ABSTRACT THE SWAZILAND RAILWAY: A STUDY IN POLITICO-ECONOMIC GEOGRAPHY by Alan C. G. Best During the past century the Boers, British and Swazilanders forwarded many proposals for railways between the eastern Transvaal and the Indian Ocean across Swaziland, but for politics-economic.reasons none but the last materialized. This study examines the geographical aspects of these proposals, and analyzes the new railway's potential impact upon Swaziland's current geographic patterns. The study is presented in four parts. Part One reviews the controversial railway issue prior to 1902 when the Boers sought a rail connection to a port independent of British control on the east coast. Delagoa Bay and Kosi Bay offered the Boers the most convenient harbour sites, but between the Transvaal and the coast lay the ill-defined territory of the Swazi, numerous militant tribes, tapographical barriers, the Portuguese and the British who had unsettled interests in these coastal areas. To further their objectives, the Boers concluded numerous agreements with these different parties. From the Swazi the Boers secured land, mineral, commercial and Alan 0. G. Best communications concessions including the right to build railways; with the Portuguese they concluded commercial agreements; and with the British they became signatories to the three Swaziland Conventions which defined Boer and British interests in Swaziland and the native territories of Zambaan, Zambili and thegiza, all of which the Boers wished to incorporate. Part Two examines all the railway preposals offered by both Swaziland and South Africa between 1902 and 1960 when Swaziland's political status was clouded by the Union's aspirations of incorporation. Field surveys were made in 1902 and 1918 between Lourenco Harques and the Witwatersrand across central Swaziland, and in the 1920's South Africa undertook three surveys from the eastern Transvaal across southern Swaziland to Sordwana and Kosi Bays to alleviate the traffic congestion at Durban and Lourenco Marques. Soon after the Second werld wsr. the Union resurveyed several routes across Swaziland for the export of coal. Likewise, Swaziland authorized several rail surveys from the western highveld to doba to encourage the development of its iron ore, coal, forest and agricultural resources. All the rail.proposals of this period were rejected because of the politico-economic issues resulting from Swaziland's low level of economic development, the Act of Union (1910), the Customs Union (1910), and legislation enacted by South Africa and Britain relating to Swaziland's Alan C. G. Best political status. Part Three reviews the Justification for the Swazi- land railway (which was completed in September, 1964), the construction and operation contracts, the route, and the construction procedures. Part Four examines the politics-economic signifi- cance of the Swaziland railway. The railway was authorized by proclamation in 1962 following the signing of an agree- ment between Japan and British and South African concerns which obtained the mineral rights to a high quality hematite deposit west of Mbabane. The contract calls for the delivery of a minimum of twelve million tons of are over a ten year period. Although the line was designed specifical- ly for this traffic, it will also convey paper pulp, petroleum products, coal, sugar, general merchandise and other products as markets are developed. The railway will have three important effects upon Swaziland. First, it will provide Swaziland with an internal focus. Heretofore, Swazilanders have been oriented towards South African railheads; they will now turn to Matsahpa, the new industrial site near Hanzini. Second, Swaziland's traffic flow patterns with nozambique will become more pronounced and be protected by new legislation. Third, the railway will afford Swaziland with a certain degree of security should its political relationships with South Africa deteriorate. With this new sense of security, Alan C. G. Best new industries will be encouraged and new regional patterns emerge. THE SWAZILAND RAILWAY: A STUDY IN POLITICO-ECONOMIC GEOGRAPHY \ L‘f \ C By \( x - (T , \. £5 c‘ Alan C. G? Best A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Geography 1965 ACKNOWLEDGHENTS This study could not have been completed without the thoughtful assistance of many interested persons who unselfishly gave up many valuable hours to enthusiastically discuss the problems and intrigues of the Swaziland railway. It is not possible to thank each individually, but I should particularly like to express my gratitude to certain librarians, administrators, industrialists, engineers and friends in London, South Africa and Swaziland. A special word of thanks is due Mr. Overton, Deputy Librarian, Commonwealth Relations Office, London, for his valuable assistance in locating early British documents and unpublished reports in London during the winter of 1963-64. In Johannesburg, Jehn O. Cater, M.B.E. of the Commonwealth Development Corporation, provided me with maps and statistics of the C.D.C.'s Swaziland projects and gave me introductions to the general managers of the Swaziland concerns. Mr. A. van Lingen, Public Relations Officer, South African Railways, Harbours and Airways Administration, released unpublished trade statistics and government notes concerning Swaziland and South Africa. In Mbabane, Swaziland, Jehn R. Masson, Acting Secretary for Finance and Development, and George and Ewnice Murdoch of the Land Utilization Department, provided ii me with base maps, confidential reports, notes and letters, unpublished trade statistics, and even an office equipped with a typewriter. The fieldwork could not have been carried out with- out the assistance of wyon Hawkins, the Chief Executive Officer and Chairman of the Swaziland Railway Board, and Hal Green and Peter Davies of the Swaziland Consulting Engineers who provided me with transportation, showed me the protectorate's agricultural, forest, commercial and mining regions, and enthusiastically discussed their earlier rail surveys. Peter Davies has kindly furnished Figures 11, 12, 23, and 24, and Figures 13 and 14 are reproduced courtesy of the Caminhos de Ferro e Transportes, Lourenco Marques. In Ypsilanti, the writing of the dissertation has progressed under the guidance of Harm J. de Blij, Associate Professor of Geography, Michigan State University. His valuable suggestions and criticisms are sincerely appreciated. A special word of thanks is also due Mrs. June Johnson who has typed both the rough and final drafts of this dissertation. Finally I must express my thanks to my mother whose interest and encouragement in this study have never failed. Ypsilanti, Michigan Alan C. G. Best July 2, 1965 111 TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGMmTS O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 LIST OF TABLES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . LIST OF ILLUSTM TIONS O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O INTRODUCTION..OOOOOOOOO0000000000 Chapger II. III. IV. PART I. PERIOD OF CONFLICT AND.ADJUSTMENT BOER.ASPIRATIONS FOR AN EASTERN OUTLET . . . . The EurOpean Arrival and the Road to the Sea The Treaties of 1874 and 1875 . . . . . . . The Pretoria Convention (1881) and the London Convention (1884) . . . . . . . . . Concessions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . POLITICO-ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENTS IN AREAS SURROUNDING SWAZILAND . . . . . . . . . . . Railway Development in Southern Africa Before 1902 O O O O O O O O O O I O O O 0 Lourenco Marques-Jonannesburg Railway . . Other railways.and the proposed Customs union 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O The Chieftainships of Umbegi a, lamb an an whili 0 O O O O 0 O O O O O O O O O O 0 THE SWAZILAND CONVENTIONS . . . . . . . . . . Clauses of the Swaziland Conventions . . . . Significance and Consequences of the waziland Conventions . . . . . . . . . . PART II. THE PERIOD OF INDECISION, 1902-1960 SWAZILAND RAILWAY PROPOSALS, 1902-1939 . . . . The Lord Milner and Karri Davies Railway PrOposal, 1902-05 . . . . . . . . . . . . iv Page ii vii ix )4 15 21 24 26 32 33 33 35 37 45 45 51 54 57 Chapter V. VI. VII. VIII. IX. TABLE OF CONTENTS--§on§inued The Usutu River and the Whitehouse Preposal, 1918 e e e e e e e South Africa, Swaziland and K031 Bay Proposal of 1921 . . . . . . . . . PrOposal of 1922 . . . . . . . . . Preposal of 1924 . . . . . . Swaziland and the Pongola Proposal . THE INCORPORATION QUESTION REVIEWED . . . . Discussions Prior to 1931 . The Statute of westminster (1931) and the Status of the Union Act (1934). . . THE SOUTH AFRICAN RAILWAY MOTOR SERVICES INTRODUCED T0 SWAZILAND . . . . . . . . . Areas Served by the South African Railway Motor Services . . . . . . . . . Railways or a Continuation of the R.M.S. in swa211and? O O O O O O O O O O O C O O O SWAZILAND RAILWAY PROPOSALS, 1945-1958 . . . The Ermelo Railway Conference . . . . Swaziland Railway Preposals and South African Coal Exports . . . . . Swaziland Railway Pr0posals for Forest and Agricultural Exports . . . . . . . . . . PART III. THE SWAZILAND RAILWAY SWAZILAND RAILWAY PROPOSALS AND IRON ORE EXPORTS, ‘955‘1960 e e e e e e e e e e e e Swaziland Railway Proposals, 1955-57 . . . The Iron Ore Concession and Railway PrOposals, 1957-60 . . . . . . . . . . . THE SWAZILAND RAILWAY - REALITY . . . . . . The Contract . . . . . . . . The Route 0 O O O O O O O I Lourenco Marques to Goba . GOba to Sidvokodvo . . . . Sidvokodvo to Ka Dake . . Construction Procedure . . . V O O O O O O 95 95 103 109 109 114 119 128 130 133 137 137 139 139 141 143 144 TALBE OF CONTENTS--Continued Chapter Page PART IV. POLITICO-ECONOMIC SIGNIFICANCE OF THE SWAZILAND RAILWAY X. GENERAL APPRAISAL 0F SWAZILAND'S CURRENT GEOGRAPHIC PATTERNS . . . . . . . . . . . . . 154 Swaziland Land Ownership and Population P‘ttarns O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 155 Export Patterns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 163 Import Patterns . . . . . . 178 Geographic Relationships with South Africa . . 181 Communications . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 193 XI. IMPACT OF SWAZILAND RAILWAY 0N MAJOR PATTERNS OF ECONOMIC ACTIVITY . . . . . . . . . . . . . 198 Minerals 0 O O O O O 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O 200 Iron ore . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 200 coal 0 O O O C O O O O O O 0 0 O O O O O O O 20 2 Other minerals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 204 A8 1‘1 (31.1.1 ture e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e 20 5 sugar e e e e e a e e e e e e e e e e e e 20 5 Other agricultural products . . . . . . . . 208 Forest Industries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 208 XII. IMPACT OF SWAZILAND RAILWAY ON SECONDARY INDUSTRIES AND SETTLEMENTS . . . . . . . . . . 210 Matsahpa Industrial Area and Manzini . . . . . 210 Stations and Settlements . . . . . . . . . . . 218 XIII. REORIENTATION 0F SWAZILAND'S FLOW PATTERNS . . . 222 Centralityof the Swaziland Railway . . . . . 222 Possible Suspension of the Railway Motor Services in Swaziland .'. . . . . . . . . . 226 Possible Road Improvements in Swaziland . . . 229 Swaziland Road Transportation Proclamation (1963) and the Swaziland-Mozambique Convention (1964) . . . . . . . . . . . . . 233 Summary of Railway Flow, 1965 . . . . . . . . 235 XIV. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS . . . . . . . . . . . . 238 (Period of Conflict and Adjustment . . . . . . 238 Period of Indecision . . . . . . . . . . . . . 241 The Swaziland Railway . . . . . . . . . . . . 245 BIBLIOGMPIH O O O I O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 O 249 vi Table 10. 11. 12. 13. 14s 15. LIST OF TABLES Concessions Owned by the South African Republic, 1890 I O O O O O O O O C O O O O O O O O 0 O O O Shepstone Concessions Registry, 1890 . . . . . . . Tonnages of Commercial Sea Borne Traffic Fgggafggg from Ports to the "Competitive Area”, South African Coal Exports Through Durban and Lourenco erquea, 1910-1939 e e e e e e e e e e Swaziland: Ordinary Revenue and.Ekpenditure, 1915-1930eeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee Occugatiogs in Swaziland by Race for 1911, 1921 an 193 . . . Transport Facilities in Swaziland, 1927 . . . . . value (in Pounds Sterling) of Swaziland's Exports, 1920-1939 e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e Passengers and Freight Carried by the South African Railway Motor Services in Swaziland, 1928-1939eeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee Road and Rail Transport Rates (in Pence) for Swa21lmd, 1929 e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e South African Coal Exports (tons) Through Durban and Lourenco Marques, 1944-1961 . . . . . . . . Comparative Road and Rail Rates for Swaziland PrOduoe. 1947 e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e Townshi s and Other Pepulation Centres in Swazi and, 1962 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Occupations of EurOpeans and Coloureds in swallland, 8956 O O O O O O O O O I O O O O O O Africans Ehployed by Industry Group in Swaziland, ‘9 3 O C O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 vii Page 28 30 7O 74 77 85 97 99 102 105 118 124 161 21. 22. LIST OF TABLES--Continued Swaziland Exports, 1946-1963 . . . . . . . . . . Swaziland's First Five EXports, 1946-63 . . . . Swaziland Imports, 1950-63 . . . . . . . . . . . Swaziland: Principal Sources of Revenue, 1946-62 s e s e u- . v e e e a e e e e e e Passengers and Freight Carried by the Railway Motor Services in Swaziland, 1946-1963 . . . . EXport of Cattle from Swaziland to South Africa, 1946‘1963 e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e Communications Projects, and Colonial Deve10pment and welfare Expenditures in Swaziland, 1945-1962 . . . . . . . . . . . . . viii Page 165 167 179 18:5 194 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Figure 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. Swaziland: External Communications, 1963 . Swaziland and Environs, 1890 . . . . . , . . . . Railway Ezpansion in Southern Africa, -1910 Swaziland Railway Proposals, 1902-1924 . . . . . Swaziland: Railway Motor Services, 1928-36 . . Swaziland Railway PrOposals, 1946-1958, for Coal. Forest and Agricultural EIports . . . . . . . Road Distances from Railheads and Island Drift, 1952 O O O O O O O O O O O 0 O O O O O O O O 0 Swaziland Railway Proposals, 1955-1959. for Iron ore mports O O O I O O O O O O O O O O O O O The Swaziland Railway . . . . . . . . . . . . . Railway Construction in the Highveld . . . . . . washing and Screening Plants at Bomvu Rddge Loaded Ore Trains at Ea Dake . . . . . . . . . . Iron Ore Loading Facilities at Matola Wharf, Lourenco Marques . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Lourenco Marques Port . . . . . . . . . . . . . Swaziland: Land Ownership, 1964 . . . . . . . . Ubombo Sugar Mill and Sugar Plantations Pineapple Harvesting in Malkerns . . . . . . . . Usutu Forests . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Bunya Pulp Mill . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Swaziland: Imports and Experts, 1955 ix Page 17 38 58 101 112 123 132 140 145 149 149 152 152 157 173 173 177 177 187 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS--gontinued Figure Page 21. Road Distances from Railheads in the Pre-Swaziland Railway Period . . . . . . . . . . 189 22. Swaziland: Communications, 1964 . . . . . . . . . 197 23. Matsahpa Industrial Site Under Construction . . . 214 24. Aerial View of Sidvokodvo . . . . . . . . . . . . 220 25. Road Distances from Railheads and Swaziland Railway Stations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 224 26. Swaziland: Projected Imports and Exports by RO‘d, 8965 e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e 228 27. Swaziland: vehicle Flow, 1963 . . . . . . . . . . 231 28. Swaziland: Projected Rail Traffic, 1965 . . . . . 236 INTRODUCTION Background to the Problem Railways have been important instruments in Opening up the African continent. The great era of railway con- struction in Africa occurred between 1885 and 1931, and es- pecially between 1895 and 1914 when the Ehrepean powers were defining and delimiting their spheres of interests.1 Each power sought to build its own network to keep trade within its loosely defined territory, and if possible to at- tract some from the neighbouring regions. To achieve this objective many gauges were selected so that only limited networks evolved. In 1904 only three distinct regions -— Tunisia and Algeria, the Nile Delta, and South Africa -— had a well de- 2 Since then the colonial powers have fined railway network. extended their lines, integrated their systems and planned others, so that by 1954 seven distinct railway regions were 1R. J. Harrison Church, "Geographical Factors in the DevelOpment of Transport in Africa,” nited Nations rans- port and Communications Review, II (July-September, 1949). 7. 2A. Fuck, ”The Economic Conquest of Africa by the Railroads,” Annual Report of the Board of Regents of the Smithsonian Institution or he ear di une 1204, 190 ’ pp. 1- O recognizable.3 Africa's railway patterns have been exam- ined by geographers, historians and economists alike. Al- most a half century after FOck’s treatise on the economic conquest of Africa by railways, varian wrote a general his- 4 tory of African railways. Regional treatments have like- wise been made. Harrison Church (1949) reviewed the evolu- tion of railways in British and French west Africa conclud- ing that railways were designed to bring agricultural and mineral regions within the political spheres of these two EurOpean powers while there was little attempt to integrate the two systems.5 Within West Africa, Peter Gould examined the role of transportation in the process of economic devel- opment of Ghana before 1959 with special emphasis upon the development of transportation and commodity flow.6 In East Africa, Hill7 traced the growth of the Uganda and Kenya railways, and van Dongen made a geographic analysis of the 3 Irene S. Van Dongen, The British East African Trans, ort Com lex, Department of GeograpE ResearcE Paper NO. 38, UniversIEy of Chicago (Chicago, 1954 , p. 7. 4H. F. varian, Some African Milestones: A Histor of Railways in Africa (Oxford: Wheatley Press, 1953). 5R. J. Harrison Church "The Evolution of Railways in French and British West Africa, (A Paper read at the International Geographical Congress, Lisbon, 1949). 6Peter R. Gould, The Develogment o; the gransporta- tion Pattern in Ghana, or was ern n vers y u so n Geography, No. 5, Northwestern University, 1960. 7Mervyn F. Hill, The Permanent Wei: §he Storfi of the Ken a and ends Railwa a ro : s r can - ways ani Harbours, 1949). transportation patterns in Kenya, uganda and Tanganyika with particular reference to railway development. South Africa, which has the densest railway network in Africa, has had a history of railway develOpment similar to that of British East and West Africa, though it was ini- tially complicated by the Boers who controlled the wealthy interior highveld, a region which was sought by Britain. The first lines extended only short distances from the coastal cities, but after the discovery of diamonds and gold in the Boer Republics, the railways were extended across the highveld and integrated with those of the Orange Free State and the Transvaal in the late nineteenth century. The first treatise of railway expansion in Southern Africa (South Africa and the High Commission Territories) appeared before the colonial powers were required by the Berlin Con- ference (1885) to effectively occupy and develop their ter- ritorial claims.9 Since then numerous scholarly works have appeared treating railway expansion and policy in the fron- tier regions of Southern Africa. Historians van Der Poel,10 8van Dongen, The Brihish East . . . . 9See D. E. Davenport, A Railway Sketch of South Af- £185 (n.p. 93., 1882). 10Jean Van Der Poel, Railwa and Customs Policies 11 South frica. 1885-1910 (Lonaon: Longmans, Green a 00.. Lt ., . 4 and Campbell,11 and economists Frankel,12 and Day,13 and the South African Railways and Harbours Administration14 have made the principal contributions. Swaziland's early transportation patterns also be- gan during the latter part of the nineteenth century when both Boer and Briton were defining their spheres of inter- est. Indeed, communications in Swaziland became an integral part of Boer and British objectives in Southern Africa. The first railway proposal for Swaziland was made in 1860, and the first field survey was conducted in 1864. Since then, and particularly between 1902 and 1928, and in the post WOrld war II period, numerous railway routes have been pro- 15 posed by Swazilanders, South Africans and Britishers, though the first and only line was not completed until 1964. There has been a general lack of scholarly investi- 11Edward D. Campbell, The Birth and Develohment of the Natal Railwa s (Pietermaritzburg: Shuter an Shooter, 1951). 12 3. Herbert Frankel, e Railwa Polic of South Africa (Johannesburg: Hbrtors L83., 1928‘. 13 John R. Day, ilwa s 0 Southern Africa (London: Arthur Barker Ltd., 1963;. ‘AUnion of South Africa, A Cent of Trans art: A figgohd oz Achievement of the h;nis§§§ OE Eransfiort oz Ehe union of South Africa Cape Town: Da Gama Pub ications Ltd., 19 0 . 15"Swazilanders" are the EurOpeans permanently re- siding in Swaziland. In this study the term is used inter- changeably with "Europeans in Swaziland.” The indigenous African peoples of Swaziland are the Swazi who are commonly ggferred to as the "natives", though not in any derogatory nse.' 5 gations into these proposals, though the aforementioned treatises on South African railways make brief comment on the Swaziland scene. van Der Poel examines from an histo- rian's viewpoint the early intrigues and controversies of the Swaziland railway issue prior to 1895. In 1938 another historian, Kruger,16 reviewed the importance of Swaziland to the Boers in the nineteenth century, and this same the- sis was expanded in 1957 by Carson.17 Soon after the Swa- ziland railway issue had been actively contested by South Africa, Britain and Swaziland in the mid-twenties, Doveton examined in general terms the communications patterns of Swaziland and noted that Swaziland was Snore or less sur- rounded by railways” and claimed this avoidance of Swazi- land was deliberate.‘8. Then as now, Swaziland had only one direct rail connection with South Africa, that being at Gol- lel (Figure I). The mainline routes skirt Swaziland to the north, west and south where Kbmatipoort, Hectorspruit, Bar- berton, Breyten, Lothair and Piet Retief act as railheads for Swaziland traffic. Five miles east of Swaziland lies Goba, the terminal point of the Lourenco Marques railway. 16 D. W. Kruger, ”Die weg na die See," A chives ear WW. I (Parrow, «12er new capo mm Ltd., 19 , pp. 5-210. 17 Noel G. Garson, "The Swaziland Question and a Road to the Sea, 1887-1895.” archives §ear hgok ;%§'§9h%h f i an "at , II (Parrow, ape rov nce: ape wn ., 195 9 pp. 2 3-434e 18Dorothy M. Doveton, The fighan Geography of Swazi- land, Publication No. 8 of the Institute of Brit sh Geo ra- ggers Association (London: Philip and Sons, 1937). PD. 1- 2;. 3'2. 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Since then three additional irrigation schemes have been Opened at Big Bend, Mhlume-Tambankulu and Ngonini. Rice was the first food crOp grown on a large-scale basis in Big Bend and Malkerns and immediately became Swazi- land's principal food crop eXport. Peak production was reached in 1957 (5.917 short tons and £250,000), the year in which sugar cane was planted by the C. D. G. in the then recently developed Mhlume Flats. Sugar cane production is confined to the lowveld where temperatures are high, irrigation is possible and the soils are amongst the most fertile in the territory. There are two centres of production - Mhlume and Big Bend (Figure 16). Except where optimum irrigation conditions exist in areas such as the Umfolosi Flats and the Pongola valley, the natural environ- mental conditions of the Swaziland lowveld, provided irriga- tion is possible, are superior to those of the Natal sugar belt. Sugar promises to be one of Swaziland's major eXports for decades to come and a major freight for the new railway. TrOpical and subtropical fruits and vegetables including pineapples, bananas, citrus, guanas and tomatoes have been maJor export items since 1950. Like sugar and rice they are grown almost entirely by Europeans, though the Swazi's participation in this part of the cash economy is increasing each year. The principal pineapple and tomato 172 Fig. 16.--Ubombo S ar Mill and Sugar Plantations. The Ubombo mi 1 has an 85,000 tons sugar quota for 1965, of which less than one quarter will be marketed locally. The potential for the Big Bend region is 120,000 tons per year which could be achieved within five years. The sugar, all grown under controlled irrigation, is harvested from May to December inclusive. The refined sugar was formerly trucked to Kematipoort, but is now sent to Phuzamoya for rail conveyance to Mozambique and overseas markets. Fig. 17.-~Pineapple Harvesting in Malkerns. Pineapples were first grown as a dry land crop in Malkerns in 1955 for South African markets. Currently almost ninety percent of the harvest is canned for EurOpean markets. The pineapples were formerly transported by road to Goba and Breyten, but they are now railed from Matsahpa. Nets the edge of the Usutu Forests in the western highveld in the background. Figs. 16 and 17. :74 region is at Malkerns (Figure 17); the citrus is widely scattered but the Malkerns, Tambankulu, and Ngonini estates are the largest; and the bananas are produced mainly near Kubuta. All these regions are close to European communities and adjacent to the major transport routes. 0f the non-food crops entering Swaziland's foreign trade, cotton and tobacco are the most important. Since 1950 cotton has been a leading export (Table 17), with an increasing prOportion of the total being produced by Swazi on communally held land. Its revival as a major cash crop after the Second werld war was due almost entirely to the development of a textile industry in South Africa. The high cost of cotton imported from the United States after the devaluation of sterling was a further incentive to local growers to increase production. As the South African textile industry was afforded a measure of government protection, Swaziland growers found a ready market for their cotton in South Africa. The major cotton producing areas are in the middle and lowvelds where it is a dry land crop. Tobacco, the exports of which are declining steadily, is grown by both Swazi and EurOpeans in the southern middleveld. Commercial afforestation on a large scale did not start in Swaziland until 1942 although successful forestry experiments were conducted in the Hlatikulu District soon after the British Government assumed responsibility for the territory. In 1942 a private company commenced planting near Gege and later extended its operations to Piggs Peak. 175 The largest plantation today is Usutu Forests which was initiated by the C. D. C. in 1948 (Figure 18). Up to 1961 emphasis was on the sale of sawn timber and chipboard, but in that year the Usutu pulp mill at Bunya was completed which is designed to produce 100,000 tons of unbleached sulphate pulp annually for British and European markets (Figure 19). Pulp, exports of which will earnjifl million annually, will be the second most important freight for the Swaziland railway. Timber and timber products currently earn over a half million pounds sterling. Animals and animal products have long been leading items of trade. From 1922 to 1924, and from 1927 to 1938, animal husbandry was the territory's main source of income accounting for over forty percent of the total value of exports in those years. With the exploitation of asbestos,' the diversification of agriculture and the develOpment of forestry, the relative value of those exports declined and has accounted for less than twenty percent of the total exports since 1950. In 1963 animals and animal products earned £§90,853 or almost ten percent of the export revenue (Table 16). The Swazi are cattle keepers; it cannot be said they are ranchers. To the Swazi, cattle are regarded as a sign of wealth and prestige where quantity is more important than quality. This preoccupation with the social status afforded by cattle ownership has contributed to the failure of the Swazi to realize the full economic value of their 176 Fig. 18.-~Usutu Forests. First plantin of the Usutu Forests was begun by the C.D.C. in 1950 a ter some 75,000 acres of land in the western highveld were secured from the Swazi, Crown and freeholders. There are currently 105,000 acres of forest most of which is planted to Pinus Patula, Pinus Elluttia and Eucalyptus. Approximately 1,700 Swazi are employed as foresters. Fig. 19.--Bunya Pulp Mill. The mill was completed n 1961 and went into production that year. Current production is 100,000 tons per year, all of which is now conveyed by rail from Matsahpa to Lourenco Marques for overseas shipment, especially to EurOpe and the Far East. The mill employs approximately 200 EurOpeans and 800 Africans. 177 Figs. 18 and 19. 178 herds. Consequently the export of slaughter cattle has been dominated by the EurOpean farmers on Freehold Areas and by EurOpean and Eurafrican speculators. A major problem facing the Administration is the persuasion of the Swazi to destock and upgrade their herds to meet the export standards controlled by South Africa. Having achieved this, the livestock industry will undoubtedly be the major source of income for the Swazi traditionalists. Import Patterns While Swaziland's exports have historically been primary goods, the imports have been manufactured and processed goods. Like the exports, however, imports have increased at an increasing rate in amount, value and kind since werld war II though the documentation is not so complete or reliable. Imports into Swaziland for the years 1950-1963 inclusive are shown in Table 18. For this period Swaziland's balance of trade was favourable except in 1963 when imports exceeded exports by £670,685. The large increase in the value of imports since 1961 is due primarily to the flow of equipment, materials and supplies for the railway. In 1963, for example, railway equipment imports were valued at “2,515,000.6 General merchandise including clothing, household articles, electrical machinery, tobacco products and farm machinery 6 A preliminary figure released by the Secretariat, Mbabane, June 1964. TABLE 18 SWAZILAND IMPORTS, 1950-63 (percentage of total imports and value in pounds sterling) Food and Motor vehicles Timber and Other Year Beverages Spares, Oils, Building Merchan- Total and Fuels Materials disc 15 1950 . .2 .a 118,505 . .° 1.090.793 1951 . . . .3 111,651 . . 1.918.984 1952 b 399.008 527,061 210,336 1,042,833 2.179.238 c 18.31) 24.19 £9.65; $47.85g 1953 0 51.753 37.22 1 9.80 1, 73,80 2,012,586 0 22.45) 16.76) 7.44) ( 3.35) 1954 b 0.300 10.013 3 5.249 1.2 0.770 1.386.332 c 16.77 17.18 (14.03% é52.00) 1955 b 58.02 59.13 185.3 51.745 1.954.295 c (23.44) (23.49) é9.49) (43.58) 1956 b 414,232 396,157 1 4,625 1,247,232 2,222,246 0 £18.64) é17.83% (1.41 £56.12 1957 b 34.039 05.42 20 .29 1. 65.09 3.208.859 c (16.64) (25.10 (6.37) (51.89) 1958 b 726.550 578,40 234.307 1.772.070 3.311.335 0 (21-94) (17-47) (7.07) (53.52) 1959 b 1.015.858 798.264 427.157 1.735.185 3.975.454 c (25.55) (20.07) (10.72 (43.66) 1960 b 1,140,500 802,500 411,000 1,746,000 4,100,000 c (27.82) (19.57) (10.03) (42.58) 1961 b 1,268,000 950,000 646,500 2.255.500 5,120,000 0 (24.77) (18.55) (12.63) (44.05) 1962 b 1.053.500 1,900,000 654,500 3,643,500 7,251,500 0 (14.53) (26.20) (9.03) (50.24) 1963 b 1,020,000 2,000,000 925,000 5,930,000 9,875.000 c (10.33) (20-25) (9.37) (60.05) PP- aData are not available bValue in pounds sterling 0Percent of total imports Compiled from data in the files of the Secretariat, Mbabane; and Great Britain, 548'49 e o and an 180 has historically accounted for approximately half of the total imports with the value approaching £6 million in 1963. This reflects the general lack of secondary industry in Swaziland. In the pre-railway period all the general merchandise, motor vehicles, parts and machinery were imported from the Breyten, Piet Retief, Gollel and Komati- poort railheads. All the petroleum, oils, and lubricants were imported by truck through Mhlumeni and Stegi, but henceforth these items will be imported by rail to Matsahpa and Mlawula for final distribution. Timber and building supplies, which collectively in 1963 totalled {925,000 or 9.37 percent of the total imports,are also imported from South Africa and Mozambique. The value of these commodities has also increased several-fold since the Second World war. Although Swaziland is an agricultural country, it must import vast quantities of foods and beverages, mainly from South Africa. These imports have accounted for between ten and twenty-eight percent of all imports since 1950. The largest single food import is maize the value of which in 1962 was {595,000. The Swazi are the major consumers, and must pay considerably more for South African maizethan Rhodesian maize because of the Customs Agreement. The only food processing plants in Swaziland are a creamery, malt factory, rice mill and a maize mill in Manzini; a fruit cannery and maize mill in Malkerns; sugar and rice mills at Mhlume and Big Bend, and bakeries at Mbabane, Manzini and Piggs Peak. The largest of these concerns process Swaziland 181 produce for export rather than domestic markets. Although no detailed records are kept, it is clear that South Africa is the major supplier of Swaziland's imports. Geographic Relationships with South Africa Swaziland's external trade has always been oriented towards South Africa. Lying adjacent to this more prosperous and industrialized country, Swaziland has been able to find a dependable market for its produce and a supplier of manufactured goods without incurring prohibitive transport costs. Johannesburg and Durban, the two major foci for Swaziland's external trade are only 267 miles and 398 miles respectively from Manzini, Swaziland's main commercial centre. To promote and expedite the movement of goods between Swaziland and South Africa, the two countries have concluded several trade agreements the principal of which is the Customs Union Agreement. The Customs Agreement has both promoted and retard- ed economic development in Swaziland. Among its positive attributes, the Agreement has guaranteed Swaziland a market for its agricultural and mineral products without the territory having to compete for foreign markets. As a signatory to the Customs Agreement, Swaziland receives a limited but important revenue from customs dues fixed at 0.149 percent of the gross customs revenues collected by 182 South Africa and the High Commission Territories.7 Consequently Swaziland has no control over these receipts, which in 1962-63 totalled £150,496. Since the Second World war the relative value of the receipts from the Customs Agreement has declined from 15.1 percent of all revenues in 1946 to 7.36 percent in 1961. The absolute values, however, have increased substantially (Table 19). Besides the Customs Agreement there are several other commercial treaties that regulate the production, sale and marketing of Swaziland's produce. Three such treaties affect the tobacco, sugar and citrus industries. In 1930 Swaziland tobacco farmers were virtually forced to join the Swaziland Co-operative Tobacco Company, the alternative being a possible embargo on the exports to South Africa. This co-operative, established at Goedgegun in the heart of Swaziland's tobacco region, controls the production and marketing of the protectorate's tobacco cr0p according to South African regulations. Similar arrangements regulate Swaziland’s citrus industry, and until January 1965, Swazi- land's sugar quota was restricted to 8.5 percent of the South African sales by the Commonwealth Sugar Agreement. With South Africa's withdrawal from the Commonwealth in 7In comparison Basutoland receives 0.885 percent of the total customs revenue, and Bechuanaland receives 0.276 percent. In both territories, receipts from the Customs Union constitute a major preportion of the total ordinary revenues. In 1955 for example, Basutoland received $588,755 from the Customs Union which represented 40.3 percent of its otal revenue. Fbr the same year Bechuanaland received 00,420 from the Customs Union which represented 17.37 percent of its total revenue. 183 .cqmnmnx .pedn00000mm can no moaam esp ca memo Soak dmaamaoom 00.0 000..0. .0.44 004.000 0..4. 000.000 00.0 0.0.00 000. 00.0 004.00. .0..0 00...00 00.0 000.04. 0..0 004.00 .00. 00.0 00..00. 00.04 .00.0.0 00.0 000.00. 40.4 00..00 000. 4..0 040.00 00..4 000.040 00.0 000.44. 00.4 040.00 000. 0..0 000.00 00.00 000.000 .0.0 004.00. .0.0 000.00 000. 40.0 004.00 40.40 444.000 50.0 400.... 0..0 004.40 000. 40.0 004.00 00..0 400.000 00.0 400.00. 04.0 000.00 000. 00.4 000.04 a...0 400.004 00.0. 0.0.00 .0.0 0.4.00 000. 00.0 000.00 00.00 000.004 00.0 000.00 00.0 0.0.00 400. 00.0 000.00 04.00 400.000 00.» 00..00 00.0 00..00 000. 00.0 000.00 00.00 004.004 .0.0 040.00 .0.0 .00.00 000. 04.0 000.00 00.04 .00.000 00.0 000.00 00.0 000.00 .00. 04.0 004.0. 0 ..4 000.400 00.0 40..00 40.0. ....00 000. 00.0 00.0.00 0 .00 00.00. 00.0 00.0.04 00... 000..00 040. 00.0 000.00 00.00 000.40. .0.0. 000.00 00.0. .00.00 040. 00.0. 000.04 00.00 004.00. 00.4. 0.0.40 00.0. 000.04 040. 00... 000.04 04.00 004.00. 0..0. 400.00 00.0. 000.04 040. Havoc Hmpoo H0000 .0 H0900 it HO R W .Ho R )% Ho. w. 0 HO R W enamawoaca use» one mumom was maoqu 0800050 was ebaumz .Huomdh _ If '( mmmlmqm. .mbzm>mm mo mHOMDom A¢mHoszm "naddHNgzm mp mqm 000..00 000.00 040.. 400.0 000 004.0. 000. 000.000 0.0..0 400 0. . 00 .0. . 000. 000.4.0 000.0. 40 00m 4 m00.0 m0o.w. 000. 000.000 000... 00 04. 0.0 000.0 000. 004.000 000.0. .. 0..0 000 000.0 000. 000.000 000.0. 000 000.. 000.. 000... 400. 000.000 000... .. 004 000.. 400.0 000. 000.00. .0..0. .. 00... 000.. .04.0 000. 000.040 .00.0. .. 0.0.. 004.. 000.4. 040. 000.000 000.0. .. 040 04... 000... 040. MW 0 m uncondmaao GovaMMI HmHHOw dab vmpaoaxm 0mm: 00> menama op pacm 05Hd> Ho 9003852 Haven. madnmmflcmnoh. 0.0 acmm .0de Ho hmflnaz @503 HO 0095.52 hwow 0N qu<9 0000.1040. .400004_00000 00 024000030 2000 000040 00 000040 192 hinterland, lies forty miles north of the railhead, and Maloma is the same distance to its northwest (Figure 21). Although Gollel was Swaziland's nearest railhead in the pre-railway period, it was never the most important since the major agricultural regions and population centres were closer to Piet Retief, Manzini and Stegi, but it has been an important outlet for cattle, cotton and molasses, particular- ly to Durban. Since 1928 Gollel has been Swaziland's principal outlet for cattle which are trekked there from all areas Of the middle and lowvelds south Of the Usutu (Table 21). A decade ago Gollel handled 5,300 tons of exports and 3,200 tons of imports including sugar bags, fertilizers and maize (Figure 20). Southwestern Swaziland's imports and exports in the pre-railway period were handled primarily by Piet Retief. Both the Swazi and the Afrikaner farmers Of this region have historically regarded Piet Retief as the natural outlet for their cotton, tobacco, cattle and wattlebark. In recent years timber from Gege and kaolin from Mahlangatsha have been added to this flow for shipment to Johannesburg. In 1955 Piet Retief distributed 5,700 tons of goods to Swaziland and received 3,300 tons Of the territory's exports. With the Opening Of the railway and the development of Matsahpa, cotton and cattle will cease to be exported by this route, but tobacco, wattle barks and fruit will still be transported to Piet Retief. 193 Communications It is recognized that Swaziland's economic prosperity and develOpment have been retarded by inadequate communications within Swaziland and between the protectorate and South Africa. Swazilanders have long demanded Of Britain and South Africa increased financial assistance for road and railway construction, but for reasons previously enumerated these demands were not met. With the postwar program of economic diversification in both South Africa and Swaziland, the need for improved communications has become more apparent. In 1956 the High Commissioner appointed a commission to examine the entire communications question with particular reference to existing and proposed projects in forestry, agriculture and mining. The report recommended that expenditures on road maintenance should be doubled and that the most travelled routes between the widely diapersed economic centres should first be improved to good gravel standards and later tarred. Four years later the communication question was reviewed by an Economic Mission in view of Swaziland's continued economic develOpment.1O The transport problem as seen by the Mission was firstly the need to provide a transport system to serve the territory as a whole, and secondly the specific need to develop the mineral resources, 1OThe Ebonomic Mission reviewed the economic conditions in each Of the High Commission Territories and made recommendations for further development which appear in full in, Great Britain, Basutoland, Bechuanaland . . . . 194 in particular the iron ore deposits. The greater part of the first requirement it was maintained could be filled by the extension and improvement of the road system without recourse to a railway. However, it was accepted that there was no alternative to rail transport for the shipment of minerals (iron ore) to Lourenco Marques.11 Following these investigations the Swaziland Government embarked upon the recommended road improvement projects assisted primarily by Colonial Development and welfare Funds. The costs of these undertakings are shown in Table 22. The major projects included the building of a paved road between Mhlambanyatsi and Manzini, the upgrading TABLE 22 COMMUNICATIONS PROJECTS, AND COLONIAL DEVELOPMENT AND WELFARE FUND EXPENDITURES IN SWAZILAND, 1945-1962a (in pounds sterling) Total C.D.& W. C.D. & W. Road Year Expenditures And Rail Construction in Swaziland Expenditures ii 3. 1945-50 508,620 5,199 1950-55 690.158 109.432 1955-60 1.551.048 929.553 1960-61 562,768 431,835 1961-62 853.818 402,541 1962-63 556.168 6,729 aCompiled from Great Britain, BasutolandI Bechuanaland . . . , pp. 543-44; and Great Britain, SwazIIana; 1963 . . . , pp. 32, 124. I'zbld, p. 456. 195 Of the Mhlambanyatsi-Mbabane gravel road, road realignment near Gollel, the building Of service roads near Bunya, and the construction of a bridge across the Usutu near Big Bend. In 1961 the WOrld Bank for Reconstruction and Development approved a £1,000,000 loan for the realignment and paving Of Swaziland's major transterritorial highway. The Oshoek- Mpaka section was paved by December 1963 and the new road from Mpaka across the Umbeluzi to Namaacha was completed a year later. The latter section was preferred over the existing trunk road through Stegi to Mhlumeni for three reasons. First, it provided a better connection for the rapidly developing umbeluzi irrigation schemes including those of Mhlume and Tambankulu; second it joined the paved road to Lourenco Marques at Namaacha which is a better road and the same distance as Mhlumeni from Lourenco Marques; and third, it would be connected by gravel road tO the Mlawula rail station. Although these undertakings have greatly improved Swaziland's communications, the general condition remains inadequate for present and future requirements. The only paved roads (totalling 142 miles) are between Oshoek and Namaacha, and Mhlambanyatsi and Malkerns. All other routes are gravel and dirt tracks which are often impassable during the rainy season. At the end Of 1964 Swaziland possessed 743 miles of primary roads (275 miles of trunk roads and 468 miles Of main roads) and 510 miles of secondary 196 roads‘e (Figure 22). This represents an increase of only 54 miles of primary roads and 58 miles Of secondary roads in the last decade. The new trans-territorial highway is Swaziland's major artery from which trunk and main roads radiate to the widely dispersed economic areas. Principal of these routes are from Gollel to Hhohho through Big Bend, Sipofaneni and Croydon; Mhlumeni to Mpaka; Piet Retief to Malkerns; and Piggs Peak to Motshane (Figure 22). 12A ”primary road" is defined as ”a road which links the major centres of industry, business and popula- tion, and provides access to the neighbouring territories." Primary roads are the most travelled routes (carrying eighty percent of all road traffic) and receive about three fourths of the available road funds. Griffin and Reynolds, Report on the General . . . , p. 65., 197 SWAZILAND: — primary roads \. — secondary roads '\.\. -1—1- railway —-- prOposed primary reads .—-.—a proposed railway I lawns over 1000 e other ssltlemems COMMUNICATIONS, l964 0 IO 20 E: miles AB Fig. 22. CHAPTER XI IMPACT OF SWAZILAND RAILWAY ON MAJOR PATTERNS OF ECONOMIC ACTIVITY It is recognized that the new railway will affect Swaziland's developing economy, but its precise impact upon the territory's geographic patterns is less certain. In any country (and Swaziland is no exception) undergoing rapid political and economic change conditioned by internal and external forces and controls, prediction on even a short term basis is difficult and often near impossible. In Swaziland these forces and controls are particularly difficult to predict with any degree Of accuracy. The principal variables influencing the railway's potential impact on Swaziland's spatial patterns include: the territory's political issues centering upon nationalism, independence and the incorporation with South Africa‘; 1In June 1964, Swaziland held its first national elections. King Sobhuza's traditionalist party, the Imbhokodo, and the conservative EurOpean party, the United Swaziland Association, won all sixteen seats to the first Swaziland Legislative Council. The Imbhokodo seeks the termination Of colonial policy and government and the "redress of sixty years of ne lsct of its country and people." It will mobilize alI its power to secure independ- ence as soon as possible and to create a free Swaziland within the British Commonwealth of Nations under a Constitution of its own making. It seeks the protection and adaptation of Swazi institution, law and custom and the fostering of Swazi culture in all its forms. It rejects 198 199 Britain's possible though unlikely entry into the Common Market; the complex land and mineral ownership patterns; the trade and marketing agreements regulated by South Africa; international market patterns; and capital investment and development policies of Britain and South Africa. The latter two countries will continue to dominate Swaziland's political and economic affairs in the immediate future, even after independence is granted because of their strong historical and geographic associations with Swaziland. The impact analysis is further restricted by the paucity of complete and reliable demographic and economic data. This is largely a consequence Of the Customs Agreement, which for trade purposes treats Swaziland as an integral and inseparable part Of the Republic Of South Africa. Although there are these limitations, it is still possible to discuss the potential impact of the Swaziland railway on the protectorate's geographic patterns. British policy and the design of the present constitution to remove all control over land and minerals by the Swazi Nation. The basic principles are also adhered to by the United Swaziland Association which seeks a continuation of the close economic ties with South Africa without incorpora- tion. For a summary of these recent political developments in Swaziland, see: Dennis V. Cowen, Swaziland: Report on gonstitutional Refopp. A Report Made on Behalf of the waz an Progress ve Party and the Eurafrican Welfare Association (Johannesburg, 1962); G. V. Doxey, The fiigh Commission Territories and the Re ublic of South Africa, A Report Prepared for the RoyaI InstItute O? InternatIonal Affairs (London: Oxford University Press, 1963 ; Great Britain, Parliamentarz Papers, Cmnd. 2052 (1963 , "The Swaziland Constitution. ; The Times of Swaziland, May 29, 1964, pp. 1-3, 9-10; The Times of Swazilang, June 19, 1964, pp. 1-2. 5; and The Times of Swazilang, July 3, 1964, pp. 1-2, 6, 9-10. 2OO Minerals Iron Ore The principal factors which influence the market price Of iron ore are grade, production costs, and the cost Of transportation to the mills. Ore of any grade above 30 percent iron can be beneficiated to provide an acceptable blast furnace feed and consequently grade only becomes a significant factor when measured with transport costs. Long hauls from distant deposits involve transport costs frequently as high as the cost of the ore, and since freight must be paid on the useable ore and the gangue alike, the latter must be kept to a minimum. HOwever ore of 60 percent iron should be regarded as the minimum grade for Swaziland ores entering the export market.2 The present iron ore contract calls for the export of twelve million long tons of hematite over a ten year period. In the first year 800,000 tons will be exported and then production will be increased to between 1.2 million and 1.4 million tons annually until the ninth year when 3 production will be reduced to present rates. The mine has 2Anglo American Corporation of South Africa, Ipe W104. 3In the first three months 152,686 short tons of ore were moved to Lourenco Marques. Letter from L. A. W. Hawkins, Chief EXOOutive Officer, Swaziland Railway Board, Mbabane, February 3, 1965. In May 1965, approximately 29,000 short tons of ore were being railed each week. Letter from Peter Davies, Swaziland Consulting Engineers, Mbabane, May 12, 1965. 201 an economic reserve of about 30,000,000 long tons plus 700,000 long tons Of detrital ore which if mined at present rates would last for twenty-five years. The present contract with Japan may be extended. Japanese annual iron ore requirements are currently estimated at fifteen million tone, but they are expected to rise to twenty million tons by 1967. Japan is the fourth largest producer of industrial steel in the world but must import three-fourths of its iron ore. Its principal sources are Brazil, India, Malaya, Canada and the Philippines. The highest grade ores are from Brazil and India. Swaziland ores must compete against these and possibly ores from Australia and Liberia. There is little likelihood of a market being develOped in EurOpe as there are extensive supplies of iron ore in Labrador, Liberia, Mauritania, Sweden, venezuela and Brazil all of which are closer than Swaziland to EurOpe's steel centres. Swaziland's remoteness from these highly industrialized areas puts the country at a disadvantage. west Africa has recently assumed greater prominence in the iron ore trade with Western EurOpe with the Opening of three iron deposits and the building of five new railways. Mauritania, for example, completed a 400 mile railway in 1963 from Fort Gouraud to Port Etienne to convey between four million and six million tons of high grade ore (64.5 percent iron) each year for shipment to a new steel mill in Dunkerque, France. Liberia recently built four railways to 202 the coast to transport over fifteen million tons of iron ore each year for shipment to the United States and West Germany. South Africa is an unlikely market for Swaziland iron ore since the Republic has adequate supplies of her own near Thabazimbi and Rustenburg, and the railway would need extending across the border to either Lothair or Breyten. Iron filings, however, could be economically transported by road from Bomvu Ridge to these railheads. Until a market is secured or the Bomvu Ridge deposit is depleted, there is little chance Of either the Iron Hill or Gege deposits being exploited. goal The railway was designed not only to serve the iron ore deposit, but also to serve the Mpaka coal fields which cover an area ninety miles in length (north-south) by five to twenty miles in width (east-west). There are eighteen coal seams in this series, three of which are Of mineable grade and thickness (averages ten feet) close to the surface and in an essentially horizontal attitude.4 Coal was first mined on an exploratory basis in 1959 to determine its quality and quantity. Small amounts were exported to South Africa (1,977 tons), Mozambique (2,050 tons) and Japan (520 tons). Operations were suspended in 1962 because Of inadequate transport facilities although the export quality 4Swaziland, The Mineral Resources . . . , pp. 89-90. 203 requirements were met. Mining resumed on a commercial scale in September 1964. Mpaka coal is being produced for the railway, local consumers and a limited export market. The railway will use approximately 35,000 tons annually, it being taken to Sidvokodvo as the main coaling point to cover movement over the Lourenco Marques - Sidvokodvo and Sidvokodvo - KaDake sections. Smaller amounts will be used by local industries and for domestic fuel in Mbabane and Manzini. The export market is not yet fully developed. "Peas” and "duff" coal are currently being sent to two Lourenco Marques industries, and a Kenya company has requested a minimum of 40,000 tons per annum.5 Mining for an export market, however, will not be an economical proposition until 100,000 tons are mined annually. This is not forseen before 1968. A large deposit Of first grade anthracite with a proven reserve of 44,000,000 tons of which slightly less than half is marketable, is located near Maloma twenty-three miles south of Phuzamoya station. The quality of this anthracite is as high as any deposit in Southern Africa, and with washing it would be most suitable for eXport. The exploratory work for this deposit took place in 1957-59 and further tests were made on the completion of the railway. Although the world demand for high grade anthracite is 5"Peas" and "duff" coal are coal particles too small to be used economically by the railway but which can be used in large quantities y power stations short distances from the mine. 204 increasing, the concessionaires have decided to withhold production until there is a "substantial increase in the price‘of anthracite in EurOpe and the Far East, which will probably constitute the main markets, particularly Europe.”6 Should a colliery be opened, it is reasonable to presume output would average 40,000 tons per month. Providing this output were maintained for ten years, a railway spur from Phuzamoya would be Justified, and the mine would employ approximately eight hundred Africans and fifty Europeans. To encourage its development, both a railway and a paved road have been proposed from the intended Maloma colliery to Phuzamoya. A reconnaissance rail survey was made in June 1964 (Figure 22). but the high cost of rail construction to be borne by the mining company has discouraged any development. The Swaziland Administration in mid 1964 prOposed that either Maloma be linked directly with Phuzamoya by a paved road, or indirectly through Big Bend.7 Other Minerals The railway is likely to have very little effect on the development of other mineral deposits in Swaziland. Asbestos will continue to be exported by overhead cable from 6Letter from the Manager, Johannesburg Consolidated Investment Company Limited, Johannesburg, South Africa, January 26,1965. 7Swaziland, Public works Department, DeveloEgent Elan for Swaziland (Mbabane, 1964 , pp. 34-36. 205 Havelock to Barberton for shipment to Britain, South Africa, Spain, France, Belgium and other countries. The barytes deposit located a quarter mile from KaDake could be developed providing the present markets in South Africa and the United States are expanded. The high quality kaolin deposit near Mankaiana, with reserves estimated at over two million tons, could be beneficiated to an export grade for shipment along the railway. Kaolin from the same deposit could also be sent to Bunya should the C. D. C. decide to manufacture paper or paper finishing. Currently the kaolin is transported in limited quantities (3.500 tons in 1964) to Piet Retief. No other minerals are likely to be mined for shipment by the Swaziland railway. Agriculture The railway will play an increasingly important role in the development of Swaziland's agriculture, the territory's major industry. It will provide a cheaper and more efficient means of transport for sugar, citrus, cotton and perhaps livestock and livestock products. éBEéE Sugar is currently Swaziland's leading export with sales in excess ofyifi million. The industry entered a new phase in January 1965 with the protectorate becoming a 206 member of the Commonwealth Sugar Agreement.8 Prior to that date Swaziland's sugar production was governed by an agreement with the South African Sugar Association whereby Swaziland sugar was sold on a similar basis to South African sugar and participated pro rats in the same market. Swazi- land's sugar production was restricted to 8.5 percent of the total sales of South African and Swaziland sugar, which has varied between 80,000 short tons and 140,000 short tons annually.9 By becoming a signatory to the Commonwealth Sugar Agreement, Swaziland will receive an overall quota of 120,000 short tons of which 92,000 short tone will be sold to the United Kingdom.10 The amount sold to Britain and the price payable are subject to annual review, but under the Agreement the former would not fall below 85,000 short tons. The balance of the quota will be sold in markets (eg., Canada) where there is a preference over the world price. Swaziland production is not limited to the quotas established by the Commonwealth Sugar Agreement; sugar may also be sold on the free world market. Production is expected to increase from 94,000 short tons in 1963-64 to 180,000 short tons in 1966-67; Quotas for 142,000 tons have 8”New Marketing Era for Swaziland's Sugar," e Swaziland Recorder, No. 16 (September - December, 19 , p. 45. 9The Times of Swaziland, August 21, 1964, pp. 1, 10. 10The Times of Swaziland. December 11: 19549 p° 13° 207 already been issued.11 To meet these quotas both sugar producers are increasing their acreages and expanding the capacity of their mills. Prior to 1964 all Swaziland sugar was transported by truck to South African and Mozambique railheads. That from Mhlume was carried to Komatipoort and thence to South African, Mozambique and overseas markets. Sugar from Big Bend was sent to Goba, Komatipoort, Breyten and Piet Retief. None was ever transported to Gollel since the Durban requirements were met by Natal producers especially from Pongola and Matubatuba. The new railway will now carry all Swaziland sugar destined for external markets excluding South Africa. Two rail sidings, Mlawula and Phuzamoya, have been designed to handle the sugar traffic. From the Mhlume mill approximately 500 tons of sugar will be trucked daily to Mlawula (21 miles) during the peak export season from May to December inclusive. Shipments will later be increased to 12 800 short tons per day. From Big Bend over 800 short tons of sugar will be trucked daily to Phuzamoya (18 miles) for shipment to Lourenco Marques.13 Rail shipment will considerably reduce transporta- tion costs. For example, the cost of trucking sugar from Mhlume to Komatipoort for delivery in Lourenco Marques was m The Times of Swaziland, September 4, 1964, p. 1. 12Interview with K. C. Riggs, General Manager, Mhlume Sugar Company Limited, May 11, 1964. 13Interview with C. van der Pol, General Manager, Ubombo Ranches, May 8, 1964. 11 208 R 5.35 per ton, whereas by railway to Lourenco Marques the cost is only R 3.80 per ton. Similar reduced rates apply to sugar railed from Phuzamoya. Other Agricultural Products Whilst Swaziland remains under the control of the Customs Union and affiliated with South African agricultural organizations, there will be little unprocessed agricultural traffic for the railway. Until these agreements are terminated and the market patterns changed, Swaziland's agricultural produce will continue to be transported by either the R.M.S. or private truckers to South Africa. If Swaziland were to process more of its food and non-food craps, thereby increasing their value and reducing the bulk, Swaziland would be better able to compete for external markets and use its railway. Swaziland is only now entering this phase of develOpment. The only unprocessed agricultural produce which is currently railed to Lourenco Marques includes citrus from Malkerns and Tambankulu. and avacadoes from Malkerns. Cotton, tobacco, rice, pineapples, bananas, hides and skins, dairy produce and wattle bark will continue to be trucked to South African railheads. Fbrest Industries Until October 1964 all timber, chipboard and paper pulp were conveyed to South African railheads and Goba by 209 truck. Breyten and Hectorspruit were the principal rail- heads for timber and chipboard from the Peak Timbers forests, and Goba was the major outlet for the paper pulp from Bunya. Since 1961, when the Bunya mill came into Operation, paper pulp has been Swaziland's leading forest product exported. In 1964 the eXports totalled 85,000 tons. All paper pulp will now be conveyed to Matsahpa by truck and thence by rail to Lourenco Marques for shipment to Britain, Japan, Germany, Brazil and other markets as they are develOped. Daily production is currently 275 tons, but this will be increased to 300 tons later in 1965. Mill capacity is 100,000 tons annually. Trucks returning from Matsahpa to Bunya will transport approximately eight million gallons of furnace oil, paraffin and diesel oil, and perhaps chemicals which are currently conveyed from Lothair.14 It is also conceivable that between ten and fifteen thousand tons of pulp might be exported annually from Bunya to Lothair for South African use. The sawmill and chipboard factory on the plantations of Peak Timbers near Piggs Peak will be unaffected by the new railway. Their lumber, chipboard and crates will be exported by truck to Hectorspruit, but should this outlet be closed for political reasons, the Swaziland railway would undoubtedly be used. 14Interview with Dr. J. Mackenzie, Mill Manager, June 11, 1964. CHAPTER XII IMPACT OF SWAZILAND RAILWAY 0N SECONDARY INDUSTRIES AND SETTLEMENTS The Swaziland railway has already had an important effect upon the protectorate's settlement patterns and secondary industries but the greatest impact is yet to come. Matsahpa and Sidvokodvo, the two principal railway stations, have developed_into industrial and administrative centres respectively. The minor stations have become localized focal points of economic activity serving large tributary areas; they could become major centres of commerce, industry and permanent settlement. Existing communities have and will be changed either directly or indirectly by the rail- way. These centres along and adjacent to the railway are now examined. Matsahpa Industrial Area and Manzini Matsahpa is a newly created industrial site on a three and a half mile railway spur of the mainline located five miles west of Manzini. The 600 acre industrial site is a government sponsored project financed in part by an nohoquor Loan (£50,000) from the Colonial Office. All amenities have been provided by the government: roads were 210 211 designed and built by the government, electricity is supplied by the Swaziland Electricity Board, and water and sewage are provided by Manzini. Thirty-three industrial sites have been designed on the rail spur and seventy-eight others have road frontage. The railway may be extended to serve forty additional sites.1 All further secondary industry wishing to locate in Swaziland will be required to locate, whenever possible, at Matsahpa.2 The Government has discouraged residential units within Matsahpa so as to reduce administrative problems and expenditures.3 waever a few high density residences will be built to accommodate the construction employees; these will later be used by families employed in Matsahpa. Most Matsahpa employees will reside in Manzini, Kwaluseni (an African township west of Manzini) and in Ngwane, a new residential suburb between Matsahpa and Manzini. Adjacent to the industrial sites are the military barracks, police training college and Matsahpa airport. 1"Matsahpa Fast Becoming Major Industrial Complex,” The Swaziland Recorder, No. 16 (September - December, 1964), p. 1. 2Interview with J. R. Masson, Acting Secretary for Finance and Development, Mbabane, April 20, 1964. 3A development plan for the Manzini-Matsahpa area was submitted in 1962 which envisaged a pepulation of between 50,000 and 60,000 by 1975. The report includes plans of proposed residential and recreational areas, education and civic centres, a business district, industrial sites, station, hospital and cemeteries. For details see C. M. Spence, A Development Plan for the Manzini-Matsahpa Area of Swaziland" (unpublished thesis presented for the Diploma in Town Planning, University of Natal, 1962). 212 Matsahpa's centrality within Swaziland will have a far reaching effect on the territory's existing and future geographic patterns. Swaziland producers will henceforth look inwards rather than towards South Africa. Matsahpa is only 23 miles from Mbabane, 30 miles from Bunya, 46 miles from Stegi and 56 miles from Big Bend. Its hinterland, however, will extend beyond these points to include the Hlatikulu-Goedgegun region, Maloma, Balegane and others. By January 1965, seven industrial concerns had purchased lots at Matsahpa and several others had made applications!+ Industries using local raw materials and Swazi labour have been encouraged and include an abbattoir and meat canning factory, a cotton ginnery, a brewery, five oil companies (for bulk storage purposes), the Usutu Forests pulp distributors, a trucking company and an engineering company. Potential industries include a fertilizer factory, distilleries, a bottled gas company, a furniture and box- crate company and general contractors (Figure 23). Initially the abattoir and meat canning establish- ments will be the most important industries for they will stimulate Swaziland's cattle industry in which the majority of Swazi have interests. They will alleviate the over- stocking problem and pave the way for improved animal 4The Government has been accused of mishandling the applications for sites and the consequent loss of industry. The Government, however, has maintained no stands could be sold before the land had been purchased and approval had been received from the Colonial Office. The Times of Swazi- land, August 21, 1964, p. 4. 213 Fig. 23.--Matsahpa Industrial Site Under The industrial site should be completed Construction. At the right are the petroleum storage tanks in 1965.. of the five oil companies, and behind them are a warehouse and other industrial facilities. 214 W -A -V ,-v C. h.) ‘I (u 215 husbandry practices. The Swazi will consequently break from their traditional subsistence level and participate in a money economy. The centrality of these concerns will encourage the Swazi (and the Europeans) to send their cattle to Matsahpa rather than to South Africa where in the past cattle sales have been restricted by severe weight embargoes. Gollel has been the major outlet and Durban the leading market (Table 21). The abattoir will have an annual capacity of 18,000 head. Cattle will be slaughtered for both local and eXport markets including South Africa. Swaziland's first cotton ginnery is to be built at Matsahpa in 1965. At present Swaziland's cotton is marketed in the Republic where it is processed at four ginneries situated at Barberton, Magudu, Kempton Park and Randfontein. Cotton has long been a leading cash crOp for Swaziland and with expanding markets in Southern Africa, its future is assured.5 It is a successful dry land crop in the middle and lowvelds by both Swazi and EurOpeans where increased acreages are anticipated. The ginned cotton will probably be shipped to South African textile mills rather than being further processed in Swaziland or exported through Lourenco Marques, however a textile mill could eventually be built and external markets developed. The first consignment of cotton from a Swaziland farm (near Hluti) was received at the Matsahpa ginnery on March 19, 1965. It will be stored 5Southern Africa (including Swaziland) produces only one-third of its cotton requirements, the deficiency being met by overseas imports mainly from the United States. 216 at the receiving dock until the plant is ready to go into production later this year.6 Matsahpa is the territory's headquarters for five petroleum companies. Oil, petroleum, lubricants and diesel, which were formerly trucked from Goba, are now railed from Lourenco Marques to this central distribution point. These products will constitute one of the largest freights for the railway, totalling approximately 4,300,000 gallons in 1965 and increasing to 5 million gallons by 1968.7 All communities will draw their supplies from Matsahpa, except for Mhlume and Tambankulu which will be served by a secondary distribution centre at Mlawula. These two areas currently receive their oil and petroleum products from Hectorspruit. Big Bend and Gollel may later draw their petroleum from Phuzamoya, but the Swaziland Railway Board first wishes to have one centralized petroleum depot. Other establishments locating in Matsahpa are a brewery, two transport companies and a retail engineering company specializing in farm equipment. The German owned brewery will import its hops and malt through Lourenco Marques but use local sugar, molasses and maize. Crates will be supplied by Peak Timbers. No export is forseen. Although only two transport companies are currently committed to Matsahpa, several others are expected. Matsahpa will be 6The Times of Swaziland, March 26, 1965, p. 7. 7From the files of the Swaziland Railway Board, Mbabane, May 16, 1964. 217 the distribution centre for the Malkerns region although there is a closer siding at Nyonyane. The Malkerns fruit ‘business, particularly the canning factory, has been restricted by lack of cheap transport and competitive markets. Fresh and canned fruits including pineapples, avacadoes, citrus and tomatoes have heretofore been taken by the Railway Motor Services to South African markets where they competed with similar locally grown produce. In 1963 canned fruit exports (mainly pineapples) totalled-£142,000, and citrus exports earned £150,000. Pineapple production is expected to double by 1967 with overseas markets greatly exceeding the South African market. The railway will be important in this respect. Manzini will naturally undergo certain changes also. Its general commercial functions will be accentuated, its residential areas extended and its local industries expanded. Private truck carriers and the R.M.S. operating from Manzini are expected to increase their services between the town and the adjacent areas. As the volume of general freight railed to and from Matsahpa increases, Manzini's current commercial and industrial activities should likewise increase. To accommodate Matsahpa's working force, Manzini has extended its residential areas particularly to the west, and additional housing development is expected commensurate with Matsahpa's development. 218 Stations and Settlements Sidvokodvo is a new railway settlement in central Swaziland fifteen miles south of Manzini (Figure 24). Here are the railway's engineering, signalling and maintenance headquarters and the main marshalling yards where the grade changes from 1 in 80 to 1 in 50. In addition to these rail- way facilities Sidvokodvo has seventy-one staff houses, ninety labourers' cottages, a school, clinic, church, stores, bank, post office and recreational facilities, and like all Swaziland communities it has attracted hundreds of unemployed Swazi who have erected very substandard temporary dwellings. It was designed to be a self contained community because of its distance from Manzini and its sub-standard road facilities. Its size will be largely determined by the railway since industry is currently prohibited. If, however, the Goedgegun - Hlatikulu road were extended over the very rough terrain south of the Usutu to Sidvokodvo, it could become a major commercial centre since south central Swaziland would be drawn closer to Manzini and Matsahpa. The chances of this road being built, however, are presently remote. Three stations, Mlawula, Phuzamoya and Ka Dake will become secondary settlement areas. Mlawula was built to handle the sugar, citrus and rice from Mhlume, Nokwane and Tambankulu, and as a petrol depot for the same region. The only commercial establishment at Mlawula is a general trading store, but should commercial agriculture continue 219 Fig. 24.-~Aerial View of Sidvokodvo. Sidvokodvo is a railway community in the middleveld fifteen miles south of Manzini. To the right are the main marshalling yards, signalling centre and station; in the upper left is the EurOpean residential district; and in the left centre are the labourers' cottages. Still under construction are the school and commercial establishments. 220 24. Fig. 221 to expand, Mlawula could conceivably become its principal supply centre. Phuzamoya is its counterpart for the Big Bend region though there are no commercial establishments at present. Ka Dake is the rail terminus at the foot of Bomvu Ridge. Adjacent to the station a township called Ngwenya has been planned where most of the workmen and mine officials will be housed. Present planning envisages approximately fifty houses, half of which were completed by January 1965. A small school is being built for all school- age children in the vicinity and not exclusively for the children of mine personnel. A post office is under construction, and a clinic, civic hall, store and recreation club are contemplated. Ngwenya could become a typical mining community. . The larger existing communities will be little affected by the railway. Only when the railway brings improved economic conditions will there be any visible change to these centres. Stegi (3,400) will lose some of its distributing functions since traffic will be diverted through the new border - post, Namaacha, and along the railway. CHAPTER XIII REORIENTATION 0F SWAZILAND'S FLOW PATTERNS The Swaziland railway will have two important effects upon the orientation of the territory's internal and foreign trade patterns. First it will encourage Swaziland- ers to look internally toward Matsahpa and Manzini rather than to South Africa, and second it will give Swaziland an eastern outlet which will strengthen Swaziland's politico- economic ties with Mozambique. Both these new orientations will reduce the heretofore prominence of South Africa in Swaziland's commercial patterns. These reorientations will result from and be fostered by four important geographic factors: the centrality of the railway and its specially designed commercial stations; the possible suspension of the Railway Motor Services and the subsequent closing of South African railheads; a road improvement program; and revised legislation including a freight carriers policy and a customs agreement between Mozambique and Swaziland. Centrality o; the Swaziland Railway Since the railway with its five strategically sited commercial stations traverses central Swaziland, it will create new catchment areas and encourage Swazilanders to 222 223 lessen their commercial ties with South Africa. All of Swaziland except the upper Komati valley now lies within seventy miles of a multi-function railroad or station in either Swaziland or South Africa (Figure 25), whereas formerly two regions (the northwest and the central Usutu valley) were over eighty miles from such facilities (Figure 21). Mbabane lies twenty-six miles from Matsahpa, whereas it was seventy miles from the closest railhead (Piet Retief); and Manzini is only five miles from Matsahpa whereas it was approximately sixty-five miles from the nearest railhead at Goba and Piet Retief (Figure 25). Today half of Swaziland lies within thirty miles of a multi-function railhead, but before the railway was built less than one quarter of the territory was within this distance. The five commercial and industrial sidings, which were designed to serve special needs and regions, will develOp distinct catchment areas and reduce the importance of the South African and Mozambique railheads. Mlawula, Mpaka and Phuzamoya have already replaced Goba and Komati- poort as the railheads for eastern Swaziland and will become the focal points for the Lebombo Ridge and the lowveld. Ekcept for the Balegane area, this entire eastern region lies within fifty miles of these stations and Gollel (Figure 25). Mlawula will initially serve only the northeastern irrigation schemes, but it may later become the transhipment point for Piggs Peak and Stegi. Phuzamoya was selected to handle all the Big Bend traffic except molasses, cement and 224 ROAD DSTANCES FROM RAlHEADS AND SWAHLAND RAKWTY STNHONS e Pie! Retief O Gollel 25. Fig. 225 jute bags which will continue to be distributed from Gollel. It may also become the rail centre for the Mpaka collieries. Mpaka will initially be only a coaling station, but it could become the transhipment point for Stegi and the Lebombo Ridge. Sidvokodvo, the railway's main marshalling yards, is expected to become a multi-purpose station when Matsahpa has been fully developed. It has tentatively been selected as the site for a pig iron smelter, and with improved road facilities it could become the main transhipment point for southrcentral Swaziland. The Manzini-Matsahpa.industrial area will be Swazi- land's principal focal point of economic and industrial activity and will draw upsn and serve all points of the territory. It is now the closest railhead for west-central Swaziland including Mbabane, Mankaiana and the central Usutu valley, but it will also serve the more peripheral areas. Matsahpa will receive all Swaziland grown cotton, fresh and canned fruit from Malkerns, bananas from Kubuta and Sitobela, and cattle from all regions. It may also be the receiving point for timber and chipboard from Piggs Peak. This 6 central industrialsite will also be Swaziland's chief distributor of fertilizers, building supplies, oil and petroleum. All of this trade was formerly oriented to South Africa and Mozambique. 226 Possible Sus-ension - the ':ilwa' South Africa may limit or even suspend its R.M.S. services to and within Swaziland and close a number of its railheads by 1968.1 This would be justified on the basis of improved private carrier service between the railway and Swaziland’s economic areas, and the revised commercial agreements between Swaziland and the Republic. Should South Africa revise its transport policy, it would first discontinue its bus services within Swaziland, but maintain its services between the railheads and the border posts (Mahamba, Oshoek, and Tshaneni). If the political relation- ships deteriorate, South Africa might close its railheads and discontinue its bus services to Swaziland. Komatipoort, Hectorspruit and Gollel would be the first to be closed since their traffic will be reduced by the Swaziland railway. It is unlikely that either Breyten or Piet Retief would be closed, but should they be, there would be a spontaneous reorientation to Swaziland‘s five stations, and in particular to Matsahpa, with private carriers Operating between the railway and the territory's economic areas. Providing political stability is maintained, however, South Africa is not eXpected to reduce its transportation services to or ‘Interview with L. A. W. Hawkins, Chief Executive Officer of the Swaziland Railway Board, Mbabane, May 12, 1964. Neither the Swaziland Administration nor the South African Railways and Harbours Administration would elaborate on this statement, though both agreed to its possibility though improbability. 227 within Swaziland; it may even increase the services to Matsahpa and Manzini. The projected amount of Swaziland's import and export traffic conveyed by road in 1965 is shown in Figure 26. Traffic transhipped from road to rail, and from rail to road is not shown. The general orientation is similar to that of 1955. but the volume has increased appreciably, particularly between Breyten and Manzini. Over this main artery between the border and Mbabane, and between Mbabane and Manzini, the amount of traffic is approximately 80,000 tons and 48,000 tons respectively. This represents a ninety percent increase in traffic over the 1955 totals for both sections. Lesser increases are to be noted between Piet Retief and Goedgegun, and between Gollel, Big Bend and Manzini. Only two routes show decreases in the amount of traffic conveyed: the first is between Tshaneni and Bordergate, and the second is between Stegi and Mhlumeni. Rice, sugar, citrus, petroleum products and fertilizers which in 1955 were conveyed over the first route will hence- forth be directed to Namaacha and Mlawula. Part Of the traffic which has traditionally passed through Mhlumeni will be directed to the new transterritorial highway and Mamaacha. Figure 26 illustrates Swaziland's close economic relationships with South Africa and its dependence upon the peripheral railheads and the Republic's R.M.S. Private carriers Operate within the protectorate conveying export items to Manzini and other points served by the R.M.S. while 228 SWAZILAND‘ PROJECTED IMPORTS AND EXPORTS BY ROAD, 1965 .\..Bcrdergete . ./-\ Nanccchc ./ ' e . 7 \ \ 'Gobc Havelock Piggs Peck Tshaneni [Mhlumenl ! \s Stegi \_ Manzini 1 ! ! I l AB Fig. 26. 229 practically all traffic crossing the international boundary is conveyed by the R.M.S. Should South Africa discontinue its bus services within Swaziland but permit Swaziland carriers to Operate between the territory and its railheads, the flow patterns would alter little, but should the rail- heads be closed, a completely new flow pattern would emerge. The flamaacha border point would become Swaziland's major road outlet, but it is impossible to estimate the volume of traffic that would be conveyed through it. Possible Road Improvements in Swaziland The most strategically sited railway is never fully effective unless it is complemented by a well-planned network of roads. The present roads are substandard for current demands and need widespread upgrading to accommodate future traffic which is expected to increase at six percent per annum. Traffic using paved roads is expected to double within two years and thereafter increase at six percent per annum.2 To complement the railway, therefore, the Swaziland Administration plans to upgrade the existing roads and to build new highways between the widely dispersed economic areas and the stations. Three major projects are currently under review (Figure 22). The first project involves the relocation and paving of the Manzini-Piet Retief road to bring southern Swaziland closer to the local consumer markets of central Swaziland ZSwaziland, A Read Develoggent . . . , pp. 6, :5. 230 and to the Manzini-Matsahpa depot. The proposed route runs due south of the Bunya-Malkerns road through Mankaiana to Gege where it connects with the Goedgegun-Piet Retief road. This first class road would be ten miles shorter than the present gravel road from Goedgegun to Matsahpa. Daily traffic over sections of this road currently varies from only 35 vehicles between Sicunusa and Gege, to 220 vehicles between Mankaiana and the Bunya-Malkerns junction (Figure 27). If realigned and paved, all parts Of this road would handle more than 120 vehicles per day, and north of Mankaiana there would be over 250 vehicles daily.3 This road would encourage Europeans and Swazi alike to bring their cotton, fruit, vegetables and cattle to Matsahpa rather than to Piet Retief or Gollel, and stimulate. agricultural production in this region of great potential. The second road which the Administration might build is an all-weather road from Big Bend to Manzini through Phuzamoya, Sipofaneni and Sidvokodvo (Figure 22). It would parallel the railway and cross large tracts of idle land which if irrigated could support citrus, pineapples and cotton. -The present gravel road between these communities traverses marginal ranching country. The proposal has the further attraction that should heavy industry be developed in Swaziland, the most likely site for such develOpment is Sidvokodvo, though Phuzamoya or Mpaka could be selected on the basis of local coal deposits. Should this road be built, 31bids ' pe 290 231 SWAZILAND VEHICLE FLOW, 1963 /./Hhohho ‘ \.\ ./1 \'\_ A/ \, ./ \_ Pi 9913 Peak \' Bordergate v . .\s . /' ./ Tshaneni \‘/ \- ”920°C“ . \ ' \. ‘. Mlawula.) Oshoek . /, Mhlumeni ./' I ./ 1 ./ I ./ ‘\_ / . \ '- Mcfutsem -\ 1 Manzini I I l i . ' 1 . Edwalem Sipofaneni . MOHkOIOflO l 1 Phuzamoya | i , Big Send I t/x { I “ Sitobela .\. . ! I Maloma - .’ l I ~ I 1.500 .\ 1 1.000 \I . 500 \. . I 250 \-\, | :25 \- \. . - _ . _ . _________ _. __ . ..I Gollel vehicles per 24 hours as F180 2?- 232 and Sidvokodvo become an industrial or even a secondary commercial centre, the Manzini road would probably be extended south across the highly disected Singceni Upland and the Mkondo valley to Hlatikulu. The third high grade road which has been proposed in view Of the railway and the anticipated traffic reorienta- tion, is from Piggs Peak to Mlawula through Balegane, Tshaneni, Mhlume and NOkwane (Figure 22). The road would serve both the citrus and forestry industries of the north- west should Scuth Africa close the Hectorspruit railhead and restrict the number of commercial vehicles entering the Transvaal from Rhohho. It would also improve communications between the sugar mill and Mlawula which is currently handicapped by a low grade gravel road. The 1963 daily traffic volume between Piggs Peak and Tshaneni averaged only fifty-five vehicles (Figure 27), but if the Piggs Peak traffic was diverted to Mlawula, this section by 1966 would have over 175 vehicles per day. Likewise the local traffic around Mlawula would increase from 350 to 550 vehicles per day.4 In addition to these three major road improvement prOposals, Swaziland envisages improved roads between Stegi and Mpaka, Mbabane and Mhlambanyatsi, and if the anthracite field is develOped, a road from Maloma to either Phuzamoya or Big Bend. 4M” p. 15. 233 wazilan ad ans ortation Proclama on 1 6 and the Swazi a d- czamb e o n, on In December 1963, the Swaziland Administration issued a Road Transportation Proclamation which appointed a Board to revise the territory's road transport licensing policy. The Board was empowered to examine all applications made by individuals and companies to operate freight and passenger services within Swaziland. It reviewed the applicants' prOposed routes or areas to be served, and the proposed schedules and tariffs, and if in the Board's opinion the grant Of the application would adversely affect rail transport, or the transportation service was not justified, having regard to existing facilities, the Board could refuse its permission.5 This proclamation therefore protects the railway from road haulers who would be tempted to take part of the freight by Operating services alongside or in competition with those provided by the railway. It also protects the interests of the Commonwealth Development Corporation. Consequently all bulk freight required by the C.D.C., the mine and the railway itself will be railed from Lourenco Marques and some general freight which might normally be conveyed by road will be directed to the railway. Further- more, preference will be given tO those companies which plan 5Swaziland, Swaziland Legislation, ad Trans orta- ‘ 6 , Proclamation NO. 6 (EEdBane, 1965). ” zette, cxx, NO. 2, 78-79. 234 to Operate between the economic areas and the railway. In April 1964 a convention between the United Kingdom and Portugal was signed in Lisbon to ”encourage the use of the port of Lourenco Marques for traffic between Swaziland and overseas territories."6 The British Govern- ment pledged that "all reasonable steps shall be taken by the Government of Swaziland to attract to the railways connecting Swaziland with the port of Lourenco Marques, traffic originating from and destined to Swaziland for which that port is the natural outlet."7 In Article VIII the two colonial powers agreed that for a twenty year period from the date the Convention became effective, the transit or reexportation of goods coming from,or consigned to,Swaziland through Lourenco Marques ”shall be free of customs duties and during such period of twenty years no customs charges shall be levied in respect of such goods other than the customs leviable at the date of entry into force of the Convention of the same class coming from or consigned to the neighbouring territories of the Republic of South Africa, Nerthern and Southern Rhodesia and N‘yasaland."8 This convention could be of great importance to 6Great Britain, "Convention Between the Government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the Government of the Republic of Portugal Relative to the Construction of Connecting Railways Between Swaziland and Mozambique (April, 1964),” (Mimeographed copy in the files of the Swaziland Railway Board, Mbabane), p. 1. 7.1m” p- 3. 8;bid., p. 4. 235 Swaziland's economy, but the extent of its significance lies in the interpretation of the clause "all reasonable steps shall be taken by the Government of Swaziland to attract to the railways . . . traffic originating from and destined to Swaziland . . ." Swaziland will undoubtedly act with prudence so as not to strain its strong economic ties with the Republic of South Africa. Tb completely sever all its economic ties with South Africa and to depend solely upon the railway would be folly since South Africa can provide the cheapest imports and a market for Swaziland exports. Swaziland will undoubtedly however, direct all its bulk traffic to the railway and later encourage general merchan- dise to it which is currently oriented to South Africa. Summary of Railway FlowI 1265 The projected amount of rail traffic for 1965 is shown in Figure 28. It is clear that iron ore is the principal freight, totalling approximately 800,000 tons, and that paper pulp, sugar, coal, fertilizers, general merchan- dise, petroleum and petroleum products are secondary freights whose total tonnage is less than 300,000 tons. The amount of traffic increases from west to east with four breaks in the general flow pattern. The first break is at Matsahpa where 100,000 tons of paper pulp are received from Bunya, and from where petroleum products, chemicals and lesser amounts of general merchandise are distributed. At present there are no data on the amount 235 SWAZILAND: PROJECTED RAIL TRAFFIC, l965 / - M aka ' / Matsahpa p \. \ Bunya l Phuzamoya I l ‘/'1 Bi Bend PA“. . K. 9 I l. i ( . K. .’ Z \ I ‘ 8 8 '\ q § \ ‘ 1d 5 EL / / 1 TONS AB 237 of these minor freights, but the total is probably less than 50,000 tons. The second point where the traffic volume changes is Phuzamoya, the station designed specifically to handle the freight requirements of Big Bend. Sugar, fertilizers, oil and building supplies are the maJor freights transhipped, which are not expected to exceed 55,000 tons in 1965. Mpaka, the coaling station of the eastern lowveld, is the third point where the freight volume changes. This is accounted for solely by the addition of approximately 50,000 tons of coal for Mozambique. Depending upon local demands, this freight could be substantially increased both west and east. The fourth transhipment point is Mlawula, through which over 1,076,000 tons of traffic are expected to be railed in 1965. EXport traffic received at Mlawula for shipment to Lourenco Marques and overseas markets includes sugar from Mhlume and citrus from kawane and Tambankulu. Imports received for distribution to these same points includes fertilizers, petroleum, oils and building supplies. The total freight transhipped at Mlawula in 1965 is expected to be 64,000 tons. CHAPTER XIV SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS The Swaziland railway was completed in September 1964, a century after the first rail survey was made between the territory and Delagoa Bay. In those hundred years both Boer and Briton have suggested numerous railway routes but for politico-economic reasons only the last proposal materialized though several were economically Justified. The problems and intrigues of the Swaziland railway issue fall into three distinct time periods: the period of conflict and adjustment; the period of indecision; and the present. Since these periods have clearly defined limits set by a change in British and South African policy towards the affairs of Swaziland, the nature and outcome of the railway issues have differed in each period. Period of Conflict and Adjustment Until 1902 the Swaziland railway issue focused upon Boer objectives of securing an eastern outlet that was independent of British control. Delagoa Bay, Kosi Bay and Sordwana Bay offered the Transvaal Boers the most convenient harbour sites but between the Boers and the coast lay the Great Escarpment, the Lebombo Ridge, narrow gorges, malarial 238 239 swamps and militant native tribes including the Swazi, all of which had to be overcome before a railway could be built. Tb further their objectives therefore, the Boers entered agreements with the Swazi and Zulu, and later with the Portuguese and British who themselves had interests in Swaziland and the east coast. From the Swazi the Boers secured land, mineral, industrial, commercial and communica- tions concessions including the right to build railways across Swaziland; with the Portuguese they concluded a commercial agreement (1875) to promote commerce and communications between Delagoa Bay and Pretoria; and from the British the Boers attempted to obtain Swaziland, the lower Pongola valley and the Zululand coast, all of which became part of the British sphere of influence. The British proved to be the greatest deterrent to the Boers since after the mid 1840's, Britain became the unofficial ”protector" of the Swazi against the warring Zulu and later against the Boers. Britain, although not wishing to assume complete administrative responsibility in Swazi- land, was not prepared to relinquish her political rights there if it would weaken her control over the Boers. Thus in each of the conventions between the South African Republic and Britain after 1880, Britain imposed restrictive measures on the Boers while gaining little materially herself. The Pretoria (1881) and London (1884) Conventions provided for the independence of the Swazi within new boundaries and fully defined Boer and British interests in 240 and adjacent to Swaziland. The London Convention prevented Kruger from concluding treaties with any native tribe or nation east of the Republic without British approval which consequently hindered the Boers in their objectives. Undaunted, however, the Boers sent emissaries to annex the native chieftainships in the lower Pongola valley and Tengaland, while Britain claimed the Zululand coast. Kruger offered to withdraw the Republic's claims to matabeleland on condition Britain withdraw from Swaziland, Tongaland and the lower Pongola valley. Britain was not prepared to yield but agreed to re-examine the issues and redefine her policies in three Swaziland Conventions. The First Swaziland Convention (1890) provided for the dual administration of Swaziland by Britain and the South African Republic; it gave the Boers a three mile wide corridor of land across Swaziland for a railway; and required that should the Boers obtain railway rights from Umbegiza and Zambili, they must enter a customs union with the British South African Colonies. By the Second (1893) and Third Swaziland Conventions (1894), the Boers tightened their control over Swaziland in the expectation they would obtain their eastern outlet, but in 1895 Britain herself claimed the lower Pongola valley and annexed Tongaland to Zululand thereby finally extinguishing Boer aspirations for an independent eastern outlet. Recurrent economic depression and near anarchy within the Transvaal itself during the last two decades of 241 the nineteenth century further handicapped the Boers in their eastern objective. The Transvaal was committed to build a railway from Lourenco Marques through Komatipoort to Pretoria, and was pressured to build railways to the British coastal colonies after the discovery of gold at Jehannesburg. These financial burdens and the consequential administrative‘ difficulties forced the Transvaal to relinquish some of its objectives in Swaziland. Because of these enduring political and economic issues, the Transvaal only once conducted a rail survey from Pretoria through Swaziland to Delagoa Bay (1879). and that was when the Transvaal was under British control. waever, almost twenty years earlier the Boers and Portuguese had proposed their territories be linked by a railway through either the Crocodile or Pongola valleys. Neither actively pursued the suggestion, but in 1864 two British pioneers completed the first rudimentary rail survey between Delagoa Bay and the Transvaal border via the Usutu River. Period of Indecision South Africa's political aspirations in and for Swaziland did not terminate after the Boer were when Swazi- land became a British protectorate. Rather they intensified and were strengthened by numerous acts, statutes and agreements which provided for the possible incorporation of Swaziland into the Union. The South Africa Act (1910) and the attached Schedule, which established a Customs Agreement 242 between the Union and the High Commission Territories, profoundly influenced the politico-eccnomic relationships of Swaziland and South Africa, and thwarted all attempts to build a railway across Swaziland. The incorporation question was periodically reviewed (1922, 1934, 1949 and 1956), and redefined by the Statute of Westminster (1931) and the Status of the Union Act (1934), but it and the Swaziland railway issue became more interdependent and inseparable. Net until 1961, when the Union left the British Commonwealth, did incorporation cease to be a condition for railways. Both Swaziland and the Union of South Africa argued for railways on economic grounds since by the Customs Agreement (1910),Swaziland became an integral part of South Africa which required a well-integrated communications system. Swaziland, herself unable to finance or construct a railway, sought South African and British assistance, but neither power was prepared to commit itself to rail construction while the political issues in Swaziland remain- ed unresolved. Many Swazilanders (notably Afrikaners) realized that incorporation was the quickest means of securing a railway. Consequently they periodically requested that the Union guarantee them a railway on the immediate transfer of Swaziland, but their demands were always refused. South Africa reiterated it would only build a line after the incorporation of Swaziland, and Britain, reluctant to increase her financial commitments in the 243 protectorate, would not sanction incorporation against the wishes of the inhabitants. Despite this unresolved political problem, numerous rail proposals were made and several surveys completed. The first was made in 1902-03 when Lord Milner and the Portuguese agreed to build a railway across central Swazi- land from Lourenco marques to Jehannesburg. The Portuguese built their section to Goba by 1912, but Britain failed to keep her promise because: the newly elected Liberal Govern- ment in England refused to acknowledge Milner's "agreement”; Swaziland was not politically a part of the Transvaal; Swaziland's immediate freight potential was uncertain; and rival South African ports feared they would lose a large proportion of their trade to the Swaziland route. .In 1918 the Union Government, upon the requests of Swaziland, surveyed a similar route from Breyten through the Usutu valley to Goba, but refused to commit itself before a local traffic could be guaranteed, and before Swaziland was transferred to the Union's administration. For similar reasons the Union abandoned its three rail projects across southern Swaziland made in the 1920's to eleviate the traffic congestion at Durban and Lourenco Marques, and to stimulate the Transvaal's coal industry. Following these three investigations Swaziland explored the possibilities of extending the Durban-Gollel line to Kbmatipoort and Rhodesia to encourage cotton cultivation and irrigated agriculture in the eastern lowveld, but for 244 financial and political difficulties neither South Africa nor Britain would undertake the project. As compensation, however, South Africa introduced its Railway Motor Services (1928) which operated a frequent schedule between Union railheads and Swaziland's economic areas. Once in operation, the Union claimed it met the territory's needs and that local freight did not warrant a railway, which further reduced Swaziland's hopes for a rail connection with South Africa or the coast. Indeed, eighteen years elapsed before South Africa surveyed another route across southern Swazi- land. The project, designed to stimulate the Transvaal's coal industry, collapsed because of a drOp in the world coal prices, lack of funds and the restrictions of the Act of Union and subsequent legislation affecting Swaziland. It was not until after the Second World war when Swaziland diversified its economy, that local industries justified a railway. The Usutu afforestation scheme and the specialized irrigated agriculture near Malkerns and Big Bend prompted Swazilanders to request immediate rail connections with both South Africa and Delagoa Bay. Several routes were surveyed but subsequently cancelled when neither Britain nor South Africa would assume financial responsibility for political reasons. Following the confirmation of a large hematite deposit at Bomvu Ridge in 1955, Swaziland investigated several railway routes through the Usutu valley and across the lowveld coal fields to the umbeluzi gorge and Goba. In September 1961 following protracted negotiations 245 between Japanese and South African industrialists, and the governments of Portugal, Britain and Swaziland, a railway contract was signed. The Swaziland Railway The Swaziland railway could have an important impact upon the territory's geographic patterns. The degree of this impact however, cannot be accurately measured because of numerous everchanging politico-economic variables. Within Swaziland the major forces are those of political leadership and policy. Swaziland's new Legislative Council, elected in June 1964 and composed of Swazi traditionalists and conservative EurOpeans, will influence the territory's economic patterns through its political policy. It seeks rapid and pragressive economic development, the stimulation of commerce, mining and agriculture, and the creation through a stable government of a favourable climate for outside capital investment without endangering its political freedoms. It recognizes the benefits of a close economic alignment with the Republic of South Africa but rejects political incorporation. The United Swaziland Association Party, which represents the conservative Europeans, however, could lead Swaziland to closer political association with South Africa. The present Legco favours the return of land and.mineral rights to the Swazi Nation which could discourage foreign capital investment there. But to induce economic development the Swaziland Administration prcposes considerable road improvement, particularly between the 246 railway stations and the peripheral areas. The extent of this will depend upon local revenues and loans by Britain and the Wbrld Bank. Affecting Swaziland from without, and beyond Swazi- land's immediate control, are long standing administrative, commercial and financial agreements between the protectorate, South Africa and Great Britain. Although the Republic of South Africa can no longer legally claim Swaziland under the Act of Union, its economic interests are maintained by the Customs Agreement (1910) and other commercial treaties. These agreements will undoubtedly be modified but could affect the use of the railway. The question of political independence likewise will have an important effect upon Swaziland's economic future. Britain's Labour Government is expected to encourage Swaziland's independence and member- ship to the Commonwealth of Nations. Whatever the exact role of these and other factors, the railway will have three important effects upon Swaziland. First, the railway with its strategically located stations and industrial site, provides Swaziland with an internal focus. Swaziland producers who formerly were oriented towards South African railheads and markets will be encouraged to bring their cattle, fruits and vegetables to Matsahpa for processing before export to either South Africa or overseas markets. The regions of specialization will look towards their respective sidings rather than to South African railheads. Furthermore, the widely dispersed rural 247 populations and settlements will receive their fertilizers, petroleum, oil, building supplies and perhaps later, general merchandise from Matsahpa. The Matsahpa industries them- selves, though currently limited, will provide considerable employment and define a central core region of economic activity. Second, Swaziland's traffic flow patterns with Mozambique will become more pronounced. The railway will be the principal medium for conveying Swaziland's bulk imports and exports. The former, excepting petroleum and oil, have traditionally come from South Africa, whereas the latter excepting sugar have been trucked to Goba. The major changes in these flow patterns, therefore, will be that all bulk imports and some general freight will be imported by rail, and sugar will henceforth be railed directly to Lourenco Marques. The total volume of this general freight will always be limited and of secondary importance to iron ore, but will be encouraged and protected by the Swaziland- szambique Convention (1964). Perhaps the railway's immediate effect upon Swazi- land will be psychological rather than real. With the problematic political relationships between Swaziland and South Africa, and the uncertainty of the Customs Agreement, Swazilanders feel that the railway affords them a certain degree of security. Should South Africa impose restrictive measures on Swaziland, the protectorate could turn to Mozambique. Economic strangulation is less likely in Swazi- 248 land than in Basutoland which is completely enclosed by the Republic and totally dependent upon South Africa economical- ly. waever, the likelihood of South Africa and Swaziland terminating their long standing economic associations is remote since the benefits are mutual: South Africa is a natural market for Swaziland produce, and the most convenient source of manufactured goods for Swaziland. In addition Swaziland could capitalize on the economic embargoes currently being levied against South Africa; South African manufacturers could locate in the protectorate and market their produce under Swaziland labels. Furthermore the Republic has recently proposed a multi-racial common market of Southern Africa to promote closer economic ties between South Africa, the High Commission Territories, Southern Rhodesia, the Portuguese possessions, and even Zambia and Malawi. The political connotations are many, but the economic opportunities are greater. The railway could play an important role in its implementation. Indeed, if the line were extended from Matsahpa to Breyten, Swaziland would enter a new phase of economic develOpment. The real impact of the railway would only then be realized. BIBLIOGRAPHY Books Campbell, Edward D. The Birth and Develo ment of the Natal Railways. PIeEermarIEiburg: Sfiufer and Sfioofer, 1951. Cook, Sir Edward T. Edmund Garrett: A Memoir. London: Edward Arnold, 1909. Davenport, D. E. A ghilway Sketch of South AfrTca. n.p., ‘33., 1882. Day, thn Robert. Railwaxs of ggugherh Agriga. London: Arthur Barker Ltd., 19 3. DeKiewiet, C. w. hisgogz of §outh hfhicaI Social and Economic. London: Oxford University Press, 1941. Doveton, Dorothy M. The ghhan Geograghé of gwaZTland. Publication o. o e s u-e o r s Geographers Association. London: Philip a Sons, 1937. Frankel, S. Herbert. The hailway Pglicy of §guth Africa. 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