OCCUPATIONAL MOBILITY 0F FRENCH AND ENGLISH-CANADIAN BUSINESS LEADERS IN THE PROVINCE OF QUEBEC Thesis for the Degree of Ph. D. MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY LAURENT BELANGER 1967 'naa'hl VWRI‘I bum-q: ‘..>W~'no I, _.-_.- I‘u.=tucm e.: the Fueineeu Leaders 76 A11 TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgements Introduction Chapter 1: Theory, Methods, Techniques and Purposes of the Research - The Literature and Body of Knowledge - Basic Definitions - Observations on Reesrach Techniques and Methods - The Sample, the Questionnaire Returns Chapter 2: The Socio-Economic and Cultural Setting - The Socio-Economic Context - The Socia-Cultural Milieu Chapter 3: Occupational Origins and Mobility Rates - of Quebec Business Leaders Occupational Origins Amount of Mobility Degree of Representation and Fluidity of Occupational Structures The Professions as Sources of Business Leaders Summary of Findings and Possible Limit- ations - Chapter 4: Educational Attainment of Quebec Business Leaders :1": - Educational Attainment of Present-day Business Leaders - Education of the General Population and the Business Leaders "}“ iv Page ii 12 1B 19 30 SO 42 4B 48 54 57 62 66 73 74 76 - Occupational Origins and Educational Attainment - Nativity, Size of Business and Education 1 , - Father's and Son's Educational Achieve- T' ment ’ - Formal Business Training and Education Chapter 5: Mobility and Career Patterns - Career Sequence of Business Leaders - Father's Occupation and SonAs First Occupation - First Occupation and Education - Interfirm Mobility and Career Patterns - Time Factor and Career Pattern Chapter 6:‘ Intro and Extra-Organizational Factors Related to Mobility - Influential Connections - Mabel Newcomer's Series of Factors - Formal and Informal Criteria for Executive Success Chapter 7: The Wives of Business Leaders Chapter 8: Conclusions: Summary of Major ., Findings APPENDICES 'nppendix 1: Additional Data Appendix Ilzlodifications of Warner's 1952 Questionnaire -« 1-. . ‘ " .BIBLIOCRAPHY Page 78 BO 94 88 95 96 98 102 105 112 151 164 172 4. 5. 7. 11, 12. 13. LIST OF TABLES Text Tablas Page Distribution of Total Mailing and Returns by Ethnic Group. Number and Percentage Distribution of Total Names and Returns, (French-Speaking Leaders Only). Number and Percentage Distribution of Total Names and Returns, (English-Speaking Leaders Only). Number and Percentage Distribution of Male Cainfully- Occupied Population, Quebec, 1931. Number and Percentage Distribution of the Male Popu- .lation, 55 years of Age and Over, by Highest Grade Attended, Quebec 1941. Number and Percentage Distribution of the Male Popu- lation, 65 Years of Age and Over, by Highest Grade Attended, Quebec 1961. . Percent of French to Total Male Gainfully-Occupied Population, for Selected Occupations, Quebec, 1931, 1941, 1951. Percentage Distribution of Manufacturing Establish- ments, Classified according to Cross Value of Pro- ducts, Quebec, 1932, 1951 and 1960. Occupations of the Fathers of 1963 Quebec Business Leaders and of 1952 U.S. Business Leaders. (7 cats- gories). Occupations of the Fathers of 1963 Quebec Business Leaders and of 1952 U.S. Business Leaders (20 occu- pations). Occupational Distribution of the Fathers of 1963 Business Leaders and Quebec Male Adult Population, by Ethnic Groups, for 1931. Sources of Quebec 1963 and U.S. 1952 Business Leaders. The Professions as Sources of Quebec and U.S. Business Leaders. vi 21 22 23 26 2? 28 37 39 49 50 58 61 63 .’ - _ '?;- ’ .MM'1-,. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. Page The Professions as Sources of Quebec Business Leaders. 65 Occupational Origins of the Fathers of 1963 Quebec Business Leaders When they Were the Same Age of the Sons were at the Time of the Study. 70 Occupational Origins of the Fathers at Teo Dif- ferent Periods of Time in the Life of Their Sons' at the Start of their Career and at their Present Age. 71 Education of Quebec Business Leaders and the General Population in 1961. 75 Occupational Mobility and the Education of 1963 Quebec Business Leaders. 79 Nativity and Education of Quebec Business Leaders. 81 Education and Actual Size of Business (Millions of dollars in gross revenue, in 1962 . 83 Education of Fathers of Quebec Business Leaders Compared mith their Sons and Quebec Male Popula- tion, 55 Years of Age and Over in 1941. BS Education of 1963 Quebec Business Leaders and Edu- cation of their Fathers. 87 Formal Business Training of 1963 Quebec Business Leaders. 89 Education and Formal Business Training of Quebec Business Leaders. 91 Occupational Background and Formal Business Train- ing of Quebec Business Leaders. 93 Career Pattern of Quebec Business Leaders. 97 Career Pattern and Father's Occupation: First Occupation of French-Speaking Business Leaders. 99 Career Pattern and Father's Occupation: First Occupation of English-Speaking Business Leaders 100 vii v._ ’v 29. 3D. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. First Occupation and Education of Business Leaders. Number of Companies Business Leaders Have Been Associated mith During their Career. Number of Companies Business Leaders Have Been Associated with as Major Executives. First Occupation and Number of Companies Associated With. Interfirm Mobility and Education. Occupational Mobility and Speed of Career. Nativity and Speed of Career. Occupation of the Father and his Place of Birth. Nativity of Fathers and Time taken to Achieve Present Business Position. 'Interfirm Mobility and Years to Achieve Present Business Position. Actual Size of Business and Years to Achieve Present Business Position. Years to Achieve Present Business Position and Influential Connections. Principal Factors in Obtaining Executive Position. Factors in Obtaining Executive Position and Actual Size of Business (English-Speaking Leaders Only). Factors in Obtaining Executive Position and Size of Business (French-Speaking Leaders Only). Formal and Informal Factors in Career Advancement. Occupations of Business Leaders' Fathers and 0c- cupetions of Wives' Fathers. Occupational Levels and Marraige: Occupational Levels of Wives' Fathers by Occupational Levels of Business Leaders' Fathers. viii Page 104 106 107 109 111 114 117 121 122 123 127 130 134 135 138 143 145 Paco Ratio of Marriage by Occupational Levels of Business Leadsre' Fathers unrelated to Occupational Levels of lives' Fathers. 147 7 I . Education and Marriage: Education of Leaders and . . Occupational Origin of lives. 149 . _\ _V____A____,-__._._w___._....‘___,_______. ‘ . angu" 3‘.-. r In? D _‘ ._-7; -. - l e ‘ - ‘ I n t r o d u c t i o n The last decades have brought important economic and cultural changes to the province of Quebec, and social scientists have found them rich material for analysis. Although there has been marked government intervention in education, melfars and economic development, it has rather stimulated than stymied the greeth of private enterprises and so encouraged the efficient use of human and material resources so to turn out products and render services for a groaing population. The men who head Quebec businesses are practically invisible to the general public; yet, they own or control the means of production, make or implement important decisions ahich affect the character and purposes of large-scale enter- prises. It is they who organize work for a large fraction of the labor force. The positions they hold - president, vice- president, secretary, treasurer, controller and managing direc- tor - are those of prestige and poser. From research projects already conducted on the rela- tive position of the French and English in Quebec industrial and occupational structures, it appears that Quebec business leadership is heavily concentrated in the hands of English- spaaking people. French-Canadians are to be found in a greater proportion in middle or lower echelons of the social pyramid. V The first chapter of this research is partly devoted to a general revise of the sociological literature bearing on this subject. The historical distribution of the work force has not occurred eithout creating a permanent resentment among the Quebec population shoes majority is of French-speaking origin. Current belief holds a French-Canadian'e chances of reaching a position of eminence in Quebec business hierarchies to be rather meager. The specific purpose of the present research is to re- sxamine this question of differential occupational mobility be- teeen the French and English for one particular socio-profession- al category: the business elite. Chapter I explains more fully the task to be achieved and carefully sets out the concepts and techniques used. Understanding the differences and similarities beteeen the mobility patterns of the French and English elements in Quebec is a means to sharpen the understanding of Quebec business leader- ship. A detailed assessment of such similarities and differences is presented. What are generally considered the most important avenues of access to a top-management position is inventoried. Occupational origins, ownership of capital, educational attain- ment, friendship and families are so many avenues as have been studied by social scientists in various countries of the sorld. An effort is made to evaluate the relative importance of each avenue in the light of the socio-economic and cultural context described in the second chapter of this report. The analysis and interpretation of data collected through a questionnaire mailed to 1200 businessmen yields some information anseering the kinds of questions that come to mind mhen one attempts to form an image of men eho hold top-manage- ment positions. The present research report mill help the reader to dram a profile of French and English-speaking businessmen. It tells where these men come from: mhether they are more often from lower-level occupations or upper-level ones. Do they tend to establish dynastic hold on the summit of corporate systems? Are there chances a young man born into the loser-level strata of the population may reach the upper echelons of the management ladder. Hoe do all Quebec business leaders compare to their American counterparts on the same points? These are the ques- tions treated in a third chapter entitled: "Occupational Origins and Mobility rates of French and English-speaking leaders". Quebec's population considers high-level education one of the important avenues to positions ehich allov better use and further development of potentials and open onto these sectors of the economy commanding prestige and pay. So “Educa- tional Attainment of Quebec Business Leaders" constitutes the fourth chapter of this report. Here one can learn whether or not businessmen reach a higher degree of schooling than the general population. Comparisons are made between French and English leaders on this point of differential educational at- tainment. It is thus possible to see how many aspiring business leaders tried the hard way and reached the top without the boost of education. In a subsequent chapter, the Quebec businessman is folloeed on his way to the top of the corporate system by look- ing into the various positions he held in the course of his life career. This mill allow an insight into the career sequence of Quebec business leaders, their place of birth, the number of companies they have been associated with, and the number of years they took to reach a top-level management post. Occupational origin, educational attainment, first occupation, place of birth, firm association, etc, are only a fee of the factors that may direct and determine business career. Chapter V1 is devoted to the study of other ways of obtaining an executive position. Family connections, inheritance, ) ownership of capital, individual initiative and promotion from ' . within are some of the several other factors that need to be assessed. How many French-speaking as compared to English- speaking leaders work they way up within a single company or obtain success by moving to another? Hoe many "inherit" manage- ment? Are hard work, experience, and competence looked upon as more important than ethnicity and religion in obtaining a posi- tion of eminence in business? These are the kinds of questions that are answered in the sixth chapter entitled: 'Intra and Extra-Organizational Factors Related to Mobility". Marrying the boss' daughter is usually thought an important may of getting into an executive post. This myth may have its foundation in reality as do most. Chapter VII closes the inventory of the many avenues to the top by looking into the kind of semen Quebec business leaders marry. Do French- Cenadian leaders tend to marry women in middle or lower occupa- tional strata more often than their English-speaking counter- 'parts? In a concluding chapter, the opportunity is taken to summarize the major findings of this research and to point out the major reasons for similarities and differences observed among French and English Quebec business leaders. C h a p t e r I THEORYI METHODSI AND PURPOSES OF THE RESEARCH 1— The Literature and Body of Knowledge Several studies have been published on the relative im- portance of French and English-speaking Canadians in the Quebec industrial structure. Reviewing some of them will help to bring this research purpose into proper focus. As late as 1936, Victor Barbeeu wrote a provocative essay on the composition of boards of directors and top—manage- ment levels in Quebec businesses. Production and consumption goods industries, banks, air and railway companies were almost complete- ly owned or controlled by English-speaking people (1). Even though Barbeeu did not give any statistics on the matter, his study of each important industry points rather clearly to the large absence of French Canadians from boards and top-management poets. In 1936, William J. Roy obtained data on the nationality and position of 15,283 employees in different Montreal concerns (2). 1. BARBEAU, Victor, Mssurs de not e taille, Imprimé au Devoir, Montreal, 1936, 243 pp. 2. ROY, William J., “The French-English Division of Labor in Quebec", Unpublished M.A. Thesis, McGill University, 1935, p. 137. '0 His data showed that 73.8 percent of all management positions were held by English-speaking executives. Stuart Jamieson conducted an analysis of occupational data drawn from the 1931 Census of Canada (3). He observed that in the institutional structure of Montreal the English were em- , played in more than proportionate numbers in industries which 9 require a high degree of skilled manpower. I 3 Everett C. Hughes, a sociologist and a keen observer of the Quebec scene, described the changes that occurred in a small town (Cantonville), enlivened and disturbed by the emergence of large scale enterprises started and controlled by people of English- speaking origin. 'In Cantonville's major industries the English hold all positions of great authority and perform all functions requiring advanced technical training" (4). To support this assertion, he gathered data on the nation- ality and rank of employees in Mill A (a textile firm). Positions ‘ above foreman were filled by English-speaking people in a propor- tion of 96 percent. In the production department, 94% of the work , force was French (5). I 3. JAMIESON, Stuart, I'French and English in the Institutional Structure of Montreal: A Study of Division of Labour“, Unpublished M.A. Thesis, McGill University, 2938, p. 69. 4. HUGHES, Everett C., F ench Canada in Transition, The University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1943, p. 46. Se Ibid“, 22s as, Fe 55' Tabla 17s A The studies mentioned so far were all made at the awakening of French-Canada as an industrial society. They in- dicate that as one climbs the social pyramid of corporate hierar- chies the proportion of English-speaking people increases in each rank and vice versa. Recent research results show the same pattern. A Cana- dian sociologist, John Porter, conducted a study on the degree of representation and career patterns for business directorships in Canada as a whole. He obtained data in 1957, on 760 Canadian resident directors of 170 dominant corporations. As far as ethnic representation is concerned, he concluded that, "Although Canada is an ethnically plural society, economic power is almost exclu- sively held by the English-speaking group of British origin which makes up less than half of the general population" (6). A second study by the same author showed that French- Canadians were also under-represented in the Federal Civil Ser- vice: "there are only twenty-seven of them (13.4 percent) in the entire elite of 202 persons, although one-third of the country is French-Canadian. It appeared that French-Canadian education did 6. PORTER, John, "The Economic Elite and the Social Structure in Canada" in Canadian Societ : Sociolo ical Pers ective, Bernard R. Blishen et al., (eds) The Free Press of Glsnccs, Inc., 60th Fifth Avenue, New York, 1961, p. 493. w. “— “m...“ not provide a large reservoir of administrators who could event- ually be promoted to the higher levels" (7). Studying inter-generation occupational mobility in Quebec for all occupational levels, Yves de Jocas and Guy Rocher compared the son's occupation at the moment of his marriage with the occupation of his father at the birth of his son. The sample contained 1045 cases, out of which 110 were non-French. General mobility and stability indicee proved to be almost the same for both ethnic groups. However, the authors made this observation: "None the less, it appears clearly that the distribution of cases among the occupational classes is quite different for the urban French and for the English-speaking Canadians“... "As regards both fathers and sons, the English- apsaking Canadians are more concentrated in the white collar occupations, while the French are concentrated at the worker's level” (8). On one hand, those studies covering the period 1930- 1960 indicate that in Canada as a whole and in the province of Quebec, in particular, the participation of French-Canadians in the higher economic rank is weak and avenues of mobility are blocked. French-Canadian society is then a 'closed society“. On the other 7. PORTER, John, “Higher Public Servants and the Bureaucratic Elite in Canada”, The Canadian gogrnal of Egonomigs and Political Science, Vol. 24, Nov. 1958, p. 491. 8. DE JOCAS, Yves and ROCHER, Guy, "Inter-generation Occupational Mobility in Quebec“, in Canadian Sogiety: Sociologigal Pers tives, 22. git., p. 444. fi -10- hand, De Jocas and Rocher's findings indicate that the amount of mobility is almost the same, as far as the province of Quebec is concerned. This apparent contradiction was an incitement to re- examine the issue of differential occupational mobility in the province of Quebec, to see whether the controversy might not be dissipated or at least more clearly stated. The present study is not confined to the business elite as defined by Porter, and its coverage is limited to Quebec. Its main purpose is to com- pare the amount of occupational mobility of French and English- epeaking business leaders and to consider some factors responsi- ble for it, such as social origin, educational attainment, finan- cial or family connections, marriage, and other extra or intra- organizational factors. In a sense, this thesis reconstructs in a different social context various aspects of several different studies: those of Pellsgrin and Coates, Newcomer, and Warner. In 1955, W. Lloyd Warner and James C. Absgglen publish- ed their research findings on the extent of vertical occupation- al mobility of American business leaders (9). 9. WARNER, W.L., and ABEGGLEN, J. C., Occupgtional Mobility in American Business and Industry, Minneapolis, Univer- ty of Minnesota Press, 1955, 315 pages. -11.. By comparing their results with earlier data obtained by Taussig and Joslyn in 1928 (10), they concluded that ”There has been not only an increase in the proportion of the men who come from the lower ranks, but an accompanying decrease in the propor- tion of sons of highly-placed men, particularly of businessmen" (11). Similarities and differences between Warner's methodolo- gy and ours are presented in Chapter 7. A second study conducted by Warner, Collins, Martin and Van Ripar is concerned with federal executives in American Government bureaucracies. Occupational mo- bility of civilian and military executives is assessed and compared with business leaders (12). Mabel Newcomer made a study of total experience and train- ing of individuals who reach top-level positions. The principal factors conducive to obtaining an; executive position were classi- fied as "(1) work in organizing a corporation, (2) inheritance, (3) investment, (4) success in another company, (5) working up within a company, and (6) all other factors" (13). 10. TAUSSIG, F.W., and JOSLYN, C.S., American Business Leaders, New York, The MacMillan Company, 1932. 11. WARNER, L.C., and ABEGGLEN, J., "The Social Origins and Acquired Characteristics of Business Leaders" in Industrial Man, Warner, L.C. and Martin, N., (eds.) Harper & Brothers, New York, 1959' pa 1020 12. WARNER, W.L., at al., The American Fedegal Executive, Yale Uni- versity Press, New Havens, 1963, 405 pp. 13. NEWCOMER, Mabel, The Big Business Executive, Columbia Univer- sity Prs , or , , p. -12- Quebec business leaders were questioned on each of these items in order to determine as far as possible their relative im- portance in the Quebec context. Pellegrin and Coates investigated the importance of in- formal factors in career advancement. "National origins, religion, political activity, and membership in secret societies (seem to be less) important in bureaucratic promotion that such factors as family and social standing and connections; membership in so- cial, civic and professional organizations, recreational activi- ties and hobbies, judicious consumption, the influence of wives: the acquisition of the attitudes, values, and behavior patterns of successful superiors; and the establishment of higher-level friendships while retaining lower-level ones" (14). These factors were also listed on the questionnaire and respondents were asked to rank them according to their re- lative importance in the selection and promotion of potential top-executives. 2- Some Basic Definitions So for, previous works have been reviewed in the light of the research purpose. Without going into theoretical and 14. COATES, H.C., and PELLEGRIN, J.J., ”Executive and Supervisors: Informal Factors in Differential Bureaucratic Promo- tion”. dministgative Science Quarterly, Vol. 2, no. 2, p. 200. -13- methodological details, it is necessary to present a few defini- tions which should facilitate the comprehension of the analysis and dissipate possible errors of interpretation. a) Occupational mobility First of all what is meant by "occupational mobility"? A simple definition would be the amount of movement from one oc- cupation to another. A more precise and useful definition must distinguish between vertical and horizontal occupational mobili- ty. Vertical occupational mobility means a move from one occu- pation or occupational group to another occupation or group of occupations which are ranked higher or lower according to socio- economic criteria... Horizontal occupational mobility means a shift from one occupation or group of occupations to another of equal rank. Now the problem becomes one of agreeing on a classifi- cation and a ranking of occupations. Several studies of mobili- ty in U.S. and Canada, utilize different versions of a socio- economic classification developed by Alba M. Edwards (15). For instance, De Jocas and Guy Rocher used Natalie Rogoff's classification and rank-ordering of occupations. The first occupational class of ROgoff's scale encompassed profession- 15. EDWARDS, Alba M. A Socio-Economic Grouping of the Gainful Workers of the United States, Washington D.C. Government Printing Office, 1938. F“ " 3 T ! al men, proprietors, and managers. Skilled and semi-skilled workers are both in the fourth class (16). Warner and his colleagues have placed professional oc- cupations in a class separate from that of business owners or managers. They also put semi-skilled and skilled jobs into dif- ferent categories. In Quebec, there is no agreed-upon ranking of all occu- pations. Guy Rocher, in an article on the state of research on occupations and social stratification in French-Canada, pointed out the absence of competent studies in this area (17). However, a socio-economic classification (although it does not cover all occupations) for the province of Quebec can be found in Adelard Tremblay and Gerald Fortin's study of the work- ing family's consumption behavior (18). Occupations were classified and ranked in the follow- ing order: 1. Manager 16. ROGOFF, Natalie, Recent Trends in Occupational Mobility, Glencoe Illinois, the Free Press, 1953, p. 40. 17. ROCHER, Guy, "La recherche sur les occupations et la stratifi- cation sociale" in Fernand Dumont at Yves Martin, §i: tuation de la recherche sug le Canada-Frangeie, Pres- ses Universitaires Laval, Quebec, 1952, p. 173-188. 18. TREMBLAY, M.A. and FORTIN, G., Lee compgrtemente économigues de la famille salaries du Quebec, Presses Universi- taires Laval, Quebec, 1964, p. 50. 2. Semi-professional 3. Manager of small business 4. Clerical worker 5. Skilled worker and farmer 6. Semi-skilled worker 7. Laborer. Business owners and some professional men were excluded from the study because they were in too high an income bracket or were self-employed. When those two occupations are inserted in the first class, one gets almost the same rank-ordering as Rogoff's. Since the intent was to make comparisons between Quebec business leaders and American business executives, Warner's occu- pational classification was used for this purpose. To ascertain ’ the type of occupational mobility with reference to a particular 1 ranking, the following rank-ordering which is most common to { North-American occupational class-scales has to be kept in mind. i Level 1. Professionals, proprietors and managers Level 2. Medium and small owners, minor executives and foreman Clerical and sales workers ) Level 3. Farmers, laborers, skilled and semi-skilled . workers. b) The amount of mobility It is possible to assess the degree of mobility, i.e. the amount of movement from one occupational group to another. ‘ This study is concerned only with movements from all other oc- cupational groups-into the business elite. The extent of move- ment is assessed through comparisons of sons' and fathers' occu- pations at one or two suitable moments of their life career. When the son succeeds his father in the same occupational group, a.g., the business elite, there is no occupational mobility; when the son does not succeed his father, there is movement. A complementary measure of the amount of mobility can be found in the assessment of the degree of rigidity or fluidity which exists in the occupational structure at a given time or during different periods of time. This is done through the con- cepts of over-representation and under - r ‘ ‘inn- The degree of representation of one ethnic group as compared to others can be ascertained in two different ways. One approach would consist, first, in obtaining data on total gainfully-employed population by ethnic groups at a given time. Second, the proportion of each ethnic group is calculated. Third, a percentage distribution of this population by ethnic groups and occupations or selected occupations is established. Fourth, this percentage is compared to the proportion of the eth- nic group in total population. The ratio of percentages will in- dicate whether the group is fairly represented, under- or over- represented. For instance, if an ethnic group "X" comprises 80% of the gainfully-occupied population and one discovers that only 40% of the foreman are drawn from this ethnic group, he may con- clude that people of origin ”X" are under-represented in the oc- cupation of foreman. This is the approach, or a slight modifi- cation of it, which prevails in research conducted on the relative position of French and English in the occupational structure. Since the issue bears upon the proportion of all other occupations or class of occupations admitted to the business elite, the degree of representation is assessed by using a different kind of measurement. First, it is convenient to start from the hypothesis that people live in a free society, that everybody regardless of his ethnic affiliation has equal chances of keeping, improving or degrading the social status ascribed at his birth. A man is born to a father in a specific occupational stratum. He may succeed his father; he may climb up the occupational ladder, or withdraw into lower social status. Then, a second step consists of calculating the per- centage distribution of sons according to father's occupational class at the time these sons became self-supporting. Third, the number and percentage distribution of the male gainfully-employed population by ethnic and occupational groups is computed. Fourth, the ratio between the proportion of each oc- ‘ cupational class in the total population and the proportion of f - 13 - business leaders' fathers within that class is calculated. A proportional representation for each occupational class will be one. If the ratio is greater or smaller than one, this implies the occupation is over- or under-represented within a given ethnic group's business elite. For instance, if one discovers that for a given ethnic group 5% of the businessmen are farmer's sons and the proportion of farmers in its gainfully-occupied population origin is 25%, he concludes that farmers are under-represented within this business elite by a factor of five. c) Closeness and openness of the occupational structure These terms, closeness and openness of the occupational structure, are not used here to convey a state of collective mindedness, such as authoritarianism or permissiveness. In this study, these concepts are employed to connote differential access to elite positions. An occupational structure is closed when an established elite tends to hold succession to top-level strata so that penetration by people from lower strata is rela- tively difficult. 3- Observations on Research Technigues and Methods Many studies conducted on occupational mobility of business, civilian, military, and political leaders have used ‘ the questionnaire as an instrument. It is considered the most -19- suitable tool for this kind of research and so is used here. Since comparisons are looked for between Warner's and Abegglen'e findings on American business leaders and the findings on Quebec business executives, an effort was made to use, as far as possi- ble, the same questionnaire content. However, some important changes have been introduced by dropping and adding a few questions, modifying the figures or the working of some items. A review of these alterations are presented in the second appendix to this report. 4- The Samgle, Questionnaire Returns, and the use of Census Data Finding the names of the respondents was the most diffi- cult phase of the research. From the very start, it was possible to find that 990 establishments in manufacturing industries were producing for a sales value of one million dollars and over in 1960. (See Appendix Table 1). Assuming four executive posts filled by different individuals in each establishment, one could get at least 3960 names in the manufacturing sector'of the economy alone. It was the best estimate that could be had in 1962, since there was anithere is not yet any source giving distribution of owners and managers by size of establishment and ethnicity. The Financial Post's Directory of Directors was the main source used in collecting names of business executives. -20- The Poor's Registrar of Directors was also used and other well- known biographical sources, such as Who's Who, commercial and financial magazines. Once names and addresses were collected, the size of the establishment with which they were connected was checked. Finally, it was possible to end up with a collection of 2269 acceptable cases: 1539 English-speaking and 730 French- speaking executives. The only available means to differentiate ethnic origins was the names of individual. About 20 cases whose origin could not be detected by this means had to be rejected. To save time and money and to solicit from French ree- pondents a number of answers which would allow percentage calcu- lations, it has been decided to mail out 1200 questionnaires to each ethnic group. Distribution of mailing and acceptable return- ed copies are presented in Table 1. The total number of usable responses amounted to 386, i.e. 32.1 percent of all question- naires mailed out. The percentage of returns when compared to that obtained by Warner in 1952 (48 percent) is quite a bit lower. But if one considers that busy people are usually reluctant to ans- wer questionnaires, it is surprising the return rate was so high. Data pertaining to the representativsness of returns are provided in Tables 2 and 3. A distribution by industrial division of the total number of names found in bibliographical sources appears in the first column. Through the use of a code number, it was also possible to distribute the returns according to each industrial division. — _x. $2.5. ...».n .21: , , .ueh . ”la y 1 .n.\. A; A ,...W4e i i _. .J._ x .yk' \ .L ..e _, 1|. J. .6 f 3%.r MW] 4‘11 7‘ Am \ . s . . K: .a _. . ~“,_ 5. 1.. \ WK“! U v.5.“ me: of Number of Percentages ‘ of returns 0 1 hm a M am 0.... 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Nu n: 35:: 0.0+ 0.n m.s m an xcom 0.0+ «.6 0.0 we we mocomaocH 0.0. v.~ s.~ c 0r doomsecu 0.0+ 0.e ~.r n m nauseous Hobo use sebaceous r.0+ 0.n m.~ m rm couscous ”ounces uaauovmslcoz 0.0: 0.w <.N n 0e uuooooua Hoounuuodu 0.0: m.n F.v 0 0n oceanuoou new xuocwcoos 0.0+ m.m 0.0 er we mcauoowanou Hones new House xuoeHea a... m.m ~.. for an meanssam>n< .mcegoamnna .mcaeceua e.r| q.N w.¢ a 0n cocoa new case 5.0: ¢.~ F.n v nN muoaucusc ace coca n.0u 0.v r.m 0 an moanuoao ace .eaaae mcwppucx .eenanxoh H.0+ 0.0 m.~ m «N accuse; bco eonaom c.e+ p.09 .NH nu 00 oouoooh bco ooou coe.s.so Hueua.aucs - 0.00s 0.00s 0e0 0009 00000 0.0+ 0.F 0.0 0 0r .0000 0.0. 0.0 0.0 ms 00 00.000 0:. 000000053 0.0- 0.0 0.0 0 0s coasoauancou «.0- v.0 0.0 0 00 amass «.0- 0.0 ..0 0e 00 coauouaoaocoup 0.0+ 0.0 0.0 as 00 noauaaau0 000030 0.0- 0.0 0.0 0. we. mococaa 0.0- 0.? 0.0 e 00 0:00 F.0- 0.0 0.0 0 F0 mocaanmcH v.0- 0.0 0.0 F0 00a 0.002000 m.0+ n.N 0.0 m 0N muoonoua dose can 0530...qu 0.0 n... n... 0 0m nausuoac Houmcas evanescence: 0.0.. 0.0 0.0 0 0s muoooouc dough—vows 0.s+ 0.0a 0.0 00 ens scmsasaau 0:. sumcacooa 0.P- 0.0 0.0 09 0a, 0caeuuwanoa Hopes use 0.002 xuussua 0.0- 0.0 0.0 a. 00 0:0000t.>u< .0c000e0030 .0caacaua n.0- 0.0 0.0 0F 00 .0000 0:. 00:0 0.0- 0.0 0.0 m 00 3305...... ace 033 0.0- 0.0 0.0 0. 00. 0:000000 0c. .00005 0cmaaacx .aoaaaxop 0.0+ 0.« 0.? e 00 “0000.3 ecu c.0030 0.0+ 0.0 0.0 0s 0r? oooonoc ecu uoou =oane>00 nausea—8:0 ac “Spam ecfiwz a: Suez moeoz down—amour. H omopcoouou J3 32.52 - 24 - Proportionately fewer French-speaking leaders in finan- cial concerns and proportionately more in food and tobacco esta- blishments answered the questionnaire than were included in to- tal names. Representativeness of returns appears to be better in the case of English-speaking leaders. If one considers a percent- age difference equal or below one percent as a measure of a fair representativeness, it can be observed that one industrial cate- gory, machinery and equipment, is over-represented; two are slightly under-represented: printing and advertising, primary and fabricated metal. The use of Census data The census was used in two important phases of this research: when an attempt was made to ascertain whether certain occupational categories provided more than their share of the business elite than others; when the degree of leader's educa- tional attainment was compared to the extent of schooling of the general population. In reorganizing census data to suit the purpose of the research serious difficulties were encountered. Figures were computed for both ethnic groups in the province of Quebec. For the following occupational categories, the figures were drawn right from the census and added up when they were listed by industrial sectors: business owner and manager, professional man, -25.. foreman and supervisor, farm owner and farm laborer. In the ca- tegory of clerical worker, occupations such as salesman, commer- cial traveler, credit man, collector, broker, auctioner, insurance and advertising agent were included. The most touchy point was to separate semi-skilled workers from skilled ones. Data for unskilled workers were given. In the semi-skilled group, occupations which do not require years of experience or schooling were included. Operatives, fitters, assemblers, messengers, drivers,tenders, lumbermen, wrappers, keepers, sextons, waiters and other of the same type were considered as semi-skilled occupations. Other occupations encompassed public administration, (except police and firemen) and occupations not classified in the census. Table 4 presents a distribution of the gainfully-occupied male population by ethnic groups for the province of Quebec in 1931. The second chapter will explain why that date was selected. Figures pertaining to the educational achievement of the general population that terminated schooling were relatively difficult to handle. It has not been possible to get data for each ethnic group. The 1920 and 1931 census did not present a series on the highest grade attained by people who were not attend- ing school. The 1951 census did not permit a breakdown of figures for two levels: some high school and high school graduates. It was possible to rearrange 1941 census data to fit the educational levels listed on the questionnaire. Table 5 presents a distribution of -25- Table 4: Number and Percentage Distribution of Male Gainfully- Occupied,g0uebec,_1931. All ethnic French- English- groups sggaking speaking Occupational Groups N _;% N :3 N 4% Business owner and Manager 49625 6% 32315 5.2% 10367 7.5% Professional 34202 4.1 21584 3.5 10486 7.6 Clerical worker, Salesman & Agent 85454 10.4 51568 8.3 27258 19.8 Foreman and Supervisor 10609 1.3 6768 1.1 3302 2.4 Farm owner 112489 13.7 99111 16.0 12357 9.0 Skilled Laborer 195633 23.7 143911 23.1 33227 24.1 Unskilled, semi- skilled Laborer 220609 26.8 165045 26.5 29274 21.2 Farm Laborer 111599 13.5 99675 16.0 10597 7.7 Others occupations 3077 0.8 2101 0.3 890 .6 All occupations 823297 100. 621979 75.5 137858 16.8 Source: Census of Population, Dominion Bureau of Statistics, - 27 - Table 5: Number and Percentage Distribution of the Male Population 55 years of age and over by Highest Grade Attended, Que- bec,_1941. Highest Grade Attended Number Percentage Less than High School (1-8 years) 149,616 78.3 Some High School (9-10) 21,771 11.4 High School Graduate (11-12) 9,917 5.2 Some University (13-16) 6,406 3.4 University Graduate (17+) 3,379 1.7 All Grades 191,089 100.0 Source: Census of Canada, Vol. III, p. 667. - 23 - Table 6: Number and Percentage Distribution of the Male Population, 25 years of age and over, by Highest Grade Attended, Que- bec,_1961. Highest Grade Attended Number . Percentage Less than High School (1—8 years) 935,331 74.6 Some High School (9-10) 63,856 5.1 High School Graduate (11-12) 149,016 12.0 Some University (13-16) 41,710 3.3 University Graduate (17+) 62,610 5.0 All Grades 1,253,523 100.0 Source: Census of Canada, Schooling by age Groups, Vol. I, part 3, Catalogue 92557. -29.. the schooling of the general male population, 55 years of age and over. The nueber of high school graduates is over-estimated, since grades eleven and twelve are combined together as they ap- pear in the census. Grade eleven should have been placed at the level of ”some high school“ to fit our categories. The same difficulty was encountered eith the 1961 census. Again, the number of high school graduates is over- estimated. A number and percentage distribution of the male population by the highest grade attained is given in Table 6. Census data have been carefully used in order to es- tablish coeparisons between French and English leaders and the general male population of the province of Quebec. But we know that the kinds of rearrangements eade are subject to errors, so that findings bearing on these points should be interpreted with caution. C h a p t e r II THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND CULTURAL SETTING There can be no question of attempting here an exhausti- ve treatment of the socio~economic and cultural evolution of Que- bec Province. There is even danger of over-simplification in pre- senting, as it is intended, a panoramic view of the major changes characterizing this evolution. But some knowledge of these events are essential to understanding the possible differential mobility rates of French and English-speaking business leaders. The present- ation shall be confined to the bear essentials. Since the average age of the business elite was about 50 at the time of the study and the leaders were about 22 years old when they entered business (See Appendix Tables 2 and 3), the period under review will center around and between the years 1931 and 1961 for which census data or research findings are available. 1- The Socio-Economic Setting To a certain extent, the number of executive positions depends on long-term growth of the economy, the availability and ownership of capital, the number and size of establishments pro- ducing goods and services for an ever-increasing population. Moreover, production and distribution processes are constantly modified by a changing technology, demanding new manpower quali- fications and specializations. -30.. -31- a) Rate of industrial growth The province of Quebec is seen from the outside as an under-developed part of Canada and North America. Very much has been written about her "backwardness” or economic inferiority. This is not exactly true, because the writers do not make a clear distinction between the economic development of Quebec and the economic participation of French-Canadians in that development. As a matter of fact, the long-term growth rate of Quebec as com- pared to Ontario has been almost identical since 1870: 5.53% in Quebec, 5.48% in Ontario (1). For the period 1935-1955, rates of growth of industrial production are 10.53% in Quebec, 9.75% in Ontario, and 10.06% in Canada as a whole (2). However, the absolute level of Quebec manufacturing production amounts to two thirds of the observed level in On- tario, so that average personal income since 1926 is lower in Quebec than in Ontario, taking into account the difference in population increases. 1. RAYNAULD, Andre, Cgoissance et structure économigues de la province de Québec, Minist re de l'Industrie et du Commerce, Quebec, 1961, p. 43. 2e Ib1d3., pe 71s 3e Ibidem, ppe 56-57e -32.. Changes in the relative importance of industries are an- other cue to the development of an economy. At the turn of the century, Quebec's industrial structure was predominantly agricul- tural. According to Faucher and Lamontagne, "total production (was) estimated at 8150,000,000.: agriculture contributed to 65 percent, forestry 25 percent, manufacturing 4 percent, fishing and mining about 2 percent respectively" (4). At that time, English-owned textiles industries were firm- ly established and French-owned shoe industries on the decline. 80th Church and State heavily stressed farming occupa- tions, considering land-holding consistent with the traditional French-Canadian way of.life and value system. Leaving aside this cultural factor, the concentration of the work force in farming may be attributed to lack of employment opportunities outside the agricultural sector at that time, follow- ing a shift from "a regime of mercantilism to a system of industri- alism based upon coal, steel and steam" (5). It may also be at- tributed to regional manpower surpluses which usually accompany a rapid rate of growth at a time when population is increasing and technology is substituted for labor. The reasons why French- 4. LAMONTAGNE, m. and FAUCHER, Albert, "History of Industrial Development", in Essays on Contemporary Quebec, edited by J.C. Falardeau, Presses Universitaires Laval, Québec, 1953, p. 28. s. LAMONTAGNE, m., and FAUCHER, A., 92, cit., p. 27. -33- Canadians resorted to farming deserve further intensive invest- igation. Quebec economy can no longer be portrayed as an agricul- tural one. From data compiled by Andre Raynauld for the 1935-55 period, it can be observed that the contribution of agriculture to total Quebec production decreases from 12.4% to 6.3%: from 25.3% to 16.5% for Canada as a whole. Meanwhile, the contribu- tion of Quebec manufacturing increases from 57.5% to 62.5%: from 45.8% to 51.9% for Canada (6). These figures enable one to con- clude that farming is at present much less important in Quebec than in Canada as a whole. b) Availability and ownership of capital If the province of Quebec has developed at a rate comparable to that of Ontario and Canada as a whole, economic participation of French-speaking Canadians in this development appears relatively week. This is not, however, a phenomenon peculiar to Quebec. It is known that, in many countries or parts of them, industrial development has been initiated by outsiders. As far as avenues to the top of business hierarchies were (or are still) connected with controlling interests in or ownership of large-scale enterprises, so far would have the si- 60 RAYNAULD, Arldré, 22s Cite, pe 71s - 34 - tuations of French and English-Canadians differed when trying to climb the pyramids of emerging large-scale businesses. Historians and economists agree that Quebec's economic expansion after the surrender of French-Canadians in 1759 has been initiated and supported in great part by English-speaking people and British or American-owned capital. However, historical evi- dence is relatively weak on the potent factors that could explain the English economic hegemony. Long-term data on the ethnicity of ownership are almost non-existent. Legal arrangements preclude the public disclosure of foreign investments in the province of Quebec. Lamontagne and Faucher sustained that: "The erection of American subsidiaries in Quebec can be traced to the early years of Macdonald's national policy. Up to 1900, 25 American firms established branches in the Quebec territory... It is reported that in 1934, a third of the capital invested in Quebec was American“ (7). Michel Brunet, an historian, tends to hold that the French-Canadian's ”economic inferiority” goes back to the con- quest: "As early as 1780, fur trading, imports, exports, and a good fraction of domestic trade already belonged to Quebec, Three-Rivers, and Montreal English traders" (B). 7. LAMONTAGNE, N., and FAUCHER, 8., 92, cit., p. 36. 8. ERUWET, Michel, La presence anglaise et les Canadians, Beau- chemin, Montreal, 1958, p. 221 (translation is ours). -35- In an outstanding article on the lagging growth of French-Canadian enterprises, Jacques melancon points out that, in 1952, the total assets of French-Canadian savings institu- tions amounted to 2 billion dollars, whereas industrial enter- prises reached 250 to 300 millions in assets (9). Capital seems to be available to support economic ex- pansion, but French Canada's industrial concerns are essentially family owned and directed. Capital equity or controlling interest are in the hands of a family or close friends, so that the public at large is not invited to subscribe for shares and are not ac- tually traded on stock exchanges. Savings institutions are ex- ceptions, since their equity base is largely diffused through- out the population. This already leads us to assume the exis- tence of a close relation between capital ownership and the avenues to the top in the French-Canadian business world. Another way to assess the degree of French-Canadian participation in the economic development of Quebec is to look into long-term relative position of French-Canadians in the oc- cupational structure. Fragmentary research findings already re- ported showed the way French end English associate with one an- other in a joint effort to turn out products and render services. 9. MELANCON, Jacques, ”Retard de croissance de l'entreprise canadienne-francaise", L'Actualité economi us, Vol. 31, Jenvier-mars 1956, pp. 503-522. - 35 - Nathan Keyfitz collected data on the proportion of French in selected occupations for Canada and Quebec, census years 1931, 1941 and 1951 (10). He found that, in general, French-Canadians are under-represented in upper-income occupations such as owners, managers, and professional men. (See Table 7). In low-income posi- tions, such as farmers, farm laborers, truck drivers, chauffeurs, lumbermen, laborers, they are over-represented in proportion to their numbers. However, the number of French-Canadians is in- creasing in some of these occupations and decreasing in others, such as farmers and lumbermen. In medium-income occupations, like clerical, commercial and financial ones, their numbers and representation are both increasing. Since the propensity to save is usually higher in upper- income brackets than in lower-income ones, it can be tentatively assumed that French-Canadians have, in the past, been at a dis- advantage (when compare to total gainfully-occupied population) as far as capital accumulation is concerned. Obviously, saving and investment behavior as it is related to economic expansion and relative positions of ethnic groups in the occupational structure of Quebec deserves further investigation. Eventhough the trend in business financing is now towards the use of retain- 10. KEYFITZ, Nathan, "Some Demographic Aspects of French-English Relations in Canada", in J.C. Falardeau and Mason Wade, Canadian Dualism: Studies of French-English Relations, Level and Toronto University Presses, 1962, pp. 129-149. -37- Table 7: Percent of French to Total Male Gainfully-Occupied Popula- tion, for Selected Occupations, Quebec,g1931-1951 (f). Occupations _=_‘ 1931 1941 1951 All Occupations 75.6% 79.1% 79.7% Owners and Managers 65.1 66.2 65.5 in Manufacturing 58.3 50.4 48.1 Retail Trade 70.6 74.0 78.0 Wholesale 43.5 45.6 47.8 Professional 63.1 66.2 63.4 Engineers 36.1 36. 35.5 Lawyers 79.6 78.8 75.7 Physicians 70.1 69.6 69.7 Clerical 53.3 57.4 66.9 Commercial 66.9 72.5 73.6 Financial 59.8 64.9 67.5 Agricultural 88.6 90.9 91.6 Farmers 88.0 90.1 91.1 Laborers 89.3 91.9 92.2 Logging 91.3 93.2 94.9 Foreman 87. 88.3 92.7 Lumbermen 92.1 93.6 95.3 Manufacturing 70.4 73.9 79.0 Foremen » 64.6 64.3 70.0 Stationary Engineers 57.5 69.9 76.8 Power Station Operators Construction 78.4 82.6 86.6 Foremen 69.2 77.2 80.4 Carpenters 84.8 87.8 90.6 Plumbers 76.8 81.8 86.5 Fishing 57.7 60.1 59.9 Mining 66. 63.3 73.7 Transportation, Communication 77.6 82.6 84.2 Chauffeurs 79. 84.5 85.8 Messengers 59.6 75.5 79.5 Truck drivers 82.5 87.4 90.0 Table 7: Cont'd Occupations 1931 1941 1951 Service 64.3 71. 73.4 Laborers 76. 83.5 86.0 (Not in Agricultural, fishing, logging or mining) * Those Figures are drawn from Keytfitz's Table IV. KEYTFITZ, Nathan, "Some Demographic Aspects of French—English Relations in Canada? in J.C. Falardeau and Mason Wade, La dualité canadienne: Essais sur les relations entre Canadians-francais et Canadians-anglais, Toronto and Laval University Presses, 1960, p. 141-142. - 33 - ed earnings, pension plans, or means other than private money: although the separation of management and control from ownership grows constantly, this field of research presents an historical and economic interest. c) Number and size of manufacturing concerns The number of available executive posts is tied to the number and size of corporate hierarchies. To get an approximative view of the emergence of Quebec large-scale enterprises, it has been possible to compute some percentages on different sizes of manufactu- ring concerns and their contribution to the gross value of production. In 1932, 1.3 percent of all establishments accounted for 50.4 per- cent of total industrial production. In 1960, the percentage of establishments with shipments worth in excess of a million dollars was 8.2 percent but they accounted for 79 percent of total sales value of products (See Table 8). Over the same period, the per- centage of smell establishments (under $50,000.) decreased almost by half and their contribution to gross production shifted from 9 to 1.4 percent. Medium concerns ($100,000. to $999,000.) showed a proportionate increase, but their relative contribution to total value of factory shipments declined. For the two decades 1931- 1951, figures tend to indicate a certain degree of concentration in businesses with shipment values of a million and over. Their proportion showed an increase of 2 percent, but their relative contribution shifted from 50 to 76 percent. Unhappily, it was -39.. .- m-nee x-ucmaaq A0 .eecuuo .onmcou ca mafiuouoemaces ca nmmmocm mucmezwwanounm so mNHm can aarwumcso so wmax» Am "mmouoom 000.000.00~.e .00- 000.000.0-0.s .00- 000.000.000 0-0e amneaz 0.00 0.0 0.0e 0.0 0.00 0.- am>o ecu co-H-He F 0.5 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0- 0.- 000.000 as 000.000 0.5 0.0- 0.e -.0- 0.s- 0.0 000.000 as 000.000 0.0 -.0- 0.0 0.- 0.0 0.e 000.00- . 0s 000.00- 0.- 0.0- 0.0 0.0- 0.0 0.0 000.00 00 000.00 ms.- 00.00 m0.0 00.00 00.0 $0.00 000.00 umpc: mnao> mucmE mo~o> nucmE modm> mucmE moao> mmouu wnouu unmaanoumm enouu Inmaaneumu wmouu Ismaanoumu mo waoouu 000- -00- ~00- .000- .e000.~00- qomnmz0 .muoaboua mo mafia: macaw cu ocapuoooq nucmezmwaboueu ocwuouoowocos mo cofluanwuvwwo mocucmuuma .m manoh -40- impossible to get census data on the size of establishments clas- sified according to groups of gross value for the year 1941. More- over, the data presented are not exactly comparable from one decade to another, since they do not take into account changes in price level and capital investment per worker. However, these data enabled one to conclude that French and English-speaking business leaders were facing social pyramids of emerging or already established concerns, at least, in the manufacturing sector of the Quebec economy. d) Population and income per capita Population growth provides a good back-drop against which to set a brief analysis of changes in work force composi- tion and income per capita. Over the period 1901-1961, Quebec population increases from 1,648, 898 to 5, 259,211. Interdecade percentage increases oscillated between 10 and 27% for Quebec: between 10 and 34% for Canada as a whole (11). The population shift from rural areas to urban centers portrays the degree of urbanization. In 1901, 60 percent of the population was living in rural communities: in 1961, only 25 per- cent of Quebec population can be found in rural localities (12). One of the most important changes occurred in the in- 11. Source: Quebec Yearbook, 1962, p. 36. 12. Source: Ibidem, p. 41. - 41 - dustrial structure of occupations. The active male population shifted from the primary sector (exploitation of natural resources: farming and mining) to the secondary (refining and manufacturing) and tertiary (services) sectors of the economy (12-14). From 1900 to 1961, occupations in the primary sector were filled by 47 per- cent of the gainfully-occupied male population; in 1961, by only 14 percent. The proportion of the labor force employed in the secondary sector increases from 23 to 37 percent. The work force is more and more concentrated in the service industries: trans- portation, commerce, finance, personal and public services. Data for the province of Ontario and for Canada as a whole reveal al- most the same pattern of work force composition. In this sense, Quebec economic development shows a high degree of similarity to the pattern observed in other highly-developed countries. Quebec's rapid economic growth is also characterized by increase in personal income. Income per capita in Quebec quadru- pled during the period 1938 to 1961, growing from $325. to $1444. dollars; while it increased from 5365. to $1660. for Canada as a whole over the same years (15). 13. Source: ALLEN, Patrick, Tendances récentes des emplpis au Canada, Ecole des Hautes Etudes Commerciales, Docu- mentation éccnomique, Etude No 11, Montreal 1957. 14. FORTIN, Gérald, "Structure des occupations. Evolution et état actuel", in J.P. Montminy, L'Etude de la société, Presses Universitaires Laval, Quebec, 1965, pp. 210- 221. 15. RAYNAUD, André, 2E0 Cite, p. 200. - 42 - 2- The Socio-Cultural Milieu These highlights of economic development yield only a partial picture of Quebec's overall evolution as it concerns us here. The ideological context in which people live may also have a certain influence on the emergence and survival of large-scale enterprises. Cultural anthropologists , like Benedict, Kardiner and others, have revealed the existence of a relationship between social character formation and the cultural values embodied in family or educational institutions. Max Weber, the well-known sociologist, perceived a certain coincidence between the Protes- tant ethic and the emergence of a capitalistic society (16). Those protestant values e.g. hard work, thrift, perseverance, and foresight -celebrated by early English entrepreneurs were also the main ingredients conducive to occupational achievement and success in an impersonal market. To what extent have the French-Canadian's past ideologies and national character deterred or encouraged the blooming of entrepreneurial or managerial mindedness? Some sort of answer can be found in the countless, controversial essays written on this issue. Ideologies are said to be collective representations by which a society attempts to define itself and protect its image 16. WEBER, Max, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, New York, Scribner, 1948, 292 pages. -43- against outside threat. In French Canada, ideologies have been formulated by religious and political leaders, and historians. The main ingredients of the French-Canadian's self-image are French culture and language, and Roman Catholicism. It was the early teachings and social thinking of the clergy that shaped one of French Canada's earliest ideological sets. Religious leaders, it is generally accepted, had a predilec- tion for equating the rural way of life with a Christian and French Canadian way of life. They believed that French-Canadians had a "peasant vocation" (the phrase itself conveying a sacred meaning). As a matter of fact, countless were the admonitions to be faithful to the land. Even after the depression years, the land was still looked upon as "a point of return". An extract from Father Ares' book provides an illustration: "By tradition, vocation, as well as by necessity, we are a people of peasants. Everything that takes us away from the land diminishes and weakens us as a people and encourages cross-breeding, duplicity and treason" (17). This mode of thought was in radical opposition to urban living and its business activities, looked upon as a cold, de- personalized, and materialistic way of life. In the minds of 17. ARES, Richard, S.J., Notre question nationals, Montreal, Editions de l'Action nationals, 1943, p. 225. these leaders (mainly clergy), a "natural milieu", as defined by George Friedman, was the ideal context for the blossoming of moral virtues, and the reconstruction of a Christendom which had exist- ed in France during the Middle Ages. Here indeed was little in- citement for the French Canadian to get hold of industry and, by doing so, reduce his economic dependence. Paradoxical as it may seem, the official thinking of the Church in Rome on social matters was not, at that time, in opposition to capitalism, industrial- ization, or urbanization. Since, from the conquest on, the clergy had to take res- ponsibility for a large share of the French community's social organization, it is not surprising that educational institutions came to serve and embody this Renaissance of medieval Christendom. This meant, among other things, that higher education paid little attention to anything except the liberal arts and those practical arts necessary to the service of a rural community. The classic- al college offered a curriculum centered on humanities, religion, and philosophy. These disciplines opened the door to university education. Priesthood, medicine and law became highly-valued and attractive professions as they were useful in the rural context. "As to the businessman", in the words of Maurice Tremblay, "what- ever the success of his enterprises may be, he is far from having attained the social status equal to the one achieved by liberal - 45 - professions" (18). There was a complementary ideological current which may be called "nationalism". This feeling of nationalism is difficult to define due to the many facets of its manifesta- tion. French Canada's nationalism was a normal reaction against obstacles which seemed to threaten its ethnic entity. Expressions of nationalism reached a high degree of crystallization at the turn of the century with Bourrassa and Canon Groulx. They coalesced particularly around the defense of certain rights guaranteed by the constitution and the desire for economic independence. Even today this nationalism survives, for French origin, language and Catho- licism are still the important components of French-Canadian identity and those by which he is represented. From this cursory analysis of ideologies, it can be concluded that French-Canadians have evolved in a tradition- directed context. Tradition-directedness as a social character is likely to produce individuals who are most comfortable and efficient within a "natural milieu", where each person owns his own tools of production, is in daily contact with the raw mate- rial as well as the finished product: where family and community are basic social units. This may explain the French-Canadian's difficulties in coping with a changing technical milieu charac- terized by manpower, territorial mobility, rational calculations, profitability, efficiency and growth. 18. TREMBLAY, Maurice, "Orientations de la pensée sociale' in J.C. Falardeau (ed.), Essays on Contemporary Quebgg, Presses Universitaires Laval, Quebec 1953, p. 201. - 45 - Conclusions on this point seem to find support in the results of research conducted by Norman Taylor in 1957 on French-Canadian industrial entrepreneurs. He finds that their manufacturing undertakings tend to be family-oriented. This orientation is expressed by a resistance to growth beyond the circle of family relationships. Growth is also handicaped by "a resistance to the acceptance of equity capital from outside sources, by a reluctance to surrender any degree of administra- tive as well as financial, control of businesses". Taylor con- cluded that "comparisons between (the) attitudes of (the French- Canadian industrial entrepreneur) and those of his English-speak- ing counterpart have emphasized the fact that, by tradition, tem- perament, and training he clings to a different world of business from that which predominates in North America" (19). The foregoing outline of the main characteristics of the socio-economic and cultural evolution of Quebec brings into focus two points highly pertinent to the present study. The first is that Quebec has enjoyed a rate and pattern of economic growth consonant with the rest of North America due mostly to the initiative and direction of an Anglo-Canadian minority which by language and cultural context, was closer to its American and English partners than to its French-Canadian neighbors. The 19. TAYLOR, N.w., ”The French-Canadian Industrial Entrepreneur and his Social Environment", in Marcel Rioux and Yves Martin (eds), French-Canadian Societ , McClelland and Stewart Ltd, Toronto 1964, pp. 271- 295. -47- second point centers on the fact that Quebec's French-Canadian majority did not get in on the ground-work of the province's economic structure but continued to live and evolve in a cultural context out of contact with and even hostile to the burgeoning of a new industrial economy. As the effects of cultural forma- tion do not vanish like Cheshire-smiles, the French-Canadian still finds himself in a peculiar situation regarding his parti- cipation in the economic development of hi§_province - although the situation now seems to be changing. Considering thesethings, the French-speaking business leader's mobility rate can be ex- pected to be dissimilar from that of his English-speaking counter- part. The avenues of upward mobility may also be different for the two groups. C h a p t e r III OCCUPATIONAL ORIGINS AND MOBILITY RATES OF QUEEEC EUSINESS EEBDERS In all advanced societies, the father's occupation is an essential component of the barometer for measuring degree of occupational mobility. Intergeneretional comparisons of occupa- tional background enable one to ascertain whether or not the sons are mobile or whether they tend to succeed their fathers into elite positions. What is looked for is what similarities and differences exist on this point between: all Quebec business leaders and American ones; between French and English-speaking leaders. Differences and similarities pertain to occupational origins, mobility rates, and the degree of representation of various occupational categories within the economic elite. The analysis will also suggest to what extent occupational structures are closed or opened. 1- OccupationalfiOrigins The sample of present-day Quebec business leaders was asked to state the occupation of their fathers at the time they themselves became self-supporting. One hundred sixty four out of 167 French-speaking and 208 out of 219 English-speaking businessmen responded. The percentage distribution of answers is recorded in Tables 9 and 10. To facilitate comparisons between - 43 - .000 mucwncoummu acaxmmamlcwaamcm so umbeoz v00 nucmbcoawmn meaxmmawlzocmuu so umbeoz 0.00 0.000 0.00H 0.000 4<000 N.q m.q <.v 0.N um£u0 0.00 0.0m 0.00 0.00 amoeba; - 0.5 m.m 0.m 0.0 weapon 0 0.3 0.: 0.2 0.0 amiss - Hmownmau N.00 0.00 0.00 0.¢0 cue Hocowwmmuoua 0.00 v.0m 0.0m 0.0m umc30 mmmcawom «0.00 00.00 Wm.mw 00.00 m>ausomx0 nmmcwmom mcofibocou wcofibocou mumbwmm mwmcamom Ammm0M‘ umcuwu meamcu cocmuu omnmna Add wumuwmg .m.0 mo cowuwaouoo AmeuOUmuoo 001 .wumcmmJ wwmcawam .m.: Nmm0 me new wnmcem4 wwmcfiwsm Quebec 0000 no muscuou on» we escapeaaooo um 0H500 .000 .000 .000 .000 40000 - 50 - 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 mcofisoQ3000 00:00 «.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 muw>umw acmecum>ou 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 ummuou xuoufiafis ”ecowueasuuo 00000 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 Defiawxnzaemw no nmaaaxmcz 0.0 N.00 0.0 0.00 umxnos umaaaxm “genome; 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 nmxuoa Eumm 0.a 0.0 0.0 0.0 00:30 8000 "005000 0.00 0.0 0.0 0.0 meumu no x0000 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 cmEmmHmm unmxno3 Hmownmau 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 umcua : I : 0.0 umum0CHE 0.0 0.0 0.0 u ucwpc30060 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 umxseJ 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 “00:0000 v.0 0.0 0.N 0.0 muouuoo -coa Hmcofimmmmouu N.0 0.00 0.00 0.00 mmmcwmen 00050 00 00:30 N.0 0.0 N.0 0.0 mmmcwmon 530005 00 umcso 0.0 0.0 0.0 v.~ mmmcaman mouoa 00 00:30 "00:30 mmmcwmau 0.0 0.0 «.0 0.0 cwemnon 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.0 m>0uaomxm needs 0.00 0.0 «.m0 0.00 m>wuaumxm acne: -m>wuaumx0 wmmcamam mcmfinmcnu mcmfinmcmu mum0000 mmmcfimsm mm.amcpmflM umcumu swaaocu Locmum 002030 004 mceufinmsq mo coauwasuuo (ddwcofiumajuuo 0NM .mumvomJ wwmcwmnm .0.0 0000 use wumuomJ mmmcawam ombmoo 0000 mo wumcpeu ms» 00 mcowuwanooo “00 mane» -51- Quebec and U.S. leaders, the data collected by Lloyd Warner are also reported in these tables. a) American and all Quebec business leaders The distribution of percentages show that business execu- tives and owners are the major sources of the business elite in both Quebec and the U.S. About half of each category of leaders are sons of fathers who were in business as large, medium, and small owners or as major, minor executives and foreman. Percent- age differences batwean American and all Quebec business leaders for these occupations do not go beyond 4 percent. Turning to the clerical and farming occupations, there are slight but noticeable differences. Thirteen per cent of the American fathers and 8 percent of the Quebec fathers are clerical workers, while 5.1 percent of American and 9.0 percent of Quebec businessman are sons of farmers. An equal proportion of American and Quebec business leaders start from two occupational groups: professional man and laborers. Using Table 10 where data are recorded for 20 occupa- tions, it can be observed that the most marked differences reside in only three occupations: minor executives, clerk or retail workers, and farm owners. The remaining occupations show a fair- ly similar distribution of fathers' origins for American business leaders and all Quebec businessman. -52- In light of the socio-economic setting described in chapter 11, this striking similarity of occupational origins between American and all Quebec business leaders becomes under- standable. It has been carefully pointed out that the socio- economic evolution of Quebec followed the development pattern which is common to most industrializing societies, as far as rate of economic growth and sectorial shifts in the composition of the work force are concerned. However, it was underlined that there are important differences in the participation of the French and English-speaking elements in the socio-economic life of Que- bec. For this reason, it is to be expected that French and English-speaking leaders will show marked differences of occu- pational origins. b) French and English-speaking leaders The percentage distribution of leaders according to their father's occupations are recorded in Table 9 and Table 10. Again, it can be seen that about 50 percent of the leaders from each ethnic group are sons of fathers who were in business as executi- ves or owners. However, when a separate analysis of this percent- age is made for the two ethnic groups and for each of the two oc- cupational categories, marked differences show up. Twenty-seven percent of French-speaking but only 17.3 percent of English- speaking leaders are born to fathers' who were in business as owners - a comparison which is almost reversible for the business executive occupational category. (See Table 9). Nearly, thirteen percent of French-speaking leaders are sons of small business -53- owners, where as 17.3 percent of English-speaking leaders are sons of major business executives. (See Table 10). The professions account for 10.8 percent of the French- Canadian business elite and 17.2 of the English-speaking one. The proportion of French-speaking businessmen originating from the laboring class is twice as great as the proportion for English-speaking leaders; 20 percent and 10 percent respectively. Fathers of French-speaking leaders appear to be concen- trated in the skilled-worker occupations; 15.2 percent as compared to 5.3 percent for their English-speaking counterparts. (See Table 10). The clerical worker category gives the following break- down: 14.4 percent English-speaking, 11 percent French-speaking. Here English-speaking leaders originate largely from clerical or retail occupations, whereas French-speaking leaders are more often sons of fathers who were salesmen. (See Table 10). The remaining part of the elite are sons of men from other occupations: particularly, from government service in the case of French-Canadian executives. This analysis of the occupational origins of Quebec business leaders may at first lead us to conclude that, in as much as the largest part of its economic elite is recruited with- in the business owner and executive occupational categories, - 54 - Quebec does not deviate from the pattern which tends to prevail in advanced industrialized societies. However, the conclusion would be only partially true, for the French-speaking leaders do 293 follow the pattern. The two largest proportions of the French elite are ggt_sons of major or minor executives (as is true for the English) but some rather from skilled worker and small-owner categories. A tentative explanation of these differences between French and English may be found in the studies pertaining to the relative composition of the work force mentioned in both chapters I and II. These studies reveal that English Canadians traditional- ly held positions of great authority in emerging large—scale Quebec business. They are more heavily concentrated in upper- white collar occupations while French Canadians tend to be over- represented in blue-collar ones. 2- Amount of Mobility A- Over-all mobility rates Occupational mobility, be it vertical or horizontal, may be ascertained by finding the percentage of business leaders who are born to fathers outside major-executive and large-business owner occupations. The important question here is: 00 business- men tend to succeed their fathers in top-executive positions? The answer will be given, first, for American and all Quebec leaders; than, for French and English-speaking leaders. -55.. a) American and all Quebec leaders By adding percentages of fathers in major-executive and large-business owner categories (Table 10), it can be observed that an almost equal proportion of American and Quebec leaders tend to succeed their fathers into elite position: 17 percent and 16.7 percent respectively. The remaining 83 percent of leaders are sons of men who were in 18 other different occupa- tions. Thus, the over-all mobility rate is about the same for American to all Quebec business executives. b) French and English-speaking leaders Considering both ethnic groups separately, it can be found that only 12 percent of French-speaking and 20 percent of English-speaking executives tend to succeed their fathers in top-level business positions. The remaining 88 percent of French and 80 percent of English leaders originate from the 18 other occupations. The over-all mobility rate of French-speaking business executives is of 8 percent greater than that of English- speaking business leaders. 8- Vertical mobility rates A rough estimate of the degree of vertical mobility may be had by using the following occupational class scale which was established in the first chapter of this report. Level 1. Proprietors, managers and professional men. - 53 - Level 2. Medium, small owners: minor executives, foreman: clerical workers and salesmen. Level 3. Farmers, laborers, skilled and semi-skilled workers. a) American and all Quebec business leaders Do American leaders tend to come in greater numbers from middle and lower-level occupations than all Quebec business leaders? This question can be answered by adding up percentages recorded in Table 10 for those occupations which comprise what were called levels 2 and 3. About an equal proportion of American (43%) and Quebec leaders (44.6%) are born to fathers in occupations listed at level 2. Twenty four percent of American businessmen and 19.5 percent of Quebec leaders originated from occupations enumerated at level 3. On this count alone, it can be concluded that American leaders tend to originate from middle and lower-level strata in a slightly greater proportion (3%) than all Quebec business leaders. b) French and English-speaking leaders Turning to the analysis of percentage distributions for French and English, it can be observed that 46.2 percent of French- speaking and 43.2 percent of English-speaking executives are sons of men in middle-level occupations: a differential of 3 percent. Twenty-five percent of the French-speaking leaders and 15 per- cent of the English-speaking ones are born to fathers in lower- level strata: a differential of 10 percent. - 57 - So it can be found that the proportion of French-speak- ing leaders originating from middle and lower strata is 13 percent higher as compared with their English-speaking counterparts. How- ever, this over-all differential is an unweighted rate, since cal- culations overlook the differences between a shift from level 3 to level 1 and a shift from level 2 to level 1. These observations lead to conclude that American leaders show a slightly greater degree of vertical mobility than all Quebec business leaders. French-Canadian leaders were more mobile than their English-Canadian counterparts. A detailed examination of differential mobility patterns will appear in a subsequent chapter. 3- Degree of Representation and Fluidity in Occupational Structures It is possible to assess the degree of closeness or open- ness of occupational structures by finding out whether or not some occupational categories supply a greater share of the economic elite than their proportion in the general population. The defi- nition and measure of the degree of representation have been given in the first chapter of this report. Table 11 provides data for evaluating the degree of over- representation and under-representation for nine different catego- ries. Data are given for all Quebec business leaders and for each ethnic group separately. The percentage distributions by - 53 - 000000 H-e 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 cofipwmsoou 00:00 0.0 0.0 0.00 0.0 0.00 0.0 summons; 5000 0.00 0.0 0.00 0.0 0.00 0.0 newness; umaaameHEmm .000-000:0 0.00 0.0 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.0 mom00004 umaaflxm 0.0 0.0 0.00 0.0 0.00 0.v mamcso 5000 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 moomw>nmaem :050000 0.0- 0.00 0.0 0.00 0.00 0.00 000000 0:0 .cmEmmHmm 00003000 0.0 0.00 0.0 0.00 0.0 0.00 cm; asconwmuonu 0.0 0.0V N.0 0.00 0.0 0.00 mumc30 new mm>0uoomx0 wmmcamom 000000 0000 :0 000000 2000000000 noaoa #0304 agenda; mom: cofiueaoaoa wnmnom4 wmmc cofiuwaoa combos; mama ombmoc :0030 0000 no uaon< macs nwwom 0000 we tau umnmnc wwmcawsm 0000 -.»o» to 0 .rm;s.0 so 0 -mso- 0070 .am;s.0 to 0 -a-os so 0 to 00000.0 00 0 ncewnoc00|00000C0 wcofiucceuncocmnu enmnomg mmmcamom .0000 new museum 00:090 mm smowpoa cocoa paonq mass omnmoc use custom; moccawom 0000 no wumzuou mza mo cowuonwnpwao Hmcoauwuoooo .00 manw0 - 59 - ethnic groups of the total male gainfully-occupied population were obtained from a reorganization of 1931 census data. Nu- merical distribution and methods of obtaining it are given in the chapter dealing with research methods and techniques. (Chapter I). The year 1931 was chosen as this seemed the closest census data relevant to the research on the occupational cate- gories of the respondents' fathers. The average age of the res- pondent at the time data were collected (1963) was about 50. It was thought that, as they probably became self-supporting at the age of 20, the answers they gave on father's occupation were for census year 1931. Unfortunately, it was impossible to get data on the number of business owners by size of establishments. Consequent- ly, business executives (foreman excepted) and owners have been placed in one occupational category, and percentages have been computed accordingly. A rapid reading of the figures in Table 11 reveals that two occupational categories - professional men, business executi- ves and owners - provide a greater share of leaders than their proportion in the entire population. Farm owners, skilled, semi- skilled workers, and laborers are under-represented in the business elite. These observations apply to all Quebec business leaders and to French and English-speaking leaders taken separately. - 6D - A more precise assessment of the degree of representation can be obtained by calculating the ratio between the proportion of the total 1931 population and the proportion of the fathers of Quebec business leaders contained in each occupational category. These various ratios are recorded in Table 12 for American, all Quebec business leaders, for French and English-speaking leaders. Ratios are also ranked according to the importance of each occupa- tional category. Ratios and rankings will enable one to ascertain which occupations provide more or less than their share of the total population. One important pattern emerging from data recorded in Table 12 is the high degree of similarity among the rankings. American, all Quebec, and French-speaking leaders show exactly the same ranking. The only break in the pattern concerns the reverse ranking of farm-owner and skilled-laborer occupations in the case of English-speaking leaders. The business-executive and owner category is over-repre- sented in the business elite. This occupational category feeds into top-executive posts more than S to 8 times its proportionate share of the total male-adult population. The professions are the second best suppliers of business elite. Farm-owners, skilled, semi-skilled, unskilled, and farm laborers are occupations which provide less than their share of the business elite. These occu- pations are all under-represented both in the Quebec and U.S. economic elite. 00.0 n coaueucmnmuamu Hocoapuououu * ..>Hoc0buoouo 000000 mcu bmuaaeou me can onmcanan mouoa 00 00:30 .m>0»:omxm genus .m>0»:umxm seafle mo mco mg» 0» mmuucmuumu numcso oomcanan Haas» mcanoo >n .Hc .a .n manoh u.nmcun3 ommcouucmu m3 .numcso nnmcaman Hausa amass: on» m>oc no: on ma macaw * m mo.o m 00.0 m mo.o m 00.0 mumuonwu Egon w 0N.o v m0.o u m0.o b 00.0 numuonoa umaaaxm swam» .mbHHHxnc: m ms.o m 00.0 m 0v.o m no.0 oneness; nmaaflxm . 0 00.0 0 00.0 0 00.0 0 00.0 000030 0000 m. . n mw.o m Nu.N n am.0 n mm.0 cmEmuom 0 00.0 0 00.0 0 00.0 0 00.0 000000 000 00000000 .Houwumau N wN.N N mo.n N Nq.n N om.n cmE Hmcoanmmmoua 0 mN.m 0 mm.m 0 ON.m 0 *qq.m numcso use mm>0uaumxm onmcwwam umupo owuom nmnuo capom amuse oaunm umbuo capom onhqusuuo xcom xcom xcom 1com ncn0uocou ncnabncnu wumuomJ nmeHmnm *ANmmr Iznwaocu Iguassu umnmaa HH< . umcuogv mcouwpms¢ .npmbomJ onmcwonm Nmmr .m.: can n©m0 umnmaa Lo amounom 0N0 man00 -62- Sharp differences show up for the two middle-level oc- cupations, clerical workers and foreman, among the four groups of business leaders. In the American economic elite, clerical work- ers are under-represented (0.80), while this is not so for all Quebec business elite (1.26). Clerical workers and foreman are represented in excess of their proportion (1.32 and 2.72) in the case of French-speaking leaders. These same occupations are under- represented (0.73 and .79) in the English-speaking elite. As far as the ranking of occupations is concerned, these observations lead us to conclude that access to the business elite is relatively difficult for sons who are born to fathers in oc- cupational categories other than those of professional men, business executives and owners. This pattern of access to the elite appears fairly similar among the four different groups of leaders. The French-Canadian structure, however, shows less rigidity than the English-Canadian, since two categories in the middle of the occupational class scale provide more than their share of the French-Canadian economic elite. 4- The Professions as Source of Business Leaders Let us now focus on a detailed examination of one impor- tant occupational category as a source of business leaders: the professions. Comparisons between U.S. and all Quebec business leaders can be made for three professions: engineering, law, and medicine. Figures recorded in Table 13 show that law is the best supplier of the economic elite: eleven times its share of the a”? 0Q QQHHU 0&0 Q0403 QHOCHUB 00.0 00.0 0.00 00.00 00.0 000.0 000 000000000000 000 .. 00.0 0.0 00.0 00.0 000.0 00000000000 00000 .. 00.0 .. 00.0 -- 000.0 000000000 . 00.0 00.0 0.0 00.0 00.0 000.0 000000 10 ,w 00.0 00.00 0.0 00.0 00.0 000.0 000300 00.0 00.0 0.0 00.0 00.0 000.0 00000000 In om.m In m0.N In 0mm.o uouwco< 00.0 II ucopcaoooq nmumacaz thmer‘ Anmmhwl cowmmmmouu .m.: omcmnc .m.: omcmoc .m.3 omcmaa mmmopcmouma mo magnum mpmcomb mmmcamom Lo numcuom mo mooucmoumd cowumfiamdu wanna mane enmw mo omopcmoumd wumcwmq mmmcfimom .m.: can omomoa mo mmouoom no mcowmnmmouu mg» "nr mans» - 54 - total male working population in Quebec and eight times its share in the United States. Engineers are over-represented to a greater extent in U.S. (4.80 times) than in Quebec (2.42 times) while doctors are over-represented to a greater extent in Quebec (8.85 times) than in the U.S. (4.78 times). When ratios are computed for all professions, it can be observed that they pro- vide an almost equal share of the economic elite (3.4 and 3.5 in the province of Quebec and as in the United States. Turning to comparisons between French and English within the province of Quebec, more marked differences can be expected. It has already been mentioned that the French-Canadian educational system was largely geared to the production of at- tractive occupations such as doctors, lawyers, and priests. Consequently they have been traditionally considered poor pro- viders of the business elite. According to Table 14, 10.8 percent of French-speaking business leaders are sons of professional men, whereas 17.2 per- cent of the English-speaking group are sons of men in this cate- gory. Taking the percentages on face value, one would conclude that professions are a more important source of business execu- tives for English-Canadians than they are for French—Canadians. However, as soon as the proportion of professional men in the working population is taken into account, the situa- tion looks different. Professional men are in fact over-repre- .00coammwmouo 00:00: 00000000 mzu 5000 cmuouoamm comb no; 0000000000: co0uooaooo or» monsoon 0 00000 :0 cmuoo0cc0 ma N.0 Lo compmcw flm.0 * Nm.o mm.o *n.0 m.0 om.N mm.0 macawmmuou; 00:00 0.0 00.00 00.0 0.0 0.0 00.0 00.0 000000.000 6 . mm.0 00.0 0.m 0.N m0.o 0m.o 000000 00.00 00.0 0.0 0.0 00.0 00.0 000300 00.0 00.0 0.0 0.0 00.0 00.0 00000000 mm.o mm.m 0.0 o.n m0.0 mm.o nonwoaq ucoucooouq mcoaoocou 0co0cmcmu mcoaoocmu ncofioocouxt mcofioocou mcowcocou T, COHmwmmoua unawamcu Icocmuu ncmaamcu Izocmum tcnfiaocm uzocmuu ammoucmoumu namc000 momcwmnm moor mo coapoaomog 003cc was: no magnum oumcuom 00 momucmoumu 0mm? 00 mooacmuuma mumcomg mmmcamom 002030 00 mmopoom mm mcoflmmmmouo 0:0 "00 maco0 - 55 - sented in the French business elite by a factor of three in the English-speaking group. (See Table 14). When the professional group is broken down into its components: accountant, engineer, lawyer, doctor, professor, and other professions, important differences between French and English can be pointed out. Of all professions accounting is the most important provider of the French-speaking business elite. Law and medicine are the second most important suppliers. Accountants provide 8 times and lawyers and doctors 7 times more than their respecti- ve shares of the French-Canadian working population. Accountants and engineers are under-represented in the English-Canadian business elite. They provide less than their share of the working population: 0.83 and 0.87 respecti- vely. Law is the most important supplier of business executives. After lawyers, in order of decreasing proportions, come pro- fessors (13.57) and doctors (7.55). Finally, professions other than the ones studied above are under-represented in the business elite. 5- §gmmary of Findings and Possible Limitations A certain number of major findings sift through the foregoing analyses of occupational origins, amount of mobility - 67 - and degree of representation for American and Quebec business leaders. It is now possible to summarize and relate them to the economic and cultural context described in chapter II. 1. A large proportion of the men who hold positions of power and prestige in both the United States and Quebec business hierarchies have fathers who were already in business as owners or executives. Recruiting of the business elite shows a fairly similar pattern that can be best explained by referring to a shared context of major changes which have occurred over the last decades in the entire North-American economy. The decline of the agricultural sector; the emergence of large-scale service industries in the fields of communications, transportation, fi- nance, and retail; the growth of gross national product; the increase in the standard of living; the movement toward indus- trial concentration, and the shifts in the composition of the labor force are some of the important changes that took place first in the U.S. economy and soon after in the province of Quebec. 2. French and English-speaking leaders show important differences as to occupational origins.. The two largest propor- tions of French leaders originate from men who were skilled work- ers and small business owners, whereas the two largest percentages of English-speaking leaders are sons of major and minor executives. This particular finding can be also explained by looking into the socio-economic and cultural context. English-speaking executives - 53 - have long been looked upon as the initiators of Quebec economic development. It is a matter of fact, (the studies about the re- lative composition of Quebec labor force corroborate it), that English-speaking have customarily held a larger share of the top positions in emerging corporations than their numbers in the to- tal Quebec population would warrant. It is, therefore, not sur- prising to find that the two largest proportions of English-speak- ing leaders are sons of fathers who had already established a firm hold in the management of Quebec business enterprises. These same studies (see Chapter I) show French-speaking people more concentrated in small business and in lower-level occupations. To find that French-speaking leaders are more likely to be sons of fathers who started their own business, who tried the hard way, or who were skilled workers is not then a surprise. 3. The section dealing with the amount of mobility shows than an equal proportion of American and Quebec business leaders tend to succeed their fathers into elite positions. However, French-speaking leaders are more often likely to come from lower- level strata than English-speaking businessmen. This is not sur- prising for, as summary 2 points out, the former have less oppor- tunity to follow their fathers in elite positions than do the latter. Consecuently, French-Canadians, heavily concentrated in lower-level occupations, have to be more mobile in order to reach the summit of business hierarchies. 4. Another important finding bears upon access to the - 59 - business elite. The analysis of the degree of representation of various occupations in the business elite reveals that difficul- ties of access to the economic elite are about the same for the four groups of leaders studied. It was observed that sons of men in lower occupational strata are under-represented in the American business elite as well as in the French and English-speaking business elite of the province of Quebec. However, French-Canadian occupational struc- ture appears more open than the English-speaking one, since in the case of the former clerical workers and foremen supply more than their share of business executives. Concerning ethnicity vs occupational origin as an ave- nue to top-level business positions, it is concluded that occu- pational origin plays a more important role than ethnicity in opening the road to the summit of business enterprises. 5. The data pertaining to professions do not give strong support to the persistent belief that the Quebec educational system oriented toward the liberal arts has been a deterrent to business careers. As a matter of fact, the professions provide more businessmen than their share of the total male working po- pulation. Accounting and engineering are better suppliers of the business elite in the case of French-Canadians than in the case of their English-speaking counterparts. - 70 - :ouoouou poox mo woman on» no nozuow goo» mo cowuooooooz “cowuoooo on» o» sconcoooou mo cones: on» ow uocu oucoocoooon mcaxooaouxoaamcu mom can mcaxoooolcocouu vow co owoon on» co couoaooaou coon o>oc oomoacoouoa * 0.? o.n 0.? o.m uoaoco oz c.w N.F ocowuoooooo uozuo v.e v.~ oofi>uom acoscuo>ou N.m N.q ocoauooouoo a...“ ma $28 33.35 .853 m.~ «.0 ooaawxoaanmlcoaaaxoc: s.m m.mv uoxuos ooaaaxm m.m m.mv nouooou 0.0 0.0 uoxuos Esau m.v m.s nocso Euou m.v m.m oosuoo «.0 m.v xooau m.me m.me uoxoo3 m.v m.> coeooaom uoaaouuouALB v.0 c.~ uozvo 0.? o.n ucopcooooq m.n o.n uoxsoo 0.? m.w ooocamcm F.>r ©.Nr cog n.m v.N uoaooo aocowooomouo 5.0 m.re oocso Haoem N.o m.> nocso snauoz >.oe v.NN noose m.m o.n socso oouou ooocaoam m.e N.v coeouou m.Nr >.m o>wuoooxo socwa F.0m om o>fiuoooxu n.me e.m o>wvoooxo coho: ooocaoom mm mm mm a ocoficocou oceanocou Aooooum omv cognac ocofioocou ocofioocou Aooooum 5v Izowaocm Izocoou poo» Lo coauoooooo ILomecu tLucouu socaou no cowuoooooo .xuopm on» no osak on» no ouos ocom on» on ooq oeom one ouos xocp coca ouoooou ooocaoom uooooc name no ouocuou or» no ocamaoo Hocoauoooooo “me oanop -71- Table 16: Occupational Origins of the Fathers at two Different Periods of Time in the Life of their Sons: at the Start of their Career and at their Present Age. Differences expressed_;g Percentages. PERCENTAGE DIFFERENCES Occupation of French-Canadians English-Canadians Father Business Executive 0.0 -1.6 Business Owner -S.0 +0.4 Professional man +108 -001 white-Collar Worker +1.8 -0.5 Farmer 0.0 0.0 Laborer -1.2 -0.5 Other occupation 0.7 +1.0 Unknown +3.0 1.0 6- Possible Limitations of the Research on chggational Origins One may argue that the father's position may have changed after the son began his work career. So it could happen that a father reported as a small owner at the time his son became self- supporting may have shifted from one position to another or even from one level to another in the course of his son's career. If this were so, the findings of this research involve severe limi- tations. Foreseeing this problem of possible position shifts, the respondents were asked to give the position of their father when he was their age. It was then possible to compare occupa- tions of fathers at two different periods of time. Occupations of the fathers of business leaders when they were the same age as their sons at the time of the study are recorded in Table 15. Differences in fathers' occupations at the two periods of time are calculated in Table 16. They are derived from comparisons between Table 8 and Table 15. For seven occupational groups we detect only one major change. Twenty-seven percent of French-Canadian leaders were sons of business owners when they became self-supporting and only 22 percent were sons of business owners when their fathers were their age. No im- portant changes occurred in the case of English-speaking execu- tives fathers. Therefore, the data collected on occupational origins of business leaders at the time they became self-supporting appear reliable for percentage calculations and comparisons. C h a p t e r IV EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT 0F QUEFEC BUSINESSflDERS In a world of technological changes, the emphasis on increasing educational facilities and a greater access to educa- tion for all citizens can be easily understood. It seems, in fact, that economic advancement and status improvement can be more easily secured with the acquisition of new knowledge and qualifications. However, it is still possible to maintain a high-level status or climb up the social pyramid of corporate systems without formal high school and university education or without the kind of education which is directly connected with a career in business administration. The purpose of this chapter is to find out the extent of educational attainment of Quebec business leaders. More preci- sely, an attempt will be made to answer the following questions: 1. what proportion of French-speaking leaders in comparison with their English-speaking counterparts have a university educa- tion? How many of them chose to make a career in business and succeeded without a formal university education? In other words, how many tried the hard way to reach the top? - 73 - - 74 - 2. Did Quebec business leaders attain a higher degree of educa- tion than the general population? 3. To what degree educated men come from higher occupational backgrounds than from lower ones? 4. Are there any relationships between nativity, size of business and educational attainment? 5. what are the similarities or differences between the education- al levels of leaders' fathers and the educational attainment of the leaders themselves? 6. How many of them kept on improving their knowledge through additional business courses or formal training within the company for which they worked? 1. Educational Attainment of Present-day Business Leaders Similarities and differences between French and English- speaking leaders are revealed in Table 17. About 80 percent of English-speaking executives got a university* education as compared with 68 percent in the case of French-speaking leaders. Thirteen percent of each ethnic origin entered university but did not ob- tain a degree. About one fifth of the French-speaking leaders tried the hard way. They entered business with some years of high * In the case of French-Canadian leaders, Philosophy I and II have been placed at the university level. (See Chapter 2 and Appendix II for more details). 0.00? v.00? 0.00? oases . N3mm m.sm o.m ouoocoomlpooa com .o 7. opooooou >uaouo>flc3 . N.22: N5P m.m >uwwoo>flca osom o.or o.ms o.ms msmauooo sacrum Loo: N.n s.ep w.m Hoocum Low: osom s.r s.m o.sp Hoogom goo: cans some some compoooom ocoaoocou ocofioocou ca Aoo>o oco oooox va :Lowamcu Isocouu cowuoaoooa mama oonooo ouooooo ooocwmom nwmr .ewmr cw coawoaooou Houocom oz» can ouooooo ooocwoom cocooo Lo cowuoooow "be oaook - 75 - school or without any high school education at all. Only 4.5 percent of English-speaking leaders terminated their formal schooling without obtaining a high school or a university degree. Studying the education of the American business elite, warner and Absgglen discovered that 76 percent of business leaders went to college and 57 percent graduated (1). At this level of education, Quebec English-speaking leaders surpass American exe- cutives. French-Canadian leaders lag a bit. However, self-made men, those who chose the hard way, are found in a greater propor- tion among French-speaking executives than among English-Canadian or American ones. There are thus marked differences in the educa- tional attainments of French and English leaders. 2. Education of the General Population and the Business Leaders Data on the educational level of the adult male popula- tion, by highest grade attained, are reported in Table 17. Census data have been rearranged to fit the categories of educational levels listed on the questionnaire*. Unhappily, it was impossi- ble to get figures for people of different ethnic origins. Per- centage calculations show that three quarters (74.6 percent) of the general population in 1961 terminated its formal schooling 1. WARNER, W.L., and ABECCLEN, J.C., 22. cit. p. 96. * See Chapter I for additional details. -77.. after completion of the eight grade or less, compared with 8.4 percent of French-speaking and 1.4 percent of English-speaking leaders. Had the figure corresponding to the average age of the business leaders (about 50 years) been taken, greater dif- ferences between the general population and the business leaders would probably have been found. The proportions of university graduates and post-graduates among business leaders are respecti- vely eleven and thirteen times more than those for the adult male population of the province of Quebec: the proportion of business leaders who spent a few years at the university without graduating is four times higher. However, a similarity appears between leaders and general population in the case of French-Canadians at high school graduation level: here the proportions are almost identical. In general, data lead to conclude that mobile men have attained a higher degree of education than the general popu- lation. It may seem paradoxical that as it was mentioned in a previous chapter French-speaking leaders are slightly more mobile, now that their educational attainment is discovered to be lower than that observed in the case of English-speaking leaders. Edu- cational attainment seems to play a less important role as an avenue to the top for French-speaking leaders. However, data should be interpreted with caution since graduation and post- graduation involve more years of schooling in French educational institutions than in English ones. To shed more light on this issue and to get possible explanations, the investigation has to be pushed further. - 73 - 3. Occupational Origins and Educational:Attainment One possible explanation for the lower degree of educa- tional attainment among French as compared to English-speaking leaders may be found in the relationship between the leaders' occupational backgrounds and their educational achievement. It has already been said that French-speaking leaders come from lower occupational levels in a greater proportion than their English-speaking counterparts. Moreover, it is reasonable to think that parents in low-level occupations could not afford, in the past the degree of education they wished for their offspring. The data recorded in Table 18 tend to support this assertion. Fourty-four percent of French-speaking laborers' and farmers' sons attended university as compared to 77 percent of those of English-speaking executives. Within the former oc- cupational class 22 percent of French and 3 percent of English- speaking leaders did not advance beyond the eight grade: how- ever, 34 percent attended high school as compared with 20 per- cent of English-speaking leaders. When one looks at the upper end of the occupational- class scale, he can find that over 81 percent of the sons of large owners, major executives and professional men got a univer- sity education. Differences are more impressive in the case of I ocowoocou I oooo Loom CH 0 “ocoapoooouo uozuo mafixoooo Lowamcm er nco Locouu n «caocxco oocpoc Lo cospoooooo s.mu o.~o «.ms o.sm q.s s.m mcosooaaooo Has no as ON on m mm uouooou coo cosmos . m” me we em mm m I amigos acadooumoscs . Hoowuoau oco ooaom Pm so or mm N m nocso Haoeo oco annoe coEooom o>wuoooxm uoCHE mm om we m I m one Hocowooomouo use moss was 30.0 mo.o $0.0 amass means new o>Huoooxu cowoa ocowoocou ocowcocou ocofioocou ocowoocou ocofioocou ocoficocou Aoajouuv nocuou Icoaaocw Izocouc ILoHHocu Izocouu Icowamcm Inucouu mo cowuoooooo assmam>scz Hoogom so“: Hoogom gas: can» ammo ooooooo ooocwoom oooooa nmmw mo cowuoooou or» can unwafiooz HoCOHquJUUO “mr mane» - 30 - French-Canadians, since sons of large owners and major executives all attended university. The proportions of sons of minor executives, foremen, medium and small owners who spent some years at university whether they graduated or not, are 67 percent for French and 81 percent for English-speaking leaders. The proportions are almost identi- cal for both ethnic groups in the case of salesmen's and clerical workers' sons. 4. Nativity, Size of Business and Education In the second chapter, the most important differences characterizing the socio-cultural context within which Quebec leaders live were pointed out. One of those differences per- tained to educational institutions and suggests another possible explanation for the lower degree of educational attainment among French-speaking leaders, that of the relationship between place of birth, ethnic origin and the degree of education attained. Data bearing on this point are reported in Table 19. More than 90 percent of French-speaking leaders were born in Quebec, as compared to about 80 percent of English- speaking executives who were born outside the province of Quebec. The proportion of leaders who got a university education outside Quebec is greater than the proportion of French speaking leaders who attained the same educational level in the province of -31- 0.000 0.000 0.00 0.0 0.00 0.0 0.00 0.0 0.00 0.00 00000000000 mo oooucoouou 0.00 0.00 0.00 I 0.00 0.000 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 xssmam>sc0 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.0 0.00 0.0 0.0. 0.00 0.00 0.00 000000 :00: 00.0 00.0 $0.0 00.0 00.0 w0.0 00.0 00.0 w0.0 00.0 000000 £00: :00» moms .0.0 .0.0 .0.0 .0.0 .0.0 .0.0 .0.0 .0.0 .0.0 .0.0 cossoosno ooocou oooca>ouo ououooq HH< oowouoo nocuo owuouco cocooo c 0 a 0 0 a o m o 0 0 0 ouotooa ooocfioom uonooc mo cofiuoooou Ucolxuw>wuoz .00 000mb - 32 - Quebec. Differences range between 82.6 percent and 66.7 per- cent when one disregards the percentages of French-speaking businessmen who were born outside the province of Quebec. At the high school level, the trend appears reversed. Twenty-four percent of Quebec-born French leaders attended high school, the proportion being smaller for the English-speaking born outside Quebec. Thus the pattern revealed by the data tend to support the tentative explanation of a lower degree of educational attainment for French-Canadian leaders. However, all comparisons are based on the implicit assumption that leaders received education in their place of birth. Data are reliable to the extent that this assumption holds true. Studying the relationship between the size of business and the educational attainment of executives, Taussig and Joslyn came to the conclusion that the larger the business the greater the number of college-educated men (2). Data recorded in Table 20 check with the findings of Taussig and Joslyn. University-educated leaders are found in greater pro- portion in large scale businesses than in relatively small ones, (10 millions of dollars in gross revenue or less). When French are compared to English at this level, it can be noticed that French university-educated executives are in smaller proportions. 2. TAUSSIC, F.w., and JOSLYN, C.S., American Fusiness Leaders, New York, 1932, pp. 181-182. -33.. 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 000000 000 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0000000000 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 V 0.00 0.00 000000 0000 00.0 W0.00 00.0 000 00.0 00.00 000000 0000 0000 0000 .0.0 .0.0 .0.0 .0.0 .0.0 .0.0 000000000 0000 000 00 00 00 00 00 00 0 o o o c 0 o 3 m o o o w H m .nmmr cw ooco>ou ooouo :0 ouoaaoc Lo ocoaaHHEMTooocfinom co onm Hoouo< cco cowpoooom «om.MflmQH - 84 - Another important difference lies in the fact that 52 percent of French-speaking leaders are concentrated in business with gross sales of one to ten millions. So the paradox mentioned earlier may have its explanation. French-speaking leaders may be slightly more mobile while, at the same time, having a lower degree of educational achievement, since more than half of them are engaged in corporations relatively smaller than those for which English- speaking leaders work. 5. Fathers' ang,Sons' Educational Achievement Most studies of mobility reveal that sons advance beyond the educational level attained by their parents. This is understandable when one realizes that educational facilities and access to them improve from one generation to another. In this section the differences between fathers' and sons' educa- tional attainment, between fathers' educational level and extent of schooling in the 1941 Quebec male population, 55 years old and over will be uncovered. It has been impossible to use 1931 census data because we could not rearrange them to fit our grade cate- gories. The year 1931 would have been appropriate, since the average age of leaders' fathers was around 55 at that time. Data on educational achievement are presented in Table 21. The percentage of graduates and post-graduates among leaders' fathers is smaller than the percentage for their sons. Differen- ces are more marked in the case of French-Canadians. Only 10.8 - 85 - homo mevm NeF? meOF For mHQDDDHmlfimofl oco ouoooouu >00o0o>0cs 0.00 0.00 0.0 0.0 0.0 0000000000 0000 0.00 ©.N0 «.mm N.m0 N.m ouoooouu Hoocom Low: 0.0 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 000000 0000 0000 0.0 0.0 0.00 0.00 0.00 000000 0000 0000 0000 0000 00.~00>0 200000000 ocoanocou ocofiuocou ocofioocou ocowuocou w ouoo> mmv cofiuoa Icoaamcm Ifiocouu ILomecu Icocouu ooooooo ooocHoom oooooa nmme uonooa cco wcom uwocu ououoos ooocwoom Ioooa oHoE oonooa near 00 ouozpou .wsme cw uo>o uco snow» mmT0cofiuonm0a oHoE £003 nouoosou ououoo4 ooocwoom oonooc mo ouocuou Lo coauooocm on» 000 00000 - 86 - percent of French fathers got a university degree, compared to 17.2 percent of English-speaking leaders' fathers; but this gives them respectively 6 and 10 times more university education than the rest of the population of their approximate age. Fifty- two percent of French fathers did not reach the high school level; the proportion for their sons being 8.4 percent. Seventy-eight percent of the general population did not go beyond the eighth grade. Data lead to conclude that the educational level of the father is lower than the son's and greater than that observed for the population we considered. Moreover, French fathers who attended high school or university are in smaller proportions than their English counterparts. To bring into sharper focus differential educational achievements of fathers and sons, data were computed and reported in Table 22. Generally speaking, the sons of men with a high school or less than high school education attained a greater degree of education than their fathers did. Sons of university-educated men followed their fathers in a proportion of 96 and 90 percent for French-speaking and English-speaking leaders respectively. The most marked differences between French and English appear at the first level of schooling. Fifteen percent of the sons of French fathers, as compared to 4 percent of the sons from the other ethnic origin, did not enter high school. The sons of these same men attended university in a smaller proportion (53 percent) than the sons of the English-speaking, 77 percent of Dav our 000 oar car 000 car 000 00000 . 7 8 . 0.00 0.00 00 00 00 00 00 00 000000>000 0.00 00 00 0 00 00 00 00 000000 0000 00.0 00.0 n u 00 em 00 m00 000000 0000 0000 0000 .0.0 .0.0 .0.0 .0.0 .0.0- .0.0 .0.0 .0.0 0000000 00000000 numbom0 xpfimum>wca Hoozom £00: Hoozum £00: mnmcwnam Hag can» mnm0 u m L p o L m o c o H u o u 3 u u no coauoooou .numcaou 00010 no c000ooonm 0:0 canIMMmbom0 ommCHmom omnmoo moor mo cowuooobu ”mm mano0 ' - 88 - whom got a university education. 80 it seems that French-speak- ing leaders did not have the same opportunities for educational advancement as the English-speaking leaders. This remark, how- ever, applies only to sons of men with less than a high school education. Fathers at this educational level account for 52 percent of the total in the case of French leaders and 24 per- cent in the case of English ones. This observation may provide another possible explanation for the fact that French-speaking leaders showed a lower degree of formal education. 6. Formal Business Traininggand Education Did these men, after completion of their formal edu- cation, close their books once and for all? Data recorded in Table 23 help to answer this question. About 17 percent of French and English-speaking leaders respectively did not take any training in business administration while working. French- speaking leaders tend to take fewer correspondence courses than English leaders. They also seem to prefer commercial training in college or university more than English-speaking leaders. The percentages are about the same for both ethnic origins as far as formal training within business and a combination of all types are concerned. Among those who kept their books open, one would ex- pect to find especially those leaders who seek some sort of training to compensate for a low degree of formal education, -39- .wumboma cowuocouucmflamcu m can cowbocculcucmuk 0 >5 cm>wo mos umsmcu oz 0.000 «rm o.ooe mme 00000 0.00 00 0.00 00 00000 0000>000 000:» no 030 no conaocapeoo q 0.00 00 0.00 00 00000000 000000 00000000 000000 ~.mm 0m ©.mm em >0000m>0c2 no mmmaaou c0 mc0cwoup HnHUQmEEou o.oN me 0.00 00 000300 mocobcoammuuou $.00 on 0.00 pm 0:02 w 2 v“ 2 Tmchwouu mo mmmw nCQHDocoUIanamcM mcofibwcoulzocmuu mumbom0 unm00mom ombmoa near 00 0:0c0000 wmmcHwam 005000 “mm mapo0 -90... at least among French-Canadian leaders. A look at Table 24 will tell whether this assumption is sound or not. When the percentage of leaders who embarked on some sort of training program is added the results are compared with the percentage of those who did not, it can be discovered that 64 percent of French leaders with less than a high school educa- tion engaged in some sort of training; 66 percent with some high school; 72 percent with a high school degree; 95 percent with some years of university or post-graduate studies. The pattern appears to be the following, at least for French-speaking leaders: the higher the degree of education, the greater the proportion of those who take some kind of training. However, leaders with a university degree do not fit the pattern, their proportion being smaller than those who spent some years at the university without obtaining the degree (87 percent). Thus, data in the case of French Canadians do not bear out the assumption. Among English-speaking leaders, an equal proportion of men with some high school and some university education engaged in some sort of training: 79 percent at the level of high school graduation; 89 and 81 percent at the levels of university gradua- tion and post-graduation respectively. It would be too long to go into differences between each group of leaders for the various types of training. A simple inspection of the data on Table 24 will help to pin point theses differences. I macmbcoomou n nmmon mmmopcmouma 000 000 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 00 0.00 0.00 0.00 000000 000 000 000 00 00 00 00 0 00 00 0 0000000000-0000 000 000 00 00 00 00 00 N 00 00 0000000000 000000>000 m0 000 000 00 N0 00 00 00 00 00 0 0000000000 0000 . 000 000 00 00 0 00 00 00 00 00 0000000000 000000 0000 000 000 00 00 n 0 0m 0 0m 00 000000 0000 0000 0000 0000 000 000 u 0 000 000 . m00 000000 0000 0000 0000 .0.0 .0.0 .0.0 .0.0 .0.0 .0.0 .0.0 .0.0 .0.0 .0.0 000000000 mmaxu Ham 0 :0 acacwou» 000300 04000 3:003 acacwouh Hofioumeeou mocmucoammuuou mcoz 00 c 0 c 0 m u 0 m m m c 0 m 3 m H e E u o 0 I'll mumbom0 mmmC0mnm umnmoa mo 0:0c0o00 mmmcwmomnfloeuou can c00pmoonm new mane0 - 92 - It is also possible to find out whether or not leaders from middle and lower occupational levels tend to equip themselves with additional knowledge in a greater proportion than those who are the sons of business owners, business executives and profes- sional men. Data pertaining to the relationship between fathers' occupations and business training taken by their sons are pre- sented in Table 25. when the percentages of the three right hand columns are added for each ethnic group and compared to the percentages of those who did not take any special training, an- other marked difference appears between French and English leaders. Sons of French-speaking farmers and laborers took less training (73%)than the sons of any other occupational group. About an equal proportion of French-speaking sons of business executives or owners (85%), professional men (88%) and white- collar workers (87%) took some sort of training. English- speak- ing executives show a singular pattern. Seventy percent of the sons of white-collar workers, eighty percent of sons of profes- sional men, and eighty-seven percent of sons of business owners and executives decided to acquire additional knowledge about the functioning of businesses. Since it is reasonable to think that sons of businessmen need less training than sons of other occu- pational categories, this pattern would have been expected, but almost a reverse one in the case of English-speaking leaders obtained. Sons of English-speaking farmers and laborers are exceptions. Ninety three percent of them made an effort to 0.00 «.00 0.00 0.00 00 0.00 0.00 0.00 000000 00 co0poaaooo 00¢ 00 cm mm mm mm N0 NN n 00:00 . 10 m0 mm 00 mm mm m0 0 mm 0000004 umeuou o. _ . 0n am we 0n em 0 on we umHHou 00003 um mm ow 0N mm m cm NP 000000000000 000 000 000 000 R00 00 000 000 00000 000 m>0pnomxm wmmc0mom .u.u .u.c .u.u .u.0 .u.m .u.m .u.m .u.c 000000 Lo me00 000 can dC0C0000 coapoazooo c0000; mcHC0ouh 0000005500 mocmocoommuuou mcoz mumpom0 omnmzo mo maficwouk mmmcwmam HoEuou Dco Dcaoudxomm 00:000ummuuo 0mm mano» - 94 - acquire additional training beyond formal education received at school or at the university. Interpretation of the data presented in this chapter leads to conclude that formal education and additional business training appear to be the high road toward the achievement of business elite position. Leaders from both ethnic origins reached a degree of education which surpassed that observed for their fathers and the general population. However, French- speaking leaders did not achieve the same degree of education as English-speaking executives, either because their fathers were also less educated than English-speaking fathers or because they lived in a socio-cultural context which provided different educational facilities. C h a p t e r V MOBILITY AND CAREER PATTERNS The two preceding chapters have been devoted to the study of occupational mobility in terms of the various occupa- tional backgrounds of Quebec business leaders and their different degrees of educational attainment. In this connection, it was observed that French-speaking leaders were slightly more mobile and achieved a lower degree of formal education than their English-speaking counterparts. A look into numerous relation- ships between education, fathers' occupations, place of birth, size of business and others enabled to bring forth some possi- ble explanations of these differences. In this present chapter the leaders are followed on their way to the top of corporate systems. More precisely, it is a study of the various occupations they engaged in before reaching the summit. Occupational mobility is investigated in a time and space dimension built on several different comparisons. The spatial comparisons bear on the first occupations of leaders and their fathers' occupation, their educational attainment, the number of companies associated with during their career. The temporal factor is concerned with the average number of years it takes to achieve a top-level position in business hierarchies. - 95 - - 95 - 1. Career Sequence of Eusiness Leaders Respondents were asked to indicate what occupation they engaged in at the beginning of their career, than five years, ten years, and fifteen years after. Again returns show numerous similarities and differences between leaders from the two ethnic origins (See Table 26). More than half of the leaders achieved success in business fifteen years after they started their careers. They were first engaged in occupations other than farming, top admi- nistration and large business ownership. At the time of their first employment about half of them were included in middle level occupations. French leaders seem to have started out at this level in a smaller proportion than English-speaking ones; the percentage difference being 5 percent. About the same dif- ference can be observed in the case of men who began their career in laboring occupations. The professions were the start- ing point for 32 percent of French and 28 percent of English- speaking businessmen. Judging from the responses received (4% of French respondents did not indicate first occupation), French-speaking leaders launched their careers as professional men more frequently than did their English-speaking fellows. The general pattern goes in the expected direction. As time goes by, businessmen leave lower level and clerical occupations to engage in minor executive, foreman, small and m.or 0.00 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.00 0.0 0.0 0000 0:0 000 00 0000500000v 003050 02 m.r o.m o.m o.m m.0 N.v m.m o.m 00:00 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 >.N m.m 0.00 0.0? 0000004 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 005000 . 7. m.« 0.0 m.o N.0 N.0N o.mm m.n0 0.0n 00x00; o. , 00000000 050 50500~0m . o.F~ o.N0 «.00 o.mn N.0m 0.mP 0.00 m.me 00530 530002 050 0005m 5050000 .0>00300x0 00505 0.0 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 cos 00:000000000 mw.mm wo.mm wr.om m¢.en mo.m $0.00 no.0 $0.0 00530 00050030 0m004 050 0>00300x0 00n02 OUOU OUOL 0U.“ .UOL 0U.“ OUOL OUOU .UOL mhmuwmld . 0005003m 00 5000003000 0000a 0000M 0000a 50000Qmuuo 0000» 5000000 0000> 500 0000» 0>00 00000 0000004 0005003m omnmoa 00 5000000 00000u "mm 0H000 -98- medium owner occupations. About 40 percent of leaders studied are comprised in these categories ten years after they entered the world of work. The professions constantly lose percentage points as their members move on to administrative posts. Fifteen years after starting their career, more than half of all leaders occupied positions of prestige and power. 2. Father's Occupation and Son's First Occupation Does the father's occupation have a certain influence on the first employment of his son? It is already known that a larger proportion of French-speaking leaders are sons of men in lower occupational levels. Eut, do the sons in each case necessarily start out at the same level as their fathers? Data in Tables 27 and 28 will help to answer these questions. The majority of the sons of major executives and large owners entered the world of work at occupational levels lower than their fathers'. It has already been mentioned that no one started out as major executive or large owner. What is more, only 35.2 and 26.1 percent of the French and English-speaking leaders in this category even began their career in liberal professions. Fifty-eight percent of French-speaking and 71.2 percent of English-speaking sons of major executives and large owners began their working career in middle level and laborer occupations. This leaves 5.8 and 2.3 percent engaged in other occupations. 0003U0>0D50 0 “5050000 000300>0050 0N 005000003000 00000 0.000000 050 50000500050 02 0.000 0.000 m.mm 0.000 o.oor m.mm 0.00 0.mm 40000 o.n 0.0 m.m o.o 0.0 m.m m.m o.m 0000a . m.mm 0.0 0.0 0.0 Q.N0 0.0 m.m 0.00 0000004 9 A o. 0.0n 0.00 o.mm 0.0m 0.0m v.00 0.0m F.0n 00x003 0000000u . 050 5050000m >.m o.n0 0.00 0.0 o.NN m.m m.nm m.me 00530 00050 0 530005 .5050000 .0300300xm 0050s m>.mN Ema mv.mm mo.om $0.0m 00.00 mm.mm Vn.mm 505 005000000000 0000004 005000 0000000u 00530 505 00 00530 0000004 000004 00 0000m 5050000 00050 530005 I5000000000 00000 000 5000003000 00000 .xm 0050a .xM 00h05 0 0 L 0 0 0 0 o 5 o 0 0 0 mm: o o o 0000004 0005003mjmm0x00aw1005000 0o 50000a3uuo 00000 ”50000Qmwoo 0.000000 050 5000000 00000u "um 00000 m0ann0>0050 0N 000300>0050 n “5050000 "05000003000 00500 0.005000 050 50000500050 02 0.00 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.00 0.00 0.00 4<000 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 m.m m.m 05000003000 00500 . 0.0 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0000004 nu n. 1. 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.0m 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 00x003 00000000 . 050 50500000 0.0 0.0m 0.0 0.0 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 00530 00050 0 530005 .5050000 .0>00300x0 00505 00.00 00.00 00.00 £0.0 WN.0N “0.00 R0.0N $0.00 505 005000000000 0000004 005000 00000000 5050000 00530 505 00 00520 0000004 000004 00 00000 00050 530005 I5000000000 00000 004 5000003000 00000 .x0 00:00 .X0 0000; 0 0 5 0 0 0 0 0 5 0 0 0 0 Q13 0 0 0 .0000004 050100QWI5000Q50 00 50000m3000 00000 "50000m3000 0.005000 050 5000000 000000 “00 00000 - 101 - The aona of profeaaional aen preaent about the eaae pattern as the one given above. Fourty-four percent of French and 33 percent of Engliah-apeaking leedera eere firat eeployed in the eeee occupational category ea their fethera. Fourty-four end 27 percent began in the aalee end clerical eorker category. Teenty-teo percent of the English-epeeking pereona in thie group began their career in laboring occupationa but not one of their French-epeeking peera. The firat right-hand column of Tables 27 and 28 givea a percentage diatribution of French and English-apeeking buaineaa- een ehoee fathera aere laborere at the tine leadara entered the eorld of eork. 0f theee eon, 28 percent French and 9 percent Engliah started in the eaee laboring occupationa: 37 end 52 percent engaged in sales and clerical occupatione; 25 end 33 percent in profeaeione and about an equal proportion in einor executive, medium and eaall oener occupatione. Sona of faraere ehoe eerked differencee beteeen French and Engliah. Ten percent of Engliah-apeeking fereera' aona engaged in laboring occupationa, ehereee not one French-epaeking fareera' eon did. Fourteen percent of the letter eterted out ea eelea and clerical eorkere; 40 percent in the caae of English- apeeking leedera. The distribution of cone of aelea and clerical eorkera preaent about the ease pattern as that of fereere' eone. Again - 102 - ten percent of English-speaking leaders ehose fathers eere in the clerical category were first eeployed as laborers but not one French-speaking son first sorked as laborer. Sons of foreeen are too fee to earrant any cosparisons. Sons of minor executives, nediun and small olners launched their eork career as foreeen in a proportion of 36 percent and 47 per- cent for French and English respectively. About an equal pro- portion spent sose ties in the laboring class during the course of their first eeploynent. Froe theee cosperiaons betseen the father's occupa- tion and the son's first eeployeent, one marked pattern eeerges. The proportion of French-speaking businessmen eho took their first job in occupational levels loeer than that of their fathers at the ties is sealler than those of English-speaking leaders. The difference is especially noticeable in the executive. large oener and professional categories. Similarly, the proportion of French-speaking leaders eho sers first employed in occupa- tional levels higher than that of their fathers is greater than that of the English-speaking. 3. First Occupation and Education The degree of educational attain-ant also has an ispect on the career pattern of business leaders. It is cur- rently believed that highly-educated sen have a better chance of getting their first eeploynsnt in upper-level positions than - 103 - men sith a high school education or less. The relationships beteeen educational achievement and the first occupations of leaders can be established sith the help of data recorded in Table 29. Levels of education have been combined. The dis- tribution of leaders she dropped out before entering high school is presented in the first column. The percentages of leaders eho attended some years of high school or graduated at this level are given in the second column. Leaders who spent some years at the university, graduated, or engaged in post-graduate studies are distributed percentage-miss in the last column. French-speaking, university-educated leaders tend to conform to, and thus confirm the belief mentioned above. Fourty- five percent began their sork career in the professions; four percent in laboring occupations. English-speaking leaders behaved quite differently. An equal proportion of their univer- sity-educated men started out in professional and clerical oc- cupations; fifteen percent in laboring ones. Leaders from both origins shoe a similar pattern here in that numbers of them begin their careers in occupations other than professional ones. Among high school educated men, 61 percent French and 81 percent English were in sales and clerical occupations as their first employment. Only 12 and about 5 percent respective- ly more in the professions. Among the French Canadians there mere feeer high school educated men first employed in loser shite-collar and labor positions; only 7 percent started ofl’ mamnua>finca m we mmepcmouwe * memnema ocfixemumlzmaamcm P can Locmua n “coaaeEuomcw 02 m.mm o.mm m.mm m.mm 0.00? 0.009 Jake» o.m m.q 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 pmnuo o.mw m.v v.0 m.>r *e.nm m.mv genome; . 5.? m.« 0.0 m.m I 0.0 cesmuoe 4‘ _U 1.. 0.3” NJN 0.; 9E .98 0.8 Sic; 3338 £39.» o.ep m.mr u.v r.m 0.0 e.n umcso Haeem w Enfiume .m>wu:omxm uocwz we.em wm.me mu.q mm.~r Wo.o $0.0 cue Hmcowmwmeoea .u.u .u.d .u.u .u.e .u.m .0.“ emcee; so Nuwmum>wc3 Hoozum Lo“: Hoozom LGHI coapeazuoo vegan cos» meme m u m U m m 4 e o c o H p o o a U wumnems mmmcfimjm Lo coaumoznu ace cofiuomjooo umewc "mN mane» - 105 - with minor executive status and not one in the professions. So few English-speaking individuals discontinued before termi- nation of high school that comparisons in this category hardly seem worthwhile. Generally speaking, the data support the belief that highly trained men are more likely to obtain upper-level posi- tions at the start of their working career. In this connection, educational attainment appears to have an impact on the first occupation of business leaders. 4. Interfirm Mobility and Career Pattern The purpose of this section is to uncover another aspect of leaders' business careers. Movements from one firm to another may increase chances to reach the summit of corporate hierarchies. Usually a man does spend his career life with a single firm. A move will be apprOpriate if he sees opportunities to better utilize his acquired training and skills and to enhance his socio-economic status. This line of reasoning would lead to expect a greater amount of interfirm mobility prior to achievement of executive position in some particular firm. Tables 30 and 31 allow to compare the extent of interfirm movement during a leader's whole life career and at one particular period of his career, i.e. the post-major-executive period. mumucma mCflxcmamILmHHmcu r can cocoon e “coauchocca oz u.mm e.mm quop v.0? e.m woos ace 0 New me? D . w Q: Q? s . v.NN F.em m F.0N >.em N 3%: waém F mccwccCQUImefldcu mccaccccuILucmud mmwammEou so empeaz m u c m c c 01m m m m L c m m c u c m u u m a ummucu efimcujmmfiuno cums cmucauommq cmmn m>c£ mumcemu mwmcwmnm mchoQEcu Lo umneoz “on mace? mumucma ocwxcmamacmfiamcw m use cocoon or "ccHueEuosca 02 m.m N6 22. new 0 . fin n; m 7 U 1 can mam s — a; n.m m flow méu N ma? «.mm P a; wo.m o wccHUeCQUILmfiHmcm mcefinccmuucocmuu mmwcwmecu Lo emceaz m u c m c c 0 gym m m m o m a m u c m u u m a .mm>«u:omxu uofica we gums nmumaocqu coma m>oc mumccmu mmmcamnm mmficcmaou mo amnesz “en wanes - 108 - An overwhelming majority of leaders shifted from one firm to another in the course of their employment. French- Canadians appear to be less mobile: twenty-four percent asso- ciated with only one firm compared with 17 percent for English- speaking leaders. The proportion of French-speaking leaders who worked for four firms or more is smaller than that of English leaders; about 30 and 40 percent respectively. Turning to the question of firm association after the achievement of a top executive position, it is observed that after this point leaders tend to cling to a particular firm in a proportion of 55 percent for French and 41 percent for English- speaking leaders. Relationships between first occupation, education and firm association reveal another aspect of interfirm mobility. Researches on geographical mobility in the general working po- pulation purport that mobile people are found in greater pro- portion within the highly qualified and educated part of the work force. Table 32 presents data on the relationship between first occupation of leaders and the number of companies they worked for during their life time. On one hand, leaders who were first employed in professional occupations show a tendency to be associated with four firms in larger proportions than leaders who began their career as laborers. 0n the other hand, among those who remained with the same business firm, the pro- portion of leaders first employed in profession is also greater o.oq m.mN «.mw e.rN P.0N >.vN v.ww e.fip:umxm uccwz mo.mn $0.5m wm.¢m mm.mn Vo.ew mm.Nm Ve.mw WN.mN cme Hmcowmwmeoua 0U.“ OUOL 0U.“ .UOL DOOM IDOL 0U.“ CHUCK “mummfi to mace ncc v n m e cowpeanuuo umuaa m m a c 0 ans 0 u e o u m n E 3 2 Laws umucwucmmq mmwcmmEcu mo emnenz use cofiumaauuo umuad "mm wages - 110 - than the percentage of leaders first employed in laboring oc- cupations. These comparisons prevail regardless of ethnicity. An equal proportion (36.3%) of French-speaking leaders starting at the professional and clerical levels worked for three firms. About an equal proportion (29.2 and 31.7%) at the status levels remained in the same firm in the course of their business career. These observations lead to conclude that the relationship established in the case of geographical mobi- lity and skill cannot be generalized in the case of interfirm mobility. Turning to the question of educational achievement and interfirm mobility, percentages recorded in Table 33 give some tentative answer. when one takes the case of French-speaking leaders he finds, on one hand, that 68% of those who worked for four firms are university graduated or post-graduate while 6 percent dis- continued their education before reaching high school; 10 per- cent before entering university, 10 percent before graduating. 0n the other hand, one finds that 47% of those remaining in the same firm, are university graduated while 11 percent did not advance beyond the eighth grade. Differences between four- firm and one-firm association are 62 and 36 percent respective- ly. English-speaking leaders present about the same pattern with differences more marked in the case of four-firm associa- - 111 - as om mm Fm om mN we sN mmomam as: en me we mm mm ms mm vs mpmnnmum names a mason Imuu >uwmum>wc3 as as N? es as ea as as sssm lum>flca mEom Mr Or Nr m mw FN nN Fe mpmanmuu sacrum Low: s m N m q «F m ms Hoozom nos: meow we we wN we? vN mm so we? Hoozom zme: can» mmmu ems”... sUeh— OUOM sUeL eUem eUeL swam eUeL “mummi— muoe can a n N 9 mo cowumoscw Laws Umucwuommq cmmn m>mL mpmpcwu mmmcwmnm mmwcmascu Lo umpeaz cowumonnm use ssefleoos saeaamscH new means - 112 - tion and less marked in the case of one-firm association. How- ever, leaders from this ethnic origin with a university degree are equally distributed among those who remained in one firm or worked for two, they are also equally distributed among those who offered their services for three and four firms during their career life. Thus the relationship between the degree of education- al attainment and interfirm mobility is not so clear-cut as it was expected to be. Further research must be conducted in this area, taking into account other variables, such as age of leaders, community relationships, salary differentials, etc. 5. Time Factor and Career Pattern Another dimension of the leaders' career pattern can be portrayed in terms of the number of years it takes to achieve a position of power and prestige in the higher ranks of corpora- te hierarchies. The respondents were asked to indicate the age at which they entered business and that at which they assumed their present top-level business position. The differences between ages at these two moments yield the number of years spent in achieving a leadership position. Age differences for both ethnic origins also provide a means to further examine the impact of occupational background, and nativity on mobi- 11tYe -113- To put data recorded in Table 34 in a broader context, it should be recalled that the average age was 49 years for French and 51 years for English-speaking leaders (See Appendix Table 2). French-Canadians were younger on the average and entered business at a later age than English-speaking leaders (See Table 34 and Appendix Table 3). However, French Canadians assumed their pre- sent business position at an earlier age. They took 16 years to achieve this position, while English-Canadian leaders reached the summit 22 years after they entered business. On this basis alone, it can be concluded that French-speaking leaders were more mobile in terms of time spent in the various stages of their career. Since it has already been mentioned that French leaders were more often born into lower occupational strata, it would be interesting to know whether sons of laborers or farmers take more time to reach the top than sons of major executives, pro- fessional men and the other occupational classes. Table 34 helps to shed some light on this issue. As a matter of fact, the greatest time differences lie at the laborer level. Sons of French-speaking laborers took 16 years to achieve their present position, while English-speaking sons took 25 years; a differential of 9 years on the average. Sons of farmers entered business later and the differential is 7 years between leaders from the two ethnic origins. About the same differential is ob- served in the case of major executives and large owners' sons. .mumcmma mcwxmmamucocmuc «P ccc cmwaocu ON "mcowumanooo umcuc m.umcpcm ncc coapmsuoccw oz N.s 1 s.NN m.mF o.ss o.oe n.s~ m.m~ museums seq 5.0 1 e.mm o.ms ~.ms m.mm m.o~ o.nN “scones o.e 1 m.em m.se o.es m.es m.NN o.e~ assume s.a 1 m.NN «.ms m.me m.mm m.om s.nN gasses . Hmowemau Ucm cmEmmHmm m to 1 92 93 mg; 9% 0.8 0.2 5228 . ucc m>finaumxm nocws ~.m 1 ~.sm o.ms o.ms «.mm m.o~ N.mm emcee Hemem ucm ensues o.N 1 s.e~ s.ms N.se o.ms m.~m m.mm ces Hmcoemmmcoas s.s 1 n.0m m.me m.se s.s~ m.s~ m.sN amcao moans ucc m>fiuaomxm uohca .u.w .u.c .u.m .u.c .u.m .u.c pmcumc so coaumaauoo mumccmfi cmamdcu cofiuawoq1mmmcfim3p coaufiwommmmmcwman w cucmuc cmmsp pcmmmua m>mficoc ucmmmea cmeammc mmmcfimoc cmumucm Imp mmucmummaao cu mummx cema panama mom came umcmma mos coma ummmmu so nmmmw ace xwfiafinos HmCOHuwmjuuo ”cm mane» - 115 - Generally speaking, French-speaking leaders took less time to achieve their position than the English-speaking ones in spite of their father's various occupations at the time they became self-supporting. When each group is dealt with separately, it can be noticed that sons of French-speaking major executives and large owners took less time and sons of professional men more time to achieve their position than sons from all other occupational origins. English-speaking leaders present a different kind of behavior. Sons of laborers spent 26 years of their career life achieving their present position (more than the sons from any other occupational category) while major executives and large owners‘ sons spent the shortest time: 20 years, on the average. Studying American business leaders, Warner and Absgglen observed the same pattern (1). The same pattern would have been expected in the case of French-speaking leaders but it did not obtain. One is thus led to conclude that occupational origins have a certain influence on achievement time for English-speaking leaders, but do not throw much light on differential achievement time between French and English. Adding a space dimension to the time factor will permit to push forward the investigation. Data on the relation 1. WARNER, w.L. and AEECCLEN, J.C., 92. cit., p. 130. - 116 - between the place of birth and speed of career are given in Table 35. As it is already known, about 80 percent of English- speaking leaders were born outside the province of Quebec and 93 percent of French businessman in Quebec. The difference in numbers of years to achieve present business position between French and English businessmen born in Quebec is about the same as the difference between all French and English leaders. However, the length of the business career prior to reaching a top-level position is the longest for English born in other Canadian provinces (24.3 years) and the shortest for English born in Ontario (20.2 years). The smallest differ- ence (3.6 years) obtains between French leaders born in Quebec and English ones born in Ontario. Nativity has thus a certain influence on career achievement time either by shrinking or widening differences between French and English. A further examination of the im- pact of nativity on leaders' business careers can be achieved through the study of the relationship between the first occu- pation of leaders' fathers and their place of birth, between nativity of fathers and the number of years leaders took to achieve their present position. Since the greatest difference in length of time (9.7 years) to achieve an upper-level business position exists between sons of laborers from the two ethnic origins, it can be asked 1 mcomfiocoscu accuses cu cosocm mound soc ma mucmccoummu co umbenz N.o 1 >.NN m.mr o.ev o.oe m.wm m.mN mumomma mmmcwman Haq . m.m 1 m.mm 11 m.mv 11 o.FN 11 coccmu anemone 7 A is. 1 méu 11 new 11 0.2 11 $0563 3&5 m.m 1 N.ON 11 e.wN 11 P.FN In oeumuco «.0 1 mm o.mw n.vv N.oe >.em m.mm omnmnc .u.m .u.c .u.u .u.c .u.m .u.c cuuwb co muofia mumummfl cmfiaocu a can lose cw coon cocoon cowuflmoa ucmmmea ccapwmoa vcmmmea mmmcwmsn bmumucm cmmsumn mmucmemccfio m>mwcuc on mumm> bassoon >mcu moq momcmma mom ummncu so nmwmm ccc >ua>wucz “mm canoe -118- if laborer-fathers were also more likely to have been born out- side of Ontario or Quebec. Percentages were computed only for the English leaders' fathers, since more than 90 percent of French-speaking fathers and sons were born in Quebec. Data are presented in Table 36. Thirteen and 9 per- cent of English-speaking fathers who were laborers were born in other Canadian provinces and outside Canada respectively, while only 5.9 percent were born in Ontario. It has been said that the smallest difference (3.6 years) in length of time to achieve career goal exists between French leaders born in Quebec and English leaders born in Ontario (See Table 35) and the greatest difference between French leaders born in Quebec and English leaders born in other Canadian provinces. Thus, relationships between the father's occupation and nativity, the leader's place of birth and achievement time seem to hold true in the case of sons of laborers and of all other leaders born in Ontario versus other provinces and out- side Canada. However, the same relationships do not obtain in the case of English-speaking leaders' fathers born in the province of Quebec. About an equal proportion ( 13 percent) of the sons of laborers were born in Quebec and other Canadian provinces. The time factor also provides a tool to assess the impact of the father's place of birth on the son's business career. The relationship between these two variables appears m.wm p.09 m.me m.eN euecuem HH< e.m o.m o.n I necpo 0.0 o.mr m.m a.ne oeuoceu m.e m.e m.m n.ee seeeec e.~ e.em m.o~ 0.0? umxuos deceueau w ceEeeHem . mu >.N 0.0 o.m 0.0 ceeeuce . m.rm a.om a.uv w.me necso Haese ace eawaee e>wuauexe paces e.>r >.FN e.ee a.mr ces HecOfiemecoua N.ae 0.0 e.mm N.NN uecso emuea ace e>wuaoexe aches eaeceu eeuca>ooa owueuco oecena coauemmooc m.uecpec eaaeaoo eecpo c a u a m e u e H a fixaco moeaeea mcwxeemmncmfidmmuw cuufim no ocean ewc ace pecuec ecu so cOwueoauoo "an eaceh -120- in the case of English-speaking fathers born in the province of Ontario. The length of time prior to achieving present business position is the shortest (20.9 ) in the case of sons born to fathers from Ontario (See Table 37). Generally speaking it can be concluded that the place of birth of fathers and sons provide only a partial explanation to the differential achievement time between French and English- speaking leaders. Fathers and sons, in particular sons of labor- ers, born in the province of Ontario tend to reduce the differ- ential e The quest for an explanation of differential achieve- ment time led to scrutinize the relationships between the number of firms leaders worked for and the time they took to reach top- level business positions. It could be anticipated that leaders associated with several firms would take more time to move into their present position than leaders who worked for only one or two firms. Data bearing on this point are presented in Table 38. French leaders who were associated with four firms or more took more time (19.5) to reach the top of corporate structures than the ones who offered their services to one or two firms (16.1). English-speaking leaders took the same average number of years regardless of the number of firms. It is already known that French leaders are associated with one firm in a greater proportion than English-speaking ones. Interfirm mobility appears e.mm o.aa n.9N mueaeea ocsxmmam1gmeamce see . n.mN n.av o.rN eaeceu eawmpao 17.. . r.mw a.ee m.wN eeocw>oua uecuo m.DN >.Ne m.rN owueaco a.NN n.ae «.mm oeceaa cowuweoQIl ceufic so eoeaa e>eflcue coauaeoa uceeeuu eeecaeac cu muee> ameneee >ecu em< aeuepce xecp ema dcho mueaeec mcwxeeaeuceaaocuv .ccwuweoa eeecaesm uceeeua e>ewcoq cu cexeh was» ace euecuee mo >uw>auez “hm eaceh . ”u 0.0 1 p.NN m.ar eeeaeea Haq . n.v 1 w.NN m.mw egos ace a m.e 1 m.NN o.mr n e.o 1 m.NN w.mr N so P mecceueemfio mcefiaeceUIcefiwch ecefiaeceu1coceoe mange Lo uececz cofipamca uceeeua e>eHc04 cu eeee> cowueeoa_MMecHe:m uceeeuu e>efico< cu muee> ace xuwaficog EufimoeucH "mm wanes . 3 N6 1 N..NN mar eeeaeea H2 2 . 0.0 1 m.mN m.mr egos ace om n.s 1 m.ON m.ar om 0» or m.a 1 P.0N N.me ecoaafiee De 0» w mmocmumwkwo maHDMCNUILmHHOCm mCMHUGCmUILOCGHL mmeHmDD k0 wNHm cowpfieoc e>eficoa o» moee> cowufimoa ewecfimam pceeeea e>ewcoq on meee> ace eemcwmam mo enwm Hespuq “mm eacee - 124 - to have an effect on differential achievement time between French and English. A further explanation of differential achievement time could be found in the relationship between actual size of business and the average number of years prior to achieving a top-level business position. Percentages in Table 39 show a clear relationship between these two variables. Foth French and English leaders took more time to reach the top in large scale businesses than in relatively small ones. However, differences appear again between leaders of the two ethnic origins. The length of time required to reach the summit of the management hierarchy is the longest for English-speaking leaders in large firms and the shortest for French leaders in relatively small businesses. Since 52 percent of French and only 29 percent of English-speaking leaders were heading firms producing for 10 millions or less, (See Appendix Table 5), the actual size of firm appears to play an important role in differential career achievement time of leaders. C h a p t e r VI INTRA AND EXTRA ORGANIZATIONAL FACTORS RELATED TO MOEILITY An attempt to trace out the kind of men who reached the top and the various avenues that led them to a president's, vice-president's or secretary's chair led to examine many fac- tors, such as birth, education, career lines, and to make com- parisons between French and English for each. No pretension is made is to have detected all the multiplicity of routes which lead to the summit of management's ladder. The types of avenues range from pure luck, specific personality make up to the various management attitudes about the kind of aspirants who have po- tential for top-level executive performance. Impossible as it may be to make an inventory of gl_, avenues to the top it is still interesting to pursue the invest- igation within the limits set by the present study. This chapter is directed to the assessment of other routes, and important ones, such as family connections, financial control, individual initia- tive and interpersonal relationships. These diverse ways of achieving a top-level business position are included under the heading "Intra and Extra-Organizational Factors Related to Dc- cupational mobility". - 12S - -125- 1. Influential Connections It has already been mentioned in the third chapter that the present-day elite originated in the majority of cases from a business occupational background. Following this line of thought, it would be interesting to learn whether influential relatives, friends or business acquaintances may shorten the time necessary to achieve a position of eminence. The respon- dents were queried on this issue. Various connections were classified in the following way: Type I: No connection in first and present firm. Type II: Connections in first and present firm. Type III: Connections in first buzno connection in present firme Type IV: No connection in first but connection in present fifffle Type V: Father was a business owner or executive and son was connected with the same firm. Type VI: Father was a business owner or executive but son was not connected with the same firm. The average number of years to achieve present business position corresponding to each type of connections are recorded in Table 40. French and English businessmen present a striking similarity. Leaders from both ethnic origins who had influential relatives, friends, or acquaintances in the first and present firm when they entered took less time (12.? years and 18.4 years) to reach the summit of business N.a 1 N.NN o.¢q n.vN m.ar 0.0v m.nN 111 mueaeea Haq . m.m 1 m.NN a.me o.rN b.mr 0.0m m.MN Na an H> 7 Mm n.n 1 o.oN n.ms m.mN m.N« m.qm N.NN a er > . e.m 1 N.NN m.ma m.wN m.mr o.Na m.mN m Ne >H 0.0 1 v.0? e.Ns o.mN m.mr o.mm m.me m m HHH >.m 1 e.mv a.Nq o.eN N.Ne 0.5m m.QN a er HH e.m 1 we.mw ww.ss we.em Vs.ee wo.se me.m~ wee wee H coeufleom, cowuwmcm. .u.m .u.c cewamcu caeuwmoa ucemeou emecfieac coeefieoa uceeeoa eeecfieoc eucea w coceuc ceesu e>eficoe aeezeee aeeeuce e>ewcoe aeeamee aeoeuce 1cooeeo so mcowaoeccou 1eo eeoceueecwo o» woee> >ec¢ e04 ,xec» emq ow eoee> xecu mmq >ecu eoq meoepceuoea so maxe ecefiaecewucefiamcu mcewaemeu1coceoc ecowuoeccou Hefipcmoddcu ace cOflpHmoa eeecfiesm pcemeoa e>eaco< o» moee> nos eHoMH - 128 - hierarchies than leaders who had other types of connections or no connections at all within their own ethnic group. French-speaking leaders with friends or relatives al- ready in business they worked for (Type II) and with a father who preceded them in business (Type V) took an almost identical number of years (12.7 and 12.8) to reach the top. English-speak- ing leaders who benefited from the same types of connection took 18.4 and 20 years on the average to get into top management. Figures show that pull or nepotism does exist within hierarchical structures. It is more pronounced in the case of the French Canadians. So, the old saying "It is not what you know but whom you know" does indeed have some foundation. Is pull or nepotism wide spread? A negative answer would be given. Only a small minority of leaders (14 percent of French and 6 percent of English) had relatives, friends or acquaintances in businesses they were associated with. These percentages are exactly the same in the case of leaders connected with firms headed or owned by their fathers. More than 70 percent of French—speaking and 80 percent of English-speaking leaders had no connection in the first and present firms at the time of their entry. Since it has been said earlier that no one leader began his career as "crown prince”, i.e. in a major executive or large owner status, it can be con- cluded that these man without connections made their way up by their own means, taking more years to climb up the management -129- ladder than the average number of years needed by all leaders from each ethnic origin. The largest difference between French and English (7.3 years) appears in the case of leaders whose fathers were large owner or executive in the firm they worked for. French-Canadian leaders in this group took 12.8 years and English leaders 20 years to reach the top. They took almost the same number of years with connections in first but not in present firm. Influential connections are an important route to the top, more important for French-Canadian leaders, but they are restrict- ed to only a minority of aspirants to top executive position. 2. Mabel Newcomer's Series of Factors Studying the big business executive, Newcomer made an attempt to trace the principal factors responsible for the at- tainment of upper echelons in management (1). To found one's own corporation and become its head seem the surest road to the top. Factors such as investment in one company, success in another, and others listed in Table 41 were also revealed as being very important. Obviously, more than one of these factors may play a role in the attainment of a top executive position. Therefore the respondents were asked to indicate one or several factors 1e NEWCOMER, Mabel, Efle Cite, PP. 95-106e 0.009 con 0.00w mMN JqHOh n.v er N.oF eN emcee a. N n.« v >ceanu so eaem >.r m P.N m m. >.n Pr m.a or eoceufioeccH MW m.e me n.NF mN uce5pme>cw Hecoeoea o.eN Nb m.mr an Nceaeoo necnoce cw emeooam 0.0 we N.~N om coauee 1oaeou e @cHNHcemeo cw xo03 flo.mm mar WN.om en >ceaeoo e cficufis a: mcfixuog eoeaceouea oeceaz eoepceuoea emcee: eoouoec ecewaeceu1cefiaocu ecewaeceu1coceua muceacoweeo >2 ce>flm muesmce so emepceooefl ace emcee: cofipweou e>wpsoexm1mcwcfieuco ca moouoec Heawocfipu "we eHoeH - 131 - which helped them in reaching the summit of the corporate system. Percentages were computed from the number of answers received. The major concern here is more in the differences between French and English than in the importance of factors as such. Newcomer observed over the period of time she consi- dered "a decline in the number of organizers and investors and a great increase in the number promoted from within" (2). The findings along this line show that 30 percent of answers made by French and 55 percent made by English leaders fell on the factor: "Working up within a company". In other words, these candidates have been selected for their personal achievement and promoted within the company for the several companies they worked for. Other factors such as inheritance, merger, one company's being bought by another appear much less important. However, differences are marked between French and English. Organizers, promoters and investors seem to be found in a greater number among French leaders if one judges by the number of answers. Twenty-one percent of the answers given by French-speaking leaders and 6 percent given by English businessmen went to the factor: "Work in organizing a corporation". A less pronounced 2. NEWCOMER, Mabel, 22, cit., p. 101. - 132 - difference appears in the cases of leaders who personally in- vested in their company. Success obtained in another company seems to be a more important avenue to the top for English than French-speaking aspirants. This could be explained if one recals that the majority of English leaders were born out- side the provincs of Quebec. They probably got their first business experience and training and showed excellent perfor- mance there prior to coming in Quebec. Analyzing the factors by size of corporation, Newcomer concluded that "the most important difference is the increase in the proportion of executives who have worked up within the company as the size of the corporation increases, with a cor- respondingly smaller proportion of executives from all other sources". (3). To assess the importance of the factors and differ- ences between French and English, the number of individuals who indicated as an unique choice "working up within the company” or "success in other companies" was calculated against the number of those who mentioned both factors, or neither factor. In the case of French-Canadian leaders, another factor: ”work in organizing a corporation" was sorted out. 3e NEWCOMER, "label, 93s Cite P. 104s Data recorded in Tables 42 and 43 check with Newcomer's findings within certain limits. The proportions of leaders from both ethnic origin who worked their way up is greater in business concerns producing for fifty millions and over than in firms of less than ten millions in gross revenue. However, the proportion is the greatest in firms producing for 10 to SO millions. Success in another company decreases in importance as size of corporation increases in the case of French-Canadian leaders: the reverse being true in the case of English-speaking leaders. These latter behave differently from French-speaking leaders and from the American executives studied by Newcomer. Personal investment, inheritance, merger, etc., are not important factors in obtaining an executive position. More- over, their importance declines as the size of the corporation increases. French Canadians present a special case. Twenty-four individuals out of the 167 cases studied had acted either as organizers, founders or promoters in the business concerns they served. An almost equal proportion of these individuals (18.5 and 19.7) is found in firms producing for one to fifty millions of dollar in selling value; the proportion is smaller (13.6%) in corporations with SO millions or more of gross revenue. 3. Formal and Informal Criteria for Executive Success "Success literature” has not yet produced a complete m.mm m.mm m.mm am as me echOF 0e»V NeOF Fem? V m m mmCO MDOH>0HQ cs» ecu vamuxm moouoem Haq - N.aF N.fipoomxm mcficweuco ca moouoec "Na mace» 0.0m m.mm 0.00 NN as so echok m.rn n.ww m.Nm n m wN mmco maoa>moo mmucu ecu uamoxm muouuem Haq a.nP m.mr N3m:- m m NF Accuses meowcnv coapeooa loco e mcwuficeooo cw xooe - 135 - a.nr o.nr F.nr m a re Amouoem meowcav >ceaeoo omcuoce cfi mmmooom m.ov 0.0m N.en m nN ON Auouoem maoaczv >ceoeoo cwcuws a: mcflxmog mace om1or mcoHHHHE or mooE omnor chfiHHHE Or moOpoec ace om cecv mmme ace om cec» mmme mucmacqmmmo molwdepcmooma mucmacoflmmu mo umcEDz 1 mumaeme ocflxeQO 1cocmum AmuoHHoa mo mcoaaaaav mmmcfimam Lo mNfim ace cowuwmoa m>wvzomxu mcacweuco cw muouoem «we mance -136- listing of all the factors that could take an individual to the summit of a promotional ladder. As a matter of fact, in the actual state of psycho-sociological knowledge, it seems impos- sible to reach a common consensus on solid criteria to assess and predict executive success. Some will hold that virtues of hard work, native ability, demonstration of competence and loyal- ty are the most important attributes for achieving occupational success, others that optimism and self-confidence are the main characteristics of successful businessman. Pellegrin and Coates made an attempt to discover the influence of informal factors in career advancement. They con- clude "that in complex 'other-directed', 'human relations mind- ed' bureaucracies, it is becoming increasingly difficult to measure individual job performance on the basis of merit alone...(4). Informal factors associated with conformity and congeniality tend to supplement formal criteria. The last item on the questionnaire presents a listing of fourteen formal and informal criteria that could be used in personal achievement assessment of an aspirant to top executive position. The respondents were asked to rank them by order of importance from one to fourteen. It was too cumbersome to handle fourteen ranks and detect differences between French and 4. PELLEGRIN, R.S., and COATES, C.H., 22, cit., p. 104. - 137 - English leaders. A detailed distribution of percentages of respondents for each factor and rank is given in Appendix Table 6. Then the data were processed by regrouping the rank- ings in a somewhat arbitrary manner. The groupings are the following ones: Very important: ranks 1 - 2 - 3 Important: ranks 4 - 5 - 6 Less important: ranks 7 - 8 Not important: ranks 9 and over. A percentage distribution of the respondents from both ethnic origin given in Table 44 reflects more or less the degree of importance people in top executive position attribute to each factor. Formal factors such as hard work, technical and administrative competence, and experience appear to be more important than any other informal factor. The pro- portion of leaders who consider formal factors most important ranges from 59.3 to 87.1 percent, while the proportion giving the same importance to informal factors oscillates from less than 1 to 23.9 percent. The findings are somewhat at odds with Pellegrin's and Coates' general conclusions. This in- compatibility between results may be explained. The question- naire instrument does not seem appropriate for this subjective part of the research. It may have given the respondents an opportunity to express ”official" answers. A better instrument and research framework would be to proceed by interview with - 138 - Table 44: Formal and Informal Factors in Career Advancement Percentage of respondents who considered Very im- Impor- Less im- Not im- No Factors tant tant Aportant portant answer FORMAL Hardwork French-Canadian 80.15 6.03 1.23 0.03 12.03 English-Canadian 75.2 12.8 1.9 0.0 10.0 Competence FrenCh-Canadian 84e4 2e5 Ue6 er 1205 English-Canadian 87.1 2.3 0.5 0.9 9.0 Experience French-Canadian 59.3 16.8 2.4 3.0 18.5 English-Canadian 74.2 14.8 1.4 1.0 7.7 I NFURFAAL Family background and connections French-Canadian 7.2 17.2 6.6 42.0 27.0 English-Canadian 4.2 11.7 11.8 48.8 23.2 Participation in social organizations French-Canadian 7.4 39.2 7.8 22.0 23.4 English-Canadian 6.3 21.2 22.5 27.0 22.3 Participation in pro- fessional organiza- tions French-Canadian 7.8 34.8 10.8 22.8 24.6 English-Canadian 9.0 28.8 14.4 27.8 20.0 Acquisition of values attitudes of superiors French-Canadian 10.8 25.8 13.8 22.2 26.6 EngliSh-Canadian 23e9 29.5 5.8 ZOeS 7”.” Age French-Canadian 3.6 21.0 10.2 34.2 31.2 English-Canadian 4.9 30.0 11.7 27.4 25.1 Table 41: Cont'd Percentage of respondents who considered Very im- Impor- Less im- Not im- No Factors _gportant tant 4_~portant portant answer Religion French-Canadian 0.0 0.6 2.4 63.0 34.2 English-Canadian 0.9 1.0 0.0 70.3 27.8 Ethnic origin or language French-Canadian 1.2 3.0 4.8 55.8 35.2 English-Canadian 1.4 3.2 2.8 65.6 27 0 A person who lives with his annual income French-Canadian 5.4 17.4 11.4 37.8 28.0 English-Canadian 4.1 24.1 14. 31.0 26 0 Influence of wife French-Canadian 0.6 4.8 3.0 58.6 33.0 English-Canadian 4.5 16.6 11.8 41 5 25 6 Establishment of higher-level friendship French-Canadian 3.0 19.7 12.5 32.4 32.4 English-Canadian 3.2 12.6 13.5 43.0 27 0 Retension of lower- level friendship French-Canadian 3.6 14.4 17.2 34.2 30.6 English-Canadian 1.4 12.1 9.0 49.2 27.4 -139- an experimental and a control group. In other words, a number of individuals who reached the top should be contacted and compared with an equal number who were on their way to the summit of hierarchies but ”remained on the shelf". Outstanding achievers should then be compared to remarkable ”shelf-sitters". The questionnaire responses however remain good indicators of the similarities and differences between "declared" attitudes of French and English leaders on the importance attributed to criteria for occupational achievement. A striking similarity exists between leaders of both ethnic origins on the rankings of various factors according to the degree of importance. In most cases when the largest pro- portion of English-speaking leaders assert that one particular factor is very important or not important at all, the same result obtains in the case of their French-speaking counter- parts. The previous observation holds true for all formal factors, but not in three instances concerning informal factors. About 40 percent of French affirm that participation in social and civic organizations is important and 22 percent of them, not important; while 21.2 percent of English leaders declare this kind of participation important and 27 percent say that it is not. (See Table 44). On the importance of acquiring the values, attitudes, and behavior patterns of superiors, French leaders show a slight disagreement with English-speaking ones. - 140 - An equal proportion of French leaders say that this criterion is very important or important and less important or not im- portant; while 53.4 English-speaking leaders affirm that it is very important or important and 21.3 percent say that it is less important or not important at all. These figures lead to con- clude that English leaders put a heavier stress on conformity to top management values and norms than French leaders do. Age is also another area of disagreement between leaders. The greatest proportion of French and also of English leaders affirm that religion is not important as a criterion for success. Small differences exist about ethnicity. Sixty-five percent of English and 55.8 percent of French leaders affirm that ethnic origin is not important. The findings here check with Pellegrin and Coates' results which ascertain that nation- ality origins and religious affiliations play a small part in career advancement (5). Generally speaking it is not possible to affirm that all informal factors are unimportant in career achieve- ment. This kind of generalization, if made, would be a flight from reality. The fact that informal factors appear to be less important than formal ones cannot be construed to deny that the former do have some importance. Looking at the 5. PELLEGRIN, R.S., and COATES, C.H., 22, cit., p. 204. -141- percentages recorded in the middle columns of Table 41 this caveat is in order. For instance, 24 percent of French- Canadian leaders consider that judicious consumption (living within ones annual income) has a certain importance in favoring career progress. Nineteen per cent of English leaders judge the establishment of higher level friendship as an influence in career achievement. Chapter VII THE WIVES OF BUSINESS LEADERS The figures in the previous chapters show the relative importance of occupational origins, education, first occupation, place of birth, firm association and size of businesses in get- ting into the upper echelons of the management ladder. Marry- ing the right woman is also a recognized way of achieving a position of eminence in business concerns. A popular saying holds that marrying the boss's daughter offers a guarantee of career SUCCESS e There is a questionnaire item bearing indirectly on the marriage question. The respondents were asked to indicate the occupation of his wife's father. Data pertaining to the occupational origins of wives' fathers and leaders' fathers are given in Table 45. About 10 percent of the men did not answer this item, it is thus concluded they were probably not married. French and English-speaking leaders again present similarities and differences as to the kind of women they married. When percentages for executives, owners and profes- sional men are added up, it can be seen that 53 percent of French and 65 percent of English-speaking leaders' wives come - 142 - 1 momaema ocaeemom1cmaaocm ON ace cocmoc me "coaueEoomca 03 I a manna EOHL * N.e o.v m.a m.e emcee «.0? o.Nr o.NN m.NN umuocee m.e o.a b.m n.m sesame q.ve m.NF o.vv e.>r smegma aeoaemau .mmaem - 1- s.er o.m m.nw n.e ceEmooc ace m>aunumxm mocac 4 - e.er m.mr m.eN m.oN emcee aaeEm ace eaaamg N.nw o.me m.or r.ae ces aecoammmmooe WN.ON ma.MN “N.Nv Mn.m umcso mmoea m>aueomxm ooheg *umcuec omcpec *umcpeu emceea coaueuoooo m-omaeme m.mma3 m-mmaeme m-mmaB mceaaeceu1cmaaecm . mceaaeceu1cucmoc momcuee .mm>a3 mo mcoauemmuoo ace momcpem .mumaeme mmmcamnm mo coaueQJooo ”me mace» - 144 - from business or professional backgrounds. At the bottom-end of the occupational scale, it can be observed that 22.8 percent of French and 12 percent of English-speaking leaders married women whose fathers were laborers. About an equal proportion of French and English leaders married women from farming occupations; 17.4 percent of French and 12.5 percent of English leaders married women from sales and clerical occupations. French leaders and their wives showed an almost equal tendency to have fathers who were medium and small owners, farmers and laborers. The greatest difference between the family origins of leaders and wives shows up at the level of minor executive and foremen for both ethnic origins. A first general conclusion shows French-Canadian businessmen with a greater tendency to marry into lower occu- pational strata than English-Canadian leaders. But it is pos- sible to proceed to a closer examination of marriage at or out- side a particular occupational level. Table 46 is a reorganiza- tion of the occupations into levels as listed in the first chapter. Percentages tell the extent of endogamy or exogamy, that is, the proportions of leaders who married at their fathers' occupational level or not. In general leaders tend to marry at their level of origin in a greater proportion than any other level taken se- parately. Studying the American executives, Warner and omenos1amaaaxmc: ace aeaaaxm1a5mm umxeos amaaaxm smoocee some 1 m mom amucaouoe coacs amaaaoxm moe =mcoaeeaoooo omcuo: ".m.a omxooa aeoaumau cesmmaem cesmoou ace m>ayaumxm occaz mmcao aaeEm m>apaomxm aches umcso mooee seamen en am>me ace Ecaams -N am>me ces aecoammmmoou -e am>me - mm es 3 2 as an mar-8832 co ems-52 we - v.3“ -.-N as: 53 «.2 58 n am>me N.ma m.ma a.Nn Moms «.mm NoaN N am>me wN.Nr wN.on fin.am wo.m wa.mN wm.em P am>me m1e N1e ale n1e N1e r1e omcuea m-mmaa mceaaeceUIcmaach mceaaeceu1cocmec mo am>me aecoaueasouo omcuec m.omaeme mo am>me aeccapemjooo aecoaueascoo xc memcpec .mm>a3 co mam>me aecoaueosooo .memcuem .memaeme mmmcamnm mo mam>me «mmeaeoez ace mam>me aecoaueaauoo "as macee -146- Absgglen also observed this tendency (1). However, English- speaking leaders who were born to fathers in farming and labor- ing occupations (level 3) tend to marry at other higher levels in a greater proportion. Sons of professional men, major execu- tives and large owners show the greatest amount of endogamy. They tend to marry women from the same occupational level of origin in a greater proportion than other leaders who also married at their respective occupational level of origin. In this connection, leaders from both ethnic origins present a striking similarity. A further assessment of the impact of marriage on occupational mobility may be had by looking at the extent of eXOgamy. Sons of laborers and farmers surpassed all others in marrying outside their occupational level or origin: English- speaking leaders surpassing their French-speaking counterparts in this matter. Sixty-five percent of the English-speaking leaders born to fathers from farming and laboring occupations married at the middle and upper levels while only 51.3 percent of French-Canadian leaders did. A Table 47 will help to examine more closely the ex- tent of in-marriages and out-marriages. The ratios are com- puted by taking the proportion of sons who married at one par- ticular level to the proportion of wives' fathers at this 1. WARNER, W.L., and AEEGGLEN, J.C., _o_p. cit., p. 180. - 147 - mm.s Nm.o Ne.o me.e ne.o me.o N.mN F.eN n am>me eo.a mo.e oe.o «o.e ee.e nm.o N.ee m.me N am>me wee.o m-m.- we.N mON.o mem.o mm-.N wo.nN we.eN F am>me n1e N1e -1e m1e N1e e1e .u.e .u.c emceec m-ecea co am>me aecOapeoaooo mceaaeceu1cmaaocu mceaaeceu1cucmow momcuec .mm>a3 umcuem m-omaeme mo am>me aecoauemauoo mo moeucmuume .memcpec .mm>a3 so mam>me aecOaueaauoo cu amueamoca mmeaooez cu memcuec .mumaeme mmmcamam co mam>me aecoaueaaooo Na mmeauues mo oauem ->v maceh -148- level. The percentages of wives' fathers were then regrouped into three occupational levels. A ratio of one could be ex- pected if leaders at any particular level of origin marry women at this same level in an equal proportion. Sons of professional men, major executives and large owners still lead in the amount of endogamy (2.19 and 2.46). Sons of French-Canadian fathers in farm and labor occupations show again a greater amount (1.73) of in-marriage than sons of English-speaking fathers in this lower occupational level 1.33). In this category, it can be observed that a proportion of sons married at the middle level near the ratio that could be anticipated (1.01 and 1.04). English-Canadian sons of fathers from middle level occupations show the greatest amount of out-marriage (1.31). They are followed by the sons of French-speaking fathers who were laborers or farmers (1.01). These figures lead to conclude that marriage has a certain impact in maintaining a high level position or in helping to get into one. Sons of upper-level origins show the greatest amount of endogamy and sons of lower-level origin present the largest amount of out-marriage. Turning to the question of educational attainment and marriage, it could be supposed that highly educated men would marry daughters of professional men or top executives in greater proportion than daughters from any other occupa- tional classes. Table 48 provides figures that tend to support - 149 - 1 memaeea ocaxemamIcmaaocm ON ace cocmec ON «:coaeeoaooo emcee: ace coaueemomca oz N.Nv 0.0v O.»w m.NN w.»» n.Ne emeocee O.e a.N e.m m.Ne n.mm O.m omeuea N.m m.mp o.NN m.NN 0.0 m.aa amxpoa aeoaomao ace mmaem e.m e.m v.0» m.N n.nn e.m ceeepoc ace m>auoomxm mocaz P.FN O.FN N.me 0.0N N.NN O.nN umcao aaeem ace Eaaama ».rN 0.0N v.0 O.m 0.0 m.re ces aecoammmmoua mO.aN Re.u We.mN W0.0F W0.0 mO.n umcso momma ace m>aunomxm aches .0.0 .O.c .0.0 .O.u .0.0 .O.c omcueu m-mmag Lo ceaueaaooO coapeaaemolpmomlace >eamum>ac3 mEom no aoocum LmaI muenaeeo >uaeom>aca mueaaeum aoocom cOaI mEom mo cecu mmme m0>H3 LO caaauO aecoauQQJQOO ace memaeme mo coaueoaau «moeaeuea ace coaueoaaw “we mace» -150- that anticipation. Forty-six percent of English, 33.4 percent of French university graduates and post-graduates married daughters whose fathers were professional men and top executi- ves. These leaders who were university graduates also married women of other occupational classes in proportions varying from 21 to 24 percent. French-speaking leaders with some years of high school or less married daughters of laborers in a greater proportion (48.3%) than English-speaking leaders (11.1%). The reverse is almost true in the case of farmers' daughters. High school graduates and English-speaking leaders who attended university without completion of a degree married daughters of professional men and top executives in a greater proportion (32.1%) than their French-speaking counterparts. The figures just presented on the extent of endogamy and exogamy, the relationship between education and marriage show the impact of these two variables in maintaining or get- ting into high level position within corporate structures. Although the influence of marriage can be assessed for leaders of both ethnic origins, data do not lend themselves to any sort of explanation for the differential mobility of the two groups. As a matter of fact, French-speaking leaders married somewhat more in middle and lower levels than English-speaking ones, while French leaders were portrayed as being somewhat more mobile in terms of occupational origins of fathers. C h a p t e r VIII CULCIELEIUNS This research project is a modest attempt to trace back the kind of men who head Quebec businesses. The studies previously published on the relative composition of the work force and on the ethnicity of people who hold positions of power and prestige have all been strong for the fact that seats of authority were traditionnally reserved to English-speaking people. To rely only on this kind of information pertaining to business leadership would lead a French-speaking person to believe that his chances of making it through corporate systems are indeed rather meager. If this belief so anchored in the minds of people were in fact true, one would expect a continued deterioration of the relationships between the French and English-speaking elements of Canada, especially in the province of Quebec. French-Canadian resentment towards the English-speaking frac- tion of the population would be sure to keep on increasing. This research by studying mobility processes of French- speaking and English-speaking business leaders questions the accepted premise of inequality of opportunity for the French- speaking population. - 151 - -152- The use of a questionnaire instrument provided valuable information from 167 French-speaking and 219 English- speeking leaders. The analysis and interpretation of date have been presented in the body of this report. It is now possible to summarize the major findings in order to get a general under- standing of Quebec business leadership. 1. chgpgtional Ogigins and Mobility Raise The largest part of the economic elite originated from fathers who were already in business as large, medium, and small owners or as major, minor executives, and foremen. This recruiting pattern is common to French and English-speak- ing leaders and to American executives as well. This tendency to fill top-executive positions with candidates whose fathers were already familiar with the functionning of business and managerial philosophies is not surprising. No doubt that business concerns, in order to survive and develop, must acquire new blood, but top-management must also in the midst of innovation secure a certain degree of continuity and stability. Therefore, it is understandable that top-management tend to recruit from its own ranks. Moreover, topnmanagement by recruiting individuals who where reared in the practical world of business, must worry about making the value of advancement come true for these same individuals. -153- This recruiting pattern common to all categories of business leaders studied can also be explained by referring to the socio-economic context described in chapter II. The decline of the agricultural sector, the emergence of large scale ser- vice industries in the areas of finance, insurance, transpor- tation, communication, and retail, the shifts in the composi- tion of the work force, the movement toward industrial concen- tration, constitute some of the important transformations that took place in the United States and in Quebec at a later date. Important differences among the French and English- speaking as to occupational origins were also observed. When the occupations are broken down into twenty categories, it was noticed that the two largest percentages of French-speaking leaders originated from men who were skilled workers (15.2%) and small business owners (12.8%): whereas the two largest pro- portions of English-speaking businessmen were sons of major (17.3X9 and minor executives (12.5%). Therefore, when mobility rates were computed for English and French-speaking leaders se- parately, it was not surprising to discover that French-speaking leaders are more often likely to come from middle and lower- level strata than English-speaking businessmen, the former having less opportunities to follow their fathers into top-management posts than do the letter. Again, this particular finding can be explained by looking into the socio-economic context. - 154 - English-speaking leaders could draw from a larger reservoir of candidates whose fathers were already in top- management posts than could French-speaking leaders. Facing a growing demand for executive talents, English-speaking pro- motors and business leaders, enjoying a greater share of the top positions than their numbers in total Quebec population would warrant, could recruit within their own ranks either in Quebec or outside, e.g. in Ontario, in other Canadian Provinces, or in the United States. As a matter of fact, the data pertain- ing to the place of birth of business leaders show that around 80 percent of English-speaking businessmen are born outside Quebec, whereas 90 percent of French-speaking leaders are born in this province. Studies bearing on the relative composition of the work force in terms of ethnicity and occupations reveal that French-speaking people tend to be heavily concentrated in occupations that can be placed in the middle or lower levels of an occupational class scale. Therefore, French-speaking leaders, also facing a growing demand for executive talents, were probably more often forced to recruit outside their own ranks, that is, from middle or lower-level categories. The data collected on the degree of representation of various occupational categories in the business elite provide some additional support to the previous assertion. Admittedly, the difficulties of access to the business elite are about the same for the four groups of leaders studied. Business owners - 155 - and executives, and professional men are better suppliers of the business elite than any other occupational categories. Again this pattern is recurrent among French, English and American occupational structures. Differences, however, between French and English were also marked. French-Canadian occupa- tional structure appears slightly less rigid than the English- speaking one, since in the case of the former clerical workers and foremen enjoy a greater representation in the business ClitCe The belief that chances for French-speaking people to reach the upper-echelon of business enterprises are rather meager does not receive support from the analysis of the data. It would be more exact to assert that chances appear at least as good for French Canadians as they appear for English Cane- dians in the province of Quebec. Occupational origin and the need for executive talents seem to play a more important role than ethnicity in opening the route to positions of prestige and power in Quebec corporate hierarchies. 2. gdggation and Business Careers It is said that French-Canadians were slow to realize that they were thrown in an industrialized and urbanized way of life without being mentally equipped to adapt themselves to it. Quebec's educational system, in particular, has been depict- ed es heavily oriented toward a liberal-arts type of education. -156- The fact that the humanities opened the door to the ”best” (i.e. liberal) professions, seemed a deterrent to a career in the business world. The data collected on the degree of edu- cational attainment do not allow to give a clearcut answer on this matter. The analysis showed that seventeen percent of English- speaking leaders are sons of professional men whereas only 10 percent of French-speaking executives originated from this category. On this count alone, the professions appear to be a better reservoir for business candidates in the case of English-speaking executives. But when these percentages are related to the proportions of professionals in total Quebec active population, it can be observed that the professions provide more businessmen than their share of this population. This is equally true for the French and English. It would seem incorrect to conclude that Quebec educational system was a deterrent to a business career. Studying the degree of educational attainment, it was observed that French and English-speaking leaders attained a higher degree of education than the general male population. However, French-speaking executives did achieve a lower degree of education than English-speaking leaders. About 80 percent of English-speaking executives got a university education com- pared with 68 percent in the case of French-speaking leaders. About 20 percent of this latter group of leaders terminated their education before reaching high-school graduation. Only 4.6 percent of English-speaking leaders discontinued their education at this level. Reasons for a lower degree of educational achieve- ment among French leaders could be attributed to the fact that leaders of French extraction originated from lower occupation- al levels in a greater proportion than did English-speaking leaders. It can also be imputed to differences in places of birth and sizes of businesses. Eighty-two percent of English- speaking leaders born outside the province of Quebec attended university in a greater proportion than French-speaking leaders born within the province. A lower degree of educational achievement attained by French-speaking leaders can also be observed among their fathers. As a matter of fact, the proportions of French- speaking fathers who got a university or a high school edu- cation are lower than the proportions obtained for English- spesking fathers. Therefore, educational attainment played less important a role in the career of French-speaking execu- tives. In this sense, it is reasonable to think that since Quebec's educational system is oriented towards liberal-arts occupations, it would be less appropriate to the training of business leaders than the educational institutions in Ontario, in other provinces, or in the United States. - 153 - Turning to the relationship between education and the size of business, it was observed that more than half of French leaders were engaged in corporations relatively smaller than the businesses for which English leaders worked. Moreover, the proportion of university-educated French leaders engaged in relatively large businesses is smaller than the proportion of English-speaking leaders. 3. Mobility and Career Patterns More than half of the leaders of both ethnic origins reached the upper-echelons of the management ladder fifteen years after they had launched their life career. None of them “inherited management". French-speaking leaders started out in professional occupations in a slightly greater proportion than their English-speaking counterparts: however, the per- centeges of English-speaking executives who entered first in middle level occupations are greater than the percentages of French-speaking leaders. Comparisons between father's occupation and son's first employment revealed that the proportions of French- speaking leaders who began their career in lower occupational levels than their fathers' were smaller than those of English- speaking leaders, but the proportions of French leaders who started out in higher occupational levels than their fathers' were greater than those of English-speaking leaders. - 159 - The analysis of data bearing on the relation between educational attainment and first employment gave some founda- tion to the belief that highly-trained men have more chances to get their first job in high-level positions than men equip- ped with a high school education or less. As a matter of fact, 45 percent of French-speaking university-educated leaders start- ed out their career in the professions, whereas 92.9 percent who had gone beyond high school began as laborers or clerical workers. English-speaking leaders behaved differently. An equal proportion of the English-speaking equipped with a uni- versity education started out as professionals and clerical workers. An overwhelming majority of leaders worked for more than one firm in the course of their career. French Canadians were associated with only one firm in a greater proportion than English-speaking leaders. Relationships between first occupation, educational attainment and the extent of interfirm mobility were blurred to the point that data did not support the anticipated link which ran as follows: The higher the first level of occupation and the higher the level of education, the greater the amount of interfirm mobility. 4. Time Factor and Career Pattern At the time of the study, French-speaking leaders were 50 years old on the average. They entered business at - 160 - the age of 24 and took 16 years to achieve a top level executive position. English-speaking leaders were two years older on the average. They entered business at an earlier age and took 22 years to reach the summit. Generally French-speaking Canadians took less time to achieve their position at the head of businesses. Studying the relationship between the father's occu- pation and the number of years taken by the son to reach the top, it was discovered that English leaders originating from lower occupational strata took more time to achieve their present position than sons born to fathers in high level occupations. French-speaking leaders did not behave according to this pattern. Nativity was also found to have an impact on differ- ential achievement time between leaders born in various Canadian provinces and outside Canada. French-speaking leaders born in Quebec and English-speaking ones born in Ontario presented the smallest difference in the number of years needed to achieve their present business position. Taking into account the father's occupation and place of birth, it was observed that the proportion of leaders born to laborers is the smallest for the province of Ontario. It was also noticed that the length of time prior to achieving an upper-level position is the shortest in the case of sons born to fathers from Ontario. Studying the relationship between actual size of business and achievement time both French and English leaders were found to take more time to reach the top in large scale businesses than in relatively small ones. However, the length of time to reach the top is the longest for English-speaking leaders in large firms and the shortest for French-speaking leaders in relatively small businesses. 5. Occupational Origins of the Wives French-Canadian leaders were found to marry more in lower occupational strata than their English-speaking counter- parts. Evsnthough both categories of leaders tended to marry women at the same level of origin the extent of endogamy or sxogamy is important. Sons of upper-level origins showed the greatest amount of endogamy while sons of lower-level origins presented the largest amount of out marriage. 6. lgfilggntial annectigns The majority of leaders of the two ethnic origins who had no 'pull' took more years to achieve their present business position. For a minority, influential connections are an important route to the top, more important for French- Canadian leaders. - 162 - 7. Neggomsg's Sggies of Factors Present-day business leaders appeared to have been chosen for their personal achievement within the company or companies they were or are still working for. When one also considered the size of business, he discovered that the pro- portion of leaders who worked their way up by means of their own was greater in business concerns producing for fifty millions and over than firms of less than ten millions in gross income. Organizers, founders, and promoters formed an im- portant fraction of the French business elite. Data on edu- cational achievement also corroborated this finding. It was found that a greater proportion of French leaders tried the hard way and discontinued their schooling after completion of the eight grade or less. 8. Formal and Informal Factors The majority of business leaders agreed that formal criteria such as hard work, demonstration of competence and experience are the most important avenues to the top. In- formal factors such as ethnic origin and religion were con- sidered to be relatively unimportant. Areas of disagreement between French and English lay in the importance attached to the participation in social and civic organization, the sc- -163- quisition of values, attitudes, and behavior patterns of management. Age was also another area of disagreement. These are most of the major findings that could be drawn from calculations and interpretation of the data. Similarities and differences between French and English- speaking leaders were so numerous that it was impossible to report them all in this concluding chapter. A P P E N D I C E 5 Appendix I ADDITIONAL DATA - 165 - Appendix Table 1: Wanufacturing Establishments Classified Accord- igg_to Gross Value of Products Quebec 1932. Group of Establish- Selling Value of Cross Value ments Factory Shipments (000) Under $50,000. 6433 56,661. 50,000. - 99,000. 436 30,802. 100,000. - 199,000. 351 49,737. 200,000. - 499,000. 275 86,532. 500,000. - 999,000. 121 85,044. 1,000,000. and over 102 314,918. TOTAL . 7718 623,696. 1951 Under 50,000. 6454 110,202. 50,000. - 99,000. 1691 120,868. 100,000. - 199,000. 1364 193,068. 200,000. - 499,000 1199 376,766. 500,000. - 999,000. 512 356,686. 1,000,000. and over 641 3,758,564. TOTAL 11861 4,916,157. 1960 Under 50,000.- 5340 183,762. 50,000. - 99,000. 1723 124,112 100,000. - 199,000. 1567 221,750. 200,000. - 499,000. 1570 499,206. 500,000. - 999,000. 781 552,492. 1,000,000. and over 990 5,704,812. TOTAL ' 11961 7,206,896. Sources: Type of Ownership and Size of Establishment Engaged in Manufacturing in Canada, Ottawa. Appendix Table 2: - 166 - Age of Business Leaders at Time of Study by Ethnic Groups (1963). French-Canadian English-Cangdian Age Groups Number percentage Number Percentage UNdCr 30 1 6 1 0 s4 30-39 31 18.7 17 7.8 40-49 56 33.7 81 37.0 50-59 58 34.9 85 39.0 60-69 17 10.2 34 15.6 70 and over 3 1.8 1 0.4 TOTAL 166 100% 219 100% Mean average for French-speaking Canadian: 49.2 years Mean average for English-speaking Canadian: 51 years No answer was given by one French-Canadian leader. -157- Appendix Table 3: Age at which Quebec Business Leaders Entered M French-Canad an En lish-Canadian Age Groups Number Percentage Number Percentage Under 20 40 24.4 77 35.0 20-29 104 63.4 135 62.0 30-39 15 9.1 5 2.0 40-49 4 2.4 2 1.0 50 and over 1 0.6 0 0.0 TOTAL 164 100% 219 100% Mean age for French-Canadian: 23.5 years Mean age for English-Canadian: 21.3 years No answer was given by 3 French-Canadian leaders. - 168 - Appendix Table 4: Number and Percentage Distribution of Respondents by Size of Business and Ethnic Groups at the Time they Entered their Present Organization EEEDED:EEE£Q£22. §£9l$35:22£22522 Size Class gAnnual Sales) Number Pergentage Number Percentage None 18 11.0 8 3.8 Less $50,000. 7 4.3 o 0.0 350,000.-99,000. 9 5.5 3 1.4 5100,DUU.-499,000. 22 13.4 12 5.8 3500,000.-1,008,000. 16 9.8 15 7.2 $1,000,000.-4,999,000. 41 25.1 40 19.2 4 millions and over 50 30.2 130 62.5 All classes 163 100% 208 100% No answer was given by 4 French-speaking and 11 English-speaking leaders. Appendix Table 5: Number and Percentage Distribution of Respon- dents by Size of Business and Ethnic Groups at the Time of the Study. French-Canadian Egglish-Canadian Size Class {Annual Sales) Number Percentage Number Percentage 3500,000.-999,000. 5 3.0 2 1.0 81,000,000.-4,999,000. 46 28.0 36 17.0 $5,000,000.-9,000,000. 35 21.3 24 11.3 310,000,000.-49,000,000. 58 35.4 58 27.4 $50,000,000. and over 20 12.2 91 43.1 All classes 164 99.9 211 100% No answer was given by 3 French-speaking and 8 English-speaking leaders. ’T {I ‘l '1'! III! 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Copies of the English and French version appear at the end of this appendix. The size of business was an important variable and there was no satisfactory criterion to measure it. On this point, Warner's figures about volume of sales or gross income have been divided by ten (1). Industrialization in Quebec took place at a later data than in the United States and in- dustrial structures are different. A business concern which produces for less than $50,000. is usually considered as a small one in the province of Quebec. An annual gross income ranging from 850,000 dollars to one million would be used to identify a medium concern. A firm with an annual volume of sales of one million and over would be considered as a large business concern. 1e WARNER, L, afld ABBEGGLEN, JeSs, 93s Cite, pp. 242-245s - 172 - - 173 - The structure of item 8 has been changed. To study influential connections, I did not separate out relatives, friends or business acquaintances. I was more interested in comparisons between the general group of connections and family ties than comparisons between each single type of connection. Had I done so, the number of influences mould have been dif- ficult to handle for both ethnic categories of leaders. Item 9 was concerned with sons' occupations at various moments of their career. I used about the same categorization of occupations as did Warner. Farming occupations have been divided into farm worker and farm owner. Middle-level posi- tions were more elaborated with the addition of commercial traveler, insurance agent, inspector or investigator. In the professional category I added accountant, dropped minister and substituted professor for it. I was interested here in getting a good sample of liberal professions for comparison purposes between French and English in order to ascertain the possible influence of different educational institutions. Item 10 is a combination of questions 11 and 15 which appeared in Warner's 1952 questionnaire. I asked the respondent to indicate the occupation of his father when he was his age, in order to evaluate the extent of the father's occupational shifts in the course of the son's career. Infor- mation about the grand-father's occupation has been deleted. -174- It is known that French-speaking grand-fathers lived at a time when the province of Quebec was not industrialized and occu- pations were not diversified. Comparisons with English-speaking grand-fathers would have been arduous, since many of the latter were probably born outside Canada in countries which went through the stages of industrialization at an earlier date. Item 12 is concerned with education attainment of business leaders. To get French and English equivalents on the matter of educational levels presented many difficulties. ”Less than high school" education would be in a French milieu equi- valent to eight years of schooling or less; “some high school” would range from 9 to 12 years of schooling; "high-school“ gra- duation would be the completion of grade twelve or a senior di- ploma (Rhetorique) in a ”classical college”. ”Some university" for English-speaking students would mean a four-year college education on a university campus without obtaining a degree. For French-speaking students, ”some university'education would mean the last two years necessary to the obtention of a Bacca- laureate of Arts and two or three years on a university campus without obtaining a degree. At the level of ”university gradua- tion' and “post-graduation”, equivalences do not obtain. French- Canadian students used to attend university for four years fol- lowing the 8.A. in order to get a university degree. English- speaking students would usually get their first university degree four years after completion of grade twelve or thirteen. - 175 - Then university graduation and post graduation would imply one or two years of additional schooling in the case of French- Canadian students. Item 13 is a re-structuration of item 14 on Warner's 1952 questionnaire. I asked the respondents whether they get additional training or not and, in what area. Item 14 deals with nativity of leaders and their fathers. I made a change in the names of places of birth, since the research was conducted in the province of Quebec, Canada. I did not inquireabout the approximate population of birth places. I was not interested in territorial mobi- lity as such. Item 15 is concerned with urban or rural places of birth for people born in Canada. I did not process the data since this item does not appear on the French copy of the questionnaire. It was left out in the course of transcrip- tion. The error was detected when the questionnaire came out of press. Departments through which an aspirant can reach a top executive position constitute different avenues of mobili- ty. The intent was to assess the importance of various depart- ments as avenues to the top. Unhappily, this item 16 was also left out in the course of transcription so that it does not appear on the French copy. I hope to process these data at a later date in the case of English-speaking leaders only and compare findings with results obtained by people who have al- ready dona research on this point. Items 17 and 18 which terminated warner's question- naire have been deleted and substituted. The intent was to replicate parts of researches conducted by Mabel Newcomer, Pellegrin and Coates and I re-phrased these items to this pm ”,9 s Generally speaking modifications were introduced to fit the particular context and people studied, to meet research interests, financial and human resources. I also tried to keep the questionnaire within an acceptable length. Strictly Confidential -177- STUDY OF QUEBEC BUSINESS EECUI'IVES. I What is your present age? .................................... 0-7 At what age did you first enter business? _'.;“,__. 5 8-9 What is the title of your present business position? lO-ll Partner -, ,._ ,, C101 Chairman g C] 02 Chairman 8: President 0 11 1 -_ President .................. D 12 Vice-President . ,,,,,,,, -D 21 Secretary.._h.u.u.”‘-C131 Treasurer 7, D 32 Secrets; y-Treasurer" CT 33 Controller _______________ D 11 General Lanageruw’” D 1 "Division Manager._,,_,..D 112 Other (specify) At what age did you first assume your present business position? -12-13 Approgcimate size of the business in which you now hold this position? Volume of sales or ; When you entered » ' - gross revenue. “ this organization At resent '- J -» 15) None_',,,m .,__,__;_.Ell ,,,,,,, , .,01 Less than 50, 000,, . , o 2 , ......... D 2 ' $50, coon-99,000 ............... E! 3 ...................... U 3 $100,000--1+99,000 o h _________________________ o h $500,000-—1,000,ooc o 5 . CJ 5 $1,000,000--l+,999,000 o 6 ................. . o 6 $s,ooo,ooo--9,999,ooo o 7 ....................... D 7 $10,000,000--49,999,000 , ,, o 8 ...................... D 8 $50,000,000 and over ,,,,,,,,,, o 9 _ . o 9 At what age did you enter your present organization? ........... 16-17 a) How many firms have you been associated with during your present business career? (Count subsidiaries as separate firms) .............................................................. 18'19 b), how many firms have you been associated with at the Job " level of: Minor executive (above foreman and below produc- tion, finance or sales managers) 20 Major executive (production, finance or sales managers, etc. , and above) M.._ 21 c) how many firms are you associated with at present as a- . member of the Board of Directors? 22 ..-.-~.-.‘......‘......' coma—_— 8. Were any relatives, friends, or business acquaintances interested 23 as owners or executives , a) in the business you yes .. C] l '0) in your present firm yes., 0 3 first entered no _____ D 2 when you entered no... . U h 9. .After you started to ea; n your own living, what occupations did you engage in! Occupations: Right at the start 5 years 10 years 15 years (2“ ‘25 ) later later later (96-27) (QB-29) (30-31) Worker (unskilled or... . . Cl 01 _ El 01 . D 01 _ D 01 semi-skilled Worker (skilled or mechanics) [3 02 - [j 09 D 02 _ . ...CJ 02 Farmer: farm worker, . . D 11 ......... El 11 D 11... U 11 farmowner [312 .......... 012‘.._012.....,E312 Clerical worker ....... _ U 21 ,,,,,,,,,, C] 21 ...... D 21 _______ D 21 Retail clerk or retail sales- man. .. 031 031 ...031 ........ 031 Commercial traveler __ ________ C] 32 _ D 32 El 32 Cl 32 Inspector or investigator . C] 33 . El 33 U 33 ...... U 33 Insurance agent” . D l, . 0 3h . _ _ D 1+ ,,,,,, El 316 Foreman ... 031 , El 1+1. D l ..... D 1‘1 Minor executive ésee Or?) ....... D 1&2 ._ . .. D 42 ,,,,,,,,,,,, Cl 1&2 Major executive ) 0 51 , . 0 51 ,,,,,,, 0 51 ______ 0 51 Owner small business (Sales un- ‘ ' der$5o,000-..) _-,061 061 ..061.....061 Owner medium business (sales 7 $50, 000--100 ,000) ,,,,,,,,,,,,,, 0 62 ,,,,,,, 0 62 . . 0 62 ,,,,,,, 0 62 Owner large business (Sales over $100, 000) ................ 0 71 ......... 0 71 0 71 ,,,,, 0 71 Engineer -..... .1372 .......... U72 ...... 072.......U72 Accountant...... 0 81 . 0 81 ...... 0 81 D 81 Professional Lawyer . D 82 .. .. D 82 .. .D 82 ........ U 82 Doctor (MD) .083 __ 083 ...... 083 ..083 Professor .Cl 91 . . C1 91-..... Cl 91 ......... D 91 Other (specify) 0 92 .......... 0 92... . 092 .092 Military career (regular force, specify the rank) ,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,, 0 93 . o 93 , . o 93 ....... 0 93 Government service (specify... D 91‘ - . U 91‘ _ . U 91" . . U 91* position) Other (Please specify) . 0 95 ......... 0 95 ...... 0 95 . . . . 0 95 10. Principal occupation of others in your family (If deceased, indicate last ' occupation) Occupations: Your father when Your father when Your wife's you became self- he was your age father supporting (32-33) (35-35) (36-37) Worker (unskilled or semi-skilled) . .. . . .... D 01 ........ El 01. ........ D 01 .wOrker (skilled or mechanic) .. ._ E302 ..DOQ .................... E302 Farmer: farm worker ................ D 11 .. . D 11 ................. U 11 farm owner ................. D 12 ............. D 12. ....... D 12' Clerical worker _ .................. U 21 U 21 . ‘ . D 21 Retail clerk or retail salesman.. .. . D 31 _ D 31 . D 31 -178- Commercial traveler ............. 0 32 ............. D 32 .................. D 32 Inspector or investigator ....... c] 33 ........ D 33 ._ ............ D 33 Insurance agent ......... _______ D 3‘; D 34 _ D 34 Foreman .............. 0 in ........... 0 1+1 .. .............. D 111 Minor executive ..................... D 1&2 . ..... D 112 ................. D 112 Major executive ............... C] 51 ......... El 51 .. .............. D 51 Owner small business (sale under $5 .000) ............. D 61 ............. D 61 .................. D 61 Owner medium business _. ($50,000--$100:000) ............... C] 62 ............. D 62 ................. U 52 Owner large business (sales over $100,000) ............. Cl 71 D 71 ., . U 71 Engineer ...... . ....... 072 ...... D72 ..... ......... 072 Accountant. D 81 . .Cl 81 . ............... C] 81 Professional Lawyer ............... El 82 -. D 82 ............... U 82 Doctor (M D ) ........ D83 083 083 Professor ...... Cl 91 ..... D 91 .......... D 91 Other (Specify) D 92 ............ D 92 ............ D 92 Military career (permanent force, specify the rank)“; ...... D 93 ............ D 93 .................. D 93 Government service. (specify).. D 911 ............ U 9"1 ................... D 9“ Other (please specify) .......... 0 95 .......... 0 95 ..... . .......... 0 95 If your father was a business owner 0:- executive, are you connected with the same firm that your father was? Yes El 01 (38) . No . D 02 Extent of schooling of yourself and your father. (Please check only the highest correct category) (39) (1+0) Self ' Your father less than high school ........... D 1 .................... D 1 Some high school ................... 0 2 . ................. D 2 High school graduate .............. D a .................... D Some University ................ Cl .................... 0 University graduate ..... . ....... D 5 ................... CJ 5 Post-graduate study ...... ' ...... D 6 .................... D 6 How much formal business training have you had? (41) None ............................................... D 1 Correspondence course Accounting, finance, or other _ . j D 2' Administration course in college or university ........................................ D 3 Formal training within a company ....... D A Place of birth: (1‘2) (1‘3) Self Your father In Canada: Ontario ...................... D 1 ................... D 1 Quebec ................... CI 2 .......... .. D 2 Other Province ........... D 3 .................... CI 3 Outside Canada: U.S.A._. .............. D h .................... D A Great Britain. .- D 5 . D 5 France .................. CI 6 ...................... CI 6 Other country ....... D 7 ................... D 7 17. 18. If born in Canada, were you born in an urban (or industrial) area? . Yes ......‘Cl 1 No ..... D 2 Department(s) through which you reached your present position: . Operations or production ______ ' ........... - D 1 Finance or accounting U 2 Sales and advertising ' CT 3 legal ...................................... 0 A Personnel and Industrial Relations 3,.{3.5 Public Relations . J C) 6 Purchasing E] 3 Engineering [J U 9 Other ~0v’s0I00004. OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO .................................. ................................... Which one or more of the following factors helped you to reach your present position? , Work in organizing a corporation 0 1 Inheritance .......................................... D 2 Personal investment in your present company C) 3 Success in another company ........................... C] in» Working up within a company ........................ Cl 5 The sale of your business to another .............. E1 6 The merger of your business with another ....... C] 7 Other factors CI 8 up) (115 ) as) How would you rank the following criteria that can be used in the‘selection of a person to fill an executive position? (NuI-oer 1 will be the most important, number 2 will be a little bit less ix. portant, and so on. ) (47). Rank -..— 0‘... Family social standing and connections Hard worker. - .H . Participation in civic and social organizations ._. Technical and administrative competence” Participation in professional organizations ..... .”.H.” U_...... Experience -."_. Acquisition of the attitudes, values, and behavior patterns of successful superiors . Ase .. ............................................................................ Religion ............................ Ethnic origin or language M _n. ,A person who lives within his annual income The influence of the wife _..”_“w.”,_l.n_.u.._ ”.”.H_ ”_. Establishment of higher-level friendship Retension of lower-level friendship ........ mmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmm 5. - 179 - Les "leaders" de l'industrie québécoise: leur origins et mobilité occupatiopnelle.. ' ‘Quel age avezvvous?- 3 ' ' ' '- ‘ (6-7) A quel age EteseVOus entré dans les affaires d'abord? " L ' ~ :. (3-9) Quel est le titre de votre position actuellc en affaires? (10-11) .Partenaire o o o o o 0.0 0.0— 01 "Chairman" . . . . . . . . .,__ 02 "Chairman" et President. . .... 11 President. . . . . . . . . ..__ 12 'ViCQ'PIéSiden; o o o o o o o__21 Sécretaire . . . . . . . . ..__ 31 Trésorier. .‘. . . . . . . . 32 Sécretaire-trésorier . . . .: 33 ‘ ContrBleur . . . . . . . . ..__ 34. Directeur général. . . .‘.‘..__ 41 Gérant de division . . . . ..__ 42 Autre (S.V.P. indiguez). . ..__ 51 A quel Qge’avez-vous assumé votro position actuelle en affaires? ' (12-13) Grandeur approximative do 1' entreprise dans laquelle vous remplissez votre fonction actuelle? Chiffre d'affaires Au moment de votre ou revenu brut: entrée dans cette entreprisc ‘Maintenant (14) (15) Aucun..-......-.-...'1 oooooooo_1 Moinsdesso,ooo.......:2 ........__2 $50,000@99,000b000000__'.3' ooooooooq-IF-B $100,000@499,000......__4 ........__4 . $500,000@999,000 o o o o o o 45 o'o'o 0'0 0'0 . #5 .$1. 000,,000@4999, 0000000 _6 o'o'o'o'oo’oo __6 . $5. 0009'9’000@9999 000, ... _7 0.0.0.0.... ”.7 ,$10,,,000000@49999,000...___8 -......‘..____8 ,$50,,000000etp1us. 00000 _9 'o'ooooolo. ..9 A quel age avez-vous commencé a travailler pour cette entreprise? (16-17) Pour combisn d'entreprises (firms) avez-vous travaillé au cours de votre a) carriers en affaires, y compris 1' entreprise actuelle oh vous travaillez? (Un subsidiare peut etre considcré comma entreprise distincte). _(18-19) b) Pour combien d'entreprises avez vous travaillé ~~~~ -- ‘r-A . au niveau de la moyenne direction- -(midd1e‘management) ' ' (20) au niveau de la haute direction (top management) ~»-'-~~ -~‘"(21) c) Avec combien d'entreprises etesbvous assooié maintenant comme membre du conseil d'administration (Board of Directors) (22) 8. Est-ce que quelques-uns de vos parents, mmis, connaissances étaient inté- ressés comme proprietaire, partenairc, ou comme officiers superieurs a a) dans la premiEre entreprise on vous avez debuts? b) dans l'entreprise actuclle quand vous avez commence -a y travailler? Yes No Yes No (23) Quand vous avez commence a travailler pour subvenir a was propres dépenses (self-supporting) et plus tard, dans quelle catégorie occupationnelle étiez-vous? Categories occupationnelles Au tout début (24725) Travailleur (non-specialisd ‘. ou semi-specialise). . . . . . . . ,.__01 Travailleur specialisd (homme de metiers) . .'Q . . . . . Fermicr: ,_~_02 aide-- fermicr avec paie ... ,,11 .‘ prcprie taire d‘une ferns ._fl,12 AEcritures (clerical worker). . . . ." 21' Commie (dc magasin ou vendeur) . . .__,31 Voyageur de commerce . . . . . . . ._,_32 Agent d’assurance . . t . . . . . ..u_34 Contrcmaitrc . . . , . . . . . . . ...-41 Moycnne direction (middle management): a o n o c o o o o o 0 0*42 Haute direction (t0p management on "senior executive") . . . .7. . .,_.51 PrOpiétaire d'une petite entreprise: chiffre d’affaires Prepriétaire d‘une moycnne ($50,000(§ 100,000). . . . Proprietaire d' unc.grosse entre- prise.........._.. entreprisc Ingenieur . ..... ._. . . . . .4_.72 Comptable L . . . . j . e . . ..L_8l Avocatg . . . . . . . . . . . .ZF~32 M6dmfin.i .._., .. .. ..4“83 Professeur. t . . . . . . . . ..L_9l Antre . . O O O O O I C O O O O L92 Carriere militaire (force réguliere, indiqucz le rang o o o o o o o o o o_93 Fonctionnaire (indiquez lc rang) o ..__94 Autre (S.V.P. indiquez). . . . . . .___95 mains do $50,000.4_.61, .Zi_62: .+_.71L O O O O O O 5 ans aprhs (26-27) .___01 .__,02 . 11 .— ‘. 12 ooooooo’ 10 ans apres (28-29) . . ‘ ’ o o o indiquez l'occupation anterieure) Categories occupationnelles - 180 - 10. -0ecupation principale.de quelques.membres de wotre ramille ($1 déeédé,’ . ’ a De votre phre Travailleur (non-specialise ou semi-specialise). . . . . Travailleur specialise (homme de métiers) . . . . . Fermier: aide-dermier avec Paie. . Ecritures (clerica1.worker). Commis (de magasin or vendeur) . ‘ Agent d'Assurance. . . . . . Voyageur de commerce . . . . Contremaitre . . Propriétaire d'une petite entreprise Proprietaire d'une moyennc entre- prise (50,COO(§ 100,000) . . Carriére militaire (force réguliEre, De votre pere De vetre quand yous.ayez .quand.il avait beau-ptre 'commeneé a tra- votre age. ' ' vailler ' .....;_o1.....,__o1....;_,01 .....___02.....____02.....__02 ..__11-.. . ..___11....._‘__'11" propriétaire d'une ferme. . .,_ 12 . . . . . __ 12 . . . . ._, 12 saqo,o_..‘_21oooou__~21ooooo_21 qqu3109000~3100000_31 Ql0q0-_3400ooom34.oooo~.34 ...00*3200000.-32.I..._32 ......OCOOO+41.OCII _41....O—-41 Moyenne direction (middle management). __,42 . . . . . __ 42 . . . . .__ 42 Haute direction (top management) . . ..__ 51 . . . . ..__‘51 . . . . .__.Sl (chiffres d'affaires moins de $50,000) __.61 . . . . ..__ 61 . . . . .___6l . . . . . __ 62 . . . . . __ 62 . . . . .__ 62 Proprietaire d'une grosse entreprise .‘__ 71 . . . . . __ 71 . . . . ”_4 71 Ingeuieur......'.___72. ....__72...’.._____72 Comptable o o o o a Q 0.81. o o o o s_81 o o o o a- 81 A‘VOCato o no.0 o 0,. .*§2.. o. a o ...—8 o o o o o___ 82 MCGECin..oooooo'_-_83000sod—83000°°_33 Professeur. . . . ... . __.91 . . . . . ___91 . . . . .__.91 Autre.........___92.....____92....o___92 ...s. 930000. 930.coo_93 indiquez le rang). o o o o 0‘ Fonctionnaire (indiquez-la rang) rI O . J . i. __94 A— F*_ _. AL_ _m Autre (indiquez) .":.: . 9 , , ,':W; :._:"95 , , , ,::_;~95 , . . . . 95 f “ A _-__ —‘ ,1. Si votre pere était propriétaire an officer superieur d'une entreprise, ates-vous encore lié avcc cette meme entreprise? . No . . . (38) 2. Degfé d'instruction et eafui Yes...___ de votre pEre: - S-V P..indi uez se 1 ent la_p1us haute_gatégorie correctg) - (39) Votre pere(40) Mains-qu'une 9eme année on 2 Plus qu'une 9ame, moins qu'une 12eme (2 a 4 COUISCIaSSique)oooqo.ooOo~oooo.ooooooo (S on 6 ans, cours classique) Quelques années.au niveau.universitaire on on B.A. . . f Une lZEme accomplie ans (cours classique). . . ..__ 1 ans de Le votre O O I C an. GradUé d'une université o o o o o o o o o o o o o o 5 o o o o o I Etudes post-graduées '. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13. Degré d'instruction en affaires (business training) . . ' (41) Aucun o o o b o o o o o o o o o o o.__ 1 Genre par correspondance. . . . . . ___2 Comptablilité, finance, ou autre “ cours d'administration dans un collage ou une université . . . . . ___3 "Formal training within business" . ___4 14. Lieu de naissancer ' ' ' ' Vous mfime Votre pere . (42) - (43) Ad canada: QUébec C O O O — 1 O O C C O O O O I - O O O —1 . ' - . OntariO. o o ‘._— 2 o c o o o o o o o o o o 2 Dans une autre province. . __ 3 . . . . . . . . . . . . A l'extérieur du Canada: Aux Etats~0nis w_’4 Grand: Bretagne_‘_5 . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 7 lb U o o o o o o a a .. a o o \IO‘U'I France . . .. . Autre. . . . . .._ * l7. Dans nette liste, qucls sont les facteurs qui vous ont aide a atteindre Votre position aetuclle? ~ (45) Ttavail a l‘organization d'une compagnie. ..__ 1 L'béritageoooooooo'oooo'voooo___2 Investissement personnel dana votre corpacnic actuelle. . r r . m . . . . . . . ___3 Le succfi: dans une autre compagnie. . . . . __'4 "Hurting up within a company" . . o . . a .'__ 5 L1 vente de votze compagnie a une autre . . __'6 La fusion (merger) de votre compagnie avec une aL‘Lre O O C 0.9.. O O I O O O O O C O O 7 Autre fatteuts. o 0 Q o o o o o o o o o o o 8 18. Comment ordonnez-vous par importance les criteres suivants qui peuvent etre utilises dans le choix-d'une personne pour remplir une fouctiun ae haute direction (an executive position)? Connections familiales et renommée de la famille .' ‘ O. O O O O C O O O O- O O . Travail assidu et soutenu (hard work). . Participation dans des organisations civiques et sociales. _Participation dahs‘une organisation professionnelles' Competence administrative et technique 0 O O O O O O O O O Q Q I - 181 - Experience. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Acquisition des valeurs, des attitudes et des modes de comportement des supérieurs qui ont connu et connaissent IeSUCCéSo coo-coo O O O O O I O O O O O O O f O O 'A Lage'OOOOOOOooooooooooo0005cco La religion . . . . . I O O O C O O O O O 0 O O . Q 0 M O L'origine ethnique et la langue Une personne qui mPne un “train de vie" correspondent a son revenu annuel . . . . . . . . . O O O 0 O O 0 O O C Une épouse (1111 est "il’lfluenteuo o o c O o o c e a a r Une personne qui a su entretenir certaine amitié avec ses inférieurs aprES avoir déjé eté promue. . . . . . . . Une personne qui a su établir certains liens d‘amitié avec ses supérieurs , , _ - t n O O O f C O G O 0 f P O MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF BUSINESS ADMINISTRATION "Sponsors" Mr. Roy H. Crabtrsa Mr. Andras S. Boaubien Mr. Jules A. Brillant Dear Sir: The Province of Quebec is experiencing rapid sco- nomic gromth in mhich the activities of the largo firms are a major factor. Adsquats understanding of this gromth rsquirss that as knom more about the successful business leaders, thair origins, and their ascent to the top of tho businsss aorld. I am presently studying those factors for my doctoral disssr- tation in Businass Administration at Michigan State Universi- ty. I am respectfully requesting your halp in completing this study by filling out and returning to ms the attached question- naire. As you can ass, almost all questions can be ans- msrod by choosing and marking a listed reply, or by entering a number. I believe that this arrangement mill maks it pos- sible for you to complsta the questionnaire in only a fem minutes of your time. The study is patterned after the research conduct- ed on American business and government oxscutivss by Professor W. Lloyd Warner, sociologist, member of the faculty of Michigan State University, and chairman of my doctoral committao. The attached questionnaire has been used by his research group in virtually identical form. My study mill therefore maks it pos- sible to analyse the characteristics of Canadian sxscutivas and also to determine differences and similarities compared mith thsir American countsrparts. - 182 - This questionnaire is sent to 1000 executives in the largest corporations in the Province of Quebec. The study mill therefore hopefully cover executives in all busi- nesses mith annual sales of at least 1,000,000 in 1962. Each copy bears a code number mhich enables me to correlate published information about your business mith your ansmers to this questionnaire. I mill alone have access to the code list. The results of my research mill be published only in statistical form, mithout disclosing the identity of any respondent or his affiliation. I mould appreciate it if you consider this request, and I thank you for the attention you have already given to it. Sincerely yours, Laurent BELANGER [I II! I I I! MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF BUSINESS ADMINISTRATION ”Sponsors" M. Jules A. Brillant M. Andre S. Beaubien Mr. Roy H. Crabtree Cher monsisur, La Province de Ouébec connaft actuellement uns phase rapids d'axpansion dconomiqua et sociale oh la grands entreprise joue un rdle important. Une comprehension ade- quate de cette expansion necessite une connaissance plus approfondie de ses leaders industriels et financiers, de leur origins, at des facteurs qui peuvent expliquer leur as- cension vers le sommet. La recherche de ces facteurs cons- titue mon sujet do those doctorale en Administration dee En- treprises au Michigan State University. Je visns solliciter votre aide pour cette etude en remplissant et en me retour- nant 1e questionnaire ci-inclus. Comms vous voyez, une réponse a la plupart des questions peut Ctre indiquée par une croix ou par un chif- fra. Je crois qu'il vous sera possible de completer ce questionnaire on quelques minutes. Cette étude suit de pres le models utilise dans une recherche faite aux Etats-Unis sur l'élite industrielle et les fonctionnaires fédéraux. Cette recherche était diri- gee par le Professeur Lloyd Warner, un sociologue bien connu aux Etats-Unis st au Canada, at president de mon comité do dissertation. Il sera donc possible pour moi d'analyser les caractéristiques de l'élita industrislle canadienne et de confronter lea resultats avec ceux obtenus ici. -184- - 155 - Cheque copie ports un numéro qui me permettra ds relier l'information publiée sur votre sntreprise avec cells contsnua dans le questionnaire. L'information sers tenus confidentislle. Les resultats de ma recherche seront publiés sous forms statistique sans devoiler votre identité ou votre affiliation. Touts consideration qus vous donnersz % cette demands ssra grandemsnt appreciés st je vous en remercie beaucoup. Sincerement vdtrs, Laurent BELANCER El ELIQQRAPHY ALLEN, Patrick, Tendances recentes des em lois au Canada, Ecole des Hautee Etudes Commerciales, Documentation economiqus, Etude No 1, Montreal 1957. ARES, Richard, S.J., Notre sstion nationals, Editions de l'Action nationals 1943, Tome I, 737 pages. EAREEAU, Victor, Mssurs de notre iaiils, Imprime au Devoir, Montreal, 1936, 243 pages. 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