'v-V‘ POLE‘FHCAL SOCEALIZATION AND' POLWCAL CHANGE Thesis for the Dust“ cf Ph. D. MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSiTY Nguyen {Huu Chi 19965 1F) LIBRARY 1 Michigan State University This is to certifg that the thesis entitled POLITICAL SOCIALIZATION AND POLITICAL CHANGE presented by Nguyen Huu Chi has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for PhD degree in Political Science 2 tr "-./‘ L: ,T: I ~ I ’1, ”Lax ,._ '--———-)4\ \ Major professor Date February 26, 1965 0-169 R0833 USE CM; Ream L’SE 0m {bib/F". i 5' I’7v'74/ " ’26) ABSTRACT POLITICAL SOCIALIZATION AND POLITICAL CHANGE by Nguyen Huu Chi The problems of underdevelOpment are seen in the general context of cultural change. They have persisted because the peOple who have been facing them are not socialized——psycho- logically and normatively——to deal with them. Most of the characteristics commonly found in under— developed countries are more or less related to each other and form the "underdevelOpment syndrome." The particular distribution of the syndrome traits makes one underdevelOped country distinct from another. In Vietnam, the three dominant traits are the anti—democratic tendency, nationalism, and mandarinism. These socio—political predispositions are postulated as the result of the political socialization process. In this study three groups of Vietnamese students are selected: 156 Cantho High School seniors, 232 Saigon University freshmen and s0phomores, and 59 students studying in America. Several scales are constructed: the Semantic Status Con— sciousness Scale, the Political Anti-Democratic Tendency Scale, the Self—Glorifying Nationalism Scale, the Self—Debasing Nationalism Scale, the Familism Scale (three sub-scales), the NGUYEN HUU CHI fiandarinism Scales (seven Guttman-type scales), and the Occupational Preference Ordering Scale. In addition, Rokeach's Dogmatism Scale is used. Vietnamese students are more authoritarian than American and English samples. The relationship between authoritarianism and familism is a complex one. Some significant correlations between authoritarianism and familistic attitudes are found. The structural approach to the study of nationalism shows the limitations of the traditional approach. A nationalist tends to glorify and despise his nation~state at the same time. Structurally, nationalism is determined by psychological effects of socialization. The content of nationalism on the other hand, is determined by Westerni— zation, i.e. normative effects of socialization. In general, mandarinism is not significantly correlated with authoritarianism. It is found that mandar— ism is significantly correlated with traditionalism. The preference of the civil service to other occupations is significantly correlated with the desire for power, for status, and for security. Entrepreneurial orientations are negatively correlated with traditionalism. POLITICAL SOCIALIZATION AND POLITICAL CHANGE By Nguyen Huu Chi A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Political Science 1965 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Many persons facilitated this research in various ways. It is possible here to acknowledge my indebtedness to only a few of them. Dr. Frank Pinner and Dr. Milton Rokeach, under whose guidance and supervision this investigation was pursued and to whom the results are herewith dedicated. I deeply appreciate the sympathy and constant encourage— ment given an? by D. Ralph Smuckler, Dr. Wesley Fishel, and Dr. Robert Scigliano whose remarkable patience and friendship facilitated the completion of this thesis. Sincere thanks are extended to Drs. Lloyd Musolf, Jason Finkle, John Donoghue, Guy Fox, and other members of the MSUG Scholarship Committee for making this work possible. I also Wish to thank personnel of the Agency for International Development and the National Institute of Administration of Saigon for their most timely and valuable assistance. I also want to thank Mrs. Ann Brown, Mrs. Cheryl Sterle and the rest of the staff for the typing and printing of the dissertation. Finally, a most grateful acknowledgment is to be made to my'wife and my daughters who have been the main motivating forces behind my work. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGMENTS. LIST OF TABLES LIST OF LIST OF Chapter I. II. III. IV. FIGURES. APPENDICES. POLITICAL CHANGE AND POLITICAL SOCIALIZATION Introduction: Syndrome oi Underdevelopment Objective and Approach Political Socialization and Political Change Political Change and Political Socialization Su ummary . . . . . . . . THE TRADITIONAL BACKGROUND Introduction. Chinese Influence . . . . . . . . Traditional World View: Harmony as the Life— Ideal . . Li: External Criteria of Hierarchization The Taoist System: Anarchist Rebellion. Conclusion THE ANTI DEMOCRATIC TENDENCY IN THE VIETNAMESE CULTURE . . . . . . . . . Introduction. How Authoritarian Are the Vietnamese Studentsf/ Confucianism and Authoritarianism. Westernization and Authoritarianism Summary NATIONALISM Introduction. Correlates of Nationalism Summary iii Page 11 xi xii 16 2A 29 AA “5 145 51 56 80 100 112 11A llU 116 119 159 I63 166 166 177 198 r“...- - 1 -l'< .-' .,l . .._. Chapter Page V. "MANDARIN MENTALITY" 201 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . 201 Mandarinism . . . . . . . . . 20A Correlates of Mandarinism. . . . . . . 209 Scale of Occupational Preference . . . . . 216 Summary. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 224 VI. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION. . . . . . . . . 226 Culture and Political Behavior . . . . . 226 Socialization and Patterns of Political Behavior . . . . . . . . . . . . 228 Conclusion. . . . . . . . . . . . . 235 BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 238 APPENDICES. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26A iv .7.- Table 3.1. LIST OF TABLES Mean Dogmatism Scores of Vietnamese Students as Compared to Various American and .English Groups Item Analysis of the Familism Scale. (Cantho High School Students). . . . . Item Analysis of the Obedience Sub—Scale. (Cantho High School Students) Item analysis of the Respect Sub—Scale (Cantho High School Students). . . . . . Item Analysis of the Support Sub-Scale (Cantho High School Students). . . . . . . The differences Between Reactions Against Disobedience and Disrespect Toward Elders. (N=201) Cantho High School Students. Simple Correlations of familism with Socio— Economic Status as Measured by Income Level, the Amount of Knowledge of Chinese, French, English, and the number of years spent in the rural areas. (N=l3l; Cantho High School Students) . . . . Partial Correlations Between Authoritarianism as the Dependent Variable, and Familism, Income, Parental Knowledge of Chinese, French, and English, and Number of Years in the Countryside as Independent Variables (Cantho High School Students, N=l31, df= 124, Two—Tailed Test). . . . . Partial Correlation Between Dogmatism as the Dependent Variable and Familism, Numbers of Years in USA, and Parental Income as Independent Variables (Vietnamese Exchange Students in America, N=59, df=55, Two-Tailed Test) . . . . . . . . . Page 118 125 126 126 127 131 131 134 137 Table Page 3.10. Parabolic Relationship Between Familism and Dogmatism with Dogmatism as the Dependent Variable and Familism the Independent Vare iable While Other Sociological Factors (Income, Parental Education, Years in USA for Exchange Student Group, and Years in the Countryside for the Cantho High School Student Group) are Held Constant. . . . . 138 3.11. Partial Correlations Between Authoritarianism as Dependent Variable, and Obedience, Respect, Support, Income, Chinese, French, English and Years in Countryside as Inde— pendent Variables (Cantho High School Students, N=131, df==122, Two—Tailed Test) . 1A0 3.12. Partial Correlation Between Authoritarianism as Dependent Variable, and Obedience, Respect, Support, Income, Years in USA as Independent Variables. (Vietnamese Exchange Students in USA, N=59, df=53, Two-Tailed Test). . . . . . . . . . . . 142 3.13. Partial Correlation Between Respect—Support Reaction Difference as Dependent Variable, and Dogmatism, Income, Chinese, French, English, and Years in Countryside as Inde— pendent Variables. (Cantho High School Students, N=131, df=l2u, Two—Tailed Test.) . 1AA 3.14. Partial Correlations Between Obedience—Respect Reaction Difference as Dependent Variable, and Dogmatism, Income, Chinese, French, English, and Years in Countryside as Inde- pendent Variables. (Cantho High School Students, N=131, df=12A, Two—Tailed Test) . 1A5 3.15. Partial Correlation Between Obedience—Support Reaction Difference as Dependent Variable, and Dogmatism, Income, Chinese, French, English, and Years in Countryside as Inde— pendent Variables. (Cantho High School Students, N=131, df=124, Two—Tailed Test). . 1A6 3.16 Item Analysis of the Semantic-Status Scale. (Cantho High School Students). . . . . . 15A vi Table 3.17. 3.18. 3-19. Page Simple Correlations of Semantic-Status Score and Dogmatism, Familism, Income, Chinese, French, English and Length of Rural Resi— dence. (Cantho High School Students, N= 76). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 155 Comparison of Mean Dogmatism Scores of Cantho High School Seniors and Selected Groups of Saigon University Freshmen . . . . . . . 162 Comparison of Mean Dogmatism Scores of Selected Groups of Saigon Students Having One Year's Difference of Education . . . . . . . . 162 Comparison of Dogmatism Mean Scores of Vietnamese Exchange Students in USA and Different Groups of Saigon University Students. (One-Tailed Test) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 164 Item Analysis of the Self-Abasing Nationalism Scale . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17A Item Analysis of the Self— -Glorifying Nationalism Scale . . . . . . . . . ..l75 Reliability of the Nationalism Scales . . . . 176 Simple Correlations Between Self-Glorifying and Self—Abasing Nationalism. . . . . . . . 182 Partial Correlation Between Self-Glorifying Nationalism and Self-Abasing Nationalism When Dogmatism is Kept Constant . . . . . . . 186 Partial Correlation Between Dogmatism and Self- Glorifying Nationalism With Self— —Abasing Nationalism Held Constant . . . . . . 189 Partial Correlation Between Dogmatism and Self- Abasing Nationalism With Self— Glorifying Nationalism Held Constant . . . . 189 Partial Correlations Between Self—Glorifying Nationalism as the Dependent Variable, and Dogmatism, Familism, Dependent Variable. (Cantho High School Sample N: 131, df—123, Two- Tailed Test.) . . . . . . . . . 192 vii Table 4.9. 4.10. 4.11. 4.12. 4.13. 4.14. 4.15. Partial Correlation Between Selchlorifying Nationalism as the Dependent Variable, and Dogmatism, Obedience, Respect, Support, Income, Chinese, French, English, Years in Countryside as Independent Variables. (Can— tho High School Sample N: 131, df= 121, Two« Tailed Test.) . . . . . Partial Correlations Between Self—Glorifying Nationalism as the Dependent Variable, and Dogmatism, Familism, Parental Income, Years in U. S. as Independent Variables. (Exchange Student Sample, N= 59, df= 53, Two- Tailed Test . . . . . Partial Correlations Between Self—Glorifying Nationalism as the Dependent Variable, and Dogmatism Obedience, Respect, Support, Parental Income, Years in U.S. as Inde— pendent Variables. (Exchange Student Sample N=59, df=51, Two-Tailed Test.) Partial Correlations Between Self—Glorifying Nationalism as the Dependent Variable, and Dogmatism, Parental Income, Parental Know~ ledge of Foreign Languages as Independent Variables. (Saigon University Students, N= 232, df=226, Two—Tailed Test.) . . Partial Correlations Between Self—Abasing Nationalism as the Dependent Variable, and Dogmatism, Familism, Income, Chinese, French, English, Years in Countryside as Indepen— dent Variables. (Cantho High School Students N=131, df=l23, Two—Tailed Test.). . . Partial Correlations Between Self—Abasing Nationalism as the Dependent Variable, and Dogmatism, Obedience, Respect, Support, Income Chinese, French, English, Years in Country- side. (Cantho High School Students, N=131, df=l2l, Two— Tailed Test.) . . . . Partial Correlations Between Self—Abasing Nationalism as the Dependent Variable, and Dogmatism, Familism, Income, Years in U.S. as Independent Variables. (Exchange students in U.S., N=59, df=53, Two—Tailed Test.) . viii Page 192 193 193 194 196 196 197 Table 4.16. 4.17. 5.1. 5.2. 5-3- 5.4. 5.5. 5.6. 5.7. Partial Correlations Between Self-Abasing Nationalism as the Dependent Variable, and Dogmatism, Obedience, Respect, Income, Years in U.S. as Independent Variables. (Exchange Students in U.S., N=59, df=53, Two-Tailed Test.). Partial Correlation Between Selvabasing Nationalism as the Dependent Variable, and Dogmatism, Income, Chinese, French, English as Independent Variables. (Saigon University Students, N= 232, df=226, Tw0« Tailed Test.) . . . . . . Average "Mandarin Mentality" Scores of a Group of Cantho High School Students (N=l3l) Partial Correlations Between Each of Seven Measures of Mandarinism as the Dependent Variable and Dogmatism, Familism, Income, Chinese, French, English, and Years in Countryside as Dependent Variables. (Cantho High School Students, N=131, Two—Tailed Test) Partial Correlations Between "Preference for Civil Service to Private Employment" as the Dependent Variable, and Needs for Power, Security, and Status as Independent Variv ables. (N=131, dfel27, TwoeTailed Test) Partial Correlations Between ”Preference for Civil Service to Trade" as the Dependent Variable, and Needs for Power, Security, and Status as Independent Variables. (N= 131, df—l27, Two-Tailed Test.) . Partial Correlations Between ”Preference for Civil Service to Farming" as the Dependent Variable, and Needs for Power, Security and Status as Independent Variables. (N=131, df—127, Two—Tailed Test) . . Partial Correlations Between ”Preference for Civil Service to Craftsmanship” as the Dependent Variable, and the Needs for Power, Security and Status as Independent Vari- ables. (N=131, df—l27, Two-Tailed Test.). The Order Ranking of Nineteen Occupations by Cantho High School Students . . ix Support, Page 199 199 207 210 214 214 215 215 218 Table 5.8. Partial Correlations Between the Ranking Score of Each of the 19 Occupations as the Dependent Variable, and Each of the Psycho— Sociological Factors as Independent Variv ables. . . . . . . . . 5.9. Partial Correlations Between the Total Ranking Score of Non-Entrepreneurial Occupations as the Dependent Variable, and Other Socio— Cultural Factors as Independent Variables. (N=131, df=123.) . . . . . . . 5.10. Partial Correlations Between the Total Ranking Score of Entrepreneurial Occupations as the Dependent Variable, and Other Socio—Cultural Factors as Independent Variables. (N=131, df=123.). . . . . . . . . . Page 221 223 223 Figure LIST OF FIGURES The Weakening of the Extended Family System: The Obedience Duty. (The Maximum Score is 4) N= 201 Average Scores for Cantho High School Students. . . . . . The Weakening of the Extended Family System: the Respect Duty. (The Maximum Score is 4, N=20l . . . . . . . . . The Weakening of the Extended Family System: The Support Duty. (The Maximum Average Score is 4, N=20l). . . . . . Hypothesized U- Shaped Relationship Between Familism and Dogmatism . . . . xi Page 128 128 129 137 Appendix A. B. LIST OF APPENDICES The Dogmatism Scale (Forms D and E). Item Analysis of the Dogmatism Scale Political Anti—Democratic Tendency Test Bivariate Distribution xii Page 265 274 279 283 CHAPTER I POLITICAL CHANGE AND POLITICAL SOCIALIZATION Introduction: Syndrome of Underdevelopment In this shrinking world, political isolation, national independence, and territorial sovereignty are becoming increasingly serious obstacles in international politics. A shooting in the jungle of Southeast Asia, a revolt in the desert of North Africa, an assassination or an inflation in Latin America sometimes entail serious consequences causing a great deal of headache to policy makers in Washington, London, Paris, as well as in Moscow or Peking. More and more, foreign policy of world powers depends on what is BOing on in emerging nations. The course of political change is a matter of crucial concern for those who are interested in world peace and international prosperity. This raises a variety of questions. A liberal—minded Westerner might wonder why, after more than two decades of independence, the people of the emerging nations have experienced nothing but dictatorships or autocratic rule. Why is it so difficult for liberal democracy to be accepted in these countries? A United Nations official, on the other hand, searching for the bases of international COOperation l .so and understanding, might consider nationalism the greatest barrier to his goal. Attitudes conducive to international conflict are perhaps more widespread and stronger in the non— Western world than the West. What is the nature of these attitudes? Finally, the problem of economic deveIOpment constitutes the most important issue in backward countries. Some social scientists believe that low standard 01 living is one of the main causes of the highly nationalistic atmosphere and anti- democratic movements which are sweeping the emerging nations. This state of economic underdevelopment has been interpreted as due to shortage of capital and ”market bottlenecks," and the problem is reduced to the discussion of ”balanced" and "un~ balanced" growth.2 However, eXperts in economic development have recently changed their approach, and increasingly believe that the problem of economic underdevelopment is a human problem rather than a purely economic and financial one. It is generally admitted that creativity and entrepreneurial Spirit 3 are more important than the amount of capital available. —_ lSeymour Martin Lipset, Political Man (Garden City, New York: Doubleday, 1950), pp. 45—76, G. A. Almond and J. S. Coleman, The Politics of DeveIOping Areas (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1960), pp. 532-576; Eugene Staley, The Future of UnderdeveIOped Countries (New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1961), pp. 13-25- 2Albert 0. Hirschman, The Strategy of Economic Development (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1951), 99- 50-75. ‘— 3Simon Kuznets, Six Lectures on Economic Growth (Glencoe: he Free Press, 1959); Everett E. Hagen, On the Theory of Ocial Change (Homewood, Illinois: The Dorsey Press Inc., 962): pp- 30-35. I“ 5..» o c If entrepreneurial spirit is indispensable for economic growth, why is it lacking in underdeveIOped countries? All these apparently unrelated issues have something in common. All of them are relevant to the problem of socio— political change in the newly—emergent nations. They are parts of the "underdevelopment syndrome." In order to understand what constitutes this syndrome, let us first examine the "deveIOpment" or "democratic syndrome." According to Lipset, democracy demands certain conditions and entails certain consequences which in turn reinforces its survival value. 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I), (1; 1-: . 1L), g: I: III r: (U ‘ :1 H ,, 3' “>3 {/1 U) r '1 iii 0 :3. I: ’13 ~, 3, z) x.» Q; C " ‘1‘ ‘3' "‘- if) ”i L. (l1 4 :11 I if; ’r-t I!) ,1: 510 '- \(7 .31) A .U' (ff n i“ s." .I.‘ E“ (U + i- if 1 1;. '1') . : i: ."J i f. C (I) "i (- ‘21-} 4 ‘ x‘ I {4 /--« (1 m 5, , at :3 ,c HTML! an (in .L. palm £13 .5, g. 5.1. " ‘3 c *I ‘1 K" 3" "-‘ .46 in J.» it '3) Jr \ I i? 9-: x]: "r? on ,,. 1":- fs " .3: (L 81 5:! ‘ :2, G) 'O W“! W (‘3 .1: C )ffii) LL Li. E: (f) 1', ; T: U? r‘ t“ *- 11: £2.53”; Halli? “V"! 1.1,; E“ status symbols other than the rising of the standard of living.1 It also induces concentration of power into the hands of nationalist leaders in their international adventures. Thus we find ourselves in the presence of a series of vicious circles. Poverty and illiteracy favor the develOp- ment of nationalist feelings which in turns slow down indus- trialization, which in return is the only way to get out of the vicious circles of economic backwardness.2 On the other hand, in most of these societies, the entrepreneurial class does not have a high status, and does not have Opportunities to rise in the social hierarchy. Here we have another vicious circle: a pre—industrial economy co-exists with the lack of entrepreneurial spirit which in turn hampers industrialization. Hence poverty and illiteracy persist and reinforce discrimination againsttfluaentrepreneurial Class. In addition, without the rise of a rival class of merchants and industrialists, the traditional elite (e.g. mandarins) continues to monopolize wealth and power. Conseq QUently, the closed class system with its authoritarian values is preserved, and democracy, literacy and other traits of the "deveIOpment syndrome" have little chance to emerge. ‘ 1M. Friedman, "Foreign Economic Aid: Means and Objec- tiVes," The Yale Review, Vol 47 (1958), p. 505. 2H. W. Singer, "Economic Progress in UnderdeveIOped Countries," Social Research, Vol. 16 (l9b9), pp. l-ll; Reagnar Nurkse, Problems of Capital Formation in Under- develOped Countries (New York: Oxford University Press, 1953). The "underdevelopment syndrome" has been found in most develOping countries. Understandably, the distribution and relative strength of these traits varies in each develOping country depending on their socio—cultural partiv cularities. Yet, in general, it is not uncommon to find that these traits co-exist with each other in most, if not all, the emerging nations. Students of socio-political change have often tried to find the main causal factor (or factors) of the political situation in these newly independent countries. They frequently emphasize one or a few such traits and develop their own approach to the problem of socio—political change, then explain the remaining traits in terms of the one(s) chosen as the main factor(s). This results in a proliferation of approaches. Each of them con— siders the problem of socio—POlitical change in a different perspective. There is no criterion to compare the value of each approach. However, any approach which puts an undue stress on one of the variable and leaves out others as insignificant would fail to present a balanced and total view of the country under study. Before presenting the approach develOped in this study, let us examine the point of view of some well-known students of underdevelOpment. For the purpose of analysis, we label their approaches as the economic approach, the socio—economic approach, the historical approach, and the socio—psychological approach. To do Justice to these authors, I want to emphasize that this categorization is not absolute. No authors mentioned rigidly use one approach by choosing one of the numerous traits of the syndrome as the sole factor of underdevelOpment. All of them realize that these traits are closely related to each other. Faced with this chicken—andbegg problem of causation they choose only some of these traits to serve as the point of departure for their analyses without playing down the importance of other factors. This is also the position I maintain in the sociolization approach developed herein. The Economic Approach Max Handman, stressing the economic factor, believes that it is the character of the economy which shapes the political characteristics of an underdevelOped country.1 The oligarchic nature of the government, the high frequency of bloody revolutions among the elite (high politicization of the elite), and extreme apathy of the mass etc. are seen as corollaries of economic backwardness. The majority of the PeOple, composed of poor and illiterate peasants have no voice in the political arena. The class of aristocratic land-owners is closed, and is politically more or less indif— ferent. Businessmen and industrialists are not highly respected The political life becomes a fierce and bloody competition be— tween the military and the bureaucrats. Thus, once this k 1Max Handman, "The Bureaucratic Culture Pattern and Political Revolutions," The American Journal of Sociology (1933), XXXIX, 301—313. In a world where life-values are conceived in terms of hierarchical prestige and power, there intelligence and education can find only one outlet besides the army and the church, namely, state service, and where, unless they do find such service, there is literally nothing for them to do but face a period of respectable starvation, but starvation neverthe- lessgwhere the commitments of liberalism and civili- zation necessarily mean the maintenance of a school system whose business it is to prepare the young people for nothing else but state service; in such a world a Malthusian law of pOpulation increase of the educated in relation to the positions to be filled creates a situation of such tenseness as inevitablelto lead to the explosions of a political revolution. political process induced by normative and economic factors has started, those who have gained political power will try to guarantee their own continuance in power against the former ruling elite. The latter being unemployed and having nothing to lose scheme another bloody revolution to get back their jobs. Lipset's condition for stable democracy——"rela— 2 tive moderate tension among its contending political forces" —— clearly is not met in such a revolutionary atmOSphere. The Socio-Economic Approach Other social scientists like Lipset, and Coleman believe, like Handman, that the economic factor plays an important role in the politics of the underdeveloped areas. However, they place more emphasis on the sociological factor considered resulting from the economic factor. That is why " lMax Handman, op. cit., p. 307- See also, Merle King, Toward a Theory of Power and Political Stability in Latin fimerica," The Western Political Quarterly, IX (1956): p- 33, Vol. 9 (1936), p. 33. 10 I call their approach, the socioveconomic approach. According to Lipset and Coleman, standards of living explain the typical politics of underdevelOpment--the upheavals and the absence of democratic processes. Their assumption is: the richer a country, the more democratic its political regime, and inversely, the poorer a country, the less competitive its political process.1 The eXplanation offered is that in a poor country (1) the lower level of literacy breeds political extremism, (2) the higher inequality of income distribution intensifies the class struggle, and (3) there is a "greater pressure on the upper strata to treat the lower as vulgar, innately inferior, a lower caste beyond the pale of human society."2 Besides the difference in emphasis on the sociological factor, there are two other differences between the approaches of Handman and of Liset—Coleman. Handman emphasizes the economic structure of the country (agriculture Vs trade and industry)while Lipset and Coleman point to the standard of living of the people and wealth distribution within the country as the generators of anti-democratic values. Also, Handman examines the political processes within the elite class (the in—power group vs out-of—power group) while Lipset and Coleman study the social relationships between M 1James S. Coleman, "The Political Systems of the Developing Areas," The Politics of the Developing Area, G. A. Almond, and J. 8. Coleman (eds.), op. cit., pp. 536-534; S. M. Lipset, "Some Social Requisites of Democracy: Economic DevelOp— ment and Political Legitimacy," American Political Science Review, LIII (1959): pp. 69‘105' 2 Lipset, Political Man, 0p. cit., p. 66. ll classes and their political consequences. Yet both reach the same conclusion: the politics of the underdevelOped areas are characterized by violence, extremism, and absence of the democratic techniques of bargaining and compromise. The Historical Approach Belonging in this group we find social scientists like Thorstein Veblen} or more recently, Vera M. Dean,2 who look for historical explanations of socio-political change. They see political systems of the Western type as results of a long evolution of socio—economic foundations- The non-Western world, having just emerged from a medieval stage is not equipped to deal with problems of the industrial age. According to Vera M. Dean, It is not magic but centuries of travail and sacrifice, marked by a series of bloody wars and revolutions, that saw the peoples of the Atlantic community gradually move from the feudal society and memorial economy of the Middle Ages to industrialization, universal suffrage, separation of church and state, . scientific invetion, enlightened social legis— lation, and the continuing expansion of intellectual inquiry. While the Western peoples have taken several centuries to go through the major revolutions of modern times——the rise of nationalism, the gradual development of democratic institutions, the challenges of nazism and communism, the impact of industrialization--the peoples of the non—Western “p lThrostein Veblen, Imperial Germany and the Industrial ggvoiution (New York: Viking, 1939), "The Opportunity of iapin" in Essays in Our Changing Order (New York: Viking, 93 ). , 2Vera Micheles Dean, The Nature of the Non—Western fl2£l§_(New York! The New American Library, 1961). 12 areas . . . have had to telesc0pe these revolutions into the span of a few years or a few decades in the twentieth century. Thus the syndrome of underdevelopment is eXplained as due to the accumulation of unsolved social, economic, and political problems which arise immediately after a develOping country's Independence Day. An atmosphere of crisis results and discourages the best intentions of establishingEiliberal democratic reginm'at‘ a tihme when solutions are badly needed for these accumulated problems. Zbigniew Brzezinsky observes: It is doubtful that all of the present and particularly the future leaders of these new Asian states, given their elitist and dedicated character, will be able to resist the temptation of employing the power at their disposal, both to organize society and to eliminate resistance. Opposition may even encourage the use of force because, once the process of internal revolution has been launched, resistance inevitably takes on the form of interference with the progress of new measures; this, in turn, seems to those in control an attempt to destroy the future so firmly outlined in their minds, and the charge of sabotage follows. The Socio-Psychological Approach This approach stresses the importance of sociological and psychological factors in the process of socio—political change. The basic assumption underlying this approach is succinctly and cogently stated by the Vice President of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development that lDean, 0p. cit., pp. 17, 193. 2Brzezinski, 0p. cit., p. 62. ..¢ 13 "develOpment is a state of mind."1 Political change involves a change Of values a——change of world vieW. A democratic, open, stable, capitalist (or quasi—capitalist) regime is possible is legitimized by a system of norms based on only if it As long as that normative democracy, freedom, and equality. system has not yet been accepted and internalized, any attempt at building a democratic and Open society has little chance to be successful. In effect To the Western Intellectual, Communist totalitarianism means, after all, the destruction of values and standards built up through many years. TO an Asian, Communism is merely an alternative to liberal democracy, and an alternative which produces the desired effects faster. For Mary Motassian, the socio-political difficulties met during the transitional period do not stem from the pre— valence of traditionalist values but rather the "destruction of traditional institutions and values, sometimes even before the impact of industrialism is felt, and the challenge Of the modern West."3 Anti-democratic impulses, nationalist feelings, and a sense Of urgency reflect a loss of orientation by the "assaulted individual" Of the non—Western world. The search for self-identity pushes him to look for an ideology 1Guides for Point A (Washington, June 5, 1962), p. 3 2Brzezinski, Op. cit. p. 59- 3Mary Motassian, "Ideologies of Delayed Industrial- Some Tensions and Ambiguities,” Economic DevelOp— ization: Egflt and Cultural Change, Vol.6 (1958), p 217. 1A to reorient himself in a rapidly—changing environment. Thus, all ideologies of delayed industrialization are essentially revolutionary Pseudo-conservative or radical, these ideologies advocate the manipulation Of the disagreeable Presept Something must be done, and done fast . . . Thus disoriented, uprooted individual must seek refuge in ideology to parry the impact Of the West. The ideology helps him to get rid Of the present, to attain the dreamed future. This route Of escape still cannot relieve his anxiety. His ego needs protection which science and logic cannot provide He scorns his kind (and by implication, himself) as "pseudo," "mongrel," neither truly native nor truly Western. In order to find self« respect, he goes in search for his "true self"; he tries to "discover India. ." Thus,the search for self-identity and security have led to complete submergence Of and the fear Of isolation_ his self into his nation, a "symbiosis" between his self and his fatherland.3 In short, the anxiety, loneliness, and uprootedness of the ”assaulted individual” puts him in an lIbid., p. 219. 2Ibid., pp. 218-219. 3Erich Fromm, Escape From Freedpm (New York: Holt Rinehart and Winston, 1961), p. 158. Fromm defines "symbiosis” as the union of one individual self with another self (or any other power, or entity outside of the Own self) in such a way as to make each lose the integrity of its own self and to make them completely dependent on each other. 15 uneasy relationship with his fellow countrymen, and the Westerners. Internal political processes becomes tense, and revolutionary. International relations are built on an emotional and irrational basis. Once having immersed himself in a "cause," the individual in a developing country loses completely his self—identify. Edward Shils has observed that: When the intellectuals of the colonial countries were ready to engage in politics at all, they were willing to give everything to them. Politics became the be—all and end—all of their existence. Shils sees the intense politicization of the intellectuals of the non-Western world (contrasted by relative political apathy noticed by Lipset in the West) as originating from "a deep pre-occupation with authority."2 Even though he seeks and seems actually to break away from the authority of the powerful traditions in which he was brought up, the intellectual of underdeveloped still more than his confrere in more advanced countries, retains the need for incorporation into some self-transcending, authoritative entity. Indeed, the greater his struggle for emancipation from the traditional collectivity, the greater his need for incorporation into a new, alternative collectivity. Intense politicization meets this need . This is one reason why the intellectual immerses himself, at least for a time, in intense political activities; it is why he seeks a "cause," an en— compassing ideal. It is also the reason for the oppositional character of the politics of the intellectuals who themselves do not share in the authority.3 countries, lEdward Shils, "The Intellectuals in the Political DeveIOpment of The New States," World Politics, Vol. 12 (1960). 2Ibid., p. 339. 3Ibid., pp. 339—3uo. , 16 In short, this group of social scientists have stressed the value orientation, the psychological needs of the individuals as the main factor of the "underdevelopment syndrome." Oblective and Approach The approach used in this study of political change is a socio~psychological perspective in combination with a historical orientation. We will select the main traits of the underdevelopment syndrome (namely authoritarian values, anti—democratic tendency, nationalism, and non—entrepreneurial predispositions) and treat them as functions of political socialization. On the fundamental assumption that "develOp— ment is a state of mind," the socialization approach is a convenient tool to study the influence of traditional systems of ethics and values upon political behavior, and the effects of certain personality characteristics on political orientation. Several questions have been raised previously. We can pose them again in the socialization context. (1) Shils and Motassian's studies imply the prevalence of strong authoritar- ianism among the elite of the non—Western world; the few questions we would like to be able to answer include: Are the intellectual elite authoritarian? If so, is their authori- tarianism the product of their traditional culture, and how is traditionalism related to authoritarianism? (2) Nationalism has been often found to be one of the factors hampering economic 17 development and international cooperation1 for world prosperity. In the socialization framework, we may ask ourselves how the elite are socialized to become fanatic nationalists. Are traditional values or authoritarianism responsible for the development of this explosive attitude? (3) Finally, Shils points to an additional factor which is one of the main traits of the underdevelopment syndrome: the considerable value attached to the civil service, and " a derogatory con- ception of businessmen as either eXploitative foreigners or nwney-grubbing, short-sighted,nativenmnipulators of financial "2 Handman and Kling have pointed out the fierce combination. competition for civil service Jobs, and its revolutionary and autocracy-breeding consequences. Those who have gotten a job in government become submissive to the ruler "by fear of the loss of their posts in government schools or colleges or by the materialandfpsychological advantages of their Jobs."3 This submissiveness makes the ruler more confident in his moral integrity and wisdom (e.g. Ngo Dinh Diem). In turn, the intellectuals outside the government have become convinced that the ruler must be overthrown since the peaceful voicing Of constructive Opposition seems futile. Thus, another socio- lOgical factor——non—entrepreneurial spirit-—deserves our _g lFriedman, op. cit.; See also, Eugene Staley, op. cit., pp. 21—22, 182—183. 2 . . Shils, Op. Cit. p 3Shils, "The Intellectuals in the Political DevelOpment 0L the New States," op. cit., g» 338- x l8 attention. We wonder how the individual is socialized into this non—entrepreneurial prediSposition. Is it due to the traditionalist orientation, or the need fcr power, status, and security? This research is an attempt to provide some tentative answers to the above questions. The hypothesis offered here is that the intellectuals behave as they do because they are the product of their traditional culture and they are facing deveIOpment problems which no one has experienced before. These problems have persisted and will persist for some time because the people who find themselves in this new situation do not have enough time to adapt to it. Consequently, the transition period remains bloody, chaotic, and unstable as long as the trialwand—error attempts have not been fruitful. In one word, the objective of this research to test the hypothesis that all sociological and psychological traits of the "underdeveIOpment syndrome" are but the behavioral result of a socialization process. In order to make this point clear in the development context, we need, first, to understand the mechanism of the socialization process. We then examine the sociological and psychological traits of the underdevelOpment syndrome as having their origins in the sociolization process. Political Socialization (a) Let us first consider socialization as a value~incul— eating process. As Herbert Hyman states, "the socialization of the individual . . . [is] the learning of social patterns 19 corresponding to.hissocietalpositions."l Thus, more specifi- cally, political socialization is the learning of a political role, and political values and norms. Political socializa— tion, writes Gabriel A. Almond, results in the internalization of "a set of attitudes-—cognition, value standards, and feelings—-toward the political system, its various roles, and role incumbents."2 This position is similar to that of Newcomb, who defines socialization as the process of "interior— izing social norms." The interiorized social norms give the individual a "frame on reference” to help him perceive different objects and develop attitudes towards these objects. Similarly, the interiorized social norms assign the individual to a posi- tion in the social system, to a role in dealing with other persons. Thus, a role is a set of interiorized norms which serve as a basis for the persistence of attitudes toward one‘s self and toward others and for the perception of one's self and others.3 Put in a political context, political sociali— zation consists of (1) learning political frames of reference for perceiving, organizing, and evaluating political phenomena, and (2) learning political roles which serve as guidelines lHerbert Hyman, Political Socialization (Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1959), p. 25- 2Gabriel A. Almond, "Introduction: A Functional Approach to Comparative Politics," The Politics of DeveIOping flfiggg, op. cit., pp. 27—28. 3T. M. Newcomb, Social Psychology (New York: Henry Holt, 1958), pp. 299—33”- 20 for political behavior towards others within and beyond the political system. (b) Secondly, socialization is related to personality develOpment. It does not only provide the individual with a frame Of reference, or a role pattern for dealing with the outside world. It also affects and guides the formation of his personality; Socialization not only teaches the individual how to see, interpret, and evaluate reality, but also how to "organize his predispositions to behavior.2 Socialization has a deeper ramification than simple learning a habit. As Allison Davis has put it, the central characteristic of human social learning, namely that human beings always learn their social behavior in some type of relation to other person— alities, and therefore in an emotional context, is the crucial principle underlying any systematic effort to understand adolescent social and personal develOp- ment. That is every adolescent's social behavior bears the marks of his personal history in relation to his parents, his siblings, his playgroup, and his geachers, as well as the imprint of the culture control. Thus socialization involves not only the learning Of a political role, and political values, norms and ideologies, but _¥ lSees, for instance, Eric H. Erikson, "Reflections on the American Identity," "The Legend Of Hitler's Childhood," ”The Legend Of Maxim Gorky's Youth," in Childhood and Society (New York: W. W. Norton and Company, Inc., 1950), pp. ZAH—ZSB. Also, Alex Inkeles, et al., "Modal Personality and Adjustment to the Soviet SociO—Political System," in Studying Personality gross-Culturally edited by Bert Kaplan (Evanston, Illinois: —__ Row Peterson and Company, 1961), pp. 201-22A. 2 Newcomb, Op. cit., p. 335- 3Allison Davis, "Socialization and Adolescent Personality,“ in Readings in Social Psychology, T. M. Newdomb, gp_§l., eds., (New York: Henry Holt and Company), D. 39~ 21 also the organization of predispositions toward political behavior. Gabriel A. Almond expresses the same point of view when he differentiates two types of socialization—« "Manifest socialization," and "latent socialization.": Mani- fest socialization—-the only type intensively dealt with by Herbert Hyman in POlitical Socializationlaeapparently- con- sists of inculcation of political norms. The "latent" form of socialization is related to personality formation. Latent of "analogous" political socialization, writes Almond, is the first and undoubtedly the most basic stage of the political socialization process. The first years of life in the family, the experience of authority and discipline and Of the family "political process" and "public policy" constitute the most rapid and binding stage Of socialization. More of an impact occurs here2 than at any other point in the process. . . . (emphasis added) In short, in studying the end-result of political sociali— zation we must take into consideration both political norms inculcated, app the type of personality developed during the socialization process. (c) Thirdly, the socialization process prepares the individual to cope with his daily problems. This aspect Of the socialization process can by examined from two perSpec_ tives: that of the socializing agents, and that of the individual undergoing socialization. For the socializing agents, the aim—~conscious or unconscious—~of the socialization k IHerbert Hyman, op. cit. 2AlmOnd, Op. cit., p. 28. 22 is to prepare children to COpe effectively with their problems as adults. Yehudi A. Cohen writes: Parents in any society invariably bring up their children on the assumption that they are antici- pating the future for these children. . . Parents bring up their children so that the latter will be able to fit into a particular kind of social system when they become adults, and they invari— ably attempt to anticipate the particular kind of world in which these children are going to live and train them to live in that world, not necessarily the world for which they, themselves, were trained. According to Newcomb,from the point of view Of the individual undergoing socialization, his "motive patterns" are formed partially through his problem-solving attempts.2 The infant's first motive patterns are acquired as he learns to relate objects and events to the relief of his own drives . . . A moment comes when the Old motive pattern fails to relieve a present condition of drive . . . Motive satisfaction is temporarily blocked, [and new patterns develOp]. . . The general principle here is that new patterns of relieving drive are not acquired except as they prove more satisfying than Old ones, or more effectively in relieving drives.3 As a preparation for problem solving, the socialization Process has two important limitations. The first stems from the human limitation in predicting the future, the second from limited human flexibility in adaptation. First, in saying that parents tend to anticipate the future of their h lYehudi A. Cohen, Social Structure and Personality; A Case Book (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1961), hWFA. 2Newcomb, op. cit., pp. 345-350. 3Ibid., pp. 3N6-3u7. 23 children, Cohen does not necessarily assume that parents can predict the future correctly and accurately. It is obvious that in a stable or slowly-evolving society the error of prediction is minimal. But in political and cultural revolu— tions, or in rapidly-changing societies, the error in pre— dicting the future is likely to increase drastically. In other words, the error is a function of the rate of social change. Where the Old system is collapsing, and the new system has not taken a definite shape, it is impossible for the parents to make a prediction about the world that their children are going to live. They must socialize their children in the way they think best-emost Of the time the way in which they were themselves socialized. Concerning the second limitation--that of human flexi— bility in adaptation-~Newcomb writes: New patterns of relieving drives, he writes, are most likely to be tried when old ones fail. 'New motive patterns, then get started most commonly when old ones are blocked. . . [The search for new patterns is not a systematic one.] New patterns may be discovered bylsheer, random exploration or "by accident." In short, even though socialization is problem- oriented, it does not necessarily mean that once socialized, the individual is able to solve his problem. Where the problems are completely new, as in the case of sudden change, we cannot expect him to COpe with these problems efficiently *— 1Ibid., p. 347. /.‘,. 24 and quickly because (1) he is not equipped.to deal with them, and (2) he needs time for "sheer random exploration" in his search for workable solutions. Political Socialization and Political Change“ Political Regimes and Political Socialization Political socialization has, we said, a double result: (1) inculcation of political norms (political values, political roles), and (2) develOpment of a personality characteristic viable within a given political system. The first point needs little clarification. A political regime, to have a broad pOpular support, must be "legitimate," i.e., accepted by the mass and the elite. A free and democratic regime, in order to survive, requires political norms which put a considerable value on freedom and democracy. A dictatorial regime can be legitimate in the eyes Of the majority Of the people only if the latter highly value Obedience to the ruler and all forms which Obedience entails. In such countries as the United States, violence-oriented, extremist political movements can appeal only to a small minority. In the Soviet Union, pOlitical stability has been possible because only a small number Of Russians question the legitimacy of the Party and the validity of Marxism-Leninism. lSee Zevedei Barbi, "The Democratic Way Of Life," EEEQSSaCy and Dictatorship_(New York: Grove Press, 1955), p. -25. A 25 As for the second point, some elaboration is needed. To say that any political regime requires specific personality characteristic among the mass and especially the elite, is not to postulate a one-tO-one relationship between personality characteristics and political regimes. We merely suggest that some personality characteristics will be more suitable to a given regime than others. A democratic regime calls for willingness to compromise, and ability to tolerate ambiguity as a necessity for possible co-existence of a great diversity of political ideologies; obviously, these same traits would have low survival value in a society where the elite are authoritarian, intolerant,and motivated by threat—oriented attitudes toward social life. On the other hand, a dictatorial political regime where the party's political stand or the leader's political Opinicmlmanifestspolitical truth and law would not last long if the great majority Of the leading class had strongly individualistic and self—actualizing drives.l Zevedei Barbu summarizes the characteristics of the democratic and totalitarian regimes in the following terms: Thus, I have found that the processes Of social and cultural flexibility, Of rationalization and of minimization of power are characteristic Of all demo— cratic societies. The processes of social and cultural rigidity, of the "emotionalization' or super- rationalization of life and that of the concentration of power are, on the other han , characteristic Of all modern totalitarian societies. 1See A. H. Moslow, Motivation;and Personality (New York: Harper & Brother, 1954), p. 350. (The ideal political regime for the self—actualizing people, as described by Maslow is a free, loving, almost anarchist one.) 2 Barbu, Op. cit., p. 9- 26 In each of these regimes, he believes, a certain personality characteristic predominates. Democracy is a way of life dominated by the feelings of ease and naturalness which arose from a certail harmony in the pattern of life. The Greek term eukosmia and what the French mean by douceur de moeurs are adequate expressionS'Of'this‘state'Of affairs. The totalitarian way of life’is, on the other hand, pervaded by extreme emotions by the feeling of effort and rigidity, and by the tension aroused by an ambivalent attitude—ethe feeling of unlimited power alternates with the feeling of importence, the feeling Of insecurity is carefully covered by an inflated sense of adventure, the fear of chaos is strongly repressed by rigid organization.* In short, it seems that certain personality variables are more appropriate to one political regime than to another. To be sure, politics cannot be reduced to a simple function Of psychology: the relationships which I have postulated between personality and political regime do not account for all of the variability in the characteristics Of political regimes (e.g., structural variables, such as the distribution of personality types in various strata of society). Human flexibility may be limited: .nonetheless, in a "PPOper setting" a democratic regime could still function even though a majority Of the population has authoritarian personalities. Lipset argues that democracy is possible even in cases where the majority Of the population is authoritarian.2 .lrbid., pp. 9-10. 2Lipset, Political Man, Op. cit., Ch. 9, pp. 97—130. 27 A long tradition Of democracy and a healthy economy might reduce the personality variable to secondary importance. Thus, "deSpite the profoundly anti-democratic tendencies in lower-class groups, workers' political organizations and movements in the more industrialized democratic countries have supported both economic and political liberalism." Lipset then analyzes several sociological and institutional factors preventing the rise Of extremism. These are (l) democratic traditions, (2) the relative insignificance and isolation of extremist movements, (3) a high level of economic develOpment, and (A) adherence to democratic norms by the elite. Similarly, David Riesman points out the importance Of the institutions and the kind of leadership in guaranteeing democracy and freedom. If America is not fascist, for example, it is not for want of sadists or authoritarians. There are plenty of these to staff the more benighted jails, mental hospitals, or to compete for the post Of sheriff in many Southern communities; it is the institutional and jurisdical forms--and their own limitations—-that make it difficult for these men to coalesce into a political movement. To be sure, these protections for liberty would collapse in the absence of men Of appropriate character to run them. That is what has Occurred in underdeveloped countries-- the lack of democratic institutions, values, and leadership. Lipset remarks that "in a country like Britain, where norms of tolerance are well developed and widespread in every social 1 David Riesman, The Lonely Crowd (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1962), p. xxii. 28 stratum, even the lowest class may be less authoritarian and more 'SOphisticated' than the most highly educated stratum in an underdevelOped country, where immediate problems and crises impinge on every class and short— term solutions may be sought by all groups."1 Thus, in an environment where sociological and institutional guarantees of democracy are lacking, the personality variable becomes one of the main factors influencing the course of change in developing nations. A leader in a society where com- promise means loss of face, or "to go to the peOple" implies an indignity, would be more inclined to use non—democratic practices in ruling his country, especially if he is an authoritarian person. On the other hand, if the pOlitical regime had an elaborate mechanism of checks and balances as in the United States,2 the rise Of a dictator would be very difficult indeed. But in most underdeveloped countries where a system of elaborate and effective pressure groups is non—existent, and where the constitutional mechanism Of checks and balances has not yet been solidly established, the fate of democracy and freedom depends on the predisposition of the ruling elite. We may say without exageration that whether political change l . Lipset, Op. cit., p. lOO. 2See, David Truman, The Governmental Process, Political Wu and Public Opinion (New York: A- Knopf. 1951). fl 29 will take the democratic direction or not depends on the kind of political socialization received by the elite. Political Change and Political Socialization As generally Observed, the non-Western world has been undergoing a drastic change. The impact of Western culture, urbanization, industrialization etc. have disrupted the rural, pre-bureaucratic, ascriptive, and hierarchical society. This total disruption has occured in less than three decades. The individual undergoing shock of change is found disoriented in the new situation. He is not prOperly equipped to COpe with new problems which have avalanches upon him because of sudden and brutal changes in which many centuries are telescOped into a few decades. The rate of change is so fast that it would be impossible for his socializing agents to anticipate the changing world in which he is now living. The fact is that he has not been socialized to live in his world, to COpe with his numerous-problems; in his childhood and early adulthool 1%? was trained to live in the world Of his parents, and to COpe with the problems usually faced by them before the Western impact. That is: l. The political values inculcated are those values suitable for a political life where individual rights were unknown, and freedom unrealized. Whereas now, the rights and freedoms to live, work, speak, and believe have been talked about, but rarely understood. 3O 2. The political role formerly learned is the one ap— propriate for the kind of political activities of the past, i.e. political submission and domination. Whereas now demo- cratic ideals, as widely spread in the East as in the West, require active participation from the citizens. Yet "active political participation" has been often understood as active participation in cheering a leader or in rebelling against him. 3. The personality formed is one at home in the closed and densely knit social system Of their parents. While now urbanization and industrialization atomize the social life, the individual has been trained to live in the kind Of Durk- "1 or to be "rooted in a structural- heimian "segmental society ized whole."2 In this kind of society, the individual had no freedom. "His individuality was nil," "his personality vanished," for there is no longer individual life "but col— lective life."3 In compensation of this lack of freedom and individualism, he was "not alone and isolated."4 .Can he now stand the loneliness of urban life? Can he overcome the anxiety Of being left to himself? Can he make his own deci— sions in mass society? The answer must be negative if he has not been prepared for self-determination, individualism, and self-reliance. g lEmi1e Durkheim, The Division of Labor in Society trans- lated by George Simpson (Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press 1960), pp. 138-141. 2 Fromm, Escape from Freedom, op. cit., pp. 41-43. 3Durkheim, op. cit., p. 130. "Fromm, Escape from Freedom, op. cit., pp. 41. 31 Thus, whether the transitional period becomes less bloody, less painful or not depends on how the individual adjusts himself to the new situation. On the one hand, the greater the gap between the traditional and the transitional society the more difficult is the adjustment. On the other hand, the more he is socialized into the traditional system, the more painful is the transition. In short, if the accepted traditional values cannot be changed, and personality needs which had been develOped in accordance with the social demands Of pre-transitional system cannot be satisfied, the cost of change will be very considerable. Generally the end result will be a relapse into a traditional way Of life more or less modified to meet the new situation. Research Design and Hypotheses Rgsearch Design This research focuses on the study of the relationship between political socialization and some Of the problems Of adjustment in a non-Communist country which is trying to democratize its political regime and modernize its economic system. It has been assumed that the existence of these prob- lems is due to the sudden and abrupt nature of the change. The individual is not socialized adequately to face these problems. He has been socialized to live in the society of his parents, trained to accept their ethical system. 32 as the fundamental premise Of life, their scale of values as his guiding principle, and their personality characteristics as his motivational force. Yet, these systems of ethics, norms, and needs which were convenient instruments for his parents to deal with the problems of their age are of little use to the individual facing the problems of socio— political change. These problems, which remain unsolved in most underdevelOped countries,are considered for the simpli- city of analysis, as forming the "underdevelOpment syndrome." The main socio-spychological traits Of this syndrome, which have been selected for study, are: (l) antiedemocratic tendency, (2) nationalism, (3) lack of entrepreneurial spirit. These traits are rooted partially in the traditional value system, partially in the personality needs Of the individual, and partially in his present sociO-economic environment. Our task is to investigate how much each of these independent Variables is responsible for the three above-listed traits Which comprise the underdevelOpment syndrome. One further point needs to be made concerning the congruence of social norms and personality. I have postulated separate effects of personality needs and of the traditional value system on the process of political change; this is consistent with the assumption, at the beginning, that socialization results both in inculcation of values and in personality develOpment. But the congruence between social norms and personality type is not necessarily complete. An A— ---.q5r=-~+—'v -"" 3 3 individual living in an authoritarian culture might accept authoritarian norms without necessarily becoming an authori— tarian person. He accepts them for practical reasons, e.g., group pressure, unavailability of alternatives, etc.l Cone versely, a person being authoritarian as a result of sociali— zation an authoritarian culture might not accept authoritarian traditional norms of that culture. For example a Chinese boy taught to obey and respect his parents blindly, later may become a fanatic Communist who does not hesitate to denounce the Oppressive character of the traditional family system Of his country. Socialized to be an authoritarian, he rejects his traditional cultural system to join another authoritarian system--the Communist Party—vwhich aims at nothing but the overthrow of the traditional way of life.2 The first case is the case of an "only normatively socialized" individual. The second case is that Of an "only psychologically socialized" individual. These two individuals Obviously may have different predisposition toward political change. Thus we will differentiate between acceptance of the norms Of traditional authoritarian culture on the one hand, and authoritarianism of the individual personality on the other. The double effects Of socialization can then be ¥ 1Gordon W. Allport has Observed prejudice may be orig— inated from the socio-cultural environment rather than simply caused by psychological factors. See The Nature Of Prejudice (Garden City, New York: Doubleday & Company, Inc., 1958), pp- 215-322. 2See Frank Robertson, "Family Affections Draw Peking Scorn," Christian Science Monitor (September 15, 1960). 34 evaluated in terms Of their relative strength, that is, whether the problems of change are due more to personality formation or norm acceptance. This conceptual dichotomization for the purpose of analysis is somewhat in congruence with the general theory of action proposed by Parsons and Shils. These authors postulate that human action can be examined as part of three systemszpersonality, social and cultural. This systemic distinction has only a heuristic purpose. In practice, it is difficult to separate them. Yet, they argue that these three systems, even though intimately interrelated, "are neither identical with one another nor explicable by one another."1 If human behavior can be analytically viewed as part of these three distinct systems Of action, socializa— tion can understandably be related to this Parsonian tri- systemic frame of reference. For instance, "psychological socialization" Can be viewed as the introduction of the child into a "personality system." "Normative socialization" results in his internalization of a normative system. And "role socialization" leads the child into a "social system." Thus a successful socialization means the development of a personality which is close to the "modal personality," the conformity to the existing cultural norms, and the acceptance Of a role appropriate to the group. ‘ lTalcott Parsons and Edward Shils, Toward a General Ehépry of Action (New York: Harper and Row, 19523, p- 7. 35 In this study, I have only made a distinction between "normative socialization," and "psychological socialization. The first corresponds to the socio-cultural system, the second to the personality system. The assumption under« lying this distinction is that the personality system and the socio-cultural system do not necessarily fit with each other. More specifically the acceptance Of an authoritarian normative system does not lead, in every case, to the develOpment Of an authoritarian personality, nor is the acceptance Of a democratic normative system necessarily con- ducive to the develOpment of a democratic personality. The most obvious evidence of this point is that in any authori— tarian culture there exist a number of Open—minded peOple; and vice versa, in any non-authoritarian culture, there exist a number of authoritarian individuals. In summary, the three socio—psychological traits of the underdevelOpment syndrome Selected for study are: democratic tendency, nationalism, and lack Of entrepreneurial spirit. They are hypothesized to result from political socialization. The following diagram respresents schematically the overall relationships between political socialization and socio—political attitudes among a group of students in a transitional society. Only some of the relationships in the lower part of the diagram will be investigated in this study. ! 36 Traditional Cultupej 1 rl Norms of the Socia izing Agents Pre—Independence Period q’r2 Socialization / l” \ Norm Acceptance A! Post-Independence Period a // Developed RO Socio- Political Attitudes Personality 1- P3 r6 _ r5 I [L Situational Factors R3 / 37 In this research, I propose to deal with the relation— ships between the socialization variables and the socio- political attitudes, i.e., R0, R1, R2, R3. These relation— ships are to be put in the form of experimental hypotheses' for testing while relationships r1, r2, r3, r4, r5, r6 are postulated relationships,mentioned only in order to situate the research in a more general framework. Translated into operational terms, the above research framework can be formulated into the form of two general hypotheses: General Hypothesis I: Those who are oversocialized into the traditional culture as compared to those who are less socialized into that culture tend to have sociou political attitudes related to the underdevelopment syndrome, that is, they tend (l) to be more anti— democratic, (2) to be more nationalist, (3) to lack entrepreneurial Spirit. General Hypothesis II: There are differences in socio- political attitudes between those who are normatively socialized and those who are psychologically socialized into the traditional culture. Research Settipg The country selected for this study is Vietnam where Confucianism as the traditional way of life for the Buddhists as well as the Catholics still predominates. The authori— tarian character of that culture is one of the main reasons for its being selected. The authoritarian elements of the Confucian culture will be analyzed later. For the time being, it is Sufficient to say' that "the authoritarian tradition" 38 is "the most glaring of the weakness of Chinese [i.e., Con— fucian] civilization."1 The only characteristic taken into consideration in this research is authoritarianism. As the other independent variable-—traditiona1 norms—-only authori— tarian norms are selected for study. A further reason for choosing Vietnam is that it is a transitional country where the difficulties of change seem to reach a maximal prOportion. The groups of respondents selected for this study will consist of young peOple who are likely to assume leadership positions sooner or later. This research strategy is adopted in fact by practical necessity. But it also reflects Lipset's thesis that whether a democratic regime is workable or not depends on the attitudes of the elite. Our attention is con— sequently focused only on the Vietnamese elite. In Vietnam, as in any Confucian society, the intellectuals2 have been accepted indisputably as the elite of the country. Among them, we must count the students. As Shils has cogently put it: No consideration Of the intellectual class in under- develOped countries can disregard the university students. In advanced countries students are not 1Vera M. Dean, The Nature of the Non-Western World, 02. cit., p. 98. See also, Paul Giran, Psychologie du Peuple Annamite (Paris: Ernest Leroux, 1904), especially pages 27—58, 30. 85, 167-168, ff. 2Shils, "The Intellectuals in the Political DevelOp- ment of the New States," Op. cit., pp. 329-368. 39 regarded as ex officio intellectuals; in underdevelOped countries, they are . . . [and that statuslis conferred] derivatively on secondary—school students. Thus in this study, our concern is limited to "ex officio intellectuals"--that is high school and college students. There is another more practical reason for focusing the investigation on students. If all the problems Of change are found in Vietnam, the task of studying them is not an easy one. The Vietnamese people have been undergoing Oppression, war, and dictatorships for years. Their main and only concern is to survive frequent and violent political upheavals. Understandably, they are not well—disposed to answer the questions Of a stranger who might be a member Of a Vietcong assassination committee or of the government secret police. In this struggle for self—preservation, the best method is to keep one's sociO-political thoughts to oneself, and when forced to speak, to speak in the way wanted by the questioner. This predisposition toward suspicion among reSpondents is the greatest barrier to any survey researcher, especially in a country where Opinion polling is unknown. This problem reduces reliability by introducing another type of error which is difficult to control. One way to overcome it is to make the respondents understand the true intention Of the researcher and his sincere desire for truth for science's sake. Unfortunately, most of the Vietnamese people who have never been in a school higher -. :— _.__.-. .‘h‘ . , U0 than the third grade cannot understand this position of the researcher. We might conclude,then,that the more illiterate a sample in a war-ridden countrg,the less reliable are the findings. Consequently to reduce this "suspicion error" to a minimum level, survey research Was limited to high school and college students assumed to be more receptive to the notion of scientific study. In actual practice, even among students familiar with scientific research, suspicion still persisted. Some students categorically refused to answer any question. Others eXpressed their "indifferent" attitudes by systematically checking all alternative answers to every question. Still others only an— swered those questions which they considered "politically neutral." This unCOOperative attitude existed not only among high school students, but also among college students in Saigon, and even among Vietnamese college students in America. This atmosphere of suspicion reached its climax when immediately after the coup d'etat Of 1963; a questionnaire with a scale measuring political extremism was sent to Cantho for the high school students to answer. The majority refused to answer inspite of strong insistence Of the part Of their teacher whom they knew and trusted. After fifteen minutes Of eXplaining the purpose of the research and begging for their cooperation the teacher succeeded in getting about half Of the respondents to fill out the questionnaire. But the next day someone reported the incident to the police and spread ; 41 a rumor around the school that their teacher was a CIA agent, a Vietcong who was trying to create disunity, a Diemist who wanted to overthrow the revolutionary regime (even though she is a well-known Buddhist) etc. The immediate consequence of this incident was that she was summoned to the police station for questioning which lasted for a whole day. When found innocent, she was released. But from that day on she has lost the confidence of her collegues and her students because she had been a political suspect. The response sheets sent by her through the post Office were ineXplicably "lost" on the way tO America. Because of this general atmosphere of distrust coupled with limited financial resource, random sampling seemed to be out of the question. A subject would have been teribly frightened had he been selected from among his classmates for "questioning." Even with these limitations, the present urgency of the problems Of change justifies some exploratory research rather than none. Thus the way respondents are selected in this study is dictated more by practical necessity than by statistical:requirements. Three different groups Of respondents were available. The first and also the main one, consists of senior students Of a high school where my wife is an English teacher. The sec- ond other group is one of students of the Faculty Of Pedagogy (sections: English, French, and Sino-Vietnamese language and civilization) and students Of the National Administration A2 Institute whose teachers helped me to administer the question— naire. With their teachers as the "questioners" I hOped for some success in reducing the atmosphere os suspicion. The last group consists of students in America who partici— pated in a summer camp in Chicago, and who attended a Christmas party in Washington D. C. Evidently this group does not represent the Vietnamese students in America. In order to check for sampling bias, I sent out one hundred Questionnaires to a sample Of students in America selected randomly from the Vietnamese Students Directory, which lists the addresses of all students in America. Unfortunately pp one answered my questionnaire. This unCOOperativeness could be due to suspicion, laziness, or simply the respondents’ lack of time. It might reflect a general individualistic attitude commonly found among the Vietnamese peOple. At any rate, it represents another serious obstacle for any survey researcher. The group of respondents finally Obtained are categorized as follows: Cantho High School students: l. 201 subjects participated in the first adminis— tration Of the paper—and—pencil questionnaire. 2. 156 subjects participated in the second adminis- tration of the paper-and-pencil questionnaire. 3. 131 subjects participated in both the first and second administrations of the paper—and-pencil questionnaire. A. 6 subjects are eliminated because of their unintelligible answers (Checking all alternative answers to each question). “3 Saigon University students: 1. 23 subjects from the second year class of the National Institute of Administration. 2.- 61 subjects from the first year of the National Institute of Administration. 3. 29 subjects from the first year class of the Sino-Vietnamese Language and Thought Section of the Faculty of Pedagogy. A. 26 students from the first year class of the Anglo-American Language and Thought Section of the Faculty of Pedagogy 5. 64 students from the second year class of the Anglo—American Language and Thought Section Of the Faculty Of Pedagogy. 6. 29 students from the first year class of the French Language and Thought Section Of the Faculty of Pedagogy. Vietnamese exchange students in America 1. 8 subjects from a Christmas party in Washington 2. 56 subjects from a summer camp meeting in Chicago. It is frequently found that a subject skipped one or two questions in the written questionnaire. The following approximating method is used to fill these blanks. When the omitted question is part of a scale, the response to this question is assumed to be equal to the average of the individual's scores on all scale items to which he responded. If the omitted question is biographic, the answer to this question is considered as approximately similar to the modal score. Because of these multiple methodological shortcomings, caution must be exercised in interpreting the findings to be presented. n u is- o.» '4 1'. '§ o" ~\~ v-Q 44 Summary In this introductory chapter we have considered the state of underdevelOpment as a result of closely related factors which constitute "the syndrome of underdevelopment." Different approaches stressing the importance of one of these factors have been presented, namely the economic approach, the sociO-economic approach, the historical approach, the socio—psychological approach, and finally the sociolization approach to be used in this research. This last approach assumes that political attitudes are the result Of political socialization which has only normative effects, only psychological effects, or both types of effects. Three important problems constantly faced by most of underdeveloped countries are selected for research: anti—democratic tendency, nationalism, and lack of entrepreneurial spirit. It has been hypothesized that these underdevelopment problems are the consequence of a traditional socialization. Vietnamese students are selected as subjects in this study. Before testing the hypotheses, Confucianism and Taoism in Chapter II will be discussed as constituting an authoritarian system, thus lending some plausibility to the postulate that Vietnamese culture has strong authoritarian features. This is, as a matter of fact, the logical point of departure for a "socialization approach." In the three following chapters, anti- democratic tendency, nationalism, and mandarinism shall be dis- cussed as well as different scales and data presented. 'e U 4. Q CHAPTER II THE TRADITIONAL BACKGROUND Every minute, hundreds of thousands of people die all over the world. The life or death of a hundred, a thousand, or Of tens of thousands of human beings, even if they are our own compatriots, represents really very little 1 VO Nguyen Giap Heaven—and-Earth is not sentimental; It treats all things as straw-dogs. The Sage is not sentimental; He treats all his peOple as straw—dogs." Lao Tzu2 You are the wind; the common people are the grass. For it is the nature of grass to bend when the wind blows upon it. 3 Confucius Introduction At the beginning of the twentieth century a French colonial administrator depicted the Vietnamese national character in the following terms: [L‘Annamite est] pacifique, laborieux, frugal, intelligent, prudent, n'abandonnant rient au hasard, imitateur, conservateur, mais sans initiative. Attache a la terre et au sol natal, il aurait des courtes vues, un besoin 1Quoted by Bernard B. Fall, "Vo Nguyen Giap, man and thh," in V0 Nguyen Giap, PeOple's War,_PeOple's Army; The Vietcong Insurrection Manual for Underdeveloped Countries (New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1962), p. xxxvii. Lao Tzu, Tao Teh Chipg, ch. 5. transl, John C. H. wu, (New York: St. John's University Press, 1961). 3The Book ngHistory, Book V, Ch xxi, sec. 4. A5 5. A6 d'uniformité, un esprit de routine qui 1e rend rebelle au progres. Facile a diriger, aimant meme a se laisser gouverner, de volonté peu énergique, il serait doué de l'esprit de troupeau, de l'esprit "grégaire" . . . Il faut. . signaler encoure leur defaut d'impressionabilite qui 1es [Annamites] rend apathiques, insensibles a la douleur, durs au mal jusqu'au stoicism, mais aussi parfois impitoyables jusqu'a la cruauté. Flegmatiques, peu nerveux, ils sont capables de commettre froidement 1es pires atrocités. Mais nous devons insister principalement sur la médiocrité de leur intelligence essentiellement pratique, terre a’terre, susceptible seulement d'un developpment'borne. Chez euz, 1'imagination est demeuré sterile; . . d'une manierre générale, tous les sentiments chez l'Annamite sont marque au coin du plus, pur égoisme: Point d‘élans généreux, d'expansive bonté; le coeur se replie sur lui—méme, se desséche, s'atrOphie . . Dans l'art Annamite, litteraire ou plastique, i1 n'y a pas de milieu entre le realisme grossier et le plus fol idéalisme. If in this crude Sketch Of the Vietnamese character we leave out the unfortunate value-laden expressions and some ethnocentric exaggerations, we have a more or less accurate presentation of a people exhibiting the entire range Of authoritarian traits in the modern sense of the word: lack of initiative and imagination, a predisposition toward imitation rather than creativity, the fear of novelty, the preference for uniformity and routine, the need to be led rather than to be self—reliant and independent, a conservative predisposition (either looking to past history or the teachings of past theoreticians for answers), practical value orientation rather than theoretical value orientation, the fear of ambiguity, and anomic tendencies (selfishness, cruelty, lack of empathy).2 lPaul Giran, Psychologie du peuple Annamite (Paris: Ernest Leroux, 1904): pp. 27, 28: 76- 121- A number Of researches have been done to demonstrate the relationship between these above-mentioned traits and II. u A7 What causes these authoritarian characteristics? Giran, following Montesquieu's ideas believed that they are partly generated by general poverty and a hot climate.l About thirty years later another anthrOpologist studying the Annamite civilization found the same personality traits and offered the same causal interpretation. She wrote, Geographical and historical factors have been, as always, the two major influences on native character. The climate exhausts the nerves and stimulates the circula— tion of blood. . The Tonkinese [i.e. North Vietnamese], thanks to their invigorating climate,show more energy and initiative than the other Annamites. The Annamite' nervous system is certainly less sensitive than that of Occidentals. . . This apathy, insensitivity, and placidity are certainly fogced on them by the climate and under-nourishment. authoritarianism. See for instance, Erich Fromm, Escape from Freedom (New York, Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1961) Chapter V, pp. 132-206; Marshall B. Jones, "Authoritarianism and In- tolerance of Fluctuation," Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, Vol. L (1955), pp. 125-126 Patricia O'Connor, 'Ethnocentrisms,Intolerance of Ambiguity and Abstract Reasoning Ability," Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology Vol. XXXXVII (1952), pp. 526—530; Milton Rokeach, The Open and Closed Mind, Op. cit., and "Prejudice, Concreteness of Thinking and Reification of Thinking," Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology Vol. XXXXVI (1951) pp. 83—91; Elizabeth G. French and Raymond R.Ernest, "The Relation Between Authoritarianism and Acceptance of Military Ideology," Journal of Personality, Vol. XXIV, 1955, pp. 181—191; Ray R. Canning and James M. Bakes, "Effect of the Group on Authoritarian and Non—Authori— tarian Persons," American Journal of Sociology, Vol. LXIV (1959), pp- 579-581; Leo Srole, "Social Integration and Certain Cololaries: an Exploratory Study," American Sociological Review, Vol 21 (1956), pp. 709-716; E. L. McDill, "Anomie, Author- itarianism, Prejudice and Socio—Economic Status: An Attempt at Clarification," Social Forces, Vol. 39 (1961), pp. 239—2A5. ' _ H. H. Roberts and M. Rokeach, "Anomie, Authoritarianism, and Prejudice: A Replication," American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 61 (195u), pp. 355-358. Pau Giran, 090 Cite, pc 250 Virginia Thompson, French Indochina, (London: George Allen & Unwin Ltd, 1937), p. A3. A8 Or A more subtle effect Of the climate upon Annamite psychology is their inability to receive sharp clear— cut impressions. Perhaps it is the brilliant sunshine that has weakened their sensory reactions along with their will power. The Annamite dreams in a perpetual melancholy reverie uncontrolled by any critical faculty. The same author then concluded in the same line: Their unequal, life-long struggle with a violent nature, destructive diseases, and an autocratic theocracy, has created an apparent acceptance of superior force which covers a perpetual inward rebellion. . . Death is a release and a repose which is accepted with indifference, where there is no escape, and with contempt because it is the supreme manifestation of force. Climatological interpretations such as those by Giran and Thompson are so obviously contradicted by many known facts that no modern writers judge them worthy of serious considera~ tion. Cultural traditions have, no doubt, more far-reaching impacts on human character. In the following, I propose to examine the ethical foundation of Vietnamese culture which, I believe, is one Of the forces which molds Vietnamese modal personality and serves as guideline for political action. This ethical foundation is the product Of a limited Chinese influence which mainly consists of Confucianist and Taoist teachings.3 E 1Ibid., p. uu. 2Ibid., p. A5. 3A3 for Buddhism, the Question whether it came from China or directly from India cannot be answered. See Vu Van Mau pgp Luat Khai Luan (Saigon: Vietnam Dai-Hoc Vien, 1957), pp. 178-181. A9 Confucianism and Taoism, the two pillars of the cultural heritage of Vietnam, strongly shape the world view of the Vietnamese. The striking characteristic common to both schools is their strong emphasis on harmony. The cosmos visualized by both Of them is a monistic entity whose funda« mental principle is fatalistic submission to Top, the Law of Nature. Man is not the center of the world or the image of God as commonly believed in Greco-Roman and JudeO—Christian traditions. He is only a part of the Cosmic Machine. To- use Kluckhorn and Strodtbeck's terms, in the West the man— nature value orientation is "Mastery—over—Nature." In Vietnam, the man—nature value orientation varies from "Harmonye with Nature" (Confucianism) to "SubjugationwtouNature" (Taoism).l By virtue Of this monistic conception Of nature, the Confuciatist and "Taoist world view oversimplifies the complexities of social life, and puts human behavior in a normative strait-jacket. The philOSOphical reactions to this highly structured system are various. Confucianism preaches ritualistic con- formity to an elaborate system of moral codes which become Egg life standard. Taoism preaches, on the other hand, retreatistic conformity to Nature. Even though the two philo_ sophies are totally different in content, they have several important points in common (which is why a Vietnamese can be ‘— lFlorence R. Kluckhohn and Fred L. Strodtbeck, Varia- Eigps in Value Orientations (Evanston, Illinois; Row, Peterson and Company, 1961), pp. 1—75. 50 a Taoist and a Confucianist at the same time). Both rigidify their positions to the extreme by stressing strict harmony and intoleration of deviation. Both reject the belief that the individual left to himself can find his own way without heeding an outside standard for his life conduct. The importance of these points of similarity is that the worlds view of a Vietnamese is colored chiefly by this traditional fear of conflict and by intolerance Of deviation rather than by the concrete teachings Of Confucius and Lao—tse. In order to understand the ethical background Of the sociali- zation process of the Vietnamese students, we will examine the general lines Of Confucianism and Taoism and their influences on the habit of thinking of the Vietnamese people; fear Of conflict and intolerance Of differences have thus an origin in the ethical traditions of the country. We will examine successively: 1. First, the limited character of the Chinese influence and the consequent monOpolization of the Vietnamese mind by Confucianism and Taoism. 2. Secondly, harmony as the life ideal: a. the extreme concern for harmony in both ethical systems, Confucianism and Taoism. b. some behavioral evidences Of a harmony- oriented socialization. 3. Thirdly, the Confucianist moral prescriptions: a. a hierarchical and authoritarian system. I «IN _,.—._.——-_—_——-——_=-,_. 51 b. ritualistic and formalistic codes of conduct for living in harmony in the hierarchical and authoritarian system. c. authoritarian socialization and its consequences. A. And, fourthly, the Taoist moral prescriptions: a. pessimism, and retreatistic withdrawal from social life. b. Taoism interpreted as reaction against Con— fucianism. Chinese Influence Vietnam is a Southern neighbor Of the Chinese giant. This geographical proximity, plus the great differences in size, pOpulation, and military power, has reduced Vietnam into "un prolongement de la Chine."l A Vietnamese scholar has noticed that "elle [China] fut pour les Annamites la source de toute culture et de toute civilization."2 In another essay, he writes: "L'Annam, poursuit—on, n'a jamais été qu'un eleve de la Chine. En art, en littérature, en religion, en philOSOphie, i1 n'a jamais vécu que sur un fonds de concepts et"d'idés qui dérivent en droite ligne de la Chine."3 A French professor has also the same Opinion on the moulding force of the Vietnamese culture: 1Pham Quynh, Essays Franco Annamites (Hue, Bui Huy, 1937), p. 160. 2Pham Quynh, La Poesie Annamite (Hanoi: Dong Kinh, 1931), p. 65. 3Quynh, Essays Franco. . ., op, cit., pp. 198—199. 52 Tandis que les autres nations de l'Indochine avaient beneficié surtout de l'Inde, ils [the Vietnamese] étaient restés fidéles a la tradition de la Chine qui, de l'an lll avant Jesus—Christ a l'an 939 aprés Jésue—Christ, les avait gouvernés. Ce grand empire n'avait jamais réussi cependant a leur faire perdre leur nationalité, l'une des plus vigoureuses du monde asiatique, et 11 n'aurait pu transformer l'Annam trOp eloigne du centre a cette epoque reculee, en une terre de colonisation, mais il liu transmit sa civilization, sa technique rurale, son art, sa 1 religion et presque tous les mots abstraits de sa langue. The Chinese influence on the formation Of the Vietnamese culture thus seems to be considerable. Yet, it would be an overgeneralizationtc>say that Vietnamese culture is an exact photocopy Of the Chinese culture. The flow Of Chinese ideas into Vietnam has never been regular and smooth. It reached its maximum during the Chinese rule with such a Chinese Governor as Ma-Vien with his brutal policy of cultural assimilation. But during the independence period, the extent of Chinese influence was limited and rather selective. For instance, under the Ly dynasty (1010—1225), Confucian education had not yet been developed, and Buddhism was the state religion, while the Chinese Confucian teachings were not very signifi- cant. On the contrary, under the Le dynasty, order and prosperity permitted full development Of educational institu— tions after the Chinese model, hence the spread Of Chinese _ lHenri Bernard- Maitre, Pour la Comprehension de 1' Indochine et _de l'Occident (Paris: Cathasia, 1950), p 2“- 53 influence which later reached the maximum level under the Nguyen dynasty.l On the other hand, the borrowing was rather selective by intention or accident. First, significant Chinese influences reached Vietnam only after the Confucianist school had been completely victorious over other schools of thought, and Taoism had been widely accepted and integrated into the Confucian system. Therefore, the Vietnamese have never had a chance to get acquainted directly with such philOSOphies as Yangtze's individualism, Micius's utilitarianism Chuangtze's relativism and scepticism, and (fortunately?) Han Fei-tze's state totalitarianism. The greatest disadvantage caused by the intellectual monOpoly of Confucianism and Taoism imposed on, and imported into, Vietnam is that the Vietnamese people have never had an opportunity to eXperience the cultural pluralism Of the "Hundred Philosophers" period as the Chinese did before the ultimate victory of the Confucian even though there have existed a number of school. Secondly, Confucianist "shadings," only few of them succeeded in filtering through the SinO-Vietnamese border to become the main authorities of Confucianism, the only voices Of Truth. Consequently, the Vietnamese thought pattern became more one—sided, and more limited. All Confucianist instruction seemed to consist of stimate the degree Of Chinese is to compare the Vietnamese ties with the Chinese counter- imo all customs and moral See, Vu van Mau, 1One Of the best ways to e influence in Vietnamese culture laws issued under different dynas parts since under the ancient reg prescriptions were codified in law books. pan Luat Khai Luap, op. Ql£-: pp- 166-256- 5A "1es quartre livres classiques, 1es cinq canoniques et le Tinh-ly dai-toan."1 This kind of closed system Of education had a double effect. On the one hand, the world view of the educated man was certainly much restricted. Pham—Quynh, a learned scholar, well-versed in Western as well as Eastern philOSOphies (and unfortunately a victim Of ignorance and fanaticism) has eloquently deplored the limited intellectual horizon found in the Vietnamese heritage. L'école de Wang YanguMinh (en Annamite Vuong Duong«Minh), philOSOphe du XVe siecle qui enseianait la théorie de l'identité de la connaissance et de 1'acte, et qui a exercé une influence si profonde au Japon, etait completement inconnue en Annam jusqu'a ces derniers temps. . . Regrettons que Vuong Duong-Minh n'ait pas eu d'influence chez nous, pas plus qu'en Chine d'ailleurs, et que le confucianism n'ait éte representé jusqu'ici que par la seule école de Tchou Hi, plus eXperte a former des érudits 62 des fonctionnaires que des samourais et des artistes. On the other hand, if a person is convinced that what he learns is the Truth and the only Truth, since there is no other school to make him doubt what he has learned; and 1"The Four Classics, the Five Canonical Books, and the Tinhely Dai-toan," Henri Bernard-Maitre, Pour la Comprehen- sion de 1'Indochine et de l'Occident, op. cit., p. AA; The five Canonical Books are: the Books of Rites, the Book of Change, the Books of Odpp, the Book Of Histopy, the §pring and Autumn; The Four Classics are: the Analects, the Doctrine Of of the Mean, the Great Learnipg, the Works of Mencius. The Tinh—li Dai-toap is a book recording the teachings by Chu Hsi, a Confucianist Of the 12th century; These works were introduced to Vietnam by order Of the Chinese governor during a short occupation of Vietnam in the 15th century. See Pierre Huard and Maurice Durand, Connaissance du Vietnam, (Paris: Impri— merie Nationale, 195A), p- 8“» 279 2Pham-Quynh, Essais Franco—Annamites, op. cit., pp. 612, - u I I]. 55 especially when he studies without a sense critique, then it is not difficult for him to assume an attitude Of self— importance. This effect Of the Vietnamese traditional system of education has been aptly analyzed by another philosopher, Tran Trong Kim as follows: The students were only concerned in memorizing the Chinese Classics in order to pass the literati exams and become mandarins. . . The mandarin training being totally based on Chinese literature and poetry, they were used to judging people on the basis of their knowledge of the Four Classics and the Five Canonical Books. Those who achieved some mastery Of these matters thought they were superior to others and qdalified to rule peOple. Completely unaware Of reality, they were proud and arrogant, considering 1 all other people as dirt and themselves as gods. . . Thus the Chinese influence in Vietnamese civilization is considerable not only due to the ideas imported but also the amount of ideas imported, and the way these ideas are imprinted upon the Vietnamese mind. Interestingly enough, there is some relationship between the doctrine to be Communicated and the method Of indoctrination. If the doctrine constitutes an authoritarian system of thought, the method is based on blind reliance upon authority. The system Of thought introduced into Vietnam is one which breeds intolerance of diversity, rigidity in thinking, and absolutism in action. In theory, it lauds harmony; in practice it prescribes submissiveness. In short, it is a paradoxical amalgamation of Confucianism and Taoism. The ‘__ lTaan Trong Kim, Vietnam Su Luoc, (Saigon: Tau Viet, 1958>.p. ABA. 56 former teaches order and hierarchy, the latter urges anarchy and unconventionalism. Yet both teach complete submergence of the self, either into society or into nature. Both lead at best, to absolutist paternalism, at worst, to brutal despotism. To understand these two religions or philosophies of life,1 and to facilitate our comparative analysis, we shall examine first their fundamental metaphysical assumptions about the life—ideal, and secondly the prescribed ways to realize that life—ideal. Traditional World View: Harmony as the Life-Ideal The most striking characteristic of the Vietnamese and Chinese cultures is the strong emphasis on harmony as an ideal way Of life. If we look closely at the foundation of their belief system related to the formation and mechanism Of the cosmos we can understand somewhat their unconscious urge for harmony and unity rather than competition and diversity. Taoism and Confucianism, although apparently contradictory "systemes philosophiques" metaphysical assump— tions built upon the same metaphysical assumptions. Both k lLeopold Cadiere after attacking the position that believes Confucianism and Taoism to be two religions, points out that they are not "des religions a proprement parler" but systemes philOSOphiques." See Croyances et Pratiques Religieuses opp Vietnamiens (Saigon: Imprimerie Nouvelle d'Extreme Orient, 1958), pp. 26—29. I believe that his position is not more correct than the one he disagrees with. The problem with both sides is that they use the Occidental habit of thought to analyze the Oriental belief system. In the West the distinction between religion and philOSOphy, theology and science is taken for ..- \n‘ wv—~ 57 believe that the cosmic mechanism is Operated by two Opposite forces always in harmony. Both believe that the good is to attain a perfect harmony with nature called tao. Tao (or The Way) According to the Confucian Book of Change, one of the Classics, at first there is but one "Grand Terminus" (or Tai chi sometimes translated as the "Great Ultimate") which is the origin of all creations. Before the process Of self genera— tion of the Great Terminus (also called 1;) there was nothing. "In the Yi there is no thought, no action. It is itself still and calm."1 The Grand Ultimate is, then, aroused and generates two different elementary forces, a male, or yang and a female, or yin (Book of Change, book 1, ch v). The qualities of the male force are activity, inflexibility, hardness, and firmness. The quality of the female force, or yin, are inactivity, flexi— bility, softness, and gentleness. These two forces through constant and harmonious interaction create movements from which springs life and a great variety of beings through different- iation and multiplication. To quote again from the Book Of Change (Book of Change, "The Great Appendix," sec u 1, ch. 2): granted. In the East, it is believed that religion and philOSOphy are but two aspects Of one problem. Religion is philOSOphy, science is theology. They are fused to each other. It is thus irrelevant to try to label Confucianism and Taoism as religions or philosophies. 'See discussion of this East-West difference later. Book Of Change, Section 1, Chapter 10. 58 Therefore in the system of Change there is the Great Ultimate. It generates the Two Modes (yin and yang) The Two Modes generate the Four Forms (major and minor yin and yang). The Four Forms generate the Eight Trigrams. The Eight Trigrams determine good and evil fortunes. These eight trigrams, further created sixty-four sexagrams. These sixty-four sexagrams are multiplied further into three hundred and eighty-four figures, and so on indefinitely (Book of Change, sec. I, ch. 9). Thus the whole universe is generated by the yin and the yang. Yin and yang are found in everything. For example, yang is found in Heaven, man, day, heat, life etc. Yin is found in Earth, woman, night, cold, death, etc.1 The principle of the harmonious inter- action and self—generation Of yin and yang is the right principle, or usually called the Right way, or the Way Of Heaven, or simply the Way or Tao (Chinese term) or Dao (Vietnamese term). This cosmology is also found in Taoism. However, the Taoist explanation Of the universe has greater mystic over- tones and thus becomes less understandable. Before the creation Of Heaven and Earth, according to Taoism, there is Tag.which is a principle as void as the Confucian 1;. Lao Tzu describes this first stage of the universal evolution in these mysterious words: g 1 In the Vietnamese language coi am (the Yin World) deSignates the world of the dead, and coi duong (the Yang AQELQ the world of the living. (Ag is the Vietnamese term for yin and duong for yang). .1 59 There was Something undefined and yet complete in itself, Born before Heaven—and—Earth. Silent and boundless, Standing alone without change, Yet pervading all without fail, It may be regarded as the Mother of the World. I do not know its name; I style it "Tao"; 1 And, in the absence of a better word, call it "The Great" The evolution Of Tao through the process of yin-yang harmonious interaction and self-generation is similarly con- ceived. It is written in Tao Teh Ching: Tao gave birth to One, One gave birth to Two, Two gave birth to Three, Three gave birth to all the myriad things. All the myriad things carry the Yin on their backs and hold the Yang in their embrace, Deriving their vital harmonyzfrom the prOper blending of the two vital Breaths. In short, both Confucianism and Taoism view the cosmos as the result Of a harmonious evolution from the simple to the complex3 Certainly the metaphysical details related to cosmic evolution are no longer believed seriously in Vietnam. However, its ethical implications are more difficult to over— come. The first implication is that harmony is the founda- tion of life. The second ethical implication is that there are only the Right Way (Chinh Dao) which leads to success, __ Lao Tzu, Tao Teh Chipg, Chapter 25. 2 Ibid., Chapter 2A. 3The influence of this cosmological conception on the Vietnamese culture can be seen in Pierre Huard and Maurice Durand, Connaissance du Vietnam, Op. cit., Chapters 5, 6, 7, pp' 55-810 u.u V-nv n“. H“ .V‘,’ “a ’7', ‘- 1. .N‘ 60 and the Wrong Way (Te Dao) which certainly leads to failure. These two points will be examined in the following paragraphs. The Urge for Harmony in Confucianism and Taoism The principle Of Tao is not only a cosmological and meta— physical principle, but also a moral one. (Because of this moral overtone, the Vietnamese language makes a distinction of several Ways: the Right Way is Chinh Dao, or Hoang Dao, or Thien Dao which means the Way Of the Confucianist or Taoist ethical system. The Wrong Way is called Ta—Dao, which embraces all the non—Confucianist or non—taoist, principles.) In what way does the Confucianist and the Taoist view Tao as the foundation of their moral systems? Since Tao is based on harmony, a relationship, to be productive, must be harmonious. Is it not true that everything including Heaven and Earth is generated by a harmonious interaction between yip_and yppg? This belief might be derived from daily Observation Of the husband-and-wife relationship. Whether this hypothesis is true or not is not important. The important thing is that productivity--hence life in an agricultural society where drought, flood, and famine have been common phenomena-—has been associated with harmony. Harmony is BOOd- DiShaPmOHy is bad. Thus Chinh—Dao leads to harmony. Ta—Dao leads to disharmony, which means death, disintegration. Harmony in nature brings good crops. Harmony in man brings peace and calm, since man, being a part of the Cosmos, is also the 61 result of the harmonious interaction Of yin and yang. In the Doctrine of the Mean Confucius lauds the state Of harmony of the mind as well as the outside nature: While there are no stirrings of pleasure, anger, sorrow, or joy, the mind may be said to be in the state of equilibrium [which is equivalent to the primeval stage Of the Grand Terminus before the two forces, yip and yang, are aroused]. When these feelings have been stirred, and they act in due degree, there ensues what may be called the state Of harmony [corresponding to the ygneyang interaction stage, see above]. This equilibrium is the great root [the Grand Terminus, see above] from which grow all the human actings in the world, and this harmony [yin-yang relationship, see above] is the universal path which they all should pursue. Let the states Of equilibrium and harmony exist in perfection, and a happy order will prevail throughout heaven and earth, and all things will be nourished find flpurish. (The Doctrine of the Mean, Chapter I, . 5 - This Obsession with harmony in the Confucianist school can be seen almost in every work of Confucius and his followers. For instance, in another classic, the wonderful effects Of harmony are eloquently extolled in these terms: This great mutual consideration and harmony would ensure the constant nourishment of the living, the burial of the dead, and the service Of the spirits (of the departed). However greatly these things might accumulate there would be no entanglement among them. They would move on together without error, and the smallest matters would proceed without failure. HoweVer deep some might be, they would be comprehended. However 1Legge's translation of Chung:Yung as The Doctrine of the Mean is not close tO“Confucius's meaning. Chung meanstI eguilibrium. Yung means harmony. The first term designates a static state, the second term a dynamic state. Mean does not designate either static equilibrium, nor dynamic harmony. See James Legge, The Life and Teachings of Confucius (Phila- delphia: J. B. Lippincott & Company, 1867), pp. 282, 283, 28h. ’1 62 thick and close their array, there would be spaces be— tween them. They would follow one another without coming into contact. They would move about without doing any hurt to one another. This would be the perfection Of such a state of mutual harmony. Therefore the clear understanding this state will lead to the securing of safety in the midst of danger. Thus with the Confucianist school the same principle Operates in Heaven and Earth, in social life, in individual life, in "myriad things,"l i.e., harmonious relationships between Opposite and unequal elements (yip is believed to be superior to yppg) mean social and moral order, life, and peace; lack of harmony means Ta—dao (the Wrong Way) and the consequences are calamities and death. The fear of disharmony is still very strong in Vietnamese society today. War, flood, famine, blight, etc., have always been interpreted as "am duong dao- lop," i.e. the yin and the yepg being out Of harmony. The Taoists are no less concerned with harmony than the Confucianists. Even though their writings are full Of Obscurities any mysticisms, one still can perceive their extreme urge for’harmony. First, harmony is the fundamental principle Of Tao which has been differentiated into "myriad things" as a result Of the harmonious interaction of 122 and IEEE- However, this yipfyapg interaction process is so harmonious that these differentiated "myriad things" at the end have become "one." This state Of "oneness" is the evidence —% fl lSee Chu Hsi, Chu Tzu ch'uan-shu, chapter A9, trans. Wing-Tsit Chan, A Source Book in Chinese PhilOSOphy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1953), p. 538- 1.1 \\~ 63 Of ideal harmony which in turn is the necessary condition for peace and order. The Tao is the antidote of all sources of friction and confusion. In effect, It blunts all sharp edges, It unties all tangles, It harmonizes all lights, - 1 It unites the world into one whole. Thus "oneness," or perfect harmony, is the end we must strive for. Lao tzu believes that From of Old there are not lacking things that have attained Oneness. The sky attained Oneness and became clear; The spirits attained Oneness and became charged with mystical powers; The fountains attained Oneness and became full; The ten thousand creatures attained Oneness and became reproductive; Barons and princes attained Oneness and became sovereign rulers of the world. 2 All Of them are what they are by viture Of Oneness. If the essence Of the Tao is harmony and "oneness," what are the effects Of being in harmony with the Tao? First to be in harmony with the Tao is to know it. Since the Tao is the source Of all things, to know the source Of all things is to know everything (Chapter 52, p. 73) by sheer deduction. Thus the Sage "without going out of his door, . . . can know the ways of the world" (Ch. A7, p. 67). Or "To know harmony is to know the Changeless (i.e., the Tao). TO know the Change- less is to have insight." (Ch. 55, p. 79). (See also Chapter 15, p. 19, Ch. 16, p. 21, Ch. 62, p. 89.) Secondly, for the __ lTao Teh Ching, Ch. 4. 2Ibid., Ch. 39. (v‘ 1“ -v ‘r ' v «I. «1' 6A common people, to know everything permits them to avoid errors, calamities (Ch. 62, p. 89, Ch. 52 p. 75,) and even death (Ch. 16, pp. 22, 23). It has been said that "what is against Tao will soon cease to be" (Ch. 30, p. A3). For a ruler, to be in harmony with Tao means to have a peaceful and prosperous nation without trouble. "Tao never makes any ado, and yet it does everything. If a ruler can cling to it, all things will grow of themselves" (Ch. 37,). Thus the duty of the ruler is to bring society into harmony with Tao. This is the only way to peace and prosperity. Lao—tse writes When the world is in possession of the Tao, The galloping horses are led to fertilize the fields with their droppings [i.e., horses are used for farming]. When the world has become Taoless, War horses breed themselves in the suburbs (Ch. A6). Thus, both Confucianism and Taoism preach that to know the Right Way is to be able to solve all the problems of the world. On the practical plane, to know the Right Way implies the duty to bring the peOple into harmony with it. .Ebe Urge for Harmony in Practice A Monistic World View.--The traditional value system shaped by Confucianism and Taoism also emphasizes the importance of harmony as the foundation of social life. Professor Vu Van Mau also has noticed this strong emphasis on harmony in moral and legal systems Of the Vietnamese and Chinese societies.l n“ qu Van Mau, Dan Luat Khai Luan, pp. 29—33. 0“ III q. III 4e. u, "Q: A ."'~. “4“ "e '0' 65 I think this world view which stresses harmony rather than antagonism explains somewhat the difference between the Eastern life-ideal and the Western one. For the West, anta- gonism rather than harmony is dominant in theology as well as in philosophy and literature.1 The GrecOeRoman gods are always in friction. Even the Judeo—Christian conception of God is not as monistic as the Confucianist or Taoist Tao. Tao is one, but the Christian God is three. Within the cosmic Operation Of Tao, there are spirits which form the religion for the mass. Even here, the world of the spirit is not different from the well-ordered and wellrdisciplined Confucianist ideal society. The spirits live in a system which is also structured hierarchically, on the tOp of which is Ngoc Hoang or Thuong-De who, like a ConfucianiSt ideal king, has absolute power over all the spirits. In the West, man is conceived theologically as a battlefield between God and a Devil who is almost as powerful as God. In China or in Vietnam, there is no such conflict. All the Spirits are well disciplined and in harmonious relationship with man (so long as he does not deviate from the established harmony). This dualistic world view of the West has been generalized in practice and has given rise to conflicting issues such as the relationship between the Emperor and the POpe, the Church and the State, the individual and society, etc. In the East k lCh'u Chai and Winberg Chai, The Changing Society Of China (New York: The New American Library, 1962), pp. 21-2A. M. A 66 there never existed (until recently) such distinctions: the king is the pOpe, the state is the church, the individual is the society. Given this dualistic Weltanschauung, attempts to establish unitary domination have never been completely successful in the West. The antagonisms between the POpe and the Emperor, and later between the Emperor and the feudal lords, epitomize the conscious resistance of the Western peOple to the domination by one—-either one idea, one school of thought, or one organization. In the field of political philosophy, totalitarian schools are always looked upon with suspicion. Two Chinese professors in Chinese culture and philosophy have cogently pointed out this contrast between the Eastern world built on harmony, and the Western world built on antagonism: The Westerners, they write, are impressed by the antagonism of the different factors in the world: the antagonism of human versus divine; of ideal versus real, of society versus individual, of authority versus liberty, and so forth. The Chinese, in contrast, are impressed not by the antagonism, but by the continuity of the world. To the mind Of the Chinese, society and the individual are not antagonistic to each other; they are Simply a continuous whole. . . Although the whole is formed Of many minor selves, yet the minor selves are not antagonistic to the whole; on the contrary, they form a part of it, just as Ehe growing and eXpanding roots merge into the whole. JTCh'u Chai and Winberg Chai, The Changing Society of Gilles. 9p._ci3:_., p. 22. . I I\~ 67 In another article Ch'u Chai points out that the fundamental Spirit of Chinese culture may be looked at from two points of view: that of cosmic conception and that of attitude toward life. In the former the spirit of Chinese culture is manifested as a continuous whole, like a chain of natural sequences. In the latter the spirit of Chinese culture is manifested n the union of the individual with the whole. In a sense, individualism, so cherished by the West, is unknown in the East because in the East the individual is never seen as separated from the system. We can even say without much exaggeration that in a Confucianist-Taoist society, the individual does not exist. He is an integral part of the social system (Confucianism), or of the cosmos (Taoism). To use Erich Fromm's words, the individual has not-emerged "from the state of oneness with the natural world to an awareness of himself as an entity separate from surrounding nature and men." The strong urge for perfect harmony in Confucianism and Taoism is just the rationalization Of this fear of being cut Off from the "primary ties." Freedom and individualism do not even exist when these "primary ties" have not yet been broken. Fromm writes: These primary ties block his fall human development; they stand in the way of the development of his reason and his critical capacities; they let him recognize himself and others only through the medium of his, or their, participation in a clan, a social or religious community, and not as human beings; in 1"The Spirit of Chinese Culture," Social Research, Vol. XXIV (1957). p- A7- 2Fromm, Escape From Freedom, op. cit., p. 2A. (I) 68 other words, they block his development as a free, self-determining, productive individual.1 The monistic world view and the strong concern for harmony hampers the "individuation process" and retards the develOpment of freedom and individualism. Emile Durkheim in analyzing the "segmental society" stresses this point: solidarity, which comes from likenesses is at its maximum [perfect harmonylinMnithe collective con- science completely enveIOps our whole conscience But, at that and coincides in all points with it. . . our personality moment, our individuality is nil. vanishes. for we are no longer ourselves, but the collective life.2 The individual in the Confucianist-Taoist system is thus concerned more with social cohesion than freedom and individual rights. It has been noticed that the sense of duty is stronger in [the East] than the love of liberty. In the West, duty and privileges are Opposites, whereas in China they are merged together, forming the identification Of nature (liberty) with dest§ny (duty) as well as the union of Heaven with man. Concerns for Harmony and Intolerance of Qpnflicts in the Vietnamese society In Vietnamese society, this obsession with harmony Scigliano has noticed that this urge for A still persists. as a "social harmony and the avoidance Of disagreement" M 1Ibid., p. 35. 2Emile Durkheim, The Division of Labor in Sociopy, translated by George Simpson (Glencoe, 111.: The Free Press: 1959): p: 130' 3Ch'u Chai and Winberg Chai, Op. cit., pp. 23-24. “Robert Scigliano, South Vietnam: Nation Under Stress (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1963), p- 37- P“ ~ ‘L. H, 69 sociological factor harms the develOpment of a modern, Objective, and efficient public administrative system. More seriously, if the leader of a country is constantly concerned with harmony (i.e. total conformity to his political ideas), and feels abnormally anxious when disagreements arise, dictatorship is very likely to result. A number Of dicta— torial measures of the late President Ngo Dinh Diem can be understood in the light of this ethical concern. True to the teachings of Confucius, Diem did not hesitate to resort to all means to restore harmony in his family and his nation when it was threatened. Let us first examine his attempt to save the harmony of his family. In Vietnam, it is widely believed that antagonism between family members, e.g., between brothers, cousins, etc., are sign of decadence in that family. The family is always viewed as an epitome Of the cosmos. If harmony is wanting in the cosmos, calamity will certainly occur. Family relationships must be kept as harmonious as possible. Although this belief has been more or less rejected among the Westernized Vietnamese, harmony is still highly valued, much more than in a Western family. The bickerings within the family Of the late President Ngo Dinh Diem with their legal and political consequences for the whole nation demonstrate again this strong need for harmony. When a brother—in—law of Mrs. Ngo Dinh Nhu wanted to divorce his wife, the whole legal and political machinery of South Vietnam ll 70 was mobilized to prevent ths scandal Of disunity in the Presidential family. The Secret Police were ordered to lock up the rebel sister, who had to resort to a suicidal attempt to escape from the country. Her husband, believed to be a very capable young administrator and politician, was dis— missed from the Diem cabinet, and fled to France. Further- more, a family law was hastily drafted and passed to make divorce in general practically impossible. The Family Law has aroused strong Opposition and resentment in Vietnamese society, where divorce has never been prohibited nor even strongly discouraged. These extreme measures which put the whole sociO—political system in danger of disruption for the sake of maintaining the appearance of familial unity reflects the extreme obsession with harmony. On the national political scene, the same Obsession with harmony prevailed under the Diem regime and led to needlessly dictatorial measures. The Ngo brothers, strongly convinced that they were right became ruthless in forcing the peOple into harmony with the Right. Tran Van Chuong, he father Of Mrs. Ngo Dinh Nhu, Observed that "the Ngo brothers are very much like medieval inquisitors who were so convinced 0f their righteousness that they would burn people for their Own sake, and for the sake Of mankind, to save them from 1 error and sin." The methods used by Diem may have been like L lQuoted by Denis Warner in The Last Confucian: Vietnam, Southeast Asia, and the West, (Baltimore, Maryland: Penguin—— Books, 196A), p. 107. 71 hose of "medieval inquisitors," but his "mentality" was that of a Confucian. Denis Warner supports this: This dogged aspect of his character, his rejection of advice, reflected his Confucian, rather than his Catholic,_background. He was always right. He was the father Of the peOple. He knew what was good for the peOple. Only the father knew, for the peOplelwere his total concern. How, then, could he be wrong? If he was never wrong, those who Opposed him could never be right, and it was his Obligation to eliminate Opposition for the sake of harmony and righteousness. This explains why political opposition was brutally and systematically eliminated. At the very beginning of his republican regime Diem was concerned with gaining, or forcing, the absolute support Of his people. In the 1950's when Diem was still pOpular, the election of the Constituent Assembly Of 1956 brought in an overwhelming Diemist majority, and a minority whose stand was more or less pro—Diem. When the work of the Constituent Assembly was over, it declared itself the First National Assembly. By this legal trick, Diem was able to avoid another election, and to be sure Of having complete harmony—-rather than checks and balanceS--between the executive and legislative powers. The same Obsession with harmony was even more Obvious in later elections. During the 1959 election all tricks were resorted to overtly or secretly in order to secure a 100% Diemist majority in the Second National Assembly. All but two government-approved candidates were elected. Yet Ibid., p. 91 «fill N;— 72 Diem was still not satisfied with the result since two Of his Opponents—-Dr. Phan Quang Dan (strongly anti-Diemist), and Mr. Nguyen Tran (only very mildly anti—Diemist)—-were elected. For Diem, two Assembly members out of harmony with the other one hundred and twenty three constituted an intolerable flaw. Harmony was still not perfect. By various judiciary tricks, he had his two Opponents' electoral victories declared illegal, and their rights of running in any election in the future canceled.1 These measures were more than unnecessary. Even had there been a note of discord in the National Assembly, national unity believe to be indispensable for fighting Communism, would not have been endangered. In effect, possible disunityvvsupposedly harm- ful among the peOple which might have resulted from public debates on the legislative floor between two opponent members and the rest could have been very easily avoided, since all means of communication were well under the control of the government. AS Denis Warner has put it: On paper, the [1959] elections represented an over- whelming personal victory. Only one independent candidate and one Opposition candidate won seats. In Diem's view, however, even this small intrusion of outsiders into the official family was not to be countenanced. AS always, he did not regard the election as an example Of democracy at work. Its intention, once again, was to demonstrate collective 1See, Robert Scigliano, "Elections in a one- -party state--Politics in an Underdeveloped State," Midwest Journal of Political Science, Vol. A (1960), pp. 138-161; Nguyen Tuyet Mai, "Electrioneering: Vietnamese style, " The Asian Survey, Vol.2 (1952), pp 10 19 \ I! 73 loyalty. The function Of the Assembly was to be the voice of Diem, not a forum for divisive and contrary Opinions. To recapitulate, we have argued that harmony is the highest goal in the Vietnamese ethical system. This ethical conception has been indeed equally lauded by the two main philosophical schools, Confucianism and Taoism. To conform to Tao, the Way Of Heaven, means life and prosperity. To be out Of harmony with Tao leads certainly to calamites and ultimately, death. In the modern context, the harmony oriented attitude is still preserved, and Often leads to monism in world view and totalitarianism in politics. In addition, the ethical heritage also moulds the attitudes Of the traditional Vietnamese toward society and authority. They are taught to think in extreme terms: either total integration into the social structure (Confucian- ism) Or complete withdrawal from social life (Taoism). The influence of these two philOSOphies on Vietnamese socity has been considerable. In the following paragraphs, we will examine the Confucianist system first, then the Taoist system. The Confucianist System: Harmony Throogh Ritualistic Conformism Some generalizations are Offered before we consider the Confucianist system in detail. 1Warner, The Last Confucian, Op. cit., p. 111 ~\H 7A The more hierarchical a society, the more important is the social mechanism for securing status distinction. Also it seems that the higher the degree of hierarchization, the more one has to use formal conventions for social dis— crimination, and thus the more formalistic are social rela« tions. On the other hand, the more rigid and elaborate an hierarchical system, the more Conformity is required in the socialization process, and consequently the more conformist and the less creative and imaginative are the individuals. The above generalizations seem to find some validity in the Confucianist system. It is a highly hierarchical, ritualistic, conformistic system devised to condition the individual to conform rather than to imagine, to follow rather than to create. An Hierarchical System The Confucianist system as an hierarchical one is but the result Of harmonization of man with Tao. The Confucianist Tao, which is different from the Taoist taO is hierarchical in nature. The evolution Of the Confucianist cosmos is but a process of hierarchization with the hierarchy becoming more and more elaborate with time. This process attains its maximum development in human society, and is why human society is an elaborate hierarchy. The Book of Change, in discussing the develOpment Of the human society, lays the foundation of the Confucianist system of hierarchical ethics. 1 I‘ 1) 75 Heaven and earth existing all material things then got their existence, afterwards there came male and female. From the existence Of male and female. From the existence of male and female.there came afterwards husband and wife. From husband and wife there came father and son. From father and son there came sovereign and subjects. From sovereign and subjects there came high and low. Following the distinction between high and low came the arrangements of propriety and righteousness. Thus the cosmic system is not an equalitarian one. There is a natural hierarchy everywhere. Is not yang superior to yin? Heave to Earth? Husband to wife? Father to son? and sovereign to subject? Consequently, if we follow this Universal principle, peace and order will result, calamities will be avoided. In another passage from the Book of Change, this conception of the social system as a highly hierarchical one is stressed again: Heaven is high, the earth is low, and thus ch'ien (Heaven) and k'un (Earth) are fixed. AS high and low are thus made clear, the honorable and the humble have their places accordingly. As activity and tranquility have their constancyg the strong and the weak are thus differentiated. (Appendix, Part 1, Ch. 1). From this premise-—that hierarchical order is good-—a social system is rigidly visualized as a hierarchy Of statuses which is summerized into four unequal relationships between (1) sovereign and minister, (2) father and son, (3) husband and wife, (A) elder and younger brother, and one equal relationship, that of between friend and friend (Doctrine of the Mean, Ch. xx __ 3 l C Book of Change, "Orderly Sequence Of the Hexgrams," h. II. Ibid. 76 Sec. 8). All relationships except the last which is not important in a Confucian societyl characterized by authority on the one Side and Obedience on the other2 Inequality is the law of the universe, the foundation of tao. To be in harmony with Tao is the life—ideal. On the other hand, within the social micro—cosmos the law of harmony must also be respected since without a clearly delienated status system confusion, barbarism, and disharmony will result. Confucius considers a well—established system Of statuses the funda- mental prerequisite Of an orderly country. When asked about government, Confucius answered: "There is government, when the prince is prince; and the minister is minister; when the father is father; and the son is son" (Analects, Book XII, Ch. xi, 2). Another day, asked what would be the first step to take in a government reform program, Confucius answered without hesitation: What is necessary is to rectify names [that is to reform the status system in order to make it fit with the "natura1"—-i.e. Confucian-—hierarchy]. . . If names be not correct, language is not in accordance with the truth of things. If language be not in accord- ance with the truth Of things, affairs cannot be carried on to success. When affairs cannot be carried on to success, proprieties and music will not flourish. When proprieties and music do not flourish, punishments 1In a Confucian society there is never true friendship in the Western sense of the world. Intimate friends are quickly integrated into one Of the family relationships. Most of the cases, the Older friend "becomes" the Older brother of the other. 2See Analects, Book 8, Ch. 9. Mencius, Vi, ii, x, 5. 6, and Mencius, III, i, iv, 77 will not be properly awarded. When punishments are not properly, awarded, the peOple do not know how to move hand or foot.1 What are the influences of this purely formalistic and ritualistic ethical system on actual behavior? The most important influence is the develOpment of a strong status—consciousness in Vietnamese society. The potentialities and capacities of each individual are believed to reside in his "name," i.e., the title of his position in the hierarchy. In a Confucian society, titles always have a magic power. A Ph.D. is always believed to be better than a non-Ph.D. A man Of high position is always addressed by a "name" or title which is apprOpriate to his position. This habit has caused humourous incidents when the government tried to democratize the society. In North Vietnam, with an egalitarian-regime, conscious efforts have been made to erase "feudalistic rem— nants." But the fact is that a habit of mind from time immemorial cannot be easily given up by decree. In this egalitarian regime, the convenient word "comrade" is used to replace Old titles. But people still feel ill at ease with this short title while talking to their superiors. A compromise is made. Instead of calling some party official "Comrade So and So," people start to attach lengthy and cumbersome titles to the word "Comrade." In South Vietnam the Situation is somewhat different. The old term guan lon (Your Highness) used to address a Civil servants, this title is replaced by a more generally used ppg 78 (grand father). For low—ranking civil servants, this title is adequate and used without arousing any feeling of discomfort in the speaker. But for high—ranking officials, the title ppg (grand father) does not seem to be respectful enough. People tend to "promote" the addresses to a higher echelon by calling him 33 (great grandfather). Such forms of address help to promote an atmosphere of "mutual understanding" between the people and the civil servant who may be only in his twenties or thirties. In a hierarchy—conscious society, position must be in harmony with status derives power and legitimacy. Maybe this is the reason why Mr. and Mrs. Ngo Dinh Nhu were so unpopular. They had never been accepted by the Vietnamese peOple. His title "political advisor" was not important enough to legitimize his overwhelming authority. The more authority he assumed, the greater was the felt discrepancy between his title and his power position, is one of the many reasons why peOple resented him.1 For Mrs. Nhu the resentment lThis discripancy between the "tremendous power" of Mr. Nhu and his title is bitterly attacked by Nguyen Thai who Westernizes the Confucian concept of "correct name" by be— lieving in the magic power of formalism in administration. "From the strictly asministrative effiency point Of view, he writes, the advantages of adopting an Official, open and con- sistent position are Obvious." He believes that if Mr. Nhu had had an Official title commensurate with his power, his work would have become more efficient and his decisions more responsible. In another passage, Nguyen Thia shows a strong conviction that an Army major, Simply because of his being a major, is incapable Of handling the business of a higher rank— ing Officer. It is inadequate, he writes to let "an Army major handle administrative and political issues of tOp 79 was greater because the gap between her official title—v member of the National Assembly and First Lady—-and her power was more considerable. This gap became more conSpicuouS, hence more intolerable, because Of her frequent public appearances. The question of "correct name" still seems tO be a Significant factor in the Vietnamese socio—political life. Thus Confucianism has conditioned the traditional Viet— namese to accept the hierarchical order as one of the funda« mental assumptions Of life. He tends to relate himself to other people only through this highly structured system. Social conplexities are reduced to a set of clear—cut "names." Individual diversities are replaced by a system of statues. Communication between individuals is simplified and stereo- typed. Being socialized to be a part Of the structure rather than a separate entity, these people lack the empathic ability to understand others as individuals, not only status holders. Confucianism has taught them that the ideal society is based on hierarchy, and this teaching has been SO deeply ingrained in their value system that the recent egalitarian influences of the West have not even begun to erase it. The ._¥ importance and compel a secretary of state to send confiden— tial reports to an Army major." Here is another evidence Of the strong urge for formalism which is the main characteristic Of the Confucian ethical system. See Nguyen Thai, Is South Y1etnam_Viable? op. cit., pp. 196, 2A1, 2A2. a 8O reason this belief could be so successfully inculcated is that it has behind it a strong philosophical foundation as well as an intensive and comprehensive system of sociali— zation. Confucius has Offered the Vietnamese scholar a sufficiently satisfactory philOSOphical rationalization of this belief in social hierarchy; he also provides him with useful means to put it into practice among the Vietnamese masses which are not particularly interested in philosoe phical subtleties. These means are l; and music. The elaborate system of l; and music validate our generalization that a highly hierarchical society requires a great deal Of convention and ritual and strict socialization to preserve its hierarchical structure. Li: External Criteria of Hierarchization In many Vietnamese grade schools, it is not uncommon to find hanging on the wall, a card with the famous saying "Tien hoc 1e, hau hoc van" which means "first study 1;, then study letter." This concept of ii, writes H. H. Dubs, is "one "1 If Tao is the Of the most important in Chinese ethics. foundation of Taoism, ii is that of Confucianism. Probably because of its crucial importance, the term 1; in Chinese (or lé in Vietnamese) resists any attempt at translation. Even though it has a religious meaning, it is loaded with ethical and philosophical connotations. (This may be seen as ‘— 1H. H. Dubs, Hsuntze, The Moulder of Ancient Confucian- ism (London: Arthur Probsthain, 1927), p. 113, 114—120. ““* 81 another evidence of the main characteristic of Oriental culture: complete fusion of religion, ethics, and science." It may be translated as religion, ceremony, deportment, decorum, propriety, formality, politeness, courtesy, etiquette, good form, good behavior, good manners, or the rules Of proper conduct, the rules of propriety, etc.1 In order to avoid any misunderstanding due to lack of an equivalent English term, I prefer to leave it untranslated; its full meaning can be grasped after our analysis of its nature and its function. Nature of p; Originally, i; derives from Ego. p; is a human creation of the Sages whose purpose is is to maintain harmony with Ego. p; is supposed tO be the true representative cosmic primciple in the human society. As a matter Of fact, it results from the Sates" insight into the universal principle (Book of Change, The Great Appendix, Bk. I, Ch, iv). When asked about the "urgent importance" of I; (translated by Legge as the rules of propriety), Confucius said "Those rules [ll] are rooted in heaven, have their correspondences On earth, and are applicable to Spiritual beings. . . it was by those rules that the ancient kings sought to represent the ways of Heaven [i.e. taO] and to regulate the feelings Of men." Then he concludes on a threatening note: "Therefore he who 1Ibid., p. 113. 82 neglects or violates them may be (spoken of) as dead, and l he who Observes them, as alive." In another passage Of Li ki, it is written: rules Of ceremony [i.e., 1i] must be traced to their origin in the Grand Unity—[i.e., 4533] This separated and became heaven and earth. It revolved and became the dual force (in nature). It changed and became the four seasons. It was distributed and became the breathing (thrilling in the universal frame). Its (lessons) transmitted (to men) are called its orders; the‘law and authority Of them is in Heaven. While the rules of ceremony (1;) have their origin in Heaven, the movement Of them reaches to earth. The distribution of them extends to all the business (of life). They change with the seasons, they agree in reference to the variations of lot and condition. In regard to man, they serve to nurture (his nature). They are practised by means Of offerings, acts Of strength, words and postures Of courtesy, in eating and drinking, in the Observances of capping, marriage, mourning, sacrificing, archery, chariot-driving, audiences, and friendly missions. Thus propriety (11) and righteousness are the great elements for man's—(character); it is by means of them that his speech is the expression of truth and his inter— course (with others) the promotion Of harmony; they are (like) the union of the cuticle and cutis, and the binding together of the muscles and bones in strengthening (the body). They constitute the great methods by which we nourish the living, bury the dead, and serve the spirits of the departed. They supply the channels by which we can apprehend the ways Of Heaven and act as the feelings of men require. It was on this account that the sages that knew the rules of ceremony (li) could not be dispensed with, while the ruin of states, the destruction of families, and the perishing of individuals are always preceded by their abandonment Of the rules of prOpriety (1;). (Li ki, Book VII, Sec. IV, par. A, 5, 6, Thus A; originated from taO and was put into practice by ancient kings whose enlightenment permitted them a deep insight into tao. Since tao is not only the source of life ‘ lThe Li—ki book VII, Sec. 1, Par. A. .\\ 83 but life itself Of all beings and the raison d'etre of all things. From this source, I; inherits all Of the power of tao, and becomes consequently as comprehensive and indis— pensable for life as tao itself. To resist taO will certainly bring calamities and ruin, to counter ig,\similarly, will bring danger and death. (p;_§;, Book 1, Sec. 1, Part 1, para. 2A). The Hierarchizing Function of Li The.characteristics of i$—-comprehensiveness and indispensability for maintaining life——derive from the all- inclusive and life-generating nature of taO. The crucial importance of 1; thus legitimatizes. Its function Of social hierarchization which is simply derived from the hierarchical structure Of tao. When asked about the function Of ii: Confucius answered: of all things by which the peOple live the rites are the greatest. Without them they would have no means Of regulating the services paid to the Spirits of heaven and earth; without them they would have no means of distinguishing the positions prOper to father and son, to high and low, to Old and young; without them they would have no means of maintaining the separate character of the intimate relations between male and female, father and son, elder brother and younger,. . . (Li ki, Bk, XXIV, Ch. 1, p. 261). In another occasion, Confucius explained to one of this social-ordering function of ii: The object of all the ceremonies (1;) is to rectify the relations between ruler and ministers; to maintain the generous feeling between father and son, and the harmony between elder and younger brother; to adjust the relations v . 84 between high and low; and to give their proper places to husband and wife. The whole may be said to secure the blessing of Heaven. (Book VII, Sec. 1, Ch. 100, p. 371). Thus, with the creation of an extensive ii system, that status—oriented structure is preserved. Each individual has a clearly—delineated position in the hierarchy. Bi gives him a fixed guide of behavior for dealing with others. Role confusion is reduced to minimum. On the other hand, he becomes an automaton interacting with other automatons according to a welltraced path——li. When asked by Yen Yuen, one of his disciples, about perfect virtue, Confucius gave him a simple answer "to subdue one's self and return to propriety (li)" and a simple formula of action "look not at what is contrary to prOpriety (ii); listen not to what is contrary to propriety (li); speak not what is contrary to propriety (Ii); make no movement which is contrary to prOpriety (li)." In this context, the answer of Yen Yuen is worth quoting: "Though I am deficient in intelligence and igour, he said, I will make it my business to practice this lesson."1 In effect, with so little freedom left for individual initiative, intelligence and creativity are no longer indispensable. Little needs to be understood. Before examining the authoritarian socialization mechanism of Confucianism, we shall look first at the influence of ii on T , Vietnamese social life. Nb lLi Ki, Book XII, Chapter 1, sections 1 and 2. 85 The Importance of Li and its Ritualizing Effects In the past dynasties, ii was as important a matter as finance and defense. Until 19MB, there was a Ministry of Li in charge of ceremonies and morality in the kingdom. In the law books, morality (ii) is completely fused with laws as they are understood in the West. Immoral acts which would be considered in the West as belonging to each indivi— dual's private life were codified as criminal acts with apprOpriate punishments.l Recently, the influence of Ii in public life has been consciously erased. Yet the spirit of ii still pervades every SOCio-political relation: for in France the ritualistic and unp0iitical practices such as "the 'Suy Ton Ngo Tong Thong' the erection of altars on the streets With Diem's portrait when he went on inspection in the pro— Vinces; the necessity for the peOple to show the utmost deference to Diem; and the whole gamut of deferential attitudes which Diem liked and his syncophants exaggerated.”2 In a li—oriented society like Vietnam, these practices were not at all strange. Diem had the title of President of Vietnam, and according to 11 he deserved treatment appropriate to his status. For average Vietnamese, li——including proper names, titles, positions, seating order, flags, even being late ~ qu Van Mau, Dan Luat Khai Luan, op. cit., pp. 169—256. 2 " Nguyen Thai, op. cit., p. 102; SuygTon Ngo Tong Thong ( Let us venerate President Ngo") was a song to be played every morning after the national anthem. ~\b .x» .4‘ 86 to an appointment—-is of utmost importance. They can fight to death, or usually to bankruptcy by means of expensive lawsuits if Ii is not respected. Before the war, a village notable not prOperly seated in a village banquet could Spend his whole fortune to pay lawyers to gain one piaster (worth a penny in US currency) as recompense for the damage to his honor. Thus the ritualistic character of Diem's regime was not inconsistent with common forms of behavior in Vietnamese society. Unfortunately this stress on Ii also contributed somewhat to the downfall of Diem on the "flag issue."l Of course, the ”flag issue” between Diem and the Buddhists was prompted by a number of other factors. Yet the immediate cause of conflict was over concern with Ii. Without this extreme concern with appropriate rituals, the Ngo brothers would have been less rigid in dealing with the Buddhists, and the latter would have been more willing to reach a peaceful settlement. But in a Confucian context, to ask them to disregard Ii would be like asking them to throw away all their value system. To make a concession in this issue would have meant "loss of face," i.e., losing status, and a person without status could not do anything in this status-con— scious society. g 1Charles A. Joiner, "South Vietnam's Buddhist crisis: organization for charity, dissidence, and unity," Asian Survey, Vol. IV (196M), pp. 915-928. "4 87 "Loss of face" is another aspect of the Ii system. In Vietnamese, it is mat the dien, mat thanh danh or mat danh gia which have the same meaning. "Face"is a poor translation of these semantic subtleties. Dian, and danh are untranslatable terms because they are two of the few key words whose connota- tions summarize the essence of the culture. Concretely, they mean "face" or "name." But in the abstract sense, they involve the whole "theory of correct names” (Analects, Bk. XIII, Ch. III, par. 5). Therefore in a society where ritualistic nominalism plays a dominant role, a man is what his ”name"-- or more correctly the title of his position--is. In the "flag issue," this quasi—religious attachment to the "name" rather than the essence of things was probably the main reason for failure of the many attempts of settlement between Diem and the Buddhists. The national flag was considered the symbol representing the central and ultimate national authority with which Diem strongly identified himself. Now if the national flag had had to be removed in favor of the religious flags, or at least to be put on the same level wit them, the national autbority represented by the flag would have been no longer ultimate. Nominalistically and ritualistically, Diem would have been no longer the ultimate authority of the country. In other words, he would have been overthrown—~at least symbolically. The extent of his authority was ritualis— tically identified with the position of the flag. This strong urge for prOpriety ossified his position and made bargaining 88 impossible. Lack of political wisdom was, of course, one of the reasons for Diem‘s failure in this affair, but the fear of using "incorrect names" was the underlying force which pushed the regime toward its end. It is obvious from this incident, as from a great number of other incidents in the Vietnamese political arena, that the influence of Ii must not be overlooked if one wants a good insight into Vietnamese socio-political life. It is cogently observed that "Protocol and concern for status pervaded the system from the lowest levels to the very highest." Authoritarian Socialization Into the Hierarchy Method of Socialization based on Blind Submission The Confucianist system is based on Ii which is in turn a faithful imitation of Bag. The method of socialization into the 11 system is characterized by a strong stress on imitation and submission. From the sage to the common man, this principle of imitation and submission is equally valid. The only difference between the sage and the common man is that the sage in imitating gag becomes the authority on everything, while the common man need only accept that authority blindly and totally. Li is supposed to be the true imitation of the Cosmic Principle. A sage can find it himself by examing the Cosmic mi 1Scigliano, South Vietnam: Nation Under Stress, 0p. cit., p. 37. 89 system. In the Book of Change, it is written: The wise man, looking up, contemplates the brilliant phenomena of the heavens, and looking down, he examines the definite arrangements of the earth. Thus he dis— covers the causes of darkness, or what is obscure, and the causes of light, or what is bright. He traces things to their beginning, and follows them to their end. Thus he discovers what can be said about life and death. He perceives how the union of essence and the breath of things, and the disappearance or wandering away of the soul produce the change of their constitution. Thus he discovers the character— istics of the anima and animus. Through the principle of evolution, the wise man comprehands natural trans— formation; and he uses them as a mould to make things by an ever varying adaptation. It is thus that 1 principles are spirit—like, unconditioned by place. A sage, thus, looks at the universe and understands it, then devises the Ii as "a mould" for others. Since "the course of things in the universe," and the "definite arrange— ments of the earth” are regular and permanent, the principles of the sage (Ii) are also permanent. Any other sage, if he does not know Ii, can look for it in the universe. The practical presCription is that to be a sage one must examine nature to find Ii, which is the solution to all personal, familial, national, international problems. In the Great Learning, Confucius said: The ancients who wished to illustrate illustrious virtue throughout the empire, first ordered their own States. Wishing to order their States, they first regulated their families. Wishing to regulate their families they first cultivated their persons, they first rectified their hearts. Wishing to rectify their hearts, they first sought to be sincere in their thoughts. Wishing to be sincere in their thoughts, they first extended to the utmost their 1The Book of Change, "The Great Appendix," Book 1, Chapter 4. 9O knowledge. Such extension of knowledge lay in the investigation of things. (ThelGreat Learning, The text of Confucius," Par. 4, 5) The first duty of a sage is to study the principle of the Universe in order to discover tao which is then to be used as the standard of behavior.2 Unfortunately, very few peOple can be a sage. Even Confucius had to admit that "I have been the whole day without eating, and the whole night without sleeping: occupied with thinking. It was of no use. The better plan is to learn."3 Thus "the thought of the individual must be subordinated to learning the wisdom of the past.” It is also written in Mencius, another classic that There are now princes who have benevolent hearts and a reputation for benevolence, while yet the peOple do not receive any benefits from them, nor will they leave any example to future ages; all because they do not put into practices the ways (tao) of the ancient kings .Never has any one fallen into error, who followed the laws of the ancient kings (Mencius, Bk. IV, Part 1, Ch. 1, Sec. 2, A). With Hsuntze-—whom Dubs describes as "the founder of ancient. Confucianism" and "a thinker who cannot be neglected in any picture of Confucianism or of Chinese ideals"u-—reliance on the teachings of the Ancient Sages becomes the unique standard for all thinking. L 1The Book of Change, the Great Appendix, Pk. I, Ch. IV. 2Dubs, Hsuntze, The Moulder of Ancient Confucianism, OE. cit., p. 182. 3Analects, Bk. xv, Ch. xxx. 4 Dubs, Hsuntze, The Founder of Ancient Confucianism, M' a p. XViii. f.— I- gr‘ 91 The Sage, he writes, is the channel of the Way (Tao). The Way (Tao) of the world pervades the Confucian doctrine; the Way (Tao) of all the Kings is united in it; hence the Way (Tao) of the Odes, History, Rites, and the Music follows it. . The Way (Tao) of the world culminates in;it. He who follows it will be preserved; he who rebels at it will be ruined. From ancient to present times, there has not been known anyone who followed it and was not preserved, or who rebelled against it was not ruined. Finally, for the massed, there is not question of thinking in the study of tao, or Ii. The duty of the sage to teach the peOple Ii is very simple, since they do not need to understand the philos0phical and cosmological foundation of Ii "The people, Confucius said, may be made to follow a path of action, but they may not be made to understand it" (Analects, Bk, viii, Ch. Xi). For average people, the function of Ii is not to infuse them with ancient wisdom, but simply to keep them in order. Li is used to "furnish the means of determining [the observance towards] relatives, near and remote; of settling points which may cause suspicion or doubt; of distinghishing where there should be agreement, and where difference; and or making clear what is right and what is wrong." (Li ki, Bk. 1, Sect. 1, Part 1, Ch. 5, Par. 8). ”Therefore the instructive and transforming power of cermonies (II) is subtle; they stop depravity before it has taken form, causing men daily to move towards what is good, and keep them— selves farther apart from guilt, without being themselves conscious of it" (Li ki, Bk. xxiii, Ch. 9). In short, the 1Ibid., p. 190. 92 function of Ii is to condition the mass so that it will follow the Cunfucian path. In this conditioning process, a variety of means are used. We read in Li ki: And so [the Ancient Kings instituted] ceremonies to direct men's aims aright; music to give harmony to their voices; laws to unify their conduct; and punishments to guard against their tendencies to evil. The end to which ceremonies, music, punishments, and laws conduct is one, they are instruments by which the minds of the people are assimilated, and good order in government is made to appear. Confucius mentioned "music” which should be understood in the Confucianist context. Music coes not consist only of the harmonious arrangement of sounds, but includes songs praising the Ancient Kings and the values of Confucianism.2 "Thus we see that the Ancient Kings, in their institution of ceremonies and music, didnot seek how fully they could satisfy the desires of the appetite and of the ears and eyes; but they intended to teach the people to regulate their likings and dislinkings, and to bring them back to the normal course of humanity" (Li ki, Bk. xvii, Sec. 1, par.lO) Music is not a branch of esthetics, but ethics. When asked how the government of a country should be administered, Confucius advised five steps which should be taken, and one Of them is "to banish the songs of Ch'ing. . . which are _¥ lLi ki, Bk. xvii, Sec. 1, Par. 14. 2 . For instance, it is written in the L1 ki that "when the Ancient Kings had accomplished their undertakings, they make their music (to commomorate them) (Li ki, Bk, XVii, Sec. 1, Par. 26). ~\.~ u. p - PJ ~\V 93 licentious" (Analects, Bk. xv, Ch. 10, Par. 6).1 Music is considered a means to promote harmOny with tao among the peOple, i.e., complete conformity with Confucianist teachings. If Ii is used as a means to impose external Confucian morality, music can be seen as a means to impose internal Confucian morality. It is written in the Li ki All modulations of the voice spring from the minds of men. When the feelings are moved within they are manifested in the sounds of their voice; and when thoses sounds are combined so as to form compositions, we have what are called airs. . .[Thus] music springs from the movement of the mind. . . Now there is no end of the things by which man is affected; and when his likings and his dislikings are not subject to regulation [from within], he is changed into the nature of things as they come before him; that is, he stifles the voice of Heavenly principle within, and gives the utmost indulgence to the desires by which men may be possessed . . . Therefore the Ancient Kings, when they instituted their ceremonies and music, regulated them by consid— eration of the requirements of humanity. . . In music the sages found pleasure, and [saw that] it could be used tomake the hearts of the people good. Because of the deep influence which it exerts on a man, and the change which it produces in manners and customs, the ancient kings appointed it as one of the subjects of instruction (Li ki, Bk. xvii, Sec. 1, Par A, 12, 13, and Sec. 2, Par. 23).‘ E§y0holggical Effects of the Authoritarian Socialization in Vietnamese Sociegy The Confucian socialization process is almost a "brain— washing" process with Ii as the absolute standard to follow 1In the West ethics and esthetics are considered as two unrelated fields, but in a Confucian society they are completely fused. Here is another evidence of Eastern ~ monism and Western pluralism. Thus, for a Westerner who is not familiar with the Confucianist tradition, the prohibition 0f twist music under President Diem cannot be easily under- stood. n u 7.. 94 without questioning, and music as an instrument of conditioning. The common man follows the example of the scholar, the scholar imitates the past. Thus submission to authority be— comes a reflex. Deviation from established patterns or creation of new ones are almost inconceivable. I think this is the reason why Confucianism, once established as the state religion, has lasted unchallenged for more than two thousand years. As to the psychological effects of this authoritarian socialization, Confucianism has left indelible marks on the mind of the Vietnamese people, especially those who are socialized chiefly in the traditional culture. The method of socialization used by the Confucianist conditions the individual to become liVing automat capable of rather than creation and invention. This "esprit d'imitation" has developed to the point of becoming one of the characteristics of the Vietnamese personality. This extreme reliance on the past cannot be better illustrated than in the following saying of King Le Hien Tong: Kinh Thai To, he said, founded the dynasty. Kinh Thanh Tong did all the deyelOpment works. As for me my duty is only to maintain the traditional path, and spread education to make the works of my ancestors illustrous. If this was the manner of the kings, the peOple are no different. Paul Giran has observed: —-_ lTran Trong Kim, Vietnam Su Luoc, op. cit., p. 250. p 'l 95 La morale annamite n'est pas intérieure, elle n'emane pas de la conscience, penser our agir selon soi-meme serait un crime: la loi moral c'est 1e rite, la coutume, la religion; la vertu, c'est le scrupuleux accomplissement des rites;lle critere du bien absolu, c'est le passe. This extreme stress on Ii, this attitude of strong reliance on the authority of the past have unfortunate psychological effects on the Vietnamese. "Les rites sacro—saints, writes C. Letourneau, ont tue toute imagination. . ., puisque tout est classé, catalogue, il est devenu irrespectueux de chercher du nouveau, il suffit d'apprendre du vieux"2 Among the intellectuals, the same "esprit d'imitation" prevails. [ll] aime l'étude, les longues études meme; c'est un travailleur patient et minuitieux: mais il lui manque 1e sens critique, l'imagination inventive, 1'esprit scientifique. Pour lui, la mémoire est toute l'intelligence, la science n'est qu'érudition, la philosophie n'est que formules. The artist is not better. ”Denue d'initiative, depourvu de toute esprit d'invention, il n'a Jamais éte un créateur."u His works only reflect his mental predispositions. That is, 1Paul Giran, Psychologie du Peuple Annamite, op: cit., p. 168. 2 Ibid., p. 82. 3Ibid., p. 134. ulbid. (0 do ’- .- I.‘ '. w’l ‘1 ~ \ U A. 96 L'uniformité est la regle; qui a'vu une pagode anamite les a vues toutes; 1e palais imperialwlui—meme ne differs pas du modele general. Other Far Eastern students also notice this general charac— teristic of Vietnamese artists. "Adapteurs étonnants plus qu'artistes créateurs, ils sont capables d'imiter de pres tout ce qui se fait de plus curieux, soit a la Chine, soit au Japon, quand ils peuvent avoir 1es memes matieres."2 At the present time, this predisposition toward imita— tion rather than creation can be seen in most of Vietnamese social life. The most conspicuous of all is the field of education. Students tend to parrot the lectures of their teachers rather than to think. They are even encouraged in that tendency by their teachers themselves. Two MSU faculty members assigned as advisors to the National Institute of Administration noticed that "most of the faculty did not have their students use the library, but limited their intellectual expansion to what could be gained by listening to lectures uninterrupted by questions or discussion."3 At the high school level, the situation is worse. In the oral examination of the Vietnamese Baccalauréat, passing or failing is sometimes a matter of luck. If the student happens to use —__ lIbid., p. 132. 2Pierre Huard and Maurice Durand, Connaissance du Ylétnam, op. cit., p. 60. 3Robert Scigliano and Guy H. Fox, Academics in Vietnam: TheuMichigan State Advisory Project in Retrospect (draft, p. O). 97 the textbook written by the oral examiner, he is sure to pass his exam. In the case of "bad luck," if he used other textbooks instead of the one written by the oral examiner, his chance of passing the exam is considerably reduced, no matter how well he knows the subject-matter. In an oral or written examination, the Vietnamese student is not required to think and to aim at originality, but to recite all he has learned by heart from his textbooks. Thia attitude is most deeply engraved in the Faculty of Law (even though some far-sighted professors have tried their best to curb this tendency). For instance, in the second session of the 1958 oral examination, the writer witnessed one of the law students recited the whole policy speech by one of the French Governor—Generals, word by word. He got the highest grade in that course. At the ministerial level, we find that the same "esprit d'imitation” prevails. Trained in the French system, these policy makers follow that system point by point. By the end of the 1950's the French changed their system by cancelling the oral examination for the Baccalaureat. One year later, no oral exam was required for the Tu:iai (Vietnamese Baccaureat). Again if we look closely at both French and Vietnamese high school curricula, this ”esprit d'imitation" is more striking. Each time there is a change made in the curriculum in France, the same change is introduced in Vietnam one year later (especially those changes related to the physical science course). Similarly, we can safely . \ 5 98 pred1Ct that the same tendency of indiscriminate borrowing without giving a second thought to the value and function of the things borrowed will persist when the "diplOmésnas Paris" retire and the new group of America~educated Vietnamese came to power.1 Sensing the danger of this superficial over— conformism, an American political advisor must, ironically, stress the necessity of the "re—adaption" of American— educated technicians when they return to Vietnam.2 In summary, Confucianism is based on two fundamental assumptions: (1) the life«idea1 is to be in harmony with tao and to imitate it, and (2) tao is a highly hierarchical system. From these assumptions, a social system is built lSome evidences of this tendency have been observed recently. For instance, the tea-break practice has already been well—accepted among American-educated intellectuals in Saigon. Ritualistically at 10 o'clock, they leave their offices and take their Volkswagons (introduced by MSU Group professors) to la Pagode (usually frequented by Westeners) and have coffee of iced tea with a lot of sugar and lemon (even though almost ince their birth they had drunk only hot tea, or sometimes iced tea with sugar, but never with lemon). Another example of indiscriminate borrowing is the attempt to change the schedule of working time. Vietnam is hot at noon and relatively much cooler in the afternoon. The French perceived the value of the Vietnamese tradition of haVing a noon siesta, and made the two-hour siesta official, compensated by two hours of work in the later afternoon(for a total of eight hours a day). Yet the American-educated Viet— namese had seen that in US they don't have a siesta, so felt that the Vietnamese should not have it either. But the attempt fortunately was abandoned before the strong resistance of Vietnamese who had not had a chance to go to America. The interesting point is that the idea of abolishing the siesta originated with the Department of Defense-—the first organiza- tion to try the fnew schedule--where overseas military training had accumulated the greatest number of American-educated personnel. 2Guy H. Fox, unpublished lecture on problems of public administration in Vietnam, 1963. 99 with strong emphasis on hierarchy. The latter is realized by means of an elaborate code of conventions and rituals, and is preserved by an authoritarian socialization which assign the highest value to submission and conformity. The effects of this socialization on Vietnamese patterns of behavior and personality have been presented by some behavioral evidence. In politics or in social relations, the stress on hierarchical rather than equalitarian values is common in Vietnamese society. These hierarchical values are charac— terized by the prevalence of formalism, conventionalism, and ritualism in socio—political life. Psychologically, the effects of Confucianism lead to the develOpment of "l'esprit d'imitation," lack of imagination and inventiveness, love of uniformity, and predisposition toward conformity.l In short, the Confucianist socialization prepares Vietnamese individuals to be obedient and submissive to authority. Ritualistic Conformity is the essence of the Confucianist system. Taoism, which coexists with Confucianism stresses on the other hand retreatistic withdrawal instead of ritualistic conformity. ‘— lConfucius prefered students who obeyed without questioning or hesitation. One of his favourite disciples was Yen kuy, who is now honoured in every Confucianist temple with the title "The Second Sage, the Philosopher Yen." One day Confucius told other students about Yen kuy in these terms; "I have talked with kuy for a whole day, and he was not made any Objection to anything I said;——as if he were stupid. He retired, and I examined his conduct when away from me, and found him able to illustrate my teachings. kuy! He is not Stupid." (Analect_s__, Book II, Ch. IX.). "d 1 100 The Taoist System: Anarchist Rebellion Quite different from Confucianism which stresses social hierarchy, conventionalism, and conformism, Taoism rejects civilization altogether. Although assuming that harmony with 222 is crucially important, Lao—tzu dis not assume that gig is an hierarchical system. Thus, the ideal society is one in which the relationships between the ruler and the ruled, the superior and the subordinate, the age and the disciple are kept as much confused as possible-—which is the Opposite of the Confucian theory of "five relation— ships." A Confucian ruler must carry out all the rituals to distinguish himself sharply from the ruled (Analects, Bk. III, Ch. XIX, Bk. VII, Ch. XLIV, Ch. II), but the ideal Taoist ruler is different. According to Lao Tzu The highest type of ruler is one of whose existence the people are barely aware. Next comes one whom they love and praise. Next comes one whom they fear. Next comes one whom they despise and defy (Tao Teh Ching, Ch. 17). Or the Sage reigns over the people by humbling himself in speech; and leads the people by putting himself behind. (Tao Teh Ching, Ch. 66). It is the same with the teacher. A Confucian teacher must be "grave," "if the scholar be not grave,” said CONfUCiUS, "he will not call forth any veneration, andhis learning will be solid" (Analects, Bk, 1, Ch. VIII). A Taoist scholar does not need to put up a "grave appearance" to make himself ritually different from others. We read again in Tao Teh Ching, VI. .nu 101 The ancient adepts of the Tao were subtle and flexible, profound and comprehensive. Their minds were too deep to be fathomed. Because they are unfathomable, one can only describe them vaguely by their appearance (Ch. 15). or In the midst of the world, the Sage is shy and self— effacing. For the sake of the world he keeps his heart in its nebulous state. All the people strain their ears and eyes: the Sage only smiles like an amused infant. (Ch. L59): These superficial differences between Confucianism and Taoism are the result of their fundamental divergences about the life—ideal. Their common belief in the necessity of harmony with Tao, constitutes only an insignificant similarity between the two schools, since they have totally different points of view on Tao. For the Confucianist, the principle of Tao reveals itself in the structural differentiation of the Great Ultimate. For the Taoist, the principle of Tao resides in the Great Ultimate itself. Starting from these premises, Confucianists believe that the social system should imitate the cosmic principle of differentiation by maintaining a highly hierarchical structure. Taoists, on the contrary, believe that the ideal is to go back to the Great Ultimate-- "Tao," "The Mother of Things. . ."--the source of Goodness itself. For a Confucianist, wisdom consists of understanding the principle underlying the "brilliant phenomena of the heavens" and the "definite arrangements of the earth" (Book Of Change, The Great Appendix, Bk. 1, Ch. IV) and transposes these phenomenal regularities and hierarchies into social 102 life. But a Taoist is somewhat more radical and wisdom, to him, is to know origins rather than developments (Ch. I“). Lao Tzu wrote: All-under—Heaven have a common Beginning. This Beginning is the Mother of the world. Having known the Mother, We may proceed to know her children. Having known the children, We should go back and hold on to the Mother (Ch. 52). The explicit recommendation is to go back to origins. Lao Tzu seemed to have a very pessimistic view of evolution, cosmic or social. When once the Primal Simplicity diversified, Different names appeared. Are there not enough names now? This pessimism results in a strong distrust of social life. Almost every chapter of Tao Teh Ching is a condemnation of civilization and a plea for going back to "infancy," to "Primal Simplicity," to Nature. For instance, The world is a sacred vessel, which must not be tampered with or grabbed after. To tamper with it is to spoil it, and to grasp it is to lose it. (Ch. 29). Thus, civilization is something deplorable. It is the sign Of human decadence rather than forward evoluation. With the introduction of 11 man has reached the extreme end of his regression. Failing Tao, man resorts to Virtue. Failing virtue, man resorts to humanity. Failing humanity, man resorts to morality. Failin morality man resorts to ceremony . Now, egremony is,the merest husk of faith and loyaltgg 8) It is the beginning of all confusion and disorder. . 3 . n‘a on‘ 103 Moral and law similarly are not only crude and ineffective means of dealing with this general decadence; paradoxically, they are the very cause of confusion and disorder. Lao Tzu again wrote: The more taboos and inhibitions there are in the world, The poorer the peOple become. The sharper the weapons the people possess, The greater confusion reigns in the realm. The more clever and crafty the men, The oftener strange things happen. The more articulate the laws and ordinances,l The more robbers and thieves arise. (Ch. 57) In effect, all social institutions are artificial. Values and ideals are at best ephemeral, and at worst, confusion— breeding. All of these prevent the soul from having direct communion with Tao. These obstacles, including feelings and emotions, must be eliminated if one want to reach Tao, the source of wisdom. Even "our body is the very source of our calamities" (Ch. 13). The five colours blind the eye. The five tones deafen the ear. The five flavours cloy the palate. Racing and hunting madden the mind. Rare goods tempt men to do wrong. Therefore, the Sage takes care of the belly, not the eye. He prefers that is within to what is without. (Ch7‘12). Thus in order to know Tao, it is not necessary to go to the past——as the Confucianist does-—to look for it. It is not necessary to go anywhere to look for it. (Ch. 47). "How do I know about the world?" Lao Tzu asked himself, and found a Simple answer to this question "By what iS within me" (Ch. 5U). ¥ lTao Teh Chinh, Ch. 57. 104 (See also Ch. 5). What did he find within himself? He found that the road to tao is the way back to his mother's womb. This is the basic tenet of his philosophy. While all things are stirring together, I only contemplace the Return. For flourishing as they do, Each of them will return to its root. To return to the root is to find peace. To find peace is to fulfill one's destiny (Ch. 16). A Sage is nothing but a person who has succeeded in regressing to his babyhood. All men are joyous and beaming. I [the Sage] alone am placid and give no sign, Like a babe which has not yet smiled. All men are bright, bright: I alone am dim, dim. All men are sharp, sharp: I alone am mum, mum. Bland like the ocean, Aimless like the wafting gale (Ch. 20). 01" . be the Brook of the World. To be the Brook of the World is To move constantly in the path of Virtue and to return again to infancy . . be the Pattern of the World. To be the Pattern of the World is To move constantly in the path of Virtue and to return again to the Infinite . . . be the Fountain of the World. To be the Fountain of the World is To live the abundant life of Virtue, and to return again to Primal Simplicity (Ch. 28, See also Ch. 40). In short, Taoism is a total rejection of Confucianism. Instead of complicated ceremonies and social rituals, he praises simplicity. Instead of progression toward a more .n‘ r. ..‘ .Fd . \U ~\\ 105 sephisticated law and Ii, he preaches the virtues of regres— sion. Instead of strong central authority, he exhorts the value of anarchy. We wonder how Taoism and Confucianism, which are so diametrically opposite, can be simultaneously embraced by the Vietnamese as well as the Chinese. We might say without too much exaggeration that under the skin of every Confucianist hides a Taoist. Who quietly waits for good occasions to appear and dominate the Confucianist. (When I say "Confucianist" or "Taoist" I do not mean an individual who knows by heart the teachings of Confucius Or Laotzu, but one who adOpts the Confucianist or Taoist way of living). It is true that "in every Vietnamese's belly, there is a mandarin." It is equally true that "thu dien—vien” is generally considered as the ideal life.1 For a mandarin, the ideal is to "retire" as soon as possible, to have a farm large enough for his living, a small garden and a small hut where he can spend the rest of his life admiring nature, writing poems, drinking rice wine and playing chess with his friends. The best illustrations of this Taoist life can be found in the lives of such well-known and admired scholars as Nguyen—Khuyen, Tan-Da, Tu—Xuong. In-addition, it is not uncommon to find famous "an si" who are scholars who live a secluded and solitary life, and consider the mandarin life a burden to get rid of rather than a privilege to envy. 1"Thu dien-Vien" literally means "the pleasure of farming and gardening." In the Vietnamese society, it cannotes a kind of Rousseauistic life. 'l 106 One famous poet, Nguyen Cong Tru, complained that the striving for honor is nothing but a debt. (Tangvbongfh0«thi namvnhi trai. Cai congvdanh 1a cai n0«nam). It is also commonly believed that wealth and honor (vinh—hoa, plu—quy) are nothing but ephemeral attractions (ba—phy—dung). The well- known legend of two scholars, LuunThan and Nguyeanrieu, epitomizes this general retreatist tendency found in Vietnamese society. Songs and poems have been written to idealize their happiness in the fairyland where life was complete enjoyment of the Nature and time unknown, and to depict their deep disappointment when they came back to the earthly world where everything is transient. In the political arena, the same Taoist attitude is not uncommon. Political retreatism, which usually takes the form of "chum tranIV can be understood only as an attitude of "attentism," or ”wait-and-see." I believe”chum—tran” is more than an Opportunistic tactic of wait—and—see. Sometimes it means a rationalization for political withdrawal. The case of Nguyen Tuong Tam illustrates this common aspect of "chum— tran.” Nguyen Tuong Tam was a well—known revolutionary patriot and novelist. He was one of the leaders of the nationalist party resisting French colonialism. Defeated by the French, betrayed in the Vietminh (Vietnamese Communist Party), he quit politics. While Diem was in power, he spent most of his time in the jungle near Dalat collecting rare orchids and writing novels and poems. When Diem asked forhis participation ~\\ 107 in the government, he declined the offer. People regarded him as a leader most capable of apposing the Diemist dicta— torship. His complete withdrawal even on occasions most prOpitious forhis assumption of the leadership of the nation, was really disappointing. For the Vietnamese it is a case of chum-tran. I think chum—tran_involves attentism in some cases, but it meansalienated withdrawal or retreatism-in most of the cases, as it did for Nguyen Tuong Tam. Now the question which perplexes us is: How is it possible that Confucianism, with its emphasis on active participation in social life through rigidly defined roles, and Taoism, with its preaching of total withdrawal, can exist side by side. Our tentative hypothesis is that the coexistence of two opposite ways of life is the result of an underlying psychological force generated by the value- system of the Confucianist society. Taoism as an Anomic Reaction Outlet Against Confucianism. In the Vietnamese society, Taoism does not have a significant role in the socialization process of the children During childhood, they are raised to be in comformity with 1;; In school, the teacher—student relationship is strictly based on Ii. A rigid pattern of life is imposed om them. In general, the more rigid a social system, the more intense is the socialization process. Even though human nature is flexible, we still can safely assume that man can never be 108 reduced to an automaton living according to a rigid and well« drawn pattern. No matter how comprehensive the system of law, how effective the Confucianist music and teachings, how intense the childhood socialization, it is difficult to keep the pressure high enough to avoid deviation. Deviation and rebellion are encouraged by Taoism which systematically rationalizes this resistance against the restrictive system of Confucius. For an alienated individual, the appeal of the verses must be considerable: All men settle down in their grooves: I alone am stubborn and remain outside. But wherein I am most different from others is in knowing to take sustenance from my Mother! (Ch. 20). Thus Taoism offers him a rationalization of his revolt against the Confucianist ritualism and high conformism. It also gives him a sense of security when he deviates from Confucianism by "preferring what is within to what is without” (Ch. 72), and by attacking the traditional conception of "virtue," ”humanity,” "morality," ”ceremony” (Ch. 38). In addition, in the Confucianist system there is another SOurce of tension and frustration which can never be adequately relieved; that is the mandarin system itself. Every Con- fucianist's goal is to become a mandarin system itself. Every Confucianist's goal is to become a mandarin (or a func- tionnaire in modern terminology). But the means to attain that widely cherished goal is very limited. Only few can pass the numerous examinations in order to become mandarins. 109 The discrepancy between the value of the goal and the avail- ability of the means results in alienation.l These feelings of alientation are then translated into such ideas as (l) rejection of the value of education, (2) revolt against the traditional teachers, and (3) repudiation of the legitimacy of the mandarin system itself. Again, Taoism offers a well- organized thought system for rationalizing these tendencies of alienation. For instance, Lao Tzu teaches that know— ledge is bad, the source of confusion, Therefore, the Sage's way of governing begins by Emptying the heart of desires, Filling the belly with food, Weakening the ambitions, Toughening the bones. In this way he will cause the peOple to remain without knowledge and without desire, and prevent the knowing ones from any ado (Ch. 3). OP In the old days, those who were well versed in the practice of the Tao did not try to enlighten the people, but rather to keep them in the state of simpli— city. For, why are the people hard to govern? Because they are too clever! (Ch. 65). As for the traditional sages, they are completely discredited by Lao Tzu, and seen as the main source of misery for the peOple. He asks them to "drop wisdom, abandon cleverness, and the people will be benefited a hundredfold" (Ch. 19, see also Ch. 22). The final coup deigrace delivered to the Confucianist is the Taoist attack against the mandarin system. The mandarins are supposed to be the "father and ‘_ lRobert Merton, Social Theory and Social Structugg, (Glencoe, Illinois: Free Press, l9n9), pp- 125—149- ‘1' 110 mother" of the peOple. For Lao—Tzu, they are the source of calmities to the peOple. These triple attacks relieve the feelings of frustration among the group of failing students. Yet because of these, Taoism is not forgiven by the successful mandarins. That is why Taoism was not considered serious subject-matter under the ancient regime. This does not prevent its widespread pOpularity among the masses, even among mandarins who dissatisfied with their system do not hesitate to embrace Taoism as a means of escape. Unfortunately, the Taoist reaction which somewhat relieves the anomic potentiality generated by Confucianism is pushed to the other extreme when it preaches mass ignorance and total dissociation from the social life. Its anrchist instructions against Confucianist totalitarianism are so excessive that, instead of becoming a primer for the establish— ment of a reasonable laissez—faire regime, they Open the way for a brutal dictatorship without such humane restraint as are found in the Confucianist system. As a matter of fact, they gave rise to the "legalist school" which prepared the ground for the establishment of the Ch'in empire whose works consisted of burning all the books except Ch'in law books, medicine books and astrology books. Since all values, all social decadence, nothing remains to prevent the rise of power for the sake of power alone. The inhumane dictatorship J. 6.., '"x 'r s ‘1‘ in. V.- 5n i._ ‘l ,1 (I) (I! "1 p 1“ 'lg" 1. ill of Emporor Ch'in illustrates this dangerous direct consequences of Taoist School.1 We have seen that Taoism is the Opposite of Confucianism, almost point by point. Yet these two schools of thought, or two religions, not only co—exist peacefully within a country, but are also simultaneously accepted. A Confucianist is paradoxically also a Taoist. Nguyen Binh Khiem, the well- known Taoist in Vietnamese history was also a Confucianist scholar. In pure logic, a Confucianist could not accept Confucianism. This paradoxical state of mind is indeed only apparent. In terms of social integration, the authori— tarian system of Confucianism and the anomie—inclined system of Taoism are diametrically opposite: one stresses conformity, the other tends to social dissolution. Yet in terms of psychological predisposition, they are but two faces of the same coin. According to Durkheim, over conformity and the tendency toward extreme social isolation are two aspects of the general anomic tendency: the "altruistic suicide” characterized by total dissolution of the self into the social SVstem, and the "egoistic" and "anomic” suicide characterized by compulsive escape from social life.2 Recently, a number of researches have thrown some light onto that seemingly paradoxical fl lSee H. G. Creel, "The totalitarianism of the Legalists," Chinese Thought from Confucius to Mao Tse—Tung, (Chicago: the University of Chicago Press, 1953), p- 139- 2Emile Durkheim, Suicide, a Study in Sociology, Translated by J. A. Spaulding and George Simpoon (Glencoe, Illinois: Free Press, 1951), pp. 171-276. .a5 . v ~..a o-v b; «\v 5.. 4.. aaa nuw . . aid '6 r' u,‘ 112 socio—psychological phenomenon. An individual who has under— gone a restrictive and authoritarian socialization process tends to have an ambivalent attitude toward authority. He is constantly torn by two Opposite tendencies: once—conven« tionalism, overconformity——is in the direction of extreme social integration, the other--rebellion and alientation—“is in the direction of anarchism and social isolation which results from an unhealthy distrust of others and a strongly cynical outlook.l These two Opposite tendencies have found their route of escape in Confucianism and Taoism. We may say that Confucianism is the conscious level of the psycholoe gical predispositions of the Vietnamese, and Taoism the unconscious level of their psychological predispositions.2 Conclusion In this chapter I have tried to demonstrate that the national character of a country—-hence the political Orientation of its e1ite--can be partially explained by its value system and ethical foundation. In the case of Vietnam, Confucianism and Taoism have considerable influence on the formation of the socio—political thought pattern of the Vietnamese elite. Their life ideal is harmony. The concern lDurkheim, Suicide. . ., op. cit., Ch. 20A, pp. 152—275. 2See, T. W. Adorno, et al., The Authoritarian Personality, op. cit.; Erich Fromm, Escape from Freedom, O . cit., p. 158. Milton Rokeach, The Open and Closed Mindi_pp. 75-78; Edward L. McDill, "Anomie, Authoritarianism,IPrejudice, and Socio- gggnomic status: an Attempt at Clarification?“ op. cit. , _ 2&5; H. H. Roberts and M. Rokeach, "Anomie, Authoritarianigfi 239 and Prejudice: a Replication,". op. cit-. pp. 355—358.. ’ .0 (a 113 for harmony become sometimes an unhealthy compulsion toward conformism, and on the other hand anomic withdrawal and rebellion (at least on the unconscious level). In practice these contradictory tendencies result in general submissive— ness with outbursts of social and political rebellion. In the modern ideological context, they push the individual either in the direction of rugged individualism or that of overwhelming collectivism. CHAPTER III THE ANTI—DEMOCRATIC TENDENCY IN THE VIETNAMESE CULTURE Introduction In the last chapter I presented a general sketch of the ethical foundation of the Vietnamese culture, and showed its anti-democratic nature. But, I suggest, socialization into an authoritarian culture does not necessarily result in the development of an authoritarian personality. This Chapter will examine the relationship between cultural and personal authoritarianism. We Will, first, compare Vietnamese students who have been raised in an authoritarian culture with English and American samples who have been socialized into a more democratic enVironment. Secondly, we will study the relationships between authoritarianism and several cultural, social, and economic fac:;;s which constitute part of the "underdevelopment syndrome." Originally I had planned to use two distinct scales to measure the variable of authoritarianism: the Dogmatism Scale constructed by Rokeach, which measures the psychological force underlying anti—democratic tendency; and a special scale constructed for the Vietnamese students to measure 11A “I A; $ 115 anti—democratic behavior. The use of two independent scales should have yielded some estimate of validity. Unfortunately, the data collected by means of the second scale were "lost" on the way to this country. Thus due to the present circum- stances in Vietnam (which are not favorable to political survey research) the Dogmatism Scale is the only means available to measure anti-democratic tendency. The validity of the Dogmatism Scale has been well established in the American pOpulations; we are forced to assume that it also measures authoritarianism in Vietnamese culture. Since this assumption could not been validated, the findings pre— sented in this paper must be considered with great caution. Another methodological problem which is among the most serious ones faced by cross—cultural researchers is that of translation. The Dogmatism Scale is in English. It has to be translated into Vietnamese for the Vietnamese subjects. A translated version of a scale can never have the same meaning as that of the original version. A "literal" translation which uses Vietnamese words corresponding as closely as possible to the English terms risks conveying item-meanings inaccurately because words do not have the same connotations in the two languages. On the other hand, a "free" translation which attempts to convey the meanings Of the American items without using the same terms leaves per- haps too much to the Judgment of the translator and thus may be biased. Faced with these alternative sources of error, I 116 have compromised between literal and free translation. For the cross-cultural comparisons I use literal translations slightly modified to avoid obvious distortions of meaning. For "intra—cultural" comparison I use items translated by both methods. For each item difficult to translate literally I have added two or three versions in free and culturally more meaningful translation. In analysis, I have used the "best" version (or versions), i.e., those having the highest discriminatory power. The main questions discussed in this chapter are: 1. How authoritarian are the Vietnamese students as compared to American and English samples? 2. How is Confucianism related to authoritarianism? In particular, I will discuss: a. Confucianist familism b. Familism and authoritarianiSm c. Status—consciousness d. Status—consciousness and authoritarianism 3. How is Westernization related to authoritarianism? How Authoritarian Are the Vietnamese Students? "Authoritarianism," writes H. H. Dubs, "has been one fundamental characteristic of Confucianism through all the ages."1 If the ethical foundations of a culture are author— itarian, are the peOple authoritarian? The answer to this 1H. H. Dubs, Hsuntze, The Moulder of Ancient Confucian— ififl, Op. cit., p. xxviii. 117 question is tentatively presented here by comparing the Dogmatism mean score of the Viet mean Dogmatism score of Vietnamese students with those of American and English samples. The translated version of the Dogmatism Scale, Form E, was administered to a group of students of Saigon University. The Vietnamese data were compared to those American and English data collected by Rokeach.1 A one— tailed tetest was used. The findings are presented in Table 3.1. Table 3.1 shows that Vietnamese college students in Saigon are much more authoritarian than even English workers. From this, we are tempted to draw the generalization that Vietnamese culture when compared to those AnglovAmerican worlds tends to generate greater authoritarian tendency. However, we cannot be certain whether it is the backward economic state of Vietnam which breeds this antivdemocratic tendency as Seymour Martin Lipset would argue,2 or whether, as others have claimed, it is the Confucianist system which is responsible.3 The cross—cultural method, while giving us general profiles of cultures, does not eXplain what mechanisms within each culture account for observed differences between lRokeach, The Open and Closed Mind, op. cit., p. 90. 2Lipset, Political Man, op. cit., p. 45—76. 3Dean, The Nature of the Non—Western World, op. cit., 98; Dubs, Hsuntze, The Moulder of Ancient Confucianism, op. §%E-, p. xxviii; Francis L. K. Hsu, Under the Ancestor‘s adows (New York: Columbia University Press, 1958), p“ 256-278. 0’6 3J4..;~.1. J7. A .u a ..L.,:__,,_..p.-v a .> -~ ~ _~iu:~?‘«cfiv «9 an ix; it 1 .n~.\v\<.\c 118 .om .Q ..uHo .mo “new: Ummoao paw Como one acowmxom couHHz mom nmosopo cmoHLmE< pew nmfiawcm mo mmpoom cams on» com H mooo.vQ _om.mm m.mwl o.nm o.m:H mm .>HCD mpmum ofico mooo Va mo.m: 3.0m: o.mm m.msa so astute: gmfiawcm mooo Va om.om :.mm: m.mm m.mma om mwmaaoo gmfiawem o.mm m.mom mmm .sfic: somfimm Apmmp msam> m memos .Q.m cmmz z dsopm Umafimpumcov cmmzpmn a mocmpmmmwa .masoew nmfiawcm new CMOHLmE< msowhm> on UmLMQEoo mm mmchSpm mmmEdeoH> @o mmhoom Emfiumemop CM®EII.H.M mqmm Essa .husp pLOQQsm who .smpmsm xa-es was mews . . . w.-% ompcmpxm mcu Ho wcH m .. 1 1 whopmflm wsopmao 1 . umomfiz .mhmngLm .mhmcpowm ) mceusoo mzmgdmz mmflocz Looao hmmcsow mucous. resound 11:11-1 .a. IUCMLH; moo.anm oma.anm moo.anm mwo.anmlli mam.anm com. . k - . um mea.um. i _ mma.a sss.sum i llllllll. smo.mum - www.mim . sss.mmw 1 :wfi.mnlx ><1 mom.mu ' ‘I’ b 130 reduced,a1most to the level of that of the parents. The weak— ening of the authority of the elders is also shown in the tendency of the individual to liberate himself from their authority. The reaction toward disobedience is not strong when compared to the reaction against disrespect. In other words, the Vietnamese students are more inclined to pay lip service in submitting themselves to the authority of their elders. They still respect them, but they are less motivated to obey them, (see Table 3.6). In general, there is evidences that attitudes toward the extended family system are not uniform. They are more or less concentrated around the nuclear family circle. On the other hand, they vary from one sub-culture to another. Familism has a slight positive correlation with monthly income level of the parents. This correlation (r: .132) gives little support to the hypothesis advanced by Hsiao—tung Fei that "the big family (or the house) system and the clan are the gentry's organi- zations."1 Familism is also found to be positively correlated with educational level of the father as measured by the amount of his knowledge, of a foreign language (Chinese, French, and English). It is positively correlated with the amount of know— ledge of French and English, with coefficients of correlation L l"Peasantry and Gentry: An Interpretation of Chinese Social Structure and Its Changes," American Journal of Sociology, V01. 52 (1956), pp. 1-17. 131 TABLE 3.6.--The differences between reactions against dis- obedience and disrespect toward elders. (N = 201) Cantho High School Students. P Respect Obedience two tail Elders M S.D. M S.D. Diff. t test ‘ .611 .817 2.955 1.006 .656 7.208 p<.001 LA) Parents Grand Parents 3.661 .710 3.019 1.053 .642 7.133 p<.001 .855 .850 2.119 .992 .736 8.000 p<.001 |\) Uncles Older Brothers 2.164 1.043 1.701 .992 .463 4.585 p<.001 Elder Cousins 1.452 1.043 1.104 .961 .348 4.630 p<.001 TABLE 3.7.--Simple correlations of familism with socio- economic status as measured by income level, the amount of knowledge of Chinese, French, English, and the number of years spent in the rural areas. (N=131, Cantho High School Students). Familism Correlated With r Significance Level Income .132 .lO>p>.05 Chinese .000 NS French -l35 .lO>p>.05 English .189 .05>p>.01 -.061 NS Years in countryside 132 respectively .136, and .189. Interestingly, familism is not correlated with the amount of knowledge of Chinese (r = -.00006l). It is also insignificantly correlated with the number of years spent by the subjects in ruralareas(r'= -.06l). (See Tables 3.7) In short, the extended family system in Vietnam during this transitional period exhibits some signs of beginning disintegration. Even though it is still regarded as a legitimate institution, its authority is being undermined in practice. The speed of this process varies with different social classes. It. is highest among poor families in the urban area of Cantho. Paradoxically, the familistic norms are well respected in the so—called Westernized families: the more the father knows the Western languages (English, French), the more traditionalistic are the children. This fact might be interpreted as an indica- tion that in uneducated and poor families, the children are 1 alienated from the social system. This rejection of the familistic system might be one of several forms of rebellion against the society itself. Because of differential sociali— zation and environment, certain individuals are more "familistic” ‘ 1It has been found,at least in the U.S.A., that alienation, or anomie, is more frequent and higher among the people of the lower class than the upper class. See for instance, D. L. Meier, Wendell Bell, "Anomia, and Differential Access to the Achieve- ment of Life Goals," American Sociological Review, 24, (1959), pp. 189-202. Wendell Bell, "Anomie, Social isolation, and the class structure," Sociometry, Vol. 20, (1957), pp. 105-116. E. H. Mizruchi, "Social Structure and Anomia in a Small City," American §gciological Review, Vol. 25, 1960, pp. 645-654. 133 than others. We shall see how this difference is related to the anti-democratic tendency as measured by the Dogmatism Scale. Familism and Anti—Democratic Tendency Social scientists and sinologists have hypothesized that the Confucianist system is the breeding ground of authori— tarianism. This hypothesis is partly supported by the findings that a sample of Saigon University students are more authori— tarian than American and English college students, even more authoritarian than English workers. With the Familism Scale and the translated version of the Dogmatism Scalel we will examine the relationship between the degree of commitment to the Confucianist familistic values, and authoritarianism. Since familism has been found to be correlated with other socio—economic factors, we will use partial correlations to test the hypothesis of a relationship between Familism and Dogmatism. In computing the partial correlation coeficient between Familism and Dogmatism, we hold constant all socio- economic variables, i.e. numbers of years spent in the rural area, income, and education level of the parents (knowledge of foreign languages). The findings for the Cantho High School sample are shown in Table 3.8. k 1The item analysis, and reliability of the translated version of the Dogmatism Scale are included in the Appendix. In intra-cultural studies, a 43-item translated version of the Dogmatism Scale is used. In the above cross—cultural study, the translated version of the Dogmatism Scale, D Form (Ho itiuis) was used. 134 TABLE 3.8.-—Partial correlations between authoritarianism as the dependent variable, and familism, income, parental know- ledge of Chinese, French, and English, and number of years in the countryside as independent variables (Cantho High School students, N = 131, df = 124, two—tailed test). _ Partial . F Significance Independent Variables Correlation 6,124 Level Familism —.O42 .222 NS Income -.207 5.584 p<.001 Chinese -.207 5.581 p<.001 French --l46 2.733 .05>p>.01 English -.036 .168 NS Yrs. in countryside '.014 .027 NS lDogmatism is correlated to each of the six independent variables while the remaining 5 independent variables are held constant. 135 Among Cantho students, it appears that familism is not related to authoritarianism. However, we are still not in the position either to reject or accept the hypothesis that familism breeds authoritarianism. The relationship between familism and authoritarianism may be more complex than linear. As we have indicated previously, in this transitional period between individualistic independence and familial dominance, alienated individuals tend to reject the whole social system and with it the familistic system; yet at the same time it has been found that alienation is positively related to authori— tarianism—-at least with American samples.l Thus, those who strongly reject the well-established extended family system are likely to be authoritarian. It is not surprising, then, that the Chinese and Vietnamese Communists have develOped a strong hate for their familistic institution. On the other hand, if the hypothesis of the previously mentioned social scientists and sinologists about the authoritarian nature of the Con- fucianist extended—family system is correct, those who have a favorable attitude toward that system are also authoritarian. The authoritarian individual torn by those two opposite tendencies consequently tends to behave unpredictably. 1Alan Roberts and Milton Rokeach, "Anomie, Authoritarian- ism, and Prejudice: A Replication," The American Journal of §gciology, Vol. 61 (January 1956). pp. 355-585 Edward L. M09111. "Anomie, Authoritarianism, Prejudice, and Socio-economic Status: An Attempt at Clarification," Social Forces, Vol. 39 (1961), pp- 239-245- 136 The three other partial correlations are very significant. Wealth is negatively correlated with authoritarianism. So is parental education. (See Table 3.8). Among Vietnamese students in America, familism is also found to be uncorrelated with dogmatism. The same previous interpretation is applicable in this case. (See Table 3.9). Thus, we have adequate evidence showing that familism is not correlated with dogmatism. In line with the above interpretation (authoritarian subjects tend to strongly conform to familistic values or to strongly reject them), this low correlation may be due to the curvilinear relationship between dogmatism and familism, and the regression line may take the form shown in Figure 4. In order to test this hypothesised U—shaped relationship between familism and authoritarianism) we compute the new coefficient of correlation on the basis of the following equation: Y =f(X—X)2 in which Y is the dogma- tism score, X is the familism score, and I Lsthe meanfendlism score of the sample. The partial correlation technique is also employed. Table 3.10 shows that the hypothesis is only partly supported. Thus among Cantho students, there is no relationship between familism and dogmatism. In contrast, among Vietnamese exchange students in America, the relation— ship between familism and dogmatism is parabolic, i.e. an authoritarian student either tends to conform (conventionalism) or to reject (alienation) the familistic values. If familism is not found to be conclusively related to authoritarianism, we wonder whether the three components of 137 TABLE 3.9.--Partial correlation between dogmatism as the dependent variable and familism, numbers of years in USA, and parental income as independent variables (Vietnamese exchange students in Americag. N = 59, df = 55, two-tailed test). Independent Variables F Dogmatism r 3,55 Significance Level Familism .065 .239 NS Years in USA —.330 6.471 p<.001 Income .019 .021 NS High Low ; FAMILISM Low X High FIGURE 4.-—Hypothesized U—shaped relationship between familism and dogmatism. me..a smm.m . mm ms mm mam. am assesssm mmcmnoxm m2 8 n «J l mz moo. n :ma mm :ma Noo.| ama mucouspm ogpcmo Hm>mq m an L z moadswm monOHchme .pcmpmcoo pawn mum Adsopw pcmespm Hoocom swam ocpcmo on» now mufimzpuczoo on» Ca memo» was .dsopw pchSpm mwcmgoxm Lou ¢mb CH mumps .cofiumOspm HmpCmpmo .mEOOCHV mpopomm Hmoawoaofioom pmspo mafia; manmfipm> pcmccmomncfi on».smfiafismm new mammeem> peoncmdmo one mm Emflumswop spas Emfipmswop 6cm Emfiaasmm cmmmeo denmCOHpmHmp OHHOQmemts.oa.m mqmp>.05 English .014 .026 NS Yrs. in countryside .035 .154 NS 141 filial piety of now-a—days means the support of one's parents. But dogs and horses likewise are able to do something in the way of support;-—without reverence [i.e., kiphj what is there to distinguish the one support given from the other?"1 For the Vietnamese students in USA, the findings are somewhat different, but not uneXpected. Table 3.12 shows that the more obedient the subject, the more authoritarian he is. Among Cantho High School students, this relationship exists in the same direction, but is not significant. On the other hand, the negative correlation between ”respect" and ”authori- tarianism" found in the Cantho High School sample still per- 2 sists somewhat in the US—exchange students. The "support" Ivariable is not significantly related to authoritarianism among the US—exchange student group. These differences may be due to sample fluctuations or due to differences in social- ization. Further research is needed to investigate the effects of Western acculturation on attitudinal changes. These differences in attitudes toward the extended family system between the authoritarian subjects and the democratic subjects can be analyzed directly in the following manner. The score that a subject assigns to each item represents the strength of his indignation over disobedience, disrespect, and failure to support relatives. The order of priority of the three familistic obligations depends on the relative emphases put on them in each family. For example, if a subject is socialized to believe that 142 TABLE 3.12.--Partia1 correlations between authoritarianism as dependent variable, and obedience, respect, support, in— come, years in USA as independent variables. (Vietnamese exchange students in USA, N = 59, df = 53, two-tailed test). Independent F Significance Variables Partial correlation 5,53 Level Obedience .298 5.185 p>.OOl Respect —.l70 1.581 .05>p>.10 Support -.O21 .025 NS Yrs. in USA —.383 9.132 p>.OOl Parents' Inc. .048 .124 NS 143 is more important than respect, the strength of his indignation toward disobedience as greater than toward disrespect. The dif- ferences of the strentth of the reactions toward these three obligations are the differences between the Obedience Score, ReSpect Score, and Support score. Thus, for each subject, three new scores are computed: reaction-strength differences. between Obedience and Respect, Obedience and Support, and Respect and Support. In order to avoid negative scores, a constant (2) is added to each differential reaction score. Tables 3.13, 3.14, and 3.15 show the relationships between authoritarianism and differential reactions toward the three familistic obligations. As shown in Table 3.13, the more democratic a person, the greater is his indignation reaction toward disrespect than toward support. The authoritarians, on the contrary, are more related to their relatives through financial ties than through emotional ties. tated differently, the authoritarians in general are as familis ic as the democratics. The only difference between them is that the authoritarians are more emotionally uprooted from their extended families than the democraticsgnniartificialnmans (money) is used to relieve the feelings of loneliness and insecurity resulting from this emotional uprootedness. Table 3.13 shows another difference in attitudes toward the extended family system among authoritarian and democratic subjects. Authoritarian subjects tend to react more strongly 144 TABLE 3.13.-—Partial correlation between respect—support reaction difference as dependent variable, and dogmatism, income, Chinese, French, English, and years in countryside as independent variables. (Cantho High School students, N z 131, df = 124, two-tailed test.) Partial Correlation Significance Independent Variables with (R—S) I476,124 Level Dogmatism - 222 6 452 p (.001 Income - 111 1.565 .05 w (I) :3 C (t s... F are well—adjusted members of is undergoi g disintegration during the tnntai-i;hul fefioj. In summary, the relationship between and authoritarianism is more com lei than is usually thought. During the transitional period the old normative system is CFp~ ken down and a new normative system has not yet seen assaillgy~ Social values are confused, the individual is normatively disoriented, and sometimes feels emotionally uprooted. This feeling of emotional uprootedness induces him to react in an authoritarian manner, i.e. to overconform to the old normativ: system or to reject it, to adhere to the tranditional values ritualistically (obey, support) without emotional involvement. examine another cnara ‘ristic oi ConIuCienism-— (I) M "v .0 - *1 n‘a/J .LEL L4 0 (‘1 (T‘ status consciousness—-and inxe st: gate the hypothesized relation- ship between ConIucianism and Author itarianism Iro m another psint of View. Status—Consciousness as an Independent Variable Confucius has said that the Iirst thing to do in a scc1al and political reIorm pr; gram is ”to rectify names,"1 ‘at tne status system must be well—dirlerentiated and maintained. nis doctrine has become part of tne Vietnamese culture, and is de:,;, ingrained in the Vietnamese language itsel . The very structure c: Vietnamese gram at reliects a strong tendency to assign to every person a dEIlflite status in the soc1al hierarchy. For instance, in Vietnamese personal pronouns and '4 adjective \. r Q N. \4‘_ (I) essives are considerably inlluenced by this traditional status—consciousness A student of Vietnamese linguistics writes: ”We Wish to emphasize strongly that mes: v \ fietnamese 'personal pronLuns' carry not only tne meaning :I "n.' ‘ . .1', . ',- A T . .— ‘ .4, —— (4. ‘ f- .-- Y'2 .. substitution, but also and cnieIiy that oi status. it is rather inaccurate to describe as ”personal pronouns" the I; ",1 -. (I. ‘I Vietnames terms which are usually translated into Engli 1, you, he, she, it, we, they, etc. in a sens e, Vietnamese has no "personal pronouns," it does ha/ e a Iew gL asi—pro— nouns most 01 whign (except see: are not commonly used \e g h—n —— —-. ~ ‘1 a "* " N ‘\ Analects, BOOK Xiil, thatter 3. 2 , - Nguyen Dinh Hoa, ngpai_agg_§:n—Verbal iatterns cI Hggpect BEhaVLCF in Vietnamese Society, Doct torai Thesis ~hew York: New Yorx University, l950;, p. 29» 1M9 $21, no, etc.) and which are still carry with them their original meanings (pg; means EEEXEEE: go is probably derived from pg which means phat_gne, etc.). All other terms usually translated as personal pronouns are really nouns, mostly borrowed from the nomenclature of family relationships. It is evident that these terms are not personal pronouns, for when taken out of context it is impossible to determine whether they refer to the first, second, or third person in the sense of Indo-European grammar. gnh which means brgphe: can be translated as l, he, :33 according to the context in which it is found. Similarly, 222 which means egg in English can function as either a first, second, or third person pronoun. ’X' / Qhu (uncle), go (gang), em {younger brother or ypunger siste and other kinship terms are similarly used. The reason for this state of linguistic underdevelopment of personal pronouns (and by the same token, possessive and demonstrative adJectives and pronouns) is the strong concern about status in the Vietnamese culture. A personal pronoun is H H by nature more or less status-free; for instance you can be applied to the PreSident of the United States as well as to a Janitor. A status-conscious people would therefore avoid personal pronouns or similar status-free terms as inapp cpriate to social relations. For the same reason, relative or possessive pronouns as well as possessive adjectives are non— existent in the Vietnamese language- There is no way to translate directly such English terms as ”who," "whom," "which," 150 "mine," "my," ”your," "yours," etc. These terms are even more "status—free" than personal pronouns; and that is why they are entirely lacking while the personal pronoun category is only underdeveloped in the Vietnamese language.i This linguistic peculiarity of the Vietnamese language can be utilized to construct a scale which measures commitment to the traditional status system whose close relationship to the family system is documented by the Ikinship) meanings of 'u the terms used to designate status positions. This is, thus, another measure of traditionalism, similar but not identical to the Familism Scale. The test consists in eliciting reactions to two versions of a story, identical in all respects except the status connota— tions of the Vietnamese terms used in the positions of personal pronouns and possessive adjectives. The Semantic Status Scale is constructed as follows: The following are biographical sketches of two persons Please try to judge the character of each person on the basis of facts revealed in the text that I am going to read to you. To help your evaluation, eight scales are Because of the lack of these terms, translation of a Western language into Vietnamese is very difficult. For example, this sentence "His car is red, hers is green,” when translated, would sound like this ”the car of that brother (33a anh ay) is red, the car of that sister (cua chi ay) is green.” If it happens that the man who has the red car is old, anh ay (that brother) is no longer proper; gag ay, or SEE Q1 (that grand father, that uncle) should be used instead. 151 drawn on your answer sheet. Look at the first one as an example. If you think that the person is very intelligent, make a checkmark as follows: / . . . INTELLIGENT FEEBLE—MINDED If, on the contrary, you think that he is very feeble— minded, place the checkmark On the right end . . / INTELLIGENT FEEBLE—MINDED In other words, the more certain you are that the person is intelligent the closer to the left end you should put your checkmark. And on the other hand, the more certain you are that the person is feeble—minded the closer to the right end you should put your checkmark. Now listen carefully: "Scan" (the name of a Vietnamese boy) was run over by a car in Tu—Do street in Saigon last month. He (no) was seriously wounded. They carried him (n9) to the hospital. To establish his (cua no) identity, they looked into his (cua no) pockets, they found his (gu§_gg) identification card carrying the number 89M838. It was also found that .he (ng) was born in My—tho. His Igga_pp) parents sent him (g9) to Saigon to study. He tag) was 25 years old. (After reading this paragraph, the experimenter waits for a while, then reads another story.) By coincidence, "Toan" was also run over by a car in Tu—Do street in Saigon last month. He (anh ay) which literally means "the older brother”) was also seriously wounded. They carried him (anh ay) to the hospital. To establish his (cua anh ay) identity they looked into his (cua app gy) pocket, they found his (cua anh ay) identification card carrying the number 9858§57 Surprisingly enough, he (anh ay) was also born in My—tho. His (cua anh ay) parents sent him (anh ay) to Saigon to study. He (anh ay) was 25 years old. The two stories are almost similar, even the name has the same sound and the same status-indifferent connotation. The only important change in the second text is the use of different personal pronouns and adjectives which are of higher status than those used in the first text. then told to check the following scales twice, once for Soan. The subjects are once for Toan, INTELLIGENT FEEBLE—MINDED HARD WORKING LAZY NICE OBNONIOUS HONEST. DISHONEST TRUSTWGRTHY TREAGHEROUS WEALTHI POOR "GOOD SON" "BAD SON" PATRIOTIC UNPATRIOTIC The score given by each subject to Toan, and Soan on each scale vary from 1 to 9. The semantic-status sub—scale score for each of eight characteristics is the score given to Soan minus the score given to Toan plus a constant of 9 (to avoid negative scores). The general semantic—status score is the total of eight semantic-status sub-scale scores. The item ####_,__i __________j------IIII.-.-...-..... 153 analysis of the semantic-status scale is presented in Table 3,16- The corrected split—half reliability coeficient is ,auu. The means of each item of the total group show some interesting patterns. The maximum score for each item is 17, and the minimum score for each item is 9. The above table shows that wealth and patriotism are the main criteria for status distinction. Wealth, according to Confucianist traditions, is not an important determinant of status. A wealthy person might be categorized as t;gg:phu ("uneducated rich"), and a trocephu is not as highly regarded as a poor farmer. As for patriotism, the recent history of the Vietnamese resistance movement has evidenced it is more frequent to find poor and low—status farm boys dying bravely than high—status individuals. The most discriminatory characteristic is intelligence. Intelligence in Vietnam is associated with erudition. Probably it is due to the strong traditions of mandarinism: a mandarin--a well—educated civil servant-—has always been regarded as occupying the highest status no matter how poor or rich he is. Status-Consciousness and Anti—Democratic Tendency Using the Semantic—Status score as a measure of status consciousness, and correlating it with the Dogmatism score, we find that there is no significant correlation. However, there are some significant correlations With other variables. The negative significant correlation between parental knowledge 154 .mmHQEMm mm rflgficwfim mamma pom 00m>flpomommn m . H®>®H Dcmo Lama mm m can 30.0 no m.m H pom m one ocommo pcmo Gazpaz mCH map cmzp poem damp wmpoom m>m£ on: mmocp mm m3 .ummptm Umaflmpxmco m mnezoaoemm .maflpumsw pmhflm who 04 mcp pcm .mmafiphmso Guano an monoom m>m£ on: mwosu mm pmcflmmp mam mgwfic one IIIIIIIIIII H 0_ - . . as m 00m m Hmm H smm.0 ~::.m 0mm.ma HOH.m H00.m capoaspmm 0mm.0 Hmm.m :mm.m 0a0.0 m:0.m 00H.ma 0am.m :mm.0a cow e000 mm0.m Ham.a 03H.m m0m.m mma.m 500.0H mam.m mam.m sapammz mw . . amphoz H 0 mm: m 000.a mmm.0 mam.m n00.0a :m0.m Hmn.0a [paste sma.m :0m.m H50.m s00.m 000.H 000.ma 0Hm.m Hmm.0a camcom >HH.0 0H0.0 0m0.a 00H.0 mma.m 000.ma 000.m 000.0H mafiz m00.m m0H.: 03H.m 000.0 mm:.m m0a.ma 0ma.m ~0N.HH pmxpoz esmm ema.a 0Ha.: m0H.m 0mm.m ~00.H mmm.ma 000 m mme.aa pcmmaafimch mm .aafia .0.m z .0.m z .0.m z msmpH mm u 2 mm H z HHH u z mzoq mgmflm QSOLU HmpoB a a ewflm ocpcmov .AmpCmUSpm Hoocom mamom mspmpmooapcmsmm was no mamsamcm EmpH¢:.0H.m mqmp>.005 lst Yr. French 29 213.896 31.227 17 607 2.96 .005>p>.0005 lst Yr. Chinese 29 215.931 34.933 l5.572 2.55 .Ol2p>.005 TABLE 3.19.-—Comparison of mean dogmatism scores of selected groups of Saigon students having one year's difference of education. Signifi— Groups N Mean S.D. Diff ?ance — level 1st Yr. NIA 61 211.278 3- 297 . 4.844 .68 p>.50 2nd Yr NIA 23 206.434 29.595 lst Yr. English 26 216.38u 36.150 2nd Yr. English 64 212.296 29.826 k 163 and to the direct exposure to a Western culture of the Viet- namese students in America (see Table 3.20). Summary In this chapter, the data we collected among groups of Vietnamese students in Vietnam and in America show that Vietnamese students exhibit a greater anti—democratic tendency, as measured by the Dogmatism Scale, than American and British subjects. The hypothesis that this high level of anti— demccratic tendency is generated by Confucianist values cannot be conclusively supported. There are some evidences that authoritarian subjects tend to be either strongly familistic or strongly anti—familistic, while democratic subjects have a more balanced attitude toward the extended—family system. When ramilism is broken down into its three main components, we find that for the authoritarians, the system has lost its legitimacy. This emotional defection (disrespect, bat:kin£; is replaced by submissive and ritualistic conventionalism (obedience and support). For the democratic subjects, their attitudes toward the extended family system are more liberal, yet emotionally uprooted. Probably, this emotional tie which is indispensable Ior indiVidual adjustment during the period of cultural disintegration has a "democratization” effect on the individual.1 For the authoritarians, emOtional relationships lErich Fromm, The Sane Society (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1955), pp. 27—66. lbd III." III mooo. a ao.s mam om mooo..a am.n Rom pt mooo. a N\.a aom.o; mooo. a om.a man an moo..a moo. m©.m 0:0.HN mooo.ta m:.: mam.nm Hm>mq m .HHaQ mommOHchme mmm.:m anm.mam m mmmcago .tw pma Num.am omn.mam mm custom .u» pma omm.mm gay man go cmaamcm .uw new oma.mm Jun 03 pm cmfiamcm .hw pma mam mm an:.oom .m «Hz .pw ecu Nam-an w~m.aam Ho mo won); owns Emantemad HQ magnum poououaao not an: Ca mucousom EcuflquEoQII.om.m mqmwfi 165 are replaced by financial and power—based relationships. They are consequently more "isolated," more "lonely," and more "uprooted" during this transitional period. This "un- bearable situation" may be the main factor causing their high authoritarianism.l While familism, in general, is not related to authori- tarianism, other sociological factors—-such as income, education, Westernization——have more or less significant effects on the develOpment or reduction of authoritarianism. The thesis of Lipset and others that authoritarianism results from backward— ness and ignorance finds consistent support. On the other hand, semantic status consciousness is not found to be related to authoritarianism. Probably language has no deep effect on the development of personality. In short, some general conclusions are tentatively advanced: l. Anti-democratic tendencies in Vietnam are not mainly due to the authoritarian structure of the traditional family system, but rather result from the disintegration of the traditional system and the consequent state of "uprooted- ness" of the peOple during the transitional period. 2. These tendencies are also related to socio—economic status level and the amount of exposure to Western influences. In the following chapter we will examine nationalism as another important component of the underdevelOpment syndrome. lErich Froom, Escape from Freedom (New York: Holt, Rine- hart and Winston, l95l),gnh IQO-IHI. ' CHAPTER IV NATIONALISM Introduction After World War II, the destruction of Western empires in Asis and Africa has given birth to a multitude of new nations. The process of "nation-building" as part of the socio—political change occurring in these countries is one of the daily concerns of peOple of the develOping areas. More often than not, it is accompanied by highly emotional outbursts which endanger world peace and drain develOpmental efforts. The threats of mutual destruction exchanged between the Indians and the Pakistanis, the Cambodians and the Viet— namese, the Israelis and the Arabs. . .highlight the explosive and widespread nature of nationalism. Internally, also, lnationalism, instead of being a driving force of economic development is sometimes a dissipating force, a cause of waste of capital and inefficient investment. Economic planning whose objective is the attainment of a higher standard of living is sometimes motivated by the need for national status symbols. In every develOping country, it seems the first "five-year plan" must include the construction of a hydro— electric dam or a steelemill, no matter how low the eXpected returns when compared to the exorbitantly high costs of 166 I67 construction. Sometimes such industrial plants are wanted only because they serve as symbols of industrialism and, as such, help to eradicate the humiliation of being a backward country.l Nationalism, a component of the underdevelOpment syndrome, has played an important role in international and national politics during the transitional period. Some of the questions we would like to answer are: What is the nature of nationalism? Does it grow out of traditional values, or is it a consequence of the Western impact? In other words, is it the result of the normative or of the psychological sociali- zation process? In addition, we want to know whether educatior, contact with the West, and economic status have any influence on nationalism. This chapter includes three main sections: 1. What is Nationalism? a. Two types of nationalism. b. Operational definition: scales, reliability. 2. Correlates of Nationalism a. Nationalism as a state of mind, the structural approach, nationalist ambivalence, intepre- tations. b. Nationalism and dogmatism. c. Nationalism and other sociological factors: self-glorifying nationalism, self—abasing nationalism. 3.Summary and conclusion. fl lSee M. Friedman, "Foreign Economic Aid: Means and ObJectives," The Yale Review, Vol. H7 (1958), p. 505. 168 What is Nationalism Hans Kohn terms nationalism "a state of mind."1 Analyzing this state of mind among developing nations, one foreign relations eXpert describes it in the following words: If the West gives aid, it will be feared for its imperialism; if it witholds aid, it will be denounced for its indifference. . .If it expresses no political preferences. . .it will be accused of siding with reaction and status—quo; if it supports progressive forces, it_ will be condemned for intervention. In other words, we are damned if we do and damned if we don't. This colorful, dramatic, and perceptive description of nationalism in develOping countries gives us some clues to its nature and its importance as an obstacle to the promotion of international understanding and COOperation. The most evident characteristic of nationalism is its irrationality. Nationalists are not aware of the contraditions in their thinking. For instance, attitudes toward the West are "fre- quently ambiguous, embracing the polar extremes of xenOphcbia and xenOphilia."3 Attitudes toward their own cultures are of the same character. It is a mixture of self-hatred and self- glorification, both pushed to the extreme. You English, writes Gandhi, who have come to India are not good specimens of the English nation, nor can we, lHans Kohn, Nationalism (New York: D. Van Nostrand, 1955), p. 9. 2R. c. North, "Asian Violence in a Cold War World," Eacific Spectator, Winter (1951), p. 12. _ 3Mary Motassian, "Ideologies of Delayed Industrializa— tion: Some Tensions and Ambiguities,” Economic DevelOpment and Cultural Change, Vol. 6 (1958), p. 219. 169 almost half-Anglicized Indians, be considered as good specimens of the real Indian nation. . ."1 This ambivalent attitude toward the nation with which the nationalist identifies sometimes becomes intolerable and turns itself into general hatred and agression. This strong feeling of national powerlessness is but the projection of the strong feeling of powerlessness and urgency inside the individual. One feature of the history of old Russia, writes Stalin, was the continual beatings she suffered for falling behind, for her backwardness. She was beaten by the Mongol khans. She was beaten by the Turkish beys. She was beaten by the Swedish feudal lords. She was beaten by the Polish and Lithuanian gentry. She was beaten by the Japanese barons. A11 beat her--for her backwardness: for military back— wardness, for cultural backwardness, for political backwardness, for industrial backwardness, for agricultural backwardness. She was beaten because to do so was profitable and could be done with impunity. That is why we must no longer lag behind. . . We are fifty or a hundred years behind the advanced countries. We must make good this distance in ten years. Either we do it, or they crush us. Sometimes this national aggressiveness becomes national paranota. The fear of losing national identity which is either debased or glorified by the nationalist becomes the greatest obstacle in international relations. During the Eleventh Conference of the Colombo Plan, Sukarno expressed this intense fear of being helplessly swallowed by the powerful, and frightening Western culture: lIbid., p. 220. 2Ibid, Joseph Stalin quoted, p. 222. 170 Do not think that assistance will produce a nation in your own image. . . Remember that in dealing with countries such as Indonesia you are dealing with a peOple whose interest, values, and requirements. . are products of our history, and environment. Make no mistake about it, please1 or all your invaluable efforts can go for nothing. In short, nationalism is an ambivalent state of mind concerning the status of the nation-state. The measure of nationalism used in this study takes cognizance of this ambivalent nature of nationalism. Two nationalism scales are constructed. The Self—Glorifying Nationalism Scale is intended to probe the nationalist attitudes which are projections of the self-aggrandizing tendencies onto the national plane. The other nationalism scale——the Self-Abasing Nationalism Scale--is intended to probe the nationalist attitudes which are projections of self-inadequacy onto the national plane. It is these two Opposite tendencies which give nationalism its ambivalent character. The items of these two scales are selected attitudes toward the three element constituting the nation—state: racial, geographical, and cultural. In the questionnaire sheet they are interspersed with items of other scales. The introductic of the scales is the same as that of the Dogmatism Scale. Sc are the answer form and the scoring method. That is, the responses can vary from "I AGREE VERY MUCH” to "I DISAGREE VERY MUCH." The score for each item has a minimum value of "1” (I DISAGREE VERY MUCH) to "7" (I AGREE VERY MUCH). ¥ 1The New York Times, November 12, 1958, p. 34. 171 The Self Glorifying Nationalism Scale 1. 10. ll. l2. 13. The Vietnamese culture is over 4,000 years old, thus it is much better than most of the Western cultures which are both younger and less spiritual. The first obligation of each citizen is to use all his efforts to enrich and prOpagate the noble cultural heri- tage that our ancestors have left to us. Our music is on the way toward extinction because foreign influence has been destroying its purely Viet- namese character. Vietnamese musicians should return to our cultural heritage as a source of inSpiration, and explore and pro- pagate the purely Vietnamese music rather than imitating Western music and creating a kind of "mongrel" music without any artistic value. The ultimate duty of a government is to make its country occupy the highest position of honor in the world at any price. Those Vietnamese who make their country ”lose face" in front of a foreigner should be severely punished. We are now classified as belonging to the group of back— ward nations because we have been the victims of the colonial policy of obscurantism. Fundamentally, the Vietnamese race is among the most intelligent, bravest, and the most energetic in the world. If it had not been dominated by the French, Vietnam would be a nation as rich and as powerful as Japan. Aid given by a world power is only a bait to lure small countries into its sphere of economic, cultural, and political control. The Vietnamese peOple should make all the necessary sacrifices in order not to receive foreign aid. The government should not let the French exploit Vietnamese soil, because Vietnam is no longer a French colony. Those Chinese who refuse to take Vietnamese citizenship should be expelled from Vietnam. If the Cambodians invaded Vietnam, I would be willing to give up my life to destroy these invaders. 172 Half of the Lao and Cambodian territory formerly belonged to Vietnam and was taken by the French and given by them to the Cambodian and Lao kings. Our government should Egypt has nationalized British and French firms; this was The culture of Vietnam has a feudalistic and primitive character and is not compatiable with the industrial The Vietnamese Civilization is poor and backward. It The music of the advanced countries has reached a pOint There is nothing to be said about the Vietnamese music. "Modern"music is full of awkward imitations, ”traditional" National honor is meaningless if the peOple have to The honor of the nation should not be put above the When a country has been conquered by a foreign power, this proves only that its inhabitants are stupid, lazy, Even though we have been exploited by the French, we must honestly admit the fact that during the colonial period the French contributed something to the economic and Receiving foreign aid from a great power is not a national "loss of face," but must be considered as a There are more advantages than disadvantages in receiving 14, send trOOps to Cambodia to take it back. 15. a wise action. The Self-Abasing Nationalism Scale 1. age. 2. has nothing to be proud of. 3. that our music can never attain. A . music is dull and repetitive; 5. starve and live a miserable life for it. 6 happiness of each citizen. 7- and cowardly. 8, cultural develOpment of our country. 9. precious chance of economic development. 10. foreign aid. 11. We should encouragerdtfiicountries to invest in Vietnam so that our unexploited resources can be put to use, and Vietnam become richer. 173 12. Rubber is the greatest resource of our country. The government should encourage and help all existing planters to develOp it without discriminating between Frenchmen and Vietnamese. 13. We must admit the fact that the Chinese in Vietnam have contributed something to the economic develOpment in our country. 14. Thailand and Cambodia are both silly in arguing about an old,valueless, small temple in the middle oftfluejungle at the risk of a war and mutual destruction. 15. If our neighboring countries' demands are not unreasonable, the government should make some compromises for the best of both countries. 16. The problem of Vietnam at the present time is shortage of capital and experts; thus we should encourage foreign industrialists to Open industrial plants in Vietnam. Only thirteen of the original sixteen items of each scale had discriminatory power high enough to be retained. Table 4.1 and 4.2 present the item analysis of each scale. The corrected split-half reliabilities of both scales are unfortunately not very high. Table 4.3 shows the co- efficient of reliability computed for three samples. One or more of the following three factors may be responsible for this low level of reliability: a. The scales may not be well—constructed. b. The respondent may either not have had consistent attitudes because of the ambivalent nature of their national- istic feelings, or 0. They may not want to reveal their real attitudes. Further research. :is needed to find the relative influence of each of these three factors in order to better our tools of measurement. l v 4.463 \/ E? l ) I L”) . 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"\ iczvo vlvvlb fiv- {I} E a (‘1 .i, I I v‘.“ dd“ Wf .- ._a v “A I’) “I [1' ,.,.,_. vv‘v 07‘ (V' 11] 176 TABLE 4.3.—-Reliability of the nationalism scales. Coefficient Scales Sample N of reliability Self-Glorif. Nat. Cantho High School 156 .627 Saigon NIA 85 .666 Vietnamese in US 59 .615 Self-Abasing Nat. Cantho High School 156 .683 Saigon NIA 85 .619 Vietnamese in US 59 .773 177 Correlates of Nationalism The proceeding discussion of the nature of nationalism has led us to some issues which deserve investigation. The first issue related to nationalism as "an ambivalent state of mind" was: is there one kind of nationalism or are there two? More specifically, are self-glorifying and self- abasing nationalisms different from one another? Do they constitute opposite ends of one and the same continuum, or do they constitute different dimensions? The second issue is somewhat related to the "content" of nationalism. Is nationalism related to traditionalism, or is it an eXpression of a personality characteristic, namely, authoritarianism? Or, put in develOpmental terms, does nationalism result from normative or from psychological socialization? Our final question deals with the effects of socio— economic factors on nationalism. If they exist, what are they? We will try to answer these questions with the data we have collected among Vietnamese students. 1. Nationalism as a "state of mind" I hypothesize that nationalism as "a state of mind” reflects the structural characteristic of the system of beliefs about the nation—state rather than the content of these beliefs. First, let us examine the generally accepted thesis that nationalism is only a set of beliefs related to a nation—state rather than a structural characteristic. If this thesis is 178 correct, we must eXpect some consistency in attitudes toward the nation—state. For instance, if a person believes that the culture of his country is the best in the world, he cannot simultaneously believe that the culture of his country has nothing to be proud of. If water is believed to be wet, it cannot be believed to be dry at the same time. The "content approach" to nationalism—-viewing nationalism as a set of consistent and favorable beliefs toward the nation-state——will consider as nationalists only those who overestimate the value, the potentialities, the strength, etc. Of their nation-state; those who take the opposite views toward their nation-state will be considered anti-nationalists; and the two will be considered totally different creatures.l By the sheer logic of the concepts, nationalism and anti-nationalism in the generally accepted sense can never coexist with each other. Yet, experience throws serious doubt upon this logic. Who is more aggressively international-minded than the Communists? Who are more communist than the Communist leaders themselves? Yet, communist leaders such as Stalin and Mao Tse Tung are no less concerned about their national interests, the prestige of their national cultures than are the most "reactionary" ele- ments. It appears that to the nationalist mind, water is at the same time wet and dry. The content approach in the study of 1See an example of the "content approach” in Karl W. Deutsch, Nationalism and Social Communication (New York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 1953), pp. 139-160. 179 nationalism can cover-only a limited range of cases, and it cannot eXplain the instances in which "les extremes se touchent." Because of the theoretical shortcomings of the "content approach," a "structural approach"1 seems preferable. The structural approach is more interested in the arrangement of beliefs toward the nation—state than in the beliefs them- selves. The content approach would be satisfied with the definition of nationalism in Webster's New World Dictionary (1960) as "devotion to one's nation; patriotism; excesssive, narrow, or jingoist patriotism; chauvinism." With the structural approach, a nationalist individual is defined as the one whose beliefs about his nation—state are (1) highly differentiated, and (2) highly isolated. First, he is a person who is very conscious of the status of his nation-state. Every incident is evaluated in terms of national status. His extreme concern about the relative status of his nation—state makes him over—conscious of the most insignificant differences in power and status between his country and others. In Lewin's and Rokeach's terms, his nation-state would occupy a place near the central area of his belief system, and thus have a considerable influence on other areas. Secondly, this area of his belief system has a high level of isolation. The nationalist is not uninformed; when his country is poor, he knows about its economic backwardness; when other countries are powerful, he ¥ lSee Milton Rokeach, "The Organization of Belief-Dis- belief Systems," The Open and Closed Mind, 0 . cit., pp. 31-53. 180 is aware of their power. His very over-consciousness about his nation-state increases his estimate of the gap in status or strength separating his country from others. Yet, at the same time, he wishes his country to be better, to be larger, to be greater, to be richer, to be more powerful than others. This wish is so strong that it becomes reality itself (autistic thinking); that is, it becomes another set of beliefs about his country, which is now seen as a glorious country rather than a backward one. Because of the high degree of isolation of the parts of his belief system, the two contradictory sets of beliefs about his nation-state do not interfere with one another. Yet the wall between them is fragile and constantly challenged by facts which he cannot reject. This creates tensions which drive him to do everything to improve the status of his nation-state in order to eliminate the dissonance The more he is conscious that his country is poor and backward, the more he wants to make it rich and advanced, and the more he believes that his country——or at least, his culture--is rich and advanced. Thus, what makes him believe his country is great is his awareness that other countries are greater than his. What makes him uncomfortable aware that other countries are greater than his is his extreme consciousness of the relative power and status of his country as compared to others. Thus it is inadequate to say that a nationalist is an individual who believes that his country is greater--at least morally-- than others. Rather, in this structural context, a nationalist 181 is an individual who is tOO much concerned about the relative power Of his country and Of other countries This structural approach to nationalism leads us tO expect that "nationalism" (in the usual sense of the word) and "anti-nationalism" (in the usual sense Of the word) do not necessarily correlate negatively with each other. In order to avoid the semantic confusion resulting from these two terms with their: Oppositew connotations, I prefer to call them "self— glorifying nationalism" and "self-abasing nationalism.” These are measured by means of the two scales mentioned above. The construction Of two separate scales Of nationalism implies that (1) there are two types of nationalism, and (2) they are not two faces of the same coin. They are two pre— dispositions which are more or less related to each other. In a word, self-glorifying nationalism is not just the Opposite Of self-abasing nationalism and vice-versa. As Table 4.4 shows, the correlation between these apparently opposite variables is not negative; on the contrary, it is significantly positive in two samples, and almost zero in the third sample. Our data adequately proves the ambivalence Of the nationalist's state of mind. Our structural approach has been found Of great value in the interpretation of this paradoxical phenomenon of human— behavior. Table 4.4 shows some interesting facts. Vietnamese students in America are less inconsistent in their nationalistic attitudes (r: —.007) than Saigon University students (r: .209), 182 TABLE 4.4.--Simple correlations between self-glorifying and self—abasing nationalism. Samples N r Signégigance Cantho High School 131 .251 p <.001 Sagion University 232 .209 p <.001 UN students in US 59 —.007 N.S. 183 and the latter more consistent than the Cantho High School students (r: .251). Certainly some of the last two groups contradict themselves by either agreeing or disagreeing with two sets Of contradictory items. Several factors may be responsible for these attitudinal inconsistencies. The following three are probably the most Obvious: a. The amount Of information related to the nation— state b. The level Of ambiguity of social norms concerning the nation-state c. The degree of compartmentalization Of the belief system. As for the first two factors, it has been demonstrated that when the stimulus—situation or the normative system are ambiguous, peOple tend to change their attitudes easily.l In other words, when the norms are conflicting and information unavailable, attitudinal inconsistencies are likely to occur. If this hypothesis is correct, the differences between the three groups Of students presented in Table 4.4 can be more easily understood. Students in Vietnam who have never been abroad certainly do not have the opportunity to make accurate estimates of the "gap" between their country and those of the West, yet they are aware Of their country's backwardness. The ambiguity Of their cognitive field increases their tendency to agree (double—agreement response set) with the items Of the questionnaire. 0n the other hand, Vietnamese students in —_ 1E. L. Walker and R. W. Heyns, An Anatomy For Conformity (Englewood Cliffs, N. J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1962), pp. 12—53. 184 America have received a greater amount Of first-hand informa- tion about their country as it compares to Che West. The backward state of Vietnamese economy cannot be overlooked because Of the striking evidences they see in the United States; consequently the double—agreement tendency is more minimized. As for normative ambiguity, there is also a difference between Vietnamese students in Vietnam and in the United States. Vietnamese society is under three influences: one from the West and the Westernized elite who believe that "nationalism" (in the usual sense of the word) is not ”pro- gressive"; one from the traditional elite stressing the value Of the nation-state; and finally one from the Communists who have mixed feelings toward the nation-state. This confusion Of social norms in Vietnam leads to normative uncertainty, and makes the double—agreement response—set more likely tO Occur. On the contrary, in the United States the Western influence predominates all others, and thus reduces normative ambiguity to a low level. The result is that Vietnamese students in America are less inconsistent about nationalism than the Vietnamese students in Vietnam because the situation is less ambiguous both factually and normativelyl for them. The third factor which is conducive to nationalistic inconsistencies-—compartmentalization Of the belief system-- 1Lee J. Cronbach, "Further Evidence on Response Sets and Test Design," Educational and Psychological Measurement, Vol. 10 (1950), p.—4, states that "response sets become most influential as items become difficult or ambiguous." 185 can be investigated directly. In using the Dogmatism Scale to measure it, we can hypothesize that if dogmatism is held constant, nationalistic inconsistencies will be reduced, i.e., the algebraic value Of the correlation between the two national— isms. will decrease. The findings in Table 4.5 support this hypothesis. When dogmatism is held constant, the coefficient of correlation between the two kinds of nationalism decreases considerably. The absolute value of decrease is .253 for Cantho High School students, .234 for Saigon University students, and .227 for exchange students in America. Thus, when the compartmentalization effect is cancelled, the corre- lation between the two kinds Of nationalism become negative as expected, but still of low value. This low value may be due to (l) the nature of the scales which are not truly Opposite, (2) the unwillingness Of the respondents to reveal their real attitudes, and (3) the ambiguity of the stimulus—situation and social norms related to the issue. The differences between the three correlation coefficients presented in Table 4.5 add some weight to our previous argument. In Cantho where isolation and normative ambiguity are highest, the students are more inconsistent in their nationalist attitudes; that is why the absolute value Of the coefficient Of correlation between the two nationalism scales as lowest (r: -.002). In Saigon, Western exposure and Western influence are higher; thus, uncertainty about the relative status Of Vietnam and the West is lower, and conse— quently the absolute value Of the correlation is higher. 186 TABLE 4.5.——Partia1 correlation between self-glorifying nationalism and self-abasing nationalism when dogmatism is kept constant. Significant Samples N r F3,N-4 Level Cantho High School 131 -.002 .001 N.S. Saigon University 232 -.025 .143 N.S. VN students in US 59 —.220 2.867 .05> p > .01 187 Vietnamese students in America who are more eXposed to Western contact and influence have the least ambiguous attitudes about nationalism; their consistency is shown by a negative correla- tion between the two nationalism scales. In general, we have found that nationalism as "a state of mind" is more complex than is usually thought. Apparently it is a contradictory state of mind. Yet, this state of mind is more or less "contradictory" depending upon several factors such as education, exposure to Western influences, and dogmatism. In the following we will examine the effect Of dogmatism more closely. Nationalism and Authoritarianism We have seen that dogmatism has the effect Of rendering the nationalist more likely to maintain contradictory beliefs regarding the position of his nation—state in relation to other nation-states. Now we examine the effect Of dogmatism on nationalist feelings themselves. Several studies have shown that authoritarianism is positively related tO "national— ism" in the usual sense Of the word.1 This approach stressing only the positive feelings toward the state is not adequate enough as we have seen previously. An authoritarian person has a very complex set Of attitudes toward human society in general, and his nation—state in particular. His relationship 1See, for instance, T. W. Adorno, et al., The Authori— tarian Personality (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1950), pp. 107 ff., and Daniel Levinson, Jr., "Authoritarian Personality and Foreign Policy," Journal Of Conflict Resolution, Vol. 1 (1957), pp. 37—47. 188 to other human beings is always ambivalent. It varies from one extreme to another, from "symbiotic" identification, to 1 It is reasonable to assume that he has anomic rebellion. the same uneasy and ambivalent set Of attitudes toward his nation—state. Thus we hypothesize that nationalism, defined as a set of attitudes and beliefs toward one‘s nation—state, is related to dogmatism. More specifically, dOgmatism is hypothesized as positively correlated to both self—abasing and self-glorifying nationalism. The findings presented in Table 4.6 and 4.7 support this hypothesis. We have conclusively demonstrated that dogmatism is a powerful factor related to nationalism. An individual who strongly discriminates against other nation-states in favor of his own is very likely motivated by his authoritarian pre— dispositions. On the other hand, an extremely negative attitude toward one's own country is also an evidence Of authoritarianism. Apparently, a democratic—minded individual tends to have a balancedand.realistic view Of his country. He may see his country as backward without feeling alienated from it and without aggressive attitudes toward more advanced nations. Also, he may through ignorance, believe that the‘ civilization Of his country is superior to others without any Messianic ambition to impose his "superior" civilization __ lFromm, Escape from Freedom, op: cit. Also Eric Hoffer, _The True Believer (New York: Harper, 1951). 189 TABLE 4.6.--Partial correlation between dogmatism and self- glorifying nationalism with self-abasing nationalism held constant. Samples N r F Siggégiiance Cantho High School 131 .387 22.641 p < .001 Saigon University 232 .451 58.459 p < .001 VN students in US 59 .560 25.611 p < .001 4‘ TABLE 4.7.--Partial.correlation between dogmatism and self- abasing nationalism with self—glorifying nationalism held constant. Significance Samples N r F Level Cantho High School 131 .518 47°098 p < -001 Saigon University 232 ~430 51-949 p < .001 VN students in US 59 38’4 9-683 .01 > p) -001 190 on other peOple. Now let us examine closely which socio— cultural factors impel the individual to hold either of these two alternative sets of beliefs. Nationalism and Other Socio—Cultural Factors SO far we have demonstrated that dogmatism is correlated With self—abasing and self-glorifying nationalism and that the apparently paradoxical positive correlation between the two nationalism is also caused by dogmatism. In this section we test the hypothesis that individuals who are more ”Western- ized" (i.e., more exposed to Western influences) are more inclined toward self—abasing nationalism than others (with dogmatism held constant), and those who are more socialized into the traditional culture have a greater tendency toward selfvglorifying nationalism. First we have to define "Western- ization” and ”traditionalism." Traditionalism is measured by the Familism scale (composed Of its three sub-scales), and the number of years the respondent has been living in the countryside. Direct Westernization, in the case Of Vietnamese exchange students in America, is measured by the number Of years in the United States. Indirect Western exposure is measured by the education of the parents (knowledge Of foreign languages). In addition, we are also interested in the effect Of social stratification on nationalism. The sociO-economic status is simply measured by the income level. (a) First we examine self-glorifying nationalism in the three main samples (Cantho High School students, Saigon University students, and Vietnamese exchange students in America)- 191 Data collected from the Cantho High School sample show that none Of the cultural, economic, and social factors have any effect on self—glorifying nationalism (see Tables 4.8 and 4.9). With the group of Vietnamese students in the United States, in general, the correlational pattern is the same. Income and familism are not related to self-glorifying nationalism, but the number Of years in this country has a negative effect on self-glorifying nationalism. The longer a student stays away from his home and in a more advanced nation, the less he is inclined to think favorably about his own country (with dogmatism held constant) (see Tables 4.10 and 4.11). Western eXposure tends to give him a more realistic picture of his culture and his fellow countrymen. The relatively high correlation between dogmatism and self—glorifying nationalism proves that an authoritarian student would need longer exposure to get a realistic image Of his country than a democratic student. Among Saigon University students, the same correlation pattern is repeated. That is, only dogmatism is significantly correlated with self-glorifying nationalism. Other socio- logical variables have practically no effect on self-glorifying nationalism (see Table 4.12). In summary, the hypothesis that self-glorifying nationalist varies directly with the extent of exposure to Western influence, and inversely with the extent of socialization into the 192 TABLE 4.8.--Partial correlations between self-glorifying nationalism as the dependent variable, and dogmatism, familism, income, French, Chinese, English,years in countryside as dependent variable. (Cantho High School sample N = 131, df = 123, two—tailed test.) Independent Variables r F7,123 Signigigance Dogmatism .422 26.756 P < 001 Familism .070 .614 N. S Income —.091 1.033 N. S Chinese .030 .114 N. S. French .077 .743 N. S English -.063 .489 N. S Years in countryside .082 .831 N. S TABLE 4 9.—-Partial correlations between self-glorifying nationalism as the dependent variable, and dogmatism, obedience, respect, support, income, Chinese, French, English, years in countryside as independent variables. (Cantho High School sample N = 131, df = 121, two—tailed test.) Significance Independent Variables r F9,l2l Level Dogmatism .399 22.968 p < .001 Obedience .044 .238 N. S. Response —.012 .020 N. S. Support .046 .264 N. S Income —.093 1.068 N. S Chinese .031 .119 N. S French .077 .720 N. S English —.065 .521 N. s Years in countryside 7 .083 .845 N. S ‘ 193 TABLE 4.10.-—Partia1 correlations between self-glorifying nationalism as the dependent variable, and dogmatism, familism, parental income, years in U.S. as independent variables. (Exchange student sample, N = 59, df - 53, two-tailed test. Independent Variables r F4,53 Siggggéiance Dogmatism .461 14.576 p < .001 Familism -.120 .793 N. S. Income .047 123 N. S. Years in U.S. —.304 5 499 p < .001 TABLE 4.ll.--Partial correlations between self—glorifying nationalism as the dependent variable, and dogmatism. obedience, respect, support, parental income, years in U. S. as independent variables. (Exchange student sample N = 59, df = 51, two—tailed test.) Independent Variable r F6,51 Signigigance Dogmatism .431 11.879 p < .001 Obedience .039 .080 N, Respect -.031 .050 N. 8. Support -.117 .727 N S. Income .057 .173 N S. Years in U. S. --311 5.568 P < .001 194 TABLE 4.12.-—Partial correlations between self-glorifying nationalism as the dependent variable, and dogmatism, parental income, parental knowledge of foreign languages as independent variables. (Saigon University students, N = 232, df = 226, two-tailed test.) Significance Independent Variables r F5,226 Level Dogmatism .482 68.570 p < .001 Income -.071 1.168 N S. Chinese .059 .795 N. S. French .053 .647 N S. English -.034 .262 N S. 195 traditional culture is only partially supported. Direct exposure to Western influence and dogmatism are the main factors significantly correlated with self-glorifying national— ism. (b) We now examine the correlates Of self—debasing nationalism. With the Cantho High School students, self— abasing nationalism is correlated significantly with dogmatism only (See Tables 4.13, 4.14). Among the exchange students in the United States (see Table 4.15) self-abasing nationalism is not only positively correlated With dogmatism, it is also significantly correlated with income level and the number of years in the United States. Concerning the relationship between self-abasing nationalism and income level, it is probable that wealthy families are more Westernized than poorer families, and Westernization has been hypothesized as having some effects on self-abasing nationalism. An individual raised by rich parents may be more frequently in contact with luxuries which are, most Of the time, products Of Western advanced technologies; this focuses his attention on the gap between his backward developing country and the more industrialized West; consequently self- abasing nationalism stems from this more realistic appraisal of his country in relation to the West. On the other hand, we also found that the longer his stay in America, the more unfavorable the picture he has about his country. Apparently, the direct contact with a more industrialized country makes 196 TABLE 4 l3.-—Partial correlations between self—abasing nationalism as the dependent variable, and dogmatism, familism, income, Chinese, French, English, years in countryside as independent variables. (Cantho High School students, N = 131, df = 123, two-tailed test.) Independent Variables r F7,123 Signigigance Dogmatism .529 48.002 p < .001 Familism -.055 .374 N. S Income -.056 -387 N. S Chinese -.022 .063 N. S French -.012 .018 N. 8 English .070 .616 N. S Years in countryside -.007 .007 N. S TABLE 4.14.-—Partial correlations between self-abasing nationalism as the dependent variable, and dogmatism, Obedience, respect, support, income, Chinese, French, English, years in countryside. (Cantho High School students, N = 131, df = 121, two-tailed test.) Significance Independent Variables r F9,121 Level Dogmatism .523 45.730 p < .001 Obedience —.045 .249 N. S. Respect .046 .256 N. S. Support —.063 .485 N. S. Income -.050 .304 N. S. Chinese -.023 .067 N. S. French -.013 .022 N. S. English .075 .689 N. 8. Years in countryside —.011 .016 N. S. 197 TABLE 4.15.--Partial correlations between self—abasing nationalism as the dependent variable, and dogmatism, familism, income, years in U.S. as independent variables. (Exchange students in U.S., N = 59, df = 53, two-tailed test.) Significance Independent Variables r F4,53 Level Dogmatism .401 10.387 p < .01 Familism -.059 .189 N. S. Income .248 3.563 .05 >p >.01 Years in U. S. .277 4.504 .01 >p >.001 198 the individual more aware of the painful differences between his country and the United States. Among Saigon University students, self—abasing nationalism is similarly correlated with dogmatism and parental income level. As in the previous case, self—abasing nationalism is related partially to authoritarian predisposition, and partially to Western exposure (it has been assumed that wealthy peOple are in more direct contact with Western cultures than poor people). TO recapitulate, we have found that self-abasing national— ism is consistently related to dogmatism. In regard to other factors, the findings are less uniform. Income and eXposure I to Western influences are found to be slightly related to self—abasing nationalism. This fact has been interpreted as due to the broadening of knowledge about Western cultures. The gap between the "have" and the "have not" nations is more realistically evaluated by children from rich families, and by those who have contact with the West—-provided that dog- matism is kept constant. On the other hand, dogmatism pre- vents any kind Of realistic evaluation, and tends to impel the individuals to see the "gap” as much bigger, and eSpecially as much more threatening than it actually is. Matt In this chapter we introduced a new approach to the study of nationalism. Traditionally, nationalism is viewed as a set of favorable attitudes toward one's own nation—state 199 TABLE 4 16.-—Partial correlations between self—abasing nationalism as the dependent variable, and dogmatism, obedience, respect, support, income,_years in U.S. as independent variables. (Exchange students in U. S. N = 59, df = 53, two—tailed test ) 3 Independent Variables r F6,Sl Signigigince Dogmatism .MOI 9 989 p < ,001 Obedience _ —.061 .198 N. S. Respect .07’4 .291 N S. Support -.081 .397 N. S. Income .236 3 360 .01 < p < .05 Years in U S. -283 4.535 -001£ p < .01 TABLE 4.17.--Partial correlation between self—abasing nationalism as the dependent variable, and dogmatism, income, Chinese, French, English as independent variables. (Saigon University students, N = 232, df = 226, two—tailed test } f r , Significance Independen, Variables r F5,226 Level Dogmatism .472 65 030 p 4 .001 Income .2; 11.077 p e .001 Chinese - 023 .125 N. S. French —.057 .790 N. S. English .075 l 301 N. s. g 200 and culture at the eXpense of other nation—states and cultures. This "content" approach stressing the more obvious aspect of nationalism has been found inadequate for an understanding of the dynamic force underlying nationalism, particularly in the newly—emerging nations. Nationalism has been more broadly defined as a state of overconsciousness about the relative position of one's nation—state with respect to other nation— states. A nationalist is an individual who is extremely concerned about the status of his country, or his culture. He maintains a set of ambivalent beliefs about them. He tends to have unrealistically extreme images of his country as being either very "advanced" or very "backward,“ or as simultaneously "advanced" and "backward." Put in the develOpmental context, we have found that nationalism is mainly related to a personality characteristic-- authoritarianism, i.e., it is the result of psychological socialization. The normative effects of socialization play some role in determining the kind of nationalism an individual is inclined to. More Specifically, how nationalistic an individual is depends on the level of his authoritarianism; and secondly, how much he is a self—abaSing nationalist depends on the extent of his socialization into a Western culture. Interestingly, direct exposure to a Western influence has a greater effect on nationalism than traditionalism. CHAPTER V "MANDARIN MENTALITY" Introduction Poverty plays a very important socio—political role in newly—emerging nations. It is a part of the underdevelOpment syndrome. It seems that if poverty were eliminated, most of political headaches would be cured. Yet the sim,licity of the problems does not guarantee a simple solution. People want to have a higher standard of living, but are they sufficiently motivated to pay the emotional cost of economic growth? According to Everett E. Hagen, economic change requires creativity, entrepreneurial spirit the courage to venture into the unknown.1 Daniel Lerner emphasizes the co-existence Of "empathic personality" and modernization.2 Are the Viet- namese students adequately prepared to play the role of modernizing agents in Vietnam? Are they willing enough to step out of the traditional grooves to become independent artisans, small merchants, shopkeepers, or farmers, rather than unproductively competing with each other for a civil lEverett E. Hagen, On the Theory of Social Change: How Economic Growth Begins (Homewood, Illinois; Dorsey Press, 1962}, pp. 30‘3“. 2Daniel Lerner, The Passing of Traditional Society: Modernizing the Middle East (Glencoe, lll.: Press Press, 1958), pp. “3—75. ' 201 202 service post? In other words, are they socialized to live in an industrial and business age? In this chapter we will examine the effects of social- ization on the occupational preference of Vietnamese students in Vietnam. It has been generally observed that in a Confucian society like Vietnam, to be a mandarin is the highest ambition of each individual. Paul Giran writes that the Vietnamese is "1 This strong desire to become a "bureaucrat dans l'ame. bureaucrat has withheld from the industrial field the country's most capable human resources. An even more important con- sequence of this general drive for mandarin's posts is the social unrest it generates. Fierce competition by a great number of high school and university graduates for a limited number of governmental posts may lead to frequent political explosions. In the past, an equilibrium was easily maintained. If a student failed his examination, he lived a miserable life and tried again and again. When finally all hOpe of becoming a mandarin evaporated, he stayed in his village as a farmer, resigning himself to his fate. At the present time, this fatalistic resignation no longer exists. After the Frencn colonial administrators had been ousted, mass recruitment into the government aroused hopes among many peOple of getting into the civil service. Secondly, for years governmental prOpaganda -___ l 8 Paul Giran, Psychologie du Peuple Annamite, op, cit., p. O. 203 has promised prosperityéuuihappiness. For a Vietnamese student, this is interpreted as an easy access to the civil service since, given the country's state of economic backwardness, there is hardly any other way of earning a decent living. Private employment is limited. Farming has been difficult because of political insecurity in the rural areas; it is not highly regarded; and the Communist's equalitarian pro- paganda as well as that of the governmental land-reform agency, makes dia chu (land owner) a title not to be envied. The last outlet for an ambitious Vietnamese youth is trade, which traditionally is not regarded as a respectable occupation (besides, one needs capital to be a merchant). Even though the status of the merchant has improved in modern times, this advancement in the social hierarchy is made more problematic by daily attacks in the newspaper against blackmarketing, a general and perennial economic disease in every develOping nation. Thus a student graduated from high school or college has little choice but to hOpe for a government post. A Vietnamese may be a born bureaucrat, but he may also be a bureaucrat gauge de mieux. Thus the main questions to be investigated in this chap— ter are: How general is the "mandarin mentality?" Is it the consequence of normative socialization or psychological socialization? In other words, we are interested in learning how Vietnamese students are socialized into the pattern of mandarinism. Are mandarin attitudes merely part of the traditional value tarian desire for 20A system, or are they the result of authori— power, status, and security—~the three main components of mandarinism? These points will be discussed in the i ollowing sections: 1. Mandarinism a. Scale b. Its widespread extent in the Viet namese SC cietv. 2. Mandarinism and its correlates 3. Occupational preference in general a. Psychological and sociological correlates for preference or mandarin and hon—mar1dazi (i type v occupations. b. Socialization of Mandarinism value to a governmental post than to any other occupation. "entrepreneurial spirit. Mandarinism is a set of attitudes which assign a high addition, a post in the Vietnamese overrme nt in the past as well as in the present has generally b r dSEbciiltd i;n 4 position of power and high status in Vietramese society 1: lilac, U11 jail lie?) 2,15. aid it also promises a secure future. defined as a predispo through occupational selection. Tu mandar i is m were constructed ‘ in mind. Mandarin mentality or mardarlnis: Guttman scales. sition to seek pcwer, statuc, an; . . a w ' n , ,, r "A ,. ,.. . '_ q.. , . 3 with these general inaracterist-gs 1?: hcd'S LAT 8d Cd, SEE/€11; The subject is presented with two alternative occupat tion is constant, occupation represents the mandarinism ions. While the takes the following form: Following is a list of at ten different select one of the personal preference by blank Space. Occupation A is is employment in pre er in each nco:e level Income level Income Income Income Income Income q. I" *Lé In scales Following are t (Scale Occupation A 1 Check the one Income [come lelel come le.el The income {—P ’ x 3.- c< 'I n .L or it V“, 84 II) cases. (I‘ (D score The questicnn several gair: oi occupations income levels bzr each incite level two occupations a;;srdirg to your putting a CRE-AUafA In CHE I 7 1 A f \deL: .L J in the cl.li ter it: cc-uga:i“n : a private .irm Check t'e one you of the ten Ioilowlng cases. r ' 'f' "T 1_“.‘. n (VJJV- Live! 1" vquJrI‘.liy.\ if ‘ v \ L: z , ‘Y‘ I’— f‘ ‘. ‘ i ‘H $,-,,,a,. vbv $3, :00 r" ’7 “ /".‘"'.‘ \ F' f“, 2 it $:,t 8 vs $3,000 “ in ~“ "1 ”t CC ' V j J.‘ $3,0UL’ .J ‘V/‘3LJU I R a; - n! 1 \w ~ ‘/-\x A VJ $,,tc0 V» $5,000 ‘ r .- r 7‘. . ' . \ I. , , x ,- l.. .— 0 VJ $3,000 \N $;,tbo l A" .v ,’ ,’ W“ ’ . , 7 VaJ $),U\JV _-__.--fi_ fl] $/,Vdu -___r ' ‘ m:— f... f, .f\1 (7. f ,' "’ f .".. 7 /i\ ‘p/ 3 v u 4 ‘—‘ . 5 VJJKJ .LU / V / J ‘4 _ ‘ ‘1’, 3‘lich Ie-els are the Sui: It 1;. i lrlstl bev-- “Lié; Cl». v1.6 rta‘l _/l :.a \ ’_:._ v— ‘ t'}“ (”F-3 'Q f"~'-~1'F‘—L 'f “’g- is 2‘: ‘ “r’n 13‘ b V‘va Cl... VLL» «. to; LH -lzxxiv4VA. «— you preier In each Li L 5 he- i swing cf The income level cl income level KQFG (T‘ pT‘SC of the 206 (Scale III) Occupation A is twice as powerful as occupation B. Check the one you prefer in each of the ten following cases. (Scale IV) Occupation A is twice as secure as occupation B. Check the one you prefer in each oi the ten following cases. (Scale V) Occupation A is in the civil serVice. Occupation B is in trade. Check the one you prefer in each of the ten following cases. (Scale VI) Occupation A is in the civil serVice. Occupation B is in farming (after the war). Check the one you prefer in each of the ten following cases, (Scale VII) Occupation A is in the civil service. Occupation B is that of an independent craftsman. Check the one you prefer in each of the ten following cases. The mandarinism questio.naire was given to I31 senior high school students of Cantho. Their average scores1 are presented in Table 5.1. The average scores in the table show that the attractiveness of the civil service is still consider— able: the Cantho High School students prefer poorly—paid civil service job to any other kind o1 occupation. Let us first examine the sccial hierarchy cI occupaticgs. Working for a private businesg campany is clearly cCfllecitd the least attractive. In Vietnam, where many private Cudlfito; or industrial firms belong to foreigners (Chinese, French, and Americans), unwillingness to work in these firms may be due -—__* ——-— —~—— ——.._ I , . _ , I These average scores may be lower than is realistic since many subjects prefer occupation A to occupation B t; the end of the Grettman-type Mandarinism Scale. 207 TABLE 5.l.--Average "mandarin mentality" scores of a group of Cantho High School students (N = 131). Last Income Level of B when A with Scales Average S-D- an Income of 5,000 is Still Preferred I. Civil Service vs Private Employment 5.183 3.210 7,09l vs 5,000 II. Status vs High Income 6.763 3.238 7,881 vs 5,000 III. Power vs High Income 5.206 3.378 7,103 vs 5,000 IV. Security vs High Income 7.992 2.813 8,496 vs 5,000 V. Civil Service vs Trade ”.221 3.762 6,610 vs 5,000 VI. Civil Service vs Farming 3.A35 3.78M 6,217 vs 5,000 VII. Civil Service vs Craftsmanship H.511 3.661 6,755 vs 5,000 208 to unwillingness to work under a foreigner. Even if the firm is owned by a native Vietnamese, the situation is scarcely better-for amerchant or businessman is not highly regarded in the Vietnamese society. In the traditional occupational hierarchy, the merchant occupies the lowest rung of the ladder (Si, Nong, Cong, Thuong: Scholar, farmer, craftsman, merchant). Up to the present this hierarchy does not seem to have changed much. In Table 5.1, the rankings place civil servants at the head of the list, followed by farmers, merchants, and finally craftsman. The merchant has been promoted one rank, but the difference in status between the merchant.and the craftsman is not statistically significant, while the differences in status between the farmer and the merchant, and between the farmer and the craftsman are significant (.01 unso:qa¢U:H . r , . - . . x . I . I. a... 4 {- ). v, ..1 v- a .2){.. . n15‘.11..-11.) . 4 4| .1 1 I .1 4.. ..1. «Mb d {.../:H. ..iJIJNHi. w.« J» g) “11.2 in“ ~N. xv 1% quxx ..H “HAN.“ Wauu .H,v .(Aerxrfivw D aia (J‘_..I . ...) A. $ .1. (d: 3 c\ 4) O ..J )2 4 . mEUQflL. Gala/k). J. sir a. l: u _ u ..v L 1.. .. .7. ON]; i )«LflLbarO QC.\..H ‘ H t cc» ). - . . l . .. .. ) E . H t ucmgcmamch m> w> ,. u l I. ”a. mnm>fipm - I x . . -.- _-\v.. -..-) -J- i)- . J %“ Hpsorwm. 'JUfiW _\r.Ul r8 1 w . .A . rk _ 7.r\, w..;\'._.r . . .o .r.. ..lu... ...xer...r... (flay... MU. U5- m0fl>hom Hfl>fio ucmncmaoo " Li 1! i F. 1| - II a \. 412 4 ‘ .xdi {NH 1 J o v v k 3 ' n v A \J 4. 1)). \l 4 ‘ \J«.V.) 2.0.0.. P...) <(.,\ .. o «.2qu 4‘14. ‘1) . ) 11,. a] y. . \Id ; 4 .. ... q).. ....) .a 1/ .3 4) 4} n «2) 11x, ‘IJ A \l a A 2.0 4 < A )4. 02.” HMH " .pé U_prnW:U.—LU ~,U.v. uric” 1..k..r..r.v. ..,.$a..tr.. \ v 14. ... nr».... yofl..m'.~ys.da~wld 7...: xtfij . ...L +..3 ‘ C, ..Ljufi LLHIWJ... Team“ P... WH PamCWu CpfiutAmerm Wyn-......urfirwo QEOOHLH .EmHHHEmu .Ewfipmewon ncm manmfihms pct” mc.n m.. ,m :u~:-nwm an m» magnum;5 nasin no Comm escapmh mgofiumflmnpoo Hmfipcmdll.m.m mqm<9 211 are difficult to eXplain. Probably, the French bureaucratic tr aditions, orginated during the Napoleonic period and spread to Vietnam by French colonial administrators, have encouraged the survival of the Vietnamese mandarinal system. On the other hand, the anti—bureaucratic traditions of the Anglo—American cultures (Napoleon once contemptuously called Britain "the country of shOpkeepers") has the oppostite effect. The third positive correlation (r: .26) between mandarinism and the number of years spent in the rural area is relevant to understanding the dilemma of the peOple of rural background and the policy-makers of Saigon. Rural enculturation increases the value placed on Civil serVice occupation. Yet rural people are not prepared to compete for a governmental post with more-educated urban dwellers. This dilemma for rural peOple is a potential threat to the social order itself. For these peOple, the goal (becoming a Civil servant) is much too high to reach—-given the means available to them (low level of education in rural areas). This considerable dis— crepancy between means and goal is conducive to anomic behavior. Probably, at the beginning some attempt is made to reach the highly cherished goal, but if the goal proves not to be attain— able, it may be abandoned altogether. Actually, the "retreatism Which was the traditional way of escape under the form of thu 2130:1123 (the pleasure of gardening and farming)" is no longer acceptable because the Vietcong in the rural area have provided 212 hope of a new and more gratifying way to reach the goal—— rebellion.l Finally, we want to point to another interesting fact—— the negative correlation (r: -.323) between the need for occupational security and the desire to respect elderly relatives. In Chapter 3, the inclination not to respect elderly relatives has been interpreted as an attitude of rebellion against authority or an act of alienation away from the system. The rebellious or alienated individual's act of rejecting the legitimate authority is accompanied by some feelings of discomfort, if not guilt. This state of normative uprootedness generates tension and insecurity. The strong need for security which is positively correlated with rebellious attitudes is probably the manifestation of this general state of insecurity. Motivatinngorces Underlying Occupational Choice By definition, we have designated the needs for power - - H " ‘ H status, and security as components of mandarinism. Now we will investigate to see how these needs affect the occupationa; I W n ‘ V We have seen that c1v;l "ervi . \‘ - hu' (1 in choice in specific cases. What are the preferred to trade, farming, and craftsmanship. motivations underlying this preference in each of these three t anomic reactions, see Robert 1 _ . differen To understand 1 Structugg (Glencoe, Ill.: The Merton, Social Theory and Socia Free Press, 1961), pp. 130-194. 213 cases? To find an answer to this question, we successively correlate the Mandarinism Scales I, V, VI, and VII (civil service vs private employment, civil service vs trade, civil service vs farming, and civil service vs craftsmanship) and the Mandarinism Scales II, III, and IV (status vs high income, power vs high income, security vs high income). The results are presented in Tables 5.3, 5.4, 5.5, and 5.6. Table 5.3 shows that the motivations which make the students prefer working in the government to working in a private business or industrial firm are the needs for status and security. 0n the other hand, the need for power has no influence in their occupational choice. As to the preference for being a civil servant over being a merchant, we find that status consciousness is the main driving force, while the need for power has a secondary effect. The need for security does not significantly determine this occupational choice of the students (See Table 5.4). In the third case, the preference for working in the government to being a farmer is m inly motivated by the need for security. The concerns about power and status surprisingly do not have any effect at all (see Table 5.5). Finally, the preference for being a civil servant to being a craftsman is dictated equally by the needs for status and security. Again, the concerns for power are not a strong motive in the selection of an occupation. 214 TABLE 5 3.--Partia1 correlations between "preference for civil service to private employment" as the dependent variable, and needs for power, security, and status as inde- pendent variables. (N = 131, df = 127, two-tailed test.) Independent r F Significance Variables 3,127 Level Status .291 11.793 p < .001 Power .019 .045 N. S. Security .176 4 062 p < .001 TABLE 5 4.-—Partial correlations between "preference for civil service to trade" as the dependent variable, and needs for power, security, and status as independent variables. (N = 131, df = 127, two—tailed test.) Significance Independent F _ ‘ Variables P 3,127 Level Status .186 4.585 .005 ‘ p > ~001 Power .144 2.693 .05 2 p a .01 Security .107 1.471 N. S. TABLE 5.5.-—Partia1 correlations between "preference for civil service to farming" as the dependent variable, and needs for power, security, and status as independent variables. (N = 131, df = 127, two—tailed test.) Independent r F Significance Variables 3,127 Level Status .037 .180 N. S. Power .077 .758 N. 8 Security .151 2 991 .05 ; p .01 TABLE 5.6.-—Partial correlations between "preference for civil service to craftsmanship" as the dependent variable, and the needs for power, security, and status as indepen- dent variables. (N = 131, df = 127, two—tailed test.) Independent r F Significance Variables 3,127 LEVBl Status .233 7.317 p < .001 Power .079 .800 N. 8 Security .234 7.380 p 4 .001 216 In summary, the motivational forces underlying the occupational choice patterns of Cantho High School students examined here are needs for power, status, and security. Surprisingly, these students seem not to be interested in power. According to their responses, they are mainly motivated by a desire for high status and a secure position. These consistent needs for status and security are not in disagree- ment with their traditional normative system. In effect, the Confucianist Li system is based on the assumption that a clear- cut and highly differentiated status structure is the indispen— sable element of a good society. As regards the love of security among the Vietnamese, Paul Giran at the beginning of the 20th century observed that "l'annamite n'aspire qu'aux carrieres toutes tracees qui lui menagent un minimum d'imprevu, qui lui demandent 1e moindre effort d'originalite."l Scale of Occupational Preference The above study of general "mandarinism" throws some light on the occupational preference of Vietnamese students. They are motivated by needs for status and security, and do not appear to be able to meet the crucial shortage of entrepreneurial skills during the transitional period when innovation rather than security, and deviation rather than conformity to mandarinist traditions constitute tha main driving power of change. By using a different method of research--ranking specific occupations % lGiran, Psychologie du Peuple Annamite, op. cit., p. 80. 217 according to one's preference--we also find that the value- orientations in the occupational area are not prOpitious for economic develOpment because occupations which are of "intre— preneurial nature" are not highly valued (See Table 5.7). Instead the first four occupations are of "mandarinal type." It is interesting to note that "high—ranking civil servant" is ranked lower than ”import—export businessman" and "indus- trialist," while businessmen in the field of transportation and construction are not so highly regarded. The reason top civil service positions are not preferred might be due to political risks involved (the questionnaire was adminis- tered after the overthrow of Ngo Dinh Diem and dismissal of several tOp civil servants). In general mandarinal occupa- tions are preferred to entrepreneurial occupations. In addition, Vietnamese students have different attitudes toward different kinds of entrepreneurial occupations. Transportation and occupation business compared to inportation-eXportation or industrial businesses are not highly esteemed. Probably, the status of an occupation depends on how closely it is related to manual labor. In effect the tranSportation and construction businesses require at least as commonly found in Vietnam closer involvement with the blue—colar class, is thus looked down on; while the owner of an industrial company or an importation— exportation company is moved far away from the manual labor which has always been considered as the symbol of low status. On the other hand, to be a giam—doc of an industrial plant or TABLE 5.7.—-The order ranking of nineteen occupations by Cantho High School students. Medical Doctor 1 6.149 5.566 Famous Writer 2 6.681 5.554 Lawyer 3 6 890 24-777 Military General 4 7.472 5.404 Import—Export Business 5 7.567 4.312 Owner of an Industrial Company 6 7.965 4.098 High Ranking Civil Servant 7 8.502 4.456 Rubber Plantation 8 9.184 4.051 Tea Plantation 9 9.278 “.472 Famous Painter 10 9.865 5.590 Coffee Plantation 11 10.029 4.144 Transportation Business 12 10.442 4.215 Famous Musician 13 11.069 5.180 Construction Business 14 11.333 4-228 Famous Singer 15 11.791 5 767 Famous Movie Star 16 12.059 5,700 Large Land Owner 17 12.592 49963 Owner of Houses for Rent 18 15.303 4.041 19 15.711 3-984 Loan Company g 219 an importation—exportation company is not too different from being a high-ranking civil servant. In Vietnam, the importation- eXportation business consists of getting an importeeXport licence; once it is obtained, the profit is maximally insured. Similarly, running an industrial plant incurs almost no risk at all. The policy of the government is to help keep the plant running, and so far there has never been a case of bank— ruptcycn~great loss. Thus, the image of an importation—expor— tation businessman or an industrialist in Vietnam is more or less that of a wealthy bureaucrat who does not run the risk of being downgraded by multiple coups d'etat that other high ranking civil—servants face. This may be the reason why Vietnamese students prefer these occupations. Now we examine more closely to see what socio-cultural factors affect the develOpment of this quasi—mandarinism. I will use the ranking scores of each occupation as the dependent variable, and authoritarianism, familism, and other sociological factors as independent variables. The main hypothesis is that traditionalism is pOSitively correlated with mandarinism. More Specifically, it is positively correlated with the degree of preference for mandarin occupations (or negatively correlated with their order ranking scores). On the other hand, it is negatively correlated with the degree of preference for non- mandarinal-type occupations (or positively correlated with their order ranking scores). In other words, the more tradition— alist the student (psychologically or normatively), the more he 220 likes mandarinal-type occupations and the more he dislikes non—mandarinal—type occupations. Among the nineteen listed occupations, the mandarinal-type occupations (i.e. those occupations which were traditionally considered as belonging to the "scholar” class, s3), are: medical doctor, writer, lawyer, military general, and public administrator. Table 5.8 shows a weak trend supporting our general hypothesis that traditionalism (i.e. traditional values or traditional environment) is positively related to mandarinal vocations. For instance, the more authoritarian an individual is, the more he prefers to be a civil servant. However, he does not prefer to be a medical doctor (traditionally was considered to belong to the scholar class); apparently, in this case, his authoritarian approach to life makes this humanitarian occupation less attractive. There is another deviation: even though to be a movie star is not generally considered as respectable, the authoritarian likes this occupation more than the democrat; understandably, his need for self-glorification makes him envy the cheering and applause that a movie star usually receives from the audience. The pattern is more consistent with familism as a measure of traditionalist orientation. The more familistic an individual, the morelmawants to be a medical doctor, or a military general. On the other hand, the more familistic he is, the less he prefers to be a businessman (importer-exporter), or an artist (painter)-—traditionally not classifed as the fii . p4...h..'.....n e ... .....FA 9 .-u _ . .A.»..L....o .y .1.+.J..\.L~...C... Lin:— — Y-h~2unh ..~n.~.s -LJLU>>J ..J- ..zq-r) H genefl ...I..~.~.l...d. N 41w W ‘u.\~ «wekl' Ma .. ...\.\.r\ *\.~\ 221 - .memeum Gems mum.mfiigfio79m> scavchrfigs . oclocoooo eat so game goes oosmeoceommaswdvrseeo m. osoo.mmsi meme uses to. o.- - .. .2... TL. .1 - i _.r.,.. 1:4 - Ill! . an 653 4.Lfl t.. putmiwm nmems all! .. . - . , ’i’llf’llill’" fl CC .m.z m.z ;m z .m z m.e .m.z lim;::;:1::r:::::: a . 7 . . .1 z lflfllllill .msz m z m z m z .m.z moa.a m z asmoeoo smog .mtz .m z .m z Mee.u .m.z .m-z m z hoom Loo moosom .m.z .m.z m z smi I omfi.l ,m.z 43.. smczo Ucmq i__ 1 .m,z ,m z ,m.z eme.- em.z .m.z m z Loom oases . 1. . Lm. min. 1.. mez and. m 2 we. .m.z m.z .mxz wt.m mooEms a. a ,J. ,J it I mes. m.z \m 2 No.2 .m.z ems,- n42 ‘ to..-eglaeoo .1. .1- .2 m a. . . M r cmwowmsz mSOEmh U z o 2 U z m. m z m z m z . ,, . . . . . COHFWMLOQmCHwhv .m.2 W Z W Z N34. W Z .m.Z W Z . P. , . coflpmpcmfld omwgoo ,m z m z m z .m z .mflz mme.: ,m.z . . ., .. .i. 2 . Loecwmm wooEmm .m.z -m z m 2 U z .m.z .m.z ,n.z 7- . ...WZ WZ emz .. e .( CLdewcmflnw mm? . , . . . a ..I . . . - ow . m 2 m 2 W 2 ma W Z W Z mud l DCM>me Hw>fi0 . e o e V M: . c e o ._ m z m z m 2 :o. m z m z m z meHmflmeSUCH .m.2 .m.z m,z m z mma.l mwa. .m.z pLOQxMIpQOQEH .m.z .m.z .m.z .m.z .m.z mma.| m.z Hmsocoo zbmpfiafis :ma.l .m.z mmH.I .m.z .m.z m.z m z hmmzmq .m.z .m.z .m z moe.u .m.z .m.z .m z goose: .m.z .m.z .m.z .m.z mma. Nma.l mma. noboom HmOHpoz moan nmflamcm seamen omocflno mEooCH Emfiafiswm Ewfipmewoo _woanmfipm> Ihcecsoo Hpcopcmmoo CH mpmow moflomfiam> pcoocoaoch psopcooopcfi mm weepomm Hmowmoaofioomlocozmo who mo 20mm pom . . . on» on homo homosoom mcfixcmp one cmozpon ncoebmaotuoo Hmfiohmmll,m m mcowumazooo ma .moammflhm> «oHQMHLm> pcopcoamp map mm mqm Oxford Unive ersity Press, “ / a. London: (i 9) FY Ll) CI) (1‘ f1) ’1 Ho Buttinger, Joseph. The Smaller Dragon. Pew York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1958. s on Economic Gro .a y in Vietnam. Saigon: M. S. U. 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"Political and Child-rearing Attributes in Sweden," Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 53) 19563 74‘770 APPENDICES 26A APPENDIX A THE DOGMATISM SCALE (Forms D and E) 265 APPENDIX A THE DOGMATISM SCALE (Forms D and E)1 Items Involving the Belieijisbelief Dimension ISOLATION WITHIN AND BETWEEN BELIEF AND DISBELIEF SYSTEMS 2 (l) Accentuation of differences between the belief and the disbelief systems.2 *1. The United States and Russia have Just about nothing in common. ' FT”: 'e W. _'W ....~. 1373‘: '3'; ‘1 R) Communism and Catholicism have nothing in common. . 3. The principles I have come to believe in are quite different from those believed in by most people. (2) The perception of irrelevance. A. In a heated discussion peOple have a way of bringingxgyirrelevant issues rather than sticking to the main issue. (3) The coexistence of contradictions within the belief system. *5. The highest form of government is a democracy and the highest form of democracy is a government run by those who are most intelligent. *6. Even though freedom of speech for all groups is a worthwhile goal, it is unfor- tunately necessary to restrict the freedom of certain political groups. 1Items of Form E are preceded by an asterisk. 2' i ism among Vietnamese In the study of authoritar an students, an item is added: "Eastern and Western civiliza- tions are completely different." 266 267 7. While the use of force is wrong by and large, it is sometimes the only way possible to advance a noble ideal. 8. Even though I have a lot of faith in the intelligence and wisdom of the common man I must say that the masses behave stupidly. RELATIVE DEGREES OF DIFFERENTIATION OF THE BELIEF AND THE DISBELIEF SYSTEMS. (1) Relative amount of knowledge possessed.l s only natural that a person would ve a much better acquaintance with id as believes in than with ideas he opposcs- t‘? *9. I- h h Dm (DO) 121 Differentiation within the disbelief system, 10.~ There are certain "isms" which are really +he same even though those who believe in these "isms" try to tell you they are different. Items Involving the Central—Peripheral Dimension SPECIFIC CONTENT OF PRIMITIVE BELIEFS (l) Beliefs regarding the aloneness, isolation, and helplessness of man_ Man on his own is a helpless and miserable *ll. creature. *12. Fundamentally, the world we live in is a pretty lonesome place. *13. Most people just don't give a "damn” for others. *14 I'd like it if I could find someone who would tell me how to solve my personal problems. 1In the study of authoritarianism among Vietnamese ”When I like a writer I would students an item is added: try to read all his works. When I dislike a writer I would not bother myself to read his works even though they are well-known." 268 2 Beliefs regarding the uncertainty of the future. (a) Fear of the future. *15. It is only natural for a person to be rather fearful of the future. (b) A feeling of urgency. *16. There is so much to be done and so little time to do it in. (o) Compulsive repetition of ideas and arguments (se1‘ f— pro selyt 1 “tic ). *17. Once I get wour nd up in a heated discus- sion I j Ms can't: stop. *18- In a discussion I foten find it neoe ary Q’: to repeat myself several times to make sure I am being understood. *19. In a heated discussion I generally ecome so absorbed in what I am going to say that I forget to isten to what the others are saying. 20. In a discussion I sometimes interrupt others too much in my eagerness to put across my own pcint-of—view. (3) Beliefs about self-adequacy and inadequacy. (a) Need for marytrdom. *21 It is better to be a dead hero than to be a live coward, (b) Conflict within the self- 22 My hardest battles are with myself. 1In the study of authoritarianism among Vietnamese stu- dents two items are added: ”When I decide to donsomething, I do it right away; I don't like hesitation," and I don'toli1ke peOp' e who take too much time to make a deo1sion when thcy~ Should act immediately 2Two items are added: "Life is meaningful only if one is to die for a cause," and "If I had to sacrifice my life for humanity, I would not regret anything.‘ (c) Self-depreciation 23. 2A. A 1 (f times I think I am no good at all. I am afraid of people who want to find out what I'm really like for fear they'll be disappointed in me. (A) Self—aggrandizement as a defense against self- inadequacy (a) Con;ern with power and status, 96 '\3 5.. (b) Moral 29. While 1 don't like to admit this even to myself, my secret ambition is to become a great man, like Einstein, or Beethoven, or Shakespeare. The main thing in life is for a person to wart :3 do something important. If given the chance 1 would do some— thing of great benefit to the world. If I had to choose between happiness and greatness, I'd choose greatness. self—righteousness- It's all too true that people just won't practice what they preach l5) Paranoid outlook on life. 30. .ost people are failures and it is the system which is responsible for this. have often felt that strangers were coking at me critically. T .L V J 1* is only natural for a person to L. have a guilty conscience. 1! People say insulting and vulgar things about me. I am sure 1 am being talked about. FORMAL CONTENT OF 270 THE INTERMEDIATE BELIEF REGION (1) Authoritarianism (a) Beliefs in positive and negative authority *35e *36, In the histo cry of mankind there have probably been Just a handful of really great thinkers, There are a number of people I have come So hate because of the things t nd for m (b) Belief in the cause. *37; Ho *uz. 96143.. w. A man who does no t believe in some great cause has no t really lived, It is only when a person devotes him- self *3 at ideal or case that life becom—: meaningful. Of all the different philosophies which exist in this world there is probably only one which is correct, A person who gets enthusiastic about too many causes is likely to be a pretty ”wishy—washy" sort of person: To compromise with our politica' opponents is dangerous because it usually leads to the betrayal of our own sides omes to differences of opin we must be careful not t nwith those who believe y from the way we do; T- he n (‘3 FL L) ‘_1 ‘—J. rt:- I" ojaeoz +—-(D Qt Bi mi en 407 mp ff (D In times like "hese a person must be pretty sel ‘ish if he considers primarily his own happiness To comprom se with our political o e guilty of appeasement» (2) Intolerance, (a) Toward the renegade: 271 *455 The worst crime a person could commit is to attack publicly the people who believe in the same thing he doesl *Uol In times like these it is often neces- sary to be more on guard against ideas put out by people or groups in one's own camp than by those in the opposing campo *A7. A group which tolerates too much differences of opinior among its own members cannot exist for long (b) Toward the disbeliever.‘ *A8. There are two kinds of people in this world: those who are for the truth and those who are against the truth. *49. My blood toils whenever a person stubbornly refuses to admit he's we “g *50. A pers n wh; th’ inks primarily of his o'n happiness is be neath contemptl printed *E‘. lost of the 1 ea -t paper they s nowadays aren'o wor are printed on_ I sometimes have a tendency to be too :ritical cf the ideas of others. \I! |\) INTERREIATIONS AMONG FRIMITIVE, INTERMEDIATE, AND PERIPHERAL BELIEFS (l) Tendency to make a party—lire change; *Sfi In this complicated world of ours the only way we can know what's going or is to rely on leaders or eXports who can be trustedt *54 It is often desirable to reserve Judgment about what's going on until one has had a chance to hear the opinions of those one respects. "When a person has been shown the 1 ‘An item is added: _ embrace it he must be a right cause and still does not stubborn and selfish person " (2) Narrow12g Items Invo lying }_ fin \‘1 U: . b O T‘ Alv 4. In the long run the best way to live is to pick friends and associates whose tastes and beliefs are the same as the 's own, There's no use wasting our money on newspapers whi oh you know in advanoe are Just plain propaganda: Young people shoald r:t hav sy a;:ess to books which are l :onfuse them. H- (D :~+ O .+ (D o m :3: (D bl , c< U ‘- "‘. r “I , (J) k u U :3 me—P (I) r‘w [,~~‘.I Lr~ L I’D It) ATTITUDE TC KNOWI NG THE WARD THE was \ 5" \I‘» 60, FUTURE *oi PAST, PRESENT, AND FUTURE Ullhdppif’i f that g 0 5:: (“S r To achieve the happines in the future it is s: to put up WlTh injust f If a man 15 to a.:omp l i D -i TIE? 5, 1m; f. '1 m6: 3 me ~, -: gamble 'fla r'rxxriinc at a; J y 'k' .5 u. l U‘fl O *6? Unfortunatery, a good many peop¢e wi‘h whom i have dLscussed importan: S; ;a: and moral problems don't reagiy anaer— stand what’ 5 g;ing or *63: Most people Just don't know what's good for them ‘T‘hree items are added: "1 don't ike to have as iriends PEOple whose tastes an "People of different t each other, which damage " and the ”We 8 'nati d belieis are different from mine," ast es and beliefs canrot be friends to hou’l d not permit importation of books anal spirit' " 273 644 There is nothing new under the sun: 65: To one who really takes the trouble to understand the world he lives in, it's an easy matter to predict future events. BELIEF IN FORCE AS A WAY TO REVISE THE PRESENT 66. it is so forze to advance an ideal be;ieves 5n metimes necessary to resort to one s t rcngly "‘ \a.\2 __.‘ [1 g .V APPENDIX B - “IL ‘A :1 Pu "v ITEM ANALYSIS OF THE DOGMATISM SCALE re ‘30 ter 1" ‘ Q—4 -r-4 t . £3 O U) ‘Vi I: .‘ Q i ‘3 I 7“. o , ) l (a. Q 0') Russia and commun. US *l. (“\J l" J\ lrl 9—4 (11” est -. y ‘I In and the ast The E 1b. k...) (\J 4“ different. A \( in l‘ H L.‘ . O , 'ely f L, omple !‘ 0 fl ) "4 rr 1 1 (.If 2' v. z,‘ s- 1‘ Better q*‘ / lib w "-) F1 F1 tr 1 A u ',‘ I‘ \.,‘I rxn.) ‘.f(‘ K. fl {,7 V.‘.' I A ("A ‘nslatle" r ,v .‘ tteP 8 Man [:1 A @9C. *11. l '13 C; i() r—i m and .1 f‘ 1 somecne t ive r C1 C T: c - .L E: w] , E >n't r‘ nesome d; nd 9 \J 1 inE.‘ for 'ersion [ v A a l ‘ Cl ‘rnn a cmnd ‘— 1 ‘ )I' q H \— Most pea o I a l 12. 1?. 13b. OJ L; \ find ”1.7 (.... 1.7h \LW U“ datural to fear future. 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Regarding collaborators of MM. Nhu and Diem, we will: 1. condemn them to death and coniiscate their property. imprison them, and conIiscate their property. confiscate their prOperty. discharge them :r;m the civil serv1ce. discharge only those who are not useful for national reconstruct;on, and Keep those who are able technicians. Regarding members 0: the Personalist Labor Party, we will: ..-b [\l U. disband the Party, and put all the members in Jail. disband the Party and imprison only the leaders of the Party. disband the Party; we do no: merison the members of the Farty, but we prongtit them from meeting, writing articles, and running National Assembly elections. leave the Party free to carry on political atfilvltg;:. Regarding Mrs. Nhu (suppose we could get hold a: her~, we would: 1. 2. 3. torture her to a slow death. send her to a firing squad. condemn her for a life imprisonment. 279 . l- QM...‘_- - _.‘ L— .m- . . -‘MI“ '.‘m 1““??? 280 A. confiscate her prcperty, and condemn her for a few years imprisonment. 5. only confiscate her property 6. not do anything to her, but prohibiting her from any political acti ity. Suppose there is a Journalist who writes an article in a newspaper in the delense 01 Mr- Nhu, we will: 1. condemn him to death, destroy the newspaper office and confiscate the property oi the publ isher. and line the publisher. 3. close down the newspaper and line the publisher. 4. close down the newspaper. 5. do nothing. Regarding National ssembly members, we will: 1. put them in Jail, and confiscate all their property. 5. confiscate all their prOperty, and forbid them to do any pOlitical activ;ty. 3. confiscate part oi pd LIQK;L;C their property, a them from carrying any p' itica- at: city. 4. prohibit them Irom doing any political actiVity. 5. do nothing to them. Regarding Catholic priests, we will: l. chase all Catholic priests \Vietnamese or :oreigt: out of Vietnam. a. chase foreign Catholic prie est: out 01 Vietnam. We will heaVily tax ‘vietname se Catho_ic priests, and drait all or them into the Army. 3. tax them as we tax those who are in t cf Q U {P *3 (“f (‘ ’1 V ‘ I [\i (I; 5 (I D "I Q Q. P) Q) Fh (I a. put the writer in Jail, clo:e dowr the newspaper 3 281 u. tax them, but we will exempt them from the military service- 5. exempt them from tax and military service. Regarding the property of the Catholic Church, we wil l. confiscate all the property of the Catholic Church (including churchersj. R) confiscate all the property (but churches) of the Catholic Churches. 3. confiscate all lands and house bought or built during the Diem rule, and tax the rest. 4. tax the property of the Catholic Church 3. make all the prOperty oi the Catholic Church tax exempt. Regarding Catholic schools, we will: i. confiscate them, discharge all Catholic teaching faculty, and assign non-Catholic teachers to these schools. 2. leave these Catholic schools Iree to Operate, but we will prohibit them Ircm giving Catholic instruc- tions in class, and tax them heavily. 3. tax them heavily, and we will not give permission tor Opening new schools. A. do nothing. Regarding the Catholic religion, wn statements do you agree with the mo h of the following U (7 rr w- l. Catholicism is dangerous for the nations cecause Catholics betray their country very easily. 3. CatholiCism is not dangerous ior the nation but is harmful for the Vietnamese people; it makes them stupid due to superstition. 4. Catholicism like any other relig;on teeches people to be good. i l\) CD R) Regarding Catholic Vietnamese, we will: 1. prohibit them from going to church, meeting, praying, or preaching. 2. leave them free to practice their religion, but we will discharge all Cathol cs from the army or civil service. 3. We will not discharge them from the army or government, but we will not assign them to positions of leadership. u. consider them equal to Buddhists. ....- .— - n . .~ . APPENDIX D BIVARIATE DISTRIBUTION m C0 km Aging? .-'-1r - f'F-1—TfiTI“ e.- 284 TABLE A.1.-— Bivariate distribution of dogmatism and familism. \‘_. ‘\ Fam. Dog. LOW High Total Cantho High SCIOOl Students Low 11.00 7.00 15.00 33.00 00 11.00 11.00 31.00 .00 9.00 17.00 33.00 High 15 00 9.00 10.00 34.00 TOTAL u2.00 36.00 53.00 131.00 x2 - 6.1482 50p 30 —.o77 U. Exchange Students Low 9.00 8.00 5.00 22.00 2.00 8.00 9.00 19.00 High 6.00 5.00 [.00 18.00 TOTAL 17.00 21.00 21.00 59.00 x2 = 5.807 30 p- 20 .136 285 TABLE A.2.-—Bivariate distribution of dogmatism and obedience. Fam. fl Dog. ’ Low High Total Cantho High School Students Low 12.00 12.00 9.00 33.00 7.00 16.00 8.00 31.00 10.00 11.00 12.00 33.00 High 14.00 9.00 11.00 34.00 TOTAL 43.00 48.00 40.00 l3l.00 X2 = 5.605 .30 p .20 C = .005 U. S. Exchange Students Low 17.00 5.00 22.00 11.00 8.00 19.00 High 12.00 6.00 18.00 TOTAL 40.00 19.00 59.00 x2 = 1.769 .50 p .30 c = .101 286 TABLE A.3.--B;var;ate distribution 0: dermatism and respect. Low High Total Cantho High School Students Low 6.00 12.00 15.00 33.00 12.00 8.00 11.00 31.00 6.00 12.00 15.00 33.00 High 1/.00 10 00 .00 34 00 TOTAL 41 00 42.00 48 to 131 00 x2 = l2 607 05-0 02 c = -.194 U S Exchange Students Low 10.00 [.00 5.00 22.00 4 00 l0 00 5.00 19.00 ngd 5 03 9.00 4 00 18 00 TOTAL 19.00 26.00 14.00 59.00 _--r —— .._..... TABLE A.4.——Bivariate Distribution of dogmatism and support. 28 7 Sup. Dos. Low High TOTAL Cantho High School Student Low 12.00 7.00 14.00 33.00 9.00 12.00 10.00 31.00 6.00 12.00 15.00 33.00 High 12.00 11.00 11.00 34.00 TOTAL 39.00 42.00 50.00 131.00 x‘ = 5.355 .5o-pu.3o —.006 U. Exchange Students Low 8.00 9.00 5.00 22.00 3.00 9.00 7.00 19.00 High 7.00 4.00 7.00 18.00 TOTAL 18.00 22 00 19.00 59.00 X2 = 4 692 .50 p .30 080 ..HJ 288 TABLE A.5.——Bivariate distribution of selfvglorigying nation- alism and dogmatism. Low High Total Cantho High School Students LOW 21.00 9.00 3.00 33.00 8.00 12.00 11.00 31.00 10.00 12.00 11.00 33.00 High 7.00 9.00 18.00 34.00 TOTAL 46.00 42.00 43.00 131.00 x2 = 21.780 .0i.p..001 c = .350 Saigon University Students Low 30.00 15.00 10.00 2.00 57.00 14.00 17.00 16.00 10.00 57.00 10.00 18.00 13.00 18.00 59.00 High 4.00 14.00 16.00 24.00 58.00 TOTAL 58.00 64.00 55.00 54.00 231.00 x2 = 48.575 p .001 c = .427 U. S. Exchange Students Low 10.00 8.00 4.00 22.00 8.00 4.00 7.00 19.00 High 3.00 5.00 10.00 18.00 TOTAL 21.00 17.00 21.00 59.00 x2 = 7.375 .20 p .10 c 289 TABLE A.6.——Bivariate distribution of dogmatism and self.‘ debasing nationalism. Low High Total Cantho High School Students Low 23.00 7.00 3.00 33.00 11.00 13.00 7.00 31.00 6.00 12.00 15.00 33.00 High 6.00 12.00 16.00 34.00 TOTAL 46.00 44.00 41.00 131.00 X: = 29.906 p .001 C = .429 Saigon University Students Low 24.00 18.00 10.00 5.00 57.00 15.00 21.00 13.00 8.00 57.00 13.00 9.00 17.00 20.00 59.00 High 8.00 6.00 19.00 25.00 58.00 TOTAL 60.00 54.00 59.00 58.00 231.00 X2 = 42.482 p .001 c = .382 U. S. Exchange Students Low 12.00 7.00 3.00 22.00 4.00 7.00 8.00 19.00 High 4.00 5.00 9.00 18 00 TOTAL 20.00 19.00 20.00 59.00 x2 = 9 072 10 p 05 C = 351 290 TABLE A.7——Bivariate distribution Of self—glorifying nationalism and familism. Low High Total Cantho High School Students Low 16.00 9.00 21.00 46.00 12.00 18.00 12. 0 42.00 High 14.00 9.00 20.00 43.00 TOTAL 42.00 36.00 53.00 131.00 x2 = 7.766 20 p» 10 .014 U. Exchange Students Low 6.00 7.00 8.00 21.00 3.00 6.00 8.00 17.00 High 8.00 8.00 5.00 21.00 TOTAL 17.00 21.00 21.00 59.00 x2 = 2.916 .70»p2.50 .12 291 TABLE A.8.——Bivariate distribution of sell-debasing nationalism and Iamilism. Low 15.00 15.00 10.00 40.00 2::A; 42.00 50 c. 3; 01 131 to tfi ‘) 31 U“! j C) 00 g 1 ( \1 C" ‘\ l\) C) C) O \ .J I C \ C) \J ( ( Cl) C C. l" ( (_ CC. filo m. :3 Q1 (W C. 0‘ Ci C C) o C) [\n C) C C) _._._-.____7 _ _. , my \C R) TABLE A.9.--Bivariate distribution of selfvglorigying nationw alism and self-debasing nationalism. Low High Total Cantho High School Students Low 18.00 18.00 10.00 46 00 18.00 11.00 13.00 42 00 High 10.00 15.00 18.00 43.00 TOTAL 46.00 44.00 41.00 i;-.tc x2 = 6.654 .20 p .10 c = .8. Saigon University Students Low 15.00 17.00 17.00 10.00 59.00 20.00 16.00 19.00 9.00 64.00 14.00 15.00 10.00 16.00 55.00 High 11.00 7.00 13.00 23.00 54 00 TOTAL 60.00 55.00 59.00 58.00 232 00 x2 = 18.517 .05 p .02 0 = .it 0. S. Exchange Students Low 7.00 4.00 10.00 21.00 7.00 6.00 4.00 17.00 High 6.00 9.00 6.00 2;.00 TOTAL 20.00 19.00 EO-CU 22.49 x2 ~ 4.244 .50 p .30 c - —.075 293 TABLE A.10.-—The effects of contact with the west among U. S. exchange students. Years Low High Total Years in U. S. and Dogmatism Low 4.00 9.00 11.00 24.00 11.00 6.00 3.00 20.00 High 7.00 4.00 4.00 15.00 TOTAL 22.00 19.00 18.00 59.00 x2 = 8.652 .10>p..05 c = -.274 Tears in U. S. and Self—Glorifying Nationalism Low 2.00 8.00 14.00 2 .00 9.00 6.00 5.00 20.00 High 10 00 3.00 . 2.00 15 00 TOTAL 21.00 17.00 21.00 59.00 X2 = 16.367 .01>p>.001 0 = -.503 Years in U. S. and Self-debasing Nationalism Low 7.00 10.00 7.00 24.00 9.00 6.00 5.00 20.00 High 4.00 3.00 8.00 15.00 TOTAL 20.00 19.00 20.00 52.00 l\.) x = 4.805 .50»p>.30 c = .103 TABLE A.11.-—B1variate distribution of mandarianism and Dogmatism. 294 Low High Total Civil Service vs Private Employment Low 7.00 15.00 12.00 6.00 40.00 16.00 8.00 10.00 19.00 53.00 High 10.00 8.00 11.00 9.00 38.00 TOTAL 33.00 31.00 33.00 34.00 131.00 x2 = 11.819 .10 p .05 027 Status vs Income Low 12.00 11.00 11.00 9.00 43.00 11.00 10.00 10.00 10.00 '1 0 High 10.00 10.00 12.00 15.00 47. TOTAL 33.00 31.00 33.00 34.00 131.00 X2 - 1.760 .05 p2.90 106 Power vs Income Low 10.00 11.00 12.00 11.00 44.00 16.00 7.00 12.00 12.00 47.00 High 7.00 13.00 9.00 11.00 40.00 TOTAL 33.00 31.00 33.00 34.00 131 00 x2 - .636 .50 p4.30 c = 018 Security vs Income Low 7.00 5.00 9.00 6.00 27.00 9.00 14.00 8.00 9.00 40.00 High 17.00 12.00 16.00 19.00 64.00 TOTAL 33.00 31.00 33.00 34.00 131.00 x2 = .108 .70 p .50 ‘33 TABLE A.1l.—AContinued Dog. Mand. Low High Trade Civil Service vs Trade Low 9.00 11.00 9.00 12.00 41.00 14.00 12.00 13.00 7.00 46.00 High 10.00 8.00 11.00, 15.00 44.00 TOTAL 33.00 31.00 33.00 34.00 131.00 x6 = .308 .70>p».50 .046 CiVil Service vs Farming Low 9.00 14.00 11.00 14.00 48.00 12.00 11.00 11.00 9.00 43.00 High 12.00 6.00 11.00 11.00 40.00 TOTAL 33.00 31.00 33.00 34.00 131.00 x2 = .065 .70>p>.50 _ -.040 Civil Service vs Craftsmanship Low 8.00 6.00 .00 10.00 33-00 11.00 17.00 1 .00 9.00 51.00 High 14.00 8.00 10.00 15.00 47.00 TOTAL 33.00 31.00 33.00 34.00 iii-US x2 = 6.668 .50 p .30 -.020 296 TABLE A.12.--Bivariate distribution of mandarinism and familism. Fam. : Man. : LOW High Total Civil Service vs Private Employment Low 12.00 14.00 14.00 40.00 17.00 14.00 22.00 53.00 High 13.00 8.00 17.00 38.00 TOTAL 42.00 36.00 53.00 131.00 X2 = 2.005 .80 p>.70 C = .025 Status vs Income Low 17.00 17.00 17.00 43.00 14.00 11.00 16.00 41.00 High 11.00 16.00 20.00 47.00 TOTAL 42.00 36.00 53.00 131.00 x2 = 3.398 .50>p».30 c = .094 Power vs Income Low 15.00 12.00 17.00 44.00 16.00 10.00 21.00 47.00 High 11.00 14.00 15.00 40.00 TOTAL 42.00 36.00 53.00 131.00 x2 = 2.185 .80>p>.70 c = .026 Security vs Income Low 8.00 9.00 10.00 27.00 20.00 8.00 12.00 40.00 High 14.00 19.00 31.00 64.00 TOTAL 42.00 36.00 53.00 131.00 x2 = 9.567 .05 p».02 c = 137 TABLE A.12.—-Continued Fam. Man. Low High Total Civil Service vs Trade Low 13.00 10.00 18.00 41.00 15.00 17.00 14.00 46.00 High 14.00 9.00 21.00 44.00 TOTAL 42.00 36.00 53 00 131.00 x6 = 4.280 .50-p'.30 c = .020 Civ11 Service vs Farming Low 12.00 17.00 19.00 48.00 18.00 11.00 14.00 43.00 High 12.00 8.00 20.00 40.00 TOTAL 42.00 36.00 53.00 131.00 x2 = 5.631 .30 p-.20 c = .018 Civil Service vs Craftsmanship Low 10.00 9.00 14.00 33.00 20.00 11.00 20.00 51.00 High 12.00 16.00 19.00 47.00 TOTAL 42.00 36.00 53.00 131.00 x2 = 2.908 .70 p .50 c = .021 ROOM USE ONLY. n; '71 u. 8... “119064