrrericans and the ltalo-Ethipg’an War, 1935-
M (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1993); William R Scott, “A Study of Afro-American and Ethiopian
Relations: 1896-1941,“ PHD Dissertation, Princeton University, 1971; Negussay Ayele, Etlrgpig' ' and the United
Sm, Volume I: The m of Courtship (NP: Ocopy.com, 2003).

20

Melaku’s racial solidarity with African Americans dates back to his student years in America. He
even reputed to have convinced Haile Sellassie to employ African Americans than white

Americans. As one of the US. Legation’s conﬁdential report noted:

The Emperor has been also encouraged . . . by certain Ethiopian students retumed from the United States
who have seen the racial problem there in some of its more acute angles and who have apparently found
many American Negroes quite competent to serve in this country as advisors and teachers. Several
American Negroes have recently come to Ethiopia as a result of the encouragement of these Ethiopian
students, of whom one of the most inﬂuential in the movement appears to be the Malaku who is known to the
Department as a student in medicine at Howard University . . . Because of . . . [his western education]
Malaku has been able to have sorrre of his opinions brought to the notice or attention ofttre Emperor. . . The
Emperor has, therefore, been humored to let Malaku know through appropriate channds leading down from
the royal court that he is inclined to receive and perhaps accept recommendations for the coming here of
Americans Negroes qualiﬁed to advise or teach.29

So much was Melaku’s sympathy for African Americans, it also alarmed the US Legation
in Addis Ababa. In 1931, the then Ethiopian Foreign Minister, Heruy Walda-Sellassie, expressed
his desire to visit the US. While the Legation assented to his request, it advised the State
Department that Melaku somehow be prevented from contacting the Ethiopian delegation to the
US. The Legation believed that Melaku’s active engagement with the delegation would negatively
affect the latter’s attitude towards the United States. The Legation also forewarned Washington
that the head of the delegation, Heruy's, skin complexion was darker than most Ethiopians and
hence would probably be more susceptible to Melaku’s view of America. What is more, though
difﬁcult, something also has to be done against Haiiem so that the latter would not turn the

delegation’s tour of the US “a gala occasion.“ As noted in the Legations “conﬁdential“ memos:

BecwsededtuBaym’sdomaﬁliamnmmﬂeNmNegomHmdUnmymdebewhem
the Legation hopes that arrangements can be made to keep him ﬁom assuming a leading activity in the
reception and guidance of the Minister of Foreign Aﬂ‘airs in the United States . . . The Legation respectfully
suggests that control of the visitor’s movements, entertainment, etc, etc, be placed in the hands of a white
American who will have the tact and skill to avoid embarrassing situation . . . this Ethiopian ofﬁcial is
unfortunately darker than rrrost Ethiopians and looks like a Negro. He is not a Negro, or at least he would
indignantly recent being so classiﬁed.99

 

29 “Conﬁdential,“ from Addison E. Soutlrard, the Legation oftlre Unied States ofArnerica, Addis Ababa,
Ethiopia to the Honorable, the Secretary of State, Washington, Dispatch No. 492, July 30, 1930.

30 “Conﬁdential,“ from Addison E. Southard, the Legation of the United States of America, Addis Ababa,
Ethiopia to the Honorable, the Secretary of State, Washington, Dispatch No. 706, April 30, 1931.

21

Although Melaku was able to galvanize African American support and although there were
African Americans who were even willing to ﬁght on behalf of Ethiopia, their effort was thwarted by
America’s neutrality policy which forbid all Americans from engaging in an international war.
Despite this, African Americans continued to ﬁnd ways in the 19303 to help Ethiopia: their
assistance ranged from condemning Italy‘s aggression of Ethiopia, to offering material donations
and volunteering to ﬁght in the war. Some even managed to go all the way to Europe to consult
with the exiled emperor.31

Chapter I. 2. Ethiopian and American Relations between 19403 and 19703: The Coming of
Ethiopians to America

The warm attitude of African Americans towards Ethiopia created one foundation for strong
Ethiopian and American diplomatic ties in the post-war period. The positive regard of the American
government towards Ethiopia also helped Emperor Haile Sellassie break British control of Ethiopia
during the interwar period, 1941-1945. The British, who assisted Ethiopia in defeating fascist Italy,
viewed Ethiopia not as a free and independent country but as an occupied enemy tenitory (OET)
whose fate was to be decided after the war. It denied Haile Sellassie the right to appoint his
advisors without the prior knowledge and consent of the British. The emperor could not declare war
or a state of emergency. The British also controlled the country’s ﬁnances. In the latter instance,
they introduced their colonial currency, the East African Shilling, into Ethiopia. In addition, they also
controlled the police force and the army. They even monitored the emperor’s communications. It

was in this environment that the Anglo-Ethiopian Agreement of January 1942 signed. Although this

 

9‘ Their newspapers and panphlets such as the Pittsburgh Courier, the Amsterdam News, the Chicago
DefendeheNMCRsCﬁsishadexpmssedheirwotestandhdgnaﬁonagdnstltdx andArnerica’sindifference
towards this injustice. See Scott, The Sons of Sheba’s Race 105-20; Harris, African American Reactions to War in
E_thippi§_, see chapters 3, 4, and 6; Negussay, Ethm' 'a, 141-151.

 

22

agreement acknowledged Ethiopia as a free and independent state, it also conﬁrmed the power of
the British over all others, and leﬂ a huge chunk of Ethiopia’s territory under British control.32

To offset the British hold on Ethiopia, Haile Sellassie turned to the Anrericans. In 1943, he
sent Yilma Derssa, the then Vice-Minister of Finance, to the US. under the pretext of attending the
UN Conference on Food and Agriculture so as not to alarm and antagonize the British. But the real
intent was to negotiate lend-lease agreement with the US. While conveying the Emperor's request,
Yilma also informed the State Deparlrnent of his intention to hire African Arrrerican teachers and
technicians. After getting the green light from the State Department, Yilma began recruiting African
Americans from his dormitory at Howard University.33*

Haile Sellassie’s decision to enlist African Americans in his government partly emanated
from a “conviction that his administration would beneﬁt ﬁom the immigration of educated blacks,
whose careers in Ethiopia would not be warped by “that superior feeling of anogance ill concealed
by white men or wonren.“31 Aﬁican Americans, on their part, had always viewed Ethiopia as the
bastion of freedom and thus a source of pride and hope. As expressed in the words of Margery

 

32 Departrrrent of State: Map lnblligence Division, Ofﬁce of the lnblligence Collection and Dissemination,
OIR Report No. 4493, October 13, 1947 (secret). See also Haile Sellassie l IGng of Kings of Ethiopia, My Life and
Ethiopia's Prome3_s. Vol. II, Edited and annotated by Harold G. Marcus, et al., (East Lansing: Michigan State University
Press, 1994), 171-176; Bahni, A Hism, 179-184; Anthony Mockler, Haile Sellassie’s War (New York: Olive Brarrclrs
Press, 2003), 372-374; Negussay, Ethm 'a, 164-166. For a detailed account of the Anglo-Ethiopian Agreement of 1942
and 1944, and the Agreement itself see Margery Perharn, The Government of Ethippia (Evanston: Northwestern
University Press, 1969), 153-159; 464-478.

33 Harris, African Americar Reaction 142-143; Spencer, ﬁrm 105-106. For the totd number of
technicians, medical professionals, engineers, blacksmitlrs, shoernakers, masons . . . etc that Yilma asked the US.
was 286. See Marcus, The Politics of Empire. 1920; Negussay, Ethiog'a,171-172.

“ Because of racial segregation in the U.S., the Ethiopian delegation could not have a decent lodging in town.
Thus, Yilma Deressahastobecontentedwith theonlydecentplaceforablackmarinCraverHaIl, atHowad
University. In those days, racial discrimination against Ellriopian ofﬁcials was not uncommon: The ﬁrst Ethiopian
delegation to the U.S., too, had been refused service in one of New York's restaurants. Such incidents must have
alerted Ethiopians about the conditions of African Americans while strengthening the racial solidarity and commibnent
across the continents. See Harris, African American Reaction pp. 143, 154.

3‘ Harold G. Marcus, Haile Sellassie l: The Formative Years 1892-1936 (Lawrenceville: The Red Sea Press
Inc, 1998), 138.

It was not the ﬁrst time that Haile Sellassie sought the support of skilled African Americans in nrodernizing his
country. Almost all successive delegates that he ant to the US. such as Hakim Warqinelr, Res Desta, and Kentiba
Gabru had discussed with leaders ofthe African American community the possibility ofAfrican American irrrrnigration
to Ethiopia. See Huggins & Jackson, An Introduction 88-89; Bahru, m 40, 91.

 

 

 

 

23

Perham, " . . . The country [Ethiopia] has in the world of ideas an importance beyond that of her
physical position. To the subject peoples of the world . . . this independent African kingdom has
long been a focus of interest and of transferred hopes . . . This interest is felt strongly amongst
the more politically conscious Africans [and] it reaches a strength and signiﬁcance akin to that of
Zronism.'35

Some African Americans were not only eager to help Ethiopia they were also willing to
immigrate permanently. Accordingly, Joseph Harris noted, " . . . the period from 1930 to 1944 saw
the emigration of several African Americans . . . to Ethiopia as permanent settlers and the sojoum
of several advisors and technicians."36 African Americans not only became the ﬁrst American
immigrants to settle in Ethiopia, but also were precursors for American sojoumers in the years to
come.

The US. State Department saw an advantage in helping Ethiopia. In the American
domestic scheme of politics, the department believed, helping Ethiopia 'muld indicate in a
concrete way the interests of the United States in the stake which Negroes have in the war. 37. . . [It
would demonstrate] to African Americans that the govemment was ﬁghting their war, too.”
lntemationally, as Hamid Marcus observed, ‘. . . Washington could proudly broadcast its
commitment to self-detennination, stress its traditional anticolonialism, . . . and reveal to the world
that White House was as much concemed with the rehabilitation and reconstruction of Axis-
occupied countries as with winning the war.'38 Second, America also considered that Ethiopia,
given the necessary expertise, could supply needed food for me Allies. Third, it could also be one

of the landing sites for the growing American aviation industry. Fourth, and above all, the future of

 

35 Perhan, The Govemmen; 396; Bahru, A Him], 81 -82.

35 Harris, African American Reaction 153.

37 Quomd in Marcus, The Politics of Em're. 14; Spencer, £1th ' at Bay, 104; Negussay, m 168.
33 Marcus, The Politics of Emg're, 2; see also Spencer, Elm ' at Bay, 103-104; Negussay, m 168.

 

24

the Red Sea and Indian Ocean, hitherto dominated by England, seemed uncertain for the latter's
energy had already been sapped by the war, and could not withstand opposition to its dominance
in the region. As result, America was ready to supplant England, and thus, Ethiopia’s potential
strategic signiﬁcance in the emerging Cold War era seemed invaluable.39

Consequently, in December 1943 a dozen African Americans arrived in Addis Ababa. Most
of them were teachers appointed as instructors and headmasters in the various schools in Addis
Ababa and Harar; and in one case as editor of the only English language daily, the Ethiopian
Herald. Following their footsteps, another group of African Americans, this time pilots and
technicians, came to Ethiopia. These were men who trained the ﬁrst Ethiopian pilots and who
opened pilot training schools at Orrna Garage, located in front of the present day Sheraton Hotel,
which became Police Garage during the post-independence period. The training school was later
on moved to Old Airport, adjacent to the locality that is commonly refened as Tor Hayloch and
situated on Jimma Road.4o Meanwhile, the State Department also extended America’s lend-lease
agreement and sent a delegation, the Fellows Mission, named after its leader, Peny Fellows, in
1943. This mission, while laying the groundwork for the expansion of post-1945 Ethic-American
relations, also recommended the need for infrastructural development, education, public health,

locust control . . . etc. These recommendations were ﬁnally concretized as part of President

 

39 Marcus, The Politics of Emg're, 3, 5, 21, 29; Spencer, Etth‘ ia at Bay, 103; Bahru, A Histgry, 184-185.

40 Marcus, The Politics of Emg're, 27-28. For a detailed account of African Americans such as the'n names,
skills, and appointments they had in Ethiopia, see Harris, African-American Reaction 144-150.

Nevertheless, African American interest on Ethiopia which reached its peak between 1890s and early 19403,
had markedly declined since the post-war period. This was so because of Ethiopia’s defeat in Italian hands in 1935 that
ended Ethiopia’s roleas bastion ofindependence sourceofhopeforfreedom. Besides, thedecolonization process
presented African Americans with a wider option than Ethiopia. Meanwhile, the Civil Rights Movement and the
progress made thereof convinced African Americans to look inward than across the continent. And ﬁnally, the 1974
Socialist Revolution and subsequent developments such as famine, war and the very migration of Ethiopians to the
U.S., either as political asylees or reﬁigees, seemed to have obliterated the positive image that African Americms, for
that matter anyone in the world, had for Ethiopia. See Fikru N. Gebrekidan, 'Bond Vlﬁthout Blood,’ 83.

* It is worth noting that unlike other African countries Ethiopia had its own western educated intelbctuals prior
to Inlian occupation. However, the Italians regarded these independent intellectuals as a threat to their colonial
domination; andthustotdlywipedthemout Hence, modemeducationhastolimrdlybereorgmizedfromsaatchin
thepost-warperiod; andtheroleofAmericansin thisregadwastremendous.

 

25

Truman's Point Four Agreement that was signed between the Imperial Government of Ethiopia and
the United States, on May 15, 1952.41

New developments in the Middle East such as the radicalization of Egypt under Garnal
Abdel Nasser and the subsequent Egyptian demand in the early 19508 that the British evacuate
the Suez Canal alarmed the USA. The US. had intended to curb the encroachment of Soviet
Russia in the Middle East with the cooperation of Turkey, Iraq, Iran and Pakistan from the East;
and a coalition of Arab states, primarily centered in Egypt, to form a secondary line of defense to
look after the Canal and the Straits of Bab eI Mandeb (Red Sea). But, since Egypt was reneging,
Washington ‘began to fall back upon Ethiopia as its turnkey in the Red Sea.’ 42 The result was a
military pact, the Mutual Defense Assistance Agreement (MDAA), between Ethiopia and the US.
signed on May 22, 1953.

The May 1953 agreement, guaranteed the US. the Qagnaw Station Military Base to use
until 1978. This base was named after the Ethiopian battalion that fought in Korea beside US.
troops. The agreement also stipulated that America would train and equip three Ethiopian divisions,
as well as promising a steady supply of American weapons, ﬁghter planes, and frigates to Ethiopia.
To oversee this, the US. sent the Military Assistance Advisory Group (MAAG) to Ethiopia.

America’s willingness to help Ethiopia seemed to have other purposes, too. According to

Robert Wood, a former US. army general, the US. military assistance program ‘funds purchases

 

41ForeignServiceDispatch,No.287szJosephSimons,AmericanEmbassy,AddisAbabaleieDept
of State, Washington DC., April 201955; see also Bahru, A Hism, 181.

42 From James 8. Lay, Executive Secretary, Executive Office of the President, Washington to the National
Security Council (NSC) Planning Board, September 26, 1956. See also Marcus, The Politics of Empire, 87-89; Balfour
Agyeman-Duah, The United States and Elm ' : Mil'm Assistance and the Quest for Security , 1953-1993 (Lanhan:
University Press of America, 1994), 117-18; Jeffrey A Lefebvre, A_rrn_s for the Horn: US. Security Porgy in Eth’m'a
and Somalia 1953-1991 (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1991), 13-22; Peter Schwab, Haile Sellassie I:
Eth‘gpia's Lion of Judah (Chicago: Nelson-Hall, 1979), 92-94. Israel's survival strategy as a state somehow converged
with U.S.‘s globd concerns in the Middle East The forrmr had formed what it cdled the “periphery triangle' aga'nst
threats from Arabs especially Egypt, Syria and Iraq. While Iran aid Turkey constituted the two nodes of the triangle,
Ethiopia became the third. As a result, Israel’s involvement in the Ethiopian armed forces was also tremendous. See
Ian BIank8Benny Morris,| ’s SecretWarszAH' all ’s In ' Services(New York: Grove Press.
1991), 185-187, 427.

 

from American industry for shipment overseas. . . [and] brings to our country some 10 to 15,000
foreign miita'ystudents ainudlyexposingtl'remnotonytoAmericai M‘ MM
totheAmericarmoflife [emphasisadded]."'3 In addition,AmericaisalsobeIievedthatthose
who were educated in America were “destined to play a major role in charting Ethiopia’s future
course.’

Hence, the aforementioned agreements seemed to have deﬁned the growing relationship
between the two countries for the coming decades. As Bahru summed it up '. . . the 19505 and
19603 might therefore justiﬁably be described as the American era [in Ethiopia] . . . The American
impact was felt in many facets of Ethiopian life, but perhaps most conspicuously in the spheres of
military organization, communication and education.“4

Chapter I. 3. American Education and the Ethiopian Armed Forces, 195091970s

The external connections of the Ethiopian armed forces remained very diverse until the
19503: Belgians and Swedes trained the Imperial Bodyguard. Many ofﬁcers were also sent for
training to St. Cyr and Sandhurst military academies in France and England respectively. Since the
aftermath of independence and until the 1953 defense agreement between the United States and
Ethiopia, the British served as advisers while actual training and operating of the different branches
of the armed forces was entrusted to various governments: the Swedes ran the air force and the
Holatta Military School; the Norwegians dealt with the navy while Indians taught at the Harar
Military Academy!5 However, by 19505 such diversity gave way to US. predominance in Ethiopia.
In 1953, the British Military Mission to Ethiopia (BMME) withdrew from the country, which paved

the way for Ethiopia to ask military assistance from the USA.‘6 The Egyptian revolution and the

 

‘3 Quoted in Agyeman-Duah, The Unm States and Ethm‘ “a, 23, 27.
4" Bahnr, A Histgy,185.

‘5 Markakis, Eﬂgpig, 253-256.

‘6 Marcus, The Politics of Emg're, 77-78.

27

coming to power of Gamal Abdel Nasser in Egypt convinced the U.S., which felt its position in the
Middle East threatened, to entertain Ethiopia’s request. The latter, in the mean time, had acquired
the strategically important Red Sea province of Eritrea, which further enticed the US. to sign a
military pact with Ethiopia in 1953. As the memorandum of the US. Executive Secretary indicates,
Ethiopia was considered important because, “the willingness of Egypt to do business with Soviet
bloc countries intensiﬁes the Egyptian capacity for disruptive activities in Northeast Africa. The
uncertain attitude of the Saudi Arabian Government with respect to the airbase at Dhahran and the
problem of the Trucial states in the Arabian Peninsula raises the desirability of considering Ethiopia
as an alternative site for American installations."47 Thus, the Ethiopian-American treaty was signed
in 1953. As a result, Ethiopia granted U.S. rights to continue using the Qagnaw Station, a former
Italian radio communication center, in Asmara, while America, in turn, agreed to train and equip the
Ethiopian armed forces.48

Though the American influence was concentrabd from the outset on the ground forces,
the navy and the air force, too, ﬁnally came under the US. umbrella. The air force, specially, was a
showpiece of the American military presence in Ethiopia: Ethiopia was the eariiest country to have
a supersonic jet ﬁghter in sub-Saharan Africa. The exception among the armed forces was the
Imperial Bodyguard which the Swedes continued to train while the police force was instructed and
equipped by the West Germans and Israelis. The latter also provided anti-insurgency training in the

19603."9

 

‘7 From James 8. Lay, Executive Secretary, Executive Oflice of the President, Washington to the National
Security Council (NSC) Planning Boyd, September 26, 1956.

48 Foreign Service Dispatch (Secret) No. 176: From Jomph Simons, American Embassy, Addis Ababa to
Dept of State, Washington DC., January 16, 1956. See also Bahiru, A Hism, 185-186; Agyeman-Duah, The United
m and Ethm "a, 55-58; Jeffrey A Lefebvre, m for the Horn: US. Security Poly in Ethigm‘a and Somalia, 19$;
1_9_91 (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1991), 13-22.

49 For Israel's assistance, both in the military and civilian sector, see Ariel Shaon with David Chancff,
Warrior. The mm y of Ariel Sharon (New York: Simon 8 Schustor, 2001), 172-174, 419-420.

 

28

Despite this, America remained the main supplier of almost all weapon systems,
organization, education and communication equipment to the Ethiopian military. For instance,
ﬁnancially the Ethiopian armed forces remained the major recipients of US. aid. Between 1946
and 1972, US. military aid amounted to over $180 million—a military assistance that made
Ethiopia the largest recipient of US. military aid in Africa south of the Sahara. This aid accounted
for 60 per cent of the total US. military assistance for sub-Saharan Africa.50 By way of military
personnel training, too, America remained dominant. Between 1950 and 1968, out of the 3,753
Africans trained under the lntemational Military Education Training (IMET) program in the U.S.,
2,646 were Ethiopians. Of the 1,670 African military trainees who attended school in the US.
between 1972 and 1976, more than half of them were Ethiopian ofﬁcers. So much so, even today
no sub-Saharan African country has equaled the number of Ethiopian military ofﬁcers trained in the
US. between 1950 and 1978, which was almost 4,000. This ﬁgure remains the single largest

number for US. trained military personnel in sub-Saharan Africa even today.

 

5° Bahiru, M186; Markakis, Ethm’ 'aI 257-258; Marcus, The Politics of Empire, 89-95; Agyeman-
Duah, The United States and Ethigpia, 73-74. See also for deta'led account of US. military assistance: Type of
weapons and manpower training. Department of Defense Security Assistance Agency: Military Assistance and Fm‘ n
Milit_a_ry Sales. May 1973, Foreign Military Assistance Facts, November, 1975; December, 1976, December, 1977, and
December,1978;andF 'nMiI' SalesF 'nM" Construction andMiI' '
September 30, 1992.

Table 1: Ethiopian Military Personnel Trained in U.S., 1950-19708 5‘

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Year No. of Ethiopian Trainees in the Total
US.

1950-66 2267 2267
1967 181
1968 ~ 198
1969 147
1970 154
1971 140

1972 160 3115(124 wereﬁom

other countries)
1973 158
1974 148
1975 129

1976 138 3874

1977 54 3928

1978 0 3928

 

 

While Table 2 displays the number of Ethiopian military ofﬁcers trained at facilities in the
United States, one of them was Mengistu Haile Mariam, there were also some 23,000 Ethiopian
service personnel (the total number of the Ethiopian army was 40,000), including at least twenty
who subsequently became members of the Derg, were given advanced training directly from
United States personnel stationed in Ethiopia. By the time of the 1974 revolution, Ethiopia's armed
forces were almost totally dependent on the United States for training, hardware and spare parts.52

As Haile Sellassie’s quest for more weapons and trained manpower continued in the
19605 and 19705, the number of Americans sojourning in Ethiopia also increased: by 1970, there
were about 170 members of MAAG while the number of the US. military personnel at Qagnaw
Station increased from 1,300 in 1964 to 3,300. In addition to MAAG and Qagnaw, there were 87

naval personnel working with the US. Naval Medical Research Unit in Ethiopia. There were also

 

51Cornpiledfrorn DepartmentofDefense mmmmwmmmﬂfm
Milim SalesI May 1973, Fm’ n Milr_t_ary" Assistance Facts, November 1975; December 1976, December 1977, and
December 1978.

52 Thomas P. Ofcansky and LaVerIe Berry, ed., Elm : A Conny M, 4" edition (Washington DC:
Federal Rwearch Division, Library of Congress, 1993), p. 292.

30

2,800 Americans attached to the Agency for lntemational Development, as business people and
educators. Furthermore, in the same year about 1,500 non-official Americans resided in Ethiopia.53

In addition to providing training to the military, America was also actively involved in the
development of Ethiopians' infrastructure. The US. was instrumental in establishing and
strengthening the Ethiopian Civil Aviation. As the result of an agreement concluded between the
American Trans-World Airlines (TWA) and Ethiopia, the Ethiopian Airlines (EAL) was setup in
1945. Since then and till 1971, TWA provided managerial and supervisory service to EAL.

The US. was also engaged in maintaining Ethiopia’s road network, which had been laid by
the Italians. This was done with the establishment of the Imperial Highway Authority (IHA) in 1951.
The Highway Authority was modeled after the US. Bureau of Public Roads. The lntemational Bank
for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD), which was also American dominated, ﬁnancad the
construction and maintenance of roads in Ethiopia. Until 1962, when he Ethiopians took over the
administration, managerial personnel for IHA had to get an American approval. The American
multinational company, lntemational Telephone and Telegraph (IT'I'), besides repairing destroyed
telephone lines, was a vehicle for the establishment of the Imperial Board of Telecommunications
in 1952.54 In addition to its involvement in the military and Ethiopia’s infrastructural development,
America was actively engaged in teaching and providing scholarship to Ethiopian students from the

civilian sector.

 

53 Balfour Agyeman-Duah, The United States and E ' ' : Mil’ ' and The '
1953-1993 (Lanharn: University Press of America, 1994), 44; Marcus, The Politics of Empire. 89; Markakis, Ethigm'a,
257. .
5‘lFomignServiceDispatch, No.287zFromJosephSimons,AmericanEmbassy,AddisAbd)abTheDept
of State, Washington DC., April 201955; see also Marcus, The Politics of Em‘ , 96; Bahiru, LI-Iis__tqy,186-188.

31

Chapter I. 3. 1. American Educational Assistance to Ethiopia and the Migration of Ethiopians
to America, 19508-19708.

Although it was during the reign of Menelik Il (r. 1889-1913) that Western education was
ﬁrst introduced into Ethiopia,55 it was Emperor Haile Sellassie who succeeded in furthering modern
education in the country. He and his wife opened schools in Addis Ababa and encouraged other
notables to do the same. The Emperor paid the cost of education in the schools. Besides, he also
accelerated the sending of Ethiopian to foreign lands. Not only that, unlike earlier times, the United
States became a major place where Ethiopians were sent for higher education.56

Aside from reasons mentioned in the previous section for sending Emiopian students to
the US. before the Second World War, Haile Sellassie’s preference to send more Ethiopians to the
US. in the post war period might have been for the following. One, on the immediate aftermath of
the war, many European powers were weakened to provide assistance to countries like Ethiopia.
Even if they were not, there was little or nothing that obliges them with Ethiopia. Unlike their former
African colonial territories, there was little or no bond (economic, cultural, political or moral)
between Ethiopia and countries like England and France. Two, it might simply have been the
consequence of an increased diplomatic ties between Ethiopia and the US. Three, as the number
of American educated Ethiopians who were working in the various branches of the imperial
government increased, their inﬂuence might have also increased to affect decisions concerning
education and related matters. Four, the American educated Ethiopians might have exhibited a
favorable image of America upon the public and the Ethiopian authorities which in turn might have
resulted in sending more Ethiopians to the US.

America’s preeminence as the main destination of Ethiopian students was guaranteed

when Ethiopia changed its language policy. Since the introduction of modem education in the early

 

55 Gebre-Igziabiher, ProwessI P_r§_ty' and Politics, 13—14.
5liJohn Markakis, Ethgp‘ ia: Anatomy and a Traditional Poliy (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1974), 145-146.

32

20III century Ethiopia, French served as the primary medium of instruction besides other
languages.57 Thus, when Haile Sellassie tried to reestablish modern education on the aftermath of
the Italian occupation after 1941, the choice of instructional language was a problem. French,
English and Amharic were Interchangeably used as mediums of instruction, often, depending upon
the instructor’s country of origin, and of these languages French was dominant. However, after
1950 the then Ministry of Education & Fine Arts, with the blessing of the Emperor who himself was
a ﬂuent French speaker, decided to use English as the medium of instruction and as a subject in
Ethiopian schools. This paved the way for the employment of Anglophone expatriates for teaching.
By 1968, Anglophone expatriates comprised 47.7 per cent of the teaching staffs in Ethiopia. Most
of them were used in high schools. The largest groups of the expatriates were Indians. Soon,
however, the American Peace Corps Volunteers began challenging the hitherto indian-dominated
ﬁeld. in 1962, the Peace Corps Volunteers numbered around 566, which was the highest in
Africa.58 Ethiopians, including university students who were required to give one-year teaching
service before graduation, ﬁlled the remaining positions in the high schools.59

The American Peace Corps Volunteers, though they could be inexperienced and
unfamiliar with Ethiopian culture and tradition, inﬂuenced the young generation of Ethiopians in

many other ways. They were 'idealistic and willing to work harder than their regular Indian or

 

57 Richard Pankhurst, Economic Histgy g Ethm’ 'a, 1800-1935 (Addis Ababa: Haile Sellassie I University
Press, 1968), 682.

58 Bahru , A Histgry, 189; Getachew Metaferia and Maigenet Shifferraw, The Eth'm'an Revolution of 1974
and the Exodus of Ethiog’a's Trained Human Resources (Lewiston: E. Mellen Press, 1991), 36; for a ﬁrst hand
experience of Peace Corps' life in Ethiopia in early 19705, see James W. Skelton, Jr., Volunteering in Ethiopia: A
Peace Corps Odyssey (Denver. Beaumont Books inc, 1991).

59 Markakis, Ethm’ 'a, 151; Teshome G Wagaw, The WMt of Higher Education and Social Chm:
An Ethiopian Exam ce (East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 1990), 187-223; see also Andrew and Diana
Quarmby, The Ethm‘ 'an University Service Report No. 7E (Geneva: The International Service for Volunteer Service,
1969). The report talks about the origin and development of the university service, the attitude of Ethiopim stu®nts
towadsheSeer,hesalawandnumberofpaﬁdparrtshheServicebetween1964md1969,anditprojectsto
1970.

33

Ethiopian professional colleagues."60 Moreover, they also imbued the “secondary school youth with
ideas of freedom of thought, and expression and the need for a representative government."61

Americans also began dominating Ethiopia’s higher education institutions. in 1950, the
University College of Addis Ababa was established. initially, the Canadian Jesuits, who were
administrating the Tafare Makonnen School, were employed to run the college. But as time went
on, the Americans, not only pushed the Missionaries out of the administration, but also dominated
the teaching staff. The establishment of similar institutions such as the College of Agriculture in
Harar and the Public Health College in Gondar, both under the sponsorship of the American
Government, ﬁrrther enhanced America’s grip on the educational establishment of the country. For
instance, in 1969 there were 452 HSIU staff of which Ethiopians comprised a little more than a third
while 60 per cent were foreigners. Whereas these were drawn from 13 countries, 83 of the total
were Americans. Not only that, among Ethiopian university instructors, most were American-
educated. Moreover, American institutions such as the U.S.A.I.D and the Ford Foundation covered
expenses of the university that ranged from ﬁnancing the construction of university buildings,
purchase of books and payment of the salaries of the American instructors. So much was
America’s interest and involvement in Ethiopia’s higher education institutions, Vice President Nixon
visited HSIU in 1957 while the then American Ambassador to Ethiopia, Edward Cony, met HSIU
students on many occasions. The last American ofﬁcial to visit HSIU was the US. Undersecretary
of State, Nicholas Katzenbach.62

The administrative structure of Haile Sellassie | University and its manner of enrollment

and evaluation “was indistinguishable - and still is, for that matter- from that of a standard

 

“0 Teshome, The Deviomt, 206.
5‘ Teshome, Mam; 207, 209-210. For opposing view on the American input on dernocratizing

Ethiopia, see Addis Hiwet, “A Creation Political Vocation: Reﬂections on the Ethiopian Intelligentsia,“ A paper prepared
for the conference on: The Ethiopian Left and the Revolution, New York, May 29-30, 1987. No page numbers.
‘52 Balsvik, Haile Sellassie’s Students. 199; Markakis, M152.

34

American college."63 What is more, until 1974, the vice-presidential position was, it appeared, a
post reserved for an American.

By 1973, there were about 10,000 students in the various colleges. Yet, despite the
establishment of higher education institutes in the country and the increasing number of students
attending these institutions, Haile Sellassie kept on sending many students to foreign countries.
Though they were sent to different countries, by 19605 the number of students sent to the US.
began to surpass those sent to other countries. For instance, in 1948 there were a total of 158
Ethiopian students abroad. Of these, 49 students were in England, 21 in the Egypt, 20 in the US,
19 in Canada, 17 in Switzerland, 16 at Beinrt, 4 in Greece, 4 in Sudan, 3 in Palestine, 2 in France,
2 in india and 1 in Belgium.64 By1968-9, however, America accommodated 523 students while
France took 193, U.S.S.R. 131, United Kingdom 119, Germany 118, Italy 114, and the United Arab

. Republic 108.65 My 1973, on the eve of the fateful revolution, America accommodated more than
/ 1,000 Ethiopian students.

Although the Ethiopian govemment provided ﬁnancial support to some students, and
although a few managed to pay their own tuition, American agencies such as Point Four, the
African-American Institute (AAI), the African Graduate Fellowship Program (AFGRAD), Fulbright
and USAID were major sources of scholarships.66 Consequently, the training of Ethiopians in
America which started with three students in the 19205,67 surpassed the thousand mark by the
early 19705, which made Ethiopia the third country, behind Nigeria and Egypt, with the largest
number of African students in the US. In this same period, the number of Ethiopian in the US.

surpassed that of Kenya for the ﬁrst time. By 1973, Nigeria had 4092; Egypt, 1148; and Ethiopia,

 

‘53 Bahru, A HistoLy, 189.

5‘ From George R. Mona", the Foreign Service of the United States, American Legation, Addis Ababa, to the
Honorable Secretary of State, Washington, Dispatch No.49, July 1, 1948.

65 Markakis, Eth'gpia, 155.

6‘5 Bahru, A History, 188.

67 Gebre-Igziabiher, Prowess, Piety and Politics, 13-14; Bahru, Pioneers 89-95.

 

35

1046 students in the US. The other trend in 1973 was that the number of self-supporting Ethiopian
students had increased from a zero to 104 in the same year, which might indicate a positive
economic development at home and the individual Ethiopians ability to ﬁnance their children's
education abroad. Yet, one has to also be cautious: Some of the self-supporting students might be
working in the US. and supporting themselves rather than being supported by their parents.

Table 2: Ethic ans Educated In the U.S., 1950s-1970568

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Year Total Male Female Graduate U. Graduate
Before 20
1951
1952 5
1953 13
1954 28 ,
1955 62 57 5 20 23
1956 1 10 103 7 34 73
1957 151 144 7 42 92
1958 151 141 10 46 63
1959 145 135 10 46 74
1960 170 155 15 66 74
1961 171 149 22 76 65
1962 176 158 18 84 71
1963 171 150 21 85 80
1964 220 193 27 24 100
1965
1966 294 254 40 126 137
1967 323 281 142 148 154
1968 361 289 72 160 169
1969 422 358 64 198 204
1970 540 431 88 199 274
1971 759 589 146 269 464
1972 883 655 174 262 544
1973 1046 729 204 305 707
1974 1289 930 247 350 887
1975 323 281 42 148 154

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Table 1 indicates that between 1950 and 1975, around 8,000 civilian students had been

sent to America. Of these students, 79 per cent (6,182) were male while female students

 

63 The data is compiled from lntemational Education, ngoors 1954/55 up to 1975.
See also institute of International Education, M DoorsI 1973 (New York: Insh'tute of International
Education, 1973), 14-15.

accounted for 20.98 per cent (1,642) that minored the gender gap in educational attainment
between male and female students in Ethiopia.

Table 1 also shows the disparity between undergraduate and graduate students. While
undergraduate students accounted for 65.64 per cent (5,136) of the total Ethiopian students sent to
the U.S., graduate students comprised 34.35 per cent (2,688). The larger number of undergraduate
students might indicate the incompatibility between the number of high school complete students
and the number of colleges that could accommodate them in Ethiopia.

However, the source data, Open Doors, did not provide ﬁgures for the male/female ratio on
both graduate and undergraduate Ethiopian students in America. Yet, given the very broad gender
disparity among Ethiopian students in America, one can safely surmise that male students must
have dominated both the graduate and undergraduate programs in America.

By late 19705, Ethiopians who were attending school and others who had found their way
to the US. as tourists or govemment functionaries numbered, according to Akalou Woldemicael,
about 5,000. ‘59 Judith Bentley, who studied refugees, and the Ethiopian Community Development
Council that coordinates Ethiopian community associations” activities and oversees refugee
resettlement in the U.S., estimate that between 15,000 and 25,000 Ethiopians resided in the US.
respectively.7o Getachew Metaferia and Maigenet Shifteraw, who studied the educated Ethiopians
in the US. believed that there were some 30,000 Ethiopians in America prior to the 1974
Revolution.71 Almost all were longing to go home but they were alanned by the bnrtal measures of

the military junta, otherwise known as the Darg, which overthrew Haile Sellassie’s regime in 1974.

 

69 Akalou Wolde Micael, “Ethiopians and Afghans in the United States: A Comparative Perspective," Joumd
of Northeast African Studies. Vol. II, No. 1, (1989), 55-74.

70 Judith Bentley, Refugg Search for a Heaven (New York: Julian Messner, 1986), 116-117, vii; Joachim
Henkel, 'TheEthiopiai Refugee Situation: An OverviewoftheEthiopimRefugeeSituation,‘ MW
United States, Proceedings of the Ethiggia n Community new (September 15-16, 1983, Washington,
D.C.,), 21.

7‘ Getachew Metaferia and Maigenet Shifteraw, The Ethm‘ 'an Revolution of 1974 and the Exodus of
Ethm‘ ' ’s Trained Human Rmrces (Lewiston: The Edwin Mellen Press, 1991), 63.

37

During the ﬁrst four years of the revolution, the junta executed more than 30,000 people. As a
consequence, by the early 19805 “roughly 80 per cent of the students, 60 per cent of the
businesspersons, and 20 per cent of the tourists from Ethiopia who entered the United States [prior
to the revolution] did not exit upon the expiration of their temporary non-immigrant visa."72 The
detection of the Western educated Ethiopians had commenced. By 1986, an estimated 22
ambassadors, 40 senior diplomats and 14 cabinet ministers had defected to the west, mainly to the
United States. These were the ﬁrst Ethiopian-Americans, those who had come as students
reﬂecting the enlarged Ethiopian-American relationships “in the 1950s and 1970s.

1.3.2: Some Aspects of Ethiopian Asyleesllmmigrants in America, 19505-19705.

As could be concluded from the above, Ethiopians of the pre-1980’s America (who are
also interchangeably referred as asylees or immigrants) were, most often, the sons and relations of
the ruling class. In fact, the history of migration informs us, it is usually a more afﬂuent class that
ﬁrst migrates to foreign lands.73 These, Ethiopians were sent to America for education either by the
imperial Ethiopian Government or by their families. A few Ethiopians who had distinguished
themselves in academia were also given this opportunity."

Because of their upper class origin and levels of education, the pre-19805 Ethiopians in
America projected an image that portrayed Ethiopians as one of the most highly educated African
immigrants in the U.S.75 Ethiopia's positive image, exempliﬁed most importantly by Emperor Haile

Seilassie’s, further strengthened this image.

 

72 Peter. H. Koehn, Rm From Revolution: U.S. Poipy‘ and Third-World M'gration (Boulder, Westview
Press, 1991), 273; see also page 297 footnote.

73 Stephen Castles 8 Mark J. Miller, The Age of My ration: International ﬂoatation Movements in the Modern
World, It .Ed (New York, The Guilford Press, 1993), 21.

74 John Markakis, Ethiopia: Anatomy and a Traditional Polity (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1974), 155; Bahru
Zewde, A Histgy of Modern Ethiog'a, 1855-1974 (Addis Ababa: AA University Press, 1991), 188.

75 Koﬁ K. Apraku, African Emg' res in The United States: A Missing Link in Africa’s Social and Economic
Deﬂopment (New York, Praeger, 1991), mi, 1-9; Getachew Metaferia and Maigenet Shifferraw, The Ethm‘ 'an
Revolution of 1974 and the Exodus of Ethgm ' 's Trained Humm Resources (Lewiston: E. Melbn Press, 1991), 6, 8.

38

In the same period, there were also others who came to the US. as tourists or government
functionaries. This, coupled with the defection to America of most of the Western educated
Ethiopians such as ambassadors, senior diplomat and cabinet ministers on the immediate
aftermath of the 1974 Socialist Revolution further strengthened the upper class proﬁle of
Ethiopians in America. 76

The pre-19805 Ethiopians in America represent the largest number of Ethiopians educated
abroad. These students, however, were not homogeneous. Those who came between 19505 and
19605 were older and most of them graduate students. They were also, by and large, scholarship
recipients. On the other hand, students of the latter years, 1960 to 19705, were younger,
undergraduate students and mostly privately funded.77

The provincial origin of the pre-19805 Ethiopians in America also indicates an
overrepresentation of people from Shoa and to a lesser degree from Eritrea and Wallega
provinces. This was so because of the availability and easy access to modern education in these
provinces, especially in Shoa. Kinship ties which by and large determined recruitment and
promotion in government ofﬁces, awarding of and scholarships also favored people ﬁom Shoa.78
Consequently, throughout Emperor Haile Sellassie’s rule, Shoa had the largest concentration of
schools and universities and constituted more than two-thirds of Ethiopian ofﬁcials, both noble and
educated. The remaining ofﬁcials were primarily from Eritrea and Wallega.79 A scenario that also
reﬂected in Ethiopia’s diplomatic core, most of whom became exiles with the onset of the

 

’5 Peter H. Kmhn, Rm from Revolution: U.S. Polpy' and Third World Mm" ation (Boulder. Westview
Press, 1991), 297; Akalou, 55-74.

77 Getachew and Maigenet, The Ethm’ ‘ Revolution, 62.
’8 Markakis, Ethm "a, 232, 247; See also Teshome, The 0910an 106.

79 Teshome. W106.

39

Revolution. 30 Clearly, the pre-revolution Ethiopians in America were distinct from the refugees of
the 19805 in terms of regional origin, ethnicity and class background. Most of them were from
Shoe; and the sons and daughters of the well-to-do Ethiopians, hence, they were members of the
upper class.

The pre-19805, Ethiopians in America were also politically active. This was so especially
after the attempted military coup d'état of Mengistu Neway in 1960. They established a student
union, Ethiopian Students Union in North America (ESUNA). It was an organization which strongly
opposed Haile Sellassie’s government. It had different chapters throughout the US. that served as
a political platform to critic the imperial nrie. After 1971, however, ESUNA was divided on
ideologies which it pursued to overthrow the monarchial mle, on the country’s many ethnic groups
and nationalities, and related issues. Willi the onset of the 1974 Socialist Revolution, the student
organization totally disintegrated. Many of its members were divided between supports and
opponents of the Borg while some sided with the various secessionist movements such as ELF ,
EPLF and TPLF; and others choose to engage in organizations that support refugees and some
entirely left the political realm. “Since there is no strong community-based organization that unites
all Ethiopian nationalities,” said Getachew and Maigenet, “there is no platform for discussion and
dialogue among Ethiopians. Thus, Ethiopians are left in disarray except for the nationality based
organizations or political resistance groups.”81

The sojoumer mentality among the pre-19805 Ethiopians in America also inhibited the
establishment of community organization/s. As Getachew and Maigenet indicted “even though the
number of Ethiopians who came to the United States in the late 19605 and early 19705 increased

 

‘30 Markakis, Ethm‘ 'a, 250-251; for the history of Ethiopian education in Eritrea, see Adana Taye, A Historical
Sum of State Education in Eritrea (Asmara: EMPDA, 1991), 73-137; Teshome G Wagaw, Education in Ethppr' 'a:
W (Ann arbor. The University of Michigan Press, 1979), 95-102.

81 Getachew and Maigenet, The Ethmap’ ' Revolution, 63, 65.

40

signiﬁcantly . . . most were on student visas. Generally, there was a sojoumer mind set among
these Ethiopians; hence, there was no desire nor effort made to establish an Ethiopian community
in the United States until the late 19705" and early 19805.82

Another reason for the absence of community organizations, Ethiopian restaurants and
shops that cater for the pre-19805 Ethiopians in America was the nature of their settlement. They
were found dispersed throughout the US. pursuing higher education. Their number was also too
small to sustain Ethiopian community organizations, restaurants and shops. Yet, they supported
each other in other ways. For instance, if an Ethiopian arrives in America, either helshe would seek
out Ethiopians or would be contacted by Ethiopian/s in the locality. In those days, there were no
Ethiopian restaurants and shops which could have served as meeting places.

Due to lack of numeric data on the pre-19805 Ethiopians in America, excepting the very
few guesses and estimates, their whereabouts is unknown. The very few studies conducted on
pre-19805 Ethiopians in America indicated that they were found in relatively large numbers in cities
like Washington DC, New York, Los Angeles, and Dallas.83 Of these cities, Washington DC was
noted for being the main center of Ethiopians as early as the 19605. This was due to several
reasons. Washington 0.0 was the domicile of many of the Ethiopian elites and their children who
were attending school. The existence of an Ethiopian embassy in this city and the embassy's
concern on Ethiopians was another factor. It is said that in the 19605, Ethiopian ambassadors were
interested in Ethiopian students in the US. On Ethiopian national and religious holydays, the
embassy was noted for hosting parties for Ethiopians in America. The existence a large service

sector in the metropolis also drew Ethiopian students or ex-students who sought jobs. rl’he

 

82 Getachew and Maigenet, The Ethm' 'an Revolution, 63

83 Tesfai Killu, "Abyssinians in America: A Cultural Perspective," The Mid-Atlmtic Almaneck the Journal of
the Mid-Atlantic Pyle/American Culture Association, Vol. 2, (1993), 95-105; Tekle M. Woldernikael, “Ethiopians and
Eritreans," in Case Studies in Diversity: Refugeg in America in the 19905, ed. David W. Haines (Westport' Praeger
Publishers, 1997), 277; Getachew and Maigenet, 66.

 

41

ﬂourishing social and cultural environment has become a home-substitute to many ﬁrst generation
Abyssinians."84 These circumstances, in turn, attracted Ethiopians from other states to come to
Washington DC. By late 19805, Washington DC had some 16,000 Ethiopians and half a dozen
Ethiopian restaurants and shops scattered around the Adams Morgan area.85

While the aforementioned Ethiopians constituted the ﬁrst group of Ethiopian immigrants in
the U.S., the events that forced them into exile, the end of Haile Sellassie’s rule also became a
turning point in the history of Ethiopia. It ushered in an era of “refugeeism" among Ethiopians.
According to Peter Koehn “most Ethiopians were unfamiliar [that was then] with the very concept of

a ‘refugee' and repelled by the idea of moving abroad permanently?“6

 

8‘ Tesfai, “Abyssinians in America,'102.

85 Getachew and Maigenet, The Elm ' Revolution, 66; Wdter Nicholls, Washington’s Little Ethiopia: A
New Clusbr of Restaurants Bring Exotic Apped to Ninth and U Streets," M (May 18, 2005), F01.

9‘5 Kmhn, Rm 273.

42

CHAPTER II

REVOLUTION IN ETHIOPIA: THE COMING OF REFUGEES TO AMERICA
(19708-19908)

Chapter ".1. Some Major Causes for the Refugee Crisis in Ethiopia: The Red Terror, War,
Famine and Cold War Politics

During the past century, masses of refugees came to the US. from virtually every part of
the world. Countries use the 1951 Geneva Convention that deﬁnes an individual as a refugee

based on a model of European refugee concerns. As defined in Article 1A(2) of the Convention,

Thetenn‘refugee’shdlappiytoanypersonwho. . .asaresultofeventsoccurringbefore1'l
January 1951 and owning to well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion,
nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion, is outside the country the
country of his nationality and is unable or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to avail himself of the
protection of that country; or who, not having a nationdity and being outside the country of his
former habitual residence as a result of such events, is unable or, owing to such bar, is unwilling
to retum to it.1

This deﬁnition, whose point of reference was the European refugee experience prior to the
19505, narrowly assumes mat it is a repressive political system that causes refugeeism. However,

this does not address all causes of refugeeism in African and other parts of the world.2

 

1 For the Convention, the 1967 Geneva Protocol and the 1969 Organization of African Union’s (OAU)
Conventionon refugees; and countryspedﬁcrefugeelaws, seeEbenezerQ. BIavo,TheProblernofReﬁrmin
Africa: Boundaries and Borders (Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing Company, 1999), Appendices; Renu M. Anand, African
Refugees: An Overview (New Delhi: Khama Publishers, 1993), Appendices.

2 Although the 1967 Protocol had removed one of the limitations of the 1951 Convention which based its
deﬁnition toevents related tothe II W, the Protocol had failedtoaddress otherissuesthatcouldcauserefugeeisrn in
the world. One of such issues is humanitarian crisis such as natural calamities, human right violations, and socio-
economic deprivations. As a result of this narrow deﬁnition, while the politically and socially persecuted were given
lntemational protection, the internally displaced, who are literally refugees, were not accorded similar privileged simply
because they have not crossed international boundaries. Moreover, the term “persecution’ remained uncertain and
undeﬁned. What is more, it only refers to ‘persecution' by governments white individuals could also be harassed,
tortured, jailed, raped, and even killed by various yet opposing guerrilla movements within a country. Furthermore,
though a person can seek refugee status, helshe was given this “privilege’ if the host government or lntemational
agencies operating in the hostsociety believed thattheperson indeed needsprotection andthusdeservesarefugee
status. The problem here is that while the attitude of the host government towards the refugee is greatly affected by the
bilateral relation between refugee sending and receiving countries while the stance of the aid organizations is also
equally inﬂuenced by Cold War politics. Hence, both ofﬁcials of the host societies and international aid agendas that
operatein a particularcountry subjectrefugeestoarbilraryjudgment, abuseand all sortsofexploitation. SeeAnand,
African Refugeg; 3-12; Gilbert Jaeger, "The Deﬁnition of 'Refugee‘: Restrictive Versus Expanding Trends," Wpriq
Refugee Survey 1983. US. Committee for Refugees 25" Anniversary issue, 5-9; Assefaw Bariagaber, “Political
Vrolence and the Uprooted in the Horn of Africa: A Study of Refugee Flows From Ethiopia," Journal Of Black Studies
Vol. 28, No. 1 (m, 1997), 28.

 

43

The circumstances that have produced massive refugee ﬂows in Africa are different from
that indicated in the Geneva Convention. African refugeeism has resulted from drought, famine,
ﬂood, and arbitrary demarcation of boundaries, from decolonization, post-independence conﬂicts,
apartheid, and inter-guerrilla warfare, as well as ﬂight from recruitment into the military or guerrilla
forces . . . etc.3

In the late twentieth century, it was Africa and the Africans who have suffered most from
the refugee crises. For instance, in 1983 there were a total of 7,816,200 refugees in the world. Of
these, 1,921,000 (24.57 per cent) were from Africa; 256,400 (3.28 per cent) E. Asia and the Paciﬁc;
30,000 (0.38 per cent) Europe; 312,500 (3.99 per cent) Latin America and the Caribbean; and
5,295,600 (67.75 percent) from the M. East and S. Asia.‘I After almost a decade, in 1991, the
refugee crisis in Africa had not changed much: While the total number of refugees in the world was
16,689,300, Africa’s share also grew to 5,444,450 (32. 62 per cent) while South Asia and the
Middle East comprised 9,797,200 (58.7 per cent); Latin America had 118,950 (0.71 per cent); East
Asia and the Paciﬁc made up for 592,100 (3.54 per cent) and the rest, 737600 (4.41 per cent),
were Europeans.5 in those two decades, almost one in every three refugees in the world was
African.

Of the African refugees of the past decades, many have been from Africa south of the
Sahara. The majority of these have been from the Horn of Africa (Ethiopia, Eritrea, Somalia,

 

3 Blavo, The Problemsongm in Africa, 9-10, 11; Anand, African Refum, 2946; Chris J.
Bakwesegha, “Forced Migration in Africa and the OAU Convention“ in Howard Adelman and John Sorenson (ed.)
Aﬁican Refugﬁ: Development Aid and Reinterpretation (Boulder: Westview Press, 1994), 3-4; CIMADE, lNODEP,
MINK, Africa’s Refugg Crisis: What’s To Be Done?, Michael John (trans) (London: Zed Books Ltd., 1986), 23; Patrick
Matiou, “Upsetting the Chart: Fomd Migration and Gender Issues, the Aﬁican Experience“ in Doreen Indra (ed.),

En nggdering Forced Migration: Tm and Practice (New York: Berghahn Books, 1999), 128-129; Aderanti Adepoju,
“The Dimension of the Refugee Problem In Africa,“ African Affairs Vol.81, No. 322 (Jan, 1982), 21 -35; Assefaw
Bariagaber, “Political Violenceand the Uprooted rn theHom ofAfrica: AStudyofRefugeeFlowsFrom Ethiopia,"
Journal Of Black Studies Vol.28, No. 1 (Sep.,1997),26-42.

4 US. Committee for Refugees, World Refugee Survey 25m Ann'my Issue (New York: US. Committee
For Refugees, 1983), 60-63.

5 US. Committee For Refugees, World Refuge_e Survey (1983), 60-63; World Rem ﬁney (1991), 32-36

 

 

44

Djibouti and Sudan), an area that has been in “permanent ennergency“ for decades.6 For instance,
in 1981 there were 2,966,100 African refugees and 3,366,300 internally displaced Africans. From
tlnese, Ethiopia accounted for 1,743,800 refugees and 2,400,000 of the internally displaced
persons in Africa.7 This was in just six years after the Ethiopian Revolution. Until this time,
refugeeism was unknown among Ethiopians. What caused all this misfortune in Ethiopia and what
sustained it until the early 19905?
Chapter ii. 1.1: The Red Terror

When the Provisional Military Government (Derg) grabbed power in 1974, like many other
military regimes in Africa, it promised that it would hand over authority to a civilian government as
soon as possible, but as it turned out, the Derg stayed in power for almost two decades.8 During
those years, the military regime had faced staunch opposition from Marxist-Leninist student-based
organizations such as the All Ethiopian Socialist Movennent (AESM) and the Ethiopian Peoples
Revolutionary Party (EPRP).9 Nevertheless, sonne of the differences that existed between EPRP
and AESM since their inception began widening; and ﬁnally they ended in the alliance of the latter

with the military government.

 

6TlnAIenandDavithltnn,“hSeaohofCoolGrouno'inhﬂofCoolGrounﬂNewJersey:Africa
WorldPres, inc, 1%6),1-22; Ken Haskell. “HomoMorrorfm November26, 2003. Seelnewebsiea
http://www.sunspotnet/news/Opinion/oped/baI-op.famine26nov26,0,1256945.5tory.

7 CIMADE, lNODEP, MINK, mm 25. For the latter yeas, see US. Cormithe for
Refugees, World Regggpp Survey 1983; World Rm Survey 1986; and World Rm Survey, 1991.

Ashomﬂbesean.MieeasmeﬁasmodﬁsthﬂnbtammbadrdugecsMﬂnwnm
soutan,wnuaandwesbrnAﬁicacaresemnd,midandfunmnrespecﬁvdy.Besides,whieEtiniopiawasthesinge
Iagestretugeeproduc’lngcourntryinthelate705andeaiy805, itwasasooneoftheoomtriesthatacceptedasizarle
refugeepopulationfromitsneignbors. ThemﬁoohehngeetoﬂnebtdpoprﬂationinEﬂniopiawastmvdieﬂnisﬁgue
ootldbeevenbigger,1:5,insornepatsoflneoomtrysudnas ltang(southwestem Ethiopia). SeeBdrwesegna,
“Forced ligation in Africa," 4-5.

' John A NM. W W Praeger.
2000), 58.

9 See Fantainun 'ﬁruneh, The Ethipg’an Students: Their Struggle to Articulate the Ethiopian Revolution
(Chicago: Nyala Type, 1990); Andargachewr Trruneh, The Ethipg'an Revolution. 1974-1987: A Transformation From an
Aristocratic to a to Totalitarian Autpm (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993); Randi Ronning Balsvik,

Haile Sellassie' 5 Students: The Inmllectual app M Background t_p Revolution, 1952-1977 (East Lansing. Michigan
State University, 1985).

Despite a cohesive appearance, the Derg was an agglomeration of ofﬁcers and enlisted
men whose ideological background varied from adherents of the extreme left to that of liberal
democrats who advocated a mixed economic policy and continued association with the West. The
diversity of opinion that prevailed within the Berg, and the mantle of collective leadership the Derg
projected slowly shifted to the one-man rule. The chairman of the Berg and one of the Annerican-
educated generals, Gen. Aman Andom, was accused of conspiring with the West against the
Revolution and killed after a pitched bafﬂe at his home in Addis Ababa on November 23, 1974. On
that same day, the Junta conducted the ﬁrst mass killings, the extrajudicial execution of 60 ofﬁcials
of the former regime—shocking the world: the Secretary General of the United Nations openly sent
a letter of protest to the Borg. Many countries condemned the massacre while America suspended
all aid, except humanitarian aid, to Etiniopia. Many Ethiopians who were living abroad, including the
Foreign Minister who was in New York, sought asylum in the US.10

Eitiner due to the pressure from within its ranks, or as an attempt to end its isolation at
home as well as abroad, the Derg called for a united front of all revolutionaries against what it
called reactionary forces: feudalism, capitalism and imperialism. However, EPRP rejected the calls
believing that to work with the Junta was to give legitimacy to a regime that hijacked power and
held it undemocratically. Besides, the EPRP thought that it had enough strength to handle the
situation by itself. As Malaku Tegegn, one of the leading members of EPRP, noted “ . . . by 1976,

the EPRP was in command of the revolution so mucin so that quite a substantial segment of the

 

‘0 Harold G. Marcus, A Hism of Ethm' 'a (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994), 190;
Andargaclnew Asseged, Bacher Ytgache Rpgim Guzo: MESON MEAN! Hizboch Tale Wusf (Addis Ababa:
Central Printing Press, 2000), 192-200; Andargaclnew, The Ethppr' 'an Revolution, 77-81; Teferra Haile-Selassie,1h_§
Eth'm‘an Revolution 1974-1991: From A Monarchial My to A Military Olg' archy (London: Kegan Paul
International, 1997), 138-144; David A Kom, Ethm ' , the United States and the Eviet Union (Carbondale: Southern
illinois University Press, 1986),10-13.

46

Derg members had realized that Ethiopia was ungovemable without the cooperation of the
EPRP."11

Nevertheless, the EPRP’s sense of invincibility was soon dashed when the Derg, once
again, continued weeding out counter revolutionaries from within its ranks: Gen. Getachew Nadew,
Major Sisay Habte and their supporters, mainly military ofﬁcers, were slaughtered in July 1976,
accused of plotting a coup. The ﬁnal showdown between Mengistu Haile Mariam, who now
increasingly dominated the Derg, and the others who opposed him, took place on February 3,
1977. On that day, Gen. Teferi Bante, another American-trained ofﬁcer, who had been elected
chairman of the Derg upon the assassination of Gen. Aman, and other Derg members with liberal
views were massacred while they attended a meeting.12

Side by side the Derg, which by now was synonymous with Mengistu, and its supporters
such as AESM, organized urban and rural dwellers into kebeles (local) militias conducted rigorous
house to house searches, jailed people whom they suspected to be countenevolutionaries, and
conﬁscated arms. Those who resisted or tried to escape were shot on sight.13 EPRP condemned
the Derg action as fascistic, and accused individuals and parties such as AESM who had allied

with the govemnnent as traitors and collaborators, banda, and declared a class war on them.“* The

 

11Melaku Tegegn, "EPRP: An Historicd Background and a Critical Assessmentof Its Experiernces" A Paper
Prepared for the Conference on The Ethiopian Left and the Revolution, May 29-30, 1987. No page numbers; See also
Marcus, A HistoLy, 194; Teferra, The Ethiopian Revolution, 152, 178; Fred Halliday and Maxine Molyneux, th
Eth'm‘an Revolution (London: NLB, 1981), 120; Genet Ayele, Yeletena Colonel M_ergistu Heyla_rpraiam Trzr'tawoch
[Memoirs of Let. Colonel Mengistu Haile Mariam] (Addis Ababa: Mega Publishing Enterprise, 1994EC), 31.

12 Marcus, A Hism, 195; Andargaclnew, Bacher Ymache, 357-383; Teferra Haile-Selassie, The Ethipg‘an
Revolution. 1974-1991: From a Monarcinical Autocra_cy to a Milim Olg' archy (London: Kegan Paul lntemational,
1997), 195-198; Genet, Yeletana Colonel Mengistu, 62-63; Kom, Ethm‘ 'a, 19, 23-26.

‘3 For the gmesome stories of torture and killings during the Red Terror see Bmile Tola, To Kill a
Generation: The Red Terror in Ethiopia (Washington, DC: Free Ethiopia Press, 1989).

14 See Democracia Vol. 3, No.4, (1968); Vol. 3, No. 7, (1968); Vol. 3, No. 9, (1968); Vol. 3, No. 11, (1968).
For AESM's reaction, see Yasafew Hizb Dims No. 47, (1968), “Liyu Elm" (special issue, 1969); and No., 58, (1969).
See also Andargachew, Bacher Ylpqache.

‘ Andargaclnew Asseged was one of the Iewng members of AEPSM. His book, which describes and
criticallyexarninestine Ethiopian studentmovementboth athorneandabroad alsoassessestheroleofhispatyin the
Ethiopian Revolution.

 

 

47

political situation was exacerbated when Somalia invaded Ethiopia; and the Eritrean secessionist
movements, Eritrean Peoples Liberation Front (EPLF) and Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF), taking
the state of affairs as an opportune moment, intensiﬁed the war against Ethiopia in the North. In the
meantime, the invasion of Somalia and the Derg’s response against it helped the latter portray
itself as nationalist. The EPRP, however, had supported both Eritrean secessionists and Somalia's
irredentism.15 This gave the Berg and its cronies the necessary pretext to condemn the EPRP as
unpatriotic and counter revolutionary. Following this, Mengistu Haile Mariam, who now had
emerged victorious, ofﬁcially declared the “Red Terror“ and “nasa emii'ja" (“kill freely“) in Febniary
1977 against the EPRP and all others who opposed the rule of the Derg. To this end, Mengistu and
his supporters organized the infamous Revolutionary Committee at the national, regional and local
level, which they instructed to search, jail or kill anyone whom they suspected of anti-revolutionary
tendencies.16

As a result, each Kebeie (local) and Kefetegna (higher) of urban centers in the country
were equipped with detention centers run by the Kebeles. What is more, there raised competition
between the various urban association (kebeles) “in scoring the highest number of executions" ‘7 of
counter revolutionaries, which thus spread the wanton killings. Between 1977 and 1979, even
children, 1012 years old, also became targets.

In those years and after, peaceful demonstrations against the government were banned

and considered as anti-revolution. Hence, the 1977 May Day rally, which the government

suspected as being EPRP organized, was nitiilessly suppressed. In the night of April 29 alone, the

 

‘5 See Demoracr'e No.18,1967.

‘8 Melaku, , “EPRP: An Historical Background," 114; Teferra, The Eth'm‘an Revolution, 198-199; Halliday
and Molyneux, The Eth'Qpian Revolution,124-125. For a detailed information on prison condition, torture and the
killings in Etiniopia, see Babile, To Kill a Generation; Amnesty lntemational, Humarn Big hts Violation in Ethmg’ ' ,
(London: lntemational Secretariat, 1978), 14-17; Wet, Yeletena Colonel ﬁngistu, 28-36.

17Teferra, The Eth'm'an Revolution, 201; Andargachew, The Elm ' Revolution, 210-211; Babile, To l0ll a
Generation 137-156.

 

 

Kebele (urban militias) squads gunned down well over 500 youth in Addis Ababa. The killing orgy
continued and by May 1977, around 1000 youths had been killed and their bodies strewn
throughout the streets of Addis Ababa. For fear of retribution by the govemnnent, hospitals refused
to treat the wounded. Besides, to get a deceased body one has to pay Eth.$100

($1 .00=Eth$2.07)." There were also people who had been detained, whose whereabouts remain
unknown.18

The EPRP, on its part, tried to respond in kind. Accordingly, it started assassinating what it
believed were government “agents." Kebele and AEPSM cadres retaliated by indiscriminately
showering bullets on pedestrians. The mutual elimination of the revolutionaries became intense
during 1977-1978. As a consequence, an estimated 30,000 people were killed and their bodies
dumped on the streets of Addis Ababa.19“

Similar mass killings and detention had taken place throughout the country. In Gondar, for
instance, the 1977 May Day celebration and the December 7, 1978 (Hider 29, 1969 Ethiopian
calendar) peaceful demonstrations held in the city ended in blood batln. In the latter instance, the
Borg employed the newly trained Nebelbal (Flame) Brigade to decimate the demonstrators. As a
result, unknown number of students, teachers and urban dwellers were killed while hundreds were

jailed. The only high school in the city as well as the province, Haile Sellasse I Comprehensive

 

‘8 Andargachew, The Ethiopian Revolution, 211 ; Rene Lefort, Ethpp‘ ia: An Heretical Revolution (London: Zed
Press, 1981), 3; Babile, To Kill a Generation 140-146.

* The exclnange rate of the dollar to the birr was constant, at least ofﬁcially, during the reign of the Haile
Sellassie and the Deng. After 1991, however, it is the market that regulates the rate of exchange; and hence the ﬁgure
for the exclnange rate might vary from time to time.

‘9 John Cumbers, Living Willi The Red Terran Missiongy gm ces in Communist Ethgpg' ' (Keaney.
Monis Publishing, 1996), 110-111; Getaclnew Metaferia and Maigenet Shifferraw, The Eth'm'an Revolution of 1974
and the Exodus of Ethpp 'a’s Trained Human Resources (Lewiston: E. Mellen Press, 1991), 2.

" There is an ongoing controversy as to who started the killings: The Derg or EPRP. Moreover, so far the
exactnumberofpeopie massacred astheresultoftine Red Terrorisnotknown. Mengistu and hisofﬁcias, however,
ciairrned that not more than 2000 have died as the result of the Red Terror while the newly established Special
Persecutors Ofﬁce of the Ministry of Justice of Ethiopia puts the ﬁgure around 6000. EPRP was also alleged to have
killed 1319. The latter constitute people who were members AESM, the Junta and members of the Kebele
associations. This ﬁgure, however, does not include EPRP's own members, anja (splinbr) that the paty “liquidated.“
See Genet, Yaletena Coienei Mepgislu, 32-33, 179-218; Babile, To Kill a Generation 90-118, 161-164.

 

 

49

Senior Secondary School, was closed; and many people left the city either for the nrral areas or to
the neighboring country, Sudan. In the summer of, the same year, the junta began what is
commonly refened as “afassa' (mass detention); and those who were detained were summarily
executed outside of the city, at Samuna Ber. Unable to stave off the opposition, the Junta linen
commenced nesa ermjia (kill freely), a measure directed against anyone found on the streets of
Gondar, and the red terror (qay shibr) in September of the same year. To tame the city in particular
and the province in general, the Derg stationed nnore than four-division strong army in the
province.20 This was in addition to the urban and rural dwellers association militias, the police and
paramilitary (fetno) forces.

Torturing of political detainees, in all its forms and guises, was common practice. One
commonly used intenogation method of the Derg “soaking the feet of the detainees in boiling water
for a time and then suspending them upside-down and beating the soles of their feet until the skin
gave way to blood and the raw ﬂesh and ﬁnally to the bare bones."21

One major consequence of the “Red Tenor“ was the decimation of the urban youth and
the country's intelligentsia. The other, beside the psyclnologicai and physical damage wrought upon
the survivors, was the fomd exile of thousands of educated and visionary Ethiopians in search of
safety and security.

Chapter ll. 1. 2. War Between the Government and the Various Guerrilla Movements; and
Within the Different Guerrilla Forces

Besides waging urban guerrilla warfare in the main cities, EPRP also organized rural
military bases in Assimba, Tigray. Attempts had also been made to establish similar bases in the

various parts of the country. However, EPRP’s endeavor to have military bases in central, soutlnem

 

20 See Genet. Yaletena Colonel Mam, 203-204.
2‘ Andargachew, The Ethm' 'an Revolution, 212; Babile, To lGll a Generation 143-200.

 

50

and eastern parts of Ethiopia failed miserably.22 However, its initiative in the North in 1974/5
succeeded for a number of reasons: First, the lowlanders of nortlnem Ethiopia in particular and the
highlanders in general, have a tradition of resistance, shii‘finat.23 Second, in this region riﬂes are
marks of manhood and symbols of higher status in the community,* hence, peasants had always
been aligned with anyone who offered tinem riﬂes. Similarly, they were lured in the hope of getting
riﬂes if they joined EPRP’s military wing, the Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Army (EPRA). Third,
the actions of the Derg, such as deposing the aging Emperor had shocked many peasants in the
North. One good example was the Gaint (Gondar) peasant revolt opposing the overthrow of the
Emperor. The revolt was brutally crushed using meclnanized brigades and F5-E jet ﬁghter aircraft.
Fourth, the nationalization of the rural land and the prohibition of the use of hired farm labor had
further intensiﬁed peasant protest in the North. Many peasants in Tigray, Wailo and parts of
Northern Gondar were either engaged in trade or work in other's farms for additional income. in
view of that, the nationalization of commercial farms in the Malamma and Humara areas
(nortinwestem part of Ethiopia) that used to provide employment opportunities for ﬂiese peasants
ceased to exist. Many of the Humera-Malamma lowlanders, in a show of deﬁance against the
regime, “killed their cattle, destroyed buildings, burned down the Bank of Humera, and either took
their farm equipment and harvested grains to the Sudan or destroyed it." 24 As a result around 200,

000 peasants, most of tinem from Tigray, lost good sources of income. Finally, the destruction of

 

22 John Young, Peasant Revolution irn Eth'm’ . The Tgpy People’s Liberation Front, 1975-1991,
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 16; Mega Publishing Enterprise, Terrarochin Yamﬂata Tnvulid
(The Generation that Moved Mountains) (Addis Ababa: Mega Publishing Enterprise, 1989 EC), pp. 27-30. (Hereafter,
Terrara.); Kiﬂu Tadesse, The Generation, Part ll Eth'ppia: Transformation and Conﬂict (Lanham: University Press of
America, 1998), 89, 92-93, 338-339.

23Seefortine warriortradition oflinese patsofllnecountry, TeshaeTibebu, “WaCultureandtheQuestfor
Democracy in Ethiopia“ in lmbylta, Vol. i, No. l, (Summer, 1990), 7-9.

“In prerevolulion Ethiopia, weapons and their trafﬁc was unregulated. Hence, by the time of the Revolution
therewasan estimated 9,000,000pistolsaid riﬂesin civilian hards. Ofthese, peopleofAddisAbanaaonehad
300,000 of the riﬂes and pistols. Yet, the series of house-to-house searches that the Kebeies conducted during the
height of the Red Terror and in the subsequent years, alnnost all Ethiopians were unarmed, save the Derg and its'
cronies. Hence, riﬂes and pistols become the source of authority. See Andargaclnew, The Ethpm’ 'an RevoluM’ , 210.

24 Young, Egg; Revolution, 93, 101.

51

their farms had other repercussions: Peasant-traders who used to trade between Humera-Matama
and Gondar, and Humera-Matama and Tigray had been negatively affected. Though the Derg
revived the farms at a later date,25 its attempt to control trade and the many customs checkpoints,
was discouraging.“5 These peasant-traders were often left with no choice except leaving the
country for Sudan or joining one or the other guerilia movements operating in the region.

The establishment of military bases in Northem Ethiopia either by EPRP or the many other
anti-govemment movements had dire consequences for the peasants of the region. For instance,
in addition to carrying out guerrilla attacks against the Derg, EPRP also conducted raids against
peasants whom it considered “bandits."27 At times, however, the term bandit could also include
peasants who opposed EPRP. To neutralize these “bandits“ EPRP’s army sometimes took military
action, including holding their families hostage.28

Peasants could also suffer, in addition to the Derg military campaigns and bombardments,
as a result of the rivalry between two or more guerrilla movements. By the ﬂme EPRA established
its position in Tigray, the Tigrayan Peoples Liberation Front (T PLF) had also commenced its
activities in the same province. in addition to the TPLF, the Tigrayan Liberation Front (T LF) was
also operating in Tigray. However, the TPLF was able to successfully wipe out the rival, TLF and
its peasant supporters, from Tigray. While the leaders of TLF were lured to their execution in the
guise of merger, 29 its combatants were either co-opted into the ranks of the TPLF, killed, left for
Sudan or sunendered to the government.

The TPLF action did not stop there. Since its inception, the organization had political

differences with EPRP: As its name suggests, the TPLF wanted independence ﬁom Ethiopia (a

 

25 Addis Zemen 38" Year, No. 60, Friday Hidar 13; and No. 105, Wednesday, Ginbot 5, 1972 EC.
25 Young, Peasant Revolution 94.

27 i0ﬂu, The Generation 371.

29 Young, Peasant Revolution 111.

29 Kiﬂu, The Generation 390.

 

 

 

 

 

52

political objective which the organization entertained until 1989) while EPRP was a pan-Etlniopian
organization. TPLF’s acceptance of the Eritrean issue as a colonial question was another source of
friction between TPLF and EPRP.3°

The scarcity of resources such as manpower, food, and territory in Tigray further
intensiﬁed the rivalry between EPRP and TPLF. As Kiﬂu Taddese, a leading member of EPRP and
the architect of the urban guerrilla struggle, noted the TPLF and the EPRA traversed the same
area. Unlike the contacts with other organizations, EPRP’s relationship with the TPLF was a
necessity for the survival of botin armed groups, who had differing political goals and conﬂicting
objectives."31

Many EPRP members had also a very low regard for the TPLF, citing their lack of Marxist-
Leninist ﬂneoretic‘ai sophistication, lack of academic distinction and peasant background.32 The
TPLF, also known as Wayane, accused EPRP of being a chauvinist and demanded that it should
leave Tigray for the Tigrayans and began attacking EPRP cadres. EPRP was also accused of
attacking TPLF cadres. The whole scenario, as Kiﬂu Taddesse, one of the founders of
EPRP/EPRA, put it “. . . both organizations would involve themselves in a conﬂict to win over a
peasant association. Conﬂicts will also arise when recruiting peasant militia and TPLF members
were enraged when many peasants continued to support the EPRA. The conﬂicts were not
conﬁned to the EPRA and TPLF alone, but also the ELF, which operated in the Tigray-Eritrean
border. Conﬂicts might arise because of tenitoriai claims or grazing land that the villages on the
Eritrean and Tigrayan side wanted to control."33 The rivalry and confrontation between EPRP and

TPLF was militarily resolved on March 25, 1978. EPRP losst almost half of its ﬁghting force, EPRA,

 

3° IGﬂu, The Generation 339, 389; Andagachew, The Ethm' 'an Revolution, 213-214; Young, Peasant
Revolution 99, 111; Africa Conﬁdential Vol. 19, No. 13, January 23,1978.

3‘ IGﬂu, The Generation 390.

32 Kiﬂu, The Generation 392; Andargachew, The Elm ' Revolution, 214.

33 Kiﬂu The Generation 394; for opposing view as to who began the killings see, Young, Peasant
Revolution 109.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

and left Tigray once and for all: Sonne of its ﬁghters left for Eritrea while others left for Gondar,
Wallo and Sudan.3f

After some ﬁve months of repose in ELF-held tenitory in Eritrea, the remaining force of
EPRA departed for Northern Gondar where EPRA had established a base in 1975, and where it
had been conducting some military operations since then.35 The forces from Tigray, the new
arrivals from the urban centers, mainly from Gondar, had inﬂated EPRA’s numbers in the region.
As a result, EPRA was able to conduct a series of military operations throughout the Gondar
province. In some of these operations, EPRA subdued peasants of the region either after it had
killed some of them or conﬁscated their cattle. The latter action was most effective in breaking
peasant resistance. Despite this initial setback, EPRP/EPRA was able to lay down a very strong
foundation among the peasants of Bagemider and Semen. In these areas the peasants, besides
serving as militia, had become party members and provided leadership to local party committees.36

As in Tigray, the peasants of Bagemider and Semen (tinis name was changed to Gondar
after the 1974 Revolution) suffered from both the Derg military campaigns and the rivalries
between EPRP and the Ethiopian Democratic Union (EDU). The latter was established in 1975 and
mainly consisted of former government ofﬁcials, including the grandson-in-law of the late Emperor
who managed to escape capture. The organization was able to mobilize about 10,000 peasants
and hired laborers from Gondar and Tigray region. In fact in 1977, the EDU had controlled
Humera-Malamma areas; and was on the door of the city of Gondar. Such daring action by the

EDU had forced the Derg to pull its mechanized unit of the Third Division from Harar and transfer it

 

3" Andagaclnew, The Eth'm‘an Revolution,. 214; Tesfaye Mekonnen, Yidras Lebaie Tareku (Addis Ababa:
Birarra Electro Asatame, 1985),149 -150.

35 Andargachew, The Ethpp' ian Revolution, 214; Young, Peasant Revolution 111.

35 iGﬂu, The Generation 417-419, 421.

 

 

to Bagemider and Semen province. From linen and until its demise, the Derg stationed more than
four divisions in the province. 37*

Meanwhile, certain areas of the Gondar province (Walqait and the districts in Wagara)
became a bone of contention between EPRP and EDU. The former, using legal channels, was
sometimes able to arm its peasant supporters against EDU-"lit One of the consequences was a
battle between EDU and EPRP that involved peasants of the province, and in which the peasantry
was either killed, its property destroyed, or the peasantry was forced to leave its villages and follow
the footsteps of the organization it supported.

EDU also operated in Tigray. Yet, its activities in Tigray were not as successful as it was in
Gondar. Like EPRP, EDU had to vie against the TPLF. EDU was able to survive for some time,
mainly in the Shiraro area, but ﬁnally the TPLF defeated EDU, and wiped it out of Tigray. This
coupled with the Derg’s counteroffensive in 1977, forced EDU out of Ethiopia into Sudan. Since
then, it failed to exist as a viable force against the Derg.39

The signiﬁcance of the defeat of EPRP and EDU in the nortinem and nortlnwestem parts of
Ethiopia is not in their lost bid for power, but their effect on the urban youth and the peasantry of
the regions where they have had military or political operations at one time or anotiner. EPRP
introduced Marxist ideas to the peasants of the region, opened schools, recnrited and trained
militias, and it had even co-opted some peasants as cadres and party members. EDU too had

done similar linings, with the exception of exposing the peasant to Marxism-Leninism. Thus, when

 

37 Bolbol, 'Ethiopia: Political Power and the Military." 69; Africa Conﬁdential Vol. 18 No. 16, (August 5 1977);
Addis Zemen 34'| Year, No. 688, Tuesday, Miyazia14, 1967 EC; Abera, 27; Andagachew, The Elm ' Revolution,
207.

 

" When Col. Mengistu was asked about the Red Terror in Gondar and his lieutenants, Major Malaku’s, brutal
deeds, Mengistu tried to justify the action and proudly proclaimed that to curb anti-revolutionary“ activities in the region,
he stationed rrnore than four army divisions in the province. See Genet, Yﬂpa Colonel Ma_ngstu, 203-204.

3" Killu, The Generation 422-423, 424.

39 Young, African Guerrillas 3940; Andargaclnew, The Ethppi' 'an Revolution, 207; Dawit Wolde Giorgis, _R_e_d
Tears: War, Famine, gd Revolution In Ethgpg’ ' (New away. Red Sea Press, 1989), 118.

 

 

55

these organizations lost, almost all their peasant members had to leave their villages for Sudan. By
joining the EPRP or EDU, the peasants had antagonized the Derg which had recaptured some of
the so called “liberated areas" that had been either under EPRP or EDU.

The peasants had also alienated themselves from their kin while trying to implement EPRP
or EDU’s programs. Even if they had not, they had to leave their locale. Soon after the departure of
EPRP and EDU, the TPLF, the deadliest enemy of EPRP, had begun its incursions into the
region.40

In this same period, the contradiction between the Christian dominated EPLF and TPLF on
one hand and the Muslim dominated ELF on the other, had reached a stage of no retum.
Accordingly, the ELF fought botin fronts and suffered causalilies. Finally, the Derg’s 1980 Red Star
Campaign forced the ELF to retreat, like EPRP and EDU, to Sudan!1 Africa Conﬁdential reported
that the Sudanese government had disanned 3000 ELF ﬁghters who had entered Sudan for
repose.42 in addition to military reverses, a sizable number of disillusioned EPLF and ELF
members had chosen life in exile in Sudan.43

There were also instances in which contending opposition forces killed civilians. One such
example was the 1988 joint EPLF and TPLF massacre of 300 Afars of the Bori region. The Bori,
tinough supportive of Eritrean independence, were sympatinizers of the ELF.“ However, this does
not mean that the TPLF-EPLF alliance was devoid of problems. At the height of the 1984 famine,
the EPLF refused to let in relief supplies via Kassala, Sudan, into Tigray. This forced the TPLF to
open a new relief supply route that starts from Tamben, crosses western Tigray, passes through
Wolkait (in North Gondar), and enters Sudan. Not only tinis, the TPLF had also instructed hundreds

 

‘0 Africa Conﬁdential Vol. 24, No. 19, September 21, 1983.

4‘ Aﬁica Conﬁdential, Vol. 21, No. 16; David Pool, “ The Eritrean Liberation Front" in Christopher Ciapharn
(ed.) African Guerrillas (Kanpla: Fountain Publishers, 1998), 27.

42Africa Conﬁdential Vol. 22, No. 25, December 9, 1981.

43 Killu, The Generation 177.

4‘ Africa Cothial, Vol. 30, No. 17, August 25, 1989.

 

 

 

56

of thousands of peasants to leave their village for Sudan, partly to cope with the famine situation
and partly for propaganda reasons. This mass dislocation and the congregation of thousands of
people at Wadi Hauli camp, near the Sudanese border, resulted in epidemic and innumerable
deaths of the young and the old .45 it also introduced the Tigray peasant lo refugeeism on a
massive scale. Although many of the famished peasants had stayed in famine relief refugee camps
in Sudan until the TPLF told them to return, some had strayed into other refugee camps and
beyond.

In 1989, some Eritreans had to ﬂee to Sudan not because of the Derg, but to avoid
conscription into the ranks of the EPLF which was getting ready for a showdown witin the Derg.46
As John Young notes “ villages in Eritrea would sometimes be sunounded by EPLF ﬁghters and
youth selected and taken away at a gun point for military training . . . (Thus, many Eritrean youths]
left their homes to avoid being forcefully conscripted into the EPLF."47

in sum, the Ethic-Somali war and the counter offensive of the Derg against the
secessionists in the North such as the EPLF, tine ELF, and the TPLF had resulted, beside other
linings, in the displacement of hundreds of thousands of people: By 1978/79, about 300,000 people
from Eritrea, more than 600,000 from Harar and Bale left for Sudan and Somalia respectively."8
Thus, in the early 19805 there were about 2 million Ethiopian refugees in the neighboring countries.
Moreover, in August 1985, which was the height of the Derg’s military offensive in Eritrea, between

400-700 refugees were ﬂocking to Sudan, every day.49

 

‘5 Giday, “Tigrai Eyaya Bey," 45.

‘5 Ahica Conﬁdential Vol. 31, No. 6, Mach 19, 1990.

47 Young, Peasant Revolution 127.

‘8 David R. Smock, “Eritrean Refugees in Sudan," IE Journal of Modern African Studies, Vol. 20, No. 3
(1982), 451, 453-454; Getachew Metaferia and Maigenet Shilfenaw, The Ethiopian Revolution of 1974 and the Exodus
of Ethgpi' 'a’s Trained Human Resources (Lewiston: E. Mn Press, 1991), 5; see also Africa Conﬁdentia. Vol. 21, no.
17, August 13, 1980.

49 we“ Conﬁdential, Vol. 26, no. 20, October 1, 1985.

 

 

57

Chapter II. 1.3: Drought, Famine and an ill-Advised Economic Policy

The military campaign also began taxing the already declining economy: From the days of
the revolution, Ethiopia's military spending grew at an average rate of 19 per cent annually. In 1974
Ethiopia’s military expenditure was $105.8 m. By 1988, however, this ﬁgure had reached to $1,
500m, which represented 54 per cent of the country’s GDP. 50

Meanwhile since 1974, agricultural production was declining at an average rate of 0.4 per
cent every year while population growth was almost 3 per cent. The government's socialist
economic policy furtiner worsened the situation. Agriculture, on which 80 to 90 percent of the
population depended for its livelihood, was only contributing 40 per cent of the GDP. To improve
the country’s agricultural performance, the junta tried to revive some of the commercial farms. It
also decided to mobilize farmers into agricultural cooperatives. 5‘ Accordingly, in the early days of
the program, roughly 1.2 per cent of peasant households were forcefully organized into
cooperatives.

The government also planned to increase the number of cooperatives by incorporating
over 50 percent of the farmers within ten years. By 1988, the state farms only produced 4 to 5 per
cent of the total crop production of the country, and half of the land which was allotted for state
farms was not cultivated. Besides, despite the channeling of 85 per cent of the agriculture credit
and 75 per cent of improved seed to state farms, 95 per cent of production and 65 per cent of
marketed agricultural goods come from the smallholder sector.52

Amidst this, the military government, which blamed the 1974 famine on Haile Sellassie,

was faced with one of the most severe famines the country had ever witnessed. As of March 1984,

 

5° Africa Conﬁdential Vol. 30, No. 4, February 17, 1988. See also Anthony H Cordesman, The Mm [y
Balance and Arms Sales in Yemen and the Red Sea States:1986-1992 Centerfor Strategic and International Studies
(CSIS) Middle East Dynamic Net Assessment, (September 1993), 40, 46.

51 Africa Conﬁdential Vol. 30. No.4, Feb.17, 1988; Marcus, MM, 212.

52 Aﬁica Conﬁdential Vol. 30. No. 4, Feb.17, 1988.

 

 

 

58

it was believed that out of the 15 administrative regions 12 were affected with drought; the worst
affected areas being the northern part of the country. From these regions, an estimated 6.4 million
Ethiopians become drought victims of which 1.2 million were displaced.53

To avert criticism from the lntemational community, to implements its socialist agricultural
policies, and as an ultimate solution for the famine, the Derg embarked on the grand but ill-fated
resettlement campaign.54 Accordingly, by 1984 about 46,000 households comprising 150,000
people were settled in 11 regions and 88 locations.55 These sites were lowlands mainly found in
southern and western parts of the country: Gambelia, Assossa, and Metekel which the government
believed to be very fertile and unoccupiedfi6 They all were nearer to Sudan. The majority of the
people, however, were highlanders from the northern part of the country: 64.1 per cent Amharas,
15.2 per cent Tigrayans, 7.25 per cent Oromos, 6.5 per cent Kembattas, 4.7 per cent Hadiyaﬁ7

On arriving at the encampments, the settlers were dismayed: The area was lowland, to
which they were not accustomed. The climate, besides inhibiting tinem from producing diverse

crops, exposed them to various diseases. Then, the quota system, which forced them to sell their

 

53 The 1984 drought had also another irnpiication: Until this tirrne, Ethiopians med to have accepted the
Derg’s propaganda against “US Imperialism.“ However, the drought and America's massive food aid, it contributed the
largest food aid while Russia which supplied the junta with $2.5b worth of arms by 1985 pledged one-tentin of what
Arneriaa offered, and the musical group’s (USA for Africa) contribution, and the overall humanitarian effort had
convinced Ethiopians to view America in a positive light. The food aid might have also porh‘ayed America as a land of
plenty and hence a possible destination of migration. For the amount of USA and USSR’s food aid in 1984/85 and its
impact on the Etiniopian public, see “Ethiopia's Drought, " Africa Rem, Vol. 30, No. 1, (Jan-Feb, 1985), 47-49; m
Rem, Vol. 30, No. 2 (March-April, 1985); Africa Rpm, Vol. 30, No. 6 (November-December, 1985), Africa BM
Vol. 30, No. 5 (September-October, 1985); Africa Conﬁdential Vol. 27, No. 8, 1986.

54 Peter Niggli, Ethiom’a: Deﬂtions and Forced-Labor Comps, Switzerland on Beh_ai_f of the Beylipey
Mg ionswerk, 2. For opposing view on the resettlement see Hagos Gebreyesus, “North American Perceptions of
Conﬂict in the Horn of Africa: A Discussion Paper, Consultations on the Horn ofAfrica 21-23 Nov. 1986." Horn ofAfrica
Erge_c_t' Institute of Peace and Conﬂict Studies, Conrad Grebel College, University of Wabrioo, Ontario, Canada, 16.

Theautinorclaimed tinattlneresettiennentprogram wasaweliplanedarndorganizedandtinatilisoniy
reactionaries who opposed it in the guise of human rights violation.

55 Alula Pankhurst, “When the Center Relocates the Periphery: Resettlement During the Derg“ in Ethm‘ 'a in
Broader may nge_rs of the Xllith lntemational Conference of Etin'm’an Studies, Katsuyoshi Fukui et a (Ed) in
Two Volumes. Vol II, (Kyoto, Janai. 12-17, Dec 1997), 540. See also Africa Conﬁdential Vol. 26, No. 1, Jan. 2,
1985.

 

 

 

55Parkhurst'WhentheCenterRelocalesthePeriphery,"545.Fortinesettler'slileinAssossaseeNiggli,

Etin' 'a: ' s and F Com 28-38.
57 Pankhurst, “When the Center Relocates the Periphery," 546, 540-541.

59

surplus at a ﬁxed price to the government run Agricultural Marketing Board, was another source of
discontent. Moreover, the point system used in the collective farms of the settlers tends to favor the
literate and people with military background.58

As it could be expected from the above, the Ethiopian people in general and those from
the nortinem half of the country, including Addis Ababa in particular, had suffered tremendous
injustices. To all the injustices, Ettniopians responded in three major ways: Some submitted to the
whims of the Derg and the partisan movements while the majority of Ethiopians choose passive
resistance. The remaining opted to leave Ethiopia for the neighboring countries, mainly Sudan.59

Chapter II. 2: Why Etinioplans Preferred Sudan for Refuge?

Although Ethiopia has four neighbors, Sudan remained the main outlet for Ethiopian
refugees. For instance, in 1991 out of the, 1, 066, 300 Ethiopian refugees in the neighboring
countries, 66 per cent had left for Sudan, 33 per cent for Somalia, and the rest went to Kenya, and
Djibouti.60

There are a number of reasons why Etiniopians preferred Sudan as a point of initial refuge
than other neighboring countries: The Etinio-Somali border was not safe for people to ﬂee the
country because of the border tension between the two countries. Botln countries had deployed a
considerable number of their armed forces on the common border until the Djibouti accord of April
1988, where bottn Ethiopia and Somalia agreed to pullout troops from the border.61

Thus, not only was the border tightly monitored but also dangerous for refugees and

political dissidents, especially for non-Somali speakers, who might try to enter Somalia. it is also

 

58 Pankhurst, "When the Cernter Relocates the Periphery" 546; see also Africa Rgpg Vol. 30. No 2 (Macin-
April, 1985), 40.

59 Tekle M. Woldemikael, “Ethiopians and Eritreans“ in % Studies in Dim ' : Refugﬂ in America in the
w, David W. Haines (ed.) (Westport Praeger, 1997), 269.

5° Tekle, “Ethiopians and Eritreans,“ 272; see also Jonatinan Baker, Studies on Emcee and Di&
Relief, Rpm No. 2, Refugee and Labor Movrﬂnt in Sub-Saharan Africa (Nordiska Afrikainstilute, 1995), 8-10.

5‘ Uonel Cliffe, “Regional Dimensions of the Conﬂict in the Horn of Africa," in Third World 9pm. Vol. 20,
No 1, (1999), p. 91; Dawit, Red Teas 309.

 

worth noting that the ‘Red Terror and the indiscriminate killings were conducted mainly in the
urban centers. Except in Tigray and Eritrea, many of the residents of these urban centers were
Amharas. In fact, almost all towns in soutlnem Ethiopia were established as ‘neftegna’
(settler/coionizer) camps in the nineteenth century.62 For Amharas and others, who usually reside
in the highland plateau, the desert is unbearable. It is also difﬁcult to camouﬂage oneself as a
Somali. Besides, many Ethiopians who successfully made it to Somalia suffered under Somali
hands.63 Despite tinis, tinough their number was less compared to Sudan, tinere were hundreds of
thousands of Etiniopian refugees in Northern Somalia. These were mainly people ﬁom Harar,64 who
may have also understood Somali, in addition to Amharic, and thus eluded the ordeals of being an
Amhara.

Djibouti and Kenya, compared to Sudan, seemed less attractive to an Ethiopian refugee.
The former, because of its strong economic ties with Etlniopia, did not seem to be willing to
antagonize the Derg by being center for refugees who might also be opposed to the government.
Accordingly, the Derg seemed to have a freehand in Djibouti. The current government in Ethiopia,
too, is engaged in similar practices. In 1991, it grabbed and brought to justice some of the highly
wanted Derg ofﬁcials such as Major Melaku Tafera, the notorious butcher of Gondar, who had

taken shelter in Djibouti.65

 

‘52 See Akalu Wolde Mikael, “Urban Development in Etiniopia in Time and Space Perspective" University of
California, 1997. Ph. D dissertation; see also “Sornne Tlnoughls on the Process of Urbanization in Pre-Mntieth
Century," Ethpp' ian @ﬁphical Journal, Vol. 5, No., 2, (1967); also Harold G. Macus, A Hism of Eth'm‘a
(Berkeley: University Press, 1994), 105.

63 See All Hassan, “Yaetiycpiya sidategnoch besornaiiya wusr't ‘baeliyopiyawiyan’ eji ymifasamibechew gif'
[Ethiopian Refugees in Somaia: The injustices they Suffered in “Ethiopian" Hands] W Vol. I, No. IV,
(May 1994), 89-92.

6" Mekuria Buiclna, “Cornquest and Forced Migration: An Assessment of the Ororrno Experience" (ed.)
Seyoum Y. Hameso, Trevor Trueman, Temesgen M. Erena in Eth'm'g: Cpnguest grip the Qggg g Freedom and
My (London: TSC Publication, 1997), 43-44.

55 Djibouti is country dominated by two major ethnic groups, the Afar and lssa, which in turn ae subdivided
into clans and sub clans. This ethnic fragmentation coupled with the absence of a democratic government in the
country had made Djibouti a scene of etlnnocentric conﬂict The latter phenmna, in addition to weakening the wntral
govemnent, hadcreatedai opportunityfortineneighborirng countriessucln as Etiniopiaand Somalia, andsinoe 1993,

61

Kenya, too, was not conducive for refugees at least until after 1991. Because of the
common tlnreat from Somalia, Kenya was always keen to work with Ethiopia. As the 1991 refugee
situation might depict, many refugees including hundreds of Addis Ababa University Students, who
ﬂed to Kenya in the aftennatin of EPRDF’s victory, had been repatriated to Ethiopia, willingly!
Kenya, thus, did not want any troubles from Etiniopia because of refugees; and tinus prefened to
“repatriate' them anytime at the behest of the Derg or the current government. Moreover, no
lntemational organization opposed this and similar refoulements by governments in the Horn of
Africa.66

Since the mid-19905, however, the Ethiopian refugee route of ﬂight has cinanged. Kenya is
today becoming the main destination of Ethiopian refugees in the Horn of Africa. This shift is not
accidental. In fact, it is a reﬂection of the changing politico-diplomatic realignment that is taking
place among the East African countries. Sudan, which served as the springboard for almost all
anti-Ethiopian elements and hence a haven for refugees, has ceased to provide the unconditional
hospitality that it offered to Ethiopians since 1991. Its relationship with EPRDF has become very
friendly for a number of reasons. One, its problems with Eritrea, which is also at Ioggerheads with
Ethiopia, had compelled Sudan to seek friendly ties with Etlniopia. The latter, on its part, had
refrained from supporting the Sudanese Peoples Liberation Army (SPLA) to which the Derg’s
Ethiopia, for that matter Haile Sellassie’s Ethiopia as well, were providing military training,
weapons, and a safe heaven.67 Second, unlike earlier tinnes norlin and nortinwestem Etiniopia,

 

Eritrea to muddle in the internal affairs of Djibouti. See Peter. J. Schraeder, “Etinnic Politics in Djibouti: From “Eye of the
Hurricane’ to “Boiling Cauldron," African Affairs Vol.92, No. 367 (April 1993), 203-221.

0‘5 Enocino O. Opondo, “Refugee Repatriation in the Horn of Africa: A Contextual Overview of Some Socio-
Economic, Legal and Administrative Constraints,“ Tim Allen (ed) In Search of Cool Ground: War, Flg' ht and
Hming in Northeast Africa (New Jersey: Aﬁica World Press, Inc., 1996), 25.

67 See Spencer, Etin'm'a at Bay, 306, 321. Besides, Haile Sellassie had abo promised Sudan final he will
curtail the Etinio-israeli support given to the southem Sudanese liberation movement, Anyana. In return, Sudan had

agreed to limit its support to ELF. See Robert G. Patrnan, The Soviet Union in the Horn of Africa: The Dimicy of
intervention and W l (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 87-88.

 

62

which used to be centers of political turmoil and hence major source of refugee ﬂow to Sudan, are
relatively calm. Meanwhile, south and soutineastem Ethiopia, which was relatively calm in earlier
times, isn’t anymore. It is in tinese areas, including western Ethiopia, where one of the major
opposition political party and national liberation movement, the OLF, is operating. As a
consequence of this new political development in Ethiopia and due to the cultural ties that existed
between some of the Oronno clans (Boren) in Ethiopia and Kenya, Etlniopians, mainly Oromo
refugees are entering Kenya in large numbers. Third, the dissolution of Somalia as a state—a state
that posed a common threat due to its irredentist claims against Etiniopia and Kenya—seemed to
have lessened the desire for Kenya and Ethiopia to watch eacln others back; and hence Kenya's
increased willingness to accept Etiniopian refugees, some of tinern members of Ethiopian opposition
political groups with armed wings such as the OLF. Four, the statelessness in Somalia, a country
which used to provide shelter to anti-Ethiopian parties, had resulted in constant political turmoil and
hence no sane Ethiopian went to Somalia seeking refuge. The absence of Somalia as a viable
state increased Kenya’s desirability as potential refugee center. Therefore, because of the
aforesaid developments, there is defiantly a shift in the ethnic origin and destination of Etlniopian
refugees. However, for the 19805 refugees and immigrants in America, who constitute the majority
of Ethiopians in the USA, Kenya’s role as a center ﬁom where Ethiopian refugees were resettled
into the U.S.A. is very small or non-existent.

Witln Sudan, however, the scenario seemed different. Botin Etiniopia and Sudan share the
longest contiguous border in Africa—a border which has also lots of vents: There are many

caravan trails and waterways that cut across the border. Some of these routes date from ancient

times and continued toserve even today.“ThiswassopartiyduetotheNorth Central Massifstinat
made the caravan trails and some of the mountain passes unavoidable to traders.69

Annorng sucln trade routes the Gondar, Malaria, Basonda (in Sudan), and Gondar, Om Hagar
(in present day Eritrea), then into Sudan are sonne. And tinese were a few of the main patins that
connected the Ethiopian Empire for centuries and continued to do so even today.70 Many of the trade
routes had their roots in the soutinem part of Ethiopia. In addition to this, the many trading posts which
were established by colonial powers between Ethiopia and Sudan: Gambelia, (in lllubabor province of
Ethiopia and on the Baro River), Kumiruk and Gizan (in Wallega Province) had further strengthened
the relation betweentlnetwoneighbors. Gambelia, forirnstance, had accountedfor20percentofthe
Ethiopian export trade prior to the Itan-Etiniopian Wa of 1935.71

Traders continued to use some of these routes, despite the introduction of nnodern
infrastructure. These traders, often were contrabandists, who were encouraged by the scarcity of
commodities especially during the reign of the Derg, whose command-economy principles had
exacerbated such problems. Thus, notwitinstanding the existence of stringent controls and the
establishment of checkpoints, contraband trade between Ethiopia and Sudan ﬂourished. Cattle
from Ethiopia were exchanged for riﬂes, salt and other processed goods from Sudan.72 Despite the

 

6° Yuri M. Kobishclnarnov, Axum, J. W. Michwls (ed.) and Lorraine J. Kapiianoff (trans), (London: The
Pensyivania State University, 1979), 186.

69 F. J. Sirrnoorns, Northwest Ethm‘ ’a: Pm and Economy, (Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1960),
205. Mesh Wolde Malian. WWW (Midis Ababa. 1972). 137-38.40-

7oSeefortinevarioustraderoutestlnatconnected Etiniopiawitin SudanandtheotherpatsoflheworldC.F.
Beckinghan and G.W.B. Huntinglord (trans, and eds), Some Records of Ethpp 'a 1593-1646, (Nenden: Kraus Reprirnl
Lirnited,1967), 31, 39, 42, 191-192; James Bruce, Travels to Discover the Source of the Nile in the ye_a_r§ 1768, 1769, 1770,
1T71. 1772 and 1773, (Edirnburgh: G.G.J. and J. Robinson, 1790), in ﬁve volumes. Volume lll, 185, 490, 381; N. Peace,
The Life and Advernlure of Nationae Peace J.J. Hais (ed), (Lorndorn: Heary Colburu and Richard Poerntley, 1831), in two
volumesVol. ii, 10, W. W. Plowdern, TravelsinAbm‘ iaandtheGalaCounywilhaiAocountofMissiontoRasAli
(Lorndon: Gregg lnbmational Publishers Limited, 1972), 126-127; M. Abir, Ethm’ 'a: The Era of the Princes: The Chm
oflslan and the Reuniﬁcation oftlne Christian m' 1769-1855 (London: Longnais, 1968), 45, 51.

7‘ Margery Perhan, The Government of Eth'w’ (Lorndorn: Faner and Faner Limited, 1969), 179, See aso Eisai
Kurinnoto, “Trade Relatiorns Betwwn Western Etlniopia arid the Nile Valey During the Nirneteerntin Ceritnry," Jouma of
Elm ' Studies, Vol. XXVIII, N01, (1995), 53-63.

72 Shmuel Avranan and Arbne Kushner, Treacherous Joum. My Em From EM ' (New York:
Shapolsky Publishers, Inc, 1986), 135-136.

 

war in Tigray, the TPLF, too, was involved in this illegal cross-boarder trade. it exported agricultural
products to in exchange of items like salt, which it redistributed to the rest of Ethiopia.73 However,
most contraband traders were individuals drawn horn the local peasants, fanner-trader, who reside
adjoining the Etinio-Sudanese border (Matemma and Humara localities) and there were also some
traders from the highlands of Gondar.

it was also these traders who were increasingly involved in smuggling out people across
the border. In return for their daring service, they were paid handsomely, Eth$ 600 and above per
person. It appears that a person who wanted to travel to Sudan during the rainy season was
expected to pay more. 74 One rational for the increase in guiding fee was the rivers that usually
overﬂow during the rainy season and, therefore, made travel difﬁcult. Besides, it was during this
time of year that peasants were engaged in farming. Thus, they did not want to risk the source of
their main livelihood, farming, for a dangerous job that would not cover their annual income.

Almost tinroughout their modern history, Ethiopians seemed to have always looked towards
Sudan as an abode at times of distress: During the reign of Yohanness iV (1871-1889), because of
his religious policy, and during the Great Famine of 1889, people had migrated to Sudan.75 in the
years of Italian occupation (1935-1941), too, many Etiniopians had left for Sudan. It was also in
Sudan that Emperor Haile Silassie and Orde Wingate planned the campaign against the Italians.76

Sudan had also other variables that bind it with Ethiopia and that makes it a favorite
destination for Etiniopian refugees. One such factor is population movement within and outside of

the politically delineated tenitories which is a common phenomena in the African continent. Such

 

’3 Alemsged Abbay, Idengty' Jilted or Remﬂg‘ ldentn_tﬂ' The M tPaths of the Eritrean and Tigpyan
Nationalist Struggles (New Jersey: Red Sea Press Inc, 1998), 120.

7‘ Tadele Seyoum Teshaie Willi the Assistance of ngnia Lee Barnes, The Life H_i_s_torv of an Ethm‘ 'an
R” (1984-1991): S_op_u' min the Fourth World (Lewiston: E. Mellen Press, 1991), 47.

75 Zewde Gebre-Seliassie, Yohannes IV of Eth'gm‘ : A Political Bm’ My (Oxford: At the Clarendon Press,
1975), 97, 170, 179.

7'5 Haile Sellassie l lung of Kings of Ethiopia, My Life and Ethm‘ ‘ 's Pmress, Vol. II, (ed.) Harold Marcus at
al (East Lansing: Michigan State University, 1994), 109-140.

65

movement could be triggered by natural calamities, population pressure or could be part of the
survival mechanism of groups of people such as pastoralists. Accordingly, any cross border
migration of Etiniopians into Sudan could also be the result of a combination of all or part of these
factors. For instance, the Beni Amir and the Habab not only migrate to Sudan but also reside
straddling the two countries.77 For these two tribes and many oﬂners Port Sudan, the largest city
next to Khartoum, is the center of attraction.

Kassala was one of the main destinations for Etiniopian migrants prior to the Etiniopian
Revolution. It is only 40 kilometers away from the Eritrean town of Tessenei. So well-situated was
the city the ltaiians planned to construct a railway line that connected the Sudanese town of
Kassla, and the Ethiopian town of Tessenei, and thence to Humera and Gondar.78

Besides its geographic proximity, Kassala was also important as the spiritual capital for the
Khatrniya Islamic sect whose adherents reside on both sides of the of the Etinio-Sudanese border.
The founder of the Klnatrniya order, AI Sayed Al Hassan, was buried tinere. In addition, one of the
founders of the Muslim League Party of Eritrea, Sayed Abu Baker al Mirghani, was a Khatrniya. As
a result, not only Kassala became the spiritual center for the Eritrean Muslims, but also one of the
very few places where the Eritrean Peoples Liberation Front (ELF) established branch ofﬁces in its
early days.79 Accordingly, it was natural for the ﬁrst wave of Eritrean refugees to ﬂee to Kassala in
19605 where they had no problem eitiner identifying themselves as followers of the Khatrniya order

or co-etinnics.

 

77 Ahnned Karadawi, “The Problem of Urban Refugee in Sudan," John R Rogge (ed), Refum: A Third
World Dilemma (New Jersey: Rowrnan 8 Littleﬁeld Pubiehers,1987),117;See also J. Spencer Trirnirnghan, Islan irn
gﬂigpiawxford: Oxford University Press, 1952), 155-158.

78 E. Sylvia Pankhurst, Eritrea on the Eve: The Past and the Future of lt_a_l[s ‘First—bom “Colony, Etth‘ ia’s
Ancient Sea Province (Essex: New Times and Ethiopian News Books, 1952), 16.

79Karadawi, “TheProbiemofUrban RefugeeinSudan,'119,TheKhatrnyyaorderisasolmownas
Mirghaniyya; see Trimingham, Islan in Ethm’ 'a, 244-246.

66

Capitalist penetration, such as the development of commercial farms in eastern Sudan in
the 19605 added another dimension on the nature and pattern of the cross border relation between
Ethiopia and Sudan. The farming was capital intensive and mechanized. Yet, there was always a
demand for farm labor, which now began to be supplied by Ethiopians, mainly from Eritrea. It was
during this time that the secessionist struggle commenced in Eritrea; and thus people began to
migrate to eastern Sudan. As a result, Tawawa, a small eastern Sudanese border town, evolved as
one of the oldest refugee camps sheltering Etiniopiarns.80

in developed countries, governments maintain insurance programs that protected workers
and their families ﬁom the risk of deteriorating economic conditions, injury at work place, . . . etc.
But in poor countries like Ethiopia, there is no insurance against crop failure, unemployment, and
disability. Thus, one safety valve against such disaster is to migrate in search of jobs that could
help augment the meager income.81 Accordingly, the development of commercial farms in Sudan
began to furtlner attract laborers mainly, but not exclusively from Tigray and Gondar. Annong tinese
laborers, some acquired their own farm while others evolved into tractor mechanics, drivers, and
cross border haders. Some still continued to work on Sudanese farms during off farming season in
Ethiopia. These Ethiopians were sojoumers. After the harvest season, they always retumed to their

home, Ethiopia, (Gondar, Tigray, Wollo and even Gojjam)”

 

30 Jerry L. Weaver, “Sojourners along the Nile: Ethiopian Refugees in Klnartoum," Journal of Modern African
Studies. Vol. 23, No. 1, 1985, 147; we also Jason W. Clay and Bonnie K Holcomb, Politics and the Ethm’ 'an Fanirne,
1984-1985 (Cambridge: Cultural Survival Inc., 1986), 51.

31 Douglas Massey et al, “Theories of lntemational Migration: A Review and Appraisaif Ppmlation and
WMt Review. Vol. 19, No. 3, (1993), 437.

31’ Weaver, “Sojourners along the Nile," 147; Clay and Holcomb, Poﬁtics and the Ethm’ 'an Famine, 51.

" Because of the proximity of Gojjam to Wallega, one of the major coffee producing areas in Ethiopia, many
Gojjannes migrate to Wallega during the coffee harvesting seasons (approximately between December and May). As a
result of this, all daily laborers in Wallega are referred “Goje,” meaning “a man from Gojjam." However, these seasonal
IabormigrantsalsoincludepeopiefromGondar, especiallyaiocalityaalled Isle, insoutinern GondaandfromWollo.
Thus, seasonal iabormigration toareasofcash cropfromthe nortlnern halfoftinecountryisnotunknown among
Ethiopians, during pre and post-revolution days.

67

By the beginning of the 19705, Etiniopia, too, had started commercial farms in the central
and nortlnwestem part of the country. The latter was in Gondar province, in the Malamma-Humera
area, which adjoins the Sudanese border. With the help of the Extension and Project lmplernentation
Departrrnent (EPID) of the Ministry of Agriculture, the farmers were organized and established the
Walqayt Satit-Humara Farmers Multipurpose Cooperative Society Ltd., in 1969. This enabled them to
secure loans from the Agricultural and industrial Development Bank (AIDB). Therefore, thousands of
peasants from Gondar and Tigray moved to these farms. It is said that at the peak of the farming
season the number of laborers in Malamma-Humara towns reached between 80,000 and 150,000
people.83 In addition to the peasants. there were rural traders who were ferrying goods between
these border towns and the nearby cites.“

However, the rise of the military junta to power, the nationalization of the nrral and urban
land and the prohibition of the use of hired farm labor changed the whole situation in the border
towns. It virtually killed the commercial famns. As a result, it is said that tinousands of peasants,
most of them from Tigray, lost a good source of income.85

The destruction of the farm had other repercussions. The peasant-traders who used to
trade between Humera-Matama and Gondar, and Humera-Matama and Tigray were negatively

affected. Though, the Derg had revived the farms at a later date 35 its control of trade and the many

 

83 Solomon A Getainun, “ A Historyoftlne City ofGonda (1936-1974),“MA Thesis, Addis Ababa University 1994,
284.

0‘ Seafortineestablishmentandimpectofcommercialfamingon tinepeasants inthecantrai patoftlne
country Bulctna, “Conquest and Forced Migration," 3841; for earlier periods of agricultural development, labor
migration to nortlnwestem part of Ethiopia, and cross-boarder trade between Ethiopia (Humera), Sudan and italian
Eritrea see James C McCann, “A Dura Revolution and Frontier Agriculture in Northwest Etlniopia, 1898-1920" T_hc;
Journal pf African Hism, Vol. 31, No. 1 (1990), 121-134.

85 Young, Peasant Revolution 93-101.

‘3 Addis Zernen, 38" year, No. 60, Friday Hida 13; and No. 105, Wednesday, Ginbot 5, 1972 EC.

 

68

checkpoints were discouraging.87 Therefore, these people often have no choice except leaving the
country for Sudan or join one or the other guerilia movements operating in the region.

The political crisis in Etiniopia in general and the situation in Humera-Matama area in
particular had resulted in an inﬂux of refugees into Sudan. The latter, which always faced shortage

of labor, seemed to have proﬁted form the mayhem in Etlniopia. As Clay and Holcomb noted it:

Mostoftheearlyrefugeeswhoarrivedin Sudanfrom GondarandTigraywereforced

by the Sudanese to settle in refugee amps that became notorious for supplying cheap
labor to neighboring agricultural sclnennes in eastern Sudan. They have consequently
been widely refened as labor camps. Refugees in these camps were expected to work
for nearby Sudanese farmers, and it was projected that they would become “self-sufficient“
from the wages they eaned tlnere.all

Thus, the temporary settlement sites in eastern Sudan, which initially have been designed
as a labor pool for the country’s commercial farm, were transformed into refugee camps, with of
course the original purpose intact. Tawawa, thus, seemed to have remained as the most favored
refugee camp by the Sudanese government to which refugees from other sites were transferred.
For instance in 1979, some 20,000 refugees were forcefully brought to this camp from other sites.89

The Derg tried to revive the commercial farms by changing them into state farrns.9°
However, there was no labor force willing to work in these areas. Yet, to achieve success in the so-
called Green Revolution, the Derg “began to capture and to forcefully transport vagrants and
people considered undesirable from cities to work on these state farms." 9‘ The working condition
was so harsh, and the laborers unskilled in the techniques of farming since most of tinem were
drawn from the cities, many ﬂed to Sudan. it is worth remembering that the ghost of the Red Terror
was still haunting peeple. Therefore, to be nearer to the Sudanese border was a blessing in

disguise. By forcing the Ethiopians to work near the border, immediately following the Red Tenor

 

87 Young, Peasant Revolution 94; Clay 8 Holcomb, Politics and the Eﬂnm‘ ' Famine, 53.

8‘ Caly 8Hoicomb, Politics and the Ethiopian Famine, 53.

89 Clay 8 Holcomb, Politics and the Ethiopian Fanine, 53.

9° Addis Zemen, 38" year, No. 60, Friday Hider 13; and No. 105, Wednesday, Ginbot 5, 1972 EC.

9‘ Clay 8: Holcomb, Pom and [he Elhm' 'an Fanine, 53.

 

69

and mass killings, the Derg “helped" many Ethiopians, who wanted to leave the country, from the
danger of being caught on their way to Sudan.

The tit-for-tat policy of botin Sudan and Ethiopia had enabled antigovemment forces to
operate in their respective territories. As a result, Sudan became the home of almost all Ethiopian
opposition forces. It allowed them to function in its territory. For instance, ELF had military training
bases in Sudan.92 Besides, when ELF ﬁnally lost the momentum against EPLF, and the Derg’s Red
Star Campaign, it retreated to Sudan.93 The latter disanrned sonne 3,000 ELF ﬁghters who had
entered the country to repose and regroup.“ Thus, ELF was able to survive and continued to be a
viable factor on the issue of Eritrea by operating from Sudan.

The same was true to the EPLF, which established its own aid organizations, the Eritrean
Relief Association (ERA), in Sudan and which run many other branch organizations in Sudan. So
much was the entrenchment of these fronts in Sudan, the EPLF leadership had openly tinreatened
the Sudanese government if the latter tried to close the Etinio-Sudanese border in 1980. At that
time, Col. Mengistu of Ethiopia and Gen. Numery of Sudan had reached an understanding to
normalize their relationship, and stop harboring and helping each other’s enemies.95

The Sudanese govemment has also accorded the TPLF similar privileges and protection.
It had its schools, heailln centers and aid organization, the Relief Society of Tigray (REST) in
Sudan.96 Besides, at the height of the 19841amine during which the EPLF refused to let in relief
supplies via Kassala, Sudan, into Tigray while millions of Tigrayans stewed to death, the TPLF
opened a new route to Sudan. The trail starts from Tambain, crosses westem Tigray, passes

through Wolqait (in Nortln Gondar), and enters Sudan. Using this, the TPLF not only brought relief

 

92 Cliffe, “Regional Dinnensions," 92, 93, 107. The Ethiopian government, on its pat. had allowed Sudanese
People Liberation Army (SPLA), to use Gambelia. See Dawit, Red Teas 310.

99 Pool, “ The Eritrean Liberation Front,“ 27.

9‘ Africa Conﬁdential Vol. 22, No. 25, December 9, 1981.

95 Africa Conﬁdential Vol. 21, No. 8, April 9; No. 24, Nov. 26, 1980.

9'3 Dawit. Red Tears 325.

 

 

 

 

70

supplies from Sudan into Tigray, but also coordinated the migration of hundreds of tinousands of
peasant refugees from Tigray to the Wadi Hauli camp, near the Sudanese border.97

Similarly, both the EPRP and the Ethiopian Democratic Union (EDU) had used Sudan for
various purposes. While the EDU in fact had a radio station in Omdniman and some of its
prominent leaders and organizers had lived in Khartoum, EPRP often sent its severely wounded
combatants to Sudan for treatrnenl and recuperation. What is more, botln EPRP and EDU, after the
TPLF and the Derg kicked them out of Etiniopia, had taken shelter in Sudan.98

As a consequence of the aforementioned multiple yet interrelated factors, the number of
Etlniopians in Sudan which was about 4000 in the early 19705, reached hundreds of tinousands by
late 19705 and kept growing. By March 1981 cities like Khartoum had 33,000; Gedarif 30,000; and
Port Sudan 55,000 refugees. Moreover, the drought of 1984/1985 also drove anotlner hundreds of
thousands of people into Sudan .99 What is more, because of the secessionist movement in Eritrea,
that province remained a steady and a major source of Ethiopian refugees in Sudan. It is said that
as early as 1978, some 400,000 Eritrean refugees, who constitute 13 per cent of the Eritrean
population, were in Sudan.100

By the 19805, the political polarization between the central govemment and the
secessionists has intensiﬁed. Severe drought and famine also struck the country. This, coupled

with the hastily initiated resettlement program, pushed out around two million Ethiopians to the

 

97 Geday, “Tigrai eyaya bey, “ 44-45.

98 Young, rI'he Tigray People's Liberation Front," in Christopher Claphan (ed.), African Guerrillas (Oxford:
James Cuney, 1998), 39-40; Africa Conﬁdential. Vol. 19, No. 31, Januay 6, 1978; Vol. 21, No. 16, July 30, 1980; Vol.
24, No. 19, September 21, 1983.

99 Karadawi, “The Problem of Urban Refugee in Sudan," 115, Tune Wallace, "Brieﬁng: Refugee and hunger in
Western Sudan," Review of African Political Economy. No 33, (August 1985), 64.

100 Peter H. Koehn, Rem from the Revolution: us Poly and Third-World Mp ramp (Boulder. Westview
Press, 1991), 83.

71

neighboring countries, mainly Sudan, while making Ethiopia one of the major refugee producing
part of the world.101

Since the seizure of power by the Derg, diplomatic relations between the US. and
Ethiopia, mainly, and with other Western powers, generally, had cooled off. Because of this and for
ideological reasons, the Derg restricted permits to Ethiopians who were leaving the country for
Western Europe and US. As a result, during the reign of the Derg many Ethiopians left the country
in the pretext of business or visiting relatives residing abroad. The majority, however, took the
arduous journey across the border illegally.102

The Derg also denied access to overseas education for people who could afford to send
their children. it also told academicians, who had successfully secured scholarships from the West,
to pursue their education at home.103 It was, therefore, only government ofﬁcials and their relatives
who could travel out of the country. Anyone who otherwise attempted was considered as a Iackey
of imperialism and thus reactionary. The way out was to go to Sudan or to some degree to Kenya.
In fact, many well-off Ethiopians who had relatives in America and Europe, and those who had
successfully resettled in the US. and other places, informed their families in Etiniopia to leave for
Sudan. From there, it was relatively easy for Ethiopians residing in America to sponsor relatives
from Ethiopia.“ The presence of American and other refugee agencies such as the lntemational
Committee for Migration (ICM), the lntemational Catholic Migration Committee (ICMC),

lntemational Rescue Committee (IRC), to name the few, in Sudan, whose main function was to

 

10' Getacinew Metaferia and Maigenet Shifferraw, The Ethpp' ian Revolution of 1974 and the Exodus of
Ethm 'a’s Trained Human Resources (Lewiston: E. Mellern Press, 1991), 2.

‘02 Koehn, Refugﬁ, 79.

103 It seems final one of the intentions of the Derg in establishing the Graduate Program of the Addis Ababa
University in 1979 was to deny the Western trained intellectuals of Ethiopia any chance of escape to the West if tinere
wasanytlning thatthecountry‘s universitycannotdo, shrdentsweresenttotheEasbrn Biodrcountriesfromwhere
escape is difficult if not impossible.

10‘ informant Shakspeer. He is the son of one of the well to do fanilies in Etiniopia. Because his family was
unabletosendhimtoUSA, theymnthimtoKenya, andtoldhimtostayuntilhegotavisatoAmerica. During alltlnese
times, his family covered his expenses. Intervievn Seattle, WA, May 27, 1997.

72

facilitate the resettlement of Etlniopians in the US. further intensiﬁed the attraction of Ethiopians
towards Sudan.1°5

Pan-Arabism also played a role in inﬂuencing Etlniopian refugee movements into the
neighboring countries, mainly Sudan. From the start, many Arab countries were opposed to
Eritrea's union with Ethiopia. They viewed Eritreans as Arabs. When the Eritrean secessionist
struggle started in 19605, Sudan and other Arab countries considered it as a struggle against
Christian domination. Because of the Blue Nile River and its tributaries (Etiniopia is a source for 85
per cent of the Nile waters) on which Sudan's life depended, Sudan also has an interest in
destabilizing Ethiopia. Hence, it provided material support and served as a safe heaven for
Eritreans secessionists and Ethiopians opposed to the Etiniopian government. The Eritrean
secessionist movements, on their part, had claimed an Arab identity.106 Thus, they were most
welcome in Sudan and the neighboring Arab countries.

Operation Moses, which smuggled thousands of Ethiopian Jews (Beta lsrael) pejoratively
known as Falasha, out of Ethiopia, was also conducted in the early 19805. The main center of
operation was in Sudan. Thus, many Gondere (a person ﬁom Gondar) peasants and some from
Tigray had trudged to Sudan, eitiner independently or through organizational channels.107 Such
instances had also opened venues for other Etiniopians, mainly from Gondar, to migrate as Beta
Israel to the US: The Beta lsraelis supplied the necessary information to their non-Beta lsrael

friends; and tlnus the latter were able to make it to Sudan, linen to lsrael or the United States.

 

‘05 FromPowelA More,AssistantSecretaryforCorngressional RelationstolheHonorabieClaenoeD. Long,
Chairman, Subcommittee on Foreign Operations, Committee on Appropriations House of Representatives. May 12,
1982. See also Karadawi, “The Problem of Urban Refugees," 128.

‘05 Alemsged Abbay, lden ' Jilted or Remakin ldenti . The Di ent Paths of the Eritrean and Ti an
Nationalist Struggles ( New Jersey: Red Sea Press inc, 1998), 113; See also Rutin Iyob, The Eritrean Struggle for
IW: Domination, Resistance, Nationalism, 1941-1993 (Canbridge: Canbridge University Press, 1995)108-

120.
‘07 Ahnned Kaadawi, “The Smuggling of the Etiniopian Falasha to lsrael Through Sudan," African Affairs, Vol.
90, No. 358(Januay1991), new January 14, 1985; Dawit, Red Tears 113-119.

 

73

Chapter ll. 3: The Journey to Sudan

It is apparent that most Ethiopians had left their country for Sudan through Eritrea, Tigray,
and Gondar. While the ﬁrst two provinces were centers of etinno-nationalist movements serving
speciﬁcally their own ethnic members, Gondar was the strong hold of the two multi-nationalist
organizations such as EPRP and EDU. Accordingly, in addition to the traditional routes between
the border towns of Gondar (Humera and Malamma), and Sudan, tinere were an EPRP and EDU
clandestine networks tinroughout Ethiopia, which was also connected with Sudan.108 It should be
remembered that Sudan was the home of almost all anti-Etiniopian government forces.109

The underground structures of EDU and EPRP were used, beside other things, to rescue
their members and bring them to Gondar, their politico-military bases, or funnel tinem to Sudan.110
As a result, peoples of diverse ethnic origin, who were members of these organizations, had been
saved from the security agents of the Derg. Most of them, at least tinose members of the EPRP,
were educated Etlnioplans.111

Most often, the organizations recruited guides form the local population and usually they
also armed the guides. Due to security considerations, the escapees undertook the journey at
night. However, daytime travel was also possible in areas which the organizations controlled, or at
places where the grip of the Derg was lax.

However, there was always the danger of being caught. The Derg had established many

checkpoints at strategic junctions of roads and trails tinroughoul the country. Peasant associations

 

‘08 Shmuel Avraham and Arlene Kushner, Treaclnerous Journey: My Em from Etilpm ' (New York:
Shapolsky Publishers, Inc, 1986), 130, 133.

'09 Lionel Cliffe, “Regional Dimensions of the Conﬂict in the Horn of Africa," Third World My. Vol. 20,
No 1, (1999) 92, 93, 107; Young, Peasant Revolution 129-130; Africa Conﬁdential Vol. 19, No.31, January 6, 1978;
Vol. 21, No. 16, July 30, 1980; Vol. 22, No. 25, December 19, 1981.

110About EPRP's structure in the differentpatsofEtiniopia and someofthemannersofescape, see lGﬂu,
The Generation 79, 328-342; for EDU's base of operations see Young, Peasant Revolution 100-105.

"I John Makakis and Nega Ayele, Class and Revolution in Eth'm‘a (Nottinghan: Spokesman, 1978),163-

 

 

 

 

168.

74

and local militias manned these thoroughfares. At times, depending on the security situation of a
locality, the Derg would station regular army units. Thus, the government could capture escapees
despite their use of clandestine channels and their effort to disguise themselves.112

The most likely victims to be caught by the Derg were individuals who were not members
of certain organizations but who would try to escape to freedom. These people usually arranged
their travel with relatives or traders who were peasants residing along the border. The latter were
also increasingly involved in smuggling out people across the border. The fee for the guiding
depends upon one's relation with the person. If the escapee were a relative of the guide, helshe
might not pay. But, if helshe was not, it might cost the “traveler“ 600 birr (roughly $300 in those
days).113

After such agreements, preparations regarding where, how and when to convene, and
what linings to lake was decided. Most often, the convenient place to meet a peasant in an urban
setting was the marketplace, where it is easier to mingle and remain undetected. Otherwise, the
presence of a peasant in the neighborhood could raise suspicion from the local authorities. Once in
the market, people ﬁom the city buy peasant clothes (a pair of shorts, a short sleeved shirt and
sandals). This and other necessary linings such as food, ﬂashlights, quinine for malaria, etc. were
loaded on donkey’s of the guide in the market.114

The journey to Sudan could take several days or weeks depending from where the
individual stared his/her travel. It was usually done during the nighttime, which will expose travelers

to wild beasts. Sometimes, escapees could also be afﬂicted with sickness, mainly from malaria,

 

"2 Tadele Seyoum Teshaie with the Assistance of Virginia Lee Barnes, The Life Hm of an Eth'ppLa' n
Refpgee (1984-1991): ngoprn in the Fourth World (Lewiston: E. Mellen Press, 1991), 41, 42; Mekuria Bulcina, Fllg' ht
and Integration: Causes of Mass Exodus from Ethippia and Problems of integration in the Sudan (Uppsala:
Scandinavian Institute of African Studies, 1988), p. 105; Young, p. 94; Avranan and Kusinner, Treacherous Journey,
114-115, 141.

"3 Tadele, The Life Hm of an Ethm' 'an Rating, 47; Avranam and Kushner, Treacherous Journey, 113-

m Tadele, The Life Hm of an Ethpp' 'an Rm, 49; see also IGﬂu, The Generation 328-342.

142.

 

75

which made travel more difﬁcult.115 There was also the danger of being caught by anyone. It might
be an ambitious peasant who might want to capitalize on the situation. The peasant would hand

. over the fugitives to local ofﬁcials, especially when he found them without a peasant guide. Even if
there was a peasant guide, as long as the escapees did not have passes, their captors or
govemment authorities consider them as countenevolutionaries.

in return for capturing “reactionaries," the government usually rewarded the peasant with a
riﬂe, a favorite prize in nortinem Ethiopia. If tinere was a peasant guide with the fugitives, linen the
outcome could be different. The guide, most often being the native of the locality, would consider
any hostile action as an affront against him and his family and thus the situation might end up in a
blood feud between the opportunist peasant and the guide.

If “the captor" was a shifts (bandit), payment of some money might solve the problem. The
shilfa might also take some belongings of the travelers. The reason is obvious: he, too, was hunted
by the govemment, and thus could not take his human booty to the authorities. Nevertheless, there
were instances in which the government would promise to pardon shiftas if the latter caught and
handed over a highly wanted “reactionary.""6 At other times, the government simply circulated a
rumor, which portrays the fugitive as a person who was ninning away with lots of money. This
made the escapee a target for bounty hunters and chilies and thus the runaway could be killed
without much ado. One escapee, who almost fell prey to a shifts as a result of one such ploy of the
Derg, stated that “even though we were far away ﬁom Gondar, in an area of the highland
controlled by anti revolutionaries, there was a direct link from the shiﬂa back to Major Melaku [nick
named the butcher of Gondar] in Gondar.“117

 

"5 Tmle, The Life Hm of an Ethppl' 'an Refpgg, 48; Avrainan and Kushner, Treacinerous Journey, 127.
"6 Avrainan and Kuslnner, Treaclnerous Joumpy,121,123,126-127.

"7 Avrahan and Kushner, Treacherous Journey, 123.

76

But there were times in which the shiffa and the guide might also conspire before hand.
Thus, the moment the shiﬂa appeared, the guide ﬂees as if he was scared for his life. Or, he could
act as an intermediary between the shifta and the travelers. Then the shiﬂ‘a would exact whatever
“price" he wanted.118

if there were women among the fugitives, the shiifa often demand “sexual favors" with one
of them, or take her for good. During these times, the travelers had to choose between her and
their lives. If they were lucky, they could give the shifta whatever money and belongings they had,
and continue the journey to safely. As a consequence, there are many young girls who had been
“captured," raped or abused by the lowlanders, and whose whereabouts still unknown.119 Raping
refugee women has become a common phenomenon either on their way to escape or upon arrival

into a second country. In this circumstances, Bulcha Mekuria, noted

The humiliation of rape effects not only the wonnen themselves, but often also the mate
refugee from whom they are separated ...and molested. When men are relatives or husbands,
rapebeconneseven collectivepredicament. Thepowerlecsnessfeltbynnentoprotecttineir
family members from such horrendous disgrace as rape leads to guilty feeling and loss of
self-respect, which they may not overcome in their lives. The tragedy may not end with tlnat,

it could also cause family disintegration.120

Aside from the trickle of individuals, members of certain organizations who made it to
Sudan ﬂeeing political persecution, there were also instances where hundreds of thousands of

peasants of a certain region were moved or told to move to Sudan. A good instance of this was the

 

"8 Avraham and Kushner, Treacherous Joumey,128-129.

"9 Informant Easter. SheisaresidentofSeattlewhomadeittotheUSfromSudai. Shehadescanedthe
Derg by traveling the arduous journey to Sudan via Gondar.

‘20 Bulcha, “Conquest,“45; for refugee women experience in East Africa and parts of the world see Loveness
H. Schafer, “ane Survivors: East African Refugee Women," Africa Today, Vol. 49, No. 2 (Summer 2002), 51-75;
Roberta Cohen, “What's So Terrible about Rape? And Otiner Attitudes in the United Nations," SAIS Review Vol. 20,
No. 2 (Summer-Fall 2002), 73-77; Judith Gardam and Hilary Carleswortin, “Protection of Wonnen in Armed Conﬂict,“
Human R'ghts anrterly, Vol. 22, No. 1 (Feb. 2000), 148-166; Catlnerine N. Niarchos, "Women, War and Rape:
Challenges Facing the international Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia," Human l3_rg‘ hts mm, Vol. 17, No. 4
(November 1995), 649-690.

 

77

1984/85 TPLF organized exodus of Tigray peasants to Sudan.121 On their way, individual shiifas or
government militias did not threaten them. But, some of them were too frail to make the journey.

Peasants of Tigray left for Sudan because of the confrontation between the TPLF and
EPLF. Until 1984, many of the refugees from Tigray had left the province through Eritrea to
Kassala. But because of the conﬂict with the EPLF, and because of the TPLF’s success against
EDU and EPRP in the Gondar region, the TPLF was able to chart a new route to Sudan via
Humera. The other reason for their migration was that the TPLF misinformed them that if they left
for the Derg controlled relief centers, they would be forcefully conscripted into the Derg army. Even
if they were aware that the TPLF had advised them wrong, the peasants had no choice except
following orders. They were fearful of TPLF's retribution.122 The refugees settled in the newly
opened refugee camp, Wad Kauli. This camp was situated eleven km away from the Etlniopian
border and 100 km from the Sudanese town of Gadalif. Here, the organization had brought about
200,000 famished people within a year.123

The TPLF provided guides for many of the peasants from Tigray who left for Sudan. Upon
arrival in Sudan, the peasants seemed to have expected that they would be given clothes, food,
tools and seeds. Their intention was to go back home when the rainy season begun. But, because
of the bombings of the Derg, the journey, and the malaria and typhoid epidemic, many died either
on their way to Sudan or in one of the refugee camps. Nevertheless, many Tigrayans managed to

go back, 124 and some have found their way to America.

 

12‘ Young, Peasant Revolution 131.

‘22 Dawit, Red Tears 314.

‘23 Dawit, Red Tears, 133; Clay 8 Holcomb, Politics and the Ethmg‘ ' n Famine, 53, 65-57; Young, Peasant
Revolution 133; Alemseged, ldentyty' Jilted, 129, 132.

124 Clay 8 Holcomb, Politics and the Ethiom‘an Fm‘ , 70-71; Barbara Hendrie, “Assisting Refugees in the
Context ofWafare," Tim Allen (ed) in In Searcin ofCool Ground: War, Eligh' tand Homecoming irn NortheastAfrica
(New Jersey. Africa World Press, Inc, 1996), 35.

 

 

 

78

Apart from the TPLF-led peasant exodus, there were refugees, who ﬂed resettlement sites
from soutlnwestem Etiniopia. These refugees made it to Sudan from Malakel, Asosa, and Gambella
areas. They began arriving in Sudan, the Blue Nile and Upper Nile Administrative regions
sometime in 1985. Sudanese security ofﬁcials and residents of the areas found some of the
Ethiopians who were wandering in those regions without, however, being certain if they had
crossed the Ethiopian border or not. They were picked up either by Sudanese security ofﬁcials,
people of the locality, or by one of the relief agencies such as RST, the Oromo Relief Association
(ORA), and Sudanese Commission of Refugees (COR). Upon anival, they were collected at a
holding center at Demazin. Almost all of them wished to be sent home. In fact, many of them
viewed their entry into Sudan as part of their journey back home, mainly Wailo Province of
Ethiopia.”5

At times big power politics also seemed to have helped the cross-border movement of
people from Ethiopia. ‘26 This was the case of the Beta lsrael migration to Sudan and thence to
Israel. Until 1974, because of Ethiopia’s amicable relationships with the West, no aiiya (return) had
been attempted. In fact, until 1975 the Israeli law of retum did not include Ethiopian Jews. What the
Israelis did in those days was to help some of the Beta Israel in Gondar. But since the days of the
Revolution, the plight of the Beta Israel who were under Marxist rule became an issue.127 The Beta

lsrael trekked to Gadarif or Tewawa from Gondar, and entered the refugee camps like any other

 

‘5 Clay 8 Holcomb, Politics and the Elm ' Fanine, 77-78, Young, Peasant Revolution 133, Dawit, Ba
leafs, 325.

‘25 Juditin Bentley, Refugﬁ: Search for a Heaven (New York: Julian Messner, 1986), 53.

127 The current Prime Minster of Israel, Ariel Sharon, who visited Etiniopia in the early 19705, and who met
someoftheBeta Israel in Gonda, noted thattheBeta lsraelweresurprisedtoﬁndoutlhattlnerewerelsraeiisinotiner
parts of the world. See Ariel Sharon with David Chanoff, Warrior The Autpbgg' rapl_ny of Ariel Sharon (New York: Simon
8 Schstor, 2001), 172-174, 419-420; Ian Blank and Benny Morris, Isials Secret Wars: A History of lsrael’s
Intelligence Services (New York: Grove Press, 1991), 185-187, 427; Dawit, Red Tears, 244-250, and his view of
Operation Mosses, 317-320; See also Mitclnell Bad and Howard Lenhoff, “The Humanitarian Side of the Reagan
Administration, The Rescue of Ethiopian Jews: Who Would Believe that the CIA and the Reagan Administration had
Worked Covertiy in a Foreign country for a Humanitarian Goal?," The Humanist Vol.47 (November/December, 1987),
2526; Ahmed Karadawi, “The Smuggling of the Ethiopian Falasha to lsrael Through Sudan," African Affairs Vol. 90,
No. 358 (Januay 1991), 23-49; Avrham and Kushner, TMs Journey, 47.

 

 

 

79

refugees. Once in Gadarif, they were transfened to Port Sudan or Khartoum, mostly on trucks but
some times by plane. From there, they were shipped or ﬂew to Israel, mostly after detouring at a
European or North American country so as not to risk suspicion. Beginning ﬁom the early 19805,
lsrael was able to transplant around 7000 Beta lsrael to Israel this way.128

The Beta Israel of Gondar also seemed to have beneﬁted ﬁom the underground networks
of EPRP and EDU, which the organizations charted between Gondar and Sudan. This happened
eitlner because some of the Beta Israel had been supporters and members of EPRP, or because of
the proximity of some of the Beta lsrael settlements to the city and the arterial roads, EPRP might
have found it very important to include the Beta Israel in its urban and rural structures. In botln
cases, the Beta Israel were involved with EPRP and had beneﬁted from its networks or the other
way round.”9 Nevertheless the operation, code named “,"Moses becarrne an open secret.
Consequently, the Sudanese government became suspicious of every Ethiopian refugee and
began to stop, search, and even interrogate Ethiopians. For tinern, every Ethiopian was a Beta
lsrael.”o

Therefore, arriving in Sudan did not always insure safety. The Derg was noted for
kidnapping refugees from Gadarif whom it considered a tlnreat. The kidnapped refugees were killed
on sight or taken back to Ethiopia for “questioning." Often, security ofﬁcers of the military junta
would enter Sudanese towns tracking fugitives or looking for information about their
whereabouts.131 Because of this, many political refugees left for Khartoum to avoid Derg’s security

 

“Tadelewﬂm zwmmmls 1985:Da\nil.317-
313;m~mmm.msmamermrmmmanmsmrmm Vol.
90,No.358(Jan.,1991),23-49.ForadetaiedacoonmtoftheBelalsraelexodusseeTudorPaﬁttmm
ThelhnﬁdﬂyoflheExorhsoflheFaaanaJewFromEtilogg' ' (Lorndon:WeidenfeIdandenolson,1985).

1ai'AvrainanandKuslnner, Treacherous Journey, 51,52, 55, 57, 70, 82, 86.

lme,W58-5aﬂismtmbmﬁmm
as“BiadtJews"andagentsofmeUS;andnnisheamanhsoneMusirVNancumhies.SeeiinyansTorturedUs
Say Elliqriansf UN htegated Reg'ond Information Network, June 6, 2N1: On Ire web: http://www.irinnewsorql .

'31 Avranan and Kushnemm 140,141.

 

80

agents and the threat from them. The other option was to change their names and identity, which
had also its own drawbacks.“ Those refugees whom the Derg had specially targeted could ask the
UNHCR for a special protection program in Khartoum. If the UNHCR representative believed in the
case, the person was immediately given asylum in a third country. ‘32
Chapter ll. 4. The Lives of Etiniopian Refugees in Sudan, 19705-1990s: Some
Features

The 19705 was a decade, which could be characterized as a time of political turmoil that
emanated ﬁom drought and famine, war and revolutions, or economic dislocation resulting ﬁom
variables including the rising oil prices.133 One consequence of the crisis was the change of
governments, which most often was accompanied with refugee “production." Afghanistan,
Indochina, Soutlnem and Central Africa, and Central America were some centers of the turmoil with
massive refugee problems.134 These predicaments were, of course, in addition to the already
existing Palestinian refugee problem.

However, by 19805 the refugee situation in Africa was getting worse. it was becoming one
of the places with the largest refugee population in the world. Though it is true that Africans have
been very accommodating to refugees, their hospitality was also the result of their inability to stop
the refugee inﬂow and other factors such as political concerns or advantages, traditional population
settlement patterns, cultural ties, the prospect of foreign aid, etc. Thus, most often, their goodwill

did not come from having a healthy economy. In the 19805, refugees were concentrated in some of

 

‘32 Taddele, The Life Him of an Eth'm’ Reina, 57-58.
“ Due to security considerations, many Ethiopian refugees in Sudan who were admitted into the US in the

1980 have taken a new identity, including taking an Arab name. Because of this, while they were able to ward off any
potential incriminalion that could be used against their families, they have also encounbred problerrns. They were
unable to communicate with their families. They could not use their educational credentials because of identity change.
Thus, when they came to America nnost of these refugees who changed their identities has to start afresh while tlnose
who took Arab name had difﬁculty facing and convincing their parents and relatives in Etiniopia why they did and
explainirng what they did was just a nane change.

‘33 Bentley, Refuge_es, 47.

‘3‘ Bentley, @929. 19-20.

81

the poorest countries of the developing world. Eight of the twelve countries with the highest ratios
of refugees to local populations were in Africa; and yet their per capita GNP was less than $500.135
One of these poor refugee-receiving countries was Sudan. It had a vast empty space with
overcrowded towns. And the settlennent trend was not to ﬁll this vast empty space but to further
congesl the urban centers, while depopulating the low-density places. This was the result of a top-
sided post-independence economic development. The construction of railways, highways,
waterways, new industries, and inigation schemes, educational, administrative and cultural centers
were concentrated in the eastern region, Khartoum, and Gezira areas. In these areas, mainly
Khartoum and Kassala, showed a high rate of urbanization (3 per cent), while in the northern and
soutinem regions and the Kordofan area the rate of urban growtin was 1.5 per cent per year. The
population growth rate, too, was skewed. The urban centers that were found in the middle regions
had 7.4 per cent per year while the national rate was 2.8 per cent.”6

In terms of amenities and services, Kinartoum stands alone. It had 73 per cantode the
industries, 75 per cent of the workers engaged in manufacturing, 80 per cent of all banking, and all
the higher educational institutions excepting the universities of Gezira and Juba. It also accounts
for the highest rate of school enrollment of school age children. As a result, there is a high rate of
nrral-urban migration to Khartoum that was estimated at 70 per cent of the overall migration in the
country. Yet, there was a deﬁcit of more than 100,000 housing units in the city. Consequently,
house rent, which consumes 40 per cent of the income of the city's population, continued to rise
unabated. Inﬂation and devaluation furthered the already poor living conditions.137 What is more, in

the said period, drought furliner exacerbated the already deteriorating situation. 80 per cent of the

 

135 Bentley, m 22.24, 106, 109, 115.
m Kaadawi, 'The Problem of Urban Refugees," 116; Woldemikael, “Ethiopians and Eritreans," 274.
137 Kaadawi, “The Problem of Urban Refugees," 116.

82

harvest failed, which caused higher prices for grain from 830 pounds in 1984 to 8140 pounds in
January 1985.

In light of the aforementioned facts, the Sudanese did not appreciate the presence of
refugees from Ethiopia and other neighbors. The poor rainfall had had curtailed the possibility of
Ethiopians being employed in Sudanese farms. Meanwhile, the long term planning of the UNHCR,
to make the refugees self-sufﬁcient, did not work. The agricultural land given to the refugees could
not be cultivated. Some of the products of the refugees could not be sold as the result of the overall
poverty of Eastem Sudan. As a consequence, many of the refugees, mainly women and children,
remained dependent on aid.138 Therefore, it was apparent that any economic hardship or political
instability in Sudan had a negative repercussion on Ethiopian refugees in the country. They were
not welcome.

Thus, arrival of a refugee to one of the Sudanese border towns such as Basonda, which
was also a traditional caravan trade center, did not usually mean that the refugee’s safety was
guaranteed. The town, being nearer to Etiniopia, was vulnerable to Etiniopian military incursions. On
the other hand, it being one of the ﬁrst refugee destinations ﬁom Ethiopia, the Sudanese
autinorities were always watchful. They were suspicious of Ethiopian spies who might come to
Sudan disgu'siced as refugees. And since Operation Moses, the Sudanese began viewing every
Ethiopian as a Beta lsrael, which provided tinem with an additional excuse to abuse and mistreat
Ethiopian refugees.

Consequently, even if Ethiopian refugees escaped the Derg, their ordeal was not yet over.

They had to prove that they were not spies. lntenogation and abuse by Sudanese ofﬁcials and

 

‘38 Tina Wallace, "Brieﬁng: Refugee and Hunger in Western Sudan,“ Review of African Pom Economy. No
33, (August 1985), 65.

policemen was common. Sometimes, refugees could be sent to jail for days even weeks until their
honesty was verified form either Khartoum or Gadarif.139

If an Etiniopian could produce some kind of identity card, his tribulation was less. Some
people who had planned their trip ahead could produce such IDs,14o but many of the Ethiopians left
their country in dire circumstances (some had escaped prison or capture by the militia and security
forces in the middle of the night), and it was impossible to have ID. In fact, most travelers often
destroyed any traces of their identity during their ﬂight to Sudan. Upon aniving in Sudan, almost all
Ethiopians took another name and identity. This was intended not to betray oneself upon capture
by the peasant militias and Derg security forces. If a person can disguise himself/herself well, then
helshe can successfully evade capture and also save their remaining families at home ﬁom ﬂne
retribution of the junta. Even if helshe was caught, with the absence of any ID, there is still a
chance to argue and convince his/her captor that helshe is not someone whom the militias were
looking or helshe could claim that helshe is not from the city.

But, upon arrival in Sudan refugees badly needed identiﬁcation cards. However, it was not
easy to get one ﬁorn the Sudanese authorities. They had to bribe the authorities to get one. At
times of “cleansing," the Sudanese capital off its undesirable elements by the Sudanese police,
these ID cards did not prevent an Ethiopian ﬁom eitiner being sent to jail, threatened with
deportation or from being relocated to one of the refugee camps. Therefore, to avoid capture and
harassment, the Ethiopian often have to avoid main roads!“

Moreover, some of the border camps were feeding grounds. They were usually packed
with famished people and less hygienic, which made tinem breeding grounds for various kinds of

epidemics. Malnutrition and hunger are day-to-day phenomena: A person had to wait in line for

 

‘39 Taddele, The Life m of an Elh'm’ Rm, 50-51, 60.

“0 Taddele, The Life Histopy of an Ethiopian Rem, 52-53.
“1 Woldemikael, “Ethiopians arid Eritreans.' 274.

84

hours to get food. The Sudanese climate was completely different from highland Ethiopia; and tinus
excruciating.142 Yet, the Sudanese authorities would not allow Etlniopians to enter towns where
there was a relative safety and better chance of survival compared to refugee camps.

After proving their innocence, Etiniopian refugees were issued a temporary pass by the
Sudanese ofﬁcials at points of entry. Even so, such passes would not save an Ethiopian from
harassment by the Sudanese authorities. A refugee had to go to Twawa, a small Sudanese town
and a refugee center eight km away form Gadarif and the nearest Red Cross headquarters. There,
the refugees could get medical attention, or would be issued an ID card (bilaqa in Sudanese
Arabic) which recognizes the person as a refugee. Upon arrival, a refugee could also get ﬁfteen
Sudanese pounds for food. Asylum ID cards were available at the ofﬁce of the UNHCR in Gadarif.
But to get ID, one had to be interviewed by a Sudanese ofﬁcial ﬁrst. If the ofﬁcial was not satisﬁed
that the person qualiﬁed as a refugee, then deportation was imminent. It is apparent that it was at
the ofﬁcials discretion to decide a person was a refugee or not. Consequently, the issue of identity
card becomes a crucial issue for the well being of a refugee while it also becomes a convenient
pretext for Sudanese autlnorities to abuse Ethiopian reﬁrgees as they wish.

The problem of securing an identity card also seenned to have surfaced as the result of the
conﬂict or lack of coordination between the Sudanese Council of Refugees (COR), which provided
iD cards, work permits, licenses and travel documents, and the UNHCR.143 The latter is
responsible for providing material assistance to the refugees, but the UNHCR was ovenlrhelmed by

the refugee inﬂux of the early 805 for which it was not prepared. Thus, refugees began to move to

 

"2 Taddele, The Life H' of an Elh' ' Re 2; Kaadawi, “The Problem of Urban Refugees," 150.

143 For lack of coordination between refugee NGOs and the lack of humane treatment of refugees see
Barbara E. Harrell-Bond, “Can Humanitarian Work with Refugees be Humane?" Human Rights Quarterly, Vol. 24, No.
1 (February 2002), 51-85; Alexander Cooley, “The NGO Scramble: Organizational Insecurity and the Political Economy
of Transnational Action, Inbmational Secun_ty' , Volume 27, Number 1, (Summer 2002), 5-39; Tom J. Farer, “How the
lntemational System Copes with Involuntay Migration: Norms, Institutions and State Practice," Human Big“ his
malady Vol. 17, No. (Febnrary1995)72-100.

urban centers in search of jobs. Their attraction towards the urban core was furtiner encouraged
when the UNHCR moved one of its agencies, Refugee Counseling Service (RCS), to Khartoum.
The increasing congregation of Etiniopians in towns furtiner pressured the already distressed
Sudanese economy, and brought in prompt government intervention. The police, the state security,
and the municipal autinorities took the task of COR. Not only tinis, between 1978 and 1982
Sudanese govemment bodies began to evict refugees from Khartoum. Soon other cities such as
Kassala, Port Sudan and Gadarif followed suit. During all these times, the UNHCR had done very
little or nothing to protect the refugees.”

Lack of coordination was not conﬁned to UNHCR and COR. Otiner agendas like the Sudan
Council of Churches, which runs its own counseling program, the Red Cross which had its own
tracing body, and the American resettlennenl program that operates tinrough Joint Voluntary
Service were operating without any cooperation between them. As a consequence, “the refugees
who fall tlnrough the net of these special programs tend to be exploited by the fast growing network
of passport forgers, cheap-labor employers, and greedy landlords."145

One other consequence of the lack of coordination between the various refugee agencies
was that many Etiniopians, who were residing In Khartoum, were living in abject poverty. Many of
them had no proper documentation to reside in that city. Thus, their employers exploited tlnem.
They could not take their employer to court for mistreating tinem or for unfair practice. They could
not join the labor unions for the latter deliberately exclude refugees from membership. Yet, they
had to pay higher rents, and other services. A study conducted in the early 19805 on Ethiopians
residing in Khartoum indicated that some two-tinird of the sample refugees secured very little daily

income while 20 per cent of linem were unemployed. in order to survive, they have to relay on

 

1“ Karadawi, "The Problem of Urban Refugees," 123.
“5 Karadawi, “The Problem of Urban Refrrgees,“ 123-124. For refugee bureauaacies, see Taddele, The Life

Histpry of an Ethm ' Rpfpggn.

remittances from family members abroad, sharing resources togetiner or by getting help from the
relief organizations. Yet, they go to Khartoum because it gives tinem better access for networking,
and life seenned to be a little better than in refugee camps. However, even in Khartoum, their
situation was not much better. Sudanese banks were not willing to give credit while the country’s
law also prohibited refugees the right to own property. Yet, they were held responsible for whatever
went wrong in Sudan, for rising house rents, scarcity of consumer goods, for causing pressure on
public services . . .etc.146

In addition to the aforesaid obstacles that the Ethiopians encountered from Sudanese
authorities, lack of motivation is another factor that inhibited them from using their skills in Sudan.
Highly educated Ethiopians simply subsisted working part-time or on the handouts of friends. This
economic lethargy said one observer, “. . . may arise ﬁom the perception that labor is beneath the
dignity of an ‘aspiring bourgeois.“ Moreover, cultural differences between Islam and Christianity
which the former might “openly reject most of their [Ethiopians] beliefs and life style,”7 was
another source of constraint.

Even if the Sudanese had wanted to accept their Ethiopian neighbors without reservation,
tlney could not accommodate them. The Sudanese economy was experiencing a negative growlin
even before the arrival of Ethiopians. The economic growth was -2.7 percent in 1982-83. Inﬂation
was at 35 per cent while the 1983-84 domestic budget deﬁcit reached 864 million Sudanese
pounds. Sudan’s trade deﬁcit was also estimated $1,115,000 million and the balance of payment
gap was more than $600 million in 1982-83.118

Thus, to lower the economic stress caused by refugee inﬂow into urban centers and to

accommodate refugees of urban origin, two sub-urban settlement sites, the Um Gulja and Tewawa,

 

“5 Weaver, “Sojoumers Along the Nile," 153; Woldemikael, “Etiniopians and Eritreans," 274.
‘47 Weaver, “Sojourners Along the Nile,“ 153.
“8 Weaver, “Sojourners Along the Nile,“ 155.

87

“were established on the outskirts of Gadarif so that sonne of the urban refugees can have
economic opportunities offered in the town without causing strain to ﬁne town’s resource.149
However, the Sudanese law forbids a refugee from establishing a business. As a result, former
Ethiopian businessmen were barred from having their own trade. Credit was unavailable. Even if
there was, Ethiopians were expected to pay as high as 20 per cent per week. Joint venture with a
Sudanese was also unthinkable. “Few Sudanese will be willing to form partrnership with Ethiopians,
let alone with refugees, while local authorities refuse to issue them with business licenses."150

The stance of the Sudanese government and the inability of refugee agencies to
accommodate refugees of urban origin, at least initially, had prevented Ethiopian refugees'
integration with Sudanese society. These urban refugees, on their part, never considered Sudan as
their ﬁnal destination. Therefore, they were baking for some form of external solution. Besides,
they saw no opportunity in Sudan. As a result, they were not making any psychological preparation
to that end, and hence they were unwilling materially to invest which might have been a necessary
move for settlement.151 Yet, because of the illegality of their existence in Sudanese towns, they do
not have jobs. Even if they did, they were paid cheap. Their situation became worse with the
continued ﬂow of refugees from Ethiopia which made labor abundant and cheap. Moreover eastern
Sudan, where the two major refugee camps, Kassala (Wad Sherief and Tukui Baab) and Gagarin
(Wad Kowli and Fau) were found struck by drought.152

The misery of an Ethiopian refugee could also emanate from the interpretation and
understanding of the term refugee. While the deﬁnition of refugee under the UN Convention and

the Statue of the UNHCR of 1951 were similar, they vary in implementation. The former gave the

 

“9 Karadawi, “The Problem of Urban Refugees," 118.
15° Weaver, “Sojourners Along the Nile," 153.

‘51 Waver, “Sojourners Along the Nile," 148.

‘52 Wallace, “Brieﬁng," 65-66.

right of deﬁning a person as a refugee to the host country, while the Statue had relegated the ﬁnal
decision of determining a refugee to the UNHCR. The result was that “recognition as a refugee by
the UNHCR will not by itself either secure the admission of a refugee to a country or confer a legal
status, and determination of eligibility by one country does not necessarily confer a refugee status
upon the individual in other countries.“153 This displays the limitation on the lntemational agency to
deﬁne and dispose its protection function. One good instance of this discrepancy was witnessed in
1971 concerning the 100 or so Ethiopian students who entered Sudan. While the Sudanese
Commission of Refugees (COR) accepted tinem as refugees, the UNHCR refused to acknowledge
them on the grounds that they were opportunity seekers.

Moreover, though ﬂne UN deﬁned a refugee as a “person who, owing to a ‘well-founded
fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social
group or political opinion, is outside the country of his nationality,"l54 the UNHCR appeared
incapable and unwilling to give the necessary help to the refugees in Sudan. Moreover, despite the
UNHCR’s unequivocal rejection of refugee repatriation, “. . . no contracting party shall expel forcibly
return a refugee in any manner whatsoever to the frontiers of tenitories where his life or freedom
would be threatened on account of his race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social
group, or political opinion,"155 there were many instances in which Ethiopians had been tlnreatened
with deportation.

Often, Ethiopian refugees would complain to the UNHCR against the arbitrary deeds of the
Sudanese government. But, the agency ofﬁcials meme said “sony." They themselves were scared
of the Sudanese government ofﬁcials. In this situation, some refugees preferred to leave Sudan for
the neighboring Egypt and other countries such as Chad and Kenya. Some Etlniopians who tried to

 

‘53 Kaadawi, "The Probiern of Urban Refugees," 120.
15‘ Bentley, Refugg, 14.
‘55 Quoted in Bentley, Refugg, 22.

89

go to these countries have “disappeared" in the desert. The quest for a third country of asylum
could also be triggered by other factors such as climate.156 Many Etlniopians, being from the
highland plateau were not accustomed to the harsh weather of Sudan. The refugee bureaucracy
coupled with rejection for resettlement in a third country would aggravate despair and could trigger
anotlner migration. In so doing, the Ethiopians swelled the number refugees within the African
continent.

The degree of the suffering and survival of an Etiniopian refugee in Sudan varies
depending upon his/her ethnic origin and the existence of a conesponding ethnic organization
which stands for that particular ellnnic group. In this regard, Sudan seemed to be better suited for
Tigrayans, Oromos and people from Eritrea, who have their own etinnic organizations: TPLF, OLF,
EPLF/ELF respectively than Amharas who do not have such organizations. All these organizations
had their own political ofﬁces and relief and civic associations such as students, women, workers . .
. etc. in Sudan.”7

Though the fronts do not have a ﬁnal say concerning a refugee, and altinough they do not
control all the refugee population, they have important role as middlemen between refugees and
the agencies like the UNHCR, COR, RCS. At times, the ethnic based relief agencies such as RST,
ERA and the Oromo Relief Association (ORA) provided alternative assistance to reﬁrgees. They
were also involved in health and sanitation, and educational programs. In the latter instance, the
ELF/EPLF was very much noted. Besides opening schools in Port Sudan, Gadarif, and Kasala, it
had successfully secured employment and scholarship for its members in Saudi Arabia, Iraq, Libya

and the Gulf States.158

 

‘56 Taddele, The Life Histpg of an Elm ' Refugg, 59-68.
‘57 Bulcina, "Conquest," 59.
‘53 Karadawi, “The Proan of Urban Refugee,“ 121-122; Pool, “The Eritrean Liberation Front," 32-33;

Alemseged, Idenmy‘ Jilted, 113, 222.

These organizations also seem to have enjoyed the support and cooperation of the
Sudanese autlnorities.159 Sometime in 1989, an Etiniopian, who used to teach in Assossa, left
Ethiopia for Sudan via one of the border towns, Gizan. Unfortunately, the town was attacked by the
Sudanese government, which suspected the presence of Sudanese Peoples Liberation Army
(SPLA) activity in the area. Upon recapturing Gizan, the Sudanese authorities soon began
registering all foreigners, mainly Ethiopians, who were in the town. After listing the Etiniopians and
asking how they entered Sudan, they began categorizing the refugees as Oromo, Tigre, Amhara
etc. Accordingly, the teacher who left Ethiopia via Wallega (an Oromo-dominated province in
western Etiniopia), was automatically designated as an Oromo and was passed to a representative
of the OLF. The OLF, upon ﬁnding that the person was an Amhara, decided to imprison him and
his fellow Amharas while sending fellow Oromos eitlner to refugee camps in eastern Sudan or to its
military training base within Sudan.160

Ethiopian refugees were also threatened from the ever-changing political climate between
Ethiopia and Sudan. In 1980/81 the Etlnio-Sudanese relation began to improve, and botin sides
agreed to close their borders against opposition forces and not to interfere in the intemal affairs of
each other. Refugee repatriation was also part of the concordat.161 Consequenﬂy, the Sudanese
government began to roundup all Etlniopians who were living in the capital, Khartoum. Banishing
Ethiopian refugees from the capital was also intended to avoid embarrassment to Mengistu Haile

Mariam, the Ethiopian leader who was planning to visit to Sudan and thus who might encounter a

 

‘59 Bulclna, “Conquest,"59.

'60 I met Mr. Light in 1987188 while teachirng in Nedjo, Wallega province, Ethiopia. He was transfened to
Asossa from where he ﬂed to Sudan, Gizen. There he was captured by the Sudanese govemnnent who retook the town
from the SPLA. After controlling the town, the Sudanese government rounded all Ethiopians found in that town and
redistributed them to the various guerrilla movements such as EDU, EPRP, OLF, TPLF, EPLF based on their
provincial/ethnic origin. Mr. Light was given to the OLF. The latter jailed Mr. Light after it found out that he was not an
Oromo. Mr. IJghttinenescapedtheOLFandsurrenderedtotheDerginAssosa.

16‘ Addis Zemen, 38" Yea, No. 218, Thursday, May 21; No 241, Wednesday, Sane 18, 1972 EC; m
Conﬁdential Vol. 21, No. 8, 1980.

 

91

strong opposition by the Ethiopians in exile. So, Sudan arranged a train to take all Ethiopians from
Khartoum to Gadarif. However, the Ethiopians who knew what their fate would be decided to take
their chances. They disconnected one of the sections from the train and it is said ﬂnat by the time
the train arrived at Gadarif, there were no Ethiopians on it.162 The incident, tinough appears
exaggerated, indicates the disparate state of the refugees and their determination not to return to
Ethiopia.

Similar misfortune had befailen upon Ethiopian refugees in Sudan since 1991. The
TPLF/EPRDF, after overthrowing the military junta, took power in Ethiopia. Either as a token of
acknowledgement to the Sudanese support in their days of insurgency or to prevent Sudan from
extending the usual support to any anti Ethiopian element, the TPLF/EPRDF signed a friendship
treaty with Sudan. In this rapprochement, botln sides have agreed not to support their
corresponding enemies. One consequence was a clampdown on refugees who were suspected of
subversive activity against their respective govemmenls; and linus refoulment.

Chapter II. 5. The Plight of Ethiopian Refugee Women in Sudan

In such state of affairs, the condiﬁon of Etiniopian refugee women was worse. The
Sudanese viewed the Westem-style attire and the relative independence of Ethiopian women as
marks of prostituﬁon. In Sudan, where most are Muslims, women dress in accordance with the
Islamic law. More than often, unaccompanied Ethiopian women were targets of insult. At times
stones and sticks were thrown at them. They were also victims of rape eitiner by Sudanese ofﬁcers

or by their employees. Like their male counterparts, some of the women had no identiﬁcation

 

162informant: Mr.AMvaisafonnapaahoopawhostayedinSudanforsomeﬁme.Heismeamngﬂne
manywhowas resettled in Canada. Sept 16, 1997.

92

cards. Thus, they have to work as domestics for low pay, which furtiner exposed them to all sorts of
abuse.163

To avoid harassment on the road, and to some degree at workplace, the Ethiopian refugee
women must have a male partner. He could be a boy ﬁiend, a husband, or a “guard“ who would
accompany tinem to any place. But such men were rare to ﬁnd for they have to work in order to
survive. As the result, the Ethiopian women have to “employ“ a guard, who however, was
presented as a husband to the Sudanese society and ofﬁcials alike. These “guards" were
sarcastically refened to and known among Ethiopian refugees in Sudan as etna asher. In
Sudanese Arabic, it literary means “after twelve." However, its contextual meaning was a person
who is a “husband“ only after working hours. Otherwise, he has no right on his “wife“ as any other
husband does!“

For economic and security reasons few Ethiopians lived alone. They lived in groups of ﬁve
or so regardless of sex, which helped them share the burden of rent. A teacher or a middle-level
servant earned around $100 per month while a daily laborer got $1.50 a day. Yet, boﬂn have to pay
a minimum of $50 rent per month if they wanted to have a decent housing. Yet, because of their
refugee status, some of them without legal papers, Ethiopians paid the highest rents in Sudan.
Thus, to live in a group was advantageous. It was also common to provide shelter to a couple of
additional jobless Ethiopians. in addition to economic considerations, family and kinship ties or

simply being an Ethiopian also contributed to the group residence. Hence, very few Etfniopians,

 

‘63 Woldemikael, “Ethiopians and Eritreans," 275.

16‘ lnfonnanlEphraim:duringthedaysoftheredmrror,heescanedtoSudanviaGorndanandslayedinthe
refugee comps in Sudan including Khartoum until the early 19805 when the resettlement to USA began. He is now in
the USA He was not happy to recount the story. interview: Seattle (WA) June 24, 1997. See also Patrick Matiou,
“Upsetting the Cart: Forced Migration and Gender Issues, the African Experience" in Doreen Indra (ed.) Engendering
Forced M'gration: Theorvjale am: (New York: Berghahn Books, 1999), 132-136. The author indicates the
prevalenceofanotlnerfonnof‘forcedcohabitation."Attiniesofwa,wormnwerecompelledbbecomewivesof
ofﬁcials of partisan movements.

excluding the domestic servants, cohabit with Sudanese.165 But, in the eyes of the Sudanese the
Etiniopian group life, which often times included women, was disconcerting.

Despite the prevalence of group life among Ethiopians, a survey conducted in the 19805
revealed that 10 per cent of the heads of the Ethiopian households in Khartoum were women who
had dependant children. These were women whose husbands abandoned or divorced them. They
could also be war widows. Because of the presence of dependant children, many of them could not
be employed as domestics. Thus, they had to support themselves and their dependants by sewing,
preparing food, getting handouts from and friends.166

Refugee women’s predicament furtiner intenshd if they had children. Most often, it was
mothers who took care of children. And the latter, like their parents, had to adjust to the new living
condition in the camps. This “makes refugee children more vulnerable to life’s vicissitudes.
...[They] start off with a twofold handicap, since they depend for life, nourishment and sustenance
on parents [mainly on mothers] or other adults who themselves depend on the goodwill of others
responsible for providing them with assistance and protection... the child fears for his future and
gains little comfort form his parents since they tinemselves share the same fears."167

Even those women without dependents had difﬁculty being employed. This was partly
because of their lack of education and professional training. it is said that in 1984 among the
Ethiopian refugees in Khartoum, there were three times more illiterate women than men, and eight

times more men have received some post-secondary education than women.168 Yet, many of the

 

‘65 Weaver, “Sojourners Along the Nile,“ 154.

‘55 Weaver, “SojoumersAiong the Nile,"152, seefortheincreasing nunnberofsirngie rrnoiinerheadedfaniles,
and the rising number of women refugees Aster GM. Mengesha, "Gender and Democracy in Africa" W
(Marcin 1999), 24; Kaila Morris Compton, “The Strength to Travel Together. Eritrean Experiences of Violence,
Displacement, and Nationalism in a Global Network" Ph.D Dissertation, Harvard University, May 1998, 147

"57 See the Commissioner, Mr. Poul Hatiing’s, speech: UNHCR No. 5, (December 1980).

‘68 After almost two decades, Ethiopian women still lag behind their male counterparts irn education. in
1999/2000, anong the school age children, only 51 per cent were attending school. Of these, women constituted 41

 

94

single women, botin the educated and uneducated, who had no dependants were simply working
as domestics or paid less. Besides, even if they were qualiﬁed, they did not have credentials.
Moreover, they did not know Arabic. Furllnennore, Sudanese trade unions would not accept
refugees. The Islamic culture, too, restricted the involvement of women in professional areas.169

At tinnes, getting the domestic servant position became difﬁcult. For instance, in 1984
Sudanese authorities “began to enforce a law against ‘attempted adultery,’ and to arrest couples
who could not produce a marriage license. Any married man found living with a woman, not his
wife was subject to death. Typically, however, botin parties ‘merely’ received 50-90 lashes with a
horse whip, plus a ﬁne and/or a prison sentence."170 The situation had become even worse after
the introduction of the Sharia Law in Sudan: Unaccompanied women could go nowhere.

Despite the existence of such compounded probienns for rrnotiners and dependent children,
and despite the increasing number of refugee women, (the UN statistics indicated that tinere are
more refugeewomen than reﬁrgee men), tinerewas nospecial protection forwonnen refugees.
Besides gender-based discrimination, they were also forcefully conscripted into the guerrilla

forces.171

 

per cent white males accounted for 61 per cent See Jason Mosley, “Gender and Daily Life in Etiniopia,“ W
Review, Vol. 285, Issue 1663 (August 2004), 97-101.

‘69 Fortine role of Islam in Sudan andtlne introduction ofthe Sharialaws in tineperiod underdiscussion, see
Gabriel Warburg, Islam, Sectarianism and Politics in Sudan Since the Mahad'm (Madison: The University of
Wisconsin Press, 2003), 152-170.

17° Weaver, “Sojoumers Along the Nile,“ 152.

"1 Aster, “Gernder and Dennocracy," 24.

95

Finally, because most Ethiopian women were (and still are) illiterate or less educated,172
their chances of association with American institutions and tlnus resettlement to USA was very rare.
This US. connection, according to the 1980 Immigration and Naturalization law, includes some
form of professional or technical training in one of the American universities, or in universities run
by United States. Working with US. organizations and the presence of a relative in US. is another
criterion for admission.173 Yet, the existence of such a link between the individual and the US. had
remained one major criterion for resettlement in America. Thus, the resettlement program could be
considered gender biased since it favored those educated Ethiopians, which by default means
educated maie-Eliniopians.

One consequence of this favoritism towards men was that many Etiniopian women had to
get “married" to a person, who was approved for resettlement in the U.S., or with a person who had
a good chance of being resettled. Here, one has to note that family reunion was another criteria of
resettiennenl in the US. Therefore, Ethiopian women in Sudan may have been exposed to diverse
forms of “exploitation" by the opposite sex, which includes fellow Ethiopians, refugees and
Sudanese ofﬁcials in order to come to US.

The abuse and harassment was less towards Muslim Ethiopians. if they could speak
Arabic, tinere was little or no mistreatment. To identify who was a Muslim, the ﬁrst question a
Sudanese asks an Ethiopian was “what is your name?" If the name was a Muslim, tinen the

Ethiopian was accepted as a brother instead of undesirable alien who might lead the Sudanese

 

‘72 In thelate19905,som984 ‘16 oftheprimaryagegiriswerenotattending sclnool. Theworldwide literacy
rate for Etlnicpian men and women is 43 and 26 % respectively. See Noami Neil and Ann D. Levine, Where Women
Stand: An lntemational Rgpprt on the Status of Wom_eg in 140 Countries 1997-1998 (New York: Random House,
1997), 31, 38; See also Tsigie Haile, “Academic Performance of Female Students in Institutes of Higher Education, the
Case of Addis Ababa University“ in Zeinab Ei-Bakri and Rutin M Besha (ed) Women and Development in Eastern
Africa: An genda for the Research (Addis Ababa: Organization for Social Science Research in Eastern Africa, 1989),
106-107; Zenebework Bissrat, “ Research Priorities on Women Education and Employment in Etiniopia" in Zeina) EI-
Bakri and Rutin M Besha (ad) Women and Devc;lopm_ept in Eastern Africa: An Age_n_da for the Research (Addis Ababa:
Organization for Social Science Researcin in Eastern Africa, 1989), 96-97

‘73 “Refugee Admission Proposal" Hearing before the Committee on the Judicim House of Representatives.
Ninety-seventin Congress, lst Session, September 29, 1981.

 

96

society to cultural and moral decadence.174 Nevertheless, because many Ethiopian Muslims do not
have Arabic names, they suffered like their Christian brethren. In view of this, it was knowledge of
Arabic language more so than being a Muslim that sometimes saved an Etiniopian ﬁom
mistreatrnenl.

In general, therefore, while women and children were becoming the majority among the
refugee population, neither lntemational aid institutions nor host governments were prepared to
tackle the plight of refugee women. They were vulnerable to sexual violence when ﬂeeing their
village. While crossing the border, they were also victimized either by the security forces of their
own govemment or the host society. In refugee camps, too, they could be targeted by the camp
ofﬁcials, or even by fellow refugees. Yet, the victim could not report the incident for fear of
humiliation and ostracization associated with rape, or for fear of retribution by ofﬁcials, or the victim
simply could be unaware of the existence of a legal system that penalizes gender violence.175 This
tragedy is, of course, in addition to what a refugee woman can face as any other refuge person.
Therefore, the Ethiopian refugee experiences in Sudan showed that escape from persecution does
not always guarantee safety. Yet, either because of the Derg's highhanded rule or as the result of
the bloody rivalry between the various political groups and guerrilla movements in the country, the
number of Ethiopian refugee ﬂeeing the country kept increasing. By early 19805, an estimated 2
million Ethiopians had left their country for the neighboring countries, mainly Sudan.176

 

"4 Woldernirael, “Ethiopians and Eritreans," 274.

"5“Refugeesin Eastricfm, Vol. 183,No.12, October21,(2000),19, LovenessH. Scinafer, “True
Survivors: East African Refugee Wornern," Africa Today, Vol.49, No. 2, Simmer (2002), 31-32

AmoentreprymRignBWaunhdmbdﬂemnmueduedcmenldmﬁgeemmnAccaﬁng
bihisreport. MMUNHCRmdﬂeKanymgovannentaendMﬁirgMobigaﬁonduotedingmﬁrgees
demibﬂnWsmpMdhddmsdraieemaﬁﬂdahuisonmantaummasﬁunueEm government
seauityopaatiiginKaiyaSeeHumanRigntsWatdn,“HiddanknPla'rnVievc ProtediunProblemsforRefugees'li
NW at http://www.hrw.orq/report/2002/kenyuqan/kenyauqanI002°/oZOap°/oalter-O8.htm

new Vol.26, No. 20,0ctnber1, 1985;GetachewandMangnent,ﬂnam2

97

It was during this time that the United States government decided to admit large numbers
of Ethiopian refugees. Consequently, between October 1, 1980 and September 1981, the
Immigration and Naturalization Services approved 3, 500 Etiniopians for resettlement in the US. In
the same period the number of Africans, excluding Ethiopians, admitted into the US. was only
278.177 Since linen, though the number varies, the US. continued to accept Etiniopian refuges and
immigrants.

Table 3: Number of Ethiopian 8 African Refuggs Resettled in the USA (1980-2000)178
Year From From
Ethiopia Africa

1980/8 3500 278
1

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1983 2544
1984 2517
1985 1739
1986 1265
1987 1800
1988 1447
1989 1723
1990 3114
1991 4085
1992 1927

 

1993 2710 6969
1994 197 5861
1995 192 4779
1996 170 7502
1997 197 6069
1998 152 6665
1999 1873 13048
Total 31,182 51,171

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

As it can be seen from Table 3 between 1980 and 1999, an average of 1,500 refugees
were admitted in to the US. annually. However, roughly speaking, for the ﬁrst ﬁve years of each

decade the number of Ethiopians resettled almost doubled. in the said years, some 2,500

 

‘77 Getacinew and Mangnent, The Etlnm' 'an, 5.
173 Data compiled from Report to the Congress: FY 1996 Refugee Resettlement Program. US Department of
Healtln and Human Services. Administration for Childmn and Fanilies Ofﬁce of Refugees Resettlement; and US.

DepartmentofJustice Immigration and Naturdization Service, StatisticalYgarBookofthe “Jim ' and
Naturalization Service 1999.

 

Ethiopian refugees were resettled in the US. annually. The higher number of Etiniopian refugees
that left their country in the stated years more or less reﬂects the degree of political turmoil in
Ethiopia. While the early 19805" refugees minor the immediate effects of the Red Tenor and the
military campaigns of the junta either against Somalia or the Eritrean secessionists, the early
19905 display the chaotic political atmosphere and the relative uncertainty associated with the
downfall of the Derg in 1991; and the coming to power of EPRDF. The continuous decline of
refugees admitted into the US. after 1993 is parallel to some of the American govemment's
refugee admittance policies. Aside from Cold War politics, often the US. govemnnent does not
accept refugees from countries which it mgard as “friendly“ states. The belief that peace and
stability has prevailed in Ethiopia since EPRDF is also another reason for the declining number of
Ethiopians admitted into the United States as refugees ‘79 which is an inconect assessment on
America's part that would compel us to look into the nature and rise of EPRDF to power.

".6: The Rise of EPRDF to Power and the Continued Refugee Flow from Etiniopian,
1991-2000

The Etiniopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front, as its leaders claim, is a
democratic front that brought togetiner organizations like Oromo People’s Democratic Organization
(OPDO), Amhara National Democratic Movement (ANDM), Tigray People’s Liberation Front

(T PLF) and others. Of these, the TPLF is the most dominant organization."’0 In the eyes of its

 

"9 Formnerai refugee admittance poiiciesandthefactorsthataffectsthan, see Karen Jacobson, “Factors
Inﬂuencing the Policy Response of Host Govemrrnents to the Mass Refugee inﬂuxes," International Migration Review
Vol. 30, No. 3. (Autumn, 1996), 655-678; Peter i. Rose, rTempest-Test Exile, Elinnicity and the Politics of Resque,"
my ical Forum, Vol. 8, No. 1. (Mar., 1993), 5-24;Rosemarie Rogers, “The Future of Refugee Flows and Policies,"
lntemational Mg‘ ration Review, Vol. 26, No.4. (Winter, 1992), 1112-1 143.; Kelly M. Greenhill, “Engeenered Migration
and the Use of Refugees as Political Weapons: A Case Study of the 1994 Cuban Baiseros Crisis,“ lntemational
M'gration, Vol. 40, No. 4 (2002), 3974; Michael J. McBride, “Migrants and Asylum Seekers: Policy Responses in the
UnMd States to Immigrants and Refugees from Central Arrnerica and the Caribbean,“ lntemational M'gration Vol.
37, No. 1 (1999), 290-317. ,

13°Oftlne5000rsoseatsintineEliniopianpalianent, sInerrgo,tineTPLFoccupies345eats. However,arnost
all key govemmenl positions such as prime minister's, foreign affairs, internal affairs (security) and defense are in the
hands of TPLF. In brms of budgetary allocation, Tigray’s share is muctn larger in relation to its population. The
country's businesses are also directly in the hands of the TPLF or under one of its afﬁliates. See, Siegfried

99

criﬁcs, EPRDFisnomoreﬁnanafacadeusedtocancelwhoﬁnerealnrlersofEﬁniopiaare,ﬁne
TPLF.181

The TPLF, as its name entails, is an eﬁnno-nationaiist iiberaﬁon movement that was
founded in 1975 in Tigray. When established, its objective was the independence of Tigray from
what it believed was EﬁniopianlAmhara domination. Because of its opposiﬁon to ﬁne unity of
Ethiopia, ﬁne TPLF beneﬁted tremendously from the support of similar secessionist movements in
country, mainly ﬁne Eritrean People’s Liberation Front. In fact, ﬁne latter provided training, weapons
and its good ofﬁces to ﬁne TPLF especially in its early days.182 In its early days and until ﬁne late
19805, ﬁne TPLF also got backing from Pan-Arab and Pan-Muslim govemments in ﬁne Middle East
and Africa who had a vested interest in ﬁne destabilization of Eﬁniopia. Until ﬁne late 19805, ﬁne
TPLF also followed a liberation ideology modeled after ﬁre ultra Marxist principles of Albanian
socialism.”3

However, a series of events compelled ﬁne TPLF to shed its Marxist cloak and secessionist
aspiraﬁons. By late 19805, because of ﬁne Michael Gorbacheve’s policy of giasnost and
perestroika, it becanne appaent ﬁnal socialism/Marxism-Leninism was no more a viable ideological
tool for a successful liberation struggle. The Soviet Union and its allies were no longer in a position
to provide support to liberaﬁon movennents in Africa and oﬁner parts of ﬁne world. On ﬁne oﬁer

hand, ﬁne Cold War that divided ﬁne world into more or less two camps was no more in existence.

 

Pausewang, Kjetil Trovnvoll and Lovise Aaien, "Democracy Unfulfilled?" in Siegfried Pausewang, IQetil Trovnvoll and
Lovise Aaien (eds), Eﬁnm’ ’a Since ﬁne Derg: A Decade of Democratic Pretensions and Performm( London: Zed
Books, 2002), 230-244; Assefa, The Pillage of Eﬁniopia

‘31 Kidane Mengisteab, “Eﬁniopia's Eﬁnnic Based Federalism: 10 Years After," African Issues Vol. 29, No.1l2
(2001), 20-25; Arnauit Sena-Horguelin, The Federal Eminent in Ethipg'a: A Soda-Political Analﬂ's (Bordeaux IV:
lnstitut D'Etudes Politiques De Bordeaux, 1999); Assefa Negash, The Pillage of Eﬁniog’a by Eritreans and ﬁneir Tigrean
glogates (Los Angeles: Adey Publishing Company, 1996); Aaron Tesfaye, Political Power and Eﬁnnic Federalism:
The Struggi_e for W (Lanham: University Press of America, 2002); Leernco Late, The Eﬁnm‘ '
ﬁle at ﬁne Crossroads: Decolonization and Democratizaﬁon or Disint_egration (Lawernceville: The Red Sea Press,
Inc, 1999);Theodore M. Vestal, Eﬁl'ppja: A Post-Cold War African State (WestportPraeger, 1999)

182 Young, Peasant Revolution 80-117

183 Young, Peasant Revolution" 167-168; Vesta, m, 183-192; Assefa, The PM of Eﬁrm‘ ' , 79-83

 

 

 

100

Hence, diehard Marxist organizaﬁons like ﬁne TPLF had to change if ﬁiey wanted to survive. Thus,
ﬁne TPLF embraced what was then known as mixed economy and the principles of free-rnarket as
opposed to socialist economic principles—command economy. TPLF's change of ideology, at least
theoretically, attracted western govemments who began viewing the TPLF in a better light
compared to line Derg who refused to change. Pressure from ﬁne EPLF which feared ﬁnal TPLF's
aspirations of independence from Eﬁniopia because of eﬁnnic domination, would delegilrniz EPLF’s
quest for secession based on claims of Eﬁniopian colonial domination compelled TPLF to drop its
secessionist agenda. Above all, events ﬁnal occurred in Tigray on the aftennaﬁn of ﬁne battle of
Shire-Endasillasse in 1989 in which ﬁne TPLF scored a resounding victory against ﬁne Derg and in
which the latter was forced to pullback all its armed forces from Tigray, convinced ﬁne TPLF to
change its secessionist agenda, at least for ﬁne ﬁme being.” After ﬁne batﬁe of Shire-
Endasillassie, Tigray was completely free from ﬁne central govemmenl in Addis Ababa and was left
to its own devices. This seemed to have made ﬁne TPLF realize ﬁnal an independent Tigray would
not survive economically or politically without Eﬁniopia. The organization also seemed to have
understood ﬁnal unless ﬁne remaining part of Eﬁiiopia was freed from ﬁne jaws of ﬁne military junta,
TPLF’s hard won defacto independence would not last long. The Derg could anytime reorganize
and regroup its forces and launch a counter offensive. Besides, ﬁne constant bombardment of
Tigray by the Ethiopian air force was another source of worry. In light of ﬁnese situations, ﬁne TPLF
came up wiﬁn a plan. One was to create organizations ﬁnal aspire freedom from ﬁne central
govemmenl or support organizations ﬁnal were ﬁghting to topple ﬁne regime in Addis. Accordingly,
ﬁle TPLF organized captive Oromo solders, who surrendered to ﬁne TPLF or EPLF at various

bafﬂes, into what is now known as Oromo People’s Democratic Organization (OPDO). In the

 

mArticle390fﬁne Ethiopian constitution guaanteesseceﬁontoanynaﬁonaityinﬁneoounﬁyﬁnatbels
oppressed. Thisaticlewhich legalizedﬁne19935ecessionofEritreafrom Eﬁliopia,isﬁnerelobeused byﬁneTPLF
oneday.

101

meantime, a splinter group from ﬁne EPRP which had been operaﬁng in norﬁnem Gondar since
1980/1981 under ﬁne name Eﬁniopian People’s Democratic Movement (EPDM), and who had been
supported by ﬁne TPLF quite for sometime, agreed to change its name into Amhara National
Democratic Movementlﬁ5 The TPLF also organized captured ofﬁcers of ﬁne Derg army into
Ethiopian Dennocraﬁc Ofﬁcers’ Revolutionary Movement (EDORM)."’6 Thus, EPRDF is an
amalgamation of ﬁnese and similar elements. In all instances, however, ﬁne leadership position in
ﬁnese psudo-Iiberalion fronts and organizations were held in ﬁne hands of puppets who have no
legitimate base of support aside from the TPLF backing or Tigryans (members of ﬁne TPLF)
themselves and people wiﬁn mixed eﬁnnic origins.

Using these organizations as a front, ﬁne TPLF wiﬁn EPLF invaded ﬁne rest of Eﬁniopia. In a
series of campaigns dubbed Zemecha Tewodros (“Campaign Tewodros" for ﬁne Iiberaﬁon of ﬁne
Amhara provinces ﬁnal encompassed Gondar and Gojjam) and Beiusuma welqituma (“Freedom
and Equality“ for ﬁne campaigns conducted in Oronno lands), ﬁne EPRDF and EPLF ended the
seventeen-year rule of ﬁne Derg in 1991 and established transitional govemmenl in Eﬁniopia.
While ﬁne series of military campaigns conducted in late 19805 and early 19905 against ﬁne Derg
produced hundreds of ﬁnousands of refuges ﬁnal ﬂed to ﬁne neighboring countries,187 ﬁne
eﬁnnocenlric nature of ﬁne EPRDF government and its stance on Eritrea (Eritrea was allowed to
secede in 1993) produced political opponents which ﬁne govemnnent condemned as Timkitegna
(chauvinist) and Neifegna (colonizer) and began persecuting ﬁnem. This coupled wiﬁi

disillusionment as ﬁne result of unfulﬁlled promises such as independence to ﬁne Oromos, the

 

‘95 Young, Peasant Revolution 165-171; Aaron, Political Ewen 100-109; Serra-Horguelin, The Federal
mm 29-31

‘35 EODM was disbanded sometime in 1993. Sonne of its general ofﬁcers died in dubious circumstances.

187Thennoreﬁnan100,00050ldersofﬁieNorﬁnernCornmandwhowerestatiornedin Eritrealeftforﬁne
neighboring Sudan and Djibouti, ﬁne Eﬁniopian Navy took refugee in Yemen. Members of ﬁne 106 airborne
paratroopers, university students who were sent to Bilate military training center, as part of ﬁne Dergs political gimmick,
and some members ofﬁne Central Command IeftforKenya.

 

102

single largest eﬁnnic group in the country, ﬁne realization ﬁnal EPRDF is a hoax to cover ﬁne
dominance of a single and yet a minority ethnic group, ﬁne Tigryans,188 and ﬁne disbanding of ﬁne
army (some 300,000) and its replacement wiﬁn ﬁne TPLF's guerrillas force, further produced
refugees, boﬁn economic and political, who continued to ﬂee to Kenya in larger numbers and to
Sudan, to some degree. The 1998-2000 Eritrean-Eﬁniopian war and ﬁne no peace no war scenario
following ﬁne boundary conﬂict, deportations of Eritrean and Ethiopian nationals from their
respecﬁve countries, ﬁne sporadic student protest against ﬁne eﬁnno-centrism of ﬁne EPRDF
regime, in addition to exposing TPLF/EPRDF’s undemocratic nature also continued to produce

refugees.

 

‘83 Leenco, The Eﬁniow‘ State, 209-217; Serra-Horguelin, The Federal 'men 2930.

103

CHAPTER iii
ET HIOPIANS IN AMERICA: PATTERNS OF SETTLEMENT, SURVNAL AND ADJUSTMENT.
AN EXPOSE OF ETHNIC, REGIONAL, CLASS DIFFERENCE AND GENERATION GAP WITHIN
AND AMONG ETHIOPIANS iN AMERICA

The second group of Eﬁniopians, ﬁnose who came to America after 1980, were political
refugees. They ﬂed ﬁneir country because of ﬁne dictatorial nile of ﬁne Derg who conducted mass
killings known as ﬁne Red Terror, and mass anests. Some of ﬁnem, at one time or anoﬁner, may
have been imprisoned or tortured by ﬁne military govemmenl. Overall, they were survivors of
political violence directed against ﬁnem eiﬁner from ﬁne govemmenl, or from among one of ﬁne
many guerrilla movements ﬁghﬁng against ﬁne govemmenl, and amongst ﬁnemselves.

The refugees had diverse social, economic and education backgrounds. They included
highly educated professionals, high school students and illiterate peasants. Yet, members of ﬁnese
groups were politically conscious. They were drawn from the various towns of ﬁne country ﬁnal were
hard hit by ﬁne Red Tenor, such as Addis Ababa and Gondar, and provinces like Gondar and
Tigray ﬁnal were batﬁe grounds between ﬁne govemmenl and ﬁne opposition.

The aforementioned provinces were also military bases of partisan movements such as
EPRP/EPRA, EDU, EPDA, and TPLF. These poliﬁcal movements and guerrilla forces, in addition
to ﬁghting ﬁne government, were also ﬁghting each oﬁner for political supremacy and resources.

The refugees left ﬁneir country ﬁnrough one of ﬁne neighboring countries, mainly Sudan and
thus had an added experience, hardship, as a refugee prior to ﬁneir arrival into ﬁne US. They had
dreadful memories of their country, war-tom, famine stricken and in ﬁne grip of a military dictator.
They began to be resetﬁed in ﬁne US. as early as 1981/82. By mid 19905, ﬁney consﬁtuted ﬁne
largest group among Eﬁniopians in America.

The majority of ﬁne refugees ﬁnough some were highly educated professionals who were

co-opted into ﬁne Imperial bureaucracy, were of lower class origin. They were composed of ﬁne

104

urban and ﬁne rural poor ﬁnat joined one or ﬁne oﬁner anti-govemment political parties or guerrilla
movement. Among ﬁnem were also elementary and high school students whose class background
and aspirations reﬂected ﬁne lower ranks of ﬁne petite bourgeoisie. Most of ﬁnem were from
provinces such as Gondar, Tigray, and urban centers like Addis Ababa and Gondar ﬁnat had been
hard hit by ﬁne Red Terror, war and famine. Consequenﬁy, Eﬁniopians in America are very diverse
in terms of class, eﬁnnic and regional origin, levels of education, political opinion, and context of
arrival into ﬁne U.S.

Changing gender roles, ﬁne generation gap and the absence of traditional institutions such
as ﬁne Eﬁniopian Orthodox church and community organizations are also oﬁner variables ﬁnat
confronted ﬁne Eﬁniopians in America. By highlighting ﬁne diversity of Eﬁniopians in America, this
and ﬁne following chapters will attempt to trace ﬁne probable sources of political discord among
Etlnicpians which might be related to and inﬂuenced by ﬁne aforementioned variables. Endeavors
will be made to minor ﬁne impact on ﬁne community of ﬁne absence or ﬁne incapacitation of
traditional institutions such as ﬁne community and ﬁne church, which used to be instrumental in
conﬂict resolution. Furﬁnermore, patterns of setﬁernnent, ﬁne evolution of new identities and ﬁne role
played by the host society in eiﬁner creating ﬁnese new identities or in preserving ﬁne old ones is

appraised.

Chapter ill. 1. Patterns of Settlement: The Role of Resettlement Agencies
A number of factors determine ﬁne spatial distribution of immigrants and refugees in ﬁne
U.S. Yet, not all factors equally affected immigrants and refugees who came to America. Hence,
one of ﬁne most important factors of setﬁement for some of ﬁne late 19" and early 20" century
immigrants in America was geographical convenience. For instance, while Italian immigrants

settled in ﬁne mid-and norﬁn Aﬁantic seaboard areas (Boston, New York, Philadelphia, and

105

Baltimore); Asians (ﬁne Chinese and Japanese) sought California and oﬁner Pacific States.
Mexicans, on ﬁneir part, concentrated in the Southwest, mainly along the U.S.-Mexican boarder. In
addition, financial consideration for inland travel, and ﬁne cost of return trip were also inﬂuential
factors for such decisions. For the Mexicans, in addition to ﬁne said reasons, similarities in
topography and climate of ﬁneir new home wiﬁn ﬁneir place of origin was anoﬁner reason ﬁnat
inﬂuenced ﬁneir patterns of settlement.

Moreover, labor recruitment agencies eiﬁner at ﬁne country of origin or in ports of entry in
the USA, also inﬂuenced ﬁne nature of immigrant settlement in ﬁne said period. The concentration
of East and Central European immigrants in ﬁne Midwest, which was ﬁne scene of heavy industrial
development (steel and auto making) at the turn of the 20''1 century, reﬂects the role labor
recruitment agencies and immigrant networks played in the pattern of immigrant settlement in
ﬁnese areas. Anoﬁner good example ﬁnat shows ﬁne role of labor recruitment agencies in
determining immigrants patterns of settlement were ﬁne Chinese coolies and Mexicans who were
employees of the Union and Central Paciﬁc railway companies, and whose settlement pattern also
followed ﬁne rail network, and hence depict ﬁne relationship between labor recruitment agencies
and settlement pattern of immigrants in ﬁne U.S.

Yet, not all immigrants who came to ﬁne US. were wage laborers. Some of ﬁnem,
especially ﬁnose who had come before the Civil War such as German immigrants, were lured by
the prospect of cheap land in ﬁne West. These immigrants also moved to sparsely setﬁed areas like
Illinois, Ohio, Indiana, and beyond. People from Scandinavian countries, who were independent
farmers, dominated the demographic contour in ﬁne West north central region, especially in

Minnesota and St. Paul-Minneapolis. Those Europeans who came later on followed the already

106

established eﬁnnic networks which resulted in ﬁne evolution of eﬁnnic enclaves such as Greek-town,
Little Italy, Chinatown . . . etc in America.1

However, ﬁne abovementioned variables ﬁnat determined ﬁne pattern of setﬁennent for
immigrants did not apply to all. Unlike ﬁne late 19th and early 201h century immigrants, the
settlement pattern of refugees and political asylees of ﬁne 1960s and 1970s was “often decided for
ﬁnem by government auﬁnorities and private resettlement agencies. In ﬁne past, the goal of ofﬁcial
programs had been to disperse refugee groups away from ﬁneir points of arrival to facilitate ﬁneir
cultural assimilation and attenuate the economic burden ﬁney are supposed to represent for
receiving areas."2 Thus, while ﬁnis is ﬁne a major reason for ﬁne multiplicity of setﬁements of Cuban
and Vretnamese refugees in America, it is also ﬁnis ofﬁcial decision coupled with secondary
migration, primarily driven by common culture and eﬁnnic afﬁnity, which resulted in ﬁne
development and evolution of “Little Havana” and 'Little Saigon” in Dade County (Florida) and
Orange County (California), respectively.

In the same vein, the US. Ofﬁce of Refugee Resettlement and oﬁner charity organizations
such as ﬁne Caﬁnolic Charity, lntemational Rescue Committee, Travelers 8. Immigrants Aid
organizations among others not only sponsored Ethiopian political refuges from various parts of the
world, mainly from Sudan, to ﬁne USA but also decided which state ﬁnese Eﬁniopians should
resettle. Thus, Ethiopian immigrants in America, who were primarily drawn from political refugees
of ﬁne 1980s and early 1990s, were dispersed ﬁnroughout ﬁne United States. California took almost

a quarter of ﬁne 27000 refugees (unofﬁcial sources put ﬁne ﬁgure at 40,000),3 who were admitted

 

1 Alejarndro Portes arnd Ruben G. Rumbaut, lmg’ rarnt America: A Portrait (Berkeley: University of California
Press, 1990), 29-31.
2 Fortes and Rumbaut, lmmg‘ rarnt America, 34; see also Min Zhou and Carl L. Mankston III, Growing up

55m :HoereﬁnarneseChildrethoneinﬁneUM‘ States(NewYork:RussellSegeFoundalion,1998),
45.

3 There is always controversy concerning ﬁne number of Eﬁniopians (refugees arnd immigrants) in ﬁne USA
While ﬁne ofﬁcial figure for Eﬁniopiarn political refugees who were admitted between 1983 and 1996 is 26530, ﬁne

107

into America between 1983 and 1996, Maryland, Washington, New York, Georgia, District of
Colombia and Illinois combined accommodated a quarter of ﬁne refugees. The rest were resettled
in ﬁne remaining parts of ﬁne USA except for Alaska, American Samoa, Guam, and Puerto Rico,
which also implies ﬁnat there were no Eﬁniopians in ﬁnese states prior to ﬁne 1990s. 4

Their dispersal, which ultimately created Eﬁniopian eﬁnnic enclaves in ﬁne various American
cities, was not accidental and random. As Anastasia Bilous, one of the representatives of the US.

Caﬁnolic Charities ﬁnat played a prominent role in ﬁne resettlement of Eﬁniopians in ﬁne U.S., stated:

Asavoluntaryagencyﬁnerearemarnyfactorsﬁnatmake usaddreesandplan
accordingly for ﬁne resetﬁement of Eﬁniopian refugees. Because ﬁne majority of
ﬁnern were single and wiﬁnout family ties or a commungy' in ﬁnis counl_r_y [emphasis
added] in which we could base ﬁnem, it made us create clusters of refugees to

avoid ﬁne situation . . . in which a non-English smaking Eﬁniogian ﬁnds himself in
an area where he could not communica_t_e witananvone. [Emphasis added] We try

not to place refugees in a vacuum. We eiﬁner build ﬁne community around ﬁnem or
initiate a plan to resetﬁe x number of refugees of a articular eﬁnnic background in
a given group, [emphasis added] or we staff our ofﬁces accordingly, so ﬁnat we are

able to meet ﬁnem and put ﬁnem into ﬁne system as it exists for one of ﬁne oﬁner groups.5

Therefore, gender, family ties and exposure to western culture were additional factors ﬁnat
inﬂuenced ﬁne decisions of ﬁne resetﬁement agencies and ﬁne patterns of Eﬁniopian immigrant
setﬁement in America.

Despite ﬁneir dispersal ﬁnroughout ﬁne states, Eﬁniopians are found in greater numbers in

certain cities such as Aﬁanta, Dallas, Los Angeles, New York and Washington DC.5 Among these,

 

unofﬁcial is almost double. For instance, ﬁne Eﬁniopian Community Association of Chicago, which is one of ﬁne eariiest
and strongest community association and which had been involved with refugee resettlennent in ﬁne U.S. (boﬁn
Eﬁniopian and oﬁner refugees from around ﬁne world) plawd ﬁne number of Eﬁniopian political refugees resettled in ﬁne
USA, for ﬁne same period, at 40,000. See Erku Wmar, ‘From Eﬁniopia to ﬁne USA' Issues in ﬁne Adjustment Process,”

Meetigg ﬁne Challenge: Building a Commun'gy nggﬁner (Eﬁniopian Community Association of Chicago, 1996), 30, 29-
35.

4 Some of ﬁne states, however, were assigned less ﬁnarn ten Eﬁniopiarn refugees. These States were
Arkansas, Hawaii, Idaho, Montana, New Hampshire, Vermont, West Virginia arnd Wyoming. See United States, Office
of Refugee Resettlement. Refugee Resetﬁement Program: Report to Congress, FY 1994. Washington DC: US.
Department of Healﬁn and Humarn Services, 1995?

5 ”Experiences in Resetﬁing Eﬁniopia Refugees” in The Eﬁniopian Community Dewbpment Council, Inc, & et
al., mugs of ﬁne Eﬁniogian Refuge_es; in ﬁne United States, Sepbrnber15-16, 1983, Washington DC
(Minneographed), 66, 65-67.

5 Don L. Chadwid‘. 'Eﬂniopims in Transition.’ WWW
(Eﬁniopian Community Association of Chicago, June 1996), 89, 86-91

108

ﬁne latter two are centers of major concentration of Eﬁniopians in America. While ﬁne Eﬁniopian
population in Los Angeles is estimated at 65,000,” those in Washington DC and the surrounding
areas (Virginia and Maryland) are estimated at more ﬁnan 40,000.ll

Chapter lll.1.2. Patterns of Settlement: The Role of Gender and the Availability of
Jobs

Beside the role of ﬁne resetﬁement agencies, ﬁne concentration of Eﬁniopians in ﬁnese
major American ciﬁes is also ﬁne outcome of internal migration. Migration studies indicated that
internal migration is a universal ﬁneme among immigrants, and one of ﬁne most common factors
ﬁnat initiate immigrant’s internal migration is the availability of jobs.9 Both LA and Washington DC,
being global cities, seem to offer better job opportunities especially in ﬁne service motor (janitorial,

cab driving, casher, security . . .etc)—a sector ﬁnat American-bom is less willing to work yet is a

 

7AzebTadessearndMeronAhadu,1jtﬁeEﬁniopia-Howithnperied,'Tarias,May18,2003.TheMegaz'Ineis
anornirnepubimtion: http://www.Tadias.com Forealierdataorn Ethiopian in LosAngeIes, see thy M. Moran,
'Eﬁniopian Refugeesarnd Exilesirn Los Arngeles,‘Womern's Studies Vot17,(1989),63-65.Slneda‘medlhain1986,
some8,000to14,000Eﬁniopianswereiv'lngirnLosAngeles

*However,ﬁne2000U.S.Cernsus Bureaidataindicetesﬁiatﬁnerewere113255AﬁiwnsMnoaccomtedfcr
1.3percentofﬁneforeigrrbunpopnﬂaﬁoninﬁneStateofCﬁforniaOfﬁnese,EﬁniopiansconstituteOJ percerntora
totdof11,818.Thetotalforeign-bompopulationirn Cdiforniawas8,864,.255 Meanwhie, inVug’nia Eﬁiiopians
cornsﬁtute7,859(1.4percent)ofﬁne$70,271foreign-bornpopiﬂaﬁmsﬂheﬁgireforﬁnemmpopulaﬁoninﬁnat
stateinhatsmneyeawas42,509a7.5percentdﬁneﬁntdfcreigrpoprﬁaﬁm. SeeU.SCernsusBuieau,m
2000.

 

8 The Census Bureau data on Eﬁniopians for Washington DC and ﬁne surrounding areas is also mucln less
ﬁnarn from ﬁnedairnsofunolﬁcial sources. Accordingly, ﬁne numberofEﬁniopiansresiding irn ﬁne DislrictofColombia in
2000 was 2,158 or 2.9 per cent of ﬁne total foreign-bom population, which was 73,561. Of ﬁnese, Africans account for
9,208 or 12.5 per cent of ﬁne total. Meanwhile, in Virginia Eﬁniopians constitute 7,859 (1.4 per cent) of ﬁne 570,271
foreign-bom pepulaﬁons in ﬁnal state. The ﬁgure for ﬁne total African population in ﬁnat state in ﬁnat same year was
42,509 or 7.5 per cent of ﬁne total foreign-population. In Maryland, loo, ﬁne number of Eﬁniopians is much greamr ﬁnarn
ﬁnat of Washington DC. According to ﬁne 2000 census, ﬁney numbered 6,295 or 1.2 per cent of ﬁne total foreign-born
population in ﬁnat state which is 518,315. Of ﬁnese, Africans account for 12.1 per cent (62,688). See US. Census
Bureau. _Ce_r_n§y_s_z_0_09.

9 Alain Belanger and Andrei Rogers, ”The Internal Migration and ﬁne Spatial Redistribution of ﬁne Foreign-
Bom Population in ﬁne United States: 1965-70 and 1975-80,” lntemational M'gration Review, Vol. 26, No.4 (Winter
1992), 1342-1369; Douglas T. Gurak and Mary M. Kritz, ‘ The lntemal Migration of US. Immigrants: Individual and
Contextual Determinants,” Social Forces Vol. 78, No. 3 (March 2000), 1017-1039; Mary M. Kritz and June M. Nogle,
”Nativity Concentration and lntemd Migration among ﬁne Foreign-Born,” mm Vol. 31, No. 3 (August 1994),
509-524; Frank Trovato, ”The lnterurban Mobility of ﬁne Foreign Born in Canada, 1976-81,” lntemational M'graﬁon
Review, Vol. 22, No. 3 (Autumn 1988), 59-86; Khalid Koser, ”Social Networks and ﬁne Asylum Cycle: The Case of
Iranians in ﬁne Neﬁnerlands,” Inﬂaﬁonal Mg' ration Review, Vol. 31, No. 3 (Autumn 1997), 591-611.

 

109

boon for ﬁne new immigrant.10 Moreover, ﬁne fact ﬁnat ﬁne Brookings Institution identiﬁed Los
Angeles and Washington DC as “post-World War II ﬁmmigrant] gateways,” and an “emerging
gateways,” respectively11 further illustrates why Eﬁniopians among oﬁners were drawn to such
cities. A look at ﬁne number of Eﬁniopians who entered into ﬁne U.S., for instance in 1999, reveals
ﬁnat more Eﬁniopians (3,847) had entered ﬁne U.S. ﬁnrough Washington DC ﬁnan any oﬁner major
port of entry.12 In case of Washington DC, however, there could be additional reason. Since
Washington DC, like Addis Ababa, is ﬁne seat of government, many Eﬁniopians might believe ﬁnat
opportunities are better in ﬁne capital city. In Eﬁniopia, it could also be true for most African
countries, migration is towards ﬁne capital city where a relatively better infrastructure and job
opportunities are available.13 Hence, the concentration of Ethiopians could be also ascribed to this
historicallﬁaditional belief among Eﬁniopians.

Marriage among Eﬁniopian immigrants might have also played a role in the lntemal
migration of and ﬁnus ﬁne concentraﬁcn of Eﬁniopians in ﬁne aforementioned places. This is

especially true when one looks at ﬁne marital status of ﬁne asylees and political refugee population

 

‘0 Philip Kasinitz, Caribbean New York: Black Immigrants and ﬁne Polities of Race (lﬁnaca: Cornell University
Press, 1992), 96-110; Min Zlnou and Carl L. Bankston lll, Growing Up American: How Vietn_arnese Clﬂren Ad_apt_to
Life in ﬁne United States (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1998), 2-3; Roger Waldinger and Mehdi Bozorgehr,
”The Making of a Multiwltural Metropolis,” in Eﬁnnic Los AngeLes, ed., Roger Waldinger and Mehdi Bozorgrnehr (New
York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1996), 3-34; Paul Orig and Abel Valenzuela, Jr., ”The Labor Market: Immigrant Effects
and Racial Disparities,” in Etlnnic Los Angel__e§, ed., Roger Waldinger and Mehdi Bozorgmehr (New York: Russel Sage
Foundation, 1996), 165-191.

‘1 Audrey Singer, ”The Rise of New Immigrant Gateways,” The l..ivir_ng Cities Census Series (The Brookings
Institution, (February 2004), 1-29.

12 Next to Washington DC, larger number of Ethiopians also entered America ﬁnrough Newark (1559), New
York (620), Los Angeles (225), Miami (115), and San Francisco (114). The role of Washington DC, Newark and New
York as major ports of entry for Eﬁniopians could be also ascribed to ﬁne Eﬁniopian Airlines. While Washington and
Newark were ﬂight destinations and departure points of Eﬁniopian Airiines in America New York’s proximity to ﬁne two
cities, especially to Newark, explains why it also becarrne a major hub for Eﬁniopians. See US. Department of Justice
Immigration and Naturalization Service, Statistical Year Book of ﬁne Immigration and Naturalization Service, 1999.

13 See for instance Derek Byerlee, ”Rural-Urban Migration in Africa Theory, Policy and Researcln
Implications,” lntemational M'gralion Review, Vol. 8, No.4 (Winter1974), 543-566; Samuel H. Preston, “Urban Growlln
in Developing Countries: A Demographic Reappraisal,” Pgmlation arid Demm Review, Vol. 5, No. 2 (June
1979), 195-215; Morag Bell, ”Modem Sector Employment and Urban Social Change: A case Study from Gaborone,
Botswarna,” Canadian Journd of African Studies Vol. 15, No. 2 (1981) 259-276; Joseph Uyanga, ”African Mobility A
Source Paper,” W Vol. 15, No. 4 (Vlﬁnter 1981), 707-736.

 

110

of Eﬁniopians in ﬁne 19805. Unlike ﬁne Vietnamese and Cuban refugees who had come as a family,
the Eﬁniopian political refugee proﬁle indicates ﬁne preponderance of bachelors. For instance, in
1980 ﬁne Washington DC Refugee Center noted ﬁnat more ﬁnan 50 per cent of ﬁne Eﬁniopians in the
city were single male and in ﬁneir early twenties. Hence, in ﬁne absence of traditional family-
oriented infrastructure, ﬁney have to rely upon friendship networks and oﬁner forms of relaﬁonship.“
This male dominated proﬁle of ﬁne Ethiopian immigrant community has not changed much ﬁnrough
time. In 1986, ﬁne Department of Healﬁn and Human Services conducted a study of Eﬁniopians in
three American cities: Dallas, Los Angeles and Washington DC. The survey, which included 1003
Eﬁniopians who came to ﬁne USA between 1983 and 1985, showed ﬁnat 60 per cent of ﬁne
Eﬁniopians were within ﬁne age range of 2029; and 70 per cent of ﬁne group is male while 30 per
cent constituted females.15 The preponderance of single-male Eﬁniopians in America continues to
this day. The 1990 US. Census showed ﬁnat ﬁnere were 12,255 (45.5 of ﬁne total marriageable-age
Ethiopian population in ﬁne U.S., which was 26,911) unmarried Eﬁniopians. This ﬁgure does not
include ﬁne widowed (528 or 2 per cent) and ﬁne divorced (1,693 or 6.3 per cent) Eﬁnicpians in
America.16 The 2000 census, too, reﬂects ﬁne same trend. Of ﬁne 67,183 marriageable-age
Ethiopians in America, 13,115 males and 11,115 females were never manied. In addition, there
were 1521 separated, 2470 divorced, and 225 widowed Eﬁniopian males; and 1813 separated,
3164 divorced, and 225 widowed female Ethiopians in America.17 Aside form ﬁne gap between
ﬁnose who were married and unmarried Eﬁniopians of ﬁne marriageable age, ﬁne higher ratio of

single adults under the age of 40 and ﬁne numerical imbalance between unmarried male and

 

“JesseBurnch, CathySdnmdaandetd.,'NeedsAssewnaﬁdeemmnanddion'W
in m Unibd States, 83-89.

15ErkuYirna, 'FrornEIIniopiatotheUSA' lssuesinllneﬂusﬁnerntProcess,”MeetingllneChdenge:
BtitingaComrnunityTogeﬁner(Eﬁniopian ComrnunityAesodﬁonofChicago, June 1996), 30, 29-35.

”SeeU.S.CensusBureau,Census1990.Alsoontlnemb:
http://census.qov/pcpulation/sccdemc/ancestry/Ethiopian.text

'7SeeU.S. CensusBureau, CensusAlQQAlsoonﬁnemb:
http://factﬁnder.census.qov/home/en/datanctes/expsf4.htm

111

female Eﬁniopians—66 per cent of Eﬁniopians in America are male and 34 per cent female— was
anoﬁner factor ﬁnat possibly triggered internal migration.18

The predominance of young and single Eﬁniopians in a locality also has a domino effect. In
Eﬁnicpia domestic chores are gendered. More ﬁnan often men do not deal wiﬁn anyﬁning ﬁnat relates
to domestics sucln as cooking, laundry, taking care of children . . . etc.19 Hence, ﬁnese single
Eﬁniopian men have neiﬁner ﬁne skill nor ﬁne cultural background to prepare ﬁneir own food, which in
fact is essential in new surroundings where ﬁney cannot ﬁnd ﬁne food ﬁney were accustomed to.
Meanwhile American food is less palatable to ﬁneir taste. Such circumstance creates the following
scenario: marriage appears attractive. On ﬁne oﬁner hand, ﬁne availability of singles in large
numbers among the community encourages enﬁepreneurs to prepare enjera (a ﬂuffy, pancake like
bread made of Ieﬂ‘ widely used in Eﬁniopia) and sell or open Eﬁniopian store and restaurants. This
in turn will attract more Ethiopians to a locality.

Chapter III. 1.3. Patterns of Settlement: The Role of EthnicityfRegIonallsm and
Religion among Ethiopians in America

Immigrant religious, eﬁnnic and regional afﬁliation also plays a role in ﬁne attraction and
concentration of immigrant groups to a certain American city or state. There appears to be a
preponderance of Eﬁniopians from a particular region in cities like Seatﬁe (Washington), Columbus
(Ohio), St. Paul-Minneapolis and Los Angeles (California).

My interaction with Eﬁniopians indicated ﬁnat ﬁnere is a consensus ﬁnat Gondares are over
represented among Eﬁniopian immigrants in general and ﬁnose in America in particular. Given ﬁne

events that took place in ﬁne province following ﬁne overtlnrow of Haile Sellassie’s government, ﬁnis

 

‘3 Yewoubdar Beyerne, ”Potential HlV Risk Behaviors Among Eﬁniopians and Eritreans in ﬁne Diaspora: A
Bird’s-Eye View,” Journal of Norﬁneast African Studies Vol. 7, No. 2 (New Series), 2000, 119—142.

19 Men's reluctance to engage in domestic or housework is a common ﬁneme that affects many societies, arnd
one ofﬁne reasons for sucln stance is ﬁnal men associate housework with women's work and hence a denigraling task
to ﬁneir masculinity. &e Barbara A. Arrighi and David J. Maurine, Jr., ”Workplace Subordination and Men’s Avoidance
of Housework,” Journal of Famﬁy M, Vol. 21, No. 4 (May 2000), 464-487.

 

112

has some validity. Studies ﬁnat dealt wiﬁn refugee outﬂows indicated ﬁnat ”ﬁne designation or
evolution of one group or several groups as obstacles to the successful formation of a nation-state
or the maintenance of power ﬁnen frequenﬁy mark ﬁne onset of persecution along various lines
such as race, eﬁnnicity, nationality, religion, or political belonging.”20 Accordingly, as explained in
chapter two, ﬁne Derg condemned ﬁne populace of ﬁne province as tsere-abyot (counter-revolution)
because of the presence of political parties like EDU, EPRP and TPLF. As a consequence, the
Derg conducted a series of military campaigns ﬁnat destabilized ﬁne whole province. Meanwhile,
the rivalry between ﬁne various guerrilla movements such as EDU, EPRP/A, and TPLF ﬁnat were
operating in ﬁne province furﬁner worsened ﬁne already destabilized community. Moreover, ﬁne
defeat of one or ﬁne oﬁner partisan movement in ﬁne province was accompanied by ﬁne ﬂight to
Sudan of members of ﬁne group, including its sympaﬁnizers. As Thomas Faist apﬁy summed it”. . .
ln ﬁnese cases not only political activists ﬂee but also categories of people singled out by ﬁne new
rulers as undesirable."21 In our case, ”ﬁne new rulers” include, in addiﬁon to ﬁne Derg, one or ﬁne
oﬁner guerrilla movement ﬁnat successfully defeated its opponents and ousted them from Gondar.
Moreover, ﬁne province has also served as a ﬁnoroughfare for many Eﬁniopians who left their
country for Sudan, which encouraged people of ﬁne province to follow ﬁne lead. Furﬁnerrnore,
Operation Moses and Solomon ﬁnat airlifted ﬁnousands of Beta Israel, who were primarily from
Gondar, had also further exposed ﬁne populace of ﬁne province to ﬁne idea of migration and
encouraged ﬁnem to follow ﬁneir neighbors, Beta lsraelis”, example. Finally, ﬁne migration of
Gondares to America ﬁnat began ﬁnrough refugee resetﬁement, had now transformed itself into a
chain migration, family reunion, and hence ﬁne preponderance of Gondares in America and

elsewhere.

 

”Thomas FaistTheVolume amissofln ‘ al ' rationarndTraisnational
(Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2000), 65.
2‘ Faist, The Volume and Manics, 66.

113

Eﬁniopians believe ﬁnat Gondares are predominarnt in Seatﬁe where, according to ofﬁcial
sources, more ﬁnan 4000 Eﬁniopians were found in 2000.22 The presence of Eﬁniopians in general
and Gondares in particular in Seatﬁe and ﬁne surrounding areas dates back to ﬁne 1960s.
According to informants, in ﬁnose days, there were a handful of Ethiopian students, a total of seven,
who were attending colleges and universities ﬁnroughout ﬁne State of Washington. The schools
ﬁney attended were Walla Walla and Pulman Colleges and ﬁne University of Washington (Seattle).
Aside from casual communication among ﬁnem, ﬁnese students had no formal channel or
organization. Meanwhile, ﬁne 1974 Eﬁniopian famine convinced ﬁnem to get togeﬁner and do
someﬁning wout it. It was ﬁom such desire and ﬁne need to survive as asylees in America ﬁnat
prompted ﬁnem to establish an organization, ﬁne Eﬁniopian Community Mutual Association
(ECMA).23

Eiﬁner due to ﬁne existence of this community organization in Seattle or because of ﬁne
availability of jobs, ﬁne ORR began resetﬁing Eﬁniopian refugees in Seatﬁe in ﬁne early 19805.
However, ﬁnere is no data on ﬁnese Eﬁniopians until ﬁne 1990 US. Census. In fact, ﬁnere is no
infonnaﬁon for Africans in America until ﬁne 1990 Census. The INS, too, has no ﬁgure for Africans
and Eﬁniopians in ﬁne pre-19903 period. Even after ﬁne 1990 Census, ﬁne ofﬁcial ﬁgure for
Eﬁniopians was contested. For instance, while ﬁne ECMA claimed to have more ﬁnan 10,000
Eﬁniopians under its umbrella in 1990 and more ﬁnan 20,000 in 2000, the 1990 and 2000 Census
ﬁgures showed a much smaller ﬁgure: less ﬁnan 3,000 and a 4414 respectively. In fact, ﬁne latter

ﬁgure accounted for ﬁne total number of Eﬁniopians in the state of Washington in 2000.

 

22 While ﬁne 1990 wnsus indicated ﬁnat ﬁnere were about 3000 Eﬁniopiarns who mainly reside in lGng County,
ﬁne 2000 Census showed ﬁnat ﬁnere were 4,414 or 0.4 per cent of ﬁne total foreign-Dom population (614,457) in ﬁne
state. However, ﬁne former mayor of ﬁne city, Mr. Rice, while addressing ﬁne 2004 Eﬁniopian Soccer Tournament in
Seattle, indicated ﬁnatﬁnereae20,000Eﬁiiopiansinﬁnecity. ForCernsusBureauﬁgures,seeUSCernsusBumeu,

msus 2000 Summm File 3.
23 Informarnts: Benjamin, ﬁne King, and Belete.

114

Be ﬁnat as it may, almost all Eﬁniopian businesses such as restaurants and grocery stores
in Seatﬁe are Gondare owned. Among ﬁne businesses in ﬁnat city, ﬁne exceptions are an Abyssinia
Store, Meskal and Lalibella restaurants. Moreover, ﬁne priests of St. Gabriel church, one of ﬁne
biggest Eﬁniopian Orthodox churches in America, are all Gondares. Hence, ﬁne church also serves
as ﬁne seat of ﬁne one of ﬁne archbishops and member of ﬁne Synod in exile. He, too, is a Gondare.
The name of ﬁne city’s soccer team, Dashen, which is ﬁne highest mountain in Eﬁniopia and found
in Gondar province, also reﬂects ﬁne link between place of origin and setﬁement, and ﬁne
predominance of Gondares in ﬁnat city.

Gondares are also believed to be in greater numbers in Califomia, especially in ﬁne Los
Angeles and Bay areas. As in Seatﬁe, the presence of Ethiopians in Los Angeles goes back to the
pre-revoluﬁon days. Like Seattle, ﬁnough deﬁnite ﬁgures are hard to come by, Los Angeles was,
relatively speaking, one of ﬁne cities wiﬁn a fairly sizable Ethiopian population in the pre-revoluﬁon
days. The presence of Eﬁniopians in Los Angeles dates back to ﬁne 1950s when Eﬁniopians began
moving to souﬁnem California as students, visitors and exchange scholars. The minuscule, yet
cohesive community's rrnorale was boosted when Emperor Haile Sellassie visited ﬁne University of
California, Los Angeles (UCLA) in ﬁne 1960s. The chancellor of ﬁne university, Dr. Young, awarded
Haile Sellassie a special medal.” In early 1980s, ﬁnese Eﬁniopians ﬁied to lobby U.S.
Congressmen so ﬁnat ﬁne latter would intercede on behalf of Eﬁniopians who were going to be
deported. In ﬁnose days, ﬁne Reagan Administration was going to deport Eﬁniopian students,
businessmen and visitors who sought asylum in America because of the turn of events in ﬁneir

country.

 

2‘AzebTadesseandMerornAhadu, 1JttleEﬁniopia—I-lowithnpenedfTarias, May18, 2003. Also
avddnle on ﬁne a http://www.Tadias.corm see dso lie EIiopian-Arnerican Advom Grow (EAAG) websib:

http://www.ethioadvocacvorci/little Ethiopiahtml

115

Neverﬁneless, it was not until after ﬁne 1974 revolution and ﬁne arrival of ﬁnousands of
Eﬁniopian refugees to ﬁne state in the 19805 and 19903 ﬁnal Ethiopian community associations
began to emerge in parts of California such as Los Angeles. Between 1983 and 1996, ﬁne ORR
resetﬁed about 27,000 Eﬁniopians throughout the US. Of these, more ﬁnan 11,000 Eﬁniopians
refugees were resetﬁed in Califomia—unofﬁcial sources put ﬁne number of refugees resetﬁed in ﬁne
US at 40,000.25

It was also after ﬁne anival of ﬁne refugees in Los Angeles ﬁnal ﬁne city witrnessed ﬁne
establishment of its ﬁrst Ethiopian Orthodox church. The St. Mary Eﬁniopian Orﬁnodox church was
established in 1988.25 The arrival of ﬁne refuges besides boosﬁng the number of Eﬁniopians in
California has changed ﬁne regional as well as asylees/refugee composition of Ethiopians in ﬁnal
states. Since ﬁnen, Eﬁniopian refugees mainly from Gondar dominated ﬁne state and hence cities
like Los Angeles. So much so, a certain company, Meridian Interactive Communications, which
seemed to have noticed ﬁne number of Gondares in ﬁnal area, introduced a calling card, Selamta
(Greetings) into ﬁne market. The calling card has ﬁne image of Fascillads Casﬁe (ﬁne 17" century
imperial palace in Gondar), ﬂanked on ﬁne sides by ﬁne Eﬁniopian national ﬂag and ﬁne Obelisk of
Axium.

Like Seattle, Los Angeles is also ﬁne seat one of ﬁne archbishops of ﬁne Eﬁniopian
Orthodox church and ﬁne head of the Holy Synod in America, who is also a Gondare. Moreover,

Eﬁniopians in California refer to ﬁne Silicon Valley as Azazo, a suburb of ﬁne city of Gondar located

 

5 There is always controversy concerning ﬁne number of Eﬁniopiarns (refugees and immigrants) in ﬁne USA:
WhileﬁneofﬁcialﬁgureforEﬁniopian poliliml refugeeswhowereadrrnitted between 19833nd 1996326530, ﬁne
unofﬁcial is almost double. For instance, ﬁne Eﬁniopian Community Association of Chicago, which is one of ﬁne earliest
and strongest community association and which had been involmd wiﬁn reﬁigee resetﬁement in ﬁne U.S. (boﬁn
Ethiopian and oﬁner refugees from around ﬁne world) placed ﬁne number of Eﬁniopian political refugees resetﬁed in ﬁne
USA, for ﬁne same period, at 40,000. See Erku Wmar, ”From Eﬁniopia to ﬁne USN Issues in ﬁne Adjustment Process,”

ﬁling me Challenge: Building a Commungy‘ TM (Eﬁniopian Community Association of Chicago, 1996), 30, 29-
35.

25 Margaret Ramirez, ”Eﬁniopiarn Church Finds Home of Its Own: After Years of Errarnt Services, Orﬁnodox
Christians View New Quarters As a Sign of Cornirng of Age,” The Los Angles Times, June 5, 2002, 81.

116

some 12 kms away from ﬁne city. Recenﬁy, realizing ﬁne growing number of ﬁne Eﬁniopian
population in Los Angeles in particular and California in general, ﬁne Eﬁniopian govemmenl opened
councilor ofﬁce in Los Angeles. Incidentally, ﬁne appointee is a man from Gondar, which does not
seem to be accidental especially given ﬁne Eﬁniopian govemmenl’s eﬁnnic/regional conscious
policies. A furﬁner indicaﬁon to ﬁne predominance of Gondares in Los Angeles and Seattle is ﬁne
presence of strong Gondar Mutual Association which mobilizes and caters primarily for Gondares
and whose nnembership criterion is being a Gondare [born from Gondarl.27

In the Twin Cities of Minneapolis-St. Paul ﬁne Oromos, especially ﬁnose ﬁom Wallega (a
province located in western Eﬁniopia), are believed to be in greater numbers. According to ﬁne
Eﬁniopian Embassy estimates, ﬁnere are 12,000 Oromos residing in Minnesota.28 So much so,
Eﬁniopians refer to ﬁne Twin Cites as ﬁne ”Oromia capital in America.” Here, however, in addition to
eﬁnniclregional attachment ﬁnal draws co-eﬁnnics to ﬁne cities, religious afﬁliation, in this case the
Luﬁneran church, seemed to have also contributed immensely. The relationship between ﬁne
Luﬁneran church and Oromos of Wallega dates back to the late 19th century. Since ﬁnen, as the
result of ﬁne continuous American, German and Scandinavian evangelization work in Wallega,
unlike ﬁne majority of ﬁne Oromos from Bale, Anisi and Harar, many Oromos from Wallega are
Protestant Christians. However, until ﬁne Italian occupation of Eﬁniopia, ﬁne followers of Protestant
sects such as Luﬁnerans, Baptists and Presbyterians did not have a common organization. But, the

Italian attempt to bring ﬁnese denominations under Caﬁnolicism seemed to have necessitated and

 

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117

encouraged Protestant evangelists to work closer, which ﬁnally canne into a reality in December
1952 at a conference in, Nakamte, Wallega. The umbrella organization ﬁney created was a
Luﬁneran church, which is known among Eﬁniopians as Mekane Yasus?9 Thus, Wallega not only
was one of ﬁne earliest and successful sites of Protestant missionaries in Ethiopia, but also ﬁne
birthplace of ﬁne Eﬁniopian Luﬁneran church, Mekane Yasus. What is more, until very recenﬁy ﬁne
Mekane Yasus institution was under ﬁne domains of Walleges (people horn Wallega). Almost all of
ﬁne naﬁonal annual conferences of ﬁne Mekane Yasus church which were held between 1952 and
1970/71, ﬁnem were hosted in ﬁne various parts of Wallega such as Nekemte, Dambe Dollo, Nedjo
and Manda; and almost all ﬁne participants of ﬁne conference were people from Wallega. Alﬁnough
letters of invitations had been sent to ﬁneir co-religions in oﬁner parts of ﬁne country, except for
ﬁnose from Addis Ababa and Gore (ﬁne capital of lllubabor, a souﬁiwestem province of Ethiopia),
none sent ﬁneir delegates to these conferences.

Wallega had also ﬁne largest Protestant congregation in ﬁne country. On ﬁne eve of ﬁne
Revolution, it had about 4000 Caﬁnolics, 15000 Protestants and some 1500 Pentecostals. Hence,
while Orﬁnodox Christians and Muslems constitute 40 and 30 per cent of ﬁne total population of ﬁne

province respectively, followers of Mekane Yasus (including ﬁne Catholics) and traditional believers

 

29 For ﬁne history of Protestant missionary work in Eﬁniopia especially western Eﬁiiopia, Wallega, see Johnny
Bakke, Christian Minislly: Patterns and Functions Vlﬁﬁnin ﬁne Eﬁniogian Evangelical clnurch Mekane Yesus (Oslo: Solum
Forlag A. S, 1987), 93-105, 137- 141; Gustav Aren, Evangelical Pioners in Eﬁniopi_a: Origiee of ﬁne Evangelical clnurcln
Mekan_Y____e_____ Yesus (Stockholm, 1978), 374-398, 412-420; Faqadu Gumnessa, ”Yawangg Emnat Engimasse Beam:

Yetyepja Wangelawet Beta Kirsteyan Mekane Bagus Arnasararaﬁna Edigat Tarik” [Evangelical Acﬁviﬁes' in Eﬁniopia:

The History of ﬁne Establishrrnent and Development of ﬁne Eﬁniopian Evangelical Mekaneysus church] (Addis Ababa,
1999), 216-235, 261-263, 313-325, 337-343; Emmanuel Abraha, Reminiscences of My Life (Oslo: Lunde forlag, 1995),
279-282; Oyvind M. Eide, Revoluﬁorn and Rem In Eﬁn‘epja: The Growﬁn and Persecution of ﬁne Mekarne Yesus
clngrch, 1974-85 (Oxford: James Currey, 2000), 56-58; Tibebe Eshete, ”The Sudan Interior Mission (SIM) in Eﬁniopia
(1928-1970) Northeast African Studies Vol. 6, No. 3 (New Series, 1999), 27-58, especially 30-32; Ibsaa Guutama,

Prison of Conscience: Uegg Comwnd Maa'ikalaawii Eﬁnm‘ ‘ Terror Prison and Tradiﬁon (New York: Gubirans
Publishing, 2003), 85-86.

 

118

accounted for 10.2 and 19.2 per cent. The naﬁonal average for Protestants was less ﬁnan 5 per
cernl.30

While ﬁneir different religion, Protestanﬁsm, had brought ﬁnem to loggerheads wiﬁn ﬁne
Eﬁniopian Orﬁnodox church, which had also a strong hold in Wallega, ﬁne preponderance of
educated Walleges, Oromos, in ﬁne Mekane Yesus church made ﬁne Eﬁniopian govemmenl
uncomfortable. The govemmenl suspected ﬁnal the church could be a breading ground for Oromo
naﬁonalism, which, to some degree, was true. As Oyvind Eide indicated ”. . . ﬁne acﬁviﬁes of ﬁne
[Mekane Yesus] church at ﬁne center carried a deep ambivalence. Pursuing ﬁne naﬁonal center’s
ofﬁcial policy, ﬁne church at ﬁne same ﬁme equipped ﬁne periphery wiﬁn ﬁne tools necessary for
comprehending structural aspects of opposiﬁon and so forming the basis for poliﬁcal opposiﬁon.”31
Eide also noted how increasingly Mekane Yesus church is idenﬁﬁed wiﬁn Oromo naﬁonalism:

Thedeveloprnerntofan Orornoelite, wiﬁn anewidenﬁty [ﬁne newidenﬁty
being Protestant religion] and an increased awareness of center poliﬁes,
become a factor of importance, expressing itself in different ways. This elite
became in part a qualiﬁed and visionary leadership of ﬁne EECMY [Eﬁniopian
Evangelical churcln of Mekane Yesus], and in part an intellectual sﬁmulus
enabling others to choose more radical expressions of Oromo eﬁnnicity . . .
[Hence], in spite of its program of poliﬁcal neutrality, ﬁne clnurcln ﬁnus became
partofﬁne mostdecisive poliﬁcal processofﬁnenation.32

Emmanuel Abraham, who was the longest serving president of EECMY—he served the
church in ﬁnal capacity for more ﬁnan two decades—and he was an Oromo from Wallega, who
expressed his concern against ﬁne eﬁnno-religious persecuﬁon of Oromos from ﬁnal province. As he
noted it ”. . . it can be stated ﬁnal, unﬁl the popular movement later called ‘abiot’ was started, ﬁnere
was no ﬁme when ﬁne Wallega Evangelical Chrisﬁans had respite from ill-treatrnent by [Eﬁniopian

govemmenl] ofﬁcials.”33

 

3° Oyvind M. Eide, Revoluﬁon and Rely ion in Eﬁniog’a: The Growﬁi and Persecuﬁon of ﬁne MM Yﬂs
Churcln 1974-85 (Oxford: James Currey, 2000), 45, 53.

3‘ Eide, Revolution and Religion, 61.

32 Eide, Revoluﬁon and Relg‘ ion, 93
33 Emmanuel, Reminiscence 284.

 

 

119

Thus, ﬁne raising of eﬁnnic consciousness among Protestant Oromos coupled wiﬁn ﬁne
strong ﬁes of ﬁne Mekane Yesus church wiﬁn ﬁne outside world ﬁnally brought the wraﬁn of ﬁne Derg,
ﬁne Marxist oriented military govemnnenl of Eﬁniopia (1974-1991), against ﬁne Mekane Yesus.
Consequenﬁy, people from Wallega were persecuted due to ﬁneir faith, nationalist aspiraﬁons and
their strong ﬁes wiﬁn ﬁne outside world which, in ﬁnose days, ﬁne Derg viewed as imperialists}:4

While ﬁneir connection with ﬁne Luﬁneran church made people from Wallega targets of
religiouslpoliﬁcal persecuﬁon under boﬁn ﬁne Haile Sellasse”s rule and ﬁnal of ﬁne Darg,35 it seemed
to have also beneﬁted ﬁnem. For most of the Walleges/Oromos, it was easier to access ﬁne
resources of ﬁne Luﬁneran church in ﬁnding refuge in America and oﬁner parts of ﬁne world, and
ﬁnance reseﬁlement in ﬁne Twin Cities, which incidentally, is also ﬁne primary setﬁement site of
Scandinavians of ﬁne Luﬁneran denominaﬁon.36 Finally, ﬁne existence of Oromo Community
Associaﬁon ﬁnal caters only to Eﬁniopians of Oromo eﬁnnicity in Minneapolis since 1995, and ﬁne
fact ﬁnal ﬁne Oromo Studies Journal is headquartered in ﬁne Twin Ciﬁes is addiﬁonal tesﬁmony to

ﬁne primacy of Eﬁniopians of Oromo origin in ﬁnal c'rly.37

 

3‘ The oﬁner most important incident ﬁnal strengﬁnened ﬁne Scandinavian Luﬁnerarn missionaries in Eﬁiiopia
was ﬁne poliﬁcal developments in China. Unﬁl 1948, ﬁne Norwegian Missionaries were proselyﬁzing Chrisﬁanity in
China since ﬁne late 19" century. However, wiﬁn ﬁne emergence of Communism in China, ﬁne Norwegians were forced
to leave ﬁnal country. It was at ﬁnis ﬁme ﬁnat ﬁne Swedish missionaries who have already laid ﬁneir strorng foundaﬁon in
Eﬁniopia extended an invitation for ﬁne Norwegian Missionaries to join ﬁnem in Eﬁniopia. The latter ﬁnus transferred ﬁneir
missionary work from China to Ethiopia which furﬁner strengﬁnened ﬁne Luﬁneran church connecﬁon in Eﬁniopia. See
Faqadu, 'Yawangel Emnat Engisigasse Baetyeg’a,” 308, 314336, 351-355.

35 Emmanuel Abraham reported ﬁiat ﬁne Orﬁnodox clnurcln leaders beﬁeved ﬁnal ﬁne Mekane Ywus clnurcln
was his organizaﬁon ie. a Wallega organizaﬁon while ﬁne ﬁnen Prime Minister, Aklilu Habite, was aga'nst ﬁne church's
relaﬁon wiﬁn ﬁne outside world. Moreover, Ammanuel had also indicated ﬁnal despite ﬁne Emperors goodwill towards
ﬁne Mekane Yesus churcln, ﬁne ofﬁcials were not. See Ammanuel, Reminiscences 284, 257, 251.

36 Ororrnos are also believed to be found in large numbers in Toronto (Canada), Germany and Scandinavian
countries, especially Sweden. The two European countries were pioneers of missionary work in Eﬁniopia especidly in
Wallega, and ﬁneir ﬁrst mission staﬁon established in Nedjo (Wallega). Moreover, ﬁne two most important posts of
EECMY, ﬁne ofﬁce of president and secretary, seemed to have been reserved for Walleges. For instance, ﬁne two most
prorninentleadersofﬁne EECMY, ﬁnelongestserving presidentaid secretarywereAmmanuelAbrhan and Gudirna
Tumsa respecﬁvely, who boﬁn of ﬁnem were from Wallega.

37 The Ororrno Associaﬁon is located at 1505 5" St, MN 5545. Beside oﬁner ﬁnings, it is engaged in teaching
Afaan Oromo (ﬁne Ororrno language), culture and history. It also believes ﬁnal Oromos are colonized people since
18903. See ﬁne bylaws of Oromo Community of Minnesota (mimeographed).

 

120

Discussing Oromo immigrants in Minnesota solely in Chrisﬁan terms is problemaﬁc. Not all
Oromos in Eﬁniopia are Christians. The ratio between Muslim and Chrisﬁan Oromos (including the
followers of Orﬁnodox Chrisﬁanity) in Eﬁniopia is roughly equal, each account for more ﬁnan 40 per
cent. Thus, ﬁnere is no doubt ﬁnal ﬁnere are some Muslims among ﬁne Oromos in Minneapolis.
However, because ﬁne city is also ﬁne home of ﬁne largest Somali community in America—the State
of Minnesota esﬁmales ﬁne Somali populaﬁon between 14,000 and 15,000. Somalis residents of
the state put ﬁne ﬁgure around 80,000 and more 38— Muslim Oromos could be also mistaken for
Somalis.39 Oromos ﬁom the Ethiopian provinces of Harar, Bale and Arusi, which are also regions
ﬁnal adjoin ﬁne Somali State, have shared cultural ﬁaits because of Islam and geographic proximity
to each oﬁner. Following ﬁnis trend, it is also plausible to assume ﬁnal ﬁne Twin Ciﬁes in particular
and Minnesota in general is also a major place where Eﬁniopian Somalis reside in large numbers.
In fact, Katherine Fennelly and Nicole Palasz’s study of English Language Proﬁciency of
Immigrants and Refugees in the Twin Cities Metropolitan Area indicated ﬁnal of ﬁne 217 Somalis
interviewed, 21 per cent of ﬁnem speak Amharic, in addition to English and Somali, at home. The
study also displayed ﬁnal 16 per cent of ﬁne Somalis were born in Eﬁniopia. Thus while ﬁne study
ﬁnding conﬁrms the existence of a sizable Eﬁniopian Somali community in the Twin Ciﬁes, it also
poses a problem. Hence, a detailed study of ﬁne origin, relaﬁonship and pattern of setﬁement
among Somalis from Somalia and ﬁnose ﬁom Eﬁniopia, and between Oromos and Somalis in

general is needed. Despite ﬁnis lacuna, it is apparent ﬁnal religion, in ﬁnis case, Islam, seems to

 

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PeopleaeGaﬁnered'IntlneTw'lnCiﬁesforFmandbDiswssﬁneEwnlsﬁnatManySayFucedTherntoFleeAﬁice,”
WW2. 2001. 18.

 

121

have also played a role in attracﬁng Eﬁniopian Somalis and Oromos to Minnesota. The latter is
noted for being one of ﬁne states with a fastest growing Islamic populaﬁon in the USA.40

Oromos are also found in large numbers in Columbus, Ohio. Here, too, ﬁne Luﬁneran
Missionary activity in Ethiopia that also encompassed norﬁnem Ethiopia, especially since the
1950s, might have contributed for this eventuality. The 19505 were important in ﬁne history of
Lutheran missionary activity in Eﬁniopia in ﬁnal it was during ﬁnis ﬁme ﬁnal American Luﬁneran
missionaries began working in norﬁnem Eﬁniopia (Wallo, Gondar and Tigray). It was also during this
ﬁme ﬁnal Eﬁniopian Lutherans joined ﬁne World Luﬁneran Federaﬁon whose American branch, the
Naﬁonal Luﬁneran Council, ofﬁce was found in Ohayo."1

Yet, next to ﬁne Oromos, Tigrayans (people from Tigray or Tigragna speakers) are also
found in large numbers in ﬁnal city. Wheﬁner ﬁne Luﬁneran connecﬁon had a greater role ﬁnan eﬁnnic
afﬁliaﬁon could not be ascertained. Moreover, since Tigrayans are found in Ethiopia in boﬁn Eritrea,
and the Walqait and Talamit districts of Gondar, it is also not known to which province ﬁnis
Tigragna speaking Ethiopians of Ohio could be categorized. Hence, detailed study of ﬁne
demographic origin of ﬁne Tigrayans in Ohio is essenﬁal. Despite ﬁnis, it is apparent ﬁnal
language/eﬁnnicity, beside oﬁner factors, had lured Eﬁniopians towards ﬁnal city, and had
contributed in determining ﬁne Eﬁniopian immigrant patterns of selﬁerrnenl in America.

Chapter III. 2. Adjustment Problems: The Exile-Refugee, Educated-Uneducated and Regional
Cleavage among Ethiopians in America

As it could be seen from ﬁne above, some of the variables ﬁnal played a role in ﬁne
dispersal of Eﬁniopians may also play a role in ﬁne multifaceted problems ﬁnal Eﬁniopians face upon

arrival in ﬁne U.S. Aside from the aforementioned pallems of settlement that also entail inter-eﬁnnic

 

4°lnﬁneTwin Ciﬁaaloneadherentsoflslanmhich includespeoplefromﬁneMiddleEast, SouMastAsia
and East Africa, is esﬁmated between 80,000 and 180,000. Ofﬁnese, ﬁne Somalis probably consﬁtute ﬁne majority. See
Woessner, “Size of Twin Ciﬁes Muslim Community Difﬁcult to Determine.”

41 Faqadu, ”Y IEmnat E ' ' Bae ‘ ”325-368; Ammanuel, Remencence 278, 288-292;

 

122

and regional polarizaﬁon among Eﬁniopians, ﬁne absence of an Eﬁniopian community organizaﬁon
was another problem. Though ﬁnere were some 25,000 to 35,000 Eﬁniopians in America in ﬁne
19705, most of ﬁnem students, almost all of ﬁnem believed ﬁnal ﬁney would return to Eﬁniopia upon
compleﬁng ﬁneir education. 42 Hence, when the revolution broke out in 1974, ﬁne association ﬁney
had was a student union, ﬁne Eﬁniopian Students Union in Norﬁn America (ESUNA). It was primarily
a poliﬁcal movement engaged in proselyﬁzing Marxisrrn-Leninism among Eﬁniopian students and
mobilicrng ﬁnem against ﬁne ancien regime. It was, ﬁnerefore, unprepared for such a task—
rehabililaﬁng Eﬁniopian refugees in America. Besides, by ﬁnen ESUNA was almost non-existent
because of ﬁne poliﬁcal differences and hence division ﬁnal occurred wiﬁnin its ranks since 1971."3
Even in areas where there were Eﬁniopian community associaﬁons (by 1983 there were ﬁnirleen of
ﬁnem),“ ﬁne response to ﬁne refugee crisis was not posiﬁve. Most often, said Bilous, ”we

approached ﬁne Ethiopian community in ﬁne United States, not so much to sponsor someone, but

tohelpusarndshareinresetﬁementeffort. lamchgnr__ne_d' losayﬁnatﬁnerehasbeenmlitﬁe
Mme-Mammals added?45

Her revealing report would compel us to ask why were Eﬁniopian immigrants of ﬁne pre-
19805 period reluctant to help their compatriots. One possible explanaﬁon is ﬁnal some of ﬁnem had
a comfortable life in ﬁne US. There is litﬁe or no shared experience between ﬁiem and ﬁne

refugees which could have entreated the former to help ﬁneir country’s folks. A story of one of ﬁne

 

‘2 Getachew Metaferia arnd Maigenet Shifferraw, The Eﬁnm‘ ' Revoluﬁon of 1974 and ﬁne Exodus of
Eﬁn'w’ ”s Trained Human Resources (Lewiston: The Edwin Mellen Press, 1991), 63; Akalou Wolde Mikael,
”Eﬁniopians and Afghans in ﬁne United States: A Comparative Perspecﬁve,” Norﬁn East African Studies. Vol. II, No. 1
(1989), 55-74; Peter. H. Koehn, Refugeee from Revoluﬁon: U.S. Poly and Third-World My raﬁon (Boulder, Westview
Press, 1991), 237; Wade Henderson and Carolyn Waller, ”The Simpsorn-Mazzoli Bill and Its Impact on Eﬁniopian
Refugees” in The Eﬁniopian Community Development Council, Inc., 8 et al., Pmedings of ﬁne Eﬁniopian Refugees in
ﬁne United States, Washington DC, September 15-16, 1983, (Mimeographed), 76, 71-81.

‘3 Getachew and Maigenet, The Eﬁngg‘ fan, 63.

‘4 Abdul Mohammed and et al., ”Needs Assessment and Recornmendaﬁon,” in The Eﬁniopiarn Community
Development Council, Inc, 8 et al., Proceedings of ﬁne Eﬁniopian Refugees in ﬁne United States, Washington DC,
September 15-16, 1983, (Mimeographed), 88.

‘5 Bilous, ”Experiences in Resettling Eﬁniopian Refugees,” 66.

123

refugees, Zenebech, who was resettled in ﬁne US. in 1980, furﬁner explains such atﬁtude. While in
Sudan, a representaﬁve of ﬁne Caﬁnolic Charity had informed her ﬁnal a sponsor, an Ethiopian,
would be waiﬁng for her at ﬁne Los Angeles lntemaﬁonal Airport (LAX). Yet, what awaited her was
different from what she had been told. The airplane arrived in ﬁne afternoon, by which ﬁme the
branch ofﬁce of ﬁne Caﬁnolic Charity in Los Angeles had closed. She went and informed ﬁne airport
ofﬁcials about her predicament. They were able to get hold of one of ﬁne employees. The latter
informed ﬁnem ﬁnal ﬁne Eﬁniopian employee who was assigned for her had informed ﬁnem ﬁnal
“Friday is ﬁne day ﬁnal he passes his time wiﬁn his Mom, and thus cannot go to ﬁne airport.” His
Mom was residing at Orange County. After getﬁng ﬁne sad news, Zenebech notiﬁed ﬁne Airport
auﬁnoriﬁes that she has no place to go. The ofﬁcials informed her ﬁnal ﬁney could accommodate her
for 24 hours, which ﬁney did. The next day, hoping to ﬁnd her sponsor, she came back to ﬁne
airport, but to no avail. The Catholic Charity ofﬁce was closed for ﬁne weekend. On Monday, while
trying to make a phone call, which she did not know how to do, she noﬁced an Eﬁniopian taxi driver,
and asked him if he was from Eﬁniopia. When he told her to ﬁne afﬁrmative, she broke down and
began sobbing. The starﬁed cabby asked her why was she crying? She told him everyﬁning. The
latter, ﬁnen called the Caﬁnolic Charity ofﬁce and lambasted ﬁnem, and told ﬁnem ﬁnal he was
bringing her to ﬁneir ofﬁce for which he would also charge ﬁnem. Even ﬁnen, ﬁne Eﬁniopian employee
who was supposed to have come and helped her was reluctant. He said, ”. . . the ofﬁce is going to
be closed soon, and ﬁnus I cannot help her.” But ﬁne cab driver did what he intended to do. He took
her to the ofﬁce. Upon arriving ﬁnere, the Caﬁnolic Charity employee took her to an Eﬁniopian home

on ﬁnal same day.46

 

‘6 Infonnanl Zenebech: She left Eﬁniopia for Sudarn alter ﬁne Kebele (urban) miliﬁas killed her only broﬁner
andlaidhimonﬁnestreetAfterstayingin Sudanfordnoulﬁnreemonﬁns, shecametoAmericaﬁnroughﬁneCaﬁnolic
Charity, whicln found herasponsorirn LosAngeles. Asshefound outlamr, hersponsors hadoﬁnerplansforher—to
keep her as a servant Interview/Survey July, 4, 2001

124

To furtlner understand ﬁne reluctance of ﬁne pre-revoluﬁon Eﬁniopians in America to help
their refugee compatriots, one is also compelled to delve into the proﬁle of these Eﬁniopians and
hence an appraisal of ﬁneir eﬁnnic, class and regional origin. It had already been noted ﬁnal most
Eﬁniopians who were in America prior to ﬁne 1974 Revoluﬁon were students who were sent for
furﬁner educaﬁon or simply to complete high school. However, not all eﬁnnic groups and provinces
had equal access and opportunity for educaﬁon in Imperial Ethiopia. In pre-revolution Ethiopia
schools were primarily concentrated in ﬁne urban centers which, more ﬁnan often, were provincial
capitals. Even then, most of the schools, boﬁn primary and secondary schools, were found
concentrated in Shoa and Eritrea. For instance, in 1969 of ﬁne 46 state-mn secondary schools in
Ethiopia, 20 were found in Shoa (of ﬁnese 13 were in Addis Ababa) and six were located in Eritrea
where ﬁne second largest urban center, Asmara, was situated. Moreover, by early 19705, ﬁne
number of student enrollment in junior and secondary schools from ﬁnese two provinces alone was
much larger ﬁnan ﬁne combined total enrolment of students in all grade levels ﬁom all oﬁner
provinces in Ethiopia. In addition to regional inequality in terms of education, gender disparity was
also a wmmon ﬁneme in Eﬁniopia’s educaﬁon. In 1968 girls consﬁtuted 29.7 per cent at primary
level, 26.7 per cent at junior, 18.3 per cent at secondary and 7.0 per cent at university level. By
1972, ﬁnough ﬁnere was an improvement in enrolment of girls at all grade levels (31.7 per cent at
primary, 25.4 per cent secondary, and 7.4 per cent at terﬁary levels), the gender gap was
apparent.47 Moreover, in addiﬁon to an easy access to rrnodern educaﬁon in ﬁnese two provinces,
especially in Shoa, kinship ﬁes which, by and large determine recruitment and promoﬁon in

govemmenl ofﬁces, and scholarships had also favored people from Shoa. As John Markakis noted,

 

"John Markakis, Eﬁneg’ ia: Anatomy of a Tradiﬁong P_o]rty' (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1974), 149-150;
Gebeyehu Ejigu, ”Educaﬁonal Planning and Educational Development in Eﬁniopia: 1957-1973” PH.D D'issertaﬁon,
University of Wisconsin-Madison (1980), 210-233; for number of university students and dropouts by department and
yearseeTeshomeG.Wagaw,TheDe entofH' herEducalionandSocialCh :AnEﬁn' 'an '
(East Lansing: Michigan State University, 1990), 98-106.

125

Vlliﬁnin ﬁne tradiﬁonal nobility, ﬁne Shoa families have enjoyed preferences by virtue ofﬁneir

afﬁliaﬁon wiﬁn ﬁne ruling dynasty. The lerrn ”Shoe rule,” as used by oﬁner groups, refers not

only to ﬁne provincial origin of ﬁne dynasty, but also to ﬁne preponderance of ofﬁcials in ﬁne

central and provincial administraﬁon who came from ﬁnis province . . . preference for fellow

provincials . . . is a subordinate factor in recruitment at ﬁne center, partly because of ﬁne

predominance ofShoa Amhara high ofﬁcials, and partly because long service at ﬁne center

has weakened ﬁne ﬁes of oﬁner ofﬁcials wiﬁn ﬁneir home provinces. ‘8

Teshome Wagaw, who extensively studied ﬁne development of modern educaﬁon in
Eﬁniopia, also concurs ” . . . birth and family connecﬁons were tradiﬁonally determining factors for
promoﬁon and reward . . . educaﬁonal opportuniﬁes were not open to all Eﬁniopians. Selecﬁon was
based primarily on geographical Iocaﬁon; a majority of ﬁne ﬁrst graduates, many of whom were
subsequenﬁy to hold key posiﬁons in govemmenl, were drawn from Addis Ababa, Shoa.”49

Consequenﬁy, throughout Haile Sellassie's rule, Shoa consﬁtuted more than two-thirds of
the Eﬁniopian ofﬁcials, boﬁi noble and educated. The remaining were primarily from Eritrea and
Wallega: A scenario that also reﬂected in Ethiopia’s diplomaﬁc core, most of whom became exiles
on ﬁne onset of ﬁne Revoluﬁon:

A large proporﬁon of Eﬁniopia’s diplornaﬁc representaﬁves abroad arealso Eritreans.

By contrast, ﬁne oﬁner Amhara provinces of Gojam and Begemdir have had only token
senior representation at ﬁne center since Iiberaﬁon. Of ﬁne oﬁner eﬁnnic groups, ﬁne Galla
of Wallega—a group which has reached an advanced stage of integraﬁon wiﬁn Shoa
Amhara society, and whose balabat [nobility] families have afﬁliated llne Shoa nobility
and ﬁne imperial family—have enjoyed preference in recruitrnenl and promoﬁon at ﬁne
center.'~"o

Therefore, ﬁne pre-revoluﬁon Ethiopians in America were disﬁncl from ﬁne refugees of ﬁne
1980s in terms of regional origin, eﬁnnicily and class background. Most of ﬁnem were from Shoa
and the sons and daughters of ﬁne well-to-do Eﬁniopians. Hence, ﬁney were members of ﬁne upper
class vinile ﬁne majority of ﬁne refugees, ﬁiough some highly educated professionals who were co-

opted into the Imperial bureaucracy were also found among ﬁnem, were of lower class origin and

 

‘3 Markakis, Ellnm' 'a, 232, 247; See also Teshome, W 106

‘9 Teshome, The Develegment, 106.
5° Markakis, Eﬁniegia, a;250-251 for knowing ﬁne history of Eﬁiiopian educaﬁon' in Eritrea, see Adana Taye,A

Historical Survey of State Educaﬁon in Eritrea (Asmara EMPDA, 1991), 73-137; Teshorrne G Wagaw, E_____'dumtion in
W (Ann arbor. The University of Miclnigarn Press, 1979), 95-102.

126

from provinces such as Gondar, Tigray, Wollo. . . etc areas ﬁnal had been hard hit by ﬁne Red
Terror, war and famine. As a consequence, ﬁne pre-revoluﬁon Ethiopians in America often distance
ﬁnemselves from ﬁnese refugees. As one of ﬁne Eﬁniopian refugees related ”despite our educaﬁon
and urban appearance, ﬁney referred to us as ‘ageda qorach’ [maize cutterj—a reference to ﬁne
some of ﬁne refugee’s peasant origin and ﬁneir life in Sudan as laborers in ﬁne Sudanese farms. In
one such encounter, said Mr. Qarishe, one of the refugees had replied to ﬁne asylees, ”I might be
ageda qorach. But, you! Despite ﬁne opportuniﬁes given to you and ﬁne longevity of your stay here
in ﬁne U.S., I found you as gaz qagee [employee of a gas station]”—an allusion to ﬁne squandered
opportunity and ﬁne downward rrnobility of some of ﬁne members of ﬁne upper class Eﬁniopians in
America.51 Since ﬁnen, the term agada qorach and balagar (peasant) were, often interchangeably
used to refer to ﬁne Eﬁniopian refugees in America. Also, it is not uncommon among Eﬁniopians in
America to ask their fellow countrymen ”how did you come to America?” The response to the
quesﬁon, ﬁne context of arrival, seemed to determine one’s relaﬁornl or social place among
Eﬁniopian immigrants in America. Thus, Eﬁniopians in America are divided, in addiﬁon to their
ethnic and regional origins, between ”refugee” and ”immigrants.” The latter also generally refers to
Ethiopians who are passport holders, but became political asylees due to the 1974 revoluﬁon.52

In addiﬁon to ﬁne difference in class and regional origin, ﬁnere is also difference in terms of
exposure and above all educational attainment between the exiles and refugees in America. One
of ﬁne earliest educated Eﬁniopians observed ”we young Abyssinians are in duty bound to our
country.Weareﬁne ‘ ﬁnatllneEm. hasﬁnrownacrossloEu culture emphasis

added].53 Indeed, in those days and unﬁl the 1970s, they were. An American traveler, who came to

 

5‘ Mr. Oarshe isoneofﬁne resetﬁed Eﬁniopian refugeesfrom Sudan. Because ofsucln negaﬁve atﬁtude ofﬁne
earlier immigrants towards ﬁnem, he and his fellow refugees decided to sﬁck togeﬁner unﬁl ﬁnese days. He ﬁnished high
school and joined ﬁne Washington State University, Seatﬁe, to become a successful business owner in ﬁnal city.

52 Alesabet Gabayahu, ”Babalena Babole,” Eﬁnm‘ 'an Review, Vol. 3, No. 12 (December 1993), 59-60.

53 Ladislas Farago, Abﬁinia on ﬁne Eve, (London: Fakenham arnd Reasing, 1935.), p. 52.

127

Eﬁniopia half a decade-before ﬁne fateful revolution, had also underlined ﬁne role of modern
educaﬁon in climbing ﬁne social ladder and the posiﬁon of the educated Eﬁniopians in ﬁnose days.
”Their craving for educaﬁonal opportuniﬁes-preferably abroad-rarely signiﬁes a love of knowledge;
itusuaﬁlymeansﬁnateducaﬁonisseenlobeﬁneonjyﬂroutetowardsanimmvement
[emphasis added] in ﬁneir material and social posiﬁon.”54 She also indicated ﬁnal ﬁne educated
minority has been handed ”ﬁne key to Europe’s cultural ﬁeasure-chest.” Thus pre-revoluﬁon
Ethiopians, who were sent for educaﬁon abroad were eager to go home as soon as ﬁney ﬁnished
school in ﬁne US. As Bahru Zawde, in his book, A History Modern Ethiopia, indicated, ”ﬁney do not
even wait for ﬁneir graduaﬁon ceremony,”55 which could be furﬁner attested from ﬁne INS data.
Table 4: Number of Etlniopians who were Granted Asyluianefugee Status in America

 

 

 

between 1940 and 1990s.56
Year 1946-50 1951-60 1961-70 1970-80 1981-90 1991 1992 1993
Ethiopians 0 61 2 1307 18,542 3,582 3268 3725
Africans 20 1768 5486 2991 22149 4731 4480 5944

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

According to ﬁne Homeland Security (INS), between 1946 and 1970, which spans more
than ﬁnree decades, ﬁnere were only 63 Ethiopians who had been given either asylum or refugee
status in ﬁne US. and ﬁneir reasons for seeking asylum in ﬁnose years could be attributed to ﬁne
poliﬁcal fallout ﬁnal followed Mengistu Neway’s attempted military putsch in 1960. It could be also
related to ﬁne beginning of ﬁne secessionist movement in Eritrea which might have produced
asylum seekers. Thus, except for ﬁnose two incidents, Haile Sellassie’s Ethiopia was more or less
stable, because most of the students were eiﬁner personally selected by ﬁne Emperor, or he
ﬁnanced ﬁneir educaﬁon, ﬁney were very loyal and attached to ﬁne Emperor, personally.57 What is

more, ﬁnere was also incenﬁve which encouraged ﬁnem to go home. A job and a secure life was

 

5‘ Dervla Murphy, In Em ‘ with e Mule, (Lorndorn: Butler 8 Tanner Ltd., 1968), p. 147.

5‘ 881m. Mist-Jr. 6?—

5"SeeI'lomt'ilélndSettllrllli? Wormwm.erm
2113) Also on the web: htlp://uscis.qov/qraphics/shaged/aboutus/statistiee/YearbookZOOZ.pdf

9 Makdlis, Anatomy, 145-146.

128

waiﬁng for ﬁnem. In ﬁnose days, ﬁne Eﬁniopian bureaucraﬁc structure, ﬁne main employer, was not
yet ﬁlled. It just began to gel saturated by ﬁne beginning of ﬁne 19703. Unﬁl ﬁnen, educaﬁon was
highly valued and considered a ladder to approach ﬁne upper echelon of society of Imperial
Eﬁniopia. As a consequence, most of ﬁnern, even today, think as if ﬁney are part of ﬁne royal family.
But ﬁne generaﬁon ﬁnal followed, especially ﬁnose who received ﬁneir educaﬁon during ﬁne days of
the Derg, do not have such attachment, nor do ﬁney have any incenﬁve. The value and respect
attached to modern educaﬁon was lost when sergearnts and corporals began running ﬁne country,
and when a layman who was loyal to the party in power was bestowed wiﬁn power of life or deaﬁn.
The value of educaﬁon was gone when ﬁne educated were laid dead on ﬁne streets of Addis Ababa
and provincial towns like Gondar. Yet, ﬁnose who were in America, and hence who have not gone
ﬁnrough ﬁnal experience and who have not witrnessed ﬁne atﬁtude charnge, have Iitﬁe or no clue why
ﬁnese refugee Ethiopians, many of ﬁnem high school students and some of them illiterate peasants,
were so insolenl towards ﬁne educated. Thus, if ﬁne pre-revoluﬁon Eﬁniopians in America looked
down upon ﬁne uneducated refugeeﬁmmigrant Eﬁniopian, one might presume, it must have been
because of ﬁne great value ﬁnal ﬁney attached to nnodem educaﬁon. There might be also oﬁner
reasons. The educated Eﬁniopians came as students, and in ﬁnose days, refugeesﬁmmigrants from
Eﬁniopia were unknown. Thus, ﬁne arrival of ﬁnousands of Eﬁniopian refugeefimmigrants to ﬁne US.
was a shock.

Differences in prioriﬁes between ﬁne refugees and ﬁne pre-revoluﬁon Eﬁniopiarn immigrants,
who were primarily asylum seekers, seemed to have furﬁner strengthened ﬁneir reluctance to
facilitate refugee resetﬁement. As stated in ﬁne previous chapters, Eﬁniopians of ﬁne pre-revoluﬁon
period were composed of students, businessmen, diplomats and tourist, who become asylees
because of the political tumnoil in Eﬁniopia. Thus for ﬁnem ﬁne most important ﬁning was to get

asylum status which ﬁney found it increasingly difﬁcult because of the introduction of a new

129

immigraﬁon bill, ﬁne Simpson-Mazzoli Bill, which is also known as Immigraﬁon Reform and Control
Act (IRCA) in 1982.53 This Bill, beside other legislaﬁon, had important provisions ﬁnal direcﬁy
affected Eﬁniopian asylees in ﬁne USA. It contains what was known as ”employee sancﬁons” ﬁnal
penalized employers who hired undocumented aliens. It also introduced H2 visa that requires U.S.
employers to inform ﬁne INS every ﬁme ﬁney bring in a professional into ﬁne US. The Bill had also a
proviso ﬁnal legalized illegal aliens ﬁnrough what is known as amnesty provisions. Therefore,
despite ﬁne existence of ﬁne 1980 Refugee Act ﬁnal supposedly removed ﬁne ideologically
motivated U.S. refugee admittance policy, many of ﬁne esﬁmated 25,000 Eﬁniopian poliﬁcal asylees
in ﬁne US. were endangered. When ﬁne 1974 Revolution commnced, many American policy
makers and the public at large believed that ﬁne Revoluﬁon was someﬁning directed ”against a
small group ﬁnal revolved around Emperor Haile Sellassie.”59 However, ﬁne Red Tenor convinced
the US. policy makers to grant all Ethiopians asylees an Extended Voluntary Departure (EVD)
status in 1977. Though ﬁnis had an advantage for ﬁne asylees in ﬁnal ﬁney could be employed and
seek ﬁne protecﬁon of the law, it had also drawbacks because the INS could track down where
ﬁnese Eﬁniopians are found and hence makes it easier for ﬁne Immigraﬁon and Naturalizaﬁon
Service (INS) to deport Ethiopians when ﬁneir EVD status was revoked or expired, which is what
happened in 1981. Alﬁnough ﬁne Derg was noted for violaﬁng human rights and its undemocraﬁc
principles, ﬁne and of ﬁne Red Terror and ﬁne Derg's amnesty proclamaﬁon for all Eﬁniopians who

ﬂed ﬁneir counﬁy or were ﬁghﬁng against it, caused ﬁne State Departrnent to decide to revoke EVD

 

58 See for instance, IMnston Williams, ”Eﬁniopiarns in US. Fear Deportaﬁon; Vlﬁﬁi 2400 Ordered to Leave,
Many are Deﬁant and Talk of Going Underground,” The New York Ting January 27, 1982, A3; Jason Clay, ”Don’t
Deport Eﬁniopians,” The Neng York Times_, April 20, 1982, A27; C. O’Neill Brown 8 Viviana Eiwnberg, ”What an
Eﬁniopian Must Do to Prove Deserving of Asylum,” The New York Times. February 15, 1982, A16; Anﬁnony Lewis,
”Hypocrisy Wins Again,” New York Times January 4, 1982, A23.

59Wade Henderson and Caolyn Waller, ”TheSimpson-Mazzoli Biland Its Innpacton Eﬁniopian Refugees”in
”Experiences in Resetﬁing Eﬁniopia Refugees” in The Eﬁniopian Community Development Council, Inc., 8 et al.,
Proceedings of ﬁne Eﬁniopiarn Refugees irn ﬁne United States, Washington DC, Wtember 15-16, 1983,
(Minneographed), 76, 71-81.

 

130

status for Eﬁniopian asylees in ﬁne USA in 1981. Following ﬁnis, organizaﬁons sucln as ﬁne Alien
Rights Law Project, churches and other human rights advocates; and ﬁne Emergency Committee
for African Refugees, which opposed ﬁne posiﬁon of ﬁne govemrrnent, was established in New York.
These and ﬁne Naﬁonal Associaﬁon for ﬁne Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) joinﬁy
campaigned to block ﬁne deporlaﬁon of Eﬁniopians. They described ﬁne govemnnenl measure as
racist and pointed out ﬁnal no similar action would have been taken had ﬁne refugees been
Europeans. Sucln protest and ﬁne evidence ﬁnal ﬁne poliﬁcal situaﬁon in Eﬁniopia had actually
worsened compelled ﬁne Deparlrnent of State to reverse its decision ﬁnereby allowing the
Eﬁniopians who had come to ﬁne us. before July 1, 1980 to stay in ﬁne US. and a case by case
review was approved for those Eﬁniopian political asylees who had come after ﬁnal date. Though
ﬁnis gave Eﬁniopians sorrne measure of respite, it also left ﬁnem wiﬁn a sense of uncertainty about
their future. As the result of ﬁnal iniﬁaﬁve, some 71.4 per cent of all Eﬁniopian poliﬁcal asylees were
approved in 1980, but ﬁne rate of approval dramaﬁcally declined in ﬁne following years to 40 per
cent in 1981 and 42 per cent in 1982.60

It was during ﬁnis ﬁme ﬁnal ﬁne various charity organizaﬁon and resetﬁement agencies
sought to elicit ﬁne support of Eﬁniopian communiﬁes, which were predominanﬁy composed of
asylees, whose apparent concerns and prioriﬁes were totally different ﬁom ﬁne resettlement
agencies and ﬁne resettled refugees. The asylees were ﬁnemselves insecure let alone to provide
help to ﬁne coming refugees.

Despite ﬁne existence of divergence of interest and in spite of differences in manner of

entrance into ﬁne U.S. between ﬁne Eﬁniopian asylees and ﬁne refugees, ﬁne acﬁons of ﬁne receiving

 

60 Henderson and Carolyn Waller, ”The Simpson-Mazzoli Bill,” 79; Akalou Wolde Mikael, 'Eﬁniopians and
Afghans in ﬁne United States: A Cornparaﬁve Perspecﬁve,” Norﬁn EastAfrican Studies. Vol. II, No. 1(1989), 55-74;
Benﬁey, 116-117. For ﬁne history of African American lobbying concerning Africa see David A Dickson, ”Arnericern
Society and ﬁne African American Foreign Policy Lobby Constraints and Opportuniﬁes,” Journal of Black Studﬁ, Vol
27, No. 2 (November 1996), 139-151.

131

country (U.S. Refugee Resetﬁemenl agencies) played a major role not only in ”iniﬁaﬁng, shaping
and controlling” refugee movements 51 but also in creaﬁng an Ethiopian eﬁnnic and communal
idenﬁly in ﬁne America. Today eiﬁner because of ﬁne said opportunity created for ﬁnem or as a result
of a secondary migraﬁon, which was often triggered by eﬁnnic and regional afﬁliations, job
opportuniﬁes or at ﬁmes climate and topography, Eﬁniopians are found clustered in some US.
ciﬁes in large numbers. While this helped ease ﬁne sense of alienaﬁon among Eﬁniopians, ﬁneir
adjusﬁnent problems were not yet over.

Chapter III. 3. Adjustment Problems: Sojourner Mentality, Changing Gender Roles
and Downward Mobility among EtInlopIans in America

Although African immigrants in ﬁne US. are grateful for the opportuniﬁes ﬁney had in the
U.S., ﬁney also complained about ”loneliness, sociocultural [sic] isolaﬁon, and alienaﬁon from
mainstream American social customs. These condiﬁons, which lead to a diminished sense of
control over one’s life, have had an impact on ﬁne subjecﬁve well-being of ”of immigrants. 52 These
general facts coupled wiﬁn ﬁne Eﬁniopian immigrants” manner of entrance (most of ﬁne pre-1990s
Eﬁniopians in ﬁne US. are eiﬁner exiles or refugees) into ﬁne US. can have unsetﬁing effects. It is
said that ”exiles [and refugees] from Eﬁniopia, in parﬁcular, are reported to experience
psychological distress over separaﬁon from homeland needs; concern about ﬁne welfare of
relaﬁves left behind; loss of autonomy, power, and daily social reinforcements; and ﬁne impersonal
and culturally insensiﬁve lreatrnent ﬁney encounter in ﬁne United States."63 As a result, when asked,
ﬁney almost all say they will go back. They seem to lack ﬁne desire to reside perrnanenﬁy and to
make ﬁne necessary psychological adjustment to ﬁnis end. This sojoumer mentality could be furﬁner

witnessed by ﬁne lack of interest to become American ciﬁzens, at least unﬁl the 1990s, despite the

 

6‘StephenCasﬁes8MarkJ.Mibr,The of ' ' :Inbmationd ' Mo inﬁneModern
World, ll .Ed (New York, The Guilford Press, 1993), 22.

52 Paul Sloller, ”West Africans: Trading Places in New York,” in New Immg’ rants in New York, Ed., Nancy
Foner (New York: Columbia University Press, 2001), 240.

6’ Koehan, Rm 315; See also Mekuria, m, 47; Bernﬁey, BM 92, 96.

132

longevity of ﬁneir stay in ﬁne US. For instance, between 1975 and 1987 only 2, 371 Eﬁiiopians
became ciﬁzens, and although ﬁne ﬁgure had increased to 4713 in 1990,64 it still remained small
given ﬁne not so promising socioeconomic and poliﬁcal situaﬁon in ﬁneir country in ﬁnose days. It
appears that most of ﬁne Eﬁniopian poliﬁcal asylees and refugees in the US were temporarily. They
”work wiﬁn ﬁne goal to return home, toleraﬁng ﬁne rrnost abysmal working condiﬁons to accumulate
capital for ﬁneir investments back home,” 55 In line wiﬁn this, a 1986 Research Management
Corporation study conducted in ﬁve major American ciﬁes such as Dallas, Chicago, Los Angeles,
New York City, and Washington D.CIVirginia revealed ﬁnal most Eﬁniopians ”worked in ﬁne service
sector, sucln as hotel housekeeping, dishwashing, and food preparaﬁon and distribuﬁon. In Los
Angeles, more Eﬁniopians worked as security guards, gas staﬁon and parking lot attendants than in
any oﬁner sector.” The same report indicated ﬁnal except for slight advarnces in pay, ﬁnere was no
improvement in ﬁneir life. ”The most common excepﬁon were ﬁnose who were able to get ‘prized’
posiﬁons in city parking lots or as taxi drivers.’66

In addiﬁon to sending money, ﬁney also try and keep contact by making telephone cells.
However, ﬁnese calls, which were made once in a while, do not equal ﬁne saﬁsfacﬁon ﬁnal parents
might get from having their children around them. Neiﬁner ﬁne sending of money, ﬁnough ”it is an
expression of a primordial duty and ...very important for ﬁne survival and comfort of its recipients,
cannot compensate ﬁne social, emoﬁonal and psychological security that children provide to ﬁneir
parents in lradiﬁonal socieﬁes.”67 Thus, as it could be seen, in addiﬁon to ﬁne desire to return ﬁnat

necessitated an investment/sending money back home, responsibility to one’s family which in

 

5‘ US. Bureau of Census, 1990. After ﬁne EPRDF takeover of power in Eﬁniopiarn in 1991, more and more
Eﬁnioplans are becoming American ciﬁzens. In fact, between 1991 and 2000 alone, more ﬁnan 20,000 Eﬁniopians had
become American citizens.

“Silvia Pedraza, ”Women and Migraﬁon: TheSocialConsequenceofGender,”Annual ReviewofMy‘ ,
Vol. 17 (1991), 312.

6‘5 Elzabiela Gozdziak, New Am ' s: The Ecornomic ' of East Eu han and Eﬁn' 'an
R_efu_gee_s (Refugee Policy Group, Washington DC, 1989), 5, 7.

67 Mekuria, Eﬁnm ‘a, 52-53; Sloller, ”West Africans,” 240; Benﬁey, Refug, 96.

133

African context includes extended family relaﬁons, furﬁner fueled money transfer and ﬁne sojoumer
mentality.

Family conﬂicts were also noted as one of ﬁne barriers of adjusﬁnent among asylees and
refugees.68 Accordingly, accumulaﬁng money and sending it home could become a source of
fricﬁon between spouses. Eiﬁner ﬁne husband or ﬁne wife might accuse ﬁne oﬁner of neglecﬁng
his/her family while helping his/hers. The money sent, of course, will be used to augment the
meager income of relaﬁves in Eﬁniopia or will be invested as a future source of income. It appears,
ﬁnough it can not be deﬁnitely stated, that people who are sending money to Ethiopia are ﬁne less
educated and ﬁnus who work under any condiﬁon in US. like many oﬁner immigrants from ﬁne Third
World.69

One reason why ﬁne less educated Eﬁniopians are interested in sending money ﬁnan ﬁne
highly educated seemed to have stemmed from ﬁne formers realization ﬁnal they have neither
attained educaﬁon nor have ﬁne professional skill in ﬁne U.S. ﬁnal might help ﬁnem in Eﬁniopia if ﬁney
decided to return. For instance, janitors, nursing home assistants, taxi drivers, and domesﬁc
servants have litﬁe or no future in Eﬁniopia. As a matter of fact, many educabd and highly skilled
Eﬁniopians also might not get employed in EﬁniOpia because often ﬁne country does not have the
capacity to absorb ﬁnem. To ﬁnis end, a very recent study on African migraﬁon to ﬁne U.S.
conﬁrmed, ”African countries are, for the most part, facing ﬁne worst prospects for development of
any region. Wiﬁn populaﬁon growﬁn rates averaging 3 per cent per year, it will be impossible for

African economics to absorb the number of job seekers without huge infusion of new job-producing

 

6" Susan Forbes Marﬁn, Refugg Worrnern (London: Zed Books Ltd, 1991), 83.

89 Douglas Masssey et al., ”Theories of Inlemaﬁonal Migraﬁon: A Review arid Appraisal” in Maid
Deviomt Review, Vol. 19, No. 3, 1993, p 442; see Mary C. Waters and Karl Eschbacln, ”Immigration and ﬁne
Eﬁnnic and Racial Inequality in ﬁne United States,” Annual Review of my 1, Vol. 21, 440; Sbve Gold and Nazli
Kibria, ”Vietnamese Refugees and Blocked Mobility” Asiarn and Paciﬁc My ration Journal, Vol. 2, No. 1 (1993), 27-56.

134

investment,” which so far has not happened.70 Despite ﬁnis, ﬁne educated Eﬁniopians have a better
chance compared to ﬁne less educated or ﬁne illiterate Ethiopians. Moreover, ﬁne highly educated
Eﬁniopians who, most of ﬁnem had come in ﬁne days of Haile Sellassie or at ﬁne beginning of ﬁne
revoluﬁon, were usually from ﬁne well to do families. Therefore, it looks like ﬁnere is little or no need
to send money home, which lessens ﬁne chance of fricﬁon wiﬁnin ﬁne nuclear family. It could also be
argued ﬁnal ﬁnose Eﬁniopians who had stayed longer seemed to have less family problems. Their
longer stay in ﬁne U.S. seemed to have enabled ﬁnem eiﬁner to bring ﬁneir relaﬁons to ﬁne US. or
have made ﬁneir relaﬁons self-sufﬁcient. Longer stays in US. also seemed to erode kinship ﬁes.
Moreover, it also might suggest a higher degree of integraﬁon into ﬁne US. society, and ﬁnus better
income than a recent immigrant; 7‘ and probably less familial problems.

Familial problems among Eﬁniopiarn immigrants can also arise due to an attempt to
maintain ﬁne status quo regarding gender roles. In Ethiopia ﬁne patriarchal system is dominant. The
division of labor is gendered which ﬁnus conﬁnes wonnen to domesﬁes, rearing children, and taking
care of ﬁneir husbands. They are not involved in any major decision-making. Arn Eﬁniopian woman
is ”supposed to be counterpart to her husband or son, deriving saﬁsfacﬁon indirecﬁy from ﬁneir
development; she is expected to reach her desﬁny by proxy.”72 Yet, like many other immigrant
families in America, ”patriarchal roles in ﬁne household were transformed, ﬁne women’s self-esteem
was heightened, [and] their capacity to parﬁcipate as equals in household decision-making was

enhanced.”73 Eﬁniopian women might even secure more income ﬁnan ﬁneir husbands, which could

 

70 April Gordon, ”The New Diaspora: African Immigraﬁon to ﬁne United States,” in Migration, Globalizaﬁon,
and Eﬁnnic Relations ed., Mohsern M. Mobasherand Mdnmoud Sadi(UpperSaddeRiver: Pearson Educaﬁon, Inc,
2004), 60.

71Gozdziak, New Americans 9.

72 Gennet Zewdie, ”Women in Primary and Secondary Educaﬁon,” in Gender Issues in Eﬁnieg’ , ed., Tsehai
BerharneSeIassie (Addis Ababa: lnsﬁtute of EﬁniOpian Studies, 1991), 89; Tesfu Baaki, Culture, ﬂy“ and Wonnern irn
Eﬁnm‘ ’a (Addis Ababa: Eﬁniopian Women Lawyers Associaﬁon, 1991), 33-38.

73 Pedreza , ”Women and Migraﬁon,” 322; see also Arpana Sircar, Work Roles Gender Roles arid Asian
Indian lmmgm tWornen in the United States (Queenston: The Edwin Mellen Press, Ltd., 2000), 26-48; Donna R.

 

 

 

135

help ﬁnern demand ﬁneir equal role in ﬁne family. This surely destabilized ﬁne lradiﬁonal husband-
wife relaﬁonship. Meanwhile, ﬁne husband might try to re-impose tradiﬁonal gender roles.74 In
Eﬁniopia, it was ﬁne husband who used to be ﬁne prime breadwinner. But, in America ﬁne siluaﬁon
changed. The wife might ﬁnd a job more easily ﬁnan the husband. This could ﬁnreaten ﬁne
paﬁiarchy, ﬁnereby frustraﬁng ﬁne husband and resulﬁng in a sense of insecurity.

Even if there is no income difference, the achievement of ﬁne wife could also signal the
erosion of anoﬁner source of presﬁge: educaﬁon. The latter, which is one of ﬁne major vehicles of
empowerment and employment in Ethiopia, has remained predominanﬁy male. For instance, no
female students existed in Eﬁniopian schools unﬁl 1956 when 19,321 (17.0 per cent) girls were
reported out of the total enrolment of 109,368 children.75 By ﬁne ﬁme of ﬁne revolution, only one per
cent of ﬁne school age population attended secondary schools and universiﬁes in Eﬁniopia. "5 Of
these, ﬁne number of educated women was even fewer. Only 31 per cent of ﬁne school age girls
were enrolled at elementary schools while ﬁnose enrolled at secondary school were 27.9 per cent;
and only 6.7 per cent (500) graduated ﬁorn Addis Ababa University between 1964-1974. After
more ﬁnan a decade, ﬁnough, ﬁne enrollment rate for girls exhibited an increase. The conﬁnued
gender gap also indicates ﬁnal more is desired to address the gender imbalance. In 1986 ﬁne
overall female enrollment at elementary, junior and senior high sclnools grew to 38.6 per cent, 39.4
per cent and 38.7 per cent respecﬁvely. The tertiary level enrolment shows similar pattern. For

instance, while 664 (18.3 per cent) girls were placed for a diploma (two year) program in all

 

Gabaccia, From ﬁne Oﬁner Side: Worrnen, Gender, and immg‘ rant Life in ﬁne U.S., 1820-1990 (Bloomington: Indiana
University Press, 1994); Steven J. Gold, ”Differenﬁal Adjustrnenl among New Immigrant Family Members,” Journal of

Contemmg Eﬁnnggremy, Vol. 17, No. 4 (January 1989), 408434.

74 Marﬁn, Refugg Women, 85-86; Min Zhou and Carl L. Bankston Ill, Growipg up American: How
Vietnamese Children Adept to Life in ﬁne United States (New York: Russell Sage Foundaﬁon, 1998), 171-180; For a
similar pattern of gender roles among ﬁne late 19" and early 20" century European immigrant women in America see
Harriet Bolch, ”Changing Domesﬁc Roles Arnorng Polish Immigrant Women,” W No.49
(Jarnuary 1976), 3—10; Maxine S. Seller, ”Beyond ﬁne Stereotype: A New Look at ﬁne lmmigrarnt Wornern, 1880-1924,”
Journal of Eﬁnnic Studies, Vol. 3. No. 1 (Spring 1975), 59-70;

75 Tesfu, Culture, 40.

75 Keohen, m 279.

136

insﬁtuﬁons found in ﬁnroughout ﬁne country and in all academic ﬁelds, ﬁnose who were registered
for a degree (four year) program were only 332 (10.9 per cent).77

There are a number of reasons for such disparity. Eﬁniopian tradiﬁonal values prefer and
favor boys over girls. Accordingly, more boys were sent to school compared to gins. Of ﬁnose girls,
who were allowed to attend schools, quite a number of ﬁnem were pulled out of school for marriage
while ﬁne boys were permitted to conﬁnue ﬁneir education.78 Among ﬁne few female students who
made it to high school and higher educaﬁon, ﬁne success rate was very low compared to ﬁneir male
counterparts.79 As ﬁne Minister of Ministry of Educaﬁon, Gennet Zawdie, said ”most of ﬁnem do
housework, cooking, taking care of ﬁneir younger broﬁners or sisters, generally helping ﬁneir over-
burdened moﬁners and training for ﬁneir future role as wives and moﬁners. This leaves them very
litﬁe ﬁme for ﬁneir studies.”0 Moreover, in Eﬁniopian society girls tend to be attached nnore to ﬁneir
moﬁners, who were illiterate in most cases. Furﬁnennore, like most African women, Ethiopian
women have litﬁe or no access to cash. Thus, women remain dependant on ﬁneir husbands
throughout ﬁneir life.I31 Thus, it is apparent ﬁnal men have ﬁne jobs, which also made ﬁnem
breadwinners for ﬁne family.

In America, however, because of reasons such as ﬁne absence of network ties necessary
to gain access to certain resources and jobs, and because of baniers against professional or

lntemal labor markets to people with foreign credenﬁals, ﬁne skills of immigrants might not be

 

77SeeSeyoum Teferra, ”The PaticipaﬁonofGirlsin HigherEducaﬁon in Eﬁniopla,”in Gernderlssuesin
m ed., Tsehai Berhane-Selassie (Addis Ababa: Insﬁtute of Eﬁniopian Studies, 1991), 99-108.

78 Aster G.M. Mengesha, ”Gender and Democracy in Africa,” EﬁnQp' ian Register, Marcln 1999, 24; Jason
Mosley, ”Gender and Daily Life in Eﬁni0pia,” Contempprary Review, Vol. 285, Issue 1663 (August 2004), 97-101.

7tfTsigie Haile, ”Academic Performance of Female Students in lnsﬁtules of Higher Educaﬁon, ﬁne Case of
Addis Ababa University” in Women and Develgpmenl in Eastern Africa: An Agenda for ﬁne Research, ed., Zeinab EI-
Bakii and Ruﬁn M Besha (Addis Ababa: Organizaﬁon for Social Science Research in Eastern Africa, 1989), 106-107;
Teshome, mm, 17-19.

80 Gennet Zewdie, ”Women in Primary and Seconday Educeﬁon,” in Gernder Issues irn Eﬁim ‘ , ed., Tsehai
Mane-Selassie (Addis Ababa: Insﬁtute of Eﬁniopian Studies, 1991), 92, 89-98.

81Zenebework Bissrat, ” Research Prioriﬁes on Women Educaﬁon and Employment in Eﬁniopia” in _Wlnen;

ang Deve_;_lomnl in Eastern Africa: An Agenda for ﬁne Researcln, ed., Zeinab El-Bakri and Ruﬁn M Besha (Addis
Ababa: Organizaﬁon for Social Sciernce Researcln in Eastern Africa, 1989), 96-97.

137

suitable to ﬁne needs of ﬁne employers.82 Therefore, educaﬁon does not seem to help secure better
jobs vis-a-vis the uneducated or less educated Eﬁniopian men/women. A study conducted in
Washington DC and Los Angeles areas among Eﬁniopian refugees revealed ﬁnal almost half of ﬁne
interviewed ”never use[d] ﬁneir highest educaﬁon in their present job.”83 The scenario for ﬁne rest of
Eﬁniopians might not be different. In short, boﬁn ﬁne educated and uneducated have similar jobs.
The educated males were not happy about it for ﬁney had lost one important mark ﬁnal used to
provide ﬁnem a tool to strengﬁnen ﬁneir posiﬁon vis-a-vis ﬁneir female counterparts. It is said ﬁnal an
angry wife who was ﬁred of her educated husband’s bragging about his educaﬁon, had remarked,
”what is ﬁne difference between you and nne? We all are diaper changers?“ Boﬁn husband and
wife were working in nursing homes at that ﬁme.

Eﬁniopian women like oﬁner immigrant women will become or ﬁy to become ”Americanized
more ﬁnoroughly and more enthusiasﬁcally”°5 than ﬁneir male counterparts. This Americanizaﬁon
includes exercising ﬁneir rights as an American women and spending ”large amounts of money on
expensive, durable goods such as home and home furnishings.”86 This might squander ﬁne rrneager
income of ﬁne family and might lead to disagreement.

The challenge posed to patriarchy by ﬁne ‘Americanization’ of ﬁne Eﬁniopian women
encouraged Eﬁniopian men to look for oﬁner soluﬁons. One apparent response is divorce, to which

Eﬁniopian refugees and asylees were not averse. While ﬁne 1990 census recorded 1,693 divorcees,

 

‘32 Mary C. Waters arnd Karl Esclnbacln, ”lmmigraﬁon and ﬁne Eﬁnnic and Racial Inequality in ﬁne United
States,” Annual Review of Sociolggy. Vol. 21, 437.

33 Koehn, Refugee, 309, 311.

5" Informant Wasyihun. He is anong ﬁne many Eﬁniopians who made it to US. from Sudan irn ﬁne My
1980s. He has a college educaﬁon. Since his arrival in U.S., he has worked at vaious jobs: Parkirng cashier, can
driving, arid nursing home assistant. Interview: Seattle (WA) Oct 13, 1997.

'5 Pedraza, ”Women and Migraﬁon, 327.

0" Pedraza, ”Worrnen arid Migraﬁon, 310; Jon D. Holtzrnan, Nuer Joum, Nuer Lives: Sudanese m
in Minnesota (Boston: Allyn arnd Bacon, 2000), 87-88.

138

ﬁne 2000 censuses recorded a total of 5634 (2470 males and 3164 females). Boﬁn census ﬁgures
do not include ﬁnose Eﬁniopians who were ”separated.”87

The oﬁner altemaﬁve is to go and live in Eﬁniopia where ﬁne tradiﬁonal gender roles are
more or less intact, or to bring a spouse who is not Americanized. Thus, many Ethiopian men have
gone and brought a spouse from Eﬁniopia, especially since 1991. This spouse is expected to
behave like ﬁne many million Ethiopian mothers who are submissive to ﬁne will of ﬁneir husbands.
The problem wiﬁn ﬁnis scheme, however, is ﬁnal ﬁne husband has no way of stopping ﬁne American
environment from inﬂuencing his new spouse. Thus, sooner or later, ﬁne new bride might be
Americanized and force her husband to give in or get divorced.

Due to the aforementioned factors such marriages often failed at ﬁne same ﬁme making
ﬁne adjustment process painful. The failure could be also traced to oﬁner reasons, one being ﬁne
inability of the husband to change. But, someﬁmes the degree of acquaintance also matters a lot.
Often, Eﬁniopian men will go to Eﬁniopia and get married wiﬁnin a short period of ﬁnne. They do not
have ﬁne ﬁme and ﬁne money to stay longer in Eﬁiiopia. Therefore, ﬁney end up marrying a person
whom ﬁney hardly know. Some of ﬁne women, because of ﬁne absence of any opportunity in
Eﬁniopia, would take ﬁnis marriage as a visa to ﬁne USA!38 They seem to have no interest living in
wedlock wiﬁn a person whom ﬁney barely knew. The fallout could spring ﬁom fear of rejecﬁon. They
do not tell ﬁne girls, for fear of being fumed down, ﬁne true nature of life in America, and how ﬁney
make a living. In ﬁne eyes of Eﬁniopians in Eﬁniopia security guard, janitorial . . . etc. jobs are
considered menial. One Eﬁniopian moﬁner, who was ashamed of her son’s job, parking cashier, in

America, is said to have remarked to her neighbor: ”he (her son) herds cars as if ﬁney were

 

wusmummmus BureeuoftlneCernsus,Census2000,dsoavddnleonﬁie
web: http://www.census.qov.population/socdemo/ancestry/Ethiopian.text

UArecentreportonﬁneEthiopian daily, AddisZarnarn indicaledﬁnatparentsandﬁne'cdaugntersprefer
Eﬁioﬁasﬁundxoadhnaﬁagemﬂemwdtmﬂmmwmmmmmm
daugntertoﬁnelocd men. See ”DolaBegonduﬂDola'cn GorndajAdrisZarnan,Tmnt4,1995 E.C.

 

139

catﬁe.”39 Thus, when ﬁne young Eﬁniopian lady ﬁnds out what her husband does for a living, and
that he had lied about it, and above all when her expectaﬁon and ﬁne reality failed to match, she will
be disillusioned and might opt for divorce. The latter opﬁon will not be available for ﬁne imported
spouse at least before ﬁne two years limit: According to the criteria of ﬁne lmmigraﬁon and
Naturalizaﬁon Services, any immigrant who come to ﬁne U.S. married to an American, has to stay
togeﬁner with ﬁne spouse for two years before ﬁney could become eligible for a Green Card. This is,
of course, in addiﬁon to oﬁner requirements. Many spouses have to endure abusive relaﬁonship in
ﬁneir troubled marriages in order to get alien registraﬁon card.90

The disproporﬁonale raﬁo between ﬁne sexes seemed to furﬁner enhance women's posiﬁon
among Eﬁniopians in America. By 1984 of ﬁne ofﬁcially admitted refugees to ﬁne U.S., two-ﬁnirds of
ﬁnem were males and young. More ﬁnan half of ﬁne resetﬁed household heads were less ﬁnan 26
years of age. Only 13 per cent had reached the age of 36.91 In 1990, ﬁnough ﬁne gap between
female-males narrowed (ﬁnere were 19,181 males and 14,687 females), ﬁne number of males was
higher ﬁnan females. In ﬁne same year, ﬁne median age of ﬁne Eﬁniopian immigrant population was
28.5. In 2000, too, of ﬁne 15 years old and above Eﬁniopians in America (67,183), males
outnumbered females. Yet, this ﬁme ﬁne gender gap between ﬁne sexes is very narrow. It was only
463.92 Therefore, women are in high demand, and unlike in Eﬁniopia where ﬁne men choose ﬁneir
brides, it is ﬁne women who will be picking ﬁneir preferences in America. On the other hand, ﬁne
availability of choices might also encourage daﬁng nnore ﬁnan committed relaﬁonships, which in

turn might led to ﬁne conﬁnuaﬁon of a bachelor's life indeﬁnitely.

 

89 Informant Wasyihun.

90 See Aden Daniel, ”Yagrin kardu mazaz,” [Problerrns of The Green Card], Larndafta, Vol. 1, No. 3 (1992), 24-
27.

9‘ Khoehn, m 275.

”US BureanrofﬁneCernsnAM US BureauofllneCensus,Cenai520000ronﬁneweb:
http://www.census.qov.population/socdemo/ancestry/Elhiopian.text

 

140

Eﬁniopian husbands could become abusive and violent. As a matter of fact, Eﬁniopiarn men
were reported to ”experience a high degree of frustraﬁon and stress associated wiﬁn diminished
status in society, employment-related racial discriminaﬁon, and being eiﬁner overqualiﬁed or
underqualiﬁed [sic] for sought-after jobs.”93 The problem here is not ﬁne quarrel, but ﬁne manner it
was solved and its consequence on ﬁne process of adjustment. Had it been in Eﬁniopia, eiﬁner of
ﬁneir families or boﬁn might intervene, but most Eﬁniopians do not have ﬁneir immediate relaﬁons in
ﬁne U.S.94 Someﬁmes friends and neighbors could do it, but in America, it is 911 ﬁnal does ﬁne job.
Upon such instances, ﬁne police take ﬁne husband away, after hand cufﬁng him. On one such
incident, ﬁne son of ﬁne accused, who had wiﬁnessed ﬁne acﬁon of ﬁne police asked his Mom if his
”Daddy [was a] ﬁnief... a bad guy?” 95 One consequence is ﬁne sense of betrayal and humiliaﬁon,
which ﬁne husband might feel, and ﬁnence his reluctance to conﬁnue living wiﬁn his wife. It is worﬁn
noting that ﬁne couple in ﬁne aforementioned instance were married in a refugee camp in Sudan
and had seen ﬁne ups and downs of life as a refugee and immigrant togeﬁner. Therefore, ﬁne
spouse seemed to have expected his wife to be tolerant raﬁner ﬁnan giving him up to ﬁne police in
yasaw agar, in sorrne one's country, a strange land.

The fact ﬁnal ﬁne court grants the custody of children to ﬁne moﬁner, and the lack of interest
from ﬁne police to ﬁnd out ﬁne cause of ﬁne conﬂict while arresﬁng ﬁne husband, emboldened
women to use 911 as a weapon regardless of physical violence. Moreover, ﬁne American legal

system, encouraged women to leave abusive husbands. The availability of public assistance for

 

93 The Develgpr_nent Needs, 59.

9‘ Khoehn, Refuge_e, 275.

95 Informant: Addisu. Before his arrival in ﬁne US. in ﬁne early 19803 from Sudan, he was nnernber of ﬁne
Eﬁniopiarn Army. He currenﬁy works as a nursing assistant. Because of his age and experience, he is sought out as a
. ‘councilor’ by mainly of his co-eﬁnnies. Interview Seatﬁe (WA), May 1997.

141

single women is anoﬁner incenﬁve to end abusive relaﬁonship.96 Neverﬁneless, in sonne instances
ﬁne husband and wife, after ﬁne court had passed a restraining order, will see each oﬁner.
Sonneﬁmes, ﬁney might live togeﬁner ”secreﬁy.” This is done not to lose ﬁne addiﬁonal money ﬁnal
ﬁne govemmenl provided for ﬁne newly separated wife. If ﬁney lived togeﬁner and failed to report it,
they will be forced to pay. Thus, to avoid tlnis, ﬁney will conﬁnue ﬁneir ”secret” life. One very
saddened Eﬁniopian religious leader had informed me of such situaﬁon among Ethiopian families.
The husband was so scared of compromising his relaﬁon wiﬁn his ”wife,” whenever he needed his
cloﬁnes washed, he left them in a garbage bag near ﬁne trashcan, and where his ”wife” could ﬁnd
it.97

It appears ﬁnal ﬁne involvement of outside auﬁnoriﬁes in immigrant/refugee family matters
seemed to exacerbate ﬁne problem raﬁner ﬁnarn resolving it. Sonne families end up in divorce raﬁner
than resolving their differences through eﬁnnic-networks or tradiﬁonal insﬁtuﬁons. Unlike ﬁne legal
system, ﬁne latter consider cultural issues before passing a verdict. 9"

One of ﬁne ﬁadiﬁonal instituﬁons, ﬁne Eﬁniopian Orthodox church, which could have played
a role in curbing sonne of ﬁne social ills of ﬁne Eﬁniopians, was not available. For Eﬁniopiarn
highlanders, ﬁne church was more than a religious insﬁtuﬁon. Throughout ﬁne centuries, it had
become part of ﬁne culture, and medium of expression of once ecstaﬁc feeling, protest, allegiance,
and obedience. It was also an insﬁtuﬁon which had a say in marital affairs, boﬁn in divorce and
marriage. The Eﬁniopiarn Orﬁnodox church was a peacemaker between families and wiﬁnin families.

Ethiopians cannot go to the American Caﬁnolic, Protestant, or any other denominaﬁon of ﬁne said

 

96 Holtzrnarn, NuerJoumeﬁ, 91-96; concernirngﬁnedebateonclnildcustodybattles, seeJoarn S. Meier,
”Dornesﬁc Violence, Child Custody and Child ProMcﬁon: Understanding Judicial Resistance and Imagining ﬁne
Solutions,” Journal of Gender Social Policv end ﬁne La_w, Vol. 11, No. 2 ( 2003), 658-731.

97 Informant Qes Melake. He is one of ﬁne priests of ﬁne Eﬁniopian Orﬁnodox clnurctn in Seatﬁe. He made it to
ﬁneU.S.frornoneofﬁnerefugeecampsin Kenyainﬁneearty1980s.Asareligiousmanandfaﬁnerconfessortomany
of ﬁne Eﬁniopians in Seatﬁe, he has invaluable informaﬁon on ﬁne life of Eﬁniopiarns in ﬁnal city. Interview Seattle: June
17, 1997.

98 Holtzrnarn, Nuer MIME, 90-94.

 

142

religions. The Russian, Greek and Armenian Orﬁnodox churches, ﬁnough Eﬁniopians attend ﬁnem
for seeking bapﬁsm for ﬁneir newly born babies, could not provide Ethiopians ﬁne desired spiritual
guidance. Language and cultural differences between Eﬁniopians and ﬁne aforemenﬁoned
Orthodox churches prevent Ethiopians from using ﬁne services of ﬁnese churches. As a result,
Eﬁniopians wiﬁn marital problem lack spiritual guidance.

One might ask, ”How about counseling?” Refugee studies indicated ﬁnal ”in many refugee
cultures . . . ﬁne Western concept of mental healﬁn ﬁnerapy does not exist.”99 Accordingly, prior to
their arrival into the U.S., most Eﬁniopians were unaware of such a ﬁning. The most Eﬁniopians may
have heard of psychiaﬁic evaluaﬁons or help is in associaﬁon wiﬁn Emmanuel Hospital in Addis
Ababa, ﬁne only psychiatric hospital in the country, which locally is viewed as asylum for lunaﬁcs.
For Eﬁniopians, ﬁne best way to deal wiﬁn such illness is to take ﬁne person to a church so ﬁnal
helshe can get tebel (holy water) or to a qalicha (traditional healer).100 Even if Eﬁniopians are aware
of counseling, cultural issues associated wiﬁn marriage will inhibit ﬁnem. Marriage among
Eﬁniopians is sacred and you do not discuss marital issues wiﬁn strangers. The oﬁner problem is
language. The 1990 census showed ﬁnal 36.7 per cent of ﬁne Eﬁniopian immigrant/refugee
populaﬁon in America did not speak English ”very well.” Though ﬁne situation has changed much
since then, the 2000 census data also indicated ﬁnal 7511 Eﬁniopians do not ”speak English well” or
”not at all.”101 In this circumstance, ﬁney are compelled to use ﬁne service of interpreters and in ﬁne

absence of such service, Eﬁniopians are compelled to employ ﬁneir children. But, how can you tell

 

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BeiefsEﬁniopiansAbroad,”TheWestemJoumefMedcine Vd.166,No.1(Jamy1997),29-37;Yewoubda'
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Vd.157,No. 3(Sepbnber1992),328-334.

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143

your marital problems to your children? This is not only embarrassing but also against ﬁne norm. In
spite of this, some Eﬁniopians who were accused of abusing ﬁneir wives were sent to centers of
anger management. An Eﬁniopian who had gone ﬁnrough it, related his experience in ﬁne following
way:

Whenlcernehornefromworkonedaymebeganaguing. Mysbpdauglnterwhonoliced

ﬁnis argument had celbd 911 and had reported ﬁne incident. She being a minor, l ﬁnink ﬁne

police wanted to talk to my wife by which ﬁme I realized ﬁnal ﬁney are talking to ﬁne police.

I told my wife to hang-up the phone, repeatedly. Meanwhile, ﬁne police had also heard my voice
ﬁnrough ﬁne phone. Hence, ﬁney came and took me away. Alﬁnough my wife, wiﬁn whom I was
married in a refugee camp and wiﬁn whom I have shared ﬁne ups and downs of an immigrarnt

life for more ﬁnan a decade, was reluctant to tesﬁfy against rrne, ﬁne auﬁnoriﬁes decided to send rrne
for anger management for ﬁnree monﬁns. The guys who are supposed to help me were adept in
triggering anger by asking me quesﬁon which I never expected; and some of ﬁne quesﬁons are
totally inappropriate. They will ask me if I fomd my wife to have sex wiﬁn me. Or, if I have tried to
sodornize her . . .etc. In ﬁnese circumstance, I will be so mad, I will scream at ﬁnem ”how dare you!

They will ﬁnen recommend ﬁnal I need to stay in ﬁne facility for more treatmentI102

Chapter III. 4. Adjustrnnent Problems: Differences of Attitude between Ethiopian Parents and
their Children in America

Min Zhou and Carl Bankston III, in ﬁneir study of adaptaﬁon of Vietnamese children in
America, indicated ﬁnal ”one might be tempted to interpret our account as a story of conﬂict
between parents” unchanging tradiﬁonalism and ﬁneir children’s attempts to abandon ﬁnose
traditions. The reality is a good deal nnore complex, however, boﬁn parents and clnildren are
struggling to adjust to the demands of ﬁneir new environment.”103 In ﬁne sarrne vein, ﬁne Eﬁniopian
parent-child relaﬁon and ﬁneir adjustrnenl to life in America is complex—a complexity ﬁnal arose
from mulﬁludes of variables ﬁnal have also a bearing upon each other direcﬁy and indirecﬁy. One
such factor is income. It has been noted ﬁnal ﬁne ”negaﬁve qualiﬁes ﬁnal people in industrialized
countries attach to low-wage jobs”1°4 had created a boon for immigrants like Eﬁniopians. It helped

them secure jobs. But, because ﬁney were low pay and dead-end jobs, ﬁney had to work more

 

102Atterhecornpleted hislreatrrnent, he neverwentbacktohiswife. Heended his 12yearsofmarriage
because of ﬁne humiliaﬁon he went ﬁnrough at ﬁne arnger marnagernent center. He also felt betrayed by his wife.
Interview by ﬁne auﬁnor.

'03 Zhou and Bankston III, Growing up Arnericarn, 171.

10‘ Douglas Masssey el al., ”Theories of Internaﬁonal Migraﬁon: A Review and Appraisal” in Ppmlaﬁon and
WM, Vol. 19, No. 3, (1993), 444.

144

hours, double shifts, or boﬁn husband and wife had to work to become economically self-sufﬁcient,
like oﬁner refugees and immigrants who are engaged in low-paying jobs.105 However, ﬁne
temptaﬁon to increase ones” income had also its own drawback. Many have to leave ﬁneir children
either with ﬁneir neighbors and friends, if ﬁney have any. Someﬁmes, however, ﬁney had to leave
ﬁnem unattended. In ﬁne latter instance, ﬁne TV usually becomes ﬁne babysitter. This presented an
opportunity for ﬁne children to watch any channel. Eﬁniopian households, eiﬁner as ﬁne result of
curiosity or believing it as part of becoming American, had cable access. Children left alone are
also more exposed to danger. Unﬁl, ﬁne arrival of ﬁneir parents, ﬁney could watch anyﬁning, boﬁn at
home and outside. Furﬁnennore, ﬁnere was no one to check ﬁneir homework or explain someﬁning,
which was not clear for ﬁnem.

Some parents do not attend parent-teaclner conferences and oﬁner school occasions ﬁnal
necessitate ﬁne presence of a parent/guardian. This had a tremendous impact on ﬁne psyclnology of
ﬁne children. They cannot be proud of ﬁneir parents like ﬁne oﬁner kids whose parents were coming
and attending meeﬁngs, or partaking in trips and oﬁner acﬁviﬁes. In addiﬁon to ﬁme, language is
anoﬁner barrier which inhibits some parents ﬁorn attending nneeﬁngs.

Yet, in some cases when an Eﬁniopian refugeeﬁmmigranl teenager sets foot in American
schools, helshe will be assigned to a certain grade level. This is done not because ﬁne child is
academically qualiﬁed to be in that grade level, but because helshe is of certain age, and ﬁnus ﬁney
have to be in ﬁnal level where American kids of ﬁneir age belong. The latter were in ﬁnal grade
because ﬁney have successfully completed ﬁneir educaﬁon. An Eﬁniopian, who was born in one of

ﬁne refugee camps or rural parts of Eﬁniopia, may never have attended school at aII,I°‘s or might

 

‘05 Martin, Rm Women, 87; Steve Gold, ”Vietnamese Refugees and Blocked Mobility,” Asiarn and Pm
Migraﬁon Journal, Vol. 2, No. 1 (1993), 27-56.

105 Neiﬁner ﬁne UNHCR nor oﬁner refugee mcies were inbrested in providing educaﬁon for ﬁne refugee in
ﬁne refugee comps. See for educaﬁonal situaﬁon in refugee comps in Sudarn: Karadawi, 124; Tina Wallace, ”Brieﬁng:
Refugee and hunger in Western Sudan.” Review of Aﬁicarn Poligcel' Economy, No 33, (August 1985), 66-67.

145

have passed ﬁnal grade level, which is very rare. A recent study on Eﬁniopian educaﬁon indicated
ﬁnal some 84 per cent of ﬁne primary age girls were not attending school. The worldwide literacy
rate for Eﬁniopian men and women is 43 and 26 per cent respecﬁvely.107

By the age of eighteen, an American is expected to ﬁnish high school or be in a college.
However, ﬁne unlucky Eﬁniopian, who had no chance to attend sclnool in Eﬁniopia and yet who
came to America around that age, may have difﬁculty in learning something useful that could help
him in ﬁne future. The maximum helshe can do is attending English as a Second Language (ESL)
class, which is offered by one of ﬁne many community colleges. This is an educaﬁon ﬁnal can only
help a person to develop ”survival skills” in ﬁne USA, skills ﬁnal can help a person acquire
nrdimentary English so ﬁnal helshe can pass in ﬁne society.

Even if Eﬁniopian children were placed in accordance wiﬁn ﬁneir academic level, ﬁnere are
oﬁner factors ﬁnal inhibit ﬁneir performance. In Eﬁniopia, ﬁne best behavior for an Eﬁniopian child is to
be meek, humble, and not to talk unless asked. Such behavior, apparenﬁy, is understood and
interpreted by American teachers or schools ﬁnal ﬁne student has some problem—helshe could be
retarded. One of ﬁne Eﬁniopian parents related his experience in ﬁnis regard. One day, he got a
letter from his daughter's teacher, which indicated ﬁnal his daughter had some problem. Aniving at
school, ﬁne parent was informed ﬁnal his daughter is very passive in class and ﬁnal she may be
retarded and ﬁnus in order to send his daughter to special education class, his consent is needed.
The surprised and angry parent asked ﬁne teacher what made her ﬁnink ﬁnal way. Has she even
tried to ask ﬁne student what her problem was or has she ever considered if there was any cultural

difference between ﬁne teacher and ﬁne student etc. Aﬂer complaining to ﬁne principal, he sent

 

‘07 See Noami Nell and Ann D. Levine, Where Women Starnd: An lntemaﬁonal Remy] on ﬁne Status of
Women in 140 Entries 1997-1998, (New York: Random House, 1997), 31, 38.

146

his only daughter to one of ﬁne private schools.103 The quesﬁon is ”what would have happened to
ﬁnis child if her parents were one of ﬁne many uneducated and uninformed Eﬁniopians, who could
not understand ﬁne situaﬁon?”

In ﬁne interviews I conducted among Ethiopian children who were born in U.S., whenever
ﬁney are asked if ﬁney have attended English as a Second Language (ESL) class, ﬁney vehemenﬁy
reply in the negaﬁve. They do not want to be classiﬁed in the ESL student category. On ﬁne other
hand, ﬁnose who are in ﬁne ESL classes would answer humbly, while ﬁnose who had passed
ﬁnrough it would say ”it look me very litﬁe ﬁme to master the language and pass ﬁom ESL to
regular classes.” Even if ﬁney are in a regular class, fellow students who never attended ESL
classes look down upon these immigrant children condescendingly. Their American classmates
view ﬁneir good grades as highly inﬂated.109 In fact, many of ﬁne uneducated Eﬁniopians do not want
to admit that ﬁney are illiterates. ”Their pride often prevents them ﬁom admitﬁng ﬁnal ﬁney are not
literate. To do so would embarrass ﬁiem personally and reﬂect negaﬁvely on Eﬁniopians in general.
[Meanwhile] exisﬁng ESL programs will fail to attract or achieve litﬁe success wiﬁn ﬁnese people
because such programs cannot property address ﬁneir needs.”"°

After compleﬁng ﬁnese ESL classes, especially ﬁnose Eﬁniopian youngsters who came at
older ages, seemed to be left out in ﬁne cold. By ﬁne ﬁnne ﬁney are eighteen, ﬁnough ﬁney have
ofﬁcially completed high school, ﬁney are not ready to enter the society. They have neither
developed ﬁne skill nor ﬁne educaﬁon ﬁnal would help ﬁnem pursue a life worﬁn living. They cannot

 

10" Informant Benjamin. He was ﬁne member of ﬁne Imperial Eﬁniopian Air born before coming to ﬁne USA He
had ban to various parts of Europe and ﬁnus well infomned. He is a teclnniciarn. Interview. Seattle (WA) 1997.

‘09 Infonnants: Dirshaye and Seblewongel. They are sisters who grew up in refugee camp in Sudan. By ﬁne
ﬁme of ﬁne interview, ﬁney were high sclnool students. Interview Seatﬁe, September 19, 1997; Infonnanl Paﬁence:
when she canne to ﬁne US. in 1994, she was 9'" grade student; and at ﬁne ﬁme of ﬁne interview, she was attending
Sealﬁe Central Community College. Inmrview, Seatﬁe, Sept. 16, 1997. Informant Sebele: She grew up wiﬁn her grand
pamnls in Eﬁniopia. When she came to ﬁne US, Washington DC, slne was a high sclnool student She rrnoved to
Seatﬁe in ﬁne hope of ﬁnding a batter school environment. Interview, Seattle, Sept 19, 1997.

11° The Deye_lome_nt Needs, 56.

147

join colleges or universiﬁes for ﬁnere are not ESL colleges and universiﬁes which would accept ESL
graduates. Their fate in America is, ﬁnerefore, to join ﬁne blue-collar workers, mosﬁy janitorial,
security, nursing-home assistants, taxi drivers ...etc. A 1990 report of Eﬁniopiarn Community
Development Councils concluded that some 50 per cent of Eﬁniopians are employed in ”dead-end”
jobs such as mentioned above.111

These jobs, too, would not be sought by all ESL graduates of Eﬁniopian origin. It is only ﬁne
”healﬁny” ones who would be willing to work in ﬁnese areas. The rest would join ﬁne underclass of
ﬁne society and swell the ranks of gangs. For ﬁnem, ﬁne streets will become ”schools” where ﬁnere
is no disﬁncﬁon between ESL and regular classes graduates; and ﬁne many parks of ﬁne ciﬁes will
become their abode where ﬁney can exercise ﬁneir freedom wiﬁn no limit. Drugs will provide ﬁnem
solace in which ﬁney would forget ﬁne misfortune ﬁnal had befallen ﬁnem, and at ﬁmes violence
would become a manner of expression by which they would let out ﬁneir grief and sense of failure.
This might even be a cool ﬁning to do."2

Ethiopian children are also often ﬁustrated in ﬁneir family life. Their parents, who were
brought up in ﬁne Eﬁniopiarn way, usually do not change. They always are longing for home. Some
Ethiopian parents” English is limited or non-existent and ﬁney do not care to Ieam it. Even parents,
who have limited English skill, seem to lose it ﬁnrough ﬁme.113 This is very true for some Eﬁniopians
who reside in areas where large number of fellow Eﬁniopians are found and where ﬁnere are
Eﬁniopian stores and restaurants such as Washington DC, Los Angeles, Seatﬁe . . . etc. In ﬁnese

ciﬁes, Ethiopian parents do grocery shopping in ﬁneir own language and ﬁnus have less need to use

 

m The Bowl Needs, 24-25.
"2 In some American ciﬁes, ﬁne number of homelecs Eﬁniopiarns is in ﬁne rise. In ciﬁes like Seatﬁe, ﬁne

Eﬁniopian youﬁn has formed its own group, ﬁne East African Gang, which encompassed Eﬁniopians, Somalis, Eritreans
and oﬁner Africans. Moreover, betweern 1994 and 1996, sorrne 53 Eﬁniopians were deported from ﬁne U.S. Ofﬁnese
Eﬁniopians, ﬁne majority (44) of ﬁnem were criminals. See US. Department of Jusﬁce Immigration and Naturaization
Service, Staﬁsﬁcal Yearbook of ﬁne lmmg' raﬁon and Naturalizaﬁon Service, 1999.

"3 Barry R. Chiswick and Paul W. Miller, ”Language Skill Deﬁniﬁon: A Study of Legalized Albrns,”
lnthaﬁonal Mn' raﬁon Review, Vol. 32, No. 4, (Winm1998), 898.

148

English as a medium. What is more, studies conducted on immigrants in Los Angeles revealed,
”the prevalence of recent arrivals means that for many if not most of the . . . immigrants ﬁne
process of assimilaﬁon has only begun . . . any conﬁnuing inﬂux of large newcomer cohorts vrn'll
certainly slow ﬁnal process, and not just by maintaining an active link to the culture and language of
ﬁne immigrants” home country. Growing numbers of immigrants will retard ﬁne process of diffusion
out of established residenﬁal and occupaﬁonal enclaves.”"4

Meanwhile, ﬁne children who are attending school will have friends at school, would learn
the American way of life faster, and may even become American for all intents and purposes.
While ﬁnis could make ﬁnem an invaluwle assets for ﬁneir families, it could also be source of wony
and at times quarrels between parent and child. Their language mastery will virtually make children
interpreters, shoppers, guides etc for ﬁneir parents. This, in turn will give ﬁnem certain degree of
freedom. The latter instance, in ﬁne eyes of an Eﬁniopian parent, which is similar to most
immigrants from conservaﬁve backgrounds, is unacceptable for it ﬁnreatens ﬁne status quo.115

The refusal of parents to accept ﬁne increasingly independent atﬁtude of ﬁneir children also
emanates from ﬁne fear of ﬁne unknown. What ﬁney watch on TV and hear from ﬁne media scares
them. Thus, ﬁney increasingly become protecﬁve. They would not allow their children to date, have
parﬁes at home or go to parﬁes. An Eﬁniopian, a faﬁner of two sons and who had come to America

in ﬁne early 705, had expressed his regret about his two sons as follows: ”When I came to America,

 

"4 See Roger Waldinger and Mehdi Bozorgmher, ”The Making of a Mulﬁcultural Metropolis,” in Eﬁnnic Los
Mgejes ed., Roger Waldinger and Mehdi Bozorgmher (New York: Russell Sage Foundaﬁon, 1996), 22-23; David E.
Lopez, ”Language: Diversity and Assimilaﬁon,” in Eﬁnnic Los Angeles, ed., Roger Waldinger and Mehdi Bozorgmher
(New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1996), 139-163.

"5 See for instance, Steven J. Gold, Dilferenﬁal Adjuslrnent among New Immigrant Family Members,”
Journal of Contemgery Eﬁnnpggmy, Vol. 17, No. 4 (January 1998), 408-434; Mehrdad Darvishpour, ”Immigrant
Women Challenge ﬁne Role of Men: How ﬁne Changing Power Relaﬁonship wiﬁnin Iranian Families in Sweden
Intensiﬁes Family Conﬂicts alter Immigraﬁon,” Journal of Commﬂ Family Studies, Vol. 33, No 2, (Spring 2002),
271-296; Dhara S. Gill, ”Changes in ﬁne Breadwinner Role: Punjabi Families in Transiﬁon,” Journal of Commraﬁve
Family Studies, Vol. 26 (Summer 1995), 255-263; Arpana Sircar, Work Roles Gender Roles and Asian Indian
lmmrg' rant Women in ﬁne United ﬁles (Queenston: The Edwin Mellern Press, 2000); Gold, From Workers State 36-
38.

 

 

149

ﬁnere were not many Eﬁniopians in Seatﬁe and its environs. There was no Eﬁniopian church, no
restaurant where ﬁne kids could have a chance to mingle wiﬁn fellow Ethiopians. Because I was
attending graduate school, I have not had ﬁne ﬁme and resource to help my sons mingle wiﬁn
Americans eiﬁner. Besides, I never ﬁnought of myself living in US. for good. Thus, my children grew
neiﬁner being Eﬁniopian nor American.”116

Ethiopian household inconne and ﬁne size of ﬁneir house have also a role in decision
making against partying at home. According to ﬁne 1980 data of ﬁne U.S. Commerce Department,
the median income of Ethiopians was $11,093 "7 while ﬁne US. Census indicated ﬁnal median
household income of Eﬁniopians had grown ﬁom $21, 553 in 1990 to $32426 in 2000.118 In ﬁne
Iaﬁer instance, ﬁne median income at the naﬁonal level was 41,994. What is more, ﬁne 2000 census
has it ﬁnal some 15,132 Eﬁniopians live bellow ﬁne poverty level. Thus, ﬁnere are Eﬁniopians who
live in low income housing which may not have enough space to host parties or in apartments and
condos where it is also difﬁcult to entertain such events. A study of post 19605 immigrants in
America indicated ﬁnal recent immigrant families have an average household size of 5.2. This
implies fewer rooms and less resources. Economically speaking ”ﬁne children of more recent
arrivals are much more likely to be living in poverty. About one-ﬁnird of all second-generaﬁon

children whose parents arrived in ﬁne ﬁve years before ﬁne 1990 census were living in poverty.”"9

 

116Informant: Nigus I-lecaneloUS in1969asasclnolashbstudent. hillnosedays,ﬁnerewereonlyﬁve
Ethiopiansin SeattleThougn, hehadcon'plebdlnisemcaﬁanbngﬁneagomecmidnotgobadrbEﬁiopia
becauseofﬁnepoliticalsituaﬁorn. HencwnmshisownMsimandheisanedﬁneaMulEWopianshSeaMe.
hm Seattle (WA) May 27, 1997.

"’Elhiopim Commit DevehplnwlCumd. Int-WW
Unibdﬁ, Patlengm‘ .PrepaedforﬁnOfﬁoeofRefugeeResdﬁanantFarinpputAdriisﬁaﬁon,U.S
DepatmentofHeaﬁn and Human Services (Arlington, Vig'mia, 1990), 20.

"'SeeUS. BileaiiofﬁieCernsiis, Census 1990 CernsusZOtlIJlsoavﬂleonﬁneweb:
http://wwwcensueqov/pcpulationlsocdemo/anceslry/Ethiopian.txt

"9LeifJernsenandYosIn'crniChilose, ””Today’sSeoorndGenera‘on: Evidenceformllne1990Censusinm
MW ed.,AIejandoPortes(NewYork: Russel SageFourndation, 1996), 89.

 

150

In ﬁne meanﬁme, ﬁne peer pressure on ﬁne children mounts. They hear about parﬁes and at ﬁmes
ﬁney partake in ﬁnem. Yet, parties for children were unknown among the majority of Eﬁniopians.

Despite ﬁne common knowledge ﬁnal culture determines family values and norms ﬁnal also
includes ﬁne niles for appropriate child rearing pracﬁceﬂi’0 some Eﬁniopian families are scared of
disciplining ﬁneir children ﬁne way ﬁney understood in Eﬁniopia for fear of being at odds wiﬁn ﬁne
American law. Some of ﬁnose who have attempted to do so had received calls from child protecﬁon
services. The children, too, know very well about it. In fact, to dial 911 was one of ﬁne ﬁrst ﬁnings
ﬁney Ieam at school and ﬁney do not hesitate to use it to ﬁneir advantage. Besides, ﬁne difference in
ﬁne way ﬁney were treated at school and at home as well as displaying ﬁne cultural crisis, also
increases ﬁne mood for rebelliousness.121

At ﬁmes parents might spoil ﬁneir children. This could arise from ﬁne belief ﬁnal ”let my child
have what I have not had as a child.” Or, ﬁney allow ﬁneir children have whatever ﬁney ask for
believing ﬁnal it is how an American child is raised. Or, it might spring from ﬁne belief ﬁnal ”why
would I suffer my child in an alien land by refusing his request.” There are also parents who do not.
have ﬁne resources to raise ﬁneir children ﬁne ”American way.” They could not deny ﬁneir children
his/her ”favorite” toy, refuse to take ﬁnem to the swimming pool, skaﬁng, a promised trip ...etc.
simply because ﬁne parents ﬁnemselves do not know about ﬁnese ﬁnings or lack ﬁne means. The
maximum they could do is prevent ﬁnem ﬁom watching TV, which is often impracticable. Either the
parents are usually at work which presents ﬁne children wiﬁn ample opportunity to watch TV or
because of ﬁne very nature of ﬁneir residence, a two bedroom apartment, where children have no

where to go while parents watch television.

 

‘20 Kaﬁnerine McDade, ”How We Parent. Race and Eﬁnnic Difference” in Pit—"0M Families Issues in Race
and Eﬁnnmy' ' ,ed., Cardek K Jacobson (New York: Galand Publishing, Inc., 1995), 283.
12‘ The WMt Needs, 60.

151

Generally speaking, ﬁne Eﬁniopian parental belief is similar wiﬁn ﬁnal of oﬁner immigrant
groups, who have values ﬁnal reﬂect an emphasis on family, group idenﬁly rather than
independence and individual autonomy. ”Loyalty, humility, respect for elders, reﬁcence, and
avoidance of personal gain” ‘22 are also appreciated among Eﬁniopians. By way of disciplining of
children punitive and power asserﬁveness are common among Eﬁniopians. Besides, Ethiopian
children are expected to obey their parents without question. If there is any problem, it should be
solved wiﬁnin ﬁne family. Outsiders are avoided in family matters as mucln as possible.

As a result, some Ethiopian parents do not come forward it they have problems with their
children. They try to deal wiﬁn it; and ﬁnus at ﬁmes it might get out of hand. Even if ﬁney wanted to
deal wiﬁn it by consulﬁng wiﬁn the appropriate ofﬁcials, ﬁney might be asked to aﬁend parent
educaﬁon programs, which are ”based on and reﬂect Anglo-American middleclass values;” 123 and
thus alien and less useful to an Ethiopian immigrant family. As a result, they usually avoid ﬁnem.
They also do not consult psychiatrists or family counselors. In ﬁne eyes of most Eﬁniopians, it is
only those with mental illness who go to such places.

Chapter III. 5. Adjustment Problems: Ethiopian Immigrants and the American Race System

America is a ”race” conscious society, in which ”race” is predominanﬁy deﬁned in terms of
black and white. Thus, a person is ”challenged by social constraints ﬁnal insist on a coherence
between self-idenﬁﬁcaﬁon (a public presentation) and self-idenﬁty (how one conceptualizes oneself
vis-a-vis oﬁners)”.124 In view of ﬁnis, an Eﬁniopian like all oﬁner African refugees and immigrants in

America, ”face strong structural baniers to incorporaﬁon in ﬁne mainstream economy of the United

 

‘22 McDade, ”How We Parent, 285; Gold, ”Differential Adjustment,” 422.

‘23 McDade, ”How We Parent, 286.

‘24 Katya Gibel Azoulay, Black Jewish and Interracial: It is not ﬁne Color of your Skin, but ﬁne Race of your
Skin, and oﬁner Ms of Identr_ty' (Durban: Duke University Press, 1997), 2; See also Comel West, Km‘ ﬁne Fa'ﬁn:
PhiMy and Race in America (New York: Rouﬁedge, 1993), xv

 

152

States,” and ﬁnis barrier, said Peter Koehn, is parﬁy due to racial discriminaﬁon.125 However,
Eﬁniopian immigrants would probably suffer most due to racial discriminaﬁon compared to other
non-white immigrants in ﬁne US. This is not because ﬁney are singled out or speciﬁcally targeted
ﬁnan oﬁners but it is because of cultural and historical reasons ﬁnal are peculiar to Eﬁniopians which,
inhibit ﬁnem from understanding ﬁne manifestaﬁons and subﬁeﬁes of racism in America, and ﬁnance
adjustrnenl to life in America. Culturally speaking, for instance, while American society is
categorized into European/White/Caucasian, African American/Black, Hispanic/Laﬁno . . . etc.
based on one’s skin pigmentaﬁon and/or phenotype, such things do not exist in Eﬁniopia. The
remotest possibility ﬁnal might resemble such division and wiﬁn which Eﬁniopians might be familiar
with is ﬁne shades of ”color” that they uses to explain/express a person's beauty such as qay (red or
light skinned), yaqy-dama (light red), tayim (brown/chocolate), tayim asa-rnassay (brown as
beauﬁful as ﬁne ﬁsh), tiqur (black) which have noﬁning to do wiﬁn ﬁne individual’s ”race.”126
Historically, loo, ﬁne absence of a colonial past where ﬁne ”colonial state was . . .
supervised by white ofﬁcials deployed from a racial pinnacle at ﬁne center,”127 is a historic
experience ﬁnal completely detaclnes Eﬁniopians from ﬁne rest of Aﬁicans in parﬁcular and all oﬁners
who suffered under colonial occupaﬁon in general. This, coupled wiﬁn Eﬁniopia’s victory against
Italian colonialism in 1896, seemed to have furﬁner shaped ﬁneir view against foreigners. In fact, as

the consequence of ﬁneir history, Eﬁniopians seem to feel that ﬁney are better ﬁnan anyone—a

 

‘5 Koehn, @983, 307.

125 Even ﬁnislypeofbeaulyclassiﬁcaﬁon doesnotanplyforall EﬁniopiansbecauseEﬁniopia isacountryof
diverse eﬁnnic groups, naﬁonaliﬁes and cultures. For some lﬁre ﬁne Beni Amir and ﬁne Jabalaawe (ﬁney reside in
norﬁnem and western parts of ﬁne country adjoining Sudan) beauty is associated wiﬁn and measured by ﬁne tattoos on
one's body while for oﬁners sucln as people living in souﬁnern Eﬁniopia (in Kaffa province) it is ﬁne stretching of ﬁne lower
lip or one’s ear lob ﬁnal qualiﬁes; and sﬁll oﬁners, for instance ﬁne Agnwak (in Gmabella, souﬁnwestem Eﬁniopia), relate
beauty by ﬁne absence of two of ﬁne lower-middle teeﬁi, incisors. Hence, ﬁne use of ﬁne shades of color is limited to ﬁne
highlanders sucln as Amharas, some Oromos and Tigrayans.

127MahmoodMarndani,CiﬁnnarndSu' 'Contern AfricaandﬁneL
(Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996), 287; See also William A Shack, ”Eﬁniopia and Afro-Americans: Some
Historical Notes, 1920-1970,” thp, Vol.35, No. 2 (2"6 Quarter, 1974), 142-155; F. Njubi Nesbitl, ”African
Intellectuals in ﬁne Belly of ﬁne Beast Migraﬁon, Idenﬁty, and ﬁne Poliﬁes of Exile,” African legig, Vol. )0(X, No. 1
(2002), 70-74.

153

ﬁneme which had been persistenﬁy noted by American and European travelers who ventured into
the country in ﬁne late 19th and 20th century. The British diplomat, James R. Rodd, who held talks
wiﬁn Emperor Menelik II on ﬁne immediate aftennaﬁn of ﬁne batﬁe of Adwa in 1897, remarked ﬁnal
”merchants told us that since Adua [sic] the prestige of Europeans had greaﬁy diminished. Before
ﬁnal ﬁme it had been a lradiﬁon wiﬁn ﬁne Abyssinians to accord an European ﬁne honors due to one
ofﬁneirowngenerals. ButnowﬁneirheadsweremLch swollenandﬁneybelievedﬁnemselvestobe
ﬁne elect of nations.”123 [Emphasis added]

In ﬁne same vein, an American traveler who visited Eﬁniopia in early 19105 had stated,
”The European who goes ﬁnere imbued wiﬁn ﬁne idea ﬁnal ﬁnted skin denotes an inferior race, and
treats ﬁne native with ﬁne anogance which frequenﬁy marks his atﬁtude towards the Negro, ﬁne
Hindu, and ﬁne Chinese, it is likely to have his career brought to an abrupt end by a spear or a riﬂe-
bullet. Nor Abyssinians to be inﬁmidaled, like some oﬁner Eastem peoples . . . not so many years
have passed since ﬁney annihilated a European army. . . In Addis Ababa, as I have remarked
elsewhere, the Europeans and naﬁves do not occupy separate quarters.” ‘29

Alexander Powell, who visited Eﬁniopia at ﬁne turn of ﬁne 20" century, and who had been
accustomed to being treated differenﬁy because of his skin color in ﬁne various parts of ﬁne world,
was disappointed in Eﬁniopia. He remarked ﬁnal ”on ﬁne soil of Abyssinia, a land where Jusﬁce, as it
isknowninmeWestmesmteﬁstmﬂadeMmm—m
Mellie lemmasis addedl-"w

Ladislas Farago, who had traveled to Ethiopia in early 20"1 century, have witnessed the

same low regard to Europeans in Eﬁniopia. She noted ﬁnal ”ﬁne Abyssinians are one of ﬁne most

 

‘28 James Rennell Rodd, Social and Dims Memories 1894-1901: Egypt and ADM' ia (London: Edward
Arnold 8 Co., 1923), 161-162.

‘29 Dervla Murphy, In Eﬁnm‘ 'a wiﬁn a Mule, (London: Buﬁa 8 Tanner Ltd, 1968), 117-118.

130 E. Alexander Powell, Bemd ﬁne Utmost Pum Rim: Abyeg'nia, Somaliland, Kenya Colony, Zanzibar, ﬁne
W (New York: The Century Co., 1920), 56.

154

politepeoplesinﬁneworld, butﬁneirgood mannersareforﬁnebeneﬁtofﬁneircompatriots,&t9_f
fo_reig' mrsMnmmeybokdownmyevenﬁnbwestﬁtﬁeNadtbmfeebaiﬁiormwhﬁemmen
[emphasis added] . . . ﬁne Abyssinian takes no noﬁce of you in ﬁne street unﬁl you greet him
ﬁrst.”131

Anoﬁner traveler, Herman Norden, who came to Eﬁniopia, in more or less ﬁne same period
as Farago, had characterized Ethiopians likewise: ”. . . white-clad villagers ﬁom all the countryside
walkedwiﬁnﬁnatairofﬂgancelemphasisaddedland Iackofinlerestinslrangerswhicln is
characterisﬁcally Abyssinian.”132

George Lipsky, the sociologist who studied the 1960s Eﬁniopia, also noted ﬁne conﬁnued
lack of understanding of white dominaﬁon or racial discriminaﬁon even among ﬁne educated
Eﬁniopians who increasingly ﬁnd it difﬁcult to idenﬁfy themselves wiﬁn the radical African liberation
movements who based ﬁneir protest on ﬁne evils of colonialism, racism. As he apﬁy summed it up
” . . . ﬁneir [ﬁne educated Eﬁniopians] anﬁcolonialism is less strong, however, ﬁnan ﬁnal of ﬁne
educated elite in some of ﬁne newly independent African countries; ﬁney are sﬁll grouping to
reconcile ﬁneir traditional dislike of ﬁne ferenji [foreigner] wiﬁn ﬁneir awareness that Eﬁniopia needs
foreign aid to modemize.”133*

Comel West, who was in Eﬁniopia in early 19905, and wfno decided to reside in ﬁnal country

pennanenﬁy, also pointed out ﬁne absence of race consciousness and bias among Eﬁniopians,

 

‘31 Ladislas Faago, Abﬁeinia on ﬁne Eve, (London: Fakenham and Reasing, 1935.), 52-53.
‘32 Hennarn Norden, Africa's last empire: Through Abyssinia to Lake Tana and ﬁne country of ﬁne Falaslna,
London: H.F. 8 G. Wiﬁnerby, 1930), 149.

‘33 George Lipsky, Eﬁniom'a: Its Peoﬁ, its Society, its culture (New Heaven: Hraf Press, 1962), 325.
” Educaﬁon in boﬁn imperial and revoluﬁonary Eﬁniopia, especially in ﬁne fomner, was deﬁcient of histories of

ﬁne African Diaspora. Even ﬁnose ﬁnal deal wiﬁn Africa, especially during ﬁne imperial era, were menﬁoned in relaﬁorn to
Briﬁsh and Frencln colonial endeavors and hence European adventurers and ”J'explorers Thus, it was European history
ﬁnal dominated ﬁne syllabi for ﬁne social sciences in Eﬁniopia. See Teshorrne G. Wagaw, Educeﬁon in Eﬁnm’ 'a: Prosm
MM (Ann Arbor, The University of Michigan Press, 1979), 121.

155

‘Eﬁniopians are ﬁne only African people in ﬁne world who take ﬁneir humanity for granted, wiﬁn no
inferiority complexes or anxieties about ﬁneir intellectual or moral capacities.’134

Yet, when an Eﬁniopian arrives in U.S., ﬁne ﬁrst ﬁning he encounters is ﬁne racial boundary,
the form ﬁnat asks him to which racial category he belongs; and thus ﬁts him in a slot, African
American/black. These ofﬁcial forms, besides ﬁneir assumption of eﬁnnic and racial homogeneity,135
are completely confusing to a new corner to ﬁnis country, especially for a person who had come
from a country where racial classiﬁcation does not exist. However, sooner or later ﬁne Eﬁniopiarn
would be racialized, be conscious of his place in ﬁnis society. As Pierre Bourdieu noted it ‘ﬁne
institution of an idenﬁty... is to signify to sonne one what he is and how he should conduct himself
as a consequence. . . To institute, to give a social deﬁnition, an idenﬁty, is also to impose
boundaries."136

The ofﬁcial categories, in addition to ﬁneir political objecﬁve and their disregard of individual
genealogies137 forces an individual to be part of a group to which ﬁne person has no or litﬁe clue.
By doing ﬁnal, ﬁne country of settlement introduced ﬁne Eﬁniopian to race consciousness. What is
more, since refugee resetﬁement ofﬁcials dispersed Eﬁniopians, 'randomly,’ ﬁnroughout ﬁne
country, and helped ﬁnem ﬁnd low income or subsidized housing which are also primarily

segregated minority eﬁnnic neighborhoods,138 ﬁne receiving country had ﬁnenefore played a major

 

13‘ West, Km’ 9 ﬁne Faiﬁn, xv.

‘35 Azoulay, Black Jewish and lnterracid 2.

‘35 Quoted in Azoulay, Black, Jewish and MM“ , 7.

137 Azoulay, Black Jewish and Interracial 98; Michael E. Tomlin, 'Placing People in Boxes,‘ m
Mtg, Vol. 16, No. 1, (January 1994), 54.

‘33 Reporttoﬁne Congress: FY1996 Refugee Resetﬁermnl Program. US. DepalrmntofHedﬁn and Human
Services. Administration for Children and Families. Ofﬁce of Refugee Resetﬁement. For immigrant eﬁnnic
neighborhoods and segregation see Mary C. Waters, Eﬁnnic Qpﬁons: Choosing ldenﬁties in America (Berkeley:
University of California Press, 1990), 97-101; Steven J. Gold, Refugg Communiﬁes: A Comgraﬁve Field Study
(Newbury Park: Sage Publications, 1992), 142-166; Philip Q. Young, Eﬁnnic Studies: Issues arnd Mes (New
York: State University of New York, 2000), 157-159, 167-187; Min Zhou and Carl L. Bankston lll, Growing Up

American: How V'gtnamese Children a_dgpl to Life in ﬁne United ﬁles (New Yourk: Russel Sage Foundation, 1998),
219.

 

 

156

role not only in “initiating, shaping and controlling” refugee movements ‘39 but also in creating
ethnic, racial and communal identities for Eﬁniopians. As Alejandro Portes noted it ‘. . . the
concentration of immigrant households in cities-and, in particular, central cities...puts new arrivals
in close contact with concentration of naﬁve born minorities...[lt, above all], exposes second-
generaﬁon children to ﬁne adversarial subculture developed by marginalized native youﬁn."“0
Accordingly, a closer look at ﬁne settlement pattern of Eﬁniopians in some of ﬁne major American
cities where ﬁney are found in large numbers conﬁrms ﬁne aforesaid claim. For instance, ﬁne
estimated 10,000 Eﬁniopians in Seatﬁe, who most of whom were refugees, were settled, upon ﬁneir
arrival, in project houses found in ﬁne Central Area, Rainer Valley, etc. districts which were
predominantly African American neighborhoods.141

In Washington DC, too, which is one of ﬁne most diverse cities of ﬁne USA, and one of ﬁne
places where ﬁne largest number of Eﬁniopians, around 40, 000 “2 congregated, ﬁne paﬁem of
setﬁement and business centers reﬂect ﬁnal of Seatﬁe. Eighteenﬁn and Columbia, and Thirteenﬁn
and U are Ethiopian business centers, while Columbia-Pike Street (in \ﬁrginia) is predominanﬁy
residenﬁal area, which ﬁney share wiﬁn oﬁner minority groups."3

Similarly Los Angeles, which boasts of 65,000 Ethiopians, had treated its Eﬁniopian

asyleelrefugee population ﬁne same as ﬁne oﬁner ciﬁes did. Though it might not be predominanﬁy

 

‘39 Stephen Casﬁes & Mark J. Miller, The $9 of Mg" ration: lntemational PMlaﬁon Movements in ﬁne
Modem Wgrl_d, ll .Ed (New York, The Guilford Press, 1993), 22.

“0 Alejandro Portes, 'Segmenmd Assimilation among New Immigrant Youﬁn: A Conceptual Framework,” in
Califomia’s Immigrant Children: ﬁnm, research and implications for educational m , Rube'n G. Rumbaut arnd
Wayne A. Cornelius (ed), (San Diego: University of California, 1995), 73.

“1 Eﬁniopian Development Council, Inc., The WMt Needs of Eﬁn'm’an Rm in ﬁne United States
(Arlington, 1990), 96-97; See also ‘Marﬁn Luﬁner King Way is Growing Into Its Name,” Seatﬁe Times. Sunday, Jarnuary
18, 1998; also “Chiefs Special: Slow Cooking' and Spice Fill Her Food Wrﬁn Flavor,” Seatﬁe Times. Wednesday,
November 05, 1997; Linda Keene, ' A Promising life, a tragic end,“ Seatﬁe Times, Marcln 28, 1997. See for gang
related problems in Seatﬁe, Sealﬁe Times Monday, April 8, 1996; Monday, September 21, 1998; Tuesday, December
25, 1998. According to ﬁnese papers, drug and dmg related problems including garngs was usually occurs in ﬁne
Central, Rainer Valley districts areas like White Center.

“2 Smiﬁnsonian Institution: Festival of American Folk Life 1997, 36, 50.

‘43 Eﬁniopiarn Development Council, Inc, The Wt Needs of Eﬁn’m‘ Rm in ﬁne Unibd States
(Arlington, 1990), 97-99.

 

 

157

Black neighborhood, ﬁneir businesses are located at ﬁne more diverse and ﬁne one ﬁnne desolate
but now vibrant part of Fairfax Avenue. There, wiﬁn the blessing of ﬁne city govemmenl, ﬁney have
carved out ﬁneir own "Litﬁe Eﬁniopia,’ named after ﬁneir country of origin!“ Thus a new idenﬁty,
African American, if not for ﬁne ﬁrst generation, was tailored for ﬁne second generation Eﬁniopians.
As one Eﬁniopian parent remarked, “our children are going to be African-Americans,’ ﬁnough we
might want them to remain Eﬁniopian or Amhara, Tigre, Oromo etc.”5

Chapter III. 6. Adjustment Problems: Relations between Ethiopian Immigrants and
African Americans

Ethiopians are primarily found residing in either project-houses or govemmenl subsidized
residenﬁal areas“6 which, by default, are minority neighborhoods and hence subjected to negative
racial stereotyping.147 The presence of fellow blacks in minority neighborhoods, one might assume,
is supposed to cement racial solidarity between Eﬁniopians and African Americans and hence
some measure of smooﬁn adjustment for Eﬁniopians in America, however ﬁne reality is far from ﬁnis.
Accordingly, ﬁne relationship between African Americans and Eﬁniopians which is complex and
varies ﬁnrough time requires providing a historical context. At least, since ﬁne battle of Adwa in
1896, Eﬁniopia had served as ﬁne symbol of freedom and source of pride for African Americans. As
a result, when Italy invaded Ethiopia in 1936, ﬁne whole black world especially African Americans

were furious. They even attempted fundraising to help ﬁnance Eﬁniopia’s war effort while oﬁners

 

1“JotnrnLkiclnael,‘I.ookHorrnenrrad:EthiopianErrv'gesSearzlnfranornnrnnornbornd'lnﬁne'tnennrland,but
undenlbnsionsresurfacefTheLosMTlnesﬂhursdayJunezs,1992;5ﬁniopianDeveIopmerntCounciJnc,
Themmeedsofam ' RMinﬁneUrnitedSlaﬁs(Ninghn,1990),90-92

“5JohnLMclnael,'LookHonneward:EﬁniopianEmigésSeacInforCorrvnnonbondinﬁne‘rnewland,bul
undenltens‘ornsreanrfacefwmmsdayhnezalm

“GAstudyconducledbyﬁneEﬁniopianDevelopmerntCoundl,lnc.,internmq'orArrnericandlieswlnere
EWaebeiewdbbehuMhbganWsWMMdﬁmMndomMmhumm
mmmmmugovemmmmWMnmewmmpcmmm
dEﬁioﬁmdemtﬂhhwmnheiomMsesSwﬂnDevdouwﬁNedsdEﬁiqimReﬁmeshﬁn
UnitedStates(Arington,1990).

IVSeeJWTW,WmmmeMWM'mm:Amd
MWZWM);M®MMMeQmIﬂeMﬁdebbm:Cmd

AﬁicankigaionbﬁneUnitedStabsoanaM'lrﬂahdozAmofAﬁMM' ,Issuel

(September 2002). Thejoumd is an ornineioumd found at http://www.africamiqration.com

158

volunteered to join ﬁne ragtag Eﬁniopian army, and some embarked on a media campaign against
Italian occupation of Ethiopia. In the laﬁer case, ﬁne evolution and development of ﬁne Eﬁniopian
World Federation in 1937 wiﬁn its publication of Voice of Ethiopia is one example.148

This racial solidarity between Ethiopians and African Americans conﬁnued after ﬁne war.
On ﬁne immediate aﬁennaﬁn of ﬁne war many African Americans came to Eﬁniopia, sonne of ﬁnem
for good, to help in post-war reconstruction effort. As an acknowledgement to ﬁne contribution of
African Americans during ﬁne trying ﬁmes, Hale Sellassie also allotted hundreds of acres of land for
black colonists in Shasherrnene, central Eﬁniopia.

However, ﬁnroughout ﬁnese ﬁmes it does not mean ﬁnal ﬁne relationship between
Eﬁniopians and African Americans was smooﬁn. For one, Marcus Garvey had accused Emperor
Haile Sellassie as racist when ﬁne Emperor declined to meet him. This coupled wiﬁn “Musclini’s
propaganda and ﬁne white press [which] stated ﬁnal ﬁne Eﬁniopians believed [ﬁnal] they were white
people who considered ﬁnemselves superior to negroes,'149 furﬁner confused African Americans
and distorted Eﬁniopia's image among blacks—ﬁnough Emperor Haile Sellassie had vehemenﬁy
denied ﬁnese allegations.

Nevertheless, despite such as allegations both parties were, as indicated above, helped
each oﬁner at least until after ﬁne late 1950s. However, since ﬁne late 1950s new political

developments that impacted boﬁn people seemed to have dulled the liking for one anoﬁner. One

 

“8 Alberto Sbacchi, Leggy of Bitterness: Eﬁnggg‘ ' and Fascist m,1935-1941 (Lawerernceville: The Red
Sea Press, Inc, 1997), 15-17; James H. Meriweﬁner, Proudly We Can Be Africans: Black Americans and Africa, 1935-
1361 (Chapel Hill: University of Norﬁn Carolina Press, 2002), 27-50;Teslnale Trbebu, “ Eﬁniopia: The ‘Anomaly' and
‘Paradox’ of Africa," JoumLofBLack Studies, Vol. 26, No. 4 (March 1996), 414-430; lMlliam R. Scott, “Black
Nationalism and ﬁne Itan-Eﬁniopian Conflict 1934-1936,“ The Journﬂ of Neggl-lis_tory, Vol. 63, No, 2 (April 1978), 118-
134; William A. Shack, 'Eﬁniopia and Afro-Americans: Some Historical Notes, 1920-1970,“ Phylon, Vol. 35, No. 2 (2"!
er., 1974), 142-155; Leon G. Halden, “The Diplomacy of ﬁne Eﬁniopian Crisis,“ Journal of Negro Histgy, Vol. 22, Issue
2 (April 1937), 163-199; Dickson D. Bruce, Jr., “Ancient Africa and ﬁne Early Black American Historians, 1883-1915,“
American Qarterly, Vol. 36, Issue 5 (Winter 1984), 684-699.

“9 Sbacclni, Lgagy of Bitterness, 25. For similar portrayals of Eﬁniopia as wlnite, we Harold G Marcus, “The
Black Men who Turned White,‘ Arclniv Orientali 39 (1971), 155-166; Frank J. Manheim, 'Tlne United States arnd
Eﬁniopia: A Study in American Imperialism,“ The ﬂmal of N+egro Hist_o_ry, Vol. 17, No. 2 (April 1932), 141, 141-155;
Teshale, “Eﬁniopia: The 'Anomaly,’ 418-420.

 

159

such phenomenon was ﬁne mismatch between ﬁne expectation ﬁnal African Americans had about
Eﬁniopia and ﬁne reality ﬁnal awaited ﬁnem in Eﬁniopia. Those who came to work in Eﬁniopia were
disappointed wiﬁn what ﬁney found in Eﬁniopia: a poor and underdeveloped country. Thus, most of
ﬁne African Americans who came to help Eﬁniopia, except for ﬁne very few, relumed to America,
disillusioned. Meanwhile, ﬁne late 19505 and ﬁne 19605 also witnessed ﬁne independence of African
states wiﬁn whom African Americans have more ﬁnan a symbolic and senﬁmental attachment ﬁnan
Eﬁniopia. Moreover, ﬁne Civil Rights Movement which also provided more opportunities for Africarn
Americans at home and which also liberalized ﬁne racial-divide in America seemed to have enﬁced
African Americans to look inwards raﬁner ﬁnan to Africa. 150 The lack of avowed interest on racial
discourse among Eﬁniopians, boﬁn at home and abroad, might have also dismayed African
Americans. For one ﬁning, most Eﬁniopians in America have conne after ﬁne Civil Rights Movement,
and hence could not understand ﬁne African American obsession wiﬁn racial issues. For anoﬁner,
even if Eﬁniopians were aware of ﬁne racial divide in America, ﬁney seem to have preferred to deal
wiﬁn it in class terms. In ﬁne eyes of Eﬁniopian students who were pursuing ﬁneir education in ﬁne
United States and who were Marxist oriented, America’s racial problem could only be solved
ﬁnrough class struggle ﬁnan racial solidarity. One of ﬁne American educated Eﬁniopians and ﬁne
architect of ﬁne 1960s putsch in Eﬁniopia, Girrname Niway, believed ﬁnal ﬁne “Negro was a funcﬁon
of ﬁne American economic system and ﬁnal talk merely of “racial prejudice’ was superﬁcial."151 A
poliﬁcal stance which was also entertained by ESUNA. The latter, ﬁnough its members may have
parﬁcipaled in ﬁne protest against racism in America wiﬁn ﬁneir African American brothers, have not

taken an ofﬁcial stand on racism in America except once. Even ﬁnis was in association wiﬁn a

 

15° See Fekru, “Bond Wrﬁnoul Blood,“

15‘ Greenﬁeld, grim, 341; forfurﬁner information on ﬁne 1960 coup see Chrisknplner Clapharn, 'Tlne
Eﬁniopian Coup d'Etal of December 1960,“ The ngd of Modern African Miss, Vol. 6. No. 4 (December 1968),
495-507.

160

statement of solidarity from its European counterpart, Eﬁniopian Students Union in Europe.”2 Yet,
on ﬁne oﬁner hand, African Americans often seemed to have misunderstood ﬁnis lack
comprehension. For ﬁnem, as Azoulay noted, “race, as an abstract, non scientiﬁc construct has
become so embedded in social relaﬁons, political interacﬁon, and economic structures that the idea
of impliciﬁy advocaﬁng racial ambiguity is politically charged,'153 and hence unacceptable. Finally
ﬁne presence of a large number of Eﬁniopian refugees and immigrants amidst ﬁnem and ﬁne
conﬁnued portrayal of Eﬁniopia as tarnished, war torn and underdeveloped country seenned to have
dealt a severe blow to Eﬁniopia’s positive image among African Americans,154 and hence could
lessen African American interest to be associated wiﬁn Eﬁniopia and Eﬁniopians. Eﬁniopians, on ﬁneir
part, despite the misfortunes ﬁnal have befallen upon them since ﬁne 19705, continued to point out
ﬁneir glorious past which African Americans and oﬁners might ﬁnd snobbish. Meanwhile, ﬁne
American system ﬁnal stereotypes African Americans “as lazy, criminal, drug dealers and welfare
cheats,"155 also scares Eﬁniopian immigrants and ﬁies to convince ﬁnem to distance ﬁnemselves
from African Arrnericans. Moreover, ﬁne US. also “lures black immigrants by telling ﬁnem . . . ﬁnal
ﬁney are different from African Americans, who refuse to ‘pull ﬁnemselves up by ﬁneir bootsﬁaps.’

But, no immigrant to ﬁne U.S. wants to become part of a racially oppressed group, so it takes a long

 

'52 My communication wiﬁn Lesle Rollins, a graduate student at Michigan State University, and who is also
interested studying ﬁne relationship between Eﬁniopian students in America and African Americans revealed ﬁnal many
Eﬁniopian students had participated in various protests during ﬁne Civil Rights Movement. There were even some who
joined ﬁne Black Panﬁner Party. Yet ESUNA, whose guiding principle was Marxisrn-Lerninism, tlnough have written many
ﬁnings in relaﬁon to US. imperialism, had never aired anyﬁning in relaﬁon to ﬁne racial inequality in Arnerice. See also
Challenge, Vol. ? (August 1966), 21; Balsvik, Haile Sellassie's Stunnts 197-202.

‘53 Azoulay, Black Jewish and Interracial 3.

15‘ ltappearsﬁnatEﬁniopiaseemedtohavenorrnoreservedassourceofinspirationtoAfricenMnﬁcans.
Instew, it had beconne a source of disquiet and an exampb of impoverishment To his end, even ﬁne Reverend Jesse
Jackson used Eﬁniopia to explain ﬁne predicament of a srnnall rural American town, Tunlca, Miss. as ﬁne “America of
Eﬁniopia.‘ See James Popkin, “A Mixed Blessing for “America's Eﬁniopia,‘ US. News & World Rm, Vol. 116 (Marcln
14, 1994), 52.

‘55 Takougang. “Contemporary Attica" Immigrants“ Mary 0 Waters. WM
9% ad Arnericarn Realities (New York: Russel Sage Foundaﬁon, 1999), 65.

 

 

161

personal experience wiﬁn racism for even black immigrants to see ﬁnal ﬁney are viewed as
‘niggers.’156

Therefore, being mistaken for African American by ﬁne mainstream society and yet
suspected, at times even rejected, by fellow blacks in America,”7 Ethiopian immigrants and
refugees in America sought a way out from ﬁnis predicament. One of ﬁneir opﬁons is to accept ﬁneir
lot as African Americans and work in tandem wiﬁn ﬁneir fellow blacks for ﬁne betterment of America.
The oﬁner altemalive, which Eﬁniopian immigrants and refugees seemed to have opted for, is to
become Ethiopian-American, at least for ﬁne time being. In line with ﬁne latter choice, Eﬁniopians
have created ﬁneir own community organizations on eﬁnnic, religious or professional bases. Yet,
these Ethiopian-American associations, though expected to help cushion ﬁne Eﬁniopian immigrant
and refugees’ transition to American life, were also rife wiﬁn multitudes of problems. Hence, ﬁne
examination of ﬁnese organizations is important in ﬁnal besides revealing the process of identity
formation, it also shows “more salienﬁy ﬁne interacﬁon between ﬁne lntemal and external factors
which mold ﬁne immigrant population’s reaction to ﬁne host society and shapes the pattern of its

incorporation.'158

 

‘55 Okonne, “The Antinornies of Globalization,“

‘57 Forsimilarpatterofrelaﬁonship between African Arrnericarnsarndoﬁnerblackseiﬁnerfrorn theCaibbean or
Africa see, Mary C. Waters, Black ldenﬁties: West Indian Immigrant Dreams and American Realities (New York:
Russel Sage Foundaﬁon, 1999), 6478; Philip Kasinilz, Caribbean New York 218-237; Tekle Mariam Woldemikael,

Becoming Bﬂ American: Haiﬁans and American Institutions in Evanston, Illinois (New York: AMS Press, Inc, 1989).

37-46.
158 David Bibas, lmmng‘ rarnls arnd ﬁne Formation ofCommun'ﬁy: A Case m g Moroccarn M‘
Immrg' ration to America (New York: AMS Press, Inc., 1998), 3.

 

162

CHAPTER N

PROCESS OF ADJUSTMENT: THE ESTABLISHMENT OF ET HIOPIAN COMMUNITY
ORGANIZATIONS (THE CHURCH, SPORT CLUBS AND AN IMMIGRANT PRESS)

Chapter IV. 1: The Struggle to have one’s Own Church, ﬁne Ellniopian Orthodox Church

Studies of immigrants in America, pre and post-1965, reveal that religion played a
tremendous role in ﬁne process of adjustment, in ﬁne preservation of group identity and ﬁne
immigrant’s culture in America. What is more, religious organizations were one of ﬁne ﬁrst
immigrant instituﬁons to be established in ﬁne new country. However, ﬁne process of transplanting
religious institutions and practicing a religious life, ﬁne way ﬁney used to do it in ﬁne old country was
a problem wiﬁn which all immigrants have grappled wiﬁn.1

Although the Ethiopian immigrants’ religious experience in America is analogous to ﬁne
aforesaid phenomenon, Ethiopians appeared to have encountered a dislincﬁve set of difﬁculties
adjusting to religious life in America vis-a-vis oﬁner immigrants and refugees, especially compared
with ﬁnose immigrants and refugees who came in ﬁne post-1965 period. The immigrants and
refugees form Latin America, ﬁne Caribbean and Souﬁneast Asia, who are primarily followers of
eiﬁner ﬁne Roman Caﬁnolic Church or one of ﬁne Protestant denominations ﬁnal have sﬁongholds in
America,2 have less difﬁculty adjusﬁng compared to Eﬁniopians who do not have ﬁne beneﬁts of

similar sister churches in ﬁne USA.

 

1 Oscar Handlin, m 2"" ed. (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1973), 105-128; Raymond A
Mohl and Neil Batten, “The Immigrant in Gary, Indiana: Religious Adjustment arnd Cultural Defense,“ Eﬁnn'gty‘ , Vol. 8,
No. 1 (March, 1981), 1-17; Kelly H. Chong, “What it Means to be Christian: The Role of Religion in ﬁne Construction of
Eﬁnnic ldenﬁty and Boundary Among Second-Generaﬁon Korean Americans,“ Sociolegy of Relg' ion, Vol. 53, No. 3
(1998), 259-286; J. Gjerde, “Conﬂict and Community: A Case Study of ﬁne Immigrant Church in America,“ Journal of
Social Hm , Vol. 19, (1986), 681-697; T. L, Smiﬁn, “Religion arnd Eﬁnnicity in America,“ Arnericarn Historical Review
Vol. 83 (December 1978), 1155-1185; Robert P. Swierenga, “Religion and lmmigraﬁon Behavior,“ in Philip VanderMeer
and Robert P. Swierenga (ed), Belief and Behavior Essaﬁ in ﬁne New Religious Hism (New Brunswick: Rutgers
University Press, 1991), 164-188; Jay P. Dolarn, The lmmjggnt Church: New York’s Irish and German Caﬁnol'g, 1815-
ﬂ§ (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1975).

2 For ﬁne history of ﬁnese ctnurclnes in America, see Wnnﬁnrop S. Hudson, Rel_ngno_n' ' in America: An Historicd
Account of ﬁne Develemt of M' Relg' ious Life, 3'd edn. (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1981); R.

 

163

The majority of Eﬁniopians who came to America were followers of ﬁne Eﬁniopian Orﬁnodox
Church.3 The Church is one of the oldest Christian sects in ﬁne world (since 332 AD.) wiﬁn ﬁne
largest following, around 35 million, from among ﬁne various Oriental Orﬁnodox Churches.“

In terms of eﬁnnic composition, ﬁne Eﬁniopian Orthodox Church is predominanﬁy Amhara
and Tigrayan, ﬁnough it also has a sizable following among ﬁne Oromos. Roman Caﬁnolies and
Protestants combined account for 2 per cent of ﬁne total population while Muslims consﬁtute about
35 per cent. The rest are animists or traditional believers.5

Alﬁnough ﬁnere are Russian and Greek Orﬁnodox churches ﬁnal have strong roots in
Annerica,6 ﬁnere are doctrinal differences ﬁnal inhibit Eﬁniopians from attending ﬁnese churches.

What is more, in addition to the doctrinal difference between ﬁne Eﬁniopian and ﬁne aforementioned

 

WW.“WRMWWW.MW'WW5&
Issue 3 (F81998), 193-215.

3NﬁmgnﬁisamnmbeﬁefmmmaimbﬁnUSbmmnwimrespedbreig'onmmdty
however, isoontray. Forinslance, whieﬁneKaeanChnsﬁanpopulaﬁonisaqualerofﬁneloldpopnﬁaﬁmofKaea,
moreﬁnan50percentofﬁnosei'rmigatedtoﬁneUSAwereClnristians Sinialy, ﬁnemajorityofinmigantsfrornkan
wererisproportnonaelyChrisﬁans, Ba‘nans, andJews; andﬁnosefromformerSovietUnionwereJewswhieerrnigmts
frornlndawerepredorrninanﬁyMusins. Hence, despiteﬁnemoreorlecsﬁﬁy—ﬁltyMsirn—ClnrisﬁanraﬁoinEﬁniopia,
thostdEmbpianmIrigantsandreﬁrgeesamiﬁedmknﬁneUSAwereChrisﬁans.Infad,oneofthereasornsknrﬁne
USRefugeeReseManmtmmwkrdriﬁinngmhpimmhrgeesﬁunammmeealylmwasmﬁgion.
mmmmmmmmusmmnydemmsmmmmmn
mmmmmwmmmaamamtmmmrm:
RepatbCum,FY1994(WmhinganC:USDepaﬁnantoflbdhandHummSavbes,1995?);Waner,
“Approaching Reigious Diversity,"193-215.

4Archbishop YmhanheEﬁn‘m’ Tewdnedo Churoln,An lnﬂyAﬁicun Clnuroln(NewYorlc Vantage
Press, 1989). nod;AranKednishian,“TheOrientdOrﬁndoxClnurdnes,“11neEwnnenicd Review Vol. 46,lssuel
(Januay1994),103.FaadetﬂedhisbrydheMaﬂiBrdaﬁmwihﬁwEhbpimshteseeTadecseTM
MandStateinEﬁngpge‘ ' (Landon:OxkdenivasityHees,1972),203tkSagedeandassie,Nndentand
Medievd Elm ' m to1270(AdtisAbdna:Union Prinbrs,1972);SergedenleSelasﬁe,“ﬁneEstdnishmentof
ﬁneEﬁniopianChurch,“in‘llneChurchofEﬁn_noﬂ ':APanoranaofm mama” Life(AddisAbana:1997),1-7;
CIA -The World Fact Book - - Ethiopia: http:/Iwwwciagov/cia/publications/factbook/qeos/et.html

memmxcm,amgmmmmomodoxcmwdsmmumoumm
MdhdaﬁeAposﬂbOMxChuMdeﬁammeCwﬁcaﬁnmXMdEgMSdsom
rehrmdbmﬁnnm—ChawduimwaumddChdwdmwashddmwlADlmmimue
Clndoedornian.Mornophsite,AndentOrienla,LewerEaan.andOrbntalOﬁnodoxChudn.However,ﬁnesedays,ﬁne
latternaneiswidelyused.lntunsoffobwasﬁeEgypﬁanCoptshavem9mion;SwiansZmim;Nmuims
8nion; andﬁnelndiaananion.

5GetnetTanene, “FeaturesofﬁneEﬁniopianGﬁnodoxChurdnandﬁneClergyf AsnanandAfricanm
Vol. 7, No. 1, (1998), 89, 90, 100. Alsosee1-ﬁstoryofﬁneEﬁniopian0ﬁnodoxTewdnidoChurdnHomepage'
http: //www anqelﬁre com/ny3/ethiochurch/ For a deferring view of ﬁne nmnber of Protestants and other reig'ous gowns
inEﬁniopia, SeeVVindyMunayZobaBuariansofﬁneLostNk.’ MEX-Vol. 43, No. 7(Je14, 1999), 59

“lumen, W393“; seedsoTlneodoreSdouts, “lineGreekOrtlnodoxClnurohinthe
UnibdsmsandAss'lnniationfln WWW, No. 4(Wnterl973), 395-407.

 

164

Eastern Orﬁnodox Churches, ﬁne Eﬁniopian Orﬁnodox church is hugely inﬂuenced by Judaism and
indigenous elements in its practice and dogma. This sets it apart form ﬁne rest of ﬁne Orthodox
churches. 7* Oﬁner differences preclude Eﬁniopians from attending ﬁnese churches: For Eﬁniopians,
Orthodox Chrisﬁanily is someﬁning ﬁnal ﬁney inherited from ﬁneir forefaﬁners. As a result, it has
become nnore ﬁnan a religion. As Aram Keshishian observed “...The Chrisﬁan faiﬁn was brought to
the people of ﬁnese early churches ﬁe. ﬁne Oriental Churches] through ﬁneir own cultural traditions
and national identity . . . Hence, ﬁnese are not churches in Africa, ﬁne Middle East or India; ﬁney are
. . . [Eﬁniopian], Coptic, Arab, Indian and Armenian ctnurches.“8 In ﬁne same vein, Abba Ayele
Teklehaymanot, a Capuchin missionary and ﬁneologician, has described Eﬁniopian Orﬁnodox
Chrisﬁanity as a religion with “a deep inﬂuence on ﬁne culture of the people [of Eﬁniopia] so ﬁnal it
became its basic consﬁtuﬁve element . . . [and] part of ﬁne naﬁonal culture.'9 Archbishop Yesehaq,
too, has indicated ﬁnal Eﬁniopians “have made ﬁne church ﬁne focal point of ﬁneir lives."10 Besides,
unlike ﬁne 19" century Caﬁnolic immigrants who could be united under Vatican, despite ﬁneir
diverse national origin,11 ﬁne Orﬁnodox Churches have no such advantage and hence, work
independent of each oﬁner. Moreover, since immigrant religious establishments are “symbol[s] of
nationality and . . . centerls] of poliﬁcal and cultural activiﬁes,“12 ﬁne Orthodox Churches are also

exclusionary.

 

7 Aymro Wondmagegnehu and Joachim Motovu, (ed), The Eﬁnmg‘ ' n Orﬁnodox Church (Addis Ababa: 1970),
1, 92-110, 123; Edward Ullendorff, Etln'm’a and ﬁne Bible (London, 1968), 15, 87, 115, 135. For Christologicalldoctrina
difference between ﬁne Eﬁniopian Orﬁnodox and oﬁner Christian Churches see Ayala Takla Haymanot, The Eﬁn‘m‘
Churcln and Its ChristoloM Doctrine (Addis Ababa, 1982); Yesehaq, The Eﬁniog‘an, 101-150.

* Some of ﬁne Judaic elements observed in ﬁne Eﬁniopian Orﬁnodox Church are observance of ﬁne Sabbaﬁn,
ﬁne noﬁon of sexual uncleanness, ﬁne tabot (arc of ﬁne covenant), circumcision of boys eiglnt days after birth, hospitality
tostrarngers, ﬁne conceptofclean and unclean meat, preferencenottoeatwiﬁn amanwhoisnotaChristian, ﬁnenew
year celebration in September, ﬁne many rites irn rrnernoriarn of ﬁne deceased. . .etc,.

3 Keshishian, “The Oriental,“ 104.

9 Ayele Teklehaymanot, Eﬁnm‘ ' Review of Cultures 2: Miscellanea Aeﬁn'm’ (Addis Abana, 2000), 248;

‘0 Arclnbishop Yesehaq, The Eﬁnieeian Tewahedo Churcln, xxii.

‘1 Jay P. Dolarn, The Immg‘ rant Church: New York’s Irish and German Caﬁnolics 1815-1865 (Baltimore: The
Johns Hopkins University Press, 1975), 161-162.

‘2 Mohl and Betten, “The Immigrant Church,“ 12.

 

165

Language is anoﬁner barrier. As ﬁne 19" century German immigrant cannot understand a
sermon in English or as ﬁne Irish would be hard pressed to follow a French preacher, (despite ﬁne
bond of having common religion, Caﬁnolicism),13 so too does ﬁne Eﬁniopian immigrant Iaily faces ﬁne
same language issues vis-a-vis ﬁne oﬁner Orﬁnodox churches. Each of ﬁne Orthodox Churches
conduct ﬁneir mass in ﬁneir respective languages such as Russian, Armenian, Greek . . . etc., which
is different from Geez and Amharic, ﬁne language of ﬁne Eﬁniopian Orﬁnodox clergy and ﬁne
Eﬁniopian ofﬁcial language respectively. Besides, even if ﬁnese churches held ﬁneir services in
English, a sizable number of Ethiopians would still be left out: According to ﬁne 1990 US. Census,
36.7 per cent (11,418) of ﬁne 33,868 Eﬁniopians in America don’t speak English “very well.“14

Racially, too, Eﬁniopians are different. They are black while ﬁne clergy and ﬁne Iaily of the
Russian, Armenian and Greek Orthodox followers are white. Hence, Eﬁniopiarns did not feel
comfortable attending ﬁnese churches. However, in ﬁne absence of any oﬁner choice, some
Eﬁniopians, prior to ﬁne establishment of ﬁneir own churches, sought Armenian, Russian Greek . . .
etc. Orthodox Churches to attend at Christmas, Easter and oﬁner holidays.15 Their quest for an
Orﬁnodox Church seems to become even more intense for wedding ceremonies, christening of
ﬁneir newly born sons and daughters, and at tinnes of deaﬁn.

Ethiopians have, ﬁnerefore, ﬁled to overcome ﬁne sense of alienation and ﬁne need for
spiritual fulﬁllment in oﬁner ways, such as renting a small house or leasing part of a church and

establishing ﬁneir own. It was in ﬁnis way ﬁnal one of ﬁne earliest Eﬁniopian Orﬁnodox Churches in

 

‘3 Jay P- 00'8". WM W The
Jolnrns Hopkins University Press, 1975), 4-5.

‘4 US. Bureau of ﬁne Census: http:/lwww.census.qov/population/socdemo/ancestry/Ethiopian.texl

15Foreinstance,Eﬁniopians'lnSealennreredbrntingSt.DanetiosGreekOlnodoxandSt.Mdnolas
WOMXWSQMW,WMWFUEMMW'M

mmmm

166

America, ﬁne Holy Trinity, was successfully established and held its mass at ﬁne St. Andrew's
Protestant Episcopal Church in New York City in 1959.16

Establishing a church is one ﬁning but keeping up wiﬁn ﬁne rent and salaries for ﬁne clergy is
a daunting task that immigrants face in America.17 Though ﬁne ﬁrst Eﬁniopian Orﬁnodox Church was
established in ﬁne US. in 1959, it look ﬁne congregation a decade to purchase its own building at
140-42 West 176'" Street, Bronx, New York in 1969, and it remained ﬁne only Ethiopian owned
church until ﬁne early 19903. The history of ﬁne establishment oﬁner Eﬁniopian Orthodox churches in
ﬁne various cities of ﬁne USA also reﬂect ﬁne same trend: difﬁculties in getting ﬁne necessary
ﬁnances to rent or build a church.18

Even if Ethiopians were successful in overcoming ﬁnancial constraints in cities where ﬁney
exist in large numbers, ﬁnere were oﬁner problems. Church auﬁnorilies who subleased part of ﬁneir
building often complained about the awful smell ﬁnal they had to tolerate after ﬁne Eﬁniopians left.
The undesirable smell was ﬁne incense ﬁnal ﬁne Eﬁniopian clergy burned during mass. When ﬁney
were not complaining about ﬁne incense, ﬁne landlords accused Eﬁniopians of not cleaning ﬁne

house properly after service. Because of such complaints, followers of ﬁne Eﬁniopian Orﬁnodox faith

 

‘6 Abuna Theophilos, ﬁne ﬁnen arclnbishop of Harar Province, was ﬁne founder of ﬁne clnurcln. Archbishop
Yewhaq, The Eﬁniopiarn Tewahedo Churoln, 191-192; dso “Abuna Then Retums to Eﬁniopia: Sets Up Churches in ﬁne
USA,“ New Pittsburgh Courier, December 26, 1959, 11. However, ﬁne establishment of ﬁne clnurcln was attributed to ﬁne
earlier efforts of Dr. Melaku Beyene, who was ﬁne founder of ﬁne Eﬁniopian World Federation in America during Italian
occupation of Eﬁniopia. Thus, ﬁne intention of ﬁne Eﬁniopian Orﬁnodox ofﬁcials in establishing ﬁne clnurch was “to teacln
aIIAfrican Annerican peopleﬁne historyofEﬁniopia,toestablish ...[ﬁneAfricernArrnericanjownoriginandreligion mated
in African tradition.“ See Denise Vlﬁlson-El, “History of Black Contribution to Churcln is Well-Hidden Secret“ The Miami
Times, June 11, 1992, 1C.

‘7 Handlin, The Uprooted, 113-114.

‘8 Forﬁne history and establishmtofsomeofﬁneEﬁniopian Orﬁnodox Churchesin ﬁneUSA. seeﬁnelocal
and national newspapers: Leslie Koren, “Lilﬁe Churcln, Big Dreams: Eﬁniopian Orﬁnodox Facility Starts Small,“ The
Washinﬂ Times, January 8, 1999, 9; Virginia Culver, “Eﬁniopians Plan Churcln in Aurora 62 Million is Needed for
New Facility,“ The Denver Post, March 14, 2002, B02; Sue Lindsay, “Ousted Congregaﬁon Vlﬁns Its Balﬁe in Court
Eﬁniopian Ortlnodox Group wrongly Ejected in 1994, Judge Rules,“ Rm Mountain News, February 26, 1996, 54;
Richard Vara, “Ancient Legacy; Eﬁniopian Believers Find Strengﬁn in Orthodox Churcln,“ The Houston Chronicle
February 15, 2003, 1; Andrew Demillo, “Eﬁniopian Cornmunily Celebrates Ceremony Marks Opening of New Orthodox
Church in Seatﬁe,“ The Seatﬁe Times July 22, 2002, A1; Jerry Markon, “Growﬁn of Church Reﬂects Burgeoning
Eﬁniopian Inﬂuernce; Worshippers Pack Second Presbybrian Site,“ The Washiegm Pest, June 19, 2003, T12,
“Wedding/Cebbrations; Annsale Keterna, Yonas Kebede,“ The New York Times August 24, 2003, Section 9, Page 10.

 

 

 

 

167

in Seatﬁe had to move ﬁneir place of worship from one location to anoﬁner (from downtown Seatﬁe
to Rainer Valley, and ﬁnence to Marﬁn Luﬁner King Street). During ﬁnese ﬁmes, services were
interrupted.19

Besides problems wiﬁn landlords, inadequate space was also anoﬁner source of concern.
Sometimes, an increase in ﬁne number of congregation could make ﬁne facility too small to
accommodate all Eﬁniopians, and ﬁnus Eﬁniopians were compelled to look for bigger buildings. A
good instance of such development is ﬁne story of ﬁne Virgin Mary Orﬁnodox Church in Los Angles
where an increase in ﬁne size of ﬁne congregation, along wiﬁn oﬁner things, convinced them to build
ﬁneir own church raﬁner ﬁnan continue leasing a building.20 At oﬁner ﬁmes, a combinaﬁon of factors
such as an increase in ﬁne size of congregaﬁon and the presence of a larger community of
Eﬁniopians wiﬁnin a city could also result in ﬁne relocation of a church to ﬁne vicinity where rrnore
Eﬁniopians are found. A case in point is ﬁne transfer of ﬁne Holy Trinity Eﬁniopian Orﬁnodox Church
from Bronx, New York, to upper Manhattan in 1989.21

The relocaﬁon of ﬁne church to a locality where more Eﬁniopians are found entails more
ﬁnan a change of place: The history of immigrant churches in America reveals ﬁnal it was ﬁne
church ﬁnal became ﬁne center of locus reﬁner ﬁnan the population and hence, ﬁne process was ﬁnal
immigrants gravitated to ﬁneir church’s location more ﬁnan ﬁne oﬁner way round.22 Moreover, it may
also reﬂect ﬁne growing Eﬁniopianization of ﬁne clnurch. When ﬁne church was established in 1959, it
was primarily due to ﬁne demands of African Americans. There were not many Eﬁniopians in ﬁnal
city ﬁnen. But, ﬁne increase in number of Eﬁniopian refugees and immigrants in the USA since ﬁne

 

19lrnforrrnantBernjarnirn

2” See ﬁnei website at http://www.ethiovirginmaryorq/hstory.htm

21AriLGolrhrnan,“ClnnlclnseeksBiggerHorrneasEﬁniopiansFloclrtoltsDoors,“TheNewYorkTm,
Januay15,1989,22.

22Becarseofﬁnisplnernomernon,sorrneredestatedeveloperswerereportedknhavegrantedlandto
mmrmmmrIanmmnammmgemmmmmthmby
mmemmmnmmmmmms«mmm,mmm
Chumln,“12

168

early 1980s, and in New York since ﬁnen, could have induced ﬁnis change. It also depicts ﬁne total
dependence of ﬁne church on ﬁne immigrant/refugee population: Like every immigrant religious
group in America, ﬁne church is dependent on ﬁne ﬁnancial contribution of ﬁne Iaily.23

In states like Michigan where there are very few Eﬁniopians (according to ﬁne 1990 census,
ﬁnere were only 350) and even ﬁnese are very much scattered, ﬁne scenario of having one’s church
in a city where one resides becomes difﬁcult if not impossible. The East Lansing Eﬁniopians' quest
to have ﬁneir own church best illustrates such episodes. Since ﬁneir number was small, ﬁney joined
hands wiﬁn anoﬁner group of Ethiopians in Detroit. The latter, although ﬁney were interested in
having ﬁneir own church, were also few in number and hence unable to ﬁnance ﬁneir own church.
Thus, ﬁney welcomed ﬁne East Lansing initiaﬁve and established ﬁne St. Tekele Haymanot
Eﬁniopian Orﬁnodox Church in Detroit sometime in 1999. Now ﬁne church serves people from ﬁne
Greater Lansing area, Wrndsor (Canada) and ﬁnose in Detroit and ﬁne surrounding areas. Hence,
alﬁnough ﬁneir number and pattern of setﬁement hindered Eﬁniopians in Michigan from marshalling
enough ﬁnancial resources to pay rent or sublease a building in a city where ﬁney reside, mobilizing
resources, seeking one’s own church and driving probably for more than an hour to a different city
or even a state and country are some of ﬁne mechanisms that Eﬁniopians used to avoid spiritual
dislocation in ﬁne USA. Driving for hours seeking one’s own church is not unique to ﬁne Eﬁniopians
in East Lansing. Ethiopians in Philadelphia used to drive to Washington DC to attend an Eﬁniopian
Orthodox Church until ﬁney built ﬁneir own, St. Ammanuel Eﬁniopian Orﬁnodox Church, in

Philadelphia.”

 

mm,mnm1smmwmmmmwm
inknrrc'grantCongegations,“ WWI. 61, No. 2(Surrmer2000), 135-153); RShplnnWaner,
WhProgessTowadsaNewPaadgnbrﬁnWSﬁﬂydReigimhﬁnmibdsubs,“ w

MW 98 N0 5M1993)1066
2" See http:/lammenuel.Ethiopiaorq/Tarikhtm

169

In spite of ﬁne aforennenﬁoned problems, marny Eﬁniopians seemed to have been reluctant
to build or buy church unﬁl 1991. Since most Ethiopians were asylees and refugees, they believed
ﬁnal one day ﬁney would relum to Eﬁniopia. As one Eﬁniopian New Yorker observed, “ . . . unﬁl very
recenﬁy Eﬁniopians did not give up the idea of going back home . . . They did not want to settle in
any way. Next Year, next season, we’ll be going honne, ﬁney reasoned.'25 Because of ﬁnis sojoumer
mentality, many Eﬁniopians seemed to have preferred to rent/lease ﬁnan build/buy ﬁneir own church.

In spite of ﬁne existence of an Eﬁniopian Orﬁnodox Archdiocese for ﬁne Western
Hemisphere ﬁnal includes USA, Canada, Latin America and the Caribbean in New York since
1959, ﬁnere was no Eﬁniopian built and owned church, except in New York, prior to 1991.26
The founding of ﬁne archdiocese and ﬁne church in New York was not, however, initiated because
of ﬁne presence of Eﬁniopian immigrants in ﬁne USA. Raﬁner, it began due to two major factors. It
appeared ﬁnal people had established churches in America in the name of the Eﬁniopian Orﬁnodox
Church wiﬁnout, however, having any contact wiﬁn or auﬁnorizaﬁon from ﬁne Church in Eﬁniopia.
Hence, ﬁne latter seemed to have found it necessary to make matters clear before it got out of
hand. As ﬁne founder of ﬁne Archdiocese, Archbishop Abuna Theophilos, indicated “ . . . religious
groups have used ﬁne name ‘Eﬁniopian’ or “Coptic“ without having received proper training and
ordination in ﬁne ancient church.“ The Archbishop was also quoted saying “. . . I am convinced
[that] the Eﬁniopian Orﬁnodox Church has a great part to play in ﬁne life of this country lie. ﬁne USA],
particularly among ﬁne people of African descent . . . They have been and are being exploited by

groups, individuals and sects in the name of religion.“27 Thus, ﬁne other motive was to satisfy ﬁne

 

25 Quoted in Goldman, “Churcln Seeks“

*5 Archbishop Yesehaq indicated ﬁnal other Eﬁniopiarn Orthodox Churches were also established rn Los
Angeles (St. Tekle Haymanot) and Saint Thomas (St. Gabriel) nn ngn lslands' nn 1973 and 1985 respectively. Boﬁn
clnurches, however, wereestanlishedasﬁneresultofﬁneAfricen Americaninitiative, andboﬁnwereconductirng
services on rented property. See Yesehaq, The Eﬁnioeian, 193-194.

27 Quoted irn “Abuna Then Retums to Eﬁniopia: Sets Up Churclnes in ﬁne USA,“ New PiMrgh Courier,
Dewmber 26, 1959, 11.

170

demands of African Americans who idenﬁﬁed ﬁnemselves wiﬁn ﬁne Eﬁniopian Orﬁnodox church.

Hence, the Diocese was established, primarily, to cater for African Americans.

Chapter N. 2. The Ethiopian Orthodox Church Since 1991: Crisis, Consolidation and Change

The 19903 saw ﬁne mushrooming of Eﬁniopian owned or built Orthodox churches in
America. Beginning ﬁnen, virtually in every major American city where Eﬁniopians were found in
large numbers had more ﬁnan one Ethiopian Orthodox church. For instance, in 2000 Washington
DC alone had more ﬁnan ﬁve Eﬁniopian Orﬁnodox churches while Los Angeles and ﬁne Bay area
there were more ﬁnan seven churches. Aﬁanta (Georgia), had six churches?”

The growing number of Eﬁniopian Orﬁnodox churches could be ascribed to many different
contradictory yet intenelated factors. One such variable is ﬁme: By 1990s, despite ﬁneir initial
professed intention to relum to Eﬁniopia, Eﬁniopians have stayed in America for more ﬁnan two or
so decades. Some of ﬁnem were getting older and the ﬁnought ﬁnal ﬁney might die and be buried in
America wiﬁnout ﬁne proper burial rite was troubling. Studies of early 20‘h century Greek-American
immigrants further illustrates this point: “the ﬁnought of never being able to relum home to his
ancestralorigirnsandﬁnefearofm inaﬂgelandlemphasisaddedlcarsedﬁneGreekto

embrace his religion in America wiﬁn a fervor unkrnown even in Greece."29

 

mArnrkewDekﬂo,“EﬁniopianCommurnityCeIebratesCeremonyMaksOpern‘cngofNewOrﬁnodothnurdnIrn
Seale,'ﬂnSeaﬁbT_m_e§,knly22,2m2A1;LesieKaan,1iMeanurdn,BigDeam:EﬁniopianOrllnodoxFacily
SlatsSmallleneWash'm Tm, Januay8.1999, 8; Seeaso http:/lwww.eotc.faithweb.com/dire.htmlThe
mummnambmﬁonsammecsesdInEﬁiopimQdeumeshﬁnUSAaupraBd
ﬁneworldsudnasEnglandandSouﬁnAfrice

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StKidanellﬂn‘catﬁnViy‘nia),StGeyags(nVig'ﬁa),Lidata(nViw'ia).Ofﬁnese,StGaxielandMainanNan
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Paroled'anohnBotinaJheTMtedzAm gm“ ts'InUrbanArnnerica(Bloomingbn:
IntianaUrniversityPress,1985),145.

171

Those Eﬁniopians who have come at a younger age had entered adulﬁnood, and wiﬁn ﬁneir
own children had ﬁne desire to cement and pass “cultural identiﬁes through religious insﬁtutions
and ideals“30 to ﬁneir offspring. Therefore, ﬁne burgeoning of Eﬁniopian Orﬁnodox churches in ﬁne
1990s was part of the natural development of ﬁne Eﬁniopian community and ﬁne desire to pass the
heritage to ﬁne second generation Eﬁniopians in America.

The continually increasing number of Ethiopians immigrants to America also seems to
have encouraged ﬁne construction of churches. One good example is ﬁne story behind ﬁne Virgin
Mary Ethiopian Orﬁnodox church of Los Angeles. Prior to ﬁne relocation of ﬁne Church to a
purchased property, 4544 Souﬁn Compton Avenue, ﬁne Eﬁniopians were renting space from oﬁner
churches in ﬁne city. Due to ﬁne constant increase in the number of Ethiopians in that city, the board
of directors of ﬁne clnurch decided to buy ﬁne abovementioned property in 1992.31

The 19905 in general and 1991 in particular was also a critical period in Ethiopian history.
The military junta ﬁnal nrled ﬁne country for almost two decades was overﬁnrown. In its place, an
ethno-centiic rebel movement, ﬁne Tigrayan dominated EPRDF, came to power. For many
Eﬁniopians in ﬁne diaspora, EPRDF’s eﬁnnic policies and its willingness to accept ﬁne secession of
Eritrea from Eﬁiiopia was unforgivable. Therefore, ﬁney regarded ﬁne EPRDF govemmenl as anti-
Eﬁniopian and undemocraﬁc.32 Hence, for many Eﬁniopians ﬁne hope and desire of going back to
Ethiopia died wiﬁn the coming to power of EPRDF. They were faced with the stark reality thus,

 

30 R. Stephen Warner, “Religion, Boundaries and Bridges," mm of Rel'gion, Vol. 58, No. 3, (Fall 1997),
217-239. .

vmdmmmmsmsmmmammumhmmmmm
EhbpimOrﬁndoxChmdnmashehcompaﬁbitydspaceandsizedﬁnecmgegaﬁon. Seeﬁne'twebsileat
http:/lwwwethiovirqinmaryorq/hstoryhtm

39FaeMownﬁbpoicesdﬁnEPRDFﬂPLFgomtaﬂheﬁagmaMﬁdehbpiahbeﬁnnb
besedtaﬁtories;andﬁnedmgasassodatedwiﬁnﬁsee0hristoplner0lanhan, “Control'ngSpaoein Eﬁniopia,'in
Werndy Janes, Donald L Donham, et a. (eds), Rm] Eﬁngge' ' : Sociaism and After (Oxford, 2002), 9-32;
AlssandoTriulzi,“BattlingwiﬁnﬁnePastNewFraneworksforEﬁniopian Historiogranhy,'inWerndyJanes,DonadL
mm. at an. (“'53. MW (om. 2003276288.

172

ending ﬁne sojoumer mentality for ﬁnem. This could be best wilrnessed from ﬁne dramatic increase
in ﬁne number of Eﬁniopians who become naturalized American ciﬁzens since ﬁne 19903.

Table 5: Number of Naturalized Ethiopians In America.33

Pro-1990 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999
4,713 1,370 1,453 1,505 1,858 2,359 2,558 2,563 1,813 1,727 2,411

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

As it can be seen from ﬁne table above, ﬁnere were less ﬁnan 5000 Ethiopians who became
citizens prior to 1990, ﬁnough ﬁnere were Eﬁniopians who had been in ﬁne US. for more ﬁnan two
decades. Very few desired to become American despite ﬁne bleak poliﬁcal situation in Eﬁniopia
between ﬁne 1974 and 1991, but once ﬁneir hope for returning to Eﬁniopia was dashed out wiﬁn ﬁne
coming of EPRDF to power in 1991, many opted to become Americans. Hence, ﬁne establishment
and consolidation of Eﬁniopian Orﬁnodox churches in America could be parﬁy ascribed to ﬁnis
change in attitude among Eﬁniopians.

Events ﬁnal were taking place in Eﬁniopia in ﬁne 19903 also prompted a heightened sense
of deﬁant nationalism among Eﬁniopians boﬁn at home and abroad.34 In ﬁne latter instance,
Eﬁniopians in America, besides opposing ﬁne EPRDF regime and establishing various political
organizations, journals, newspapers, and radio staﬁons, also established ﬁneir own Eﬁniopian
Orﬁnodox churches. The latter were often identiﬁed wiﬁn Eﬁniopian naﬁonalism.35 In ﬁnis regard, ﬁne
mushrooming of Eﬁniopian Orthodox churches in America in ﬁne 1990s could furﬁner be considered

as a sign of deﬁance against ﬁne EPRDF regime ﬁnal belitﬁed ﬁne naﬁonal ﬂag as a “piece of cloﬁn,“

 

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W US BileanofﬁneCensus,Census1990.Alsoonlneweb:
http:/lwww.census.qov/population/socdemo/ancestry/Ethiopian.txt

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(http:/lwwwethiopianreview.homesteadcom/indexhtmD and W in 1994 in America. and some afﬁne
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35Forﬁnerelaionsln‘pbetweenirnrrigantieig'onandnationﬁsm, seeFenggangYangandHelernRose
Ebangn,“Relig'onand EﬁnnidtyAnnongNewlnwrigantszThekrpadofMa'aityMnaityStamsin HorneandHost
mm’ﬂmjﬂﬁmw Vol 40. N0. 3 IS 2001). 367-378-

173

and agreed to ﬁne independence of Eritrea. This action, incidentally, also resulted in ﬁne emergence
of a separate Eritrean Orthodox Church}6 Furthermore, ﬁne growing number of Eﬁniopian Orthodox
churches in America appeared to be, in part, an attempt by ﬁne Eﬁniopian-American community to
prove ﬁne EPRDF govemmenl wrong. Despite ﬁne EPRDF’s introduction and imposition of eﬁnnic
based political conﬁguraﬁon on Eﬁniopia,37 some Eﬁniopian in ﬁne diaspora seemed to believe ﬁnal
Ethiopians could not be divided on eﬁnnic lines. Thus, ﬁney began worshiping in a single church, ﬁne
Eﬁniopian Orﬁnodox church, which had served as a unifying factor ﬁnroughoul ﬁne centuries and had
been associated with ﬁne Eﬁniopian state.

Often immigrants were confronted wiﬁn “crisis due to a sense of loss, rooﬁessness, and
social degradaﬁon.“ During such instances, “religious faith offered stability and helped resolve
tensions.“38 Hence, for Eﬁniopians of ﬁne 19905, ﬁne yearning for one’s own clnurch might have
been a response to ﬁne perceived ﬁnreat to Ethiopia’s image and survival as a naﬁon-state in ﬁne
post Cold War period. Here it is worﬁn remembering ﬁnal because of ﬁne recurring famine ﬁne
country had become a poster-child of destituﬁon in ﬁne world. The separaﬁst war and ﬁne many
political upheavals in ﬁne previous decades had also made Eﬁniopia a country on ﬁne verge of
collapse. Hence, in ﬁne eyes of some Ethiopians in America and ﬁnose in the diaspora, to have ﬁneir

ownn church echoed ﬁne very human desire to ﬁnd solace in religion at such turbulent ﬁme.

 

3'5 Anonymous, “First Eritrean Patriarch Consecrated,“ New African Issue 365 (July/August 1998), 29.

37 See for instance Negussay Ayele, “Reﬂecﬁons on Eﬁniopia and Eﬁniopianity,“ Eﬁi'm‘an Review, Vol. 7, No.
6, (December 31, 1997), 30-; “lntemational Protest by Eﬁniopians Against ﬁne TPLF Aparﬁneid Regime,“ Em'm'an
Review, Vol. 7, No. 3 (June 6, 1997), 30-; Tnmoﬁny Kalyegira, “the Wall of Stubbomess: Facination About Mysterious
Eﬁniopia,“ Eﬁnm’ ' Review, Vol. 11, No. 2 (October 31, 2001), 33.

3" Swierenga, “Religion and Immigration Behavior,“ 164-165.

 

174

Chapter N. 3. Crisis in ﬁne Eﬁniopian Orﬁnodox Church: The Eﬁnnicizalion of ﬁne Church

It is not uncommon to see friction and division within an immigrant church due to political
differences in America.39 The causes of friction can also be “ﬁneological controversies carried from
the Old country as part of ﬁneir cultural baggage.“0

Like ﬁne Greek experience, ﬁne burgeoning of Ethiopian Orﬁnodox churches in America
reﬂects more ﬁnan growﬁn and maturation of ﬁne community. It is ﬁne transplanting of one’s own
religious insﬁtution and Eﬁniopian nationalism into America. To some degree, ﬁne duplication of
Eﬁniopian Orﬁnodox churches also mirrors ﬁne crisis wiﬁnin ﬁne church and ﬁne intensiﬁcation of
eﬁnnic nationalism among Eﬁniopians since 1991. As John Bodnar apﬁy summed it “. . . in ﬁne
minds of most immigrants, ﬁne church was not an abstract entity but a localized one based on
region, family, neighborhood, and even social class. It was ﬁnis social basis of religious
organization which explained ﬁne proliferaﬁon of ﬁne immigrant church as much as notions about
eﬁnnic separaﬁsm or competing elitesz'“ After taking power in 1991, one of ﬁne measures ﬁnal ﬁne
EPRDF govemmenl took was deposing ﬁne ﬁnen Patriarch of ﬁne Eﬁniopian Orﬁnodox church, His
Holiness Abune Merkorios, from ﬁne patriarchate, and replacing him wiﬁn His Holiness Abune
Paulos.42 The circumstances of Abune Merkorios deﬁnronement were unclear. The govemment’s
explanation was ﬁnal Paﬁiarch Merkorios had been afﬁliated wiﬁn ﬁne communist regime and hence
regime change also necessitates a change in ﬁne Patriarchate. Oﬁners, however, alleged that
Patriarch Merkorios was removed from his post because of his eﬁnnic background. He is an

 

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175

Amhara from Gondar while Paulos is a Tigrayan from Adwa.43 Hence, ﬁne appointment of Abba
Paulos, a Tigrayan from Adwa, while His Holiness Abba Merkorios was still alive was viewed as
part of ﬁne TPLF/EPRDF ploy to impose itself upon ﬁne rest of Eﬁniopia. As ﬁne New York Voice
newspaper put it “since Paulos and ﬁne new govemmenl shared the same tribal eﬁnnicity, Tegri,
govemmenl leaders ﬁnought ﬁnal Paulos would be ﬁne best person to work wiﬁn. The Eﬁniopian
govemmenl may have also thought that he would pose less of a threat when compared to ﬁne old
patriarch ﬁnal was elected during ﬁne communist regime.““

The actions of ﬁne EPRDF govemmenl initiated a series of unprecedented crisis in the
Eﬁniopian Orﬁnodox church. It divided ﬁne Holy Synod of ﬁne Eﬁniopian Orﬁnodox church. However,
before delving into ﬁne division of the Holy Synod and its impact on the church, boﬁn at home and
abroad, a brief historical background about ﬁne patriarchate of ﬁne Eﬁniopian Orﬁnodox church and
its place in ﬁne Holy Synod is imperaﬁve. Since ﬁne introducﬁon of Chrisﬁanity into Ethiopia in ﬁne
4th century and until 1959, ﬁne heads of ﬁne Eﬁniopian Orthodox church had been Egypﬁan
patriarchies whose auﬁnority “is derived in the ﬁrst place from ﬁne Aposﬁes and goes behind ﬁnem
to Christ."45 In 1959, however, for ﬁne ﬁrst time in ﬁne history of ﬁne Eﬁniopian Orﬁnodox church, ﬁne
Egypﬁans agreed to consecrate an Eﬁniopian, Abune Baslios, as ﬁne patriarch of Eﬁniopia invested
wiﬁn all ﬁne powers to nominate and appoint bishops and archbishops. Since ﬁnen, in addition to ﬁne
14 dioceses ﬁnal correspond wiﬁn ﬁne 14 provinces of Ethiopia (an archbishop, qua papas, headed
each province), ﬁne church established ﬁne Episcopal See of Jenrsalem, Trinidad, and in 1963 an

Eﬁniopian Orﬁnodox Mission for ﬁne United States. All ﬁnese were, however, accountable to ﬁne Holy

 

43 “Protest Disnipt Patriacln’s Visit,“ The Christian Century, Vol. 110, Issue 30, (October 27, 1993), 1043.

44 Henry Wong, “Eﬁniopiarn Orllnodox Churcln Under Siege," New Yﬂ Voice, Inc. Harlem US_A, August 12,
1998, 3.

‘5 Aymro Wondmagegnehu and Joaclnim Motovu, Eﬁn' ' x Churcln (Addis Abuna: Berhamrna
Selarn H.S.l Printing Press, 1970), 105.

176

Synod in Addis Ababa. It is ﬁnis Synod ﬁnal oversees ﬁne appointment of archbishops and bishops
to ﬁnese missions and dioceses.46

Though ﬁne church was dependent on Alexandria for its legitimacy and spiritual guidance
throughout ﬁne centuries, Eﬁniopian emperors had always been ﬁne head of ﬁne church for all
practical purposes. One of ﬁne reasons for such unity between church and state in imperial Eﬁniopia
was that “the rulers of Eﬁniopia are held to be ﬁne descendants of ﬁne royal and sacred line of
David, and ﬁnal, on ascending ﬁne ﬁnrone, ﬁney are anointed and consecrated in accordance wiﬁn
ancient Hebraic customs . . . Because of ﬁnis, ﬁney have always been considered as sacred beings,
represenlaﬁves and vicegerents of God, not only in view of ﬁne peace and security of ﬁneir people,
but in religious ﬁnings as well.“47 The position of ﬁne emperor vis-a-vis the church was further
strengﬁnened because of ﬁne country's isolation from ﬁne outside world for centuries; ﬁne regular
absence of Egypﬁan Patriarchies in Eﬁniopia; and ﬁne continuous challenge of Islam to Eﬁniopian
Christendom. As a consequence, it was ﬁne Eﬁniopian emperor who approved or disapproved ﬁne
decisions of ﬁne Holy Synod including ﬁne appointment of bishops and patriarchies. This had been
ﬁne custom until ﬁne 1974 Revolution ﬁnal ended monarchial rule in Eﬁniopia. The revolution also
ﬁled to separate church and state. Neverﬁneless, despite its professed acceptance of ﬁne
separaﬁon of church and state in Eﬁniopia, ﬁne Derg had continually interfered in ﬁne matters of
religion. It deposed ﬁne ﬁnen Patriarch, Abuna Tewoﬂios in Feburary 1976; and appointed Abuna
Takla Haymanot. Prior to his appointment as a Patriarch, Abba Melaku Walda Mikael was ﬁne
superior of Debra Mankrerat Takla Haymanot Monastery in Soddo, Sidamo province, southern

Eﬁniopia. The Holy See of Alexandria protested ﬁne Derg’s acﬁon on ﬁne grounds ﬁnal a new

 

‘3 Abba Ayala Takla Hyrnanot, The Eﬁn'm'an Churcln and Its Christolegical Doctrine (Addis Ababa: Graphic
Printers, 1982), 48-50.

‘7 Abba Ayala Takla Hyrnanot, The Eﬁnm ' Church, 37-38; Aymro and Motovu, The Eﬁn'm’an Orﬁnodox
Churcln, 112-114.

177

patriarch while ﬁne oﬁner lived.48 The deposed patriarch died, or raﬁner was executed in July 1979;
and hence saved the Derg and the Holy Synod of ﬁne Eﬁniopian Orthodox church from Canonical
controversy.

For EPRDF, however, ﬁnere was no revolution ﬁnal presented an opportunity for the
execution Of ﬁne deposed Patriarch, His Holiness Abba Merkorios. Hence, its action divided ﬁne
Holy Synod of the Ethiopian Orthodox church between supporters and opponents of Patriarch
Paulos. The latter group argued ﬁnal since almost all members of ﬁne Synod in Addis Ababa were
working wiﬁn ﬁne Derg, removing Patriarch Merkorios alone was unfair. What is more, even if ﬁne
Patriarch had cooperated wiﬁn ﬁne Derg, Cannon Law does not allow ﬁne enﬁnronemenl of a new
Patriarch while ﬁne oﬁner lives. They contended ﬁnal ﬁne Paulos led Synod acted illegally. Many
church leaders who supported Patriarch Merkorios left ﬁne county for ﬁne USA. Patriarch
Merkorios, too, after slaying as a refugee in Kenya, joined his supporters in ﬁne USA and
proclaimed a parallel Synod in exile.49

The Archbishop of ﬁne Eﬁniopian Orﬁnodox church in the Weslem Hemisphere, His
Holiness Abba Yishaq, who opposed ﬁne govemrrnent’s measure, and welcomed ﬁne exiled bishops
and ﬁne Patriarch. His actions, however, infuriated Abba Paulos who retaliated by denying Abba
Yesehaq funding from Addis Ababa. Abba Yishaq’s Archdiocese, ﬁne Weslem Hemisphere, was
divided into ﬁnree: USA and Canada, Latin America and ﬁne Caribbean. Not only ﬁnis, a certain
Abuna Matﬁnias was appointed as ﬁne new Archbishop of ﬁne United States and Canada, which

 

48 Giulia Bonacci, The amp iarn Orthodox Churcln gd E State, 1974-1991: Analyeie' of an Ang' uet_rs
W (NP: Cenmr of Ethiopian Studies, 2000), 28-39.

49 Ari L. Goldman, -u.s. Brarncln Leaves Eﬁniopian Orthodox Church," The New York Times (Late Edition
(East Coast» September 22, 1992, 35; For ﬁne laws and regulations of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church see Aymro and

Motovu, The Eﬁniom'an, especially pages 105,125-127.

178

literally ousted Abba Yesehaq ﬁom Ofﬁce.5° Furﬁnennore, ﬁne EPRDF-appointed Patriarch also
ordered Abba Yesehaq to hand over ﬁne headquarters of ﬁne Archdiocese of ﬁne Eﬁniopian
Orﬁnodox church in ﬁne United States, ﬁne Holy Trinity Church in Bronx, New York. What is more,
Abuna Matthias ﬁled a lawsuit against Abba Yesehaq to handover funds in the bank and all oﬁner
property.

The measures of His Holiness Paulos, while further accentuaﬁng the division within the
Eﬁniopian Orﬁnodox church, also incensed ﬁne Iaily boﬁn in Eﬁniopia and ﬁnroughout ﬁne world. While
Abba Paulos was able to overcome, often wiﬁn ﬁne help of the police, ﬁne protest against him in
Ethiopia,51 his endeavor to bring into submission ﬁne recalcitrant churches and Iaily in Europe and
the Americas failed, especially in America, where Abba Paulos established a separate Church for
Tigrayans in New York on ﬁne eve of EPRDF’s ascent to power (1989),52 ﬁne protest against Abba
Paulos was forceful. Wherever he went, his trip was greeted with relenﬁess and at ﬁmes violent
protest-“’31

Nevertheless, Abba Paulos had also his own supporters (mostly Tigrayans, Eritreans and
oﬁner Eﬁniopians who supported policies of ﬁne TPLF) who batﬁed ﬁne protesters on ﬁne streets of
European and American ciﬁes. The clash between supporters and opponents of Abba Paulos

became even more intense where ﬁnere was an Eﬁniopian Orﬁnodox church, for it involved issues

 

ginAritzlnb'slnopYeselnaq, MWWM‘ ' Yamﬁohe TrelACdforSolutionforlheCrias
Wiﬁn'cnﬁneDiocesejmewYork, 1993 EC); SeedsotlnennrebsiteforCaﬁnolcNeaEastWelfaeAssociaﬁon:
http://www.cnewa.orq/eCC-ethiopia-orthodhtm

AlsoseeHistoryofﬁneEﬁniopian OrﬁnodoxTewanidoChtlcln Homepage
http:/lwww.anqelfire.com/ny3/ethiOChurch/

$1“Patriacln'sBodygnadKiedaHerrrl'tlrnsideaClnurtiln,"Elm ' Review,Vol7,No.1(Februay28,
1997), 8.

52 Ari L Goldman, “Church Seeks Bigger Honne as Eﬁniopians Flock to Its Doors," The New York Times
January 15, 1989: 22.

53 “Protesters Disrupt Patriaroh’s Visit," The Chrisﬁan CentuLy, Vol. 110, Issue 30 (October 27, 1993), 1043;
Abdul Montaqim, “Demonstrators Try to stop Orﬁnodox Leader," The Weekly Journg, No. 78 (October 28, 1993), 3;
“Eﬁniopians in Norway Protest Against Abune Paulos," Eﬁniegian Review, Vol. 8, No. 5 (December 31, 1998), 6; Laurie
Goodsﬁne, “D.C. Protest Target Eﬁniopian Churcln Leader," Washinmon Post, October 15, 1993, A4; Jane Perlez,
“From Academe, A Shepherd Forawiﬁnered Flock," The New York Times August 6, 1992, A4.

 

 

179

related to property ownership and allegiance of ﬁnal parﬁcular church. For instance, Abba Paulos’
decision ﬁnal the Holy Trinity church of New York City, which was ﬁne seat of ﬁne Archdioceses for
ﬁne Eﬁniopian Orﬁnodox church in ﬁne Weslem Hemisphere since ﬁne 19605, must be placed under
Addis Ababa’s domain, divided ﬁne church into supporters of Abba Paulos and ﬁnose who did not
acknowledge his spiritual auﬁnority. It should be nobd here ﬁnal ﬁne church was one of ﬁne earliest
churches established in America; and one of ﬁne earliest churches that Eﬁniopians owned and
operated in America. Eiﬁner because of its primacy or convenience, ﬁne Holy Synod in Addis Ababa
selected ﬁne Holy Trinity Church as ﬁne seat of ﬁne archdioceses. Its head was Abba Yesehaq until
1991. Despite ﬁnis, Abba Maﬁnis, ﬁne appointee of Abba Paulos, not only desired to oust Abba
Yesehaq but also claimed ﬁne Church, which had been owned and operated by donations from the
congregation since its establishrrnenl. Because Abba Paulos’ group now claimed ﬁne church as its
own, a series of court batﬁes and street violence erupted between ﬁne two groups.54

The crisis in ﬁne Eﬁnioplarn Orﬁnodox church was not conﬁned to New York City. It spilled
over to oﬁner American cities and states where ﬁnere was a large yet diverse group of Eﬁniopians.
One such victim of division was ﬁne St. Mary Eﬁniopian Orﬁnodcx church in Denver, Colorado. As
reported in ﬁne Rocky Mountain News “a split in ﬁne congregaﬁon of ﬁne Ethiopian Orﬁnodox church
arose in ﬁne Summer of 1994 after a new archbishop named to head ﬁne church in Eﬁniopia . . .
One facﬁon of ﬁne church wanted to adhere to ﬁne archbishop’s orders. The oﬁner faction

contended ﬁnal ﬁne Church, like many oﬁners established by Eﬁniopian refugees in ﬁne 1980s, was

 

5‘ See Maﬁnew J. Rosenberg, “A Dispute Over Dogma Spills Into Court and ﬁne Streets," The New York
Tm (Late Edition (east Coast», august 16, 1998, 14; Zangba J. Browne, “Worship Tunis to Chaos in Bronx,“ _N_ew_
York Amsterdam News August 13, 1998, 4; Hernry Wong, “Eﬁniopiarn Ortlnodox Church Under Siege," New York Voice
Inc. Harlem U§5 August 12, 1998, 3;

 

 

180

an independent, non-proﬁt corporation controlled by its members here, not church leaders in
Eﬁniopia."55

The case was brought to ﬁne Denver District Court sometime in 1994. Alter two years
litigation, ﬁne St. Mary group that supported Abba Merkorios (the leader of ﬁne Synod in exile) won.
The District Court awarded ﬁne group $3,500 in a bank account, ﬁne coffee pot and a vacuum
Cleaner. Following ﬁnis, ﬁne St. Mary group left ﬁne former church located at 574 Pennsylvania St.
for a new location: East 171" Avenue and Emerson Street. As a consequence, Denver had two
Ethiopian Orﬁnodox churches.

The Los Angeles St. Mary Eﬁniopiarn Orﬁnodox Church was anoﬁner casualty of ﬁne crisis. A
group of Eﬁniopians who were followers of ﬁne Eﬁniopian Orﬁnodox faith established ﬁne church in
1988. However, after some two years ﬁne Eﬁniopian congregaﬁon divided into supporters and
opponents of Abba Paulos. The matter was brought to ﬁne local court which legalized ﬁne split. As a
consequence, while one of ﬁne groups retained ﬁne name, St. Mary, ﬁne court ordered ﬁne oﬁner
group to have a different name and anoﬁner church. Accordingly, ﬁney established ﬁne \ﬁrgin Many
Apostolic Church and moved out to Souﬁn-Cenlral Los Angeles.56

The churches in Washington DC, too, suffered. Unﬁl December 1993, the Medhane Alem
Eﬁniopian Orﬁnodox church, located on East Capitol Sheet, was a place where Eﬁniopians,
regardless Of eﬁnnicity and regional origin, came to worship ﬁneir God. However, during one of ﬁne
Sunday services, Abba Malﬁnias, who was ﬁne appointee of Patriarch Paulos as ﬁne Archbishop of
ﬁne USA and Canada, look ﬁne opportunity to solicit poliﬁco-religious support for his benefactors,

Abba Paulos and EPRDF. As in oﬁner churches, ﬁne congregation split between supporters and

 

55 Sue Undsay, “Ousted Congregaﬁon wins Its Batﬁe in Court Eﬁniopian Orﬁnodox Group wrongly Ejected in
1994, Judge Rules,“ Rocky Mountain News, February 26, 1996, 5A

55 Margaret Ramirez, “Eﬁniopian Church Finds Home of its Own: After Years of Errant Services, Oiﬁnodox
Christians View New Quarters As a Sign of Coming of Age," The Los Angles Times, June 5, 2002, B1.

181

opponents of Abba Paulos; and Washington DC. ended up having two Medhane Alem Churches.
The split was not peaceful. It was preceded by disruption of religious services, closure of ﬁne
church and Iiﬁgaﬁon in ﬁne Montgomery County Court, so much so, ﬁne Luﬁneran Church, which
had been leasing its space to ﬁne Eﬁniopian parishioners for almost a decade, asked ﬁnem to ﬁnd
anoﬁner place. African Americans and West Indians, who were worshiping wiﬁn Eﬁniopians in ﬁnal
church, decided to leave ﬁne church for good while oﬁners opted to stay away until the matter was
solved.57

In 1992 like ﬁneir fellow Eﬁniopian-Americans, ﬁne St. Michael Eﬁniopian Orthodox Church
of Boston, Massachusetts, which came into existence in 1989, was also divided on ﬁne legitimacy
of Abba Paulos. Alone ﬁme, so intense was ﬁne antipaﬁny between opponents and supporters of
Abba Paulos, ﬁney had to worship under ﬁne watchful eyes of ﬁne Cambridge Police. Finally, unable
to reconcile ﬁneir differences, ﬁne St. Michael congregation was split into St. Michael and St. Mary.
While the fornnner retained its rented location at St. Peter’s Episcopal Church in Cambridge, ﬁne
latter moved to Souﬁn End. While the court’s decision gave ﬁne Eﬁniopian community of Boston
(which primarily resides in areas like AIIston-Brighton, Roxbury, Cambridge, Lynn and Chelsea;
and which is roughly esﬁmated at 10,000 people) temporary respite, ﬁne division surfaced in
anoﬁner form. In 1997 a group of Eﬁniopians accused ﬁne Chairman of ﬁne Eﬁniopian Community
Mutual Association, a certain Tamene, who also run ﬁne community’s radio station, being parﬁal
and undemocraﬁc. The plaintiffs Claimed ﬁnal since ﬁne establishment of ﬁne community in ﬁne
1980s, no election had been held and ﬁnroughout ﬁnese times Tamene had always hand picked

members of board of directors of ﬁne community association. They demanded an election. The St.

 

57 Similarly, the congregaﬁon of St. Gabriel Ethiopian Orthodox Church, located at 16" Street NW, in
Washington DC, had been provoked bythesupporersorAbba Paulos. See Len Cooper, “Splitin Ethiopian Church
Mars Sprit of Holy Season: Election of Leader SMed Division irn Congregation,“ Washingm P_osj, April 17, 1993,
610.

182

Michael Church leaders and congregation stood beside ﬁne accusers. Though an election was held
and Tamene lost, ﬁne latter rejected it as illegal; and ﬁne division of ﬁne community ﬁnal began wiﬁn
controversy surrounding ﬁne appointment of Abba Paulos continues to ﬁnis day. 59

A similar fate befell the Eﬁniopian Orthodox Church congregaﬁons in Seatﬁe. When the
Church was established in ﬁne 1980s, it was known as St. Amanuel Eﬁniopian Orﬁnodox Church.
However, when ﬁne TPLF/EPRDF’s rose to power, its congregaﬁon was torn apart and each
established its own clnurch, St. Gabriel and Medhane Alem. The former was also ﬁne seat of
Archbishop Zena Marqos, who was one of ﬁne leading members of ﬁne Synod in exile in America,
ﬁne latter was in ﬁne domain of Abba Paulos.59 Though ﬁne circumstance surrounding Abba Paulo’s
legitimacy further accentuated ﬁne division among Eﬁniopians in Seatﬁe, ﬁne roots of the rancor
could be traced back to ﬁne immigrant/refugee Cleavage wiﬁnin ﬁne community. Seatﬁe is one of ﬁne
places where Eﬁniopians came for furﬁner education and ﬁneir number was less ﬁnan ten in ﬁne
1970s.60 As ﬁne result of ﬁne 1974 Revoluﬁon and subsequent developments, more Eﬁniopians,
mainly refugees, came to ﬁne City. And, ﬁne number of Eﬁniopians grew to ﬁne ﬁnousands, which
necessitated ﬁne establishment of a Church, ﬁne St. Amanuel Eﬁniopian Orﬁnodox church someﬁme
in 1987. By 1990, the Eﬁniopian population of ﬁne city had reached some 3000. This was when
differences between refugee and immigrant (ﬁnese are ﬁne asylees who are also refened as

passport holders)61 began to surface. While the priest and ﬁne majority of ﬁne clergy were refugees,

 

sllTheearliestsitewhereﬁne2000rsoSt Miclnael Eﬁniopian OrﬁnodoxChurch congregation attended its
mass was in ﬁne Roxbury Luﬁnerarn Church. See Francis Latour, “In New Land, Eﬁniopians Sﬁuggle For Unity," 13
Boston Globe, April 12, 1999, A1, A12.

59 Stephen Clutter, “Moﬁner‘s Day All Yea Lorng For Eﬁniopiarn Farrnily," The Seattle Times May 13, 1999;
Francis Latour, “In New Land, Eﬁniopians Struggle for Unity," Boston Globe April 12, 1999, A1, A12; Matﬁnew Craft,
“Eﬁniopian Christian Celebrations Begin Central Area Churcln Provides ‘Litﬁe Bit of Home” For MemMrs," The Seatﬁe
Times, January 5, 2003, 85; also informants: Benjamin and Zenebech.

6° Sally Macdonad, “New Churcln in New World—Eﬁniopian Congregation Folows a Drearn," The Seattle
'l‘iirnes, December 25, 1998.

6‘ Holding a passport, in ﬁnose days, irnnplied ﬁnal ﬁne individual came to ﬁne us. prior to ﬁne days of ﬁne
revolution which means ﬁnal ﬁne person was eiﬁner sent for educaﬁon, came as a visitor. . . etc. This, once again,
entailsﬁnalhelshewasinabeﬁasodoeconanicposiﬁonMs—é—Wsmeremgeeswhowaeainiﬂedﬁanmmee

 

 

183

immigrants/passport holders ran ﬁne administrative tasks of ﬁne church and hence controlled ﬁne
board. As a consequence, tension wiﬁnin ﬁne laity increased; and the church was troubled. It was
during ﬁnese Circumstances ﬁnal EPRDF took power and deposed Abba Merkorios, which realigned
ﬁne Ethiopian community in Seattle, and reoriented the issue from refugeeﬁmmigrant confrontaﬁon
into politico-religious squabble between supporters and opponents of Abba Paulos/TPLF.”

The spell of dissension seems to have spared no one. Even one of ﬁne youngest Ethiopian
Orthodox churches, ﬁne St. Tekle Haymanot, which was established as ﬁne result of ﬁne
cooperation between Eﬁniopians in ﬁne Greater Lansing area and those in Detroit and the
sunounding areas, has succumbed to ﬁnis misfortune. Here however, ﬁne crisis has its own twists
and turns. The immediate cause for the discord was ﬁne demand of ﬁne Iaily for an election that
angered ﬁne “old“ board members who took it as an affront. Consequenﬁy, ﬁne Iaily was divided into
two, and each established its own church, one in Ponﬁac Michigan and ﬁne oﬁner in Detroit. They
also fought in court each claiming to be ﬁne legitimate church to own ﬁne tabot (ﬁne ark of ﬁne
covenant), ﬁne money in ﬁne bank and ﬁne religious books and crosses. The case is awaiting the
verdict of ﬁne Souﬁnﬁeld District Court, which might not be ﬁnal, for each group has vowed to

continue ﬁne ﬁght.63

 

campsfrorn Sudan)toalford travel tooreducalion in ﬁne United States. Indeed, in ﬁnedays ofHaile Sellassie, noso
many could afford it Hence, coming to ﬁne US. or going abroad in general was a mark of disﬁnclion between ﬁne ricln
and ﬁne poor, or ﬁne upper class and ﬁne plebeian.

62Today, ﬁne SeatﬁeEﬁniopian communityleadersandsomeofﬁnecilyoﬁciaswieveﬁnatﬁnecityhas
20,000 Eﬁniopians while ﬁne 2000 US Census record showed 5296 Eﬁniopians. See John lwasaki, “Eﬁniopian Churclnes
Meet Spiritual, Practical Needs," Seattle Post-Intelligencer, January 7, 2003; Arndrew De Millo, “Eﬁniopian Community
Celebrates Ceremony Makes Opening of New Orﬁnodox Churcln in Seatte," July 22, 2000, A1. lnfonnants: Benjamin
and Zenebech.

53 l, beingoneofﬁnemembeisofﬁneclnurcln,wassuirnrrnonedtoappearin courttotestify. Seeﬁneattaclned

subpoena.

184

Chapter N. 4. Rancor willnin ﬁne Synod in America: Regionalism on ﬁne Rise

The misfortunes of ﬁne Ethiopian Orﬁnodox Church in America did not end wiﬁn the split
between supporters and opponents of His Holiness Abba Paulos. As ﬁme went on, rancor wiﬁnin
ﬁne Synod in exile also began to surface. This ﬁme, however, the root causes of the problem were
related to a power rivalry: Alﬁnough Abba Yesehaq acknowledged His Holiness Abba Merkorios as
the legitimate Patriarch of ﬁne Ethiopian Orthodox church, and alﬁnough he had welcomed ﬁne oﬁner
bishops into his domain, he seems to have felt ﬁnal his power was ﬁnreatened by ﬁne Synod in exile
and its members. According to his booklet, A Call for Solution to the Crisis within the Diocese,“
Abba Yesehaq indicated ﬁnat ﬁne Synod in exile acted wiﬁnout his knowledge and consent when it
appointed bishops and priests for the various states in America. His Holiness also pointed out ﬁnal
ﬁnese bishops couldn’t operate as bishops for ﬁney had left ﬁneir diocese and hence had no
“territory“ of ﬁneir own. Consequenﬁy, though these bishops were welcome to remain as his guests
in America, ﬁney could not do anyﬁning by ﬁnemselves. In short, ﬁney had forfeited ﬁneir clerical
authority ﬁne moment ﬁney left ﬁneir respective domains in Eﬁniopia.

Abba Yesehaq’s woes vis-a-vis members of ﬁne Synod in exile seemed to have been
further exacerbated due to ﬁne very nature of immigrant Churches in America. The history of late
19‘“ and early 20" century immigrant churches in America reveals ﬁnal immigrant “religious
congregations, one of the ﬁrst insﬁtutions immigrants established, were organized by ﬁne
immigrants ﬁnemselves, not by clerics from ﬁne old country or by ﬁnose already in ﬁne United

States."55“ Accordingly, since it is the Eﬁniopian immigrant/refugee community which had ﬁne

 

“ArclnbishopYewhaq,Msibikatulatafatarwchtg irMﬁrﬂACallforSoluﬁonforﬁneCrisis
WiﬁninﬁneDiocese] (New York, 1993 EC) 3—7

65Mohl, “The Immigrant Church in Gary,“ 12; forﬁneroleof ﬁne congregation vis-a-visﬁneclergy, see Helen
RoseEbaughandJanetSaitzmanChafelz, “StructuraAdanlaﬁonsinlmrnigrantCongregationf WELL
Vol. 6, No. 2(Summer2000), 135-153.

185

auﬁnority to hire or ﬁre priests, and since it is ﬁnis community ﬁnal sponsors/cosponsored
clergymen to come to ﬁne United states, members Of ﬁne Synod in exile and Abba Yesehaq had
Iitﬁe or no say in ﬁne decision-making process. Moreover, while ﬁney ﬁnemselves are very
dependant on ﬁne goodwill and contributions of ﬁne Ethiopian immigrant/refugee congregation in
America, clerical aspirations could, however, result in disunity. As Bodnar, who studied 19" century
European immigrants in ﬁne USA noted, “while it may be too strong to assert that ﬁne mulﬁplication
of eﬁnnic parishes was attributable solely to “clerical careerism,’ ambitions of leaders or ﬁnose who
aspire to be leaders played a strong role in stimulating factionalism.“66

Abba Yesehaq also accused some members of ﬁne exiled Synod as “gotegna," (parochial),
who are bent upon fomenﬁng regionalism among Eﬁniopians in order to serve ﬁneir personal
ambitions. He wamed ﬁnal unless ﬁney are stopped, ﬁneir acﬁons would result in permanent schism
of the Eﬁniopian Orﬁnodox church. The initial division of the clergy and Iaily between ﬁnose who
supported ﬁne EPRDF appointee patriarch and ﬁnose who stood against him, was slowly taking a
different turn. Among ﬁne ﬁve members of the Eﬁniopian Orﬁnodox church Synod in exile, four of
ﬁnem were Gondares, (men from Gondar). What is more, ﬁne deposed Patriarch, too, was from
Gondar. Accordingly, in addition to Abba Yesehaq, some individuals among ﬁne Eﬁniopians in
America (mainly ﬁnose from Shoa) have condemned ﬁne Synod in exile as a Gondare maneuver to

dominate the Eﬁniopian Orﬁnodox Church in the diaspora.67

 

"humdﬁnmasansbrmemnimeddwaonwiwnmamasdmdnurdnbbecaisedﬁn
powlecanesdhedagwmovaﬁnlatyﬂnﬂehEmMamaeﬁmdMMBpowaﬁﬁadvaym
mmmmewgyhmmamsmmmmmeymmmmmmm,
ﬁneEﬁniopian QﬁmdoxdagyMNnaicebmydepaumtmﬁnsaaymaﬁnwngegaﬁondamurdnpaydlin.
ThedagwmmaManmsdayaspiikiabadamasomambyeewhocmldbeWﬁm
tisageedwiﬁnﬁnednuidnboadmembers.

tiliBorinaJ‘heTranegled,156.

"Yeselnaq,B_atga_re, 15-19,SeedsotﬁstayofﬁneEﬁniopianOrﬁnodoxTewaidoClxudnHomepage

http: //www anqelﬁre. com/ny3/ethiochurch/

186

In pamphlets enﬁﬁed “Zobef' (it is ﬁne name of King Fasciladas' horse) and “In the Name of
Justice,“ anoﬁner group, presumably supporters of ﬁne Synod in exile and people of Gondar origin,
countered Abba Yesehaq's allegation. They pointed out ﬁnal encouraged by power ﬁnirsty
individuals and groups, (a reference to some of ﬁne Shoans who were high ranking govemrrnent
ofﬁcials boﬁn during ﬁne Imperial era and ﬁne reign of ﬁne Derg), who were noted for ﬁneir
opportunism, Abba Yesehaq was again being hoodwinked in to proclaiming himself as a ﬁnird
patriarch and siding wiﬁn Abba Paulos ﬁnereby betraying his Chrisﬁan duty, ﬁghting ﬁne illegitimate
Synod in Addis Ababa.

These same pamphleteers also indicated ﬁnal ﬁne dominant position of ﬁne Gondares in ﬁne
Synod in America is a personal achievement gained ﬁnrough decades of ﬁneological excellence
raﬁner ﬁnan an outcome of conspiracy. Hence, ﬁneir Gondareness should not be an issue unless
ﬁnose who were accusing members of ﬁne Synod were ﬁnemselves “gotegnoch," (parochial). Or
ﬁney are simply jealous of ﬁne achieverrnents of members of ﬁne Synod in exile.

Furﬁnermore, ﬁnis same group also pointed out ﬁnal ﬁne important concern of Abba
Yesehaq and his cliques should have been ﬁne ﬁght against ﬁne unlawful Synod in Addis Ababa,
ﬁne future of Eﬁniopia and ﬁne welfare of its people raﬁner than ﬁne preeminence of Gondare
clergymen in America and ﬁne Diaspora.68

Chapter N. 5. Prospect: The Fate of ﬁne Church in America
It is clear ﬁnal ﬁne Eﬁniopian Orﬁnodox church is in deep crisis—a crisis which is furﬁner

exacerbated by ﬁne increasing challenge from ﬁne rise of Islamic fundamentalism,69 aggressive

 

a'“Zoble:MangadSdatagnBiaGanyawuinAlfaHedacln"[Youdonotpasstlnennaketbecetiseyoucanwar
mmmmumnmnomwmmmvwmmmm
KwayneaweTaﬁnaionilaqanu" [AbbaYeceham Pleasesloleefra'nFromUsingReig‘onasaCoverforYour
DivisiveAclioranhispanphlettoo, waswritteninArrlnaicltdoesnothaveplaceanddateof

”Seemechdengesthatﬁne Ethiopian OﬁnodoxfacesfromthJism http:.//www ethiopiaﬁrstCOmNso, for
ganadhbrmaﬁonmldaricFundanmtdanhﬁneHandAﬁba,seeMednanTadesse,AL Poilncdm

WIMWWWWMM.

187

evangelization from some Protestant sects,70 and ﬁne church's ﬁnancial predicannenl since ﬁne and
of monarchial rule.71 In addition, although the church had greaﬁy suffered under ﬁne military junta
and alﬁnough some of its clergy aired ﬁneir opinions against ﬁne regime (for which ﬁney were jailed,
tortured, exiled or executed), ﬁne Church, as a religious institution, has failed to condemn the “Red
Terror" and oﬁner measures of ﬁne govemrrnent. This made ﬁne church look like an accomplice in
the eyes of the faithful, especially among ﬁne educated intelligentsia ﬁnal suffered most.72

Yet, it is also ﬁnis same intelligentsia ﬁnal emigrated to foreign lands in large numbers; and
it is also ﬁnis same group that consﬁluted ﬁne core of the boards ﬁnal ran ﬁne churches in America
and ﬁne diaspora. This, coupled wiﬁn ﬁne congregaﬁonal structural organization of immigrant
Churches in America ﬁnal empowered ﬁne Iaily more ﬁnan ﬁne clergy,73 and ﬁne rise of ethnic
nationalism and regionalism among Eﬁniopians, furﬁner incapacitated ﬁne Church boﬁn at home and
abroad.

In light of ﬁne abovemenﬁoned scenario, ﬁne question here is not how religion serves as a
basis of identity. Raﬁner, how would religion, in ﬁnis case Eﬁniopian Orthodox Christianity, translate
into and interact wiﬁn shifting eﬁnnic and regional idenﬁﬁes among Eﬁniopians. Vlﬁll ﬁne Church in
America conﬁnue as an Ethiopian or will transform itself into Tigray, Amhara, Oromo. . . etc
Orﬁnodox Churches each probably wiﬁn its own archbishop and a diocese ? Or will it become an

Eﬁniopian-American church independent from ﬁne authorities in Addis Ababa?

 

’0 Andrea Useem, “Evangelicals Alter Eﬁniopia’s Traditions," Christian Science Monitor June 8, 2000, 17

7‘ Bonacci, The Eﬁngg‘ fan. The book also indicates a series of measures ﬁnal ﬁne Marxist regime took to
weaken ﬁne Church, in addiﬁon to conﬁscaﬁng its properties. Also J A Loubser, “Two Revolutions Behind: ls ﬁne
Eﬁniopian Orﬁnodox Churcln an Obstacle or Catalyst for Socia Development?“ M“ ra: TM‘ vir 8mm, No.
82 (2002), 378-390.

"Someestimateshasitﬁnatduring ﬁne reignofﬁneDergsome200,000 Middleclass Eﬁniopians lostﬁneir
lives while equal amount or more left ﬁne country. See Loubser, “ls ﬁne Eﬁniopian," 380; Babile, To lGll a Generation
160-164.

 

 

73 Handlin, MM. 114-115; Warner, "Work in Progress,“ 1064-1068; Ebaugh and Chafetz, “Structural
Adaptations," 135153.

188

Could ﬁne church also conﬁnue to exist being an Eﬁniopian Orﬁnodox Church but in a
different context such as an independent church from ﬁne Patriarchate in Eﬁniopia for which we
have some evidence—The establishment of an Eﬁniopian Orﬁnodox Church Synod in exile. Yet,
could ﬁnis synod transform itself into an autonomous entity for good regardless of govemmenl
change in Eﬁniopia?

To respond to ﬁne aforementioned questions one is compelled to look at ﬁne history of the
Eﬁniopian Orﬁnodox Church in comparative perspective. The experience of 19" and early 20"
century immigrant Caﬁnolics in America indicates ﬁnal despite diverse cultural and national origin,
and despite ﬁne existence Of conﬂict on issues ﬁnal range from “control of church properly, ﬁne
appointment of pastors, and national religious tradition, severe schism did not occur . . .
[because] ﬁne disagreements were seldom centered on ﬁne ﬁneological foundations of ﬁne caﬁnolic
religion. . ..[Whatisnnore],asaninsﬁtuﬁonﬁne[Caﬁnoﬁc]clnurchW_My
and was anle to tolerate suctn d'eegreement [errnphasis added].'74 The Eﬁiiopian Orﬁnodox clnurcln
seemed to lack such elasticity despite its inclusion of diverse nationalities and naﬁons within
Eﬁniopia. Its history revealed ﬁnal it had never ordained a bishop from among ﬁne Oromos, ﬁne
single largest ethnic group in ﬁne country accounﬁng for almost half of the total population of
Eﬁniopia.

It is also ﬁnis lack of elasticity that prevented ﬁne church from incorporating larger numbers
of African Americans, despite its forty years or so existence in America, and despite ﬁne greater

role that African Americans had played in initiating and establishing ﬁne church in America.75 There

 

7‘ Dolarn, The lmmigm tChurch, 88.

75 People of Caribbean origin seemed to constitute ﬁne majority from among its African Arnericen followers in
ﬁne U.S.A Yet, ﬁne clnurcln at one time informed ﬁnem to cut ﬁneir dreadlocks if ﬁiey want to continue to be part of ﬁne
congregation, which apparenﬁy offernded some ofﬁnern and hence seceded from ﬁne Eﬁniopian Orﬁnodox Churcln to
fornn ﬁneir own. See Randal L. Hepner, “The House That Rasta Built: Churcln-Building and Fundamentalism Among

New York Rasatafarians," in Gaﬁnerim in Dim a: Religious Communities and ﬁne New Immigration, eds., R.
Stephen Warner and Judiﬁn G. Wiltner (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1998), 197-234, 204.

189

are no African American priests, and its liturgical language sﬁll remained Geez, an ancient
language ﬁnal many Eﬁniopians do not even understand, an equally, if not more, difﬁcult language
for African Americans to comprehend. Additionally, ﬁne majority of its clergy is illiterate in ﬁneir own
language and hence incapable of providing sermons in English.76 Therefore, in order to survive as
a cultural and national icon among Eﬁniopians in ﬁne diaspora and to continue providing ﬁne
necessary spiritual guidance to the faithful, boﬁn at home and abroad, ﬁne Ethiopian Orﬁnodox
church must undergo structural alteraﬁon and spiritual renewal.

Chapter N. 6. Soccer and ﬁne Shaping of Ethiopian Immigrant Communitylldenlity: The
Ethiopian Sport Federation in North America (ESFNA)

Like immigrants in America, Eﬁniopians felt alienated, and one of ﬁne areas ﬁnal ﬁney felt so
was in the domains of recreation and sport. While ﬁne most popular American pastimes are
baseball, football and basketball, Eﬁniopians only have knowledge of basketball. In fact not only do
ﬁney have difﬁculty in understanding ﬁnese games, they often confuse American football for soccer;
and get disappointed when ﬁney discover ﬁnal football is not really football ﬁne way ﬁney know it
back home. To overcome ﬁnis sense of isolaﬁon and thereby carve ﬁneir own social and cultural
space wiﬁnin American society, Eﬁniopians established ﬁne Eﬁniopian Sports Federation in Norﬁn
America (ESFNA) sometime in 1984. When begun, ﬁne Federation had only four clubs from

Houston, Dallas, Aﬁanta and Washington DC; and ﬁne attendance was no more ﬁnan a couple of

 

75 In ﬁne late 1990s, ﬁne clnurcln claimed to have sonne 400,000 priests and 30,000 paroclnial schools
ﬁnroughout Eﬁniopia. Yet, ﬁnough its clergy can recite ﬁne books and clnant ﬁne liturgy, nnost ofﬁnern do not understand
ﬁne ancient language, Geez. Realizing ﬁnis and in ﬁne face of clnallenges from its rivals, it appears ﬁne Ortlnodox Churcln
had reopened its only ﬁneological seminary in ﬁne country. The Eﬁniopian Orﬁnodox Theological College, located in
Addis Ababa, like all oﬁner academic institutions in ﬁne country, is noted for lack of resources and qualiﬁed leaclners. Its
books, ﬁnatnumbeied 3600, werefromﬁne 1970s; and irn1999,ﬁnetotanumberofcompubrsﬁnecollegehadwas
one! See Loubser, “ls ﬁne Eﬁniopian," 383, 387.

190

hundred people.77 By establishing ﬁneir own federaﬁon, Eﬁniopians were able to use sport, like
every oﬁner immigrant in America, as “a point of solidarity . . . in an alien environment."78

The oﬁner purpose for ﬁne establishment of ﬁne Federation, according to its bylaws, Article
3.1 and Article 3.7, is “to promote Eﬁniopian culture in North America . . . [and] to establish close
relationship wiﬁn Eﬁniopian community and oﬁner organizations of Similar objecﬁves and interest'79
lnline with these principles, ﬁne Federation choose ﬁne July 4 weekend to host ﬁne soccer match in
one of ﬁne American cities every year.

The choice of the July 4'" weekend seemed to entail more ﬁnan convenience. By honoring
July 4'", it appears, Eﬁniopians were expressing appreciation to ﬁne opportunity accorded to ﬁnem
by ﬁne host society. It can be also a statement indicaﬁng ﬁnal Eﬁniopians in America, most of whom
are political refugees and exiles, also cherish freedom and value ﬁne sacriﬁces made to attain and
protect this freedom. Moreover, it might also mean ﬁnal by hosﬁng ﬁneir event on ﬁnal day,
Eﬁniopians are expressing ﬁneir enﬁnusiasm and willingness to be part of America yet retaining

something of ﬁneir own, soccer, which is barely an American sport.80 Hence, Eﬁniopians have used

 

77 Wondimu Elias, "Interview ESFNA President Stencils Assefa," Eﬁnm‘ ' Review, Vol. 6, No. 6 (June
1996), 20.

78 Elliott J. Gordon, “Sports Through ﬁne Ninemﬁn Century," in The New American M Hism: Recent
WM, Ed. S. W. Pope (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1997), 47, 33-57.

79 See Article 3.1 and 3.7 ofﬁne Bylaws ofﬁne Eﬁniopian Sorts Federation in Norﬁn America, Januay1993
and Januay 2000 Revision. (Mimeographed).

9° Soccer, compared to baseball, football and basketball, is ﬁne less favored game in America. In fact, until
ﬁne19903,onecansafelysayﬁnatithadneverbeenanArnericansport Forﬁnehistoryarndsigniﬁcanceofbasebdl
and football in America, see Elliott J. Gordon, “Sports Through ﬁne Ninetwnﬁn Century," in The New American Seer;
Histogy: Recent Apacﬂes and vaes, Ed. S. W. Pope (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1997), 33-57;
Melvin L. Adelman, “The Early Years of Baseball, 1845-1860," in The New American Sport HLSLtorv: Reecit

Mew—Pm Ed. 8. W. Pope (Urbarna: University of Illinois Press, 1997), 58-87; Miclnael Oriad, “In
ﬁne Beginning Was ﬁne Rule," in The New American His : Recant and 'ves Ed. S. W.

Pope (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1997), 87-120; Mark Dyreson, “Regulaﬁng ﬁne Body and ﬁne Body Politic:
American Sport, Bourgeoisie Culture, and ﬁne Language of Progress, 1880-1920,“ in The New American m HM .
WM Ed. S. W. Pope (Urbarna: University of Illinois Press, 1997), 121-144.

191

sport as “a vehicle, in many different ways, for ﬁne construction of individual, group and national
identities”81 in America.

The event has become an annual occasion in which Eﬁniopians display and share ﬁneir rich
cultural tradition with Americans, and pass it onto ﬁne second generation Ethiopians, the Ethiopian-
Americans. Besides, ﬁne tournament also maintains ﬁne bond between ﬁne Eﬁniopian community in
America and ﬁne country of origin. Since its inception, it has brought guests of honor from Ethiopia
as keynote speakers at ﬁne event. The guests of honor have included well known Eﬁniopians sucln
as former players of ﬁne Eﬁniopian National Soccer team, famous Ethiopian long distance runners,
playwrights, performers etc. Bringing prominent Eﬁniopians as keynote speakers in ﬁne
tournament was also intended, besides maintaining ﬁne bridge between Ethiopia and America, as a
way to provide role models for ﬁne young generaﬁon Eﬁniopian-Americans so ﬁnal ﬁne latter could
emulate; and be proud of ﬁneir Ethiopian heritage.”

It became a ritual among Eﬁniopians to attend ﬁne soccer tournament every year during ﬁne
July 4"1 weekend in one of ﬁne American Cities.” During ﬁnis time, alﬁnough soccer dominated ﬁne

events, oﬁner games and cultural festivals were also held, often depending upon ﬁne

 

3‘ Mike Cronin and David Mayall, “Sport and Eﬁnnicity: Some Introductory Remarks," in W
WWW. WkeCroninandDavidMayaHLondon: FrankCassarCo. Ltd,
1998),1-2.

82Sofa, ESFNAhadbruigitﬁnefolowingprminanEﬁniopiansaskeynotespeatas DrAkirHante
(1985), Mengistu Worku (1986), Tesfaye Seyoum (1987], Ydimkachew Tecserna (reprmntd by his son, Taddele
Yitinekachew) (1988), Mano Wolde (1989), Adam Alarm (1990), Getachew Abebe (Dula) (1991), Luciano Vassdo
and ltaoVassao (1992), Deralu TululKebede Metaeria (1993), Awad Mohanmedllairethegaye GebreMednin
(1994), Gelaclnew Wolde/Kaynew thachew (1995), Taddcsse Win (1996), kiuts Yilbr (1997), Fekade m
(1998), Prof. Asrat Woldeyesliepresernted by his faintly (1999), Negusse Gebre (2000), Gernrnaw Zergawaewde
Sanuel (2001), Wari BiatuIAsrat Hie (2002), Engdawork Taitu (Sebeta) and Take Gebratsatit (2003) See
Dagrnaclnew Bezaieh, “l'he1994 Eﬁniopian SoccerTournanent," Elm ' Review (Mach 1994), 59; see aso ESFNA
mbsib http:/lwww.esfna.orq/history/qustsoﬂnonor/

”Sofa, tlnefolowingcilieshadlnosbdlnesoccerkntlrnanerit I-knston(1$4),Wmhin¢nnDC(l%5),
Atlanta (1986), Los Arngeles (1987), Waslnington DC (1988), Dallas (1989), Boston (1990), Seattle (1991), Torornb-
Canada (1992), Garland-CA (1993), Tyson's Corner-VA (1994), San Diego (1995), Lago-M) (1996), Los Arngdes
(1997), Aﬁanta (1998), Ddas (1999), San FranciscofSan Jam (2000), Toronto-Canada (2W1), Hyasvie-M) (2W2),
Houslorn (2N3), Seattle (2M4). See Wonrinu, “interview," 20; ESFNA“s website:
http:/lwwwesfna.orq/histcrv/toumamentvenuesﬁndexhtm

192

resourcefulness of ﬁne host city Eﬁniopians. For instance, ﬁne 1993 host of ﬁne game, Walia, ﬁne
San Francisco team, for ﬁne ﬁrst time included children’s short distance run, women’s 800 meter
race and a 15000 meter contest for men. Not only ﬁnis, it also introduced a “Miss Eﬁniopia Beauty
Contest“ and a ﬁneatre, “Yechagula Shirshif and oﬁner plays. Moreover, ﬁne organizers also
allotted ﬁme for ex-rnembers of ﬁne American Peace Corps Volunteers, who were also having ﬁneir
annual meeting in ﬁne city, to participate at ﬁne closing ceremony—a gesture of appreciation to ﬁne
Peace Corps Volunteers for ﬁneir contribution in Eﬁniopia, and an attempt to bring Eﬁniopians and
Americans Closer. ESFNA also pledged to ﬁnancially help ﬁne dismissed Addis Ababa University
professors and orphans in Eﬁniopia.84

The annual soccer toumament ﬁnerefore, has transformed itself to become more ﬁnan a
mere event in which Eﬁniopian soccer teams compete against each oﬁner. It has become a scene
of competing cultures where hotdogs vie against Eﬁniopian Kitfo or complement each oﬁner. It is
also here ﬁnal one Observes ﬁne process of transformation in business transactions among
Eﬁniopian immigrants in America. Price bargaining, ﬁne tradiﬁonal Eﬁniopian ways, and ﬁxed prices,
ﬁne American style, are witrnessed. The toumannent is a place where Eﬁniopian identity is recreated
and modiﬁed.85

The items sold, in addition to food and beverages (boﬁn Eﬁniopian and American), include
video and audio taps and CDs, t-shirts, books, magazines, souvenirs . . . etc. The whole vista
reﬂects ﬁne oriental bazaar combined wiﬁn ﬁne American mall, which generates more ﬁnan $3 million

in a single week—an indication of ﬁne potential buying power of Eﬁiiopians in America. Of ﬁnis sum,

 

'4 l-"ikre Tolossa, “Eﬁniopian Soccer Games in Norﬁn America," Eﬁn’m’ Review, Vol. 3. No. 6, (June 1993),
15, 18, 21.

85 For ﬁne role of sport in eiﬁner maintaining eﬁnnic and national identity or accelerating assimilation see Roy
Hay, “Croatia: Community, Conﬂict and Culture: The Role of Soccer Clubs in Migrant Identity," in m

Nationalisms: Identity, Eﬁnnicity, Imm'gration and Assimilation, Ed. Mike Cronin and David Mayall (London: Frank Cass

8 Co Ltd, 1998), 4966; Joseph M. Bradley, "Sport and ﬁne Contestation of Cultural and Eﬁnnic Idenﬁﬁes in Scottish
Society, in nN ation :den ' ' Imm' raﬁon and Assimilaﬁon Ed. Mike Cronin and David Mayall
(London: Frank Cass & Co Ltd, 1998), 127- 150.

 

193

ﬁne federation is believed to have pocketed a proﬁt of more ﬁnan $150,000 from ticket sales and
music concerts alone.86*

Aside from being an annual bazaar, ﬁne soccer toumament also provides an opportunity
for the younger generation to look for an Eﬁniopian parﬁner or just a date—a phenomenon that is
increasingly attracting more of ﬁne young generation and bachelor Eﬁniopians to ﬁne tournaments.
The problem, according to an Eﬁniopian observer, is ﬁnal while the “Fafa“ Generation (late teens
and early twenties) has no problem in picking ﬁneir dates, ﬁne older Eﬁniopians were impeded due
to cultural reasons such as “extreme shyness on ﬁne part of ladies, pride, fear Of rejecﬁon and
stage fright on ﬁne part of men" 37 which seemed to have driven ﬁne latter to congregate around ﬁne
beverage stand. In this Circumstance, “Siksta“ (ﬁadiﬁonal Ethiopian dance ﬁnal evolves shaking
shoulders and neck), would provide ﬁne opportunity for striking conversation between ﬁne sexes.

It is also at ﬁne soccer tournament were friends who may have parted company years ago,
ﬁnd each oﬁner. This is especially true to ﬁne Eﬁniopian political refugees who left ﬁneir homes
abrupﬁy. Moreover, side by side wiﬁn ﬁne soccer tournament and partying, many poliﬁcal parties
and prominent Eﬁniopians also organize forums and fundraisers and invite Eﬁniopians to attend. In
all ﬁnese, ﬁne Federaﬁon was not direcﬁy involved. It ﬁles to keep distance from entanglement with
political parties and prominent personalities. As ﬁne president of EFFNA indicated

The Federaﬁon’s bylaws clearly states ﬁnal ﬁne organization is neiﬁner political nor religious.

We . . . ﬁled to keep ﬁne organization independent of any covert or overt poliﬁcal or religious
inﬂuences so far . . . Political and religious leaders om challenge our position. Our response
has been, and will continue to be, ﬁnal ﬁne Federation is insﬁumenal in bringing a large number
of Eﬁniopians in one location every year and it is up to ﬁne various organizational enﬁﬁes to take

 

'5 Flue Tolossa, “Belnirnd ﬁne Soccer Scene," Elm ' Review, (August 1993), 49, 51-52

“MﬁguedmﬂbeutmﬁmcarﬁmzoespieampeaeddarMmdalﬁdanagaHESFNAmms
IadtofﬁanspaernchtdidnotmakeltsflnanciadeaingspiﬂcuntiZOOZHenceaﬁnouglnitdoesnotshowlhe
incomeﬁomdﬁneﬁansactions,ithadposledanetproﬁtofsaszmj4f0r2001;$265,541.96for2002;$262.930.12
for Jan. 1 throuqn Apri 3, 2W3. See its mbsite: http:/lwwwesfna.orq/aboutus/ﬁnacialstatement/

I"TesfayeKetsela,AwayFiornﬁneSoccerF'neldegm ' Review, Vol. 3. No.8(August1993),48,forﬁne
dﬁialtyaxmntingﬁnrﬁnngmbpimsoumteseeHeanﬁuﬂheDaﬁngGme."Em ' Revlew,Vol.4,
No.11(Noventner1994),38

194

advantage of ﬁnis opportunity wiﬁiout having to josﬁe wiﬁn us in ﬁne stadium.all

By taking such a stance, ESFNA not only kept its integrity and survival as a nonpartisan
organizaﬁon, but also succeeded, unlike ﬁne rest of ﬁne Eﬁniopian community and political
organizations in America, in bringing Eﬁniopians togeﬁner. As a result, ﬁne July 4th event has
become a showpiece of Eﬁniopian nationalism at its best. The event has evolved to become one of
the single most important ﬁansactions ﬁnal brought Ethiopians from all walks of life, age and
background. As a consequence, ﬁne few hundred spectators of ﬁne early 19805; and ﬁne ﬁnree to
ﬁve day event grew to become a ten-day event with more ﬁnan 20,000 spectators, an average of
2000 persons a day. In barely a decade, ﬁne participating sport clubs grew from 4 clubs to 26
teams while more clubs are waiting to be accepted.89 Since 1998, due to the large number of
participating clubs, the Federation has divided ﬁne teams, based upon ﬁneir performances, into two
divisions, Division I and II. While Division I has four groups each wiﬁn four teams, Division II had
nine clubs divided into ﬁiree groups. Inclusion into 18‘ Division or 2"d Division is not permanent.
After every year's tournament, ﬁne teams ﬁnal performed poorly would slide to ﬁne 2"d Division while
ﬁnose teams ﬁnal proved worﬁny will be promoted to 1st Division.90

Encouraged wiﬁn its success in the 20 or so years of its existence, ﬁne Federation has
plans to include oﬁner sports events and diversify its participants in ﬁne annual event. It plans to
host regional tournaments and make the July 4'" weekend a play-off weekend between regional
winners. In addition to ﬁne soccer tournament, which so far is ﬁne main event, ﬁne Federaﬁon also
intends to include track and ﬁeld, volleyball for women, cultural acﬁvities for children and a bicycle

race.91 Moreover, to encourage partlcipaﬁon in ﬁne soccer game and appreciate ﬁne players,

 

3" Sophia Bekele, “Interview Wiﬁn Berahnu Woldemariam, President of ﬁne EFFNA,“ Eﬁniom‘an Review, Vol. 3
No. 9 (W 1993), 44.

”Tesfaye, “Away From," 47-48.

90 Tebphone interview with ﬁne current Public Relaﬁons Ofﬁcer of ESFNA, May 12, 2004.

9‘ Wondimu, “Interview,“ 20.

195

ESFNA has also allocated a college scholarship fund, $2500 for ﬁne soccer players. The
requirement to receive ﬁne ESFNA college scholarship fund is that the applicant “must be a good
standing player/member of a current ESFNA team . . . must have a 3.2 or above GPA . . . must
complete and submit an essay online on how the applicant intends to be part of Ethiopia’s
development efforts.“ 92 Once selected, ﬁne check will be mailed to ﬁne college where ﬁne
successful applicant is attending. Furthermore, ESFNA has also allotted a large sum of money to
be used as a matching scholarship fund for deserving young Eﬁniopian Americans.
IV.6.1: Some Problems that Threaten ESFNA

So far, ESFNA has proven to be one of ﬁne longest surviving Eﬁniopian community
organizations in America. However, its history, like ﬁnal of the ﬁne rest of the Ethiopian community
organizations, is fraught wiﬁn problems year after year. Some of ﬁne major problems have stemmed
from ESFNA“s lack of transparency. Its accusers blame the Federation for not having a clear
guideline for choosing a host city] club for ﬁne annual event. They contend ﬁnal teams Who are loyal
to ESFNA are favored to host the annual soccer tournament. In addiﬁon, its critics also indicate
that ﬁne Federation has no cerﬁﬁed accountant and no one knows about its finances, and hence
they suspect that ﬁnere is misuse of funds. Moreover, ﬁnere is no term limit for its ofﬁcers nor a
criterion for vendors at ﬁne sports event. Furthermore, ESFNA is also accused of being more proﬁt
oriented ﬁnan considerate of ﬁne welfare and safety of ﬁne attendees of ﬁne event. One example of
its greed, ﬁney say, is ﬁne huge distance between hotels reserved for ﬁne aﬁendees and players,
and ﬁne location of ﬁne stadium. This is because ESFNA does not want to spend money on a
stadium located nearer or adjacent to one of ﬁne intemalional hotels where ﬁne Federation usually

reserves hotels for players and spectators. What is more, ESFNA is also blamed for selling event

 

9’ Boﬁn ﬁnecrlterion andﬁneanpicaﬁon knrmsae avianleatﬁne ESFNA website: http:/lwwwesfnaoLQ

196

tickets beyond ﬁne seating limit and adverﬁsing musicians and bands ﬁnal do not show up. Despite
such circumstances, ESFNA does not relum ﬁne money it collected.93

The Federaﬁon, however, dismisses such allegations. One of ﬁne board members and
lntemal auditor of ESFNA, Akalou Walda Mikael, indicated that ﬁne choice of host City/team is done
based on ﬁne criterion set in its bylaws and ﬁne seniority of a team. Yet, ﬁne Federaﬁon also
acknowledged that ﬁne presence of a larger number of Eﬁniopians, restaurants, the proximity of the
stadium to hotels, ﬁne availability of discount rates, and ﬁne optimum parﬁcipaﬁon of local
Eﬁniopians and Americans in ﬁne event are also oﬁner important consideraﬁons that inﬂuence ﬁne
decision-making of ﬁne Federation. Since every team has a representaﬁve on ﬁne board (each team
has two representatives as members of ﬁne board from which executive committee members are
elected), any Club has ﬁne opportunity to raise its concerns prior to ﬁne decision. The Federaﬁon
also sends a three-man team to Check the would-be hosts for the event prior to ﬁne decision. It is
only after sucln measures ﬁnal ﬁne Federation makes ﬁne decision and chooses a city.

Akalou also pointed out that vendors are selected if ﬁney applied for a vending slot at the
stadium. The application costs a nonrefundable $10, and ﬁne process of selecﬁng a vendor and
designating a slot for him/her is done randomly but in ﬁne presence of wiﬁnesses and ﬁne applicants
themselves. More ﬁnan often, ﬁne majority of applicants who are residents of ﬁne City ﬁnat hosts ﬁne
event will attend and witness the selection criterion and the process of ﬁne designation of a space
for each seller. These constitute 75 per cent of ﬁne vendors. The remaining are out of state vendors
who often do not attend ﬁne process. It is ﬁne host club ﬁnal does the designation not the

Federation. True, ﬁne Federaﬁon is involved wiﬁn ﬁne vendors but not in ﬁne selection process. It

 

93 Pena Tsafe, “It's Worﬁn Fixing Before It’s Too Late,“ Eﬁan' ian Review, Vol. 4 No. 8 (August 1994), 44; See
also Adugnaw Worku, “Sport as a Metaphor,“ Eﬁn'm’ Review, Vol.3, No. 8 (August 1993), 46; Tesfaye Ketsela,
“Away From ﬁne Soccer Field," Eﬁnigpjan Review (August 1993), 47-48; l-"rkre Tolossa, “Behind ﬁne Soccer Scans,"
Eﬁnm ' Review Vol. 3. No. 8 (August 1993), 49-52.

197

decides ﬁne fee for a vending slot in ﬁne stadium. For instance, while food vendors pay $450, snack
and merchandise retailers are charged $250 and $200 respectively for ﬁne whole week. Moreover,
in order to prevent price hikes at ﬁne tournament, ﬁne Federation provides guidelines concerning
food and beverage prices such as a meal will cost $7, a drink (a soda) will fetch $1. Furthermore,
ﬁne federaﬁon also decides ﬁne admission fees, which are $4 dollars for weekdays and $5 on
weekends; and ﬁne tickets for Sunday evening costs $20 until 1994 at which time it grew to $25.
Unﬁl 1990 ﬁne proceeds of ﬁne toumannent direcﬁy went to ﬁne coffers of ﬁne host Club. Hence,
neither ﬁne Federation nor ﬁne member clubs got any ﬁnancial beneﬁt out of ﬁne event. However,
since 1990, ﬁne Federation began to keep a share of ﬁne proﬁts. In ﬁnal year, it acquired 20 per cent
($6000) of the proceeds. It was only after ﬁne Toronto tournament in 1992 at which ﬁne Federation
received $14000, ﬁnal ﬁney decided to run ﬁne whole show. Akalu counters ﬁnal ﬁnere was no way
by which ﬁne Federation could have mismanaged funds. What is more, ﬁne allegaﬁons ﬁnal the
executive committee members have undisclosed amount of salaries and a pleﬁnora of beneﬁts, is
also wrong. Unﬁl 1989, ﬁne executive committee has never received anyﬁning from ﬁne tournament
proceeds, ﬁnen after ﬁne board recommended, ﬁne Federation began issuing a free round ﬁip
ﬁckets and a complementary hotel accommodaﬁon for its executive committee members who
attended ﬁne event. Unﬁl ﬁnal ﬁme, ﬁne committee members organized and successfully hosted ﬁne
event voluntarily, using ﬁneir own ﬁnances.

The ESFNA auditor did not deny ﬁne existence of problems surrounding ﬁnancial issues.
Some individual members had been found guilty of misappropriation of funds at a certain event.
During such circumstances, “legal action could and should have been taken. This was not done

because of ﬁne “buddy system“ of operation, from which the Federation suffers. There is also an

198

element of culture. Normally, Eﬁniopians do not like to wash ﬁneir dirty linen in public. The result is
an immobilized management system ﬁnal lets ﬁrings to slide to the point of disaster."94

Aside from accusation of lack of ﬁansparency and impropriety ﬁnal Often put ﬁne Federaﬁon
on ﬁne spot. ﬁne Federation wasﬁs not immune from ﬁne state of affairs ﬁnal affects ﬁne Eﬁniopian
community in America. One such instance, which endangered boﬁn clubs and ﬁne Federation, was
the Eriﬁean independence in 1993. Prior to the Ofﬁcial secession of Eritrea from Ethiopia, many
Eﬁniopian-bom Eriﬁeans or Eriﬁeans were members of one or ﬁne oﬁner Eﬁniopian soccer clubs in
America. But, after ﬁne independence of Eritrea in which most of the Eﬁniopian-bom soccer players
were noted for voting for Eriﬁea’s independence, some clubs decided to purge ﬁne former
Ethiopians, now Eritrean nationals out of ﬁneir teams while oﬁner clubs preferred to disregard ﬁnis
new development, ﬁne independence of Eriﬁea. and continue in ﬁne old way. Neverﬁneless.
member clubs began increasingly to accuse oﬁner teams who had Eriﬁean players for enlisting
foreign nationals while teams who took action against ﬁneir Eriﬁean teammates were sued by ﬁne
latter. This divided ﬁne Eﬁniopian community ﬁnal ﬁnanced the teams between accepting and
rejecting ﬁne Eriﬁeans. What furﬁner exacerbated ﬁne situaﬁon was ﬁnal while Eﬁniopians were
willing to forgo what ﬁney considered Eritrean beﬁayal and kept on accepting Eritrean players on
ﬁneir teams. ﬁne Eriﬁean teams and ﬁneir federation, Eriﬁean Sports Federation in Norﬁn America,"

were not willing to reciprocate. Unable to resolve ﬁne problem, ﬁne Ethiopian clubs brought ﬁne

 

“W.M.Akaou,“TheEtlniopianSporlFadoration:ARejo'-nder," Em Revnew..,Vol4No8(August
1994).48,47-49;SophiaBakele.“ InterviewWiﬁnBarlnrnauWoldamaian,PresiderntofﬁneESFNA," EManow .

Vol. 3. No. 9, (Septembor1993).45-46

“TheEnﬁamSpalsFedaaﬁmmNummhaESFNALimicdywimﬁnesmnaamwnvﬁmts
Ehiopiancamerpatwasestanl‘slnadin1986inAﬁaita,lwoyeasaﬁerﬁneEﬁniopianeslanﬁshmentﬁsaamsﬁnat
unti1993EmmmswaewahgbwceptEnﬁaansomauayashﬁeimwhieBWemwccaﬂayash
Eﬁniopianclubs,italsosaems,waeasonotovaﬁyEﬁﬁean.Thus,ashoﬁnaaspectsofEﬁnbpianhvrigrantifom
mmdevaommBMEmmathﬁBWSmawdFaﬁmhbuyauesﬁﬂamuﬁ
of Eriﬁean Spars Fadarﬁon in Annerica See ﬁni website: http:/Iwww.eresportorq/history.htm

199

subject to ESFNA. The latter, after seriously debating ﬁne problem, look ﬁne following stance. As

ﬁne ﬁnen ESFNA President, Berhanu Woldemariam, stated

It is clear ﬁnal most Eﬁniopians (including many of our members) feel beﬁayed

by what Eriﬁeans have done in choosing to separate from Eﬁniopia. While ﬁney
recognize ﬁnal ﬁnis is Eritrean prerogaﬁve, ﬁney feel ﬁnal independence entails
responsibility and as such Eriﬁeans cannot [sic] relinquish ﬁneir Eﬁniopian
nationality and still insist on taking advantage of abrogated rights while denying
Eﬁniopians similar license . . . Given ﬁne complexity of ﬁne issue . . . it was agreed
ﬁnal individual clubs may take any such action as ﬁney see ﬁt or necessary.“95

By empowering clubs to decide on ﬁneir own, ﬁne Federation successfully disentangled
itself from political involvement. The Federaﬁon’s decision also provided the Opportunity for teams
to decide for ﬁnemselves. which was also important in ﬁnal ﬁnere were Eﬁniopian soccer clubs ﬁnal
had Eriﬁean players among them. Had ﬁne Federaﬁon’s decision been to ﬁne conﬁary, it could
have offended ﬁnose Eilﬁeans. (boﬁn players and members of ﬁne Eﬁniopian community). who were
also proud Ethiopians.

At times. disagreennent wiﬁnin committee members of ﬁne host club impeded ﬁne smooﬁn
transaction Of the annual event and spilled over unﬁl the Federation was dragged into the mess.
For instance ﬁne San Diego club, which hosted ﬁne 1995 tournament. faced such problems. Among
the 33 member coordinaﬁng committee of ﬁne event, ﬁve of ﬁne members began a campaign
wiﬁnout consulﬁng fellow committee members and ﬁne Federation. Their intent was to take ﬁne
event to another city. San Francisco. When ﬁne rest of ﬁne committee members found out what
ﬁneir collogues were ﬁying to do. ﬁney attempted to solve ﬁne problem by eliciting ﬁne support of ﬁne
Ethiopian community, ﬁne St. Gabriel Church and elders of ﬁne city. but to no avail. As a
consequence. ﬁne ﬁve members who wanted ﬁne tournament moved to anoﬁner city. resigned from

their post and ﬁne remaining twenty-eight, who were the majority members and the Federation

 

95 Sophia, ' Interview,“ Eth'eg'an Review, Vol. 3, No. 9, (September 1993). 46.

200

conﬁnued to get ready for ﬁne event and successfully hosted ﬁne event.96 Yet, ill feelings,
accusations and counter accusations among members of ﬁne organizing committee continued to
mar ﬁne occasion and persisted to do so even after ﬁne completion of ﬁne event.

Someﬁmes, ﬁne Federaﬁon“s attempt to stricﬁy follow its bylaws, bylaws that were enacted
some 20 years ago when ﬁne number of soccer clubs and Eﬁniopian spectators in Annerlca was
very small, also resulted in discord between teams and ﬁne Federation. A case in point is ﬁne 2002
tournament. At ﬁnis occasion ﬁnal was held in Hyattsville, MD. a phenomenon ﬁnal almost divided
the Eﬁniopian community and ﬁnreatened ﬁne very existence of ﬁne Federation occurred. A group of
Eﬁniopian soccer players formed separate Clubs and ﬁneir own Federaﬁon, and held ﬁneir own
tournament at ﬁne Howard University Sports stadium in Washington DC. The leaders of ﬁnis group
were two soccer clubs, Barro of Sealﬁe and St. Michael of Washington DC, and one of ﬁne reasons
for their dissension was ESFNA’s refusal to acknowledge ﬁnem as clubs and accommodate ﬁnem.
The Federation’s refusal to accommodate ﬁnese teams was based on its bylaw, Article 4.2 ﬁnal
limits one club for each state except for California, Washington DC and Texas. Besides. Article 4.1
alsostahesmatﬁmmbashinMMeFedemﬁonanalbemnfenedm[emphasisadded]. ..teans
mdAssodaﬁonsgreMymnsﬁMedlemphasbaddedlﬁgbteiedmdhmmpﬁamwﬁhal
mles. regulations and policies as affected . . . by ﬁne Federaﬁon.“97 These two articles limited ﬁne
possibility of the emergence and development of oﬁner teams. In addition, ﬁne bylaws also made it
appear ﬁnal membership is someﬁning ﬁnal is bestowed upon from above and based on less clear
criterion such as “property constituted.“

Baro and St. Michael almost succeed in breaking ﬁne Federaﬁon due to oﬁner factors as

well. As it was noted earlier. the Federaﬁon is reputed for reserving stadiums and hotels far apart,

 

95 “T awodros Sport Club Responds: Problarrns Aside. It Says. It is Fired Up." Eﬁn'm‘ Tribune. April 16.
1995: 11.
97 See ESF NA bylaws, 2000 (Mimeographed)

201

which also happened at ﬁne 2002 soccer tournament. While ﬁne event was held at Hyattsville. MD,
the hotel. Hyatt Regency, was reserved in Virginia. Thus. almost all players and attendees had to
commute between Virginia and Maryland for about two hours depending on Washington DC’s
ﬁafﬁc. The renegade group, however. held its tournament at a much more convenient place, at
Howard University, which also helped ﬁne organizers attract a sizable number of Eﬁniopians away
from ﬁne major event at Hyattsville and ESFNA.

The ESFNA, which realized ﬁne dangers ﬁnal Bano and St. Michael posed. and ﬁne
potenﬁal implications for ﬁne Eﬁniopian community at large were compelled to accommodate ﬁne
renegades, especially ﬁne leading soccer clubs. Baro and St. Michael. However, before accepting
ﬁnem. it had to modify its bylaws. As a result, Baro and St. Michael were co-opted into ﬁne league
for ﬁne 2004 match to be held in Seattle.98

The woes of the Federation did not end, however. It appears ﬁnal individual teams are
increasingly challenging ﬁne Federation. At ﬁne 2003 Houston. TX, tournament one of qualifying
matches was held between Aﬁanla and Dallol (San Jose). What ﬁne two teams needed tO qualify
from sliding into ﬁne 2“cl Division was simply to end ﬁne game wiﬁnout a goal. This eliminated Seatﬁe
(Dashen) and sent it down from ﬁne 1st into ﬁne 2"6 Division. Dallol and Aﬁanta did as planned which
brought ﬁne wraﬁn of ﬁne spectators who were disappointed by ﬁne apparent underperfonnance of
ﬁne two clubs. Meanwhile, Seatﬁe brought ﬁne issue to ﬁne attenﬁon of ﬁne Federaﬁon. who ﬁned
Dallol $ 2.500 and disqualiﬁed ﬁne match. This sent Dallol to ﬁne 2'“l Division while maintaining
Seatﬁe’s place at the 13‘ Division. Dallol ﬁnen appealed to ﬁne Federation to reconsider. The
Federaﬁon not only upheld its verdict but also raised ﬁne ﬁne from $2,500 to $5,000. The acﬁons of

the Federation. as expected, angered Dallol which tied to persuade ﬁne Federaﬁon to reassess its

 

9° Zacharias Getaclnew, Telephone Interview, May 12. 2004. Mr. Zacharias is ﬁne current public relations
ofﬁcer of ESFNA He is a resident of Los Angles and a business owner.

202

decision once again. Unable to do so. Dallol took a different course of acﬁon. suing ﬁne Federation
in a court Of law. Meanwhile, Ethiopian community associations, club members and individuals
were ﬁying to and ﬁne matter peacefully. by bringing ﬁne two (Dallol and ﬁne Federaﬁon) togeﬁner
and convincing ﬁnem to sort out their differences amicably rather ﬁnan take it to a court which would
be damaging for boﬁn protagonists and Eﬁniopians in America.99

Despite such challenges and difﬁculties. the plan to host ﬁne 2004 annual Eﬁniopian soccer
toumannent at ﬁne Seatﬁe Sea Hawks Stadium was already underway. The enﬁance fee was ﬁxed
at $10 for the Opening day. $8 for ﬁne following days; and $12 for ﬁne closing day. which is also
known as Eﬁiiopia Day. Some 31 slots for food vendors and 46 posts for dry merchandise retailers
had been reserved; and $350,000 had been allotted for stadium rent and other expenses such as
fees for music bands, ﬁansport, lodging and insurance payment for players . . . etc.

All in all, The 2004 Seattle tournament was. more or less, a success. Some 30,000 to
40,000 Eﬁniopians attended ﬁne event. State and city govemmenl Ofﬁcials were pre$nt during ﬁne
opening and Closing ceremonies—an indication Of ﬁne growing inﬂuence of Eﬁniopians in Seatﬁe in
parﬁcular, and ﬁne State of Washington in general. The fact ﬁnal ﬁne tournament was held in an
lntemational football stadium for the ﬁrst time in its twenty or so years history was a sign of its
success and an indication ﬁnal ﬁne federation is probably moving in ﬁne right direction. The only
complaint I heard was from some the vendors. They indicated ﬁnal the vending fee. $1000, was too
much yet ﬁnere was not much business at ﬁne stadium ﬁnal would cover ﬁneir expenses let alone
make a proﬁt.

The questions are will ﬁne Federaﬁon continue to survive fractious poliﬁcs prevalent among

Eﬁniopians in America, or ﬁne Challenge of clubs to its authority, and its seeming negligence in

 

9 See Zechaios Getachew. “ESFNA Press Release,“ E-mﬂ to EEDN@HOME.EASE.LSOFT.COM, Apti
21, 2N4; Fassi Ababa. 'Ddd Sport CH) Press Release," E-mﬂ b EEDN@HOME.EASE.LSOFT.COM, And 22,
2W4

203

listening to ﬁne complaints of ﬁne attendants of ﬁne event? As usual, in ﬁne 2004 tournament, ﬁne
location of ﬁne stadium and ﬁne hotel were far apart. While the stadium was in Downtown Seatﬁe
ﬁne Hotel. Double Tree lntemational. was located near ﬁne SeaTac lntemational Airport in Tacoma.
Will it ﬁansforrn itself into someﬁning different ﬁnan what was originally intended and created? Time
will tell. But so far. one ﬁning has been clear. In spite of some of its shortcomings. ﬁne Federaﬁon
had succeeded in bringing all Ethiopians togeﬁner ﬁnan any oﬁner Ethiopian community, civic or
poliﬁcal organization in ﬁne United States.

Chapter IV. 7. The Changing Contours of the Ethiopian Immigrant Press in America:
From Being Outlets of Long Distance Nationalism to Becoming an Eﬁnnic Press in America

An Eﬁriopian student tumed diplomat and political activist, Malaku Bayen, started ﬁne ﬁrst
Eﬁriopian immigrant newspaper in America. He was ﬁne founder of ﬁne Eﬁniopian World Federaﬁon,
an umbrella organization whose membership was drawn from black nationalist organizaﬁons in
America ﬁnal were very sympaﬁnetic to Eﬁniopia’s cause against ﬁne Italian invasion. It was
established in 1937 wiﬁn its own newspaper, The Voice of Ethiopia. In addiﬁon to mobilizing African
American support for Eﬁniopia and eliciﬁng sympaﬁny from ﬁne larger American community towards
Ethiopia. ﬁne newspaper served as the only voice against Italian fascist propaganda in the USA.“

Wrﬁr ﬁne and of ﬁne Second World War and ﬁne coming of a new breed of Eﬁniopians
whose aspirations and visions were different from ﬁneir predecessors like Malaku, and ﬁne
changing political aﬁnosphere in ﬁne post-war period. such as ﬁne spread of Marxist-Leninist ideas
and the corresponding rise in Iiberaﬁon movements ﬁnroughout the world. ﬁne paper and the
organization seemed to be no longer needed. Anoﬁner paper, Challenge: Journal of the Ethiopian

Students Association in North America (JESANA). which was completely different in boﬁn content

 

100AccordingtoAlbertoSbacclni, ﬁne Italiansnotonlysupported ltaianerndeavorin Eﬁniopia, bulaso
embarked on a propaganda campaign ﬁnal was intended to deny African American support to Eﬁniopia: ﬁney
disseminated ﬁnal idea ﬁnal Eﬁniopians do not consider ﬁnemselves as black. See Alberto Sbacchi, Leggy
Bitterness: Eﬁriogia and Fascist Italy, 1935-1941 (Lawrenciville: The Red Sea Press. Inc., 1997), 16-17. 25-26;
Negussay. Eﬁriopia and ﬁne Unm States, 144-150; Balnru, Pioneers, 8995; Scott, “Afro-American." 249-281.

204

and purpose from ﬁre publications of ﬁne Eﬁriopian World Federation was born. Alﬁnough Challenge
is known to have been an organ of ﬁne Ethiopian Students Union in North America (ESUNA) and
alﬁnough it had been in circulation among Eﬁniopian students in America as early as 1965. Richard
Greenﬁeld mentioned ﬁne existence of anoﬁner student newspaper, Ethiopian Student News, in
America in ﬁne 1950s. Yet, litﬁe is known about Challenge. Was it ﬁne conﬁnuaﬁon and a
radicalized version of Ethiopian Student News. 101 or simply a discontinued publication of ﬁne New
York chapter of ESUNA?

The initiaﬁon of Challenge in 1965 does not seem accidental. By ﬁnis time. the student
body, boﬁn at home and abroad. had increased in numbers.102 This not only provided student
unions with numeric sﬁengﬁr. but also ﬁnancial ground for such papers to evolve boﬁn at home and
abroad. By ﬁnis ﬁnne, many African counﬁies had achieved independence and ﬁne rest were in ﬁne
process. Some students from the newly independent African counties were granted scholarships
in Eﬁniopia and ﬁnus were attending school ﬁnere. This close contact between Eﬁniopians and
African students in Eﬁniopia coupled with ﬁne sending of Ethiopians to foreign counﬁies for further
education had exposed Eﬁniopian students to ﬁne ideas of democracy and socialism. It also made
Eﬁniopian students realize how much ﬁneir counﬁy was backward. Above all. ﬁne 1960 attempted
coup d'état against ﬁne ancien regime had furﬁner convinced Eﬁniopian students ﬁnal ﬁne monarchy
could be challenged.103 Hence. ﬁne coup seemed to have encouraged ﬁne birth of a student body

 

‘01 Richard Greenﬁeld, Eﬁn'm'a: A New Political Hm (New York: Frederick A Praeger Publishers, 1965),
339.

‘02 For instance, ﬁre total number of high sclnool sﬁidents in Eﬁniopia grew from 5671 in 1960, to 13. 122 in
1965. Thesestudenlswerealsoﬁre politicallyactive. Meanwhile. ﬁretotal numberofEﬁniopiarr strrderntsabroad had
also increased from 1072 in 1960 to 1565 in 1965. Similarly. ﬁne number of Eﬁniopian students in America had grown
from 171 in 1961 to almost 300 in 1966. See John Markakis, Eﬁngg' ia: Anatomy of a Traditional Polity (Oxford:
Claendon Press, 1974). 148, 155; Teshome G. Wagaw, Educaﬁon in Eﬁnigg’a: Pmeet and Retrosm (Ann Arbor:
The University of Moclnigarn Press, 1979), 130-138; Tashonne G. Wagaw, The Deﬁcmt of Hg‘ her Education and
sociel Change: An Eﬁnpg' ian gem ca (East Lansing: Michigan State University Press. 1990). 96-106, 167; for ﬁne
number of Eﬁniopian students in ﬁne USA see Institute of lntemational Educaﬁon 1961 and 1966.

‘03 Greenﬁeld, Eﬁniogia, 341-370, 404-406; Teshome, The Develgement, 108-110, 203-220; Ibsaa Guutama,
Prison of Conscience (New York: Gubinnans Publishing. 2003), 91-98; See $0 Haile Sillasso“s Students,

 

205

wiﬁn its own paper ﬁnal disseminated Marxist-Leninist ideas among fellow students; ﬁnal critically
examined the ﬁneocratic rule of Haile Sellassie. ﬁre socioeconomic conditions of ﬁne counﬁy and
called for a revolutionary ﬁansfonnallon of ﬁre society. Therefore, almost all issues ﬁnal Challenge
entertained were political in nature and solely focused on what was going on in Eﬁniopia ﬁran what
was happening to Eﬁniopian students in America‘W—a ﬁnenne greaﬁy inﬂuenced by ﬁreir sojoumer
mentality. Almost all Eﬁniopian students. in ﬁnose days, believed ﬁney would and indeed relumed to
Eﬁniopia after ﬁnishing ﬁneir school.105

After a lull of someﬁme, ﬁne publication of politically opinionated magazines, newspapers
and joumals reappeared in America in 1990s wiﬁn mucln greater intensity and diversity. The
interrupﬁon. it appears, was primarily related to political developments in Eﬁniopia such as ﬁre
overthrow of Emperor Haile Sellassie and ﬁne coming of ﬁne Derg to power in 1974. These
developments roughly divided ﬁre student movement, which had spearheaded ﬁne sﬁuggle against
ﬁne imperial rule, between supporters and opponents of ﬁne Derg. From among ﬁne latter, some
relumed to Ethiopia to join ﬁneir compaﬁiots in ﬁne revolutionary sﬁuggle while oﬁners continued ﬁne
campaign against the regime from afar. But ﬁnis ﬁme. ﬁne student acﬁvism evolved into many
political parties. Of ﬁnese, ﬁne dominant were EPRP and AESM, which also have ﬁreir own political
organs such as Democracia (Democracy) and Yasafew Hizb Dims (Voice of ﬁne Broad Masses).

respectively. In light of ﬁne aforementioned pamphlets, other semi-legal. and legal publications in

 

104 See for instance, Challenge: Jouman ofﬁne slim ' Students Association in Norﬁr Arnarico. Vol. v. No. 2
(August 1965); Vol. v, No. 1 (Macln 1965); Vol. VII. No. 1 (August 1967); Vol. IX, No. 1 (December 1968); Vol. IX. No.

2 (August 1969); Vol. X, No. 1 (February 1970); Vol. X, No. 2 (July 1970); Vol. XI. No.1 (Januay 1971); Vol. XI, No. 2
(July 1971).

“Someofﬁneaditorsandassociataaditorsofﬁneseriaswereacortain MalessoAyalew,AlemHabtu,
Dassalegn Ralnmato while ﬁne admay boad included hen like Hagos Gabra Yesus and Andreas Esheta.

‘05 See Table 4.

Eﬁriopia, ﬁne role of Challenge and similar student publications in Europe and Eﬁniopia became
redundant.1°6

The oﬁner probable factors ﬁnal might have brought ﬁnis inlerrnission in ﬁne Eﬁniopian
immigrant press in America between ﬁne mid-1970s and early 19803 were the issues sunounding
ﬁne very survival of Eﬁniopian students in America. Due to ﬁne Revolution in Eﬁriopia, ﬁne students
in America became exiles overnight. which in turn had a wider implications. Some of them had to
ﬁnd means of survival. Their parents who were ﬁnancing ﬁneir education were wiﬁnout a means to
do so for ﬁne Derg had naﬁonalized all private property. Moreover. ﬁne students could not work and
support ﬁnemselves because ﬁne type of visa ﬁney had would not allow ﬁnem to do so. In fact, ﬁne
Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) attempted to deport ﬁrem.107 Meanwhile relum to
Eﬁniopia was unﬁninkable because of ﬁne chaotic political situaﬁon. ln ﬁnese circunnslances, ﬁneir
priorities seemed to have been redirected to Oﬁner concerns. The students“ precarious situation
coupled wiﬁn ﬁne political fragmentaﬁon wiﬁnin ﬁne student movennent. seemed to have precluded
the conﬁnuation of Challenge and similar student papers in America.

As ﬁne 1960s and 19703 political developments in Eﬁniopian had greaﬁy impacted
Ethiopian student papers in America. ﬁne events of ﬁre 1990s. such as ﬁne coming of EPRDF, an

eﬁnnocenﬁic govemmenl to power, and ﬁne secession of Eriﬁea and ﬁne Eﬁnio-Eriﬁean war shaped

 

‘05 While Eﬁniopian students in America produwd Challenge, ﬁneir colleagues in ﬁne University College of
Addis Ababa published Struggle, and ﬁnose in Europe had Tatock and Tiglachin.

In ﬁne early days of ﬁne Revoluﬁon. ﬁnere was freedom of expression which allowed former student acﬁvisls,
now party members and founders. to air ﬁneir ideas on Addis Zaman, ﬁre Eﬁniopian Amharic daily newspaper. The
state run radio staﬁon had also apporﬁoned its Sunday morning program for a political debate, Abyotaive Medralr
(Revolutionary Forum). between supporters and opponents of ﬁne regime. Moreover, magazines sucln as Goh and
Tseday. which served as legal ouﬁets of EPRP and AEPSM respectively, also stayed in circulation for sometime.
However, by ﬁne beginning of 1978, ﬁre Derg banned initially Goh and ﬁnen Tseday. Anyone found reading or having
ﬁresa magazines was considered counter-revolutionay. Boﬁn patios published ﬁnese magaz'nes in addiﬁon to ﬁne
many revolutionary books and ﬁanslalions.

‘07 Winston lMlliams, “Eﬁniopians in US. Fear Deportation; Wiﬁr 2,400 Ordered to Leave, Many are Deﬁant
and Talking Going Underground," The New York Times January 27. 1982, A3; Jason Clay, “Don’t Deport Eﬁriopians,"
The New York Times, April 20, 1982, A27; Viviana Eisenberg, “What an Eﬁriopian Must do to Prove Deserving of
Asylum," The New York Times Februay 15, 1982. A16; Anﬁnony Lewis. “Hypocrisy Wins agairn," The New York Times
Januay 4. 1982. A23.

 

 

 

207

the nature and content of Eﬁniopian immigrant journals, newspapers, magazines and web—based
forums and elecﬁonic chat rooms in America. The paradox about the 19903 Eﬁniopians and ﬁreir
immigrant press in America was ﬁnal even after ﬁne 1974 Revolution. which changed ﬁneir status in
America from student into political exile. and even after ﬁre resettlement of large numbers of
Eﬁniopians political refugees in ﬁne United States. ﬁne focus of ﬁne immigrant media remained
political. primarily targeting ﬁre regime in Eﬁniopia. For instance, one of ﬁne newer publications,
Imbylta, which appeared for ﬁne ﬁrst ﬁme in ﬁne Summer of 1990 and which was based in
Philadelphia, had no articles that dealt with Eﬁniopian immigrant life in America. The only exception
was an Amharic poem. by a certain Gemoraw, which was a quarter of a page. The poem abhorred
refugee/exile life; and blamed it on ﬁne lack of democracy in Eﬁniopiaﬁm‘“

The proﬁle of ﬁne conﬁibutors and editors of lmbylta revealed ﬁne unrelenting dominance of
student activists such as Andreas Eshete, Dassalegn Rahmato. Berhanu Nega. Berhanu Abegaz,
Henok Kiﬂe, Mesﬁn Araya . . . etc, which may also explain ﬁne preponderance of Eﬁriopian polities
as the main ﬁneme of Imbylla. What is more, it also reﬂected ﬁne reluctance of Eﬁniopians to accept
their immigrant status in America.

The magazine publishers sponsored a panel discussion in April 1992 at Georgetown
University, Washington DC. As usual. while ﬁne focus was Eﬁniopia—to discuss problems ﬁnal
Eﬁniopia faced at ﬁnal ﬁmwe panelists were Bereket Habte Sellassie, Andreas Eshele and

Assefa Chabo. 109“

 

10° Imb : An Eﬁn' 'an Political inion Vol. 1, No. 2. (Fall 1990), 33.

“ The writer of ﬁnis poem is also ﬁne auﬁnor ofa saﬁrlcal poem. Bareketa Mar_ng' am (Blessing Curse), whicln
galvanized students of ﬁne ﬁnen Haile Sellassie I University against ﬁne ancien regime and its supporters.

‘09 See for instance. Imb : An Eth' ian a Political 'nion Vol. 1, No.1 (Summer 1990); Vol. 1,
No. 2, (Fat 1990); Vol.2. No. 384.

“Some of ﬁnese individuals sucln as Andreas Eshete, one of ﬁne prominent leaders of ESUNA, is now ﬁne
president of Addis Ababa University while men like Berhanu Nega, an aconornist by ﬁaining. is a co-founder of ﬁne
Eﬁniopian Human Rights Commission and a consultant I-lenok Kiﬂe. ﬁne son of Kille Wodajo, ﬁne one ﬁme prime

208

Anoﬁrer magazine, Ethiopian Times, which was published in Bellﬂower, California.
appeared in 1992. Like its predecessors. both ﬁne editorial board and some its contributors were
student activists in ﬁne USA and Eﬁniopia. Their focus was poliﬁcs in Eﬁniopia, eﬁnnicity. ﬁne
Eﬁniopian constituﬁon, the beneﬁts of dialogue among political parties, ﬁre Eﬁniopian intelligentsia.
news from Eﬁniopia . . . etc. Unlike ﬁne earlier Eﬁniopian magazines, Ethiopian limos had articles in
Tigrinya, probably a reﬂection of ﬁne Tigryan poliﬁcal preeminence in Ethiopia after 1991, their
numerical growﬁn and hence signiﬁcance as audience in America, and ﬁne eﬁnnic origin of ﬁre chief
editor and the board members. who were eiﬁrer Tigrayans from Ethiopia or Tigrayans from
Eritrea.110

Ethiopian limos had an exceptional element. For ﬁne ﬁrst ﬁme, it began addressing issues
that were dear to ﬁne Eﬁniopian community abroad. The magazine published ﬁne ﬁial of a certain
Kelbessa Negewo. whom a group of Ethiopian women in Aﬁanta accused of torture and rape
during ﬁne infamous period of ﬁne Red Terror. The accused had been Chairman of ﬁne Higher 9
(Keftegna 9) in Addis Ababa during the reign of the Derg.111

One article ﬁnal indicated ﬁne beginning of ﬁne shift of focus from political issues on
Ethiopia to immigrant life in America dealt wiﬁn ﬁne dilemma of Eﬁniopian refugee and exile
community in deciding to stay in America or to relum to Eﬁniopia.112 In a cover arﬁcle entiﬁed “In

Search Of A Clinton Doctrine... on the Funeral of Pres. Nixon. " and on issues of refugee

 

ministerand foreign ministerofEthiopiaand Masﬁn Araya, areleadersofﬁneoneofﬁneopposition political paﬁesin
Eﬁniopia. The rest are still living in exile in Europe and America.

110 One of ﬁre editorial board members Tariku Debretsion was an Eriﬁean by birﬁn. He was also ﬁne vice
clnainnan of ﬁne Haile Sellassie I University (HSIU) Students Union in ﬁne early 1970s while ﬁre chief editor, Eskirndar
Negash, anoﬁner Eritrean from Gondar, was also a student activist. Boﬁr were fomner EPRP combatants who were
resetﬁed in ﬁne US from Sudanese refugee comps in ﬁne early 1980s.

1" See “Court Papers on “ﬁne Kelbessa Trial," Eﬁniom‘an Times, Vol. 1. No. 9 (November 1993), 8-13; Jorga.
“Torture After Midnight," Eﬁrm’ 'an Times Vol. 2. No. 2 (April 1994), 23-24

"2 Megdelawit Kidane, “To Go Or to Stay, What A Dilemmal." Eﬁn'ggng’ Times, Vol.1. No. 10 (Docernber
1993), 26-27; Daniel Gizaw, “Retum to Eﬁniopia," Eﬁrm 'an Times. Vol. 1 . No. 2 (November 1994), 17-19;

209

repaﬁiaﬁon.113 Ethiopian Times furﬁner showed ﬁne emergence of an inward looking Eﬁniopian
immigrant press in America.

Anoﬁner Eﬁriopian immigrant paper. Ethiopian Tribune. a biweekly newspaper based in
Hollywood. California, also came to the fore in September 1994. Like its forerunners. this paper,
too. was mainly concerned wiﬁn events in Eﬁriopia. However. ﬁne publishers refened to ﬁnemselves
as EthAm [meaning Ethiopian-American] Enterprise Incorporated. a clear indication that they were
a new-breed of individuals who were neiﬁner Eﬁniopian nor American but Eﬁniopian-Americans,
pointed out ﬁneir intent “to address all aspects of Eﬁniopian life. both at home and abroad . . . [such
as] news. arts. culture. entertainrrnent. sports. family affairs. and oﬁner social issues.“"4
Accordingly, the paper carried Eﬁniopian community events like Easter celebration In Los Angeles.
sporting events in North America. birthday parﬁes. obituaries, and advertisements of Eﬁniopian
businesses in America.

For ﬁne ﬁrst time. more ﬁnan any oﬁner Eﬁniopian immigrant community newspaper or
magazine in America, ﬁne Ethiopian Tribune also wrote about ﬁre existence of tension within ﬁne
community. The crisis in one of ﬁne sport clubs Of California. ﬁne Tewodros Sport Club of San
Diego, where ﬁve of the executive board members resigned. was reported. Neverﬁneless, neither
ﬁne cause of ﬁne problem nor ﬁne effect of ﬁne resignations of ﬁne board members on ﬁne community
was explained .115 On another issue, ﬁne paper also aired ﬁne problems that ﬁoubled ﬁne Los
Angeles Eﬁniopian Community Associaﬁon. According to an eyewiﬁness, ﬁre cause of ﬁne wrangle

among the community Ofﬁcers was that some of them were accused of embezzlement while others

 

113 Daniel Gizaw and Beyorne Negewo. “In Seacln of a Clinton Docﬁine," Eﬁrm‘ ' Times, Vol. 2, No. 3 (may
1994), 8-15; Julie C. Barber, “Refugee Repaﬁialion,“ Man—limes; Vol. 2. No. 3, (may 1994). 18-25; Asfaw
Yohannes, “Commentary. Thoughts on ﬁre Funeral of President Nixon." W Vol. 2. No. 4 (June 1994),
31-32.

"4 See for instance. “Editorial: The Eﬁniopiar Tribune will Remain an lndmndant Voice," Eﬁi ' Tribune
(July 1, 1995), 2.

115 “T ewodros Sport Club Responds," Eﬁnm‘ 'an Tngjne (April 16, 1995), 11.

210

were blamed for using ﬁne community ofﬁce for personal use. That incident ended in ﬁne
resignation of all Ofﬁcials of the community associaﬁon.116

The 1990s also wiﬁnessed ﬁne emergence of journals such as Ethiopian Review and
EthiOpian Register in 1991 and 1994 respectively. Though they were American based (Los
Angeles) and alﬁnough ﬁney had a wider Eﬁniopian audience wiﬁnin ﬁne USA. and alﬁnough ﬁnese
were journals which were supposed to entertain a variety of issues including ﬁne Eﬁniopian
immigrant life in America, ﬁrey primarily remained engaged in poliﬁcal developments in Eﬁniopia.
The themes ﬁnal dominated ﬁnese magazines were criticisms against ﬁre eﬁrno-cenﬁic policies of
ﬁne Eﬁniopian govemnnent, Eﬁniopia’s territorial integrity, Eﬁniopia“s right to access ﬁne sea, political
history of Eﬁniopia and histories of prominent Eﬁniopians. usually political ﬁgures Opposed to ﬁne
EPRDFII’PLF regime in Eﬁniopia.117

Despite ﬁnis overwhelming preponderance of Eﬁniopian politics in both magazines.
Ethiopian Review allotted part of its columns to ﬁne Eﬁniopian immigrant experience in America. As
a result, it was able to entertain diverse issues that were direcﬁy related to ﬁne life of the immigrant
community in America. The topics brought forﬁn could be roughly divided into two major categories.
One is associated wiﬁn the American way of life such as American elections. America as an
assimilationist society. American atﬁtude towards immigrants, ﬁne paradox of American life (ﬁne
good and ﬁne bad about America). and some of ﬁne cultural shocks that Eﬁniopians experience in

America. . . etc.118

 

"6 Yohannes Tekle. “Throw ﬁne Hoodlums OutI," Eﬁnm’ 'an Tribune (October 1, 1995), 7. l1.

"7 For a detailed assassrnent of anﬁ EPRDFITPLF and EPLF articles in Ethiopian Review, see Atsuko
Matsuka and John Sorenson, Ghosts and Shadows: Consﬁuction of Identi_ty' and Communny in an African gm
(Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2001). 147-168.

"8 See for instance Abiye Solomon, “Woizero Worqnesh in America,“ Eﬁniog’an Review, Vol. 3, No. 1
(January 1993). 49; Faisal Roble, “Eﬁniopian Political Debate in Los Angeles." Eﬁnieg'an Review, Vol. No. (May 1993).
37-38; “Adugnaw Worku, “Where Are You From?." Eﬁn'm‘an Review, Vol.33, No. 5 (May 1993), 41-42; Fessoha Aﬁaw,
“Eﬁniopian World- Wnde Computer Network," Eﬁrm’ 'an Review, Vol. 3. No. 5 (May 1993), 45; Fikre Tolossa, “Eﬁniopian
Soccer Games in Norﬁn America." Eﬁnm’ 'an Review, Vol. 3. No. 9, (June 1993),15. 18, 21 ; Ginna Abebe,

211

The second category dealt direcﬁy wiﬁr Eﬁniopian immigrants ﬁnemselves: ﬁne story of a
certain Eﬁniopian business in a certain American city, a report on ﬁne annual soccer tournament
among Eﬁniopians in Norﬁn Arrnerlca. ﬁne crisis wiﬁnin ﬁne Eﬁniopian Orﬁnodox Church. ﬁne discord
between Eﬁniopian immigrants and refugees, and stories about ﬁre establishment of this or ﬁnal
Ethiopian poiiticai or civic organization in America. In addiﬁon, the paper also carried
advertisements of Eﬁniopian business, birthday celebrations, obituaries . . . etc. Ethiopian Register
also did ﬁnal."9

The growing interest in Ethiopian immigrant life in America seemed to cO-relate wiﬁn the
relaﬁve change in ﬁne composiﬁon of ﬁne editorial board. advisors and major conﬁibutors to boﬁn
magazines. While student activists primarily dominated boﬁn ﬁne editorial board and conﬁibulors in
earlier Eﬁniopian immigrant periodicals, Ethiopian Register and Ethiopian Review included former
govemmenl ofﬁcials like Getachew Mekasha, Bulcha Demeksa, Aklilu Habte and Hirut Imiru; and
former professors of ﬁne Addis Ababa University sucln as Shumet Sishagne. Getachew Haile, Hailu

Fulas, . . . etc.

 

“Bwotakirsteyan Wust Yﬁrassa Gulih Bitibit,“ [The Main Problem That Arisen in ﬁne Church], Eﬁn'm'an Review, Vol. 3.
No. 6 (June 1993), 59; Dagnaclrew Bezabeh, “The 1994 Eﬁniopian Soccer Tournament," Eﬁriogian Review, Vol.4
No.3(March 1994), 58-59; Adugnaw Worku, “Sport as a Metaphor." Eﬁniogian Review, Vol. 3, No. 8 (August 1993). 46-
47; Tesfaye Kelsela, “Away from ﬁre Soccer Field," Eﬁr'ggian Review, Vol. 3. No. 8 (August 1993). 47, 51-52; Sophia
Bekele, “Interview wiﬁn Berhanu Woldernariam: President of ﬁne EFFNA," Eﬁr'm’an Review, Vol. 3. No. 9 (September
1993), 45-46; Tesfaye Kelsela, “Tell“ in America,“ Eﬁn'ggian Review, Vol. 3. No. 12. (December 1993), 33-34; “Barbara
Blake Hannah, “Eﬁniopians Sorely in Need of New Spiritual Leadership." Eﬁniogian Review, Vol. 3, No. 12 (December
1993), 52; Alisabet Gabyalnu. “Bebalena Bebole." [The Refugee and ﬁre Immigrant], Eﬁn'ggjan Review. Vol. 3. No. 12
(Docember1993), 59; Ephrem Aklilu, “Own a Business, Be Your Own Boss,“ Eﬁn'm‘an Review, Vol. 2. No. 1 (January
1992), 16-18; “Yehaymanot Abatoch Yasiltan Shikuchana Yegosa Polatica." [Power Rivalry and Eﬁnnic Politics Among
Religious Leaders], Eﬁniogian Review, Vol. 2. Number 6, (June 1992), 38; “Bewashington Yaetyopi'yaiviyan Yabahil
Zigigit." [Eﬁniopian Cultural Show in Washington DC] , Eﬁniogig' Review, Vol. 2. No. 6. (June 1992). 42-43; Fikre
Tolossa, “Event of ﬁne Yean Eﬁniopian Soccer Garrnos and Cultural Fesﬁvities in Norﬁn America," Eﬁnigg'an Review,
Vol. 4. No. 7 (July 1994). 15-16; W.M Akalou. “The Eﬁniopian Sport Federation: A Rejoinder.“ Eﬁniopian Review, Vol. 4,
NO. 8 (August 1994). 4749; Helen Hailu. “The Dating Game,“ Eﬁnigm’an Review, Vol. 4. NO. 11 (November 1994), 38.

"9 See for instance Abyiye Solomon. “Wishing You Were There.“ Eﬁn'epjan Review. Vol.3 No.2 (February
1993). 50; Missale Ayele, “Anti-Immigrant Hysteria," Eﬁn'm’an Review, Vol. 4. No. 5 (May 1994), 33-34; Abiye
Solonnon, “Politics in America,“ Eﬁnm‘ 'an Review, Vol. Vol. 2, No. 11 (November 1992), 37; Abiye Solonnon,
“Eﬁniopians in ﬁne Amaricarn Melting Pot,“ Eﬁnm‘ 'an Review. Vol.2 No. 12 (December 1992), 45.

212

Despite including former govemmenl Ofﬁcials and despite ﬁne moderate change in focus.
which now included issues related to immigrant life in America, ﬁne pre-revolution generation of
Eﬁniopians remained at ﬁne helm of ﬁne immigrant press and conﬁnued to be decidedly inﬂuenﬁal in
picking which topics on Eﬁniopia and Ethiopians would be aired and debated in America. Either
because of ﬁnis or due to ﬁne disillusionment on poliﬁcal developments in Eﬁniopia among
Ethiopians in America, most of ﬁne aforementioned publicaﬁons, except for Ethiopian Review and
to some degree Ethiopian Register, did not last long. While Ethiopian Register ceased to exist after
2000, Ethiopian Observer conﬁnued. erraﬁcally until 2001.

The short lifespan of Eﬁniopian immigrant papers can also be explained in terms of ﬁneir
inability to maintain impartiality. For instance while Imbilta was accused of being pro-EPRDF, the
Ethiopian Times was accused of being a Trojan horse for Eriﬁea. Oﬁrers, like Ethiopian Tribune.
which slricﬁy ﬁled to remain on neutral ground, also complained of similar accusations ﬁnal may
have been one of ﬁne reasons for its demise. The publishers of Ethiopian Tribune complained
about ﬁre lack of adverﬁsements in ﬁneir newspaper, which harmed them ﬁnancially. As the editors

of Eﬁniopian Tribune noted:

Dunngoneyeaofservicewahavealsonoﬁcedﬁresﬁongandweakaspectsofﬁre Eﬁniopian
business community. Few among Eﬁniopian owned business operate along sﬁict business lines.
Sorneare so much used totaking ﬁregeneral Eﬁniopian publicforgranted onewondersifﬁney

even know ﬁnal ﬁney are operating in ﬁne “ﬁrst world’ environment. Their ignorance of ﬁne value

of basic business promotion meﬁnod is manifested in ﬁreir business dealings. They fall to understand
ﬁnal advertisements are as important as keeping a balanced book to compete and stay in business.
The beneﬁt of is mutual. Newspapers make or break business.”0

Ethiopians in America have taken advantage Of the World Wide Web. They have
established sites like Ethiopia First (Ben’s page) and Geocities (Dagmawr), boﬁn of which could be
considered as online versions of Ethiopian Register and Ethiopian Review. boﬁn in terms of content

and format. Thus, in ﬁnis regard. ﬁney are no different from ﬁne Eﬁniopian immigrant print media.

 

12° “The Ethiopian Tribune WIII Roman an Independent Voice." Ethiog'an Tngina, (July 1 1995), 2.

213

which more ﬁran often dwells upon Eﬁniopia. The slight difference between llnem and ﬁne print
media is ﬁnal while ﬁne latter was parﬁy ﬁne outcome of political developments in Eﬁniopia in ﬁne late
1980s and early 1990s, which ushered in a new political paradigm in Eﬁniopian political history, ﬁne
former is the consequence of ﬁre never-expected Eﬁnio-Eriﬁean War of 1998-2000. Hence,
Geocites and Ethiopia First were more tuned to Eﬁnio-Eriﬁean issues and ﬁne dangers of eﬁnno-
cenﬁic policies of EPRDF/TPLF towards ﬁne survival of Eﬁniopia as a naﬁon-state. They were able
to provide an altematlve forum and source of news for Eﬁniopians, boﬁn at home and abroad, who
were more interested in Ieaming ﬁne cause, processes and ﬁne outcome Of ﬁne war ﬁnan the
politically entangled print media. To ﬁris end, ﬁnese sites attaclned every available online news
network to their web pages. Anyone who was not interested in political analysis could simply click
and access ﬁne news about ﬁre war from one of ﬁne many news networks ﬁnal were reporting from
eiﬁner ﬁne batﬁefront or ﬁne capitals of ﬁne protagonists, Addis Ababa and Asmara.121

Boﬁn online sites, especially Dagmawi, had anoﬁner unique element. The latter considered
itself as a media watchdog. In fact, part of Dagmawi’s full website address has an Amharic word,
“zobonya.' which means, “guard.“ Hence. it monitors and exposes ﬁne actions of ﬁne EPRDFII'PLF
govemmenl against ﬁre ﬂedgling Eﬁniopian free press at home. Dagmawi also updates its visitors
on human rights developments in Eﬁniopia, and posts views and assessments of Eﬁniopia by
intemalional agencies such as Amnesty lntemaﬁonal.

The Eﬁniopians quest for unbiased news about ﬁneir counﬁy seemed to have prompted ﬁne
emergence of another cyberspace based Eﬁniopian news site, Ethioindex. in 1999 which focused
on news about Eﬁniopia and Eﬁniopians ﬁnroughout ﬁne world. In addition to its news links.
Ethioindex sometimes organized and played ﬁne role of an online moderator for discussions

between Eﬁniopians on various matters such as HIV-AIDS and ﬁne activiﬁes of Eﬁniopian

 

‘2‘ See ﬁnai web page: http:/lwwwethiopiaﬁrstm and http://www.qeocites.com/~daqmawi/zebenya.html

214

community associations in America. Moreover. it also had archives of press releases on Eﬁniopia
by any Ethiopian organization, boﬁn at home and abroad, including ﬁre Eﬁriopian govemmenl. The
archive also includes press statements by foreign nationals/govemments on Eﬁniopia.122

The Ethiopian Email Distribution Network (EEDN), anoﬁner online service, was a brainchild
Of visionary Eﬁniopians from around ﬁne world, mainly ﬁne USA, wiﬁn its center in Califomia—A
forum ﬁnal has ouﬁasted almost all oﬁner Eﬁriopian immigrant media. When established in 1991, it
was dubbed “Ethiopian Eloctronic-rnail Group," which was also nicknamed “Cleo. " Its iniﬁal
membership was no more ﬁnan 150 individuals including non-Ethiopians. Boﬁn ﬁne technical and
adminisﬁaﬁve tasks of EEDN were handled and still are being canied out by volunteers.
Membership to EEDN is also free of charge, voluntary and all-inclusive.123 However, alﬁnough
EEDN’s Charter. Article 2.1, indicated ﬁnal “ﬁne primary mission of EEDN is to provide a minimally
restricted and yet unmoderated fomm for consﬁucﬁve exchanges of views and information
concerning ﬁne social, political and economic challenges facing Eﬁniopia," Article 2.4 also indicated
“govemmenl agents, parties or individuals who systemaﬁcally agitate in favor of ﬁne division of
Eﬁniopia and ﬁne Eﬁniopians across demographic lines are not welcome in EEDN.“121 which is
conﬁadictory, to say ﬁne least. As a consequence. ﬁnough ﬁre topics entertained at EEDN are
diverse (it includes history of Eﬁniopia. political comnnentary, petition to ﬁne US Congress or to a
Congressman/women on behalf of Ethiopian refugees in one of ﬁne corners of ﬁne world, or for ﬁne
release of journalists and poliﬁcal prisoners held in Eﬁniopia . . . etc). ﬁney all have one common

denominator: Eﬁniopian nationalism.

 

‘22 See http:/lwwwethioindexcom

‘23 FecsohaAllaw. “Em WON-WWW“ Em ' Review, Vol. 3, N0. 5(May1993).

‘3‘ See http:/lwwweedn.orcr/Charlerhlml Chalet and Bylaws of ﬁne Eﬁniopian Enid Distrinui'on Network
(EEDN).

45.

215

In addition to being a fonim. EEDN also collected money and teclnnical books ﬁnal were
sent to Addis Ababa University. Moreover. its technical committee was also involved in ﬁre
development of Geez/Eﬁniopic software, 125 which was used for boﬁn e-mail communicaﬁon and to
post news in Amharic, ﬁne ofﬁcial language of Eﬁniopia. As ﬁre result of ﬁneir efforts, ﬁrese days
there is a cyberspace for English illiterate Eﬁniopians. They can read Eﬁniopian news in Amharic at
Ethiopian News Headlines. What is more, computer makers like Dell are now selling computers to
ﬁneir Eﬁniopian customers in Eﬁniopia wiﬁn a Geez software bundled as one of ﬁne ofﬁce tools. Very
recenﬁy, Microsoft Corp. indicated that its 2004 Windows Operating System will have
AmharchGeez programs embedded in it.126

As ﬁne 20" century came to its close and politics in Ethiopia continued to be divisive and
unpredictable, oﬁner web Sites ﬁnal are completely different, boﬁn in content and form. came into
existence. One of ﬁne reasons for launching “Salado“ in 1999 by a group of young professional
Eﬁniopians, as ﬁneir bylaws, “inﬁoducﬁon," indicated was to ﬁnd a “comfortable medium between
ﬁnese two worlds"— A world in which ﬁney found “ﬁnemselves bouncing wildly between staunch
loyalty to . . . Eﬁniopian-ness and guilt for absorbing some “feronje' [generally it nreans foreign but
in this case American] temperaments."127

The founders of Seleda also made it clear which age group of Eﬁniopian professionals ﬁney
were catering to or whose opinion and concern ﬁrey were interested in. Again, as ﬁreir bylaws

stated. “. . . we’ve decided to launch SELEDA, a web page for young Eﬁniopian professionals . . .

 

1'a‘Fecselna. “Ellniopian World-wide,"45. Someofﬁneikividuaswlroworeinsﬁtnrnantaforﬁnisadriovernent
aeacerta'nTeslnagerTesfaye, anarployeeofamkiuoSysbrthdhmaTeshayDanekeamanbaaﬁne
Renecsela Polytechnic Institute in New York, Dr. Sanuel Kinda, Reseaclr Associate, Virginia Tedn (VPI&SU); and
FaasohaAtlaw, SeniorDevelopmantEng'naerwllh Hewlett-PackadCorrpany, andllrefonlnderandpraa'dentof
Daren Engineering Company in ﬁcon Vdey. Cdfomia.

WGrayPhombean. “MicrosofttoLaunchin lewani.'BBConine,Jtlne17, 2004.
htlp://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/worId/africa/3816717.stm see aso “Maosolt Works on Naive Tongnos,“ BBC ornIne, Mach
18, 2N4. http:/lnews.bbc.co.uk/1Ihi/uk/3522026stm

‘27 See ﬁnair bylaws at http:/lwww.seleda.com/apr99/Paqe1Introductionhtml

216

ﬁnose of us in our mid-twenties to late-ﬁnirties. who, on ﬁne verge of making major professional and
personal commiﬁnents." Moreover, ﬁrey have also unequivocally declared ﬁnal ﬁney are not
interested in politics: “if our long-tenn plans include staying sane, we steer clear from overt
discussions of poliﬁcs . . . We realize ﬁnis eschewing of subjects poliﬁcal hinges on the unheard of
Eﬁniopian circles. and may be even a tad conﬁoveisial . . . But, ﬁust us, you would be better off
getting your political ﬁxes at more weighty fonrms, and not from nimrods like us.“128 From the
above excerpts, one can surmise ﬁnal ﬁnese are Eﬁniopians of ﬁne younger generation who most
likely have not witnessed ﬁne Red Terror or never have been embroiled in ﬁne politics that caused
it. Hence, ﬁney have very Iilﬁe to say in ﬁne political discourse ﬁnal ﬁne generaﬁon before ﬁnem is
deeply and senﬁmentally attached to. In short. there is no common political ground between
Seleda, and ﬁne generation before ﬁnem. Also, it appears ﬁnal ﬁnese are young Eﬁniopians who
must have come to America at younger age. probably wiﬁn ﬁneir parents. and consequenﬁy are less
nostalgic in ﬁneir assessment of Eﬁniopia and Eﬁniopians. They could also be Eﬁniopians who were
ﬁred of ﬁne futile political batﬁes among Eﬁniopians in ﬁre diaspora, and thus disillusioned wlﬁn
everyﬁning and anyﬁning political. Therefore, ﬁney prefer to engage solely in non-political discourse.
So far. ﬁney have succeeded in staying clear from political entanglements. The articles posted on
Salado which include but are not limited to life stories. literature. love. hunnor, stories of Eﬁniopian
communities and encounters in American ciﬁes are clear testimonies to ﬁneir success in avoiding
poliﬁcs. It also displays ﬁne beginning of ﬁne ﬁansfonnaﬁon of ﬁne Eﬁriopian immigrant press, at
least in the realm of the cyberspace. from being ﬁne mouﬁnpiece of ﬁne politically minded and long
distance nationalist Eﬁniopians to ﬁne more pragmatic young generations Eﬁriopian-Americans

whose priorities lie here in ﬁne USA ﬁnan in Ethiopia.

 

‘3 See 113'! bylaws at http:/lwww.seledacom/apr99/Paqe1Introductionhtml

217

CHAPTER V
THE IMPACT OF ETHIOPIAN-AMERICANS ON ETHIOPIA

Studies of late nineteenﬁn and early twenﬁeﬁn century European immigrants to ﬁne U.S.A
indicated ﬁnal ﬁnese immigrants were helping their kin back home in many different ways. Not only
ﬁnis but the European immigrants also commuted between ﬁne host counﬁy and ﬁne counﬁy of
origin, and ﬁnus remained in close touch with ﬁneir kinfolk.1

This ﬁansnaﬁonal ﬁend conﬁnued among ﬁne immigrants of today. In fact. unlike earlier
times. the physical and psychological distance is becoming less signiﬁcant because of ﬁne
availability of faster and easier modes of communicaﬁons. In addition, ﬁne end of ﬁne Cold War and
related developments ﬁnat increasingly questioned ﬁre legitimacy of ﬁne naﬁon-state, boundary and
ﬁne meaning of Citizenship,2 made it possible for people to reside and work in two or more worlds,
at ﬁmes simultaneously. What is more, citizenship, which used to express one’s loyalty and
allegiance to a counﬁy, is now also sought for oﬁner purposes. in our case, facilitating ﬁavel.3

Consequenﬁy, immigrants of today not only keep in touch wiﬁr ﬁreir kin at home. but also
have an impact on ﬁneir counﬁy of origin in many different ways. One of ﬁne areas ﬁnal ﬁnese

immigrants conﬁlbute to ﬁneir counﬁy of origin is economically, by way of remittance: A recent

 

1 For a good and synﬁnesized account of ﬁre ﬁansnalional naﬁnro of European immigrants. see Mark Wyrnan,
Round-Trip to America: The Immigrant Retum to Bum, 1880-1930 (Iﬁnaca: Cornell University Press. 1993),
especially pages 3-14; David A. Gerber. “Forming a Transnaﬁonal Narrative: New Perspectives on European
Migrations to ﬁne United States," The H'my Teaclner. Vol. 35, No. 1 (November 2001). 61 -77.

2 Tim Nieguﬁn. “Beyond Diclnotomy: Concepts of ﬁne Nation and ﬁne Disﬁlbuﬁon of Marnbarslnip" Nations and
N_a___tionalism. Vol. 5, No. 2. (April 1999), 154.

3 Saskia Sassen. Globalization and its Discontents (New York: The New Press, 1998), xx, noctii; Nancy
Foner RubenGRumbautandStevenJ Gold (ed) W
W (New York: Russell Sage Foundaﬁon, 2000), 13

In addiﬁon to ﬁre aforementioned factor, ﬁnere are a multiple reasons and Circumstances for a person to
acorne a naturalized ciﬁzen of a certain counﬁy: It could be an expression of an enﬁnusiasm to ﬁneir new home;
clnange in ﬁreirlilesucln asmarriageorﬁnebirﬁnofaclnild; senseofinsecurityandhancoameasuretakentoaverta
perceived danger to ﬁneir wallbeing eiﬁner from ﬁne host society or ﬁne counﬁy of origin; and or as a result of ﬁneir sense
of incorporation into ﬁne counﬁy and society. See Adrian D. Pantoja, Ricardo Ramirez, Gary M. Segura, “Citizens by
Choice. Voters by Necessity: Patterns in Poliﬁcal Mobilization by Naturalized Latinos." Warm,
Vol. 54. No. 4. (Dec. 2001) 729-750.

218

study on remittance, “Remittance and Other Financial Flows to Developing Countries, " 4 pointed
out ﬁnal from around the world some $100 billion is remitted annually to countries of origin; and that
60 per cent of ﬁnis goes to developing counﬁies wiﬁn India and Pakistan golﬁng ﬁne lion’s share of
the $100 billion.5

Though not comparable to oﬁner immigrant groups in ﬁne world in ﬁre total amount
remitted, Eﬁriopians, too, are ﬁying to help ﬁneir relaﬁves back home. However, ﬁneir impact. at
least ﬁne ripple effect. is generally fall ﬁnroughout ﬁne counﬁy, for reasons listed bellow. I took two
major Ethiopian cities, Addis Ababa and Gondar, as samples to show ﬁre direct impact of
Eﬁniopian-Americans on Eﬁriopia: One of ﬁne Cites, Addis Ababa, is ﬁre capital of Eﬁriopia; and to
some degree, it is also a global city.6 It is the seat of ﬁne African Union. ﬁne Economic Commission
for Africa and many intemalional aid agencies ﬁnal canre some ﬁnree decades ago to help alleviate
the drought-famine situation in Eﬁniopia, but now seemed to have settled in for good. The number
of ﬁnese aid agencies is in ﬁne hundreds. The govemnnent of Eﬁniopia indicated ﬁnal. aside from ﬁne
ofﬁcially recognized aid agencies operating in the counﬁy, ﬁnere are more ﬁnan one hundred aid
agencies operating in ﬁne counﬁy wiﬁnout ﬁne consent of ﬁre govemmenl.7 These agencies have

thousands of employees if not hundreds of ﬁnousands.

 

lPehrGaundbﬁRaﬁttanmsaﬂOMaFnandthuszevaopigCamﬁles,"hemaﬁma
WWI. 40.No.5.(2002),181-183.

sCeiaw.Dtigger,“WebMoguls’RaurnPassagattnlntia.“TheNewYorlenes Februay29,2000,For
memntdmmtamemalndmhmgmbﬁanknalmsaﬁm,soe8m8aba.mknaicasUse
thtoAid'Moﬁnerland."TheWashnr_ngM Times. Februay 25. 2000.

Somu¢isﬁnepowaoframﬁancesomhmgmtgumsieme8andsweaibbmwah
SandaaumppbmenﬁiuymgimdmaﬁyadBam.Seemnm.mWDevdoanmt
Nexus: Somaia Case Sttndy" International MM! Vol.40, No. 5, (2002). 269.

5|uwdmephrasefahddabetmrmmdesatigﬁerdeaupoaﬁonmamsmanaﬂaysasme
naﬁonaandreg'onacqnitalofEﬁriopiaandAfricarespacﬁvely.HenceﬁnebrmgobdcityjnAddisAbana’scontext.
drwﬂndbetakenﬁbralyfoersAbanahasndﬁnaMeMSﬁiabmiswhidiisapawimNewYork.Lorndonand
Tokwnahecamnmrigrdemesedﬁesuayhmmaﬁmdyascennrmmanceauaomwon. Ithowever,hasa
savbommmmmcatasmmeuppaemwndmeEmbpimmdeyauﬁnthaﬁmamniwm
andnoreditselfﬁnere.Forﬁnedeveloprnent. naﬁire.andﬁneroloofaglobadtysoeSaskiaSacsen.TheGlobd9n,
NewYork,Landorn,Tekye(Princeton:PrincetonUnivasityPiess,2001).

7EmbpiaThmatensAcﬁmAga'nstAidAgandos"BBC0ninzmusday,Madrl9.1998.
http:/lnews.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/africa/67471 .sﬁn

 

 

219

Moreover, ﬁne Bole lntemaﬁonal Airport, so for ﬁne only intemaﬁ'onal airport worﬁry of ﬁne
name in ﬁre counﬁy. is also located in Addis Ababa. This airport not only is a vital link between the
mountainous counﬁy and ﬁne outside world, but also serves as a major hub for many of ﬁne
intemalional airlines across Africa and from beyond.8

Furﬁnennore, Addis Ababa also hosts more ﬁnarn half of ﬁne counﬁy’s indusﬁies and its
modern infrasﬁucture. In addiﬁon, Addis Ababa is also ﬁre residence for ﬁre various embassies
and of more ﬁnan a quarter of ﬁre govemrrnent employees of ﬁre counﬁy. Therefore, eiﬁner because
of ﬁre aforementioned reasons, or due to ﬁne apparent peneﬁation of capital. ﬁne people of Addis
Ababa are pretty much exposed to ﬁne outside world and have developed modem amenities and a
taste for ﬁnem. An Eﬁniopian from abroad cannot escape Addis Ababa for helshe has to disembark
at ﬁne only intemaﬁonal airport in ﬁne counﬁy. Thus, ﬁne presence of ﬁre Eﬁniopian diaspora
community is very much visible in ﬁne capital.

Gondar, on ﬁne oﬁner hand. wiﬁn its 16" wntury casﬁes and early 20‘" century Italian
buildings, is a relic from ﬁne past. The city’s modern infrasﬁucture is a leftover form ﬁre Italian times
wiﬁn almost no furﬁner development since ﬁnen. The Gondar area is ﬁne home of ﬁne majority of ﬁne
Beta Israel who migrated to Israel in ﬁre past two or so decades, and for ﬁnose who are still waiting
to immigrate. The city of Gondar, in parﬁcular and ﬁne region in general, was one of ﬁne hardest hit
during ﬁne Red Tenor (qay shebir) and ﬁne indiscriminate killings (nesa innija) that took place
between 1977 and 1978.

The province had been a batﬁeground between the military junta and ﬁne various parﬁsan
movements in ﬁne counﬁy such as EPRP. TPLF, EDU and ELF/PLF. The region had also suffered
because of the conﬂict within and among ﬁre aforemenﬁoned guenilla movements ﬁnal vied for

territorial conﬁol, manpower and oﬁner resources in ﬁne province. So much was the devastation

 

° See ﬁne Eﬁniopian A'lino website: http:/lwwwﬂyethiopian.Com/

220

ﬁnal peasants and urban dwellers, who sided wiﬁn one or ﬁne oﬁner organizaﬁon. ﬂed ﬁneir hamlets
for neighboring Sudan when the organization wiﬁr which ﬁrey were afﬁliated lost the upper hand
eiﬁner ﬁghﬁng ﬁne Derg or one of ﬁne opposing organizations.

Therefore, ﬁnough undeveloped even by Ethiopian standards. Gondar became one of the
main origins of Eﬁniopian immigrants in ﬁne U.S.A. Israel and oﬁner counﬁies; and hence has
become one of the places to which ﬁne immigrants relum. It is in cities like Gondar and Addis
Ababa ﬁnal ﬁne impact of Eﬁniopian-Americans. in particular and ﬁnose from ﬁne Diaspora in
general, is more visibly felt in many different ways such as economic, cultural, and political.

Chapter 5.1. The Economic Impact
According to ﬁne 2003 report of ﬁne Expaﬁiate Affairs Ofﬁce of the Eﬁniopian Minisﬁy of Foreign
Affairs. which overseas Eﬁniopian immigrant issues, from an estimated 1.5 million Eﬁniopians living
abroad, Ethiopia gets around $400 million annually.9 The data from ﬁre Naﬁonal Bank of Eﬁniopia,
which monitors all foreign exchange earnings Of ﬁne counﬁy, conoborates ﬁre Claims of the

Expaﬁiate Affairs Office.

 

9 “Bowich Kaminoru Etyopiyawuyan Bayaemalu 400 Milyon Dolor Yahil Ywuch Minizaro Endamegagn
Yigamamr (From ﬁne Eﬁriopians Living Abroad, Some $400 Million Dollars of Foreign Exchange is Obtained Annually),
Addis Zamain. Tiqimit 2, 1996 EC (October 9, 2003).

221

Table 6: Private TransferlRemittance Earning (In Militias of Biff)”

 

 

Mllllons of Sin

 

 

NNNNNQQ corn
OGQO’OOQGO’O} 0)

Year

 

 

The above table indicates ﬁnal betwoen1970 and 1981. ﬁne anountofprivate ﬁansferwas
less ﬁnan 100 million birr. But, after 1982 it shows a steady rise reaching more ﬁnan 3.2 billion birr
since 2000. While ﬁne relaﬁvely small amount of remittance between 1970s and early 1980s
corresponds to ﬁne relatively few Eﬁniopian residents abroad, ﬁne dramatic increase in money
ﬁansfersinco 1982 mirrors an increasein migrationofEﬁniopiansﬁnforeign lands; and hencemore
remittance ﬁnereafter. The remarkable increase in remittance happened after 1991 (662. 6 million
birr). which is almost twice ﬁnal of 1989 (359.4 million bin) and has continued to climb. This depicts.
the constant ascent of Eﬁniopian immigrant population abroad. change of govemnnent in Eﬁniopia in
1991, arndﬁne relaﬁve liberalization ofeconornicand immigration policiesofﬁnegovemmentsince

ﬁnen. Prior to 1991, ﬁne Derg’s socialist economic policy did not allow foreign invesﬁnent,

 

l0Dataobta'rnedfrornﬁreNaitninaBatofEtlniopia,AdiisAbaba,2003.

222

ownership of private property; and did not permit Eﬁniopians, who left ﬁneir country for one reason
or another, to come home. It considered them as counter-revolutionaries and traitors who deserted
ﬁneir country. Since most Eﬁniopian became refugees and immigrants because of ﬁne brutal actions
of the Derg, ﬁney, too, did not want to return to Eﬁniopia. As a consequence, ﬁnere was less flow of
remittance during ﬁne era of ﬁne Derg (19744991) compared to ﬁne rise of EPRDF's government to
power since 1991. Moreover, ﬁne drought and famine situation ﬁnat hit ﬁne country nnore frequenﬁy
in ﬁne 19905; and ﬁne larger number of Eﬁniopians who were affected, as high as 17 million, could
also play a role convincing Eﬁniopian immigrants to send more money. The increase in remittance
might also indicates ﬁne presence of an increasingly remittance-dependant population in Eﬁniopia
without such help might not survive—the average daily income of Eﬁniopians is estimated at less
than $0.50.

Presenﬁy, remittance is surpassing Eﬁniopia’s foreign exchange earnings from coffee,
which is ﬁne country’s major export item: From ﬁne table below one can surmise ﬁnat since 1998/99
total private transfer had surpassed Eﬁniopia’s foreign exchange earnings from coffee export. Also,
ﬁne total private transfer is more ﬁnan half of ﬁne total export earnings of ﬁne country. Given ﬁne
drought situation in Eﬁniopia, which now recurs almost every year, and ﬁne intense competition from
oﬁner coffee producers worldwide, ﬁne share of coffee as a major foreign exchange earning item
vis-a-vis remittance will likely continue declining. Given ﬁne growing number of Eﬁniopian
immigrants abroad;11 and ﬁne increasing willingness of ﬁne Eﬁniopian government to accommodate
and work wiﬁn ﬁne Eﬁniopian diaspora, remittance alone could constitute ﬁne single largest source of

hard currency for ﬁne country.

 

" According toﬁnedataobtainedfrom ﬁne Consularsection ofﬁne US. Embassy in Addis Ababa, Eﬁniopia,
anaverageof2000EﬁniopianshavelorﬁneUnitedStatesannualyasﬁnemﬁofDiversityVnsaLoduHDVL).
However,ﬁneavailabledataalsoindicatescompaedtoﬁnenumberofDVanplicantstoﬁneUSAforeadnyear,the
successrateisinsignificant

223

Table 7: Remittance vis-a-vis Export Earning (In Millions of us. Dollars)12

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Total Private
Year Coffee Export Total Export Transfer

1996/97 354.9 598.6 261.2
1997/98 419.9 601.8 320

1998/99 281.3 484.3 296.9
1999/00 262 486.1 422

2000/01 174.5 441.9 393.9
2001/02 157.6 409.4 377.73

 

 

The above assessment of remittance and its impact on ﬁne Eﬁniopian economy does not
include the sum of dollars that enters ﬁne country through unofﬁcial channels, i.e. illegally. For
various reasons, immigrants often prefer unofﬁcial (illegal) channels oﬁner ﬁnan Western Union or
Moneygram to transfer money back home. Some of ﬁnese immigrants could be illegal residents of a
particular country, and ﬁnus have no bank account or proper documents such as driver's license, to
use ﬁne legal channels. Others, might simply do not want to utilize Weslem Union and similar
channels in order to avoid ﬁne transaction fee, which sometimes reaches 25 per cent of ﬁne total
sum of money sent to ﬁneir relatives.13 Although these intemalional money-wiring services claim to
have ofﬁces worldwide, ﬁnal is not always ﬁne case; and even if ﬁney have, ﬁneir branches might not
reach every part a certain country. For instance, neither Weslem Union nor Moneygram had ofﬁces
in Eﬁniopia until after 1991. Even after 1991, where we witrness ﬁne mushrooming of Western Union
branches in Addis Ababa and provincial towns like Gondar,“ ﬁnere are places in Ethiopia where
banking services do not exist and hence ﬁnere is no Western Union. It also does not necessarily
mean ﬁnat all towns ﬁnal have banking services also have one of ﬁne lntemational money wiring

agencies. In ﬁnis case, people found it necessary to devise ﬁneir own means to send money back

 

"Dataoblm'nedlrornﬁnellaﬁondBanlrofEﬁniopiaAddisAbdra, zoos.

'3'nneLungedJumyzASnmyofMgaﬁon,'_Th£§gu_mi§, Novenirer2,2002,11.

1‘TodayWesnrnUniondor'reharrnorethan 200brurndesﬁnroughout£thiopia IrnGonducilyproper
done, it has three (3). See ils web site for Ethiopia http:/lwwwwesternunion.comﬁnfo/Shoquents.asp

224

home. They chose to send rrnoney ﬁnrough trusted individuals and friends who are going home for
one reason or anoﬁner.

Occasionally, using friends as carriers is preferred to Weslem Union because of ﬁne
differences in the ofﬁcial and unofﬁcial exchange rates. In case of Eﬁniopians, for instance, while
banks exchange $1.00 for 8.55/57birr, ﬁne unofﬁcial exchange rate is usually more ﬁnan what ﬁne
banks and ﬁne inlemational money transferring agencies offer. $1.00 could be exchanged as high
as 9.00birr depending upon various circumstances. One variable ﬁnal could affect exchange rate in
ﬁne black-market is ﬁne size of cunency denominations: the black-marketers usually prefer $100 or
$50 bills. For ﬁnose denominaﬁons, ﬁne exchange could be more ﬁnan what ﬁne bank offers but, if
you have lesser denominations, ﬁnere might not be much difference between ﬁne legal and ﬁne
illegal exchange rate.

The black—market exchange rate could also reﬂect the availability and ﬂow of ﬁne dollar.
most Eﬁniopians visit Eﬁniopia during ﬁne Eﬁniopian New Year (September), Eﬁniopian Christmas
and Epiphany (December-January), and ﬁne Eﬁniopian Easter (April-May). Thus, during these
times, ﬁnere are so many dollars coming into ﬁne country ﬁnal ﬁne exchange rate in ﬁne black market
is almost equivalent to ﬁne ofﬁcial exchange rate. The difference could range between ﬁve cents
and a penny per dollar. However, outside of ﬁnose monﬁns, ﬁne black market could offer a
difference of more ten cents on ﬁne dollar.15

As a consequence, more Eﬁniopians might have sent money unofﬁcially ﬁnan ﬁnrough
intemalional money transferring agencies. In fact, studies concluded on immigrant remittances
indicated ﬁnat more money is sent ﬁnrough unofﬁcial channels ﬁnan banks and inlemational money

transferring agencies. Realizing this, some American banks such as Wells Fargo have devised a

 

'5 Infonnanl: Handsome. A graduate ofAddis Ababa University who now is engaged irn money laundering in
Marcelo, Addis Ababa. Interview concluded on October 21, 2002, Addis Ababa.

225

means by which Mexican immigrants in ﬁne US. can transfer money wiﬁnout additional clnarge to a
Mexican bank, Bancomer, from where relatives back home can withdrew money. What is more,
Wells Fargo provides services to undocumented Mexican immigrants wiﬁnout requiring an
American passport or driver’s license. The Bank offers its services as long as ﬁne client has his/her
Mexican identity card.16

Although it is difﬁcult to indicate exactly how much money Ethiopian-Americans remit to
Eﬁniopia annually, based on ﬁne following indications, it could be argued ﬁnal Eﬁniopian-Americans
contribute ﬁne lion’s share of ﬁne remittance. Compared to Eﬁniopians in other parts of ﬁne world,
ﬁne Eﬁniopian immigrants in ﬁne US. are one of ﬁne earliest and ﬁne largest. In addition, ﬁney
constitute one of ﬁne most educated Ethiopians. According to ﬁne 2000 US. census, ﬁnere are more
ﬁnan 86,000 Eﬁniopians in ﬁne U.S.A. Of tlnese, more ﬁnan 50 per cent of ﬁnem have high school
diplomas and more.17 This fact alone will provide ﬁnem an edge over ﬁne rest of ﬁne Ethiopian
immigrant groups around ﬁne world. For instance, Eﬁniopians in Israel, ﬁne nation wiﬁn ﬁne second
largest Ethiopian immigrant group, are mosﬁy illiterate peasants. Those from ﬁne rest of ﬁne Middle
East, most of them are illegal aliens and hence subject of abuse. As to Eﬁniopians in Europe, ﬁneir
total number cannot even be equal to that of half of ﬁne Eﬁniopians in America;18 and hence their
remittance couldn’t match ﬁnose from ﬁne U.S.A.

There are also other factors ﬁnal indicate Ethiopian-Americans are dominant in terms of
economic contribution to ﬁne country of origin. The table below reveals ﬁnal of ﬁne 605 Eﬁniopian
born foreign investors, 165 of them were Eﬁniopian-Americans, who thus accounted for more than

27 per cent of ﬁne total investors. Hence, ﬁneir number constitutes ﬁne single largest group followed

 

”'TheLongestJournecharrveyofMgalionfw Novernlner2. 2002. 11

‘7 US. Census Burear 2W: See http:/Iwww.census.gov/prod/cenZOOO/doc/sf3.pdf (7.0 MB)

”MN. Levine,‘Remnligm'lngﬁneEﬁniopian NaﬁonhaGodea'apwerpresenbdatﬁnelS‘
WWdEﬁWmmﬂmm,m23,mo3(W

226

by 98 Eﬁniopian-Canadians and 91 Eﬁniopian-Italians, who make up 16.1 and 15 per cent of ﬁne

total Ethiopian Diaspora investors respectively.
Table 8: Ethiopian Born Investors by Country of Citizenship, 1991-2003'9

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Citizenship Frequency Percent Citizenship Frequency Percent
American 165 27.2 German 33 5.4
Australian 3 0.4 Greek 10 1.6
British 13 2.1 Indian 22 3.6

Canadian 98 16.1 Israeli 5 0.8
Danish 2 0.3 Italian 91 15

Djiboutian 2 0.3 Saudi 1 0.1
Dutch 35 5.7 Somali 2 0.3

Eritrean 2 0.3 Sudanese 1 0.1

Ethiopian 8 1 .3 Swedish 66 10.9
Finnish 1 0.1 Swiss 2 0.3

French 1 0.1 Yemeni 42 6.9

Total 605 100

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Much of ﬁne investment of Eﬁniopian born foreign investors was made in Addis Ababa,
otherwise known as Region 14: Of ﬁne 605 investors, 515 of them (85.1 per cent), invested in Addis
Ababa. Oromia, which is also‘known as Region 4, and which also includes urban area near ﬁne
capital such as Dabra Zait and Nazret, got 8.4 per cent of the total investment while Tigray, Region
1, and Harari, Region 13, took shares of 1.7 per cent of ﬁne total investment each.

Such a lopsided pattern of investment has very little to do with the origin of ﬁne Ethiopian
returnees. It, more or less, reﬂects ﬁne continuaﬁon of investrnenl tradition ﬁnal always focused on
ﬁne capital since its inception as ﬁne imperial capital in late 19"1 century. It also, parﬁy, explains the

uneven development of infrastructure. In ﬁnis case, Addis Ababa is far better endowed ﬁnan any city

in the country.

 

1S’Dataobhinedfrnorn ﬁne Eﬁniopian lnvestrnernt Bureau, AddisAbaba, 2003. Moreﬁnan 95peroenlofﬁne
Eﬁniopian bom foreign investors, as ﬁre staﬁsﬁes departrnenl refers to ﬁnem, same to Eﬁniopia after 1991, ﬁne downfall
of ﬁne military junta. For various reasons such as security concerns, better infrastructural development and less hassle
from ﬁne entrenched bureaucracy, almost all investments were in Addis Ababa.

227

The concentration of investrnnenl in Addis Ababa may also be due to security
considerations. Until recenﬁy, eastern, souﬁn and southwestern parts of Eﬁniopia were unsafe
because of ﬁne terrorist activities of ﬁne Al-lttihad al-lslami or ﬁne Oromo Liberation Front.20 Finally,
ﬁne eﬁnnocentric policy of the cunent govemmenl has furﬁner exacerbated eﬁnnic tension among
Eﬁniopians; and hence many non-Oromo investors might have been discouraged ﬁom investing in
Oromia, ﬁnough ﬁne region is endowed wiﬁn natural resources and is one of ﬁne major coffee
producing parts of ﬁne country.

In addition to ﬁneir involvement in Ethiopia’s economic development, Eﬁniopian-Americans
are also engaged in building residential houses boﬁn in ﬁne capital and in provincial towns like
Gondar. The high demand for residential houses, from wiﬁnin and abroad, coupled wiﬁn the
liberalization of economic policies by ﬁne cunent govemmenl, has encouraged ﬁne evolution of real
estate agencies (so far only two agencies are currently working in Addis Ababa) in Eﬁniopia.

One of ﬁnese real estate agendas is Ayat, which was established in 1996;21 and caters for
Ethiopians at home and abroad. According to Ayat, by June 2003, it had served 1200 Ethiopians
from abroad. However, country speciﬁc data is not available. Hence, it is difﬁcult to tell how many
of these Ethiopians were of American origin.

The size of land on which ﬁne houses were built range from 120m2to 1500m2, costing
49,500 to 2 million birr ($1=8.56birr). Outside of Addis Ababa, real estate services or agencies do

not exist in Eﬁniopia. The whole task of building a house such as acquiring land from ﬁne

 

a0ForAl-lttilnaditsroleirnﬁneHornofltfnicaandEﬁniopia,seeMerlnaneTadesse,Al-ltﬁnad:Poﬁﬁcdlﬂ
ﬂﬂEconomyinSorndaMddsAbdnamom.

21lrnforrrnationobla'nedfromAyatRedEstate,AdrisAbdna,Eﬁniopia,July2003.TheAylwebsiteseernnslo
mmmmmmEﬁhﬁmWWMMﬁBmMMwﬂan
WyattenplstoenﬁceEﬁniopiansﬁomﬁneDimpora"...AlmosteveryEﬁniopianwhoﬁveoverseasdeansof
goingwww.memmmedwmemmummmusdmmmm,
andﬁneloveofourcountryﬁnatwecannotforgetnomatbrhowwelweadoplknifeinanoﬁnercormﬁnyeeﬁneAyat
website: http:/Iwwwayathomescom/

228

municipality, dealing wiﬁn architects for design, negotiating wiﬁn building contractors . . . etc, is
handled by relatives.

So signiﬁcant is ﬁneir contribution to ﬁne local economy, ﬁne Gondar municipality has
devised a means to attract ﬁnese Eﬁniopians: It automatically grants 250m2 of land, free of charge,
for an Eﬁniopian immigrant of Gondar origin—an offer ﬁnal does not exist in oﬁner parts of ﬁne
country. The inconveniences that may have disheartening effect due to ﬁne absence of realtor in
that city seems to have been compensated by ﬁne offer of free land.

One major consequence, in addition to ﬁne economic beneﬁt that Gondar is getting, is the
evolution an additional residential quarter, “American Mandar' (American village), in ﬁne souﬁnem
part of Gondar, in ﬁne Samuna Ber locality. Here one ﬁnds wellplanned villas and ground plus one
apartments. 22 Government ofﬁcials, university instructors and business owners also have
residences in ﬁnis same locality, which added a class dimension to ﬁne neighborlnood.

Here, too, as in ﬁne ease of investment, ﬁne statisties from Gondar Municipality show ﬁnal
Eﬁniopians from America represent the majority constructing residenﬁal houses: Of the 603
Eﬁniopians from ﬁne diaspora who took land from ﬁne Municipality, Eﬁniopian-Americans constitute
more than ninety per cent of the total.

Table 9: Number of Ethiopians from the Diaspora who Took Land from Gondar Municipality,
between 1995 and 2003.23

 

America Arab countries lsrael France Germany England Australia Total

 

543 48 2 3 2 2 3 603

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

2'L’Alﬁnough illsclearﬁnalEﬁniopiansfromﬁneDiasporaarealsobuildingnewhousesinAddisAbaba,
especially in Kotebe and beyond, ﬁne involvement of ﬁne real estate agendas in ﬁne construction of ﬁnese residential
areas seemed to have precluded knowing who ﬁne owners of ﬁnese houses were; and hence ﬁnere is no attachment to
acertaingroupofEﬁniopiansfromabroadasinﬁnemofGondar.

23 Data obtained from ﬁne Plarnning Office of ﬁne Gondar Municipality, Gondar.

229

Similar developments also appear in one of ﬁne districts of Gondar province, ﬁne capital of Chilga
Awrja (district), Aykel Ketema (town). There, Ethiopians from America had built ground plus one
apartments and villas; and more Eﬁniopians are doing ﬁne same. As a consequence, part of ﬁne
town had been baptized as American mander (village).

In addiﬁon to ﬁneir names, what makes ﬁnese American mander unique is ﬁnal unlike oﬁner
localities where houses were built with mud, wood and mostly their roofs thatched wiﬁn grass, ﬁne
houses in American village are all made of stone, bricks and cement; and conugated iron roofs.

In tourism, too, while U.S.A. became ﬁne leading tourist generating country for Eﬁniopia,
Ethiopian-Americans also made up the majority of Eﬁniopians from ﬁre diaspora who came to visit
ﬁneir country. For instance, of the 11,916 American tourists who visited Eﬁniopia, 2518 were
Eﬁniopian-Americans; and ﬁne number of Eﬁniopian-Americans who visit Eﬁniopia has kept growing:
From 4113 in 1999 to 4522 in 2000 accounting for 30 and 26 per cent of ﬁne total tourist arrivals
from America in ﬁne said years. Here, one has to note ﬁnal ﬁne data for arrivals does not include ﬁne
category of arrivals who indicated ﬁneir reason for coming to Eﬁniopia as ‘vacation,’ believing ﬁnal
most likely, ﬁney may mainly constitute foreigners, not of Eﬁniopian origin. If ﬁne latter group

included in ﬁne tabulation, ﬁne ﬁgure for Eﬁniopian-Americans will increase even more.

230

Diaspora, 1998-2000.24

Table 10: Major Tourist Generating Countries for Etlniopia and line Share of the Ethiopian

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1998 1999 2000
Visiting Wsiting Visiting
Country Total Relatives VR% Total Relatives VR% Total Relaﬁves VR%
U.S.A 11916 2518 21 13679 4113 30 17099 4522 26
Canada 2990 766 26 2289 850 37 2676 945 35
France 3159 393 12 2592 327 13 2772 344 12
Germany 4418 717 16 3887 660 17 4192 753 18
Israel 2607 492 19 3147 731 23 3204 833 26
Italy 4815 590 12 4024 493 12 4723 464 10
Kenya 4588 565 12 5010 355 7 4810 330 7
Saudi 7929 1 181 15 7922 1381 17 8920 1 191 13
UK 4793 615 13 4321 540 12 5512 766 14
Incoming .
hourists 90847 13273 15 91859 13031 14 108954 14589 13

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

So much is the volume of travelers between America and Eﬁniopia, and so much seems
the economic beneﬁt ﬁnal Eﬁniopia is getting, Eﬁnlopian Airlines which reestablished its trans-
Atlantic ﬂight to Washington DC (Dulles lntemational Airport) once in a week in early 1990s, has
now four ﬂights and one more desﬁnation, (Newark, New Jersey), in America.25

Travel to Ethiopia on one of ﬁnese Ethiopian Airlines transatlantic ﬂights reveals ﬁnal the
majority of its passengers are Eﬁniopians; and ﬁneir demand for Eﬁniopian airlines ﬂights to Ethiopia
increases as the Eﬁniopian holyday seasons (August-September, December-January and April-
March) approaches. During such times, ﬁne Eﬁniopian national carrier is noted for making additional

ﬂights between U.S.A and Ethiopia to accommodate ﬁnese demands.26

 

2‘ Compiled from Eﬁniopian Tourism Commission Planning and Developrnenl Department, Tourism Staﬁsﬁes
Bulleﬁn N0. 5, 1990-2000, (Addis Ababa: 2002), 18-20. (Mimeographed)

For postrnodemisl interpretation of tourism and ﬁne foreign exclnange earnings from tourism for such
countriw like Egypt Kenya arnd Morocco see Mdcolm Waters, Globalizaﬁon 2'" edition (New York: Rouﬁedge, 2001),
206-208.

15 See ﬁne u'ines wbsile: http:/[www.ﬂyetlniopian.com/newsite/defaultasm
26Forinstmce,betweerntlne11"and25'nofDecerntnerZOOt,EALhadtransporbd16tDEﬁniopian—
WhEﬁbphSeeNaﬁmdsHaedeyday,WaﬁgVi§lhﬁbdbDbanﬁmmeWdhhﬁmﬁm

Center, Decanter 28, 2W1: http://www.waltainfo.com/Archive/archive.hlm

 

231

Moreover, political developments in relation to ﬁne 1998-2000 Eﬁnio-Eritrean War furﬁner
display ﬁne signiﬁcance of Eﬁniopian-Americans and ﬁneir use of the Eﬁniopian national carrier". 80
apparent was ﬁne beneﬁt ﬁnal Eﬁniopia was getﬁng from ﬁne Eﬁniopian Airlines Trans-Aﬁantic ﬂight,
ﬁne Clinton Administration contemplated restricting ﬂights of Ethiopian Airlines to ﬁne U.S.A unless
Eﬁniopia agreed to end ﬁne war peacefully.27

Thus, it appears ﬁnal had it not been for the presence of Eﬁniopians in America and their
preference to Eﬁniopian Airlines, ﬁne state run company might not have maintained four days in a
week of ﬂights to America in ﬁnis highly competitive intemalional business.28 Eﬁniopian-Americans,
by remaining a loyal customers to ﬁne airline, had indirecﬁy boosted ﬁne Eﬁniopian economy.

Although it is difﬁcult to quanﬁfy ﬁne exact amount ﬁnal Eﬁniopian-Americans import from
Eﬁniopia, ﬁney surely contribute to Eﬁniopia’s economy as consumers which could be wiﬁnessed
from ﬁne increase in Ethiopian stores in America. These stores, which are found in most American
cities, are vending all sorts of Eﬁniopian goods, sucln as Eﬁniopian audio and video tapes and CDs,
cultural cloﬁns, cultural adomments (necklace, bracelets, and eanings), cultural household goods
(coffee pots and cups, straw plates, mgs and mats made of wool, stools etc), traditional
paintings, Eﬁniopian prepared food items like shim (a ﬁnely ground and spiced pea), berbare (a
spiced red pepper powder), besso (barley powder), qibe (spiced butter), qolo (roasted barley or
wheat mixed wiﬁn roasted chick-pea), teﬂ'. . . etc.

Of ﬁnese items, ﬁne availability and commercialization teff enjera in America merits a brief

historical background as to how the grain, teﬂ, became so available in ﬁne U.S. Sometime in 1973,

 

27 For Eritrea, however, ﬁne Clinton Administration planned to premt ﬁne Eritrearn governmentfrom
collecting remittance from its subjects in America. See Jane Perlez, 'U.S. Did Little to Deler Buildup as Eﬁniopia and
Eritrea Prepared for War,’ The New York Times May 22, 2000, A-9; The Indian Ocean Newsletter No. 905, May 27,
2000.

 

 

23 Eﬁniopian Airlines is one of ﬁne only four African airlines ﬁnal had direct ﬂights to ﬁne USA. The remaining
ﬁnreeareSouﬁn Africarn, Moroccan, and Egyptian airways. Accidentally, ﬁnesecountriesarealsoamongAfrican
countries (save Nigeria) wiﬁn ﬁne largest immigrant population in ﬁne USA

232

the University of Califomia and the ﬁnen Haile Sellassie I University (now Addis Ababa University)
sponsored a certain Wayne Carlson to work on public health projects in Ethiopia. While working in
Eﬁniopia, Mr. Carlson not only grew accustomed to eating teﬁ‘ enjera but also was intrigued by ﬁne
many varieties of ﬁne grain, its small size and yet its high nutritional content. After ﬁnishing his
project in Ethiopia, Mr. Carlson relumed to US, Idaho, in ﬁne late 19703. White in Idaho,
encouraged by some of ﬁne topographic similarity of southern Idaho, he started experimenting with
three varieﬂes of teff in very small amounts. While his experiment wiﬁn teff yielded good results, ﬁne
presence of Eﬁniopians in signiﬁcant numbers in ﬁne U.S, encouraged Mr. Carlson to produce teff in
large quantiﬁes. So much so, by early 19903, he harvested and distributed more ﬁnan 200,000 lbs
of fell from approximately 300 acres of land. His primary customers were Ethiopian restaurants and
individuals ﬁnroughout ﬁne US. In fact, because of teff’s high nutritional value, it is increasingly
being sought by ﬁne healﬁn and nutrition conscious Americans. Mr. Carlson is now experimenting
how to make tell pasta; 29 and hence, like many immigrant foods ﬁnal become Americanized, ﬁne
process of ﬁne Americanization of teﬂ’ had also began.

The economic contribution of Eﬁniopians ﬁom abroad does not always bring positive
results: One major negative consequence is the increasing dependency of Eﬁniopians on
remittance, especially in areas like Gondar. So much is ﬁne ﬂow of ﬁne dollar to Gondar and so
glaring is ﬁne dependence on remittance in Gondar, ﬁne Ethiopian Amharic daily, Addis Zaman,3o

reported that in ﬁnal city ﬁnere are people who get married wiﬁnout having a means of support, save

 

29 Tellr contains 15 milligrams of iron per cup, 802, compared wiﬁn 4.5 milligrams in barely, 2 milligrams in
soybeans and lintels. Tall is also very ricln in calcium. It has 9 tinnes nnore calcium found in barely, wfneat, oats, millet;
and 7 ﬁmes more ﬁnan ﬁnal of brown rice. Except for soybean, none of ﬁne above cereals match ﬁne potassium content
of left. In general, in 2 oz serving of brown tell, one could get 200 calories, 7grams of protein, 1 gram of fat, 41 grams
of carbohydrates; and it also contains 13.5 per cent dietary ﬁber by weight. See Tesfaye Kelsela, 'Teff in America:
Eﬁnigg‘an Review, Vol. 3, No., 12 (December 1993), 33-34. For ﬁne increasing popularity of immigrant cuisine irn
America; and ﬁne Americanization of eﬁnnic foods, see Donna R. Gabaccia, We Are What We Eat Eﬁnnic Food m m
Mﬂng’ of Americans (Canbridge: Harvard University Press, 1998).

30 'Dollar Begondar’, Addis Zaman anmit 4, 1995 ['Dollar in Gondar,’ Addis Zamarn October 12, 2002]

 

 

233

the remittance. The townsfolk, boﬁn ﬁne young and ﬁne old, atﬁre ﬁnemselves in very expensive
clothes and shoes, mostly sent from relatives in America and Israel or bought with ﬁne money sent
ﬁom abroad. Moreover, chewing Chat (a mildly addictive narcotic leaf), alcoholism and active
nighﬁife had become ﬁne fashion of ﬁne day in that city. Therefore, conspicuous consumpﬁon which
further intensiﬁes dependency in ﬁnal city, for ﬁnal matter in all parts of Eﬁniopia where money is
remitted ﬁom abroad, is very apparent: ﬁne more Gondares/Eﬁniopians are exposed to foreign
goods, ﬁne more ﬁneir taste grows; and hence ﬁne vicious circle continues: “remittances are often
substantial and even essential to ﬁne economic survival of sending zones and countries but ﬁnal
ﬁnose leﬂ behind are rarely able to transfornn remittances into productive activities to stimulate
economic growth.”31

The false sense of prosperity has even attracted local banks to ﬁnal city: Gondar which had
only two banks until ﬁne mid 1990s has now more ﬁnan ﬁve.32 Yet, ﬁnough ﬁne increase in ﬁne
number of banks in a city could be taken as a sign for sound economy, in case of Gondar, it does
not seem ﬁnal way. There is no meaningful industrial and commercial activity ﬁnal newssitated ﬁne
opening of ﬁnese new banks in Gondar. Hence, I argue ﬁnal what seemed to have attracted ﬁnem to
that city is ﬁne high volume of remittance from abroad which in turn required ﬁne expansion of the
foreign cunency exchange service in Gondar.

But how long ﬁnis excess will continue in Gondar in particular and in Eﬁniopia in general is

not clearly known. Studies of immigrant communities and remittance reveal ﬁnal it does not seem to

 

3‘ Ludo Gallistel Colvin, 'lnlroduction and Regional Historical Background' in Lucie Gallistel Cde et al., m
UM oflheWestem Sdnel: Mil? MhCash in the M° (NewYork:PraegerPuinshers,1981),
10.

32 Unﬁl 1996, ﬁnere were only two banks, boﬁn of ﬁnem branches of ﬁne Commercial Bank of Eﬁniopia: One is
located in Chewa Safar while the oﬁner is situated in Arada, ﬁne commercial wnter of ﬁne city. The new additions are
Hibrat, Nib, Dashenanqugagan. Theﬁrstﬁnreeareioundin Piazza(ﬁnedowntownofGonda)whiIeﬁnelastonein
Arada.

234

last long :33 As ﬁne ﬁrst generation immigrants get older and die, the amount of money sent back
declines. Their offspring, who have neiﬁner the physical nor ﬁne emotional attachment to ﬁne
country of origin as ﬁneir parents did, often care less. Yet, ﬁne sense of ﬁnancial security which ﬁneir
parents provided to ﬁneir relatives back home will persist. Meanwhile, unable to satisfy ﬁneir newly
acquired taste, those Gondares who depended on remittance and other Eﬁniopians like ﬁnem, might
be tempted to seek emigration as one option. Hence, triggering additional migration, to say ﬁne
least.

Chapter 5. 2. The Cultural Impact

One cultural area wfnere ﬁne inﬂuence of Eﬁniopian-Americans in particular and ﬁne
Eﬁniopian Diaspora in general exhibited is on ﬁne diet of Ethiopians, especially in Addis Ababa.
Prior to ﬁne relum of large numbers of Eﬁniopian immigrants from abroad in ﬁne 19905, American
beverages such as Coca-Cola and Pepsi were known ﬁnroughout ﬁne country. Many intemalional
hotels like Hilton were providing American and oﬁner dishes including breakfasts: cereals for ﬁne
intemalional community, if not to the Ethiopian public at large. Nevertheless, foods such as
cheeseburger and hamburgers were unknown among Eﬁniopians.

These days, however, not only ﬁnese foods are known but are also available in almost
every part of Addis Ababa. One such outlet is ﬁne Spot Bar, which is located at Amist Killo and
whose menu includes Hamburger and Cheeseburgers with French fries. [See appendix] It is also
not uncommon to ﬁnd pizza in many of ﬁne pastries in ﬁne city. In addition, one also noﬁces names
like “King Burger,’ 'LA Burger,” in one of ﬁne afﬂuent parts of Addis Ababa, ﬁne Bole Road.

 

33 Jeffrey H. Cohen. ”Transnational Migration in Rural Oaxaca, Mexico: Dependency, Developnnent and ﬁne
Household,’ American AnﬁnMggist, Vol. 103, No. 4, (December 2001), 954-967.

235

It could also be said ﬁne ‘McDonaldization’34 of Eﬁniopia, seems to have begun. These
days, unlike earlier times, restaurants are providing 'to go” services. There is even a restaurant by
ﬁnal name: "In & Out,” which is located on ﬁne way to Piazza from Arit Killo, just before reaching ﬁne
Ras Mekonnen Bridge. The restaurant has a branch at ﬁne newly built Dembel City Center, ﬁne only
shopping mall in Eﬁniopia. In ﬁnal same locality, in front of ﬁne Mega Building, ﬁnere is Rand Fast
Food ﬁnal serves burgers and pizza. On Asmara Road, anoﬁner blooming part of the city, ﬁnere is
Big Burger which caters fast food for ﬁne neighborhood.

The ramiﬁcations of ﬁne development of fast food seems to go beyond ﬁne introducﬁon and
popularization of American cuisine: In a country and society where passage of ﬁme seemed
inconsequenﬁal and in a culture where socializaﬁon is ﬁne hallmark of a good individual, the
introduction of ‘to go' is an indication of a shift in atﬁtude towards sociallzaﬁon and ﬁne concept of
ﬁme: while ﬁme becomes no more constant, socialization also seems to have ceased serving as
ﬁne standard for good character. Moreover, where traditional food is consumed at home/Indoors
mostly from a common plate with as many as three or more people and accompanied by lots of
chatting, ﬁne ‘to go” culture ﬁnreatens ﬁne socialization associated wiﬁn tradiﬁonal Eﬁniopian dining.35
Thus, ﬁne ‘fast-food restaurants are bringing to [Eﬁniopla] . . . not only big Macs and French fries,
butmoreimportanﬁyﬁneAmericanstyleofM' onﬁnerun [emphasis added].‘l'hefasl-food
restaurant brings wiﬁn it ﬁne idea (and ﬁne structure to implement it) ﬁnal eating is someﬁning to be

completed as quickly and effortlessly as possible.”6

 

3‘ See George Ritzer, “McDonaldization: Basies, Studies, Applicaﬁons, and Extensions,’ in George Rilzer
(ed), McDonaldization: The Reader (London: Sage Publication Ltd., 2002), 13.

An interesting twist about ﬁne introduction of ﬁne fast food culture in Eﬁniopia is ﬁnal it began in ﬁne big city
raﬁnerﬁnanﬁne‘suburbsandrnedium—sizedtowns,’whidnwasﬁnecaseinﬁneUSA Hence,ﬁneproceesin Eﬁniopiais
ﬁne reverse.

35 George Ritzer, The McDonaldizaﬁon of Society: An lnvest_ngatn_o_n' ' into ﬁne Changng Character of
Contemm Social Life (Thousand Oaks: Pine Forge Press, 1996), 130-136.

”GeorgeRitzerJheMcDonaldizationThesiaM' sandExtensions(London:SagePublimlion Ltd,
1998), 84.

236

Furﬁnennore, ﬁne popularization of hamburger and cheeseburgers in Eﬁniopia, a country
where Christianity wiﬁn a very strong dose of Judaism dominates; and where adherents of Islam
account for more ﬁnan a quarter of ﬁne total populaﬁon, seems to mark a departure from ﬁne
centuries old tradition. According to ﬁne Eﬁniopian Orthodox Church, which believes in boﬁn ﬁne Old
and the New Testament, all meat sources are classiﬁed as “clean” and ‘unclean.’ Hence, pork/ham
is unclean. Not only ﬁnis, even ﬁnose which are categorized as “clean” could only be considered
and consumed as ‘clean' If and only if ﬁne catﬁe is killed by an ordained priest or a deacon. The
same applies to the religion of Islam. Therefore, ﬁne centuries old taboo is also being challenged.
With ﬁne McDonaldization of ﬁne food culture, Eﬁniopians are also exposed to eating meatlfood
without knowing who killed/blessed it.

Yet, one might inquire wfneﬁner ﬁne owners of ﬁnese businesses have been to ﬁne United
States? And could such business be viewed solely as outcomes of exposure to ﬁne American
culture?‘ While ﬁne answer to ﬁne latter question is afﬁnnative—since one could be exposed to
American culture direcﬁy or indirecﬁy, through internnediaries, such as movies and videos 37— the
response to ﬁne ﬁrst query, however, is yes and no: My conversation wiﬁn ﬁne owner of Spot Bar
revealed that he had never been to ﬁne United States but as a shrewd entrepreneur, he realized
ﬁne increasing popularity of burgers especially among ﬁne new generation Eﬁniopians; and ﬁnus
employed a professional chef and ﬁnal the 'spot' where his cafe/bar situated is a very convenient
place to sell a combination of boﬁn Eﬁniopian as well as foreign dishes. The bar's location is a place
where one ﬁnds customers whose taste and exposure is diverse, ranging from high school and
Eﬁniopian university students to Eﬁniopian and foreign scholars who are members of ﬁne Addis

Ababa University or its afﬁliates.

 

37 Mdcolm Wabrs indicated ﬁnat'modernization in paﬁwlaermphasis addedjﬁnatrnn
pemneateanddlssolveboundaiesbetween loealitiesand between politicalernﬁtiesandﬁnusaﬁowculturaltransmission
to take place at an increasingly rapid pace.’ See Globalization 170.

 

237

The impact of Eﬁniopian-Americans or ﬁnose from ﬁne diaspora seems also to be noﬁceable
on ﬁne nature of diet and ﬁne life style of Eﬁniopians: Not long ago being chubby was associated
wiﬁn being rich and well-fed; and hence meat eating remained customary among ﬁne well-to-do
while it remained ﬁne aspirations of the poor. However, getting fat does not seem to be ﬁne norm
anymore, at least in Addis Ababa, and especially among ﬁne educated, ﬁne foreign exposed and
among some of ﬁne young generation and well-to-do Eﬁniopians. They prefer vegetarian dishes and
exercise. Consequenﬁy, ﬁtrness centers and healﬁn clubs are also mushrooming in Addis Ababa.
These centers provide weight lifting and aerobic exercises for boﬁn female and male members.
Some of ﬁnem, in fact, had ﬁneir programs, aerobic exercise, aired on ﬁne naﬁonal television. This is
a marvel, a ﬁning that never existed some decades ago save for ﬁne YMCA 33 and Ginna Cheni’s
ﬁtrness program ﬁnal was broadcast on boﬁn radio and television.

Here, it is worth remembering ﬁnal ﬁne defunct Marxist military regime had banned ﬁne
YMCA & YWCA and branded ﬁnem tools of imperialism. And Ginna Charu’s program was male
oriented and male dominated, ﬁnough women could do ﬁne exercises at home. Therefore, ﬁne
existence of ﬁtness centers for boﬁn male and female customers; and ﬁne availability of a female
aerobic exercise instructor whose program is televised throughout ﬁne nation, indicates ﬁne impact
of Eﬁniopian-Americans or ﬁne Eﬁniopian diaspora. The liberal govemmenl policy and oﬁner factors
such as an increase in informed urban population which can also afford ﬁne luxury of membership
at a ﬁtness center and probably a personal trainer could also explain ﬁne growﬁn of ﬁﬁness centers.

The mushrooming of cyber cafes boﬁn in Addis Ababa and provincial towns like Gondar, in

the past ﬁve or so years, could also be parﬁy attributed to ﬁne Eﬁniopian Diaspora in general and

 

3'3 When it opened on Marcln 23, 1949, Emmror Haile Selassie was ﬁne patron while Lieut Col. Tamrit
Yrgazu, ﬁneﬁnen DirectorGeneranfﬁne MinistryofJusﬁce, saved aspresident. Seeiorﬁneopening ofﬁneYMCAin
Eﬁniopia, Religious News Service, 'Eﬁniopian YMCA Opened,‘ New York Trrnes Marcln 24, 1949, 18.

 

238

the Eﬁniopian-Americans in parﬁcular. 39 The cyber cafes provide allemaﬁve access to information
in a country where ﬁnere is only one television and radio station, boﬁn run by ﬁne govemmenl. They
also offer lntemet services ﬁnus bringing families togeﬁner ﬁnal are residing eiﬁner at home or
abroad.

The cyber cafes charge 0.75 birr ($1=8.56 birr) per minute. Though ﬁnis is an insigniﬁcant
sum for tourists and ﬁne Eﬁniopian expatriate community, it is a luxury for ﬁne majority of Ethiopians:
Eﬁniopia is one of ﬁne poorest countries on earﬁn wiﬁn a per capita income of $110.40 The scenario
becomes even worse wiﬁn ﬁne recunent drought and famine ﬁnal cunenﬁy engulfs about 17 million
Eﬁniopians. According to ﬁne Chinese News Agency, Xinhuanet, which quobd ﬁne Eﬁniopian
Ministry of Finance and Economic Development, the daily income of an Eﬁniopian is $0.47 and half
of ﬁne Eﬁniopian people pass ﬁne day wiﬁnout having sufﬁcient food, literally starving.41 Therefore, it
is apparent ﬁnal only Eﬁniopian-American returnees and oﬁners from the diaspora; and ﬁnose who
have relatives abroad, and hence who have additional source of income by way of remittance, who
can afford to use ﬁnese lntemet cafes. By ﬁne same token, it could be said ﬁnal ﬁne number and
availability of cyber cafes in a city reﬂects ﬁne existence of a sizable number of Eﬁniopians from ﬁne
diaspora and or foreigners in ﬁnal city.42

The same could be said of cellular phones. Like ﬁne lntemet, ﬁney provide a handy means

of communication. Yet ﬁney, too, are hard to get and very expensive. One of ﬁne main reasons for

 

”Asof20tXI,ﬁnecont'lnentofAiricehasdrout4mion lnbrnetsubscriners. Ofﬁnese, Ethiopian Internet
subscrinersaccounledfor7000whileKernyaha5100,000swsainers

See Forturne newspaner ornine at http:/Iwwwethioqulde.com/aa-ethioquide/ethioquide/eq-news.htrn and BBC
onine: http:/mews.bbc.co.uk/hi/enqlish/world/africa/newsid 1931000/1931120.stm

 

”TheWortdBank,AfrieaR' HumanDe lSerieszEdnmtionand irnSub-Sdnaan ‘
Amedm-wmmmaenm,oc:mmmanmamummmoemr
2001).95.

4‘ See ﬁne site: http:/mews.xinhuanet.com/enqlish/2002-03/30/content 337410.htm

PMﬂelwashEmbpnmedﬁneaeasMIvisﬂedwasNekanteandDebraMaqoslncidentdy,boﬁn
ciﬁesdonothave Interrnetservimﬁnougnpeoplewhom ldnatledwithirnforrrnedmetlnatsoornﬁneywihaveorne.
hnddantalyﬁoﬁesedﬁesaemedﬁnebastdfecbdaeasduringﬁneRedTaru.ﬂneyaedsoplaceswiﬁnitﬁe
or no attraction for Tourists.

239

their preciousness is govemmenl control: It is ﬁne Eﬁniopian Telecommunications Board ﬁnal runs
and provides telephone services ﬁnroughout the country. Despite the apparent demand for mobile
phone service in ﬁne country, ﬁne Board was unable to satisfy ﬁnese demands. In fact, mobile
phone service does not exist outside of the capital.43 To have a mobile phone, as ﬁne locals call it,
is becoming a status symbol in Eﬁniopia. If you have ﬁnese phones, you are a fereng (foreigner), a
merchant (nagade), a middleman (dellala), a rich person (habtam), or one of ﬁnose Ethiopians ﬁom
abroad.

In fact, not only mobile phone but regular telephone service is also less available, despite
ﬁne demand for such services: The govemmenl owned telecommunication system is incapable of
meeﬁng the local demand. After being enrolled to get a telephone line, one has to wait for years
until his/her tum comes. Yet, a couple of informants told me ﬁnal if you indicate to ﬁne
telecommunication ofﬁcials that you have a relaﬁve/relatives abroad, the waiting tinne is shortened;
and you will get a line faster ﬁnan ﬁne rest of ﬁne population. A shrewd decision on part of ﬁne
telecommunicatiOn ofﬁcials: if a person makes a call, say to ﬁne US. from Eﬁniopia, helshe will pay
17.00 birr per minute. This is in addiﬁon to service charge, sonne 20.00br'rr per telephone line, and
ﬁne newly introduwd 15 per cent Value Added Tax (VAT), which is expensive for a person wiﬁn a
limited income. As a consequence, Eﬁniopians who have telephone lines do not use ﬁne service for
out-going calls. Meanwhile, ﬁne existence of a population that has relatives abroad and hence are
willing to use telephones for domestic as well as intemaﬁonal calls, and for in-coming and out-
going calls, seems to enﬁce telecommunication ofﬁcials to give priority to Eﬁniopians who have

relaﬁves abroad.

 

43OneofﬁnelocalnewspapersreportedﬁnatinAddisAbabaaloneﬁnereare70,000peoplewhohavebeen
registered and waiting for mobile phone service. 'Yatelen Yamobayri Masr'fafeya Charata Manegimantu Bayr'simamanr'
Bordu Lachayr’naw Zte Sala [The Auction, for ﬁne Emansion of Telecommunication 3 Mobile Services, was Givern to ﬁne
Chinese ZET ﬁnough ﬁne Management Disagrees),' m, Magabet 1, 1995 EC (Marcln 8, 2003), 1.

240

The Eﬁnioplan-Americans, beside oﬁner factors, also encourage outward migration: many
Ethiopians at home are often impressed by the carefree manners of Ethiopian-Americans
whenever ﬁney are. Eﬁniopians also see and hear about ﬁnings such as cloﬁnes and shoes ﬁnal
Eﬁniopian-Americans bring, monies ﬁney give, the nice places ﬁney frequent, ﬁne business they
open . . . etc. The media, especially Hollywood, is also anoﬁner source of infornnaﬁon ﬁnal enﬁces
Eﬁniopians.44 Thus, as more Eﬁniopians come from abroad, more EﬁniOpians want to leave their
country so ﬁnal ﬁney, too, can accomplish what ﬁnese Eﬁniopian-Americans and oﬁners from ﬁne
diaspora are doing.

The temptation to emigrate becomes even more so for lack of adequate information as to
the living conditions of some of the returnees. For one ﬁning, their appearance deceives the locals.
For anoﬁner, some retumees deliberately falsify ﬁneir life abroad: instead of telling what ﬁney really
do for a living, ﬁney tell oﬁnerwise. For instance, some Ethiopians who work as nursing home
assistants in America would claim to be nurses. Oﬁners will brag about ﬁneir business while in
reality ﬁney have no business. They could be cab drivers, janitors and security ofﬁcers. The deceit
becomes worse if ﬁne Eﬁniopian-American or oﬁners from ﬁne diaspora are intending to bring a
spouse. They have to paint a rosy picture about ﬁneir immigrant life in ﬁne U .S. oﬁnerwise ﬁne future
bride or bridegroom will be reluctant.

Yet, despite ﬁne increasing awareness about the hurdles of immigrant life, Eﬁniopians are
more ﬁnan willing to emigrate to America. In fact, ﬁnese days ﬁne saying among Eﬁniopians towards
coming to ﬁne United States is “Americana mot endahon andiqan ayqn'm', which literally means,

‘deaﬁn and going to America is inevitable.” This is a great departure from ﬁne negative atﬁtude ﬁnal

 

“MMandSamﬁmdPaﬁyJSoﬁhﬁhﬁywodsTmaﬁmdAppeazHegamnyaﬂDam
Pohnid?‘ aof Fim T " Vol.26,No.4,(Winhr1999),176-188;SeedsoBBConine,
02/23I04: 'Exporl'lng ﬁne American Drean' h_ttp://www.bbc.co.uk/qo/pr/fr/-/1lhi/world/americas/iijl 2897.stm

241

Eﬁniopians had towards migration. In ﬁnis regard, an Eﬁniopian resident of Boston stated, 'in ﬁne
Eﬁniopia I knew, moving from one city to another was a big deal, not to mention mass exodus.”5

Consequenﬁy, ﬁnese days migration has become part of ﬁne psychological makeup of
Ethiopians. A look at some of ﬁne folk songs in Eﬁniopia clearly revels ﬁnis change. In his 1990
album, ﬁne famous singer Yrrga Dubale equated sidat (migraﬁon) wiﬁn slavery:

One who leﬂ his country, until he retums
ls loaded like a truck, and galloped like a horse."6

Anoﬁner Eﬁniopian singer, Settegn Atenaw, in his 2001 album, also articulated ﬁne grime
perception and fear ﬁnat Eﬁniopians have had towards migraﬁon. Yet, his rhymes also displayed ﬁne
shift in atﬁtude towards migration among his counﬁynnen; and a surprise at ﬁne ﬁesta ﬁnal ﬁne would

be emigrant and his/her relatives host for getting ﬁne opportunity to emigrate:

Guys! lanwondering, andlongingtoheayours
Asitissaidandweheard,inﬁneoldendays

Leaving one’s country means, ﬁne deaﬁn of all deaﬁns
Moving away from country, from relatives, to emigrate
ltwasasorrow, anxietyand heavyornorne’smirnd

To day, ﬁrese all is gone and a new trend had corrne
When one gets an exit visa, ﬁnere is a party

For migration is happiness, music and dance . . .

Thesedays, migrationiscelebratedlikeaweeding."
Moreover, ﬁne increasing number of Ethiopians who apply for Diversity Visa Lottery each

year is anoﬁner testimony for ﬁne change of atﬁtude towards migraﬁon in Eﬁniopia. So much is ﬁneir
numbers, especially in ﬁne monﬁns of September and October, it is reported ﬁnal ﬁne country’s
postal service has difﬁculty handling its customers: As noted in The Monitor '. . . it's exacﬁy 10

years since ﬁnis program [re DV lottery] started; but ﬁne post ofﬁce is making little progress in terms

 

‘5 Quoted in Francie Latour, 'In New Land, Eﬁniopians Struggle for Unity,‘ 1m Boston Globe, April 12, 1999,
A1, A12.

‘6 The singer is a traditional vocalist/a minstrel-man (azimaree) who, like ﬁne rest of ﬁne Eﬁniopian singers,
now lives straddling ﬁne two worlds, USA and Eﬁniopia.

‘7 Settegn Atenaw, too, is one of ﬁne many transrnational Eﬁniopian musicians. His album was produced in
Washington DC; and ﬁne distributor, too, is ﬁne American based Eﬁniopian music compmy, Eﬁniosound, located at 2409
18‘h Street NW. Washington DC 2009.

242

of improving its efﬁciency to match ﬁne great surge in demand for its services during ﬁne annual DV
lottery registration period."48

Furﬁnennore, ﬁne socio-economic background of ﬁne applicants also reﬂects ﬁnis change.
While it is understandable for ﬁne poor to seek migration to better ﬁneir lives, the migraﬁon of ﬁne
middleclass furﬁner depicts ﬁne changing attitude towards migration among Eﬁniopians. The
Monitor, which observed this trend, lamented ﬁnal “even, the well-to-do are often seen ﬁlling U.S.-
DV forms."9

Eﬁniopian-American impact on ﬁneir country of origin is not always posiﬁve: one also
encounters some gloomy practices such as strip-clubs in Addis Ababa.50 As its name might
suggest, Beverly Hills LA, is an American derivative. It is a phenomenon ﬁnal occuned in ﬁne past
decade in Eﬁniopia, a country where HIV-AIDS is becoming an epidemic (9.3 per 100 adults in
Eﬁniopia are HIV positive), such business and its continued growﬁn, at least in Addis Ababa (Bole
Road), is worrisome, to say ﬁne least.51 It may have been ﬁnis ﬁnreat ﬁnal convinced ﬁne EPRDF
govemmenl to take action against many of ﬁne clubs in ﬁne capital recenﬁy.52

On ﬁne oﬁrer hand, ﬁne introduction of nude dancing is an interesﬁng development from

boﬁn historical and sociological aspects: it is being practiced in a society where sex and sex related

 

*Sarni,‘Unirvrrov'IngEﬂiciency,'TheMonilor October25,1999.

”Ethiopian IndustriesUnarleloCornpete,“TheMonitor Januay17,2001.Annudy,betweeniorbﬁve
ﬁnusdehiopiansvﬁnDVbtbrywhiehetoldmmbaofarpﬁcantsisunhnown.However,itisreporledthalforﬁne
2M1DVLdbry,ﬁeStabDepaﬁmnthadmcawdsam13nimmsmmeavdaﬁeqmﬁxDVb
only50,000.SeeMaeM.Cherng,Fewwinners,manyanpﬁcantsinvisalottery,My,May26,2001,A13;MaeM.
Chang,GemCadsaebﬁaYsutezFedstareapphaﬁonsbrSO,m0vBas,mchba3,2000K”;
'5000Ethiopianswin USDiversityLotlery,'Addis Tribune May18,2001.

soOrneofﬁneIcednewsparersreporledthatﬁnereaealsopeoplewhoearnefrornArnerimtoreauit
EﬁmﬁmgibbrMewxmakamMeaatesSm'ﬂhbphywmsaMLawadwaanWMaMYm
WTsammﬂhaeaeMddanmmaeEngagethaﬁngEmmmWanmbrMeSexMakdh
Annaieaj,ﬂln_'_loP_o_st_, an8,1995 EC, [Januay15, 2003], 1-2

5‘1heWorldBark,AfricanDegomtlndcetors, 1998(99(Wash'lngbrnDC:ﬁreInlernatiornaBankfor
Reconstruction andDevelopment, 1998), 330, 335-337.

52thlwashAddsAbarahJummmedtymﬁcewaetadngacﬁmagﬁnstwhaﬁtannd‘iega'
dancedubs.Mmypeoue,mmEMbpimaubmignnaﬁonas,waelaranbusbdyasﬁmwsrﬂdﬁismp;
andsomeofﬁnedubswereclosedforgood.SeeasoBBCNews'EﬁniopiaStrinClubsRa'ded,'Jnly17,2003.
http:/lnews.bbc.co.uk/qo/pr/frl-ll/h_i/world/africa/307541 1.slm

 

 

 

243

matters are taboo. Consequenﬁy, sex is a “ﬁring“ ﬁnal is not discussed between even married
couples. What is more, it is improper to talk about such matters eiﬁner in private or in public. An
attempt to do oﬁnerwise is considered balege, improper and plebeian.

Eﬁniopian Americans are accused of sex trafﬁcking: They come to Eﬁniopia and entice girls
in ﬁne guise of marriage. At oﬁner ﬁmes, ﬁney will approach as willing sponsors for ﬁnose Diversity
Wsa lottery winners who do not have a sponsor. The latter, unless ﬁney have one, cannot get a visa
to ﬁne U.SA. Incidentally, some of ﬁne female sponsors are ﬁnemselves a one time or active
employees of strip clubs, or owners of one.53

CHAPTER 5. 3. The Political Impact: Relationship between ﬁne Etlniopian Diaspora and ﬁne
Etlniopian Government

Many of the aforementioned developments are episodes that occurred in ﬁne post-Derg
era. These developments could be attributed to ﬁne change of govemmenl and ﬁne liberal
tendencies that followed: Since ﬁne majority of Eﬁniopians residing in ﬁne US. are political refugees
and asylees who were opposed to ﬁne military regime, ﬁney felt ﬁnal ﬁney could not relum to
Ethiopia as long as ﬁne Derg was in power. Even if they were allowed, ﬁney could not establish
business due to ﬁne junta's socialist principles. Sending money back home was not ﬁnal enticing
because of ﬁne govemmenl regulated and enforced exchange rate ($1 =2.15birr). What is more, the
junta could also view ﬁne whole transaction differenﬁy—people could be accused of having a
relationship with imperialism. Furthermore, there was no money-wiring agency like the Weslem
Union operating in ﬁne country. Also, some of ﬁne present ﬁends such as strip clubs would have

been viewed as part of ﬁne cultural invasion and domination of imperialism.

 

53 ‘Elyopr’yawuyanSetochLarvasib Gabya WadaAmen'ca YamelikuDalanch TasamartawaIfEMTrrB,
1995(77nereareMiddlemen WhoAreEngagedin Sending Eﬁnr'opian WomentoAmern'caforSexMarketEﬁm,
January 16, 2003.]

244

But after 1991, ﬁre clnange of govemmenl was followed by policy change towards ﬁne
Eﬁniopian Diaspora: To ﬁnis effect ﬁne govemmenl issued a policy document, “A Policy Directive
Intended to Reach a National Consensus Wrth the Ethiopian Diaspora, 5‘ which allowed all
Eﬁniopian nationals who Ieﬂ ﬁneir country for one reason or another to relum to Eﬁniopia regardless
of ﬁneir political afﬁliation and citizenship ﬁney subsequenﬁy acquired. These Eﬁniopians were also
encouraged to invest in ﬁneir country. In addition, ﬁney were also accorded certain beneﬁts such as
bringing vehicles and oﬁner items tax-free. Moreover, ﬁnough convinced ﬁnal almost all Eﬁniopian
community organizations in ﬁne U.S.A and elsewhere are eiﬁner facades of antigovemment forces
or are being used as convenient outlets for anti-govemmenl activities, ﬁne policy document also
pointed out ﬁne govemmenl's willingness to work wiﬁn such community associations and political
parties as long as ﬁney followed peaceful co-existence and dialogue to ﬁne beneﬁt of ﬁne country.
Furﬁnennore, ﬁne document also encouraged Eﬁniopian embassies ﬁnroughout ﬁne world to ﬁy and
work wiﬁn any Eﬁniopian community organizations in ﬁneir respective countries.

Moreover, in a foreign policy document, “yaetyopia yawuch gudayna yadahininat policy
estrateji“ (Ethiopian Foreign Policy and Security Strategy), ﬁne govemnnent not only acknowledged
the importance of ﬁne Eﬁniopian community in America in enhancing and strengﬁnening Eﬁniopian
and American relations, but also its role in building Eﬁniopia, and called for a close cooperation

between ﬁne govemmenl and ﬁne daisporaﬁ5

 

5" Yawucln Guday Minesbr, “Bawuch Agar Naware Etiyopiyawryan Zand Biherawe Yagara Yruhnita (National
Consensus) Indifaler Yarrreyasihchilu Biherawe Gudayochin Asmalikifo Yawala Mare Iqid,’ Harnile 1992, Addis Ababa.
[Ministry of Foreign Affairs, “A Policy Directive Intended to Reacln a Naﬁonal Consensus wiﬁn ﬁne Eﬁniopian Diaspora,“
July 2000, Addis Ababa] Mimeograrhed. (Hereafter Policy Document)

55 The foreign policy document was distributed to various government agencies and ﬁne ruing paty afﬁliates
for evaluation. It discusses Eﬁniopia’s relation wiﬁn almost all countries wiﬁn whom it had diplomatic relation and
strategic interest. It clearly states ﬁne country's interest and ouﬁines what should be done in accordance wiﬁn ﬁne policy
document See Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 'Yaetyopr’a Yawuch Gudayna Yadahininat Policy Estrateji, ’Hidar1995 EC
[Ethiopian Foreign Policyand Security Strategy, November 2003] (Mimeographed).

245

In line wiﬁn such conviction, ﬁne Eﬁniopian Embassy in Washington DC had began sending
e-mail newsletters to all Eﬁniopians on whom it had information. These email newsletters, in
addition to updaﬁng informaﬁon on events in Eﬁniopia, also solicited help from ﬁne Eﬁniopians in
America to sign petitions to ﬁne US. Congress imploring ﬁnal ﬁney not take measures that might
damage Eﬁniopian’s interest and wellbeing. Someﬁnnes, ﬁne peﬁtion could also be a protest against
groups or institutions ﬁnal the Embassy believed disseminated information ﬁnal tarnished Eﬁniopia’s
image. 56

Though its success is unknown, during ﬁne Eﬁnio-Eritrean war of 1998-2000, ﬁne
govemmenl had sent its emissaries to ﬁne U.S.A looking for Eﬁniopian engineers and oﬁner
specialists to help it revive ﬁne arms manufacturing industry which had been shut since ﬁne downfall
of the military regime in 1991.57

One evident result of ﬁne govemmenl’s effort to work wiﬁn the Eﬁniopian Diaspora,
especially ﬁnose in ﬁne U.S., was ﬁnal Eﬁnioplans, in addition to contributing money for ﬁne war effort
and supporting the govemmenl in various ways, began going to Eﬁniopia in larger numbers.58

Meanwhile to furﬁner entice Eﬁniopians from abroad, ﬁne govemmenl promulgated a law,
Proclamation No. 270/2002,59 which granted almost dual ciﬁzenship to Ethiopians who acquired
ciﬁzenship of oﬁner countries. Part Two, Article 5 of ﬁne Law stipulates ﬁnal an Eﬁniopian national of
foreign citizenship can come and go without visa requirement; and can stay in Eﬁniopia as long as

helshe pleases. Besides, any such Eﬁniopian can invest in Eﬁniopia like all oﬁner Eﬁniopian citizens.

 

56 Sometimes, ﬁne petition could also a protest to a certain group orestablishment in ﬁne USA One instance
ofﬁniswasﬁneHollywoodproductionofﬁneﬁlmﬁnalslnowedﬁne1984fannineirnEﬁniopia.Atoﬁnertimes,itcouldbe
directed against FOX and CNN forairing a ﬁlm ﬁnal also displayed ﬁne despicable conditions ofﬁne country. See

rx

57 Indian Ocean Newslem, No. 929, December 9,2000.

5'lSeeﬁneﬁgureson tourism: ItshowsacontinuoushaeaseinﬁnenumbaofEﬁniopiansvisiﬁrngﬁnecounﬁy.

59 See m1 Gazeta, Addis Ababa 8" Year, No. 17, (5" Februay, 2002)

246

The Act also insures ﬁnal foreign citizens of Eﬁnioplan origin can be employed and have ﬁneir
retirement beneﬁts.

To facilitate ﬁne implementation of ﬁne law, ﬁne Eﬁniopian Government established a new
department, Ethiopian Expaﬁiate Affairs General Directorate, under ﬁre Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
The sole task of ﬁne Directorate is to help to solve any difﬁculties or complaints from members of
the Ethiopian diaspora while they were in Eﬁniopia.60

As a result of ﬁne enactment of ﬁne Law, some 1264 Eﬁniopians from ﬁnirIy-two (32) I
different countries had been registered and issued ﬁne Ethiopian “Green Card.“ Of ﬁnese
Eﬁniopians, ﬁne Eﬁniopian-Americans, as usual, accounted for ﬁne largest group, more than a ﬁnird
(433) of ﬁne total number of Ethiopians while Ethiopian-Italians (190), Ethiopian-Canadians (167)

and Ethiopian-Yemenis (129) followed in ﬁnal order.

 

6° The Directorate was established sometime in April 2002. Though young and understaffed, ﬁne current
head of ﬁne Directorate, Counsellor Teferi Melesse and his assistant. Ambassador Wubishet Demissie, irnfomned nne
ﬁnal ﬁney were trying ﬁneir best to help Eﬁniopians from ﬁne diaspora. One of ﬁneir achievements, in ﬁnis respect, was
ﬁnal when ﬁne Black Lion Hospital refused to accept ﬁne kidney dialysis maclnines which was collected and donated by
a group of Eﬁniopians and ﬁneir American colleagues, ﬁne Directorate leaked ﬁne situation to ﬁne media; and put ﬁne
hospital ofﬁcials on ﬁne spot Interview: September 13 and 16, 2002, Addis Ababa. See also ﬁne “Hospita Rejects
Donation Worﬁn Over 3 Million Birr,’ Eﬁn'm‘an Herald (Saturday Wber 28, 2002), 2.

247

Table 11: Graph Showing NmnberofEtlniopiansandﬁneirCountryofCMnshipwho
Received “ID Card.”61

500

 

Number of Ethiopian Origin Foreign CItizens

 

 

 

-'{--. _ - ..
:1 ..I :2. ’1" 3 ‘ "i ' 'c . _
‘. "I m; I. is.“ ;, . ..1. ......ry
52;; neg: : " - .:3‘f'
' ' ' ia:" :n-

Citizenship

However,PanTwo(6),placedﬁnefoIbwingresﬁicﬁons“...mtvﬁﬁnstandmgArﬁde50f
this Proclarnnation, ﬁneholderofﬁne Identiﬁcation Card offoreign national of Eﬁniopian origin . . .
Shall have no r_ng' hltovote [emphasis addedlorbeelected to any oﬂice atany levelofGovemment

..ShaﬂhavemrighttobeenployedonaregulabasisﬁnﬁneNaﬁmalDefense, Security,

Foreign Affairs and oﬁner simila political establishments.“ Furﬁnermore, alﬁnough ﬁne Decreedoes
mtstatehmmﬂnisﬁefeebgetﬁeﬂenﬁﬁcaionCadﬁmbpiasmobmimdomeated
ﬁnatﬁneyhavepaid$500;andﬁnalﬁneyhavetorenewﬁnecardeveryﬁveyears.

InﬁeeyesofsaneEmbpiansﬁeaforanenﬁaedstaneofﬁneEPRDFgovemnentwas
motivated more bypolitiesﬁnan by adesireto bring goodforﬁnecountry. Thegovemnnent,
however,respaﬂedbﬁeaﬂegaﬁondiﬁamﬁy.lnilsmﬁcydﬁecﬁve,ﬁstamdmamese
EﬁniopianswhoareaccusingofEPRDF ofulteriormotivesaeindividualswhothemselvesare

 

61DataobtainedfrornﬁneFederaDernocraticRepubicofEﬁniopia,InnrnigrationOﬂice,JuIy2003.Addis
AbaraNoteﬁnatcounﬁieswhohavelessﬁnmSpeopleaenolHedinﬁnegraph.
‘2 N_egﬂ' Gamta,AddisAbaba8"Year,No.17.(5'r Februay, 2002).

248

scared of losing support ﬁom among ﬁne diaspora. They feared ﬁnat since Eﬁniopians are allowed
to come and leave ﬁneir country at will, a measure which is very progressive especially compared
to ﬁne era of ﬁne Derg where ﬁney were denied sucln rights to ﬁneir country, ﬁney will have fewer
reasons to oppose ﬁne EPRDF regime in Eﬁniopia and hence less support to ﬁne cause of ﬁne
opposiﬁon. The govemmenl also believes ﬁnal its opponents are mainly supporters of ﬁne defunct
Derg regime and naﬁonal chauvinists.63

The govemmenl's assessment of its opponents had an element of truﬁn, to some degree. It
Eﬁniopians from the Diaspora can come and invest or have property in Eﬁniopia, then ﬁnese
Eﬁniopians and oﬁners residing abroad would prefer to invest or have assets at home ﬁnan
contribute money to an opposition group in America and elsewhere which often fails to deliver its
promises and very much fragmented. In addition, ﬁnese Eﬁniopians, in order to fulﬁll ﬁneir desire to
have some property at home and continue supporﬁng ﬁneir families, must work more hours in ﬁne
U.S. ﬁnan attending political rallies and meeﬁngs. Hence, ﬁney will be less inclined to partake in any
poliﬁcal event in ﬁne U.S.A.

On ﬁne oﬁner hand, one cannot reject outright ﬁne allegations and assumptions of ﬁnese
Eﬁniopians who are opposed to ﬁre EPRDF Government in Addis Ababa. Despite ﬁne govemmenl’s
initiative to issue “Green Card“ to any Eﬁniopian who acquired foreign citizenship and despite its
claim ﬁnal it is only relics of ﬁne former regime and some national chauvinists (timikilegnoch) who
question ﬁne govemmenl, ﬁne response from ﬁne Diaspora does not seem to be enﬁnusiasﬁc, which
could be evidenced from the abovementioned graph—so far ﬁne number of people who acquired
ﬁne “green card“ are less ﬁnan two ﬁnousand.

Opponents of the govemmenl have also a legitimate reason when one considers ﬁne

restricﬁons of voﬁng rights in light of Mexican and oﬁner immigrant experience in ﬁne U.S.. The

 

63 Policy Document.

249

Mexican govemnnent had allowed Mexican Americans, who acquired Annerican citizenship and yet
opted to have “dual citizenship,“ ﬁne right to vote. These days, in addition to Mexico ﬁnere are some
ninety-ﬁnree (93) countries in ﬁne world ﬁnal accept dual citizenship.64

While the actions of Mexican and oﬁner governments shows the degree of conﬁdence in
ﬁneir democratic practices and insﬁtuﬁons in ﬁneir country, ﬁne deeds of ﬁne Eﬁniopian govemmenl
seemed to indicate oﬁnerwise. The Eﬁniopian government seemed to have liked the
money/remittance from its immigrant nationals while it abhorred and feared ﬁneir political
participation in ﬁne fate of ﬁneir country: The Ethiopian immigrants who had been enjoying
American democracy can indeed cause more headache if not trouble for a govemmenl ﬁnal
supports collecﬁve rights raﬁner ﬁnan individual freedom, practices ethno-centric policy, endorses
ﬁne right to secede in a country ﬁnal has more ﬁnan seventy-ﬁve eﬁnnic groups and nationalities,
and yet dominated by a single eﬁnnic group, ﬁne Tigrayan, who mainly constitute ﬁne ruling EPRDF
party.

Furlhennore, to condemn its political opponents as national chauvinists (timkitegna) and or
lackeys of ﬁne former military regime simply because ﬁrey entertained a poliﬁcal opinion different
from its own is callous and counterproductive. Such accusations and counter accusaﬁons, coupled
wiﬁn ﬁne lack of a democratic tradition and ﬁne absence of a vibrant civil society in Eﬁniopia, furﬁner

complicated the situation for boﬁn the opposition in the diaspora and ﬁne govemmenl at home.

 

6" Countries like Argenﬁna, Brazil, Colombia, Canada, Costa Rica, Dominican Republic, El Salvador,
Ecuador, France, Great Britain, lsrael, Ireland, Italy, Panarna, and Switzerland are among the recent countries ﬁnal
allowed ﬁneir subjects to have dual ciﬁzenship. See Shelia L. Crouclner, Globalization and Belonging: The Politics of
IdentLty' in a Changing World (Lanhan: Rownman 8 Litﬁeﬁeld Publishers, INC, 2004), 71-72; Luin Goldring,
“Disaggregaﬁng Transnaﬁonal Social Spaces: Gender, Place and Ciﬁzenship in Mexico-US Transnaﬁonal Spaces,“ in
Ludger Pries (ed), New Transnational Social Sam: lntemational Mg" ration and Transnational Comgnies in ﬁne Early
Twenty-First Century (London: Rouﬁedge, 2001), 59-60; David A Marﬁn and T. Alexander Aleinikoff, “Double Tres:
Why Naﬁons Should Learn to Love Dual Nationality,“ Fm’ rn Polg' , No. 133, (November/December, 2002), 80-81.

250

CONCLUSION

There has been little study of Ethiopian or African immigrants in ﬁne United States who
came In ﬁne post-1965 period. This dissertation explores ﬁne gap in ﬁne study of new African
immigrants while contribuﬁng to the wider African diaspora studies. It also establishes a foundaﬁon
on which oﬁners will hopefully build exploring patterns of migraﬁon and setﬁement, community
fonnaﬁon and trans-nationalities; and ﬁne problems associated wiﬁn it.

Studying Eﬁniopian/African immigrants in ﬁne United States was full of surprises and
revelations. Yet, it was also a challenging endeavor for two reasons. One, there always existed a
disparity in ﬁgures between what Eﬁniopian community organizations claim and what ﬁne US
Census Bureau recorded about Eﬁniopians in America. The absence of complete and accurate
data eiﬁner from ﬁne Immigraﬁon and Naturalization Services (now Homeland Security) or Census
Bureau on Eﬁniopians, or for ﬁnal matter Africans immigrants as a whole, prior to the 1990 census
complicated ﬁne problem. Two, despite the existence of religious and eﬁnnic diversity among
Ethiopian immigrants and refugees in America and despite the tremendous signiﬁcance of ﬁnis
difference in understanding ﬁneir manner of entrance, patlems of setﬁement and community
fonnaﬁon and ﬁne tensions within and among ﬁnem, there are no ﬁgures for the various Eﬁniopian
eﬁnnic and religious groups in ﬁne U.S.A.

Despite such difﬁculﬁes in ﬁnis dissertation, I have succeeded showing the various causes
that iniﬁated refugee and immigrant ﬂows from Eﬁniopia into ﬁne US. in ﬁne twentieﬁn century, and
particularly since the 1950s. The presence of Eﬁniopians in America today is the result of two major
developments. One of ﬁne reasons was ﬁne commencement and development of bilateral
relationships between Eﬁniopia and America in 1903 and after, especially America’s evolution as a

super power in ﬁne world since 1945. The second was ﬁne civil war in Eﬁniopia, especially ﬁne Red

251

Tenor of ﬁne late 1970s. Accordingly, ﬁne proﬁle of Eﬁniopians in America reﬂects ﬁnese two
developments. While the political asylees (chieﬂy composed of students, tourists, businessmen
and former diplomats) who came to ﬁne U.S. before ﬁne 1974 Revoluﬁon reﬂected ﬁre nature of
Eﬁniopian-American relationships, ﬁne refugees who were primarily victims of the Red Tenor and
who were resettled in ﬁne US. in ﬁne 19805, minor Cold War realities. The US. viewed ﬁne refuges

as people who voted against communism by ﬁneir feet. Of ﬁnese two sets of Eﬁniopians, ﬁne V

,.....“
refugees account for ﬁne single largest group among Eﬁniopians in America. The manner of entry
into ﬁne U.S. interlaced wiﬁn ethnic/regional differences remains a mark of identity within and
among Eﬁniopians in America and will continue being a divisive ﬁneme for years to come.

While ﬁne aforementioned realities indicated ﬁne role of diplomatic relaﬁonships in iniﬁaﬁng,
and at times determining, migratory patterns, my dissertation points out ﬁnal ﬁne centuries old
Eﬁniopian and American relations was based on mutual interest. America viewed assisting
Eﬁniopia, ﬁne only independent African country and towards whom African Americans had
sentimental attachment and regard—at least until ﬁne 1960s—as an assurance to its black
population in its commitment to ﬁne black “race“ during Second World War and after. America also
seemed to have regarded Eﬁniopia as one of ﬁne few gateways into Africa in ﬁne pre-19605 period
and on ﬁne immediate aftennaﬁn of ﬁne independence era in Africa. The conﬁnent was under
colonial domination in ﬁne pre-19605 period when Europe’s grip on Africa was strong and hence
ﬁnere was very litﬁe room for America. Even after ﬁne 1960s, ﬁnough much of Africa was
independent, the newly independent anti-imperialist African states where, by and large, suspicious
of America. In light of such circumstances, Ethiopia had a special attracﬁon for ﬁne newly
independent African countries. Its American established universiﬁes, colleges, and military training

facilities presented an alternative to institutions of ﬁne former colonial masters. Haile Sillassie gave

scholarships to citizens of ﬁne newly independent African nations. This in turn, I believe, provided

252

an easy way in for America to access African students and military ofﬁcers being trained in
Eﬁniopia. Eﬁniopia also trained members of partisan movements like ﬁne African Naﬁonal Congress
(ANC).1 Therefore, ﬁne visits of American foreign secretaries and vice—presidents to ﬁne ﬁnen
University College of Addis Ababa (later on Haile Sillassie I University) in ﬁne 19605 could be also
considered an instance of America’s desire to access African students in Eﬁniopia.2 This coupled
with America’s desire to combat communism and Eﬁniopia’s strategic posiﬁon on ﬁne Red Sea and
ﬁne Indian Ocean, heightened America’ interest on Eﬁniopia.

On Eﬁniopia’s part, ﬁnroughout ﬁne twenﬁeﬁn century, its rulers such as Menelik, Zawditu,
Haile Sillassie and Meles ﬁrmly believed in America. At one ﬁme or anoﬁner Eﬁniopian leaders
sought out America’s help to counter European encroachment upon ﬁneir sovereignty, to stave off
foreign aggression from neighboring countries, or to neutralize communist and pan-Islam and pan-
Arab ﬁnreats. In ﬁne latter instance, alﬁnough Eﬁniopia is a black African country found on ﬁne
African continent, due to historic and cultural reasons, it has strong ties wiﬁn ﬁne Middle East. It was
also ﬁom ﬁnis situation ﬁnal one of ﬁne greatest ﬁnreats to its survival as an independent naﬁon

came.3 Yet, alﬁnough Eﬁniopian leaders, especially Haile Sellassie, were aware of ﬁne ﬁnreat and

 

l Orne of ﬁne founders of ﬁne mllitay wing of ﬁne African National Congress (ANC), Umkhonto we Slzwe, and
ﬁne former Souﬁn African president, Nelson Mandela and his colleagues were trained in Eﬁnbpia. During Merngistrr’s
reign, Eﬁniopia trained ﬁnousands of Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) and Zimbabwe African Peoples Union
(ZAPU) members and provided scholarship to boﬁn members of ﬁne ANC, Namibian (SWAPO) and Zimbabwe's
freedom ﬁghters. It is unfortunate ﬁnal ﬁnere is no work ﬁnal deals wiﬁn Eﬁniopia’s role and Involvement in Africa's
liberation struggle against colonialism or its involvement in ﬁne internal affairs of some of its neighbors sucln as Sudan
and Somalia. On Mandela's training in Eﬁniopia, see Nelson Mandela, Lo_ng Walk to FMom: The Aumm y of
Nelson Mandela (Boston: Little Brown, 1994), 255-57, 260, 265-267.

2 After ﬁne 1960s, no American high oﬂicial had visited Eﬁniopia. The only exception was ﬁne current US
Defense Secretary, Donald Rumsfeld’s post-911 hour or so stay in Addis Ababa. On Eﬁniopian strrdents and US
ofﬁcials visit to Haile Sellassie Isl University, See Randi Ronning Balsvik, Haile Sellassie’s Students: The Intellectual
and Social Bacquor_r_nd to Revolution, 1952-1977 (East Lansing: Michigan State University, 1985)

3 See Sven Rubinson, The Survival of Eﬁnigpjan lndmdence (London: Heinemann, 1976); Haggai ErlicIn,
Eﬁn'm’a and ﬁne Middle East (Boulder, L. Rienner Publishers, 1994); The Cross and ﬁne River. Eﬁnm‘ ' , Egym and ﬁne
LIE (Boulderz, L. Rienner Publishers, 2002); Eﬁnm’ 'a and ﬁne Challenge of Ind_egndence (Boulder, L. Rienner
Publishers, 1986). For understanding Nile water polities, see Dale Whittington, John Waterbury and Elizabeﬁn
McClelland, “Toward a New Nile Waters Agreement“ in Ariel Dinar and Edna T Loehman (ed.), Willy
Manage_r_rnent and Conﬂict Resolution (Westport Praeger, 1995), 167-179; John Bulloctr and Adel Dawish, W__a__ter

Wars: Coming Qoiﬂicts in the Middle East (London: Gollarncz, 1993).

253

alﬁnough he and his ministers incessanﬁy implored America to increase its economic and military
aid to counter ﬁnis challenge, America was unmoved—a ﬁnomy issue ﬁnal often maned Eﬁniopian
and Annerican relations during Haile Sellassie’s ﬁme. US. State Department ﬁles were rife wiﬁn
complaints from Eﬁniopian ofﬁcials regarding ﬁnis matter.4 Despite ﬁnis, Eﬁniopian and American
relations remained warm except for ﬁne brief interlude during ﬁne Marxist regime of Mengistu Haile
Mariam. Ethiopia remained ﬁne largest recipient of US. military aid in Africa, souﬁn of ﬁne Sahara
until ﬁne mid 19703. During ﬁnis period, in addiﬁon to ﬁne weapons it supplied on grant basis,
America provided some $300 million worth of military aid to Eﬁniopia which included training some
4000 Eﬁniopian ofﬁcers from ﬁne various branclnes of ﬁne Imperial Eﬁnlopian Armed Forces. This
number remained ﬁne single largest ﬁgure for American trained African ofﬁcers in sub-Saharan
even today. Meanwhile, American military advisors were found at virtually every level of ﬁne armed
forces. The question here is “was America aware of ﬁne impending danger, ﬁne 1974 Revoluﬁon,
against Haile Sellassie’s regime?“ If yes, why did not America not do someﬁning about it? The
reason probably rests in the following explanations. Since ﬁne revolution began as a protest ﬁom
among ﬁne lower ranks of ﬁne military ofﬁcers and N005 who demanded pay rises and certain
beneﬁts, America might have thought ﬁnal ﬁne renegade ofﬁcers could be easily reined in. Even if
ﬁne protest evolved into a full-ﬂedged revolution ﬁnal encompassed high ranking military ofﬁcers

and civilians, America's experience wiﬁn such “revolutions“ in Africa might have convinced it not to

 

fonedﬁemmonsmyknenmwasmhctantMsaﬁdyﬁneminaeasngdanandsdEmWabrnm
and sophisticated weapons was ﬁnal boﬁn MAG and State Department oﬂicials believed ﬁnal ﬁnere was no serious treat
against Eﬁniopia and ﬁnal ﬁne army was good enough to maintain internal security; and hence ﬁne weapons it had is
sufﬁced for such purposes. On ﬁne oﬁner hand, until after ﬁre 1960s, ﬁnere was no Africa desk ﬁnal dealt wiﬁn African
issues under ﬁre State Department Thus, Eﬁniopia’s issue was reviewed under ﬁre Middle East/Nearest Affa’rs which
was dominated by Arab/Middle East experts in whose eyes Eﬁniopia contributed very little to US. interests compared
to ﬁne Arab countries. Egypt’s position in ﬁne Arab world and its strategic position in ﬁne Mediterranean Sea and Arab
oil had adversely affected Eﬁniopia’s posiﬁon in ﬁne eyes of America’s foreign policy experts. It was only ﬁne poor
performance afﬁne Imperial Eﬁniopian Army against Somalia in 1963 and ﬁne massive Soviet ams supply to Somaia
and ﬁne increasing presence of ﬁne Soviets in ﬁne Horn of Africa ﬁnal convinced ﬁne America to increase its mililary and
economic aid to Eﬁniopia. However, ﬁnis was not satisfactory for Haile Sellasse. He was constantly looking for oﬁner
sources of military as well as economic aid from countries like Yugoslavia and oﬁners. See Marcus, Eﬁniopia, Gist
Britain ﬂ ﬁre United States, 1941-1974 (Berkeley. The University of California Press, 1983)

254

act. Often, such “revoluﬁons' in Africa end up being no more ﬁnan a putsch whose leaders were
American trained and loyal to American interest. Such leaders have no power base of ﬁneir own
and source of legiﬁmacy except for ﬁne army and cliental relationship wiﬁn ﬁne United States or wiﬁn
ﬁneir forrnner colonial masters. America also might have ﬁnought ﬁnal even if the low ranking ofﬁcers
got ﬁne support of ﬁne Eﬁniopian masses, American trained high ranking military ofﬁcers, who
dominate ﬁne ofﬁcer corps of the Eﬁniopian armed forces, would easily quell any socialist oriented
revolution. Or, ﬁney could change ﬁne direction of ﬁne revolution slowly but surely. The massacre of
sixty high ranking military ofﬁcers, including ﬁne chairman of the Provisional Military Administraﬁve
Council (PMAC), Gen. Aman Andom, and members of ﬁne royal family in ﬁne early days of ﬁne
revolution, and a series of purges and executions of western trained senior military ofﬁcers by ﬁne

Derg until its demise, might have been a response to such endeavors on America’s part5“ America

 

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UnitedStates,VolumeI:TheSeasonofCourtsh'g;WuyiOniloogun, mmmhAﬁicaAMd

Kern and (Londorn:OxfordUrniversityPrecs,2003),34—37.

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255

might have been totally unawares of ﬁne breadﬁn and depﬁn of ﬁne impending danger in Eﬁniopia, or
simply Ethiopia has lost its usefulness for America in ﬁne face of ﬁne development of satellite
communication system and ﬁne Camp David Peace Accord ﬁnal brought Egypt— compared to
Eﬁniopia, a much more valuable ally boﬁn strategically and politically—into ﬁne American camp.
Because of ﬁne Vneﬁnam debacle, which happened not so long ago, America might have decided
not to involve itself in anoﬁner quagmire in one of ﬁne remote parts of ﬁne world and hence might
have prefened to let go of Eﬁniopia.6 One of ﬁne consequences of such miscalculaﬁon was ﬁne
destabilization of ﬁne Horn of Africa ﬁnal produced, aside from oﬁner ﬁrings, massive refugees and
asylum seekers who, some of whom found ﬁneir way into ﬁne US.

The dissertation also traced ﬁne footsteps ﬁnal Eﬁniopians followed entering America. The
migration of Eﬁniopians to ﬁne U.S. ﬁnal began wiﬁn a handful of students in 19205 dramatically
changed in ﬁne past ﬁnree or so decades. It included political asylees and refugees; and in ﬁne past
ten years or so, it increasingly shifted from asylees and refugees, who were reluctant sojoumers in
America, to network immigrants (through marriage and family reunion). Consequenﬁy, eiﬁner
ﬁnrough family reunion or as Diversity Visa (DV) lottery winners, an average of 5,000 Eﬁniopians
have come to ﬁne U.S. annually since 1991.7 While ﬁne political asylees (students, tourists,

govemnnent functionaries etc.) and ﬁne D.V lottery winners came to America direcﬁy ﬂom Eﬁniopia,

 

encouraging sign and an invaluable contribuﬁon to anyone who is interested in studying ﬁne history of Eﬁniopian armed
forces in ﬁne 20m century. Sornne of ﬁnese memoirs are Getaclnew Yerorn, Firej Elm ' : Kewuﬂgna Yetarek Sanad
[Eﬁniopia be ﬁne Judge: From a Truﬁnful Documents] (Addis Ababa: Artistic Printing Press, 2003); Husen ’Ahmad,
Masiwaetnelna Sinai [Sacriﬁce and Standing Firm] (Addis Ababa, Star Printing Press, 2005); Nega Tegen, Yer'tr‘opr'a
Yerejim Zemenet Trqilna Yezemenawi Sarawit Ameseraret 1955-1974 [Eﬁniopia’s Centuries Struggle and ﬁne
Establishmnent of Modern Anny, 1955-1974], (Addis Ababa: 2000 (1’)); Tarnirat Tessema, Yasalefinrt Zemen: Yggﬁ
Mastewashe [My Life I Had: A Personal Recollection] (Addis Ababa: Chamber Printing Press, 2003); Tesfaye Habta
Maryam, Yetor Mada Wulo [On ﬁne Batﬁe Front] (Addis Ababa: Commercial Prinﬁng Press. 2005). For lack of
professionalism among African military forces, see Herbert M. Howe, Amgrg' uous Order". Mimry' Forces in Aﬁ'icarn
States (Boulder. Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2001)

6 For America's assessment of ﬁne Eﬁniopiarn revolution and its reluctance to intervene, see Donald Jordan,
Changigg American Assessments of ﬁne Soviet Thmat in Sub-Saharan Aﬂica: 1975-1985 (New York: University Press
of America, 1987), 53-61.

7 See US Department of Homeland Security, Yeabook of lmm‘m' Staﬁstics, 2002, (US. Governnnenl
Printing Ofﬁce, Washington DC, October 2003)

256

ﬁne refugees were airlifted from ﬁne neighboring countries, mainly from Sudan. The latter, for
historic and political reasons, served as sanctuary for ﬁne majority of Eﬁniopian refugees until
recenﬁy.

Aside ﬁom historic ﬁes and political interests between Eﬁniopia and Sudan ﬁnal ended with
the latter being ﬁne main destination for Eﬁniopian refugees and a source of resetﬁement,
geographic and eﬁnnic factors were oﬁner variables ﬁnal played a tremendous role in attracting
Eﬁniopians towards Sudan, which ﬁnis dissertation amply highlighted. The Amhara who are ﬁne
second largest eﬁnnic group in the counﬁy and who primarily reside in ﬁne provinces of Gondar,
Gojjam, Wallo and Shoa are also found in virtually every souﬁnem ketmas (towns) which initially
were military garrisons. It is worﬁn noﬁng ﬁnal in ﬁne early days of ﬁne revolution, it was in ﬁne urban
centers (ketemas) ﬁnal ﬁne bloodiest batﬁes between ﬁne Derg and its opponents were held. Thus,
Amharas who were in ﬁne forefront against ﬁne ancien regime and ﬁne Derg, when persecuted,
sought refuge eiﬁner in ﬁne nrral areas of ﬁne provinces or in ﬁne neighboring countries. However,
while some of the Oromo elite and oﬁners considered ﬁne Amhara in Oromo lands (Wallega, Keffa,
Bale, Arsi, lllubabor, and parts of Here and Sedamo) as neliegna (colonizerlsetﬁer) neighboring
states like Somalia associated ﬁne Eﬁniopian state with Amharas and detested ﬁne latter. Some
highlanders who sought refugee in Somalia were, ﬁnerefore, treated harshly. In light of ﬁnis, many
Eﬁniopians left for areas like Gondar. The province is an Amhara land wiﬁn a well-trodden route ﬁnal
connected ﬁne province wiﬁn Sudan. Gondar's rugged topography and ﬁre recalcitrant tradition
among its people also attracted many who desired to resist central authority and a safe haven.
Because of such circumstances, political persecution by ﬁne Derg, and ﬁne presence of many
guerrilla movements in ﬁne province, many Gondares left for Sudan and ﬁnance resetﬁed in

America

257

My dissertation also showed a disproportionate presence of Eﬁniopians from Gondar
(northwestern part of Ethiopia) and Shoa (central province) in America. While ﬁne presence of
Gondares in America was ﬁne result of political persecution and an event ﬁnal happened since ﬁne
19803, ﬁnose from Shoa come to ﬁre US because of two major reasons. One, until the mid 1970s,
people from Addis Ababa in particular, and Shoa province in general, were from ﬁne most favored
province which happened to be ﬁne power base of ﬁne ruling elite in Eﬁniopia. Hence, they had the
advantage in getting scholarships, higher education and foreign travel over ﬁne rest of ﬁne
provinces. Second, since ﬁne mid 19703, Addis Ababa, being one of the centers of opposition
against ﬁne Derg, had also suffered. Many of its inhabitants eiﬁner used ﬁne already existing
connection wiﬁn ﬁne outside world to leave ﬁne country or joined one or oﬁner opposition political
parties such as EPRP which had a base in Gondar province. When ﬁne latter was defeated, ﬁne
Shoans, like the rest of Eﬁniopians, left for Sudan from where ﬁney were resetﬁed in ﬁne US. In
terms of religion, too, followers of ﬁne Ethiopian Orﬁnodox church were overly represented while ﬁne
ratio of Muslim and Christian Eﬁniopians in Eﬁniopia was one to one. As a consequence, despite ﬁne
general belief ﬁnal Eﬁniopians are homogenous and in spite of ﬁne common factor (in ﬁnis case
poliﬁcal persecution) ﬁnal forced ﬁnem to ﬂee ﬁneir country, ﬁney are divided in terms religion,
regional origin (Shoa, Gondar etc), eﬁnnicity (Amhara, Tigre, Oromo etc.), class, political afﬁliation,
and context of arrival (asyleesflmmigrants and refugees).

Such divisions also have bearing on ﬁne various institutions, boﬁn civic as well as political,
that Eﬁniopians established, or desired to establish in America. My dissertation reveals that so far
ﬁne Eﬁniopian poliﬁcal asylees/immigrants in America have provided ﬁne leadership to ﬁne many
Ethiopian political parties, and civic institutions (churches and community organizations), and in
lobbying the American govemmenl eiﬁner on behalf of Eﬁniopia or against ﬁne regime in power. This

is so because of their higher levels of education and familiarity wiﬁn the American system due to

258

ﬁneir longer stay in ﬁne us. However, ﬁneir position is increasingly challenged by ﬁne new arrivals,
such as the refugees. The latter are demanding a fair share of ﬁne leadership role eiﬁner because of
their numerical superiority or higher level of educaﬁon (most refugees canne at younger age and
some of ﬁnem attained graduate and post graduate diplomas since their arrival in the US). My
dissertation divulges ﬁnal beneaﬁn ﬁnis refugeeflmmigrant dichotomy, ﬁnere is ﬁne ShoaIGondar
undercurrent which is witnessed in the leadership contest concerning the Eﬁniopian Orﬁnodox
church in America. Especially after 1991, ﬁre rivalry also appears to have oﬁner dimensions such
as eﬁnnic afﬁliation, Tigre vis-a-vis Amhara or Oromo Vs. non-Oromo. At ﬁmes, however, political
allegiances prior to arrival into ﬁne US. also affect ﬁne survival of ﬁne individual as a leader in an
Ethiopian organization in America. Because of one of ﬁnese reasons or as a result of the combined
effects of ﬁnese differences, Eﬁniopians in America are extremely divided and ﬁnis division is
mirrored in ﬁne number of churches, radio staﬁons and print media they have and in the number of
insﬁtnrtions and publications ﬁnal wiﬁnered away.

Although studies on migration revealed that since ﬁne 1960s women represented more
ﬁnan half of ﬁne legal immigrants entered into ﬁne U.S.,8 ﬁne Eﬁniopian case is different. Eﬁniopian
males are disproportionately represented (wiﬁnin among the refugees and asyleesﬁmmigrants) in
America. The gender bias towards Eﬁniopian women is parﬁy ﬁne result of lack of access to modern
educaﬁon. The latest data on literacy rate in Ethiopia, for the population between 15 years and
older, was 42.7 per cent. Of ﬁnese, ﬁne male-female literacy ratio was 50.3 and 35.1 per cent
respecﬁvely. Yet, America’s immigraﬁon policy often favors males over females. One of the

criterions for winning a DV lottery is ﬁnal ﬁne individual must, at least, complete high school

 

3 Saskia Sassen, Globalization and its Discontents (New York: ﬁne new press, 1998), 35; see also Donna
Gabaccia, “Women of ﬁne Mass Migrations: From Minority to Majority, 1820—1930“ in Dirk Hoerder and Leslie P. Mocln,
Global and Local: Europgan Migrants Persgﬁves (Boston: Norﬁneastern University Press, 1996), 90-91; Gmgory A
Kelson and Debra L. DeLaet, (ed.) Gender and My ration (New York: New York University Press, 1999), 45.

259

education. Annerica’s refugee admittance policy, beside oﬁner criterions, requires ﬁnal a refugee
must have prior associaﬁon wiﬁn American institution, eiﬁner at home or abroad. This criterion
effectively bars Eﬁniopian refugee women or oﬁnerwise from immigrating to US. The opﬁon, for ﬁne
majority of Eﬁniopian women, is to associate ﬁnemselves (eiﬁner ﬁnrough real or ﬁxed marriages)
wiﬁn ﬁneir counterpart. The dissertation reﬂects ﬁnal Eﬁniopian migration to ﬁne US. is mosﬁy male
dominated and ﬁnus contends most female Eﬁniopian immigrants in America came through family
reunion programs or as a family-wiﬁn ﬁneir husbands.

By tracing Weslem travelers account of Eﬁniopians in ﬁne nineteenﬁn and twentieﬁn century
and emphasizing ﬁne absence of a meaningful encounter between Eﬁniopians and European
colonialism, ﬁnis dissertaﬁon examined ﬁne absence of “race“ consciousness among Eﬁniopians in
America. While ﬁnis “color blindness“ helped Eﬁniopians to remain optimistic and oblivious against
racial prejudice prevalent in America, it also denied them ﬁne beneﬁts of “race“ solidarity which ﬁney
might have secured from fellow blacks, African Americans, and which could have helped ﬁnem in
ﬁne process of adjustment. While the view of prominent African Americans regarding Ethiopians in
America is mixed (for instance Jessie Jackson used Eﬁniopia to explain ﬁne depﬁn of poverty in one
of ﬁne American cities, Bill Cosby employed Ethiopian Immigrant success in America as model ﬁnat
African Americans should follow), ﬁne rank and ﬁle African American, however, considered
Eﬁniopian immigrants as people who came to steal ﬁneir jobs—a view ﬁney upheld against oﬁner
African immigrants as well. Meanwhile ﬁne larger community kept viewing Eﬁniopians as African
Americans. Yet, Eﬁniopian immigrants, at least ﬁne ﬁrst generation, remained in a state of “eiﬁner or"
while ﬁne American racial equation clearly deﬁnes an individual in “Black“ and “While.“

My dissertation also shows that despite such predicaments, Ethiopians have begun
establishing ﬁneir own insﬁtuﬁons, for instance churches, community organizations and media (print

as well as online), which indicate ﬁne degree of their adjustment as well as their struggle of survival.

260

The establishment of Eﬁniopian insﬁtutions in America also reﬂects a change ﬁom reluctant
sojoumers to permanent setﬁers. This change could be also noticed from ﬁne increasing number of
Eﬁniopians who are becoming American citizens. While ﬁne total number of Eﬁniopian-American
before 1990 was about 5,000, since ﬁnen an average of 2,000 Eﬁniopians are becoming US.
citizens annually.9

Like every oﬁner immigrant in America, Eﬁniopians are very much involved wiﬁn ﬁne country
of origin. So much so, ﬁneir remittance (sending money to relaﬁves and ﬁnrough direct investment)
is becoming ﬁne single largest source of foreign exchange eaming in Eﬁniopia. Lately, it is
estimated ﬁnal Eﬁniopia gets some $400 million from its diaspora community, mainly from
Eﬁniopian-Americans.

Their way of life is also impacting life in Eﬁniopia. They are becoming (in addition to
Hollywood) agents of Americanization. Conspicuous consumpﬁon, burgers, ﬁtness centers, and
strip-clubs are blooming in some parts of ﬁne country, especially in ﬁne capital. However, Eﬁniopians
in America failed to bring a meaningful change in ﬁne political discourse of ﬁneir country or
America’s foreign policy towards ﬁneir country of origin. The Eﬁniopian govemmenl does not
acknowledge dual citizenship and hence Eﬁniopian-Americans have no direct say in Ethiopian
politics. So far, ﬁne undercurrent of eﬁnnocentrism (which is a baggage ﬁney canied from Eﬁniopia)
and other squabbles among Eﬁniopians in America prevents ﬁnem from creating a pan-Eﬁniopian
political or civic organization and successfully lobbying ﬁne American govemmenl on behalf of
Ethiopia. Since 2000, however, certain trends are emerging. An Ethiopian-American constituency

is in the making.

 

9U.SDepahnaﬁd.hrsﬁceImigaﬁmardNaMﬂzaﬁonSavice,WYeabook ofﬁnenm
WUSWdMWCamJLﬂ Nsoorntheweb:

http: //www census. qov/popuIationlsocdemo/ancestry/EthIOpian. txt

261

Finally, migration which was unknown among Eﬁriopians prior to ﬁre 19703, and which
does not have an Amharic equivalent, now has become part of ﬁne Eﬁniopian culture. Today,
Eﬁniopians are found virtually in every part of ﬁre world.10 What is nnore, since migraﬁon becomes
network driven after ﬁne initial impulse, ﬁre number of Eﬁniopians in ﬁne various parts of ﬁne world
will keep on increasing. These days, Eﬁniopians who are entering ﬁre US. ﬁrmth various
manners such as family reunion, DV lottery winners, refugees and asylees number about 5.000 a
year. They are becoming ﬁne second largest African immigrant community in ﬁre U.S. Similarly ﬁne
number of oﬁner Africans in America is also increasing. A recent U .6. Census Bureau projections
support ﬁnis conclusion. The bureau estimates ﬁnal between 1993 and 2050 sonre 7 per cent of all
ﬁne immigrants to ﬁne US are going to be black.11 In previous years, ﬁne number of Africans in
America was insigniﬁcant.

Meanwhile, those Eﬁriopians who came to America because of political persecuﬁon and
who were aspiring to relum when ﬁrings improved back home will not repatriate even if ﬁrings
improve ﬁne way ﬁrey want. For one ﬁning, ﬁneir immigrant and refugee experience has changed
ﬁrem. Through ﬁnne, ﬁrey have integrated into ﬁne new society. They are accustomed to ﬁne
American way of life, American democracy and individualism. For anoﬁrer, ﬁre homes ﬁrey left
some ﬁnree or so decades ago no longer exist. People who ﬁney knew have aged and some of
ﬁnem do not even exist. The society and norms ﬁney left also have transformed. Imperial Eﬁriopia,

which most remember, has passed ﬁrrough ﬁre gnreling experience of socialism and as of late, has

 

1° Donald N. Levine. 'Reconﬁguring ﬁre Eﬁniopian Naﬁon in a Global Era,“ a paper presented at ﬁne 15'h
lnmrnnational Conference of Eﬁriopian Studies, Hamburg University, July 23, 2003. (Mimeographed)

1‘ April Gordon, “The New Diaspora: African Immigration to ﬁre United States,“ in Molrsen M. Mobasher and
Mahmoud Sadri, ed., Mgr' ation, Globalization, and Eﬁrnic Relations, ed., (Upper Saddle River. Peason Educeﬁon, Inc,
2004), 60.

262

embarked on eﬁrnlc federalism. In short, Eﬁniopian-Americans will become aliens to a country and
society to which ﬁrey desire to relum.12

Their American-bom children are oﬁner reasons for Eﬁriopian asylees and refugees not to
relum. As parents, ﬁney are obliged to be around unﬁl ﬁneir children are of age. Besides, America
has more to offer to ﬁneir children ﬁnan Eﬁriopia. Yet ﬁre ﬁrst generation Eﬁniopians also desire ﬁrat
their children, ﬁnough American-bom, remain Eﬁriopian. In ﬁnis regard, the establishment of
Eﬁniopian community centers, churches and annual festivals such as soccer toumaments were
attempts to insﬁll a sense of Eﬁniopiansness in the minds of ﬁne second-generation Ethiopians.
Studies conducted on immigrant clnildren in America attest to the continuity of eﬁnnic afﬁnity as
Chinese-American, Korean-American, Cuban-American.13 Yet, for all intents and purposes ﬁre
second generation Eﬁriopian-Americans are Americans. Compared to ﬁreir parents, ﬁney have Iitﬁe
attachments wiﬁr ﬁne country of origin. In fact, the second generation Eﬁniopians often expressed
ﬁreir frustration during ﬁne endless political debate, which at ﬁmes was confrontational, among ﬁneir
parents.“ Their travels to Eﬁriopia, have contradictory results, though made proud of their cultural
heritage, it also conﬁrmed ﬁnal Ethiopia is as alien to ﬁrem as any place can be. They are, in short,

Americans ﬁrough ﬁney may have relaﬁves in Eﬁniopia who could help ﬁnem sooth their sense of

 

‘2 Telde M. Woldemikael, “Eﬁniopians and Eritreans,“ in David W. Haines, ed., Case Studies in DM’ ' :
Refugﬂ in America in ﬁne 1990s (Praegers Publishers, 1997), p. 284.

‘3 Alejandro Portes and Ruben G. Rumbaut, Immg’ rant America: A Portrait (Berkeley: university of California
press, 1990), 94—142; Legacies: The §t0_ry of ﬁne lmm'grarl Second Generation (Berkeley. university of Cdiforrria
press, 2001), 147-191; for linguistic, cultural, school etc adaptation of immigrant children, see Alejandro Portes, ed.,
The New Second Generation (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1996).

The second-generation's afﬁliation to ﬁrelr parent’s country is, more ﬁnan often, dependent upon ﬁne way ﬁrey
aretreatedinAmerica. Ifﬁreyaretreatedbadly, asin ﬁrecaseofMexicunsin Cdifomiawhereﬁnestate'crtroduced
Proposition 187 ﬁnal barred immigrant children from all beneﬁts including going to school, ﬁnerr ﬁne second-generation
will react negatively. They will identify wiﬁr ﬁre country of ﬁneir parents.

1‘ An E-mail exchange wiﬁn Jared, August 16, 2001. He was ﬁne president of Eﬁniopian Students Association
in America. The association is aimed at bringing ﬁre second generation Eﬁriopians under one umbrella. The
association does not want association vriﬁr Eﬁriopian political parties or organization operating in America. So much so,
ﬁne association has to forgo ﬁne ﬁnancial assistance ﬁnal ﬁne Eﬁriopian embassy offered to help ﬁnem successfully
organize and host ﬁneir nneeting at Vrrginia in 2001. They did not want to be viewed as extensions of ﬁne EPRDF
government in Eﬁniopia.

263

national and cultural estrangement. On ﬁre oﬁner hand, unlike ﬁreir parents, ﬁre second-generation
has little cultural or familial obligation to their kin in Eﬁniopia. In light of this, and because of ﬁre
ongoing fractious politics, especially eﬁnnocentrism among Eﬁriopians, ﬁnal in turn prevents ﬁnem
from having uncontested Eﬁniopian identity and strong Ethiopian consﬁtuency in America, the

second-generaﬁon’s desire to remain Eﬁniopian appears uncertain—at least, for ﬁne time being.

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Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, Investment Bureau, Statistics Department, “Investment:
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