2 ., . . .35 - p . unwind-mun .. u. . h 3.... I. nunlx ”hair . AT "5 . {M I. V .I 3mg... 3.3 ad. .3; 2 mm - n! a ‘ ~ r8 ruin. . . t‘ 31.1 bwi! , . 1.. n 129.! . ‘ z..;url..mfi. wwwf‘u J. 5... . i 5a. tank: . . ; .9... 83!, I) . 771 sfifinfigfi 3. it: 4 «G2. T ._ , .9457.) s. 1‘ “ THESIS ’ 2001;? This is to certify that the dissertation entitled PERCEPTIONS OF INVULNERABILITY AND ADOLESCENT SEXUAL ACTIVITY presented by Sherry M. Knoppers has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for the degree in Family and Child Ecology Wings, Slim Major Profv sor ’€819nature ’5 .2006 Date MSU is an Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution LIBRARY Michigan State University PLACE IN RETURN BOX to remove this checkout from your record. TO AVOID FINES return on or before date due. MAY BE RECALLED with earlier due date if requested. DATE DUE I DATE DUE DATE DUE 065911506}! 2/05 p:/ClRC/DaleDue.indd-p.1 PERCEPTIONS OF INVULNERABILITY AND ADOLESCENT SEXUAL ACTIVITY By Sherry M. Knoppers A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Family and Child Ecology 2006 \K' 5L it ABSTRACT PERCEPTIONS OF INVULNERABILITY AND ADOLESCENT SEXUAL ACTIVITY By Sherry M. Knoppers Every year three million teens contract a sexually transmitted disease (Alan Guttmacher Institute, 1994) and close to one million teens become pregnant (The National Campaign to Prevent Teen Pregnancy, 2001 ). Youth who choose to abstain from sexual activity eliminate the risk of contracting a sexually transmitted disease while avoiding pregnancy and possible emotional consequences. Yet, even with successful intervention programs, not all youth enjoy the desired outcome. Human ecology provides a framework to help better understand the multiple influences impacting adolescents. The adolescent personal fable, first described by Elkind (1979), is a concept that may also help explain why some youth choose to engage in risky behavior even when aware of the potential consequences. Are adolescents with higher levels of invulnerability more likely to engage in sexual activity? The design of this study was a cross-sectional survey, the purpose of which was to examine the relationship between perceived invulnerability to pregnancy and STD’s and sexual activity. Using an adaptation of the Dane County Youth Assessment (University of Wisconsin Board of Regents, 1999) measures, combined with vulnerability questions from The New Personal Fable Scale (Lapsley, FitzGerald, Rice, & Jackson, 1989) and questions developed by the researcher, 67 usable surveys were completed by youth taking Life Skills classes in a mid sized Midwestern city and the surrounding area. A Spearman Rho was used to look at the correlation between perceived invulnerability and sexual activity and logistic regression was used to look at the relationship between perceived invulnerability and other predictors of sexual activity. While no relationship was found between feelings of invulnerability and sexual activity even when controlling for other predictors of sexual activity, perceived invulnerability did have some impact on the sexual behavior of youth with multiple risk factors and fewer protective factors. The latter result offers some support for the notion that perceived invulnerability may impact adolescent sexual activity, especially in high-risk youth. Interventions to decrease feelings of invulnerability and overall risk may be helpful in decreasing adolescent sexual activity. Copyright by SHERRY M. KNOPPERS 2006 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to extend my sincere appreciation to those individuals who have contributed to the success of this research project. My deepest appreciation to Lawrence Schiamberg, my chairperson, for his guidance, support, encouragement and patience. I would also like to thank Thomas Luster, Robert Griffore, and John Eulenberg, committee members, for their input, suggestions, and support. I am also thankful for the time and energy the supervisor and group facilitators at Wedgwood put into helping me obtain the needed surveys. I want to extend a special note of appreciation to my husband John and sons, Landon and Logan. Their patience and support through this long process was commendable! Above all I hope that this work will bring honor and glory to God and that its impact will be pleasing to Him. TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES ........................................................................... ix CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION AND STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM ........................ 1 Introduction ........................................................................... 1 Purpose ................................................................................. 6 CHAPTER 2 REVIEW OF RESEARCH .................................................................. 8 An Ecological Perspective to Youth Sexual Activity ........................... 8 Individual Level ............................................................. 9 Contexts of Youth Sexual Behavior ...................................... 11 Positive Youth Development ...................................................... 17 Interventions ......................................................................... 22 Specific Processes and Contexts of Adolescent Sexual Activity ............ 29 Youth Cognitive Interpretation and Perception of Risk Factors. 29 The Adolescent Personal Fable .............. . ............................ 32 Risk and Protective Factors ............................................... 35 Conclusion ........................................................................... 41 CHAPTER 3 METHODS .................................................................................... 42 Purpose of the Study ................................................................ 42 Definitions and Measures ........................................................... 42 General Definitions and Measures ....................................... 42 Research Design ..................................................................... 47 The Sample ........................................................................... 48 Method of Data Collection ........ » .................................................. 49 Reliability and Validity of Measures ..................................... 49 Study Implementation ...................................................... 50 Hypotheses ............................................................................ 51 Hypotheses relating to sexual behavior .................................. 51 Hypotheses relating to individual risk factors ........................... 52 Hypotheses relating to microsystem factors ............................. 53 Hypotheses relating to macrosystem/community factors .............. 54 Data Analysis for Hypotheses ...................................................... 54 Protection of Human Subjects ...................................................... 55 Limitations ............................................................................ 56 CHAPTER 4 RESULTS ..................................................................................... 57 Surveys ............................................................................. 57 Descriptive Statistics ............................................................... 57 vi Correlation between Feelings of Invulnerability and Sexual Activity ....... 70 Correlation of Factors Impacting Sexual Activity and Feelings of Invulnerability ........................................................................ 84 CHAPTER 5 DISCUSSION OF RESULTS ............................................................. 94 Youth Demographics .............................................................. 94 Relationships between Feelings of Invulnerability and Sexual Activity. . .. 95 Youth with higher perceived invulnerability will be more likely to be sexually active ........................................ 98 Youth with higher perceived invulnerability will have greater frequency of sexual activity .............................. 99 Youth with higher perceived invulnerability will have greater number of lifetime partners ............................... 99 Youth with higher perceived invulnerability will more frequently have sex while drunk or high ............................... 99 Youth with higher perceived invulnerability will have greater use of birth control ................................................ 100 Youth who have ever had an STD will have lower levels of perceived invulnerability ...................................... 101 Youth who have ever been pregnant or gotten someone pregnant will have lower levels of perceived invulnerability ........ 102 Youth with higher perceived invulnerability will be more likely to be sexually active when other predictors of sexual activity are controlled .................................................................... 102 Perceived invulnerability will have less impact on the sexual behavior of youth with few risk factors and more protective factors while having a greater impact on those with multiple risk factors and fewer protective factors ................................ 104 Relationship between Factors Impacting Sexual Activity and Feelings of Invulnerability .................................................................... 107 Younger youth will have higher levels of invulnerability ............. 107 Youth who use alcohol or drugs will have higher levels of invulnerability ............................................................... 107 Youth with a history of sexual abuse will have lower levels of Invulnerability ............................................................... 109 Youth with a history of physical abuse will have lower levels of invulnerability ............................................................... 109 Youth who have witnessed physical abuse will have lower levels of invulnerability ............................................................ 110 Males will have higher levels of invulnerability ........................ 110 Minority youth will have higher levels of invulnerability ............. 11] Youth with higher GPAs will have lower levels of invulnerability...112 Youth with strong religious beliefs will have lower levels of invulnerability ............................................................... l 12 vii Youth who believe that teens should not have sexual intercourse will have lower levels of invulnerability ................................ 113 Youth who live with both parents will have lower levels of invulnerability ............................................................... 1 14 Youth whose parents have never been divorced or separated will have lower levels of invulnerability ................................ 116 Youth with higher levels of parental monitoring will have lower levels of invulnerability .................................................... 116 Youth with higher levels of parental support will have lower levels of invulnerability .................................................... 117 Youth who have parents with higher levels of education will have lower levels of invulnerability ............................................ 117 Youth with parents who are more approving of adolescent sexual activity will have higher levels of invulnerability ...................... 118 Youth with parents who are more approving of adolescent alcohol consumption will have higher levels of invulnerability ............... 119 Youth who report having friends who get into trouble, are sexually active, drink or use drugs, or smoke will have higher levels of invulnerability ............................................................... 120 Youth reporting supportive communities will have lower levels of invulnerability ............................................................ 120 Conclusion ............................................................................ 12] Limitations ................................................................... 121 Implications for future research, theory and social policy/intervention .......................................................... 124 APPENDICES ................................................................................ 128 REFERENCES ................................................................................ 140 viii Table 1 Table 2 Table 3 Table 4 Table 5 Table 6 Table 7 Table 8 Table 9 Table 10 Table 11 Table 12 Table 13 Table 14 Table 15 Table 16 Table 17 Table 18 Table 19 Table 20 Table 21 LIST OF TABLES Youth Age ................................................................... 57 Youth Race/ethnicity ...................................................... 57 Average Grades ............................................................. 58 Where Youth Live .......................................................... 58 With Whom Youth Lives ................................................. 58 Mom’s Education .......................................................... 59 Dad’s Education ............................................................ 59 Parents Divorced or Separated ........................................... 59 Youth Smoking ............................................................. 60 Youth Drinking ............................................................. 60 More than Five Drinks in the Last Month .............................. 60 Youth Marijuana Use ....................................................... 61 Youth Use of Other Drugs ................................................. 61 Youth Don’t Fear Pregnancy with Unprotected Sex ................ 61 Youth Don’t Fear STDs with Unprotected Sex ...................... 62 Youth Think They Could Get Pregnant with Unprotected Sex ............................................................. 62 Youth Think They Could Get an STD with Unprotected Sex ..... 62 Religion Important .......................................................... 63 Not Very Involved in Religious Activity ............................... 63 If Ever Had Sex Age 1St Voluntary Sex ................................. 64 How Often Youth Had Sex in Last Three Months ..................... 64 ix Table 22 Table 23 Table 24 Table 25 Table 26 Table 27 Table 28 Table 29 Table 30 Table 31 Table 32 Table 33 Table 34 Table 35 Table 36 Table 37 Table 38 Table 39 Table 40 Table 41 Table 42 Table 43 Number of Lifetime Partners .............................................. 64 How Often Youth Have Sex While Drunk .............................. 65 How Often Youth Use Birth Control .................................... 65 Witnessed Abuse or Beating ............................................. 65 Neighbors Could Help with a Problem ................................. 66 Community Adult Would Tell Parent if Youth Did Something Wrong ...................................................................... 66 People in the Community Know and Care about Each Other ...... 66 Youth Tell Adults Before Going Out ................................... 67 Youth Talk with Adults about Plans .................................... 67 Adults Ask When Youth Go Out ....................................... 67 Adult Knows What Youth Do after School ........................... 67 Parent There When Needed ............................................. 68 Parent Cares About Youth .............................................. 68 Parents Say Teens Should Not Have Sex .............................. 68 Parents Say Teens Should Not Drink ................................... 68 Youth Friends Help Them Stay Out of Trouble ..................... 69 Most Friends Do Not Have Sex ........................................ 69 Most Friends Do Not Drink or Do Drugs ............................ 69 Most Friends Do Not Smoke ............................................ 69 Youth Belief That Teens Should Not Have Sex ..................... 70 Logistic Regression of Sexual Vulnerability and Top 4 Correlates. 76 Logistic Regression of 1St Two Sexual Vulnerability Questions and Top 4 Correlates ....................................................... 76 Table 44 Table 45 Table 46 Table 47 Table 48 Table 49 Table 50 Table 51 Table 52 Table 53 Table 54 Table 55 Table 56 Table 57 Logistic Regression of 2“d Two Sexual Vulnerability Questions and Top 4 Correlates ..................................................... Logistic Regression of Personal Fable and Top 4 Correlates ....... Logistic Regression of 5 Items with Highest Loading on the Personal Fable Scale and Top 4 Correlates ............................ Logistic Regression with Top 4 Dichotomous Variables and Sexual Vulnerability ...................................................... Logistic Regression with Top 4 Dichotomous Variables and 1St Two Sexual Vulnerability Questions ........................... Logistic Regression with Top 4 Dichotomous Variables and 2nd Two Sexual Vulnerability Questions .......................... Logistic Regression with Top 4 Dichotomous Variables and Personal Fable Scale ................................................. Logistic Regression with Top 4 Dichotomous Variables and 5 Items with Highest Loading on the Personal Fable Scale Logistic Regression with Total Risk and Sexual Vulnerability. . . Logistic Regression with Total Risk and 1St Two Sexual Vulnerability Questions .................................................. Logistic Regression with Total Risk and 2"d Two Sexual Vulnerability Questions .................................................. Logistic Regression with Total Risk and Personal Fable Scale. Logistic Regression with Total Risk and 5 Items with Highest Loading on the Personal Fable Scale .................................. Youth Age and Chronological Age of 1St Sex Cross Tabulation. . xi .. 76 ..77 .77 .78 .78 .79 .79 80 83 83 84 84 84 97 Chapter 1 Introduction and Statement of the Problem Introduction Adolescent sexual activity is a topic of interest and concern to society. Healthy People 2010 Ten Leading Health Indicators for the Nation and the Surgeon General’s public health priorities both include promoting responsible sexual behavior (Satcher, 2001). Every year three million teens contract a sexually transmitted disease (Alan Guttmacher Institute, 1994). Nearly 1 in 4 sexually active young people will get a sexually transmitted disease or infection (STD) (Kaiser Family Foundation, 2003). The Office of the Surgeon General (2001) reported that rates for gonorrhea are greatest among 15-19 year olds and females in this age group have the highest rates of Chlamydia. In addition, close to one million teens become pregnant each year accounting for about 1/5th of all sexually active females (Kalmuss, Davidson, Cohall, Laraque, & Cassell, 2003; The National Campaign to Prevent Teen Pregnancy, 2001). Nearly half of all unintended pregnancies occur in adolescents (Office of the Surgeon General, 2001). These adolescent pregnancies place a large burden on society both in medical and social costs and as these children grow up, they are at a very high risk for engaging in early sexual activity themselves (Levine, Pollack, & Comfort, 2001). Rector, Johnson, and Noyes (2003) report that the majority of sexually active teens wish they had waited longer before beginning sexual activity and that teens who are sexually active are significantly less likely to be happy. They are also more likely to feel depressed and attempt suicide than teens that are not sexually active (Rector et al., 2003). Topolski et a1. (2001) looked at quality of life indicators and found that youth who abstain from high risk sexual behaviors report a higher quality of life than those who experiment or engage regularly in these behaviors. Youth who choose to abstain from sexual activity can eliminate the risk of contracting sexually transmitted diseases while avoiding pregnancy and possible emotional consequences. The Physicians Consortium holds that it is best for adolescents to wait until marriage for sexual involvement as an arbitrary delay to just a “later age” still leaves youth at risk for STD infection (Diggs, Wallis, Mohn, & Jones, 2001). Youth who become sexually active at an earlier age usually end up having more sexual partners, which is linked to greater STD risk. Condom use generally decreases over time, so youth who become sexually active at an earlier age are likely to have a greater number of sexual acts unprotected against STDs and teen pregnancy than teens that begin sex at a later age (Diggs et al., 2001). In a study of rural youth, Yarber, Milhausen, Crosby, and DiClemente (2002) had similar findings and surmised that rural youth who initiate sexual activity at an early age are at an increased risk of engaging in subsequent sexual risk behaviors, such as having multiple sex partners and not using a condom. If adolescents wait until they are in stable marriage relationships before becoming sexually active and remain faithful in these relationships, many societal problems could be eliminated. Single parenting would be limited to those losing their partner to divorce, still a societal concern, or death. Those who continue to remain faithful in the marriage relationship would have no fear of STD’s. Even HIV infection would decrease drastically, being spread only by those using contaminated drug needles or by rare accidental exposure such as with medical personal. With this in mind, few would disagree that sexual abstinence is best for adolescents, yet the high percentage of sexually active teens indicates that many youth are not abstaining from sex. In 1999 almost 50% of high school students had engaged in sexual intercourse at least once with around 16% of these youth having been with four or more sexual partners (Kann et al., 2000). By their senior year of high school, nearly two-thirds of adolescents reported that they had engaged in sex (Kaiser F amily Foundation, 2003). While promoting abstinence is a laudable goal it is unclear how it can best be accomplished. It is even more challenging when a clear definition of sexual activity and sexual abstinence is lacking (Bailey, Young, Knickerbocker, & Doan, 2002). Hawkins et a1. (2002) examined adolescent perceptions of the terms abstinence and sexual activity. While perceptions of abstinence were related to age, other factors such as gender, virginity status, attendance at religious services, and perceived religiosity did not impact perception. Haglund (2003) found most sexually abstinent African American females in this study referred to “having sex” as vaginal intercourse and being abstinent as refraining from intercourse. Knoppers (2003b) defines sexual abstinence as “not engaging in sexual activity that could put a youth at risk of contracting a sexually transmitted disease or cause pregnancy.” This definition focuses on the negative societal implication to sexual activity, framing it broadly enough to cover potential consequences. It can also be viewed on a continuum ranging from any type of physical contact at one end of the scale to doing any type of sexual activity except actual vaginal intercourse at the other end (Knoppers, 2003b). If youth view sexual activity at this later end of the continuum it could put them at risk for the consequences of sexual activity if they do “everything but”, thinking this is still abstinence (Haglund, 2003). Many approaches to promoting sexual abstinence in teens have been tried with varying results. The majority of programs provide youth with information about the risks involved with sexual activity. If adolescents have this information why then do so many still engage in sexual activity? What other factors impact their behavior? Could feelings of invulnerable to the potential consequences play a part? Anderson, Nyamathi, McAvoy, Conde, and Casey (2001) found that adolescents in juvenile detention facilities did not see themselves as being at risk for HIV infection even when sexually active. Because they associated HIV with drug use and did not know many infected people, they were more worried about gangs, drugs, and violence in their neighborhoods and did not see sexual activity as a concern. Even with risk factors present, few girls in another study perceived themselves to be at risk for HIV (Morrison-Beedy, Carey, & Aronowitz, 2003). Williams, Norris, and Bedor (2003) had similar findings in a study of college students. Less than half of them used condoms at last intercourse with no correlation to the type of partner they had, and they did not express any fear of HIV or other STDs. Worse yet, DiClemente et al. (2002) found that teens who had had sexually transmitted diseases were more knowledgeable about STD prevention but were more likely to engage in unprotected sex. Chapin (2001) found that a group of high-risk African American adolescents felt that they were less likely than their peers to become pregnant (or cause a pregnancy). These youth displayed an optimistic bias, underestimating their personal risk in relation to their peers. High school students with high feelings of perceived invulnerability also perceived themselves as less susceptible to sexual risks. They may well believe that if they had engaged in risky sexual behavior without any negative consequences, they are immune (Chapin, 2001). Another study found no relationship between frequency of participants’ risk- reducing behaviors and their perceived probability of HIV infection (Cohen & Bruce, 1997) while Hutchinson (1999) did find a correlation in youth who were consistent in using condoms, satisfied with their relationships, and perceived their partner as uninfected. These young women had increased odds of believing they were at no risk for sexually transmitted diseases or infections including HIV, likely related in part to their perceived lack of risk and their risk reducing behavior. Apparently feeling good about their relationships and believing that their partners did not have any STDs along with taking the precaution of using condoms gave them a feeling of safety or invulnerability. Porter, Oakley, Guthrie, and Killion (1999) did not find initiation of sexual intercourse correlated to any shifis in perceived costs or benefits but to increases in the frequency of the intimate behaviors of going out together alone, kissing and making out, and the opportunity for intercourse when home alone. So these youth looked less at perceived costs and benefits and more at behaviors leading to sexual intimacy and the opportunity to progress to that level. Adolescents can perceive benefits and costs associated with unprotected sex, though. Parsons, Perry, Bimbi, and Borkowski (2000) found that college students’ sexual risk behaviors were correlated to their perceptions of the benefits associated with unprotected sex. They seemed to perceive the positive outcomes associated with unprotected sex as greater than the costs or potential negative outcomes, in their minds justifying their sexual risk-taking behaviors. In this study perceptions of the positive outcomes of unprotected sex, along with the inability to resist temptation and low self-efficacy for safer sex, were predictive of sexual risk-taking for these youth (Parsons et al., 2000). In an earlier study Parsons, Siegel, and Cousins (1997) also found that risk perception seemed less important than perceived benefits to the risks involved with sexual risk taking. If youth’s perception of benefits better predicts risk- taking behavior than perceived costs, addressing this area of adolescent prevention may be important in decreasing sexual risk taking among adolescents. Yet this aspect of adolescent sexuality needs further study. Numerous studies have shown that many different variables correlated to adolescent sexual activity, but what is the impact of feelings of invulnerability? Do adolescents’ perception of invulnerability to the potential negative consequences of sexual activity impact their intentions or behavior? While this piece alone warrants consideration, many other factors also impact sexual behavior. What is the relationship between feelings of invulnerability and other risk factors for adolescent sexual behavior? film The purpose of this study is to answer these questions: Is there a relationship between youths’ perceived invulnerability to pregnancy and STDs and sexual activity? And, what is the relationship between youths’ perceived invulnerability to pregnancy and STDs and sexual activity when considering other predictors of sexual activity (e. g. drug use, peer group, parental support)? This study also looked to answer questions about how the individual risk and protective factors for adolescent sexual activity as well as factors at the microsystem and macrosystem levels relate to feelings of invulnerability. Chapter 2 Review of Research Human ecology provides a framework to help better understand the multiple influences impacting adolescents. Viewed from a human ecological perspective, how an adolescent develops is a function of the individual person and environment over the period of time that person is developing (Bronfenbrenner, 1989). The ecological model is a dynamic interactive model where the individual adapts to the environment, and the environment positively or adversely impacts development (Blum, McNeely, & Nonnemaker, 2001). Bronfenbrenner (1989) sees humans inextricably embedded in their environment. Both individual factors and environmental factors may contribute to an adolescent’s decision to be sexually active or to abstain from sexual activity. The base of behavior and development lies in the dynamic relationships within the individual-context system. The relative plasticity of developmental systems can help in planning interventions to prevent negative developmental trajectories, and can also provide ideas on how to promote system changes that can optimize positive healthy functioning (Lerner, 2003). An Ecological Perspective to Youth Sexual Activity Perkins, Luster, Villarruel, and Small'(1998) found that factors at the individual, family, and extra-familial level were all predictive of sexual activity in adolescents from different ethnic groups, though there were a few gender differences. Talashek, Norr, and Dancy (2003) also discuss individual, family, and environmental factors impacting adolescent sexual risk taking. Individual level. On an individual level, youth with frequent attendance at religious services, who are more actively involved in religious activities or attached to religious institutions, have strong religious beliefs, or those who make virginity pledges are much less likely to be sexually active (Brewster, Cooksey, Guilkey, & Rindfuss, 1998; Diggs et al., 2001; Kalmuss et al., 2003; Kirby, 2001b; Larnmers, Ireland, Resnick, & Blum, 2000; Satcher, 2001; and Scales & Leffert, 1999). While religious beliefs are very individual, the adolescent’s environment may have an influence as well. Also looking at the individual, Paradise, Cote, Minsky, Lourenco, and Howland (2001) found that in their study of adolescent girls’ reasons for having or not having sex, values and beliefs were cited by the majority of virgins. Most of these girls felt that the time was not right for them, they wanted to wait until they were older, or they wanted to wait until they were married. Self-efficacy can also impact an adolescent’s decision to remain sexually abstinent (Taris, & Semin, 1999). Kirby (2001b) found that adolescents’ emotional well being, their own sexual beliefs and norms about sexual behaviors, their attitudes, their skills, and their motivation also can affect sexual behaviors. Halpern, Joyner, Udry, and Suchindran (2000) found that higher intelligence was associated with postponement of the initiation of the full spectrum of sexual activities. They concluded that higher intelligence in the individual is a protective factor against early sexual activity during adolescence even when controlling for age, physical maturity, and mother’s education. The time between puberty and psychosocial maturity has grown larger with puberty being reached at an earlier age today than it was in the past (Baumrind, 1987) and many young adults getting married later. Youth who reach puberty earlier than their peers are at increased risk (Bearman & Bruckner, 2001). Doswell and Braxter (2002) also note this increased risk for early sexual behavior with early pubertal development. Hormone levels can make a difference as well (Kirby, 2001b). Halpern, Udry, and Suchindran (1997) found that testosterone and changes in testosterone were significantly related to the timing of sexual initiation. While this physiological aspect of the individual did impact timing of first sex, the frequency of attendance at religious services acted as a social control variable for subjects. The effect of testosterone was negated for those youth who attended religious services more frequently (Halpem et al., 1997). Green, Kromar, and Walters (2000) looked at sensation seeking as an individual variable associated with high risk behaviors including risky sexual behaviors. They also noted that this factor peaks during the adolescent years, especially in males. This coincides with the rise in testosterone, which may contribute to sensation seeking. They also acknowledged, though, that problem behaviors such as sexual risk taking are related to family socialization and communication patterns as well (Green, Kromar, & Walters, 2000). Owens and Shaw (2003) see individual characteristics as among the most influential of the environmental factors. Another relevant individual factor is the adolescent’s cognitive interpretation or perception of risk related to sexual activity. Feelings of invulnerability, in particular, may impact adolescent sexual behavior. This concept, under the heading of 10 adolescent personal fable, will be discussed further starting on page 32 while the narrower aspect of feelings of invulnerability will be more carefully addressed after the discussion of risk and protective factors beginning on page 35. Contexts of youth sexual behavior. Environmental impacts on individuals and their interactions with the environment occur at several different levels. Bronfenbrenner (1989) categorized the microsystem as a place where face-to-face interactions occur, the mesosystem as the links between microsystems, exosystems as similar to mesosytems but with at least one of the microsystems not containing the developing person, and the macrosystem as consisting of the overarching belief system of a given culture or social context. At the microsystem level of the family, parental involvement including close, warm parent-child relationships and amount of supervision or monitoring, has been shown to influence adolescent sexual activity (Blum & Rinehart, 1997; Satcher, 2001; The National Campaign to Prevent Teen Pregnancy, 2001; Wu et al., 2003) especially if the parents are good communicators (Karofsky, Zeng, & Kosorok, 2001; Miller, Norton, Fan, & Christopherson, 1998). Blake, Simkin, Ledsky, Perkins, and Calabrese (2001) even found that adding homework assignments that require parental interaction to existing abstinence-only curriculum, in essence promoting parental involvement, resulted in greater self-efficacy for refusing high-risk behaviors. The effect of parental involvement may even go back to infancy. Werner and Smith (2001) found that having had less anxious, insecure relationships with their caregivers as infants and a stronger feeling of security as part of their families in adolescence led to better outcomes for youth who had been teenage mothers but managed to do well 11 later in life. So while these factors did not prevent the adolescents from engaging in sexual activity and the resulting pregnancy, they did correlate with better long term outcomes for them. Owens and Shaw (2003) see these characteristics of the parent and family environments as having a great impact. In this microsystem youth also care about what their parents think, or at least, what they think their parents think. One study found that the more disapproving adolescents perceived their mothers to be toward their engaging in sexual intercourse and the more satisfied they were with their relationship with their mothers, the less likely they were to initiate sexual activity (Dittus & Jaccard, 2000). Kalmuss et al. (2003) also found those who thought their mothers disapproved of their having sex were less likely than others to engage in sexual activity. When parents communicate stricter values to their teens about having sex or about premarital sex in general, the youth are then more likely to wait longer before engaging in sex. So, family values about sexual behavior can have an impact on the adolescents’ behavior (Kirby, 2001b). Miller (2002) agreed with this in finding that parental supervision along with parents’ values against teen intercourse did impact adolescent risk taking. Basic demographic aspects of the family microsystem can also make a difference. For example, the presence of the father in the child’s household at ages 11-12 decreased the odds of initiating sex in early adolescence in a sample of adolescents whose mothers had given birth to them as teens (Cooksey, Mott, & Neubauer, 2002). Lammers, Ireland, Resnick, and Blum (2000) found youth in dual- parent families showed lower levels of sexual activity and delayed onset of sexual activity as well. Miller (2002) also found that family structure (mainly having two 12 parents in the home, not just one) had an impact, as did Kirby (2001b) who also found levels of education and income correlated. Looking at factors associated with the increase in the teen birthrate in the 1980’s, negative changes in family environments (such as increases in family disruption) are believed to have contributed to this while recent declines in teen birthrates may be attributed to positive changes in family environments such as improvements in maternal education (Manlove, Terry, Gitelson, Romano, & Russell, 2000). Still looking at the parental aspect of the family microsystem, authoritative parenting, which is not overly strict or authoritarian, helps guide children’s activities with consistency and requires them to contribute to the family. Authoritative parents are not afraid to confront their children so that they understand the family values and respect these norms. Children with authoritative parents are loved, supported, stimulated, and challenged. These parents balance the ratio of children’s autonomy to parental control so that young children have stricter controls and adolescents are allowed more autonomy (Baumrind, 1987). The family microsystem needs to balance expressions of individuality with those of connectedness. If this microsystem leads to emotional distance from the family it may result in youth who are more susceptible to peer influences. Strong attachments between parents and youth that continue through adolescence along with consistent management policies in traditional families help shield youth from dysfunctional risk-taking behavior (Baumrind, 1987). Along these lines, adolescents who are provided with rational explanations for parental decisions are more likely to use their parents as role models and to choose friends that their parents would consider appropriate (Baumrind, 1987). Hetherington and Elmore l3 (2003) found that girls with divorced parents were more likely to live in a single- parent home with non-authoritative parenting and often a sexually active mother. This combination of risk factors was associated with earlier and more promiscuous sexual activities and teenage pregnancy. Conversely having a close relationship with an authoritative parent promoted well-being for children from divorced homes (Hetherington & Elmore, 2003). Kerr, Beck, Shattuck, Kattar, and Uriburu (2003) also found that higher levels of parental monitoring and familial connectedness were consistently associated with less problem-behavior in adolescents as did Kirby (2001b) and Martyn and Martin (2003). With this in mind the value of statutes that allow adolescents to gain access to reproductive health care without parental consent may be seen as undermining parents’ ability to monitor their teens and may not be in the best interest of the adolescent (Merrick, 1996). Cauce, Stewart, Rodriguez, Cochran, and Ginzler (2003) consider that with an ecological model of development more distal risks will be filtered through more proximal environments allowing positive family and peer microsystems to decrease youth vulnerability. Luthar and Zelazo (2003) also emphasize the importance of the proximal environment of the family in resilience-based intervention for children stressing the importance of the quality of parent-child relationships. Yet, the riskier the setting, the less likely it is that protective factors will be present Another aspect of many family microsystems is siblings. Having older sexually active siblings or pregnant/parenting teenage sisters increases teen risk (Miller, 2002). East and Kieman (2001) found an even stronger correlation if teens 14 had two or more parenting sisters living with them. The younger sisters in these families had more permissive sexual beliefs and attitudes about having children and the younger brothers were engaged in sexual activity at younger ages than those without parenting teen sisters living with them. Peer group interaction can also be viewed as a microsystem for influencing sexual behavior (Kalmuss et al., 2003). Social influences in the peer group, including having friends who are sexually active, significantly influences the adolescent’s likelihood of becoming sexually active at an early age. For example, youth who perceive that their friends were engaging in high-risk behavior were more likely to engage in sexual risk taking (Boyer et al., 2000). Peers’ norms and behavior regarding sex affect adolescents’ sexual behavior (Kirby, 2001b). The school microsystem could impact adolescent sexual risk taking as well (Kirby, 2002c). Involvement in school and attachment to school were all related to less sexual risk-taking and lower pregnancy rates in adolescents. Mothers’ perceptions of a quality school environment were also correlated to adolescents being less likely to get into trouble (Kowaleski, 2000), and the Search Institute lists a caring school climate and clear rules and boundaries provided by schools as developmental assets or factors that protect youth against risky behavior (Benson, 1997). Considering cultural impacts at the macrosystems level, even being exposed to the sexually explicit material that is so prevalent in our society can have a negative impact on attitudes and expectations as well as increasing the likelihood of sexual activity (Roberts, 1993; Strong, DeVault, & Sayad, 1996; Ward & Rivadeneyra, 1999). Ward and Rivadeneyra (1999) found not only viewing a considerable amount 15 but how involved the viewer was with the program impacted adolescents’ sexual attitudes, expectations, and behavior. Those with greater exposure who also were more involved with the sexual content on TV. were more likely to be accepting of recreational sex, believe more of their peers were sexually activity, and to be more sexually active themselves (Ward & Rivadeneyra, 1999). At the macrosystem level, influential characteristics of communities may include risk factors or protective factors. Communities with more protective factors should be better able to deal with adversity. While positive relationships at the microsystem level can help counter negative community effects, the opposite effect is also possible where positive community environments can help counter negative influences that may occur at the microsystem level. Denner, Kirby, Coyle and Brindis (2001) found this to be the case where traditional values about family and community, close ties to religious institutions, monitoring youth, and being protective of girls in one Hispanic community resulted in lower teen birth rates than another community with similar socioeconomic factors that did not have these characteristics. Parental notification laws can be an asset to a community like this while statutes that undermine parental monitoring may put youth at risk. With this in mind, it is important to look at a community’s sexual attitudes and norms, especially in those where a large percentage of teens are having sexual intercourse at young ages, to try and deter sexual initiation among youth (O’Donnell, Myint, O’Donnell, & Stueve, 2003). O’Donnell, O’Donnell, and Stueve (2001) also point out that these community factors must be taken into consideration when planning interventions, as programs are usually more effective if they are able to reach youth before they 16 become sexually active. In communities with high rates of early sexual activity among youth, interventions need to reach youth at younger ages since it can be very difficult to promote abstinence to students when the majority of them may already be sexually experienced. Lammers, Ireland, Resnick, and Blum (2000) found higher socioeconomic status associated with lower levels of sexual activity and delayed onset of sexual activity. Seidman and Pedersen (2003) see the various effects of poverty cascading into the neighborhoods, schools, peer groups, and families and impacting the daily lives and experiences of adolescents. Poverty (also associated with low levels of education, poor schools, high unemployment, poor housing, increased divorce rates with more single mothers, higher levels of family dysfunction, and increased crime levels) was also found to impact teen birthrates (Kirby, Coyle, & Gould, 2001; Miller, 2002) indicating increased sexual activity among youth. Kowaleski (2000) found that residential stability decreased adolescent risk-taking attitudes, regardless of the level of disadvantage present within the community, so certain community characteristics can have a positive impact on behavior, even though others might have a negative impact. Positive Youth Development While looking at multiple environmental influences helps put adolescent sexual activity in context, much of the literature still emphasizes problems and deficits, perhaps with some attention to prevention. Changing the focus to the plasticity and strengths of adolescents and their families as well as their community contexts, it may be possible to capitalize on the strengths of developmental systems to 17 better promote healthy functioning and develop more effective and informed interventions (Lerner, 2003). Even if problems are prevented, adolescents may not, in reality, receive the support or the assets they need for optimal development. With a focus on resiliency, protective factors, and positive youth development communities can strive for the goal of not only “problem free” but “asset rich” youth (Benson, 2003). Yates, Egeland, and Soufe (2003) see resilience as an ongoing process of acquiring resources that can help adolescents adapt and provide them with a foundation for handling later challenges. Resilience is not viewed as the reason youth may do well when confronted with adversity but is more a developmental processes that helps youth gain the ability to use internal and external assets to realize positive adaptation even in the midst of adversity. When youth are in caring communities that support positive development, their ability to develop morally and better contribute to civil society is enhanced. Adolescents need to be provided with the individual and ecological assets that can help provide them with the “five C’s” of positive youth development: competence, confidence, connection (to family, peers, and community), character, and caring/compassion (Lerner, 2003). Luthar and Zelazo (2003) see resilient adaptation as resting on good relationships. The Search Institute’s 4O developmental assets provide a guide for enhancing the strengths of individuals, families, and communities. When more assets are present the chances of healthy development increase (Lerner, 2003). In the presence of risk factors an additive or compensatory models suggests that more resources can decrease the negatives resulting in better outcomes while a moderating model would see these resources as decreasing the child’s susceptibility to the harmfulness of the 18 stresses or risk factors or somehow protecting them from the negative effects expected from the threat (Masten & Powell, 2003). In one example the asset of positive parenting had the effect of lowering mental health problems for children exposed to the stress of parental divorce or death (Standler et al., 2003). Fergusson and Horwood (2003) suggest that factors can act additively and may mitigate or exacerbate the effects of exposure to childhood adversity. It is not usually a single factor that causes difficulties in adolescents, but an accrual of difficulty that decreases developmental capacity and it is not generally just one environmental factor that makes a difference but rather a collection of risk in each family’s life (Samerotf, Gutrnan, & Peck, 2003). In a longitudinal study of Hawaiians born in 1955 Werner and Smith (2001) found that as the number of risk factors or stressful life events increased, more protective factors or assets were needed to counter act the negatives in the lives of these vulnerable children and to ensure positive deve10pmental outcomes. School success, leadership, valuing diversity, physical health, helping others, delaying gratification, and overcoming adversity were found to be indicators that youth were thriving (Lerner, 2003). Adolescents able to delay gratification and concerned with physical health would be more likely to abstain from sexual activity while the other factors also contribute to overall developmental health. Communities that show cohesiveness, caring, and compassion are better able to support adolescents and help them develop personal character and competence (Lerner, 2003). Communities with these assets are also better able to instill moral values and support spiritual and religious faith that also has a positive impact on adolescent development. 19 Positive youth development supports an ecological approach to human development. The macroecological level is where policy and political structures impact the community while communities strive to provide asset rich environments. The role of the family in linking youth to the community remains important especially when looking at parenting practices. Communities that focus on rebuilding and strengthening their developmental infrastructure with a mobilization of public will and capacity will likely fair better than those driven from the top down. Creating a culture where all residents promote the positive development of children and adolescents is a wonderful goal (Lerner, 2003). Asset building can occur from the individual-level with residents in informal relationships to the macrosystem level with community building helped by the local economic and governmental structures (Benson, 2003). Furthermore, even gang youth have developmental plasticity and the potential for positive developmental change when linked in their ecologies to developmental assets (Taylor et al., 2002). Enhancing community resources and assets could even help youth with only a small number of assets to unlock their potential for positive development (Taylor et al., 2002). This work of community-based human development or asset-based community and human development has a great impact on adolescent well-being. Vulnerable populations, in particular, are served by an infrastructure that distributes resources aimed at decreasing risks and promoting health. It is also important for communities to support infrastructure that provides safe places and adult connections while promoting competency building in youth. How attentive a community is to 20 these essential developmental needs determines the strength of the human development infrastructure of a community (Benson, 2003). Having long-term relationships with non-related adults, feeling a connection to their neighborhood where other adults know and interact with them, and participating in caring and supportive schools have all been related to positive adolescent health outcomes (Benson, 2003). Transmitting values and standards, providing support, controlling behavior, and promoting belonging are all impacted by the consistent presence of adults in the community in a variety of contexts from the home setting to the neighborhood and religious settings (Benson, 2003). Werner and Smith’s (2001) findings support this. Looking at long range outcomes what mattered most for the children followed in this longitudinal study was the emotional support of members of the extended family, of peers, and of caring adults not in their household, especially teachers and mentors who were able to serve as positive role models. Sadly, assessment of developmental assets consistently finds that most adolescents have only small number of such supports. In a study comparing male gang members to community based organization members, Taylor et a1. (2002) found that all youth had individual and contextual assets that could be used to promote positive behavior and development, though not nearly as many as would truly promote optimal development. While wealthier communities tend to have more assets, the difference is negligible. Decreases in sexual activity are noted with increases in assets (Benson, 2003). It seems that not only do “some kids need more” but “all kids need more” (Benson, 2003). Concerns abound regarding the increased chaos that seems to have infiltrated families, schools, and communities undermining 21 the stability that adolescents need for psychological growth (Benson, 2003). If youth can be exposed to asset-building people and environments within multiple contexts (developmental redundancy) and more assets can be provided to all youth (developmental reach and breadth) gains in positive youth development would be noted (Benson, 2003). Individual adults willing to develop relationships with youth have the potential to have a positive impact. Positive peer groups can also be influential. Families, neighborhoods, schools and other organizations must work at positive socialization of youth. Even community policy, social norms, and special programs can provide needed assets to community adolescents (Benson, 2003). To have the most impact a critical mass of individuals and institutions needs to be focused on addressing the developmental needs of all community youth. Thus, some of the factors that influence adolescent sexual activity may be open to intervention, though many are not. With this in mind, many intervention programs have sought to provide adolescents with the information they need to make informed decisions about their sexual activity while others have targeted broader areas of concern, still hoping for improved outcomes. Interventions Many approaches have been tried to minimize the consequences of adolescent sexual activity and provide youth with assets that might help them avoid high risk behaviors. An overview of these programs helps put this challenge in perspective. Programs varied from those with the goal of decreasing risking sexual behavior, to those aiming to reduce teen pregnancy, to others specifically promoting abstinence. 22 The CDC reviewed “Programs-That-Wor ”. The programs that were found to reduce HIV, other STDs and unintended pregnancy included Reducing the Risk; Get Real About AIDS; and Safer Choices for high school students and Be Proud, Be Responsible; Becoming a Responsible Teen; Focus on Kids; Making a Difference; and Making Proud Choices for youth in community settings. While these programs met strict criteria for having a control group with at least a 4-week follow-up and published data, they do not necessarily promote abstinence, just risk reductions (Collins, Robin, & Wooley, 2002). Most Americans support this comprehensive approach to sex education believing schools should teach both abstinence and give teens enough information to help them try to prevent unplanned pregnancies and STDs if they do decide to have sex instead of teaching only abstinence until marriage (Kaiser Family Foundation, 2003). Landry, Kaeser, and Cory (1999) express concern that one in three school districts surveyed did not allow any positive information about contraception to be provided to students. But, the results of a randomized controlled trial by Coyle et al. (2001) testing the effects of Safer Choices, one of the CDC’s “Programs-That-Work”, found that sexually active subjects were more likely to use condoms and had fewer partners but the subjects who had not previously been sexually active did not significantly delay the onset of sexual intercourse compared to those in the control group. While risk reduction is good, it is not 100% effective and still leaves teens at risk. The Physicians Consortium (2002) also reviewed these curricula and expressed concern that the claim stating they promote abstinence is deceptive and could 23 und 3C0. fou CV11 for prog addi educ patic and l prov infor. press pallet on-on andc undermine the public’s idea of what real abstinence education should be while actually promoting “safe-sex”, which is not necessarily safe. Kirby (2001a) also looked at programs to reduce teen pregnancy. This review found that the Children’s Aid Society-Camera Program provided the strongest evidence for impacting teen pregnancy while the Teen Outreach Program and Reach for Health Community Youth Service Learning were also effective. Kirby (2001a) suggests that professionals working with teens should continue to look at different ways to prevent teen pregnancy by building on the successful elements of different programs and exploring innovative approaches. Kirby (2002b) later found three additional types of programs that were effective. They included certain sex and HIV education curricula with specific characteristics, one-on-one prescribed clinician- patient interactions in health settings, and service learning programs. Most of the sex and HIV education programs emphasized abstinence as the safest choice but also provided information on condoms and other contraceptives. They provided information on the risks of teen sexual activity and activities addressing social pressures that can influence sexual behavior as well (Kirby, 2002b). The clinician- patient interventions were actually fairly brief but included the clinician having a one- on-one interaction with the patient giving a clear message about appropriate sexual and contraceptive behavior specific to the client (Kirby, 2002b). The success of the service learning programs may be attributed to increased feelings of autonomy and competence gained from the experience or the programs may have simply kept youth busy allowing less time for high-risk behaviors (Kirby, 2002b). 24 Another evaluation of the Carrera program found that it was very effective for female students who, after participation in the program, had significantly lower odds of being sexually active than those not in the program (Philliber, Kaye, Herrling, & West, 2002). It was not as effective with the male students, however. This may be due to the fact that males often become sexually active at younger ages than females so the male students may have already been sexually experienced and interventions have been found to work better with students who were not yet sexually active at the beginning of a program. While these programs strive to decrease the consequences of adolescent sexual activity such as pregnancy and STDs they do not have the goal of promoting abstinence as their primary objective. Following are programs more specific to the promotion of adolescent sexual abstinence. Overall, adolescents who make virginity pledges are much less likely to have intercourse than adolescents who do not pledge, but not necessarily in all circumstances (Bearman & Bruckner, 2001). Even so, the delay effect was found to be substantial. Pledging decreased the risk of intercourse substantially with pledgers becoming sexually active on average 27 months later than non-pledgers (Diggs et al., 2001). Diggs et a1. (2001) and The Physicians Consortium (2003) believe the success of pledging is due to the way the pledge acknowledges that sexual activity can be controlled, puts the locus of control on the individual, and makes the youth choose purposefully to abstain, though there is really no way to control for self-selection bias in youth choosing to pledge. And, while Koshar (2001) and Mohn, Tingle, and Finger (2003) feel the impressive decline in teen pregnancy in recent years is due mainly to 25 teens choosing not to have sex, many youth are still engaging in sexual activity and the negative consequences continue to be a huge societal problem. Rector (2002) looked specifically at abstinence programs that do not provide contraceptives or encourage their use and found them to be effective in reducing early sexual activity. Virginity pledge programs were found to dramatically reduce sexual activity in junior and senior high school students participating in abstinence programs and pledging to remain abstinent. Rector (2002) also found Not Me, Not Now and Operation Keepsake both dropped sexual activity rates among participants compared to control school youth as did Abstinence by Choice and Teen Aid and Sex Respect. Other successful programs included Family Accountability Communicating Teens Sexuality, Postponing Sexual Involvement, Project Taking Charge, and Teen Aid Family Life Education Project (Rector, 2002). Promoting true abstinence education may be essential to reducing childbearing outside of marriage, preventing STDs, and improving emotional and physical well being for youth. It can help them to develop an understanding of commitment, fidelity, and intimacy that serves as the foundations of healthy marital life in the future (Rector, 2002). One mass media campaign to prevent teen pregnancy included a component stressing abstinence. It found statistically significant changes toward abstinence with the percentage of students who self-reported having sex by the time they reached 15 dropping from 46.6% to 31.6% (Doniger, Adams, Utter, & Riley, 2001). It also found a decrease in the teen pregnancy rate from 63.4% to 49.5% showing that the change in self-reported sexual activity was not likely due just to social pressure to deny being sexually active (Doniger et al., 2001). 26 lm‘t groi b0)" mor cour 10“: (km facili panii inten 1110111. used a inlen‘ male- dlSlIlt A school-based intervention for urban youth used the Postponing Sexual Involvement Curriculum (Aarons et al., 2000). This study found that intervention group females were more likely to report virginity, self-efficacy to refuse sex with a boyfriend, and the intention to avoid sexual involvement during the following 6 months. Intervention group males scored significantly higher than their control-group counterparts in knowledge of birth control method efficacy but no change in attitudes toward abstinence was observed. Another program compared safer-sex education with abstinence education (Jemmott, Jemmott, & Fong, 1998). This program used eight l-hr modules with adult facilitators or peer co-facilitators and found that the abstinence intervention participants were less likely to report having sexual intercourse in the 3 months after intervention than the control group, but the difference did not continue to the 6 and 12 month follow up. Following youth for 6-12 months, Aten, Siegle, Enaharo, and Auinger (2002) used a control and 3 intervention groups of middle school students to compare no intervention, ethnically diverse male-female pairs of adult professional educators, male-female pairs of extensively trained high school peer educators, and school district health teachers. The intervention was effective for regular teacher taught students and peer-taught males and for those who were not already sexually experienced at the beginning of the study. Lieberman, Gray, Wier, F iorentino, and Maloney (2000) found a small-group abstinence-based intervention somewhat beneficial. Focusing on mental health had 27 some impact on adolescents’ attitudes and relationships but was more helpful for teens who were not already sexually active. In addition to simply providing health instruction, adding a service learning intervention with community involvement has been shown to have the long-term benefit of reducing sexual risk taking among urban adolescents (O’Donnell et al., 2002). Kirby (2002b) also found that service learning interventions decreased teen pregnancy. This suggests that interventions focused beyond the basic microsystem level can also be beneficial and that increasing developmental assets does have a positive impact. These programs provide a sample of the variety of interventions that have been attempted, some working better than others. Many programs have focused on sex-education, either abstinence only or abstinence plus information on safer sex. While some studies have shown that this is indeed helpful and that adolescents can make rational choices based on the potential consequences (Altman-Palm & Tremblay, 1998; Blinn-Pike, 1999; Goldfarb, Duncan, Young, Eadie, & Castiglia, 1999) other studies indicate that just providing information may impact attitude but this does not necessarily lead to a change in behavior (Arnold, Smith, Harrison, & Springer, 1999; Kirby, Korpi, Barth, & Cagampang, 1997) or these studies did not measure the impact on behavior (Agha, 2002; Spear, Young, & Denny, 1997). Many different programs have shown encouraging outcomes, while some have had more mixed results. Some of the successful programs have included a pledge to abstain from sex and programs geared toward youth who were not already sexually active have had better outcomes. Other programs, which may or may not have strong sex 28 beh bah.- undc inter decis their . bad a at ext: min. This \ Choir 0051:, 31111:. education components, but have stronger community involvement or service learning, have demonstrated some positive outcomes. One common aspect of these programs is their increased intensity with program leaders committed to a substantial investment of time with youth. Yet is there more to promoting abstinence than just the intervention? Specific Processes and Contexts of Adolescent Sexual Activity The developmental stages through which youth progress may also impact behavior. While environmental influences may account for much of adolescent behavior and interventions can certainly contribute to more positive outcomes, understanding developmental processes and providing developmentally appropriate interventions may be helpful. Youth cognitive interpretation and perception of risk factors. Ajzen and Fishbein (1980) see humans as capable of making rational decisions based on the information available to them. People’s intentions are based on their attitude toward the behavior or their judgment of whether they think it is good or bad as well as their perceptions of social pressures related to the behavior. They look at external variables or environmental impacts only in how they might affect people’s attitudes about the behavior or their perceptions of social acceptance of the behavior. This view can serve as a model of the cognitive processes underlying adolescent choices about sexual activity (Gillmore et al., 2002). Adolescents should have the cognitive ability to formulate rational behavioral intentions based on perceived attitudes about the risks and benefits associated with engaging in sexual activity. Hutchinson (1999) found that youth who were consistent in using condoms and who 29 0111 maj Sun ado] beha impa em'ir percc becor Ulcms bfihm this pj attii J did not think their partners were infected with any STD’s did not feel at risk of contracting an STD. This is an example of how adolescents can perceive risk logically (though it is unclear just how protective condoms really are against potential STD’s and especially uncertain how accurate teens’ perceptions are that their partners do not have an STD). This approach argues that youth consider both the benefits and costs associated with engaging in sexual activity, and are likely to avoid it if the costs far outweigh the benefits (Mullan, Duncan, & Boisjoly, 2002). Measures of past behavior may be used to predict intentions and can impact the affects of attitude. A study by Sutton, McVey, and Glanz (1999) found that past behavior was predictive of adolescent intentions and attenuated the affects of attitude and subjective norms on behavior. Even so, they concluded that these beliefs about costs and benefits may be impacted by information-based intervention programs. Hulton (2001) found that environmental factors such as parental influences as well as social influences and perception of benefits were factors related to the decision that adolescents make to become sexually active or to abstain from sexual activity. Donnelly, Ebume, and Eadie (1999) believe that youth have a tendency to see themselves as invulnerable to the potentially negative consequences of high-risk behavior. They propose educating students about risk management to help overcome this perception. This is supported by Anderson et a1. (2001) who found that sexually active youth in juvenile detention facilities did not think their sexual behavior could result in their contracting a sexually transmitted disease. Another study of adolescent females with risk factors showed that they did not perceive themselves to be at risk 30 IlOl Chl stud inert ofar. hare berrel engaé Show Damn ‘ fOund 01‘th- either (Morrison-Beedy et al., 2003) while Porter et al. (1999) found that increases in the frequency of intimate behaviors and an increase in time alone and opportunity for sexual activity had more of an impact on progression to sexual activity than any shifts in perceived costs and benefits. Awareness of the risks associated with high-risk sexual behavior alone does not seem to be enough to change the behavior of many adolescents, though. Cohen and Bruce (1997) found no correlation between perceived probability of HIV or Chlamydia infection and frequency of risk-reducing behaviors in a group of college students. Boyer et a1. (2000) found that youth were able to judge their increased level of STD risk as their sexual risk taking increased. While they may have felt at increased risk the lack of a negative outcome or their feelings that the consequences of an STD or pregnancy would not have a long term negative effect on them may have contributed to their continuing in the behavior. Perhaps they just do not see the benefits of abstaining from sexual activity as outweighing the perceived benefits of engaging in sexual activity. A study of sexually active female college students showed that less than half used condoms for protection, regardless of the type of partner and the level of risk of STDs or HIV (Williams et al., 2003). Another study found that college students’ sexual risk behaviors were tied more to their perceptions of the benefits of unprotected sex (Parsons et al., 2000). These adolescents saw the benefits of unprotected sex as greater than the costs or possible negative results. Based on another study Parsons et a1. (1997) also see the youth’s perception of the benefits having a greater impact on risk-taking behavior than their view of the potential costs. Nangle and Hansen (1998) believe cognitive behavior skills 31 interventions that directly teach adolescents new skills are an important component to impacting behavior. The adolescent personal fable. Since looking exclusively at the cognitive processes underlying adolescent choices about sexual activity helps little in understanding adolescent behavior, the adolescent personal fable, first described by Elkind (1979), is a concept that could help better explain why youth may choose to engage in risky behavior even when aware of the potential consequences. Most adolescents have the knowledge to perceive risk correctly; yet do not integrate these risks in their decision-making. Personal fable is characterized by the incapacity of youth to see themselves as similar to others, so youth feel unique and self-focused believing that the risks that apply to others do not apply to them (Greene, Rubin, & Kromar, 2002). When youth believe the natural laws that apply to others do not affect them they may have feelings of immortality. Egocentric adolescents cannot believe that anything bad can happen to them (Buis & Thompson, 1989). Frankenberger (2000) looked at this personal fable and found that in addition to adolescents it also seemed to extend into early adulthood. The belief that adolescents and even young adults may have that the bad things that happen to others won’t happen them should also be considered when looking at all the ecological factors that can impact behavior (Knoppers, 2003a). While this concept is not new, longitudinal studies on the topic are lacking, making it unclear if youth stating after the fact that “I didn’t think it could happen to me” held this belief initially or only in a more retrospective manner (V artanian, 2000). 32 Traditionally, changes in cognitive development as youth move from childhood into adolescence have been used to explain the personal fable. More recently the personal fable has been viewed in relation to socio-cognitive development and the work of separation (Goosens, Beyers, Emmen, & van Aken, 2002). The related concept of willingness to take risks has also been viewed as a developmental phenomenon, possibility related to an inability to assess the extent of risk in a given situation. This developmental immaturity or lack of experience may cause an adolescent to misjudge risk (Green, Kromar, & Walters, 2000). If youth don’t perceive a risk it is more a matter of lack of recognition than an error in judgment. This may help explain how adolescents seem to ignore messages meant to help them make healthier choices (Green, Kromar & Walters, 2000). The personal fable fits in this perspective with its emphasis on youth’s uniqueness and invulnerability, which is believed to peak in the late junior high and early senior high years. Green, Kromar, and Walters (2000) see the personal fable and more particularly feelings of invulnerability as negatively associated with adolescent’s ability to perceive risks as well as their intentions to avoid the risky behaviors and found the highest levels of sexual risk-taking were reported in those with high feelings of invulnerability and sensation seeking. It is unclear, however, what factors contribute to youth having or not having strong feelings of invulnerability. If youth feel invulnerable to the negative consequences of sexual activity they are more likely to feel the benefits of engaging in sexual activity outweigh the potentially negative consequences that they do not think will happen to them. While extensive research has been done on many aspects 33 of adolescent sexual activity, little has been done on this topic. A review of the literature searching CINALH, Education Abs, MEDLINE, ERIC, Soc Abs, Social Science Abs, and Wilson Select Plus showed very little in regards to adolescent invulnerability related to sexual abstinence or sexual activity other than those mentioned above. Does this personal fable prevent adolescents from benefiting from the education most receive and inhibit them fi'om making rational choices based on the actual likelihood of negative consequences? Chapin’s (2001) findings that high-risk African American youth perceived themselves to be less likely than their peers to become pregnant or cause a pregnancy would support this. Klaczynski and Fauth (1996) also found that adolescents believe that they are less likely to suffer unwanted effects than their peers, and may also have strong feelings of being physically and socially indestructible. Jack (1989) found that repeated comments from youth such as “I didn’t think it would happen to me” support the idea that they really do feel invulnerable. A better understanding of these feelings of invulnerability could help guide those trying to decrease adolescents’ sexual risk-taking (Jack, 1989). While risk-taking and experimentation during adolescence may help them achieve a sense of independence and self-identity, finding a way to balance this against the potential consequences is important. Yet, what is the influence of perceived invulnerability in relation to other known and measured risk or protective factors for adolescent sexual activity? If feelings of invulnerability to the potential negative consequences of sexual activity do influence adolescents’ intentions, are there interventions that could minimize this 34 effect, helping teens realize their vulnerability so they might make wiser decisions about their sexual activity? Out and Lafi'eniere (2001) found that after 2-3 days of caring for a Baby Think It Over teens were better able to accurately assess their personal risk for an unplanned pregnancy than teens in the comparison groups, but the study did not follow up to see if this actually resulted in fewer teen pregnancies. Interactive computer games may be another way to help youth realize their vulnerability. Virtual reality simulations could allow youth to safely explore the possibilities and even experience the virtual consequences of their behavior (Knoppers, 2003a). While early versions of computer programs showed positive behavior changes and recent anecdotal evidence is encouraging, this type of intervention warrants further investigation (Knoppers, 2003a). Risk and protective factors. Perkins et al. (1998) examined the following 12 risk factors of adolescents’ sexual activity: age, alcohol use, physical abuse, sexual abuse, GPA, suicidal ideation, religiosity, parental monitoring, family support, time spent home alone, membership in negative peer group, and perception of school climate. Those most highly correlated with adolescent sexual activity were alcohol use, sexual abuse, GPA, and membership in negative peer group. While Perkins et al. (1998) did not find parental monitoring (in this study, measured only by a single item) or family support predictive of adolescent sexual activity other studies have (Blum & Rinehard, 1997; Luster & Small, 1994; Wu et al., 2003). The results (Perkins et al., 1998) for religiosity were mixed, varying by gender and ethnicity with low religiosity not correlating for African American males nor Latina females. Perkins et al. (1998) also 35 had mixed results for perception of school climate, which correlated for males, but not females. Blum and Rinehard (1997) found both perception of school climate and religiosity to correlate to adolescent sexual activity, though this study did not separate youth by ethnicity nor gender. Mullan et al. (2002) as well as Talashek et a1. (2003) looked at additional factors to be considered such as socio-economic status and family structure while Kalil and Kunz (1999) also included family size, minority status, and maternal education, as did Small and Luster (1994) for parental education. Perceived parent disapproval of sexual activity and parent/adolescent activities were included by Blum and Rinehard (1997) as were perceived risk of untimely death and school connectedness. Many of the factors impacting adolescent sexual activity can be viewed as risk factors or conversely as protective factors. If low GPA is a risk factor, having a high GPA is a protective factor. Fergusson and Horwood (2003) present the idea that to be meaningful, protective factors should be something more than the opposite of risk factors. Some posit that the effect of a protective factor would be negligible in lower risk populations but would be intensified in the company of one or more risk variables. Protective factors should have an impact only in the face of hardship. But others have used protective factors to describe values associated with advantageous outcomes free of the occurrence of social disadvantage or unfavorable conditions or even the positive role of risk factors perhaps better called promotive factors (Sameroff, Gutrnan, & Peck, 2003). 36 An interactive relationship of the protective factors, the risk exposure, and the outcome may result in the protective factor having beneficial effects on those exposed to the risk factors that might not benefit those not exposed to it (though this framework does not always fit). Two types of processes may lead to resilience. These are protective processes and compensatory processes (F ergusson & Horwood, 2003). Intelligence and problem-solving abilities, external interests and affiliations, parental attachment and bonding, and peer factors are examples of factors that may contribute to resilience in children raised in high risk environments (Fergusson & Horwood, 2003). Resilience factors may produce an effect by compensating for childhood adversity not necessarily by acting in a protective role (Fergusson & Horwood, 2003). Seidman and Pedersen (2003) took a holistic and contextual approach in looking at risk/protection and competence and found multiple forms of contextual competence suggesting the need to engage youth positively with two or more settings. While it is helpful to look at these factors it is challenging to try to pinpoint which ones might have the most impact when there are so many environmental elements. The Search Institute’s forty developmental assets (Benson, 1997) can help in gaining an understanding of the bigger environmental picture. The external assets grouped under support, empowerment, boundaries and expectations, and constructive use of time focus on the environment while the internal assets grouped under commitment to learning, positive values, social competencies, and positive identity are based at the individual level. In an ambitious review of over 250 articles Kirby (2002a) found more that 80 antecedents to initiation of sex. The majority of them were at the individual level yet 37 many were environmental or contextual factors. Trying to place these factors in a developmental and ecological framework viewing adolescents within the complicated ecology of their families, peers, schools, and neighborhoods remains a challenge (Gorrnan-Smith, & Tolan, 2003). This is a critical step in trying to target interventions instead of simply listing corollary factors. Lists of protective factors have limited practical use because all itemized indicators can never be addressed in a given intervention (Luthar & Zelazo 2003) but may still be an important step in promoting positive youth development. Individual factors include alcohol use, GPA, suicidal ideation, and religiosity, though even these are also impacted by the environment. Additional factors identified in Kirby’s (2002a) review include those under the groupings of biological; race/ethnicity; healthy behaviors; other problem or risk-taking behaviors; attachment to and success in school; working more then 20 hours a week; emotional well-being and distress; and sexual beliefs, attitudes, skills, and behaviors. Masten and Powell (2003) also saw individual differences including cognitive abilities, self-efficacy and self-esteem, temperament, impulse control, and positive outlook on life as factors that increase adolescents’ resiliency and ability to overcome adversity for better outcomes. Looking at the family microsystem parental monitoring, family support, time spent home alone, family size and structure, parent’s education, and parental approval or disapproval of adolescent sexual activity can all impact adolescent sexual behavior. Kirby (2002a) also identified that having a working mother, being a younger sibling and having older siblings who have been sexually active or gave birth as adolescents 38 were risk factors while higher income level, having health insurance, and the mother being older at first sex and first birth were protective factors. Greater family religiosity can also impact at this level in addition to the individual level (Kirby, 2002a). Factors such as physical and sexual abuse often occur in the family microsystem as well, but may also occur in extra familial settings. The peer microsystem also plays a part. Beal, Ausiello, and Perrin (2001) looked at parent disapproval of health-risk behaviors, parent modeling of health-risk behaviors, parent monitoring of health-risks, peer disproval of health risks, and peer modeling of health-risk behaviors. They found that peer social influences were more evident than parental influences in impacting sexual activity in 7th graders attending an urban magnet middle school. Perception of peers’ sexual behavior can also influence adolescent behavior, perhaps even more than the peers actual behavior (Nahom, Wells, Gillmore, 2001). Also at the peer group level, having older friends, having peers with lower grades who drink or have permissive attitudes toward premarital sex, having sexually active peers, dating alone, going steady and having older romantic partners were risk factors (Kirby, 2002a). A protective factor at this level is having close friends who are close to their parents (Kirby, 2002a). Another important microsystem is the school. Attending a parochial school was a protective factor for youth while being popular with peers and engaging in physical fights were risk factors (Kirby, 2002a). Being connected to school, though more at the individual level, was a protective factor (Kirby, 2002a). Larger societal issues at the macrosystem level like socioeconomic status and being a minority are also important. Other community antecedents include higher 39 divorce rates, higher rates of residential turnover, and higher unemployment rates (Kirby, 2002a). Kirby (2002a) also identified living in a community with a higher percentage of college educated people, higher family income and greater neighborhood monitoring by the adults as protective factors. Yet, with this large amount of research, few studies look at the individual factor of perceived invulnerability to the potential consequences of sexual activity and none were found that used a longitudinal approach to assess its relationship to initiation of sexual activity. Chapin (2001) found a correlation between high feelings of perceived invulnerability and feelings of being less susceptible to the consequences of sexual risk taking. Youth who consistently used condoms and believed that their sexual partner was not infected with an STD perceived themselves to be at no risk of contracting an STD (Hutchinson, 1999). Pete and DeSantis (1990) found that a belief in their lack of vulnerability to become pregnant correlated with sexual activity in young black adolescent females while Quandrel, Fishchhoff, and Davis (1993) found that most adolescents perceived themselves to be at less risk than others but this study did not look at how this impacted the adolescents’ intentions regarding sexual activity or their behavior. Looking at how these factors correlate to adolescent behavior regarding sexual activity may give suggestions on helpful interventions to promote sexual abstinence. Data on individual factors obtained using multiple questions should make it easier to ascertain subtle differences in environmental influences but lengthy measures that could increase the risk of subjects not completing the questionnaire need to be avoided. It is also important that the questions use the highest level of measurement 4o feasible to provide more useful data using ordinal or interval level data over nominal level data whenever possible. Conclusion Numerous studies have shown that multiple factors impact adolescent transition to sexual activity. These factors occur at the individual, family, and extra- familial levels. In addition, a variety of programs to delay onset of adolescent sexual activity have been tried. Programs ranging from abstinence only, to abstinence plus information on safer sex, to programs promoting community involvement and service learning have all shown some potential. Yet, with this great body of research, the concept of feelings of invulnerability has rarely appeared. If feelings of invulnerability impact adolescent sexual behavior, gaining an understanding of this relationship could help in planning interventions. It is apparent no one factor can account for adolescent sexual activity, but a combination of factors may give a clearer picture. This study takes an ecological perspective to understanding adolescent sexual activity looking specifically at an individual factor, the little explored concept of perceived invulnerability, in relation to risk factors associated with significant contexts of sexual activity and other individual factors. 41 Chapter 3 Methods Pimpse of the Study The purpose of this study was to answer these questions: 1) What is the relationship between youths’ perceived invulnerability to pregnancy and STDs and behavior regarding sexual activity? 2) What is the relationship between youths’ perceived invulnerability to pregnancy and STDs and behavior regarding sexual activity when other predictors of sexual activity are considered (i.e. controlled)? 3) How does perceived invulnerability impact adolescents with few risk factors and more protective factors compared to those with multiple risk factors and few protective factors? This study also adressed questions about how the individual risk and protective factors for adolescent sexual activity as well as factors at the mircrosystem and macrosystem levels relate to feelings of invulnerability. Definition_s_ and Measures This study used a tool with questions adapted fiom the Dane County Youth Assessment 2000 (University of Wisconsin Board of Regents, 1999), the invulnerability scale from Lapsley’s New Personal Fable Scale (Lapsley, FitzGerald, Rice & Jackson, 1989) and additional questions developed by the researcher providing basic demographic information as well as data on risk and protective factors and feelings of invulnerability. (See Appendix A for specific questions from the Youth Assessment Tool.) General definitions and measures. Youth: Youth is defined as students ages 12 to 19 years of age (question 3). 42 Perceived inwlnerabililtogreamcy and STDs: This is the youth’s belief that he/she will not get pregnant (or impregnate partner) and the belief that he/she will not contract one of many sexually transmitted diseases if he/she engages in unprotected sexual activity as measured by self report on four items on the Youth Assessment Tool (questions 15, 16, 25, and 26). Low scores on 15 and 16 (reverse coded) and high scores on 25 and 26 indicate higher levels of perceived invulnerability with total scores ranging from 0 for the lowest level of invulnerability to 16 for the highest level of invulnerability. Cronbach’s alpha for this grouping of questions was .75. With the low reliability of this four item scale, possibly related to the reverse coding of two of the questions, the two sets of questions were analyzed separately. Using a Spearman’s rho the first two questions had a .84 correlation coefficient with an alpha of < .01 while the Spearrnan’s rho for the second two measures had an r of .76 also with an alpha of < .01. The scores for the personal fable vulnerability scale (47-60), some which were reverse coded, range from 0-56. The Cronbach’s alpha for these questions (47-60) was .56. Afier performing a factor analysis showing the five items with the highest loading on the first factor, Cronbach’s alpha was run on only these factors (questions 51, 53, 57, 59, and 60 in Appendix A) resulting in an alpha of .65. Sexuafitctivity: Sexual activity is defined as sexual intercourse measured by self-report (question 18) as well as frequency of sexual activity in past 3 months (question 19), number of lifetime partners (question 20), and if drunk or high with sexual activity (question 21). For question 18 scores range from 0 to 7 with higher 43 scores indicating earlier age of sexual initiation. For questions 19-21 individual scores range from 0-6 with higher scores indicating higher risk behavior. _S_T_D_s_: This is a self report of sexually transmitted disease history as measured by the Youth Assessment Tool (question 22). Birth control use: This is self report of use of birth control as measured by the Youth Assessment Tool (question 23) with scores ranging from 0 for those who have not been sexually active to 6 for those who are sexually active and have never used birth control. Pregnancy: Pregnancy is defined as self report of having been pregnant or causing a pregnancy as measured by the Youth Assessment Tool (question 24). Risk factors: Risk factors are characteristics of the youth that may have a negative impact on behavior as measured by the Youth Assessment Tool. These include low GPA, single parent home, low parental education, history of sexual or physical abuse or witnessing physical abuse, parental approval for sexual activity and alcohol consumptions, and negative peer group. Protective factors: Protective factors are characteristics of the youth that may have a positive impact on behavior as measured by the Youth Assessment Tool. These include high GPA, living with both parents, high parental education, increased religiosity, caring community, increased parental monitoring and support, and belief that youth should not have sexual intercourse. Specific risk and protective factors: definitions and measures. Qflfi: GPA is the average grade the youth usually gets in school courses as measured by self report (question 4). Scores on this question range from 0-7 with 44 higher scores indicating lower grades and higher risk while lower scores indicate higher grades and lower risk. f_amilv structure: Family structure is defined as who the youth lives with most of the time and if parents are divorced or separated as measured by 2 questions on the Youth Assessment Tool (questions 6 and 9). P_arental education: This is how much education mother/stepmother and father/stepfather completed as measured by 2 questions on the Youth Assessment Tool (questions 7 and 8). Scores range from 0 to 6 and -7 with lower scores from O to 6 indicating more education and less risk combining for a maximum of 12 and a score of -7 indicating the youth does not know the amount of education that parent had causing exclusion from analysis for this item. Using a Spearman’s rho these two measures had a .56 correlation coefficient (p < .01). Substance use: Substance use is defined as use of tobacco, alcohol, marijuana, and other drugs as measured by 5 questions on the Youth Assessment Tool (questions 10-14). Total scores range from 0 to 25 with higher scores indicating increased substance use. This scale had a Cronbach’s alpha of .83. Religious beliefs/‘mtivities: Religious beliefs/activities is defined as how important religion/religious beliefs and religious activities are to the youth as measured by 2 questions on the Youth Assessment Tool (questions 17 and 27 with question 27 reverse coded). Scores range from 0 to 8 with higher scores indicating decreased religiosity and higher risk. The Spearman’s rho was .68 for these two items mmw