n to.” c . I u. . h‘. I n.. m 4 g ‘m‘ ABSTRACT THE URBAN GEOGRAPHY OF TEPIC, NAYARIT, MEXICO: A STUDY OF CHANGING FUNCTIONS by John M. Ball This study is based on field work in Tepic from August, 1960 to January, 1961. It has two important objec- tives: (a) to show the impact that improved transportation facilities have had on both the external relationships of the city and its internal functions, and (b) to present a somewhat detailed description and analysis of the urban land use. Tepic, the capital of Nayarit, has a pOpulation of 53,000 and is located in the foothills of the Sierra Madre Occidental in western Mexico, about midway between Guadala- Jara and Mazatlan. Founded in 1530, the city during much of its early history served either as a way station for caravans traveling between Guadalajara and the northwest, or as a provisioning center for expeditions sent into northern Mexico. Its situation in the small but fertile Matatipac valley on the easiest land route from Guadalajara to the coastal plain further favored the establishment and survival of the city. The function of Tepic in relationship to its hinter- land, as well as its internal character and structure, changed but little from colonial times to l9h0. Following werld war II, however, a national road building program removed the barrier of isolation and revolutionary changes -1- tab Since 193 gyggoflti‘d in 1 3; one hundred $335313 the Cit asses "rived er 51:13 accessible mart °r the fielder, typica 5:1: and its 1mm L110! hauled in Tepic is d mines: district L‘fncontains a c a; upper-class 1 Worth, it! a z< Efipndoninateiy htszrial eatabli 5311313. are wide 3"“ ring, which 2 We west side, uncertain: the Manually m Titian of Tepic Since 1914C- :i‘J and cont ,1 m 22:! land use W1 but.” part or -2- John M. Ball began. Since 1950 several large industrial establishments have located in Tepic, the population has increased more than one hundred per cent, and a program of modernizing and expanding the city has been in progress. In 1960 ninety-six busses arrived and departed Tepic daily, making the city easily accessible to many rural villages and involving a large part of the state papulation in the economy of Tepic. The older, typical small-scale exchange of products between Tepic and its immediate hinterland has declined and goods are now hauled into the city from distant areas by truck. Tepic is divided into six zones. One is the central business district which is built around the main plaza and which contains a complex mixture of land uses, including many upper-class homes. Surrounding this, on all sides but the north, is a zone of older residences of mixed quality, but predominately middle-class. Many small business and industrial establishments, usually occupying part of a dwelling, are widely distributed throughout. The next out- ward ring, which surrounds the middle-class district on all but the west side, is that of older, lower-class homes. This zone contains the highest residential densities in the city and essentially represents the outer limits of the built-up portion of Tepic from.about 1855 to l9u0. Since 19ho a new outer ring has been added to the city and contains three distinct and individually homogen- eous land use types, as well as much vacant land. Host of the built-up part of this outer zone is devoted to lower-class neighborhoods, though there are four separate upper-class giisisiooo. The PC] mobeyood the cool mm along the 1 or: of some ribbon 32:3, I cigarette Lian located in atrial district. The napping q :1?in than for : ins, and the res ouity, hwever, ' to, there are 3° beeper cent Of ‘ gar-class, and t1 on, central par‘ ilzlntlal types om, while the ltoupper- and 1c Secondly, o iszributed throng meats, and on "mi-seven bloc i: L f»! Sig‘ct . The P6 “3 M the c: Thirdly: II c ‘.'3 He also an -3- John M. Ball subdivisions. The political limits of Tepic generally extend beyond the occupied part of the city except in the southeast along the railroad and highway where there is a start of some ribbon deveIOpment. Four modern bottling plants, a cigarette factory, a tobacco warehouse and a sugar mill are located in this zone, which constitutes Tepic's industrial district. The mapping of urban land use in Tepic is more difficult than for a city of similar size in the united States, and the results are less reliable. An inventory of the city, however, revealed several additional characteristics. First, there are some]0,736 dwellings, approximately sixty- three per cent of which are lower-class, eight per cent upper-class, and the remainder middle-class in quality. The older, central part of the city contains a mixture of I residential types that range from luxurious mansions to tiny shacks, while the newer sections are more clearly divided into upper— and lower-class neighborhoods. Secondly, most of the 2,275 businesses are small and distributed throughout the city, although the largest estab- lishments, and one-third of the total are located in the twenty-seven blocks that comprise the central business district. The retail function of Tepic is basic to the economy of the city. I Thirdly, most of Tepic's 327 industrial establish- ments are also small and distributed in all parts of the city, and with a few exceptions rely exclusively on local markets. A majority of all business and industrial concerns are .. at? 14th 19810er JthU t Lastly, gover'. zizse category th] was a variety of :JEFEI‘, and mny 3:. Lead in the city. The construct :tgarit, especial :augas in Tepic, n aural-urban migra Whatever, bein 335.: that the pre ~4- John M. Ball combined with residences. Lastly, government land, which is a more inclusive land use category than for most cities of the united States, serves a variety of functions. Tepic is the state capital, however, and many state and federal governmental offices are located in the city. The construction of improved transportation facilities in Nayarit, especially highways, has produced revolutionary changes in Tepic, not the least important of which has been a rural-urban migration. Tepic is basically a Spanish-type city, however, being subject to forces of change with the result that the present city has a morphology different from cities of similar size and function in the United States. Hancoowooo 0.5m: 8.“.on on» 295» 3329.3.» mafia—00H 502$, omaaumwmz on» ES 033. mMJWQAJWHU I I.» 1| 1)\ . THE URBAN GEOGRAPHY OF TEPIC, NAYARIT, MEXICO: A STUDY OF CHANGING FUNCTIONS ‘ By \wf‘" John M§*Ball A THESIS Submitted to Hichigan State university in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Geography 1961 COpyright by JOHN MILLER BALL 1962 The writer 4:: 3:34 residents of 4 aerial for t‘r. 51:: the friendshi 'nlplaying £41333; :zzer grocery ato; aliens or the p 443440141131 and h :zlerlerchants, g gneszs, bus drive masses his aim “tended to: :4 personal libr ”3319 knowledge :44 for the may “4414., to km 44 M SP- Jild «4.143 the auth “734‘s ,4“, a3 a c Elna“ 33:83; 31: Libra-I141 11;. 4 01’ makes 1 ACKNOWLEDGMENT The writer wishes to acknowledge his indebtedness to the residents of Tepic from whom he gathered the bulk of the material for this dissertation. He was privileged to enjoy the friendship and kindness of many people. The young boys playing futbol in the streets, the operators of the corner grocery stores, the street vendors, and the new residents of the poorer colonias, though not known by name, were cordial and helpful. Much assistance was also had from other merchants, government employees, school teachers, priests, bus drivers and policemen. To all, the writer expresses his sincere appreciation. Special thanks must be extended to: (a) Lie. Alfreao Corona Ybarra, for making his personal library available and for sharing his consid- erable knowledge of Tepic's history, (b) Prof. José Ruiz Parra for the many, many hours of conversation that permitted the writer to know, and to feel that he was part of Tepic, and (0) Sr. Jildardo Curiel for his time and interest in helping the author to understand the outlook of the small merchant, as a class, in Tepic's society. There are a number of pe0ple not in Tepic who also willingly offered much assistance. Both Dr. Nettie Lee Benson, Librarian of the Latin American Collection, univer- sity of Texas Library, Austin Texas and Dr. CorneJo France, -111; \‘__/ “4:201" of the Bibi Elizlajara aided i: 24! gone unnoticed Miss Barbara We- igres 2 and 3 and Lithick for t'r. melt. Dr. Paul C. when are 91‘ 4:4: far exceeded :csgect of his a tzlgh the many C 44* sincerely 8?? thing or this pa fitmeledged. Finally, ii insesustained ii I" e" Director of the Biblioteca Publica del Estado de Jalisco in Guadalajara aided in finding material that otherwise would have gone unnoticed. Thanks are also due Mr. Donald Pontti and Miss Barbara Nestinghouse for assistance in drafting Figures 2 and 3 and to Drs. Lawrence M. Sommers and Allen K. Philbrick for their many suggestions on both the maps and text. Dr. Paul C. Morrison was particularly helpful and many thanks are extended to him for his patience and interest which far exceeded that which a graduate student has a reason to expect of his advisor. The friendship that develOped through the many conferences with Professor Morrison has been sincerely appreciated and his talents in making the writing of this paper a valuable experience is gratefully acknowledged. Finally, it is the writer's parents, wife, and children, whose sustained interest and understanding, made it possible for this study to be undertaken and completed. Mt. Pleasant, Michigan John M. Ball September, 1961 . -1v- EVIWMT . . 1331? mm . . 1333? ILLUSERATB her 1. IHRODUCTIO II. THE SETTING The H4 The N" Concll 33 THE mam Trans Comma N. THE GROW: Area 1, 1MD USE Res: Eng Inc 1 ‘I u TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGMENT . . . . . . . . HST OF TABLES O O O O O O O 0 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS . . . . Chapter I. II. III. IV. INTRODUCTION . . . . . THE SETTING 0F TEPIC . O O O O O O O O O The Historical Setting The Natural Setting Conclusion THE EXTERNAL RELATIONS OF TEPIC . . . . . . Transportation The Railroad The Highways The Busses The Airlines Commercial Relations Local and Direct Relationships More Distant Commercial Relations Foreign Relationships Summary THE GROWTH OF TEPIC . . Areal Espansion of Tepic LAND USE IN TEPIC . . . Residential land Upper-Class Residences Lower-Class Residences Middle-Class Residences Business Land Industrial Land Educational Land -v- Page . 'iii . vii . viii . 5h . 65 :u Some 0: G: LE 1; Summer: H.8mflhfiY AND CEIXC o O O 0 Part I Part I Part I Part 1 Part Part Part EZhhth . Chapter Page Some Other Land Uses in Tepic Government Land Land Used for Religious Purposes Land Used for Recreation Summary VI. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS . . . . . . . . . . . 124 APPENDIX . . BIBLIOGRAPHY Part Part Part Part Part Part Pa rt I II III IV V VI VII 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 132 Notes on the Figures Enumeration of Establishments in Tepic: Central Business District ‘Enumeration of Establishments in Tepic: Middle-Class Residential District Enumeration of Establishments in Tepic: Older Lower-Class Residen- tial District Enumeration of Establishments in Tepic: New Southern Section Enumeration of Establishments in Tepic: New Western Section Enumeration of Establishments in Tepic: New Northern Section C O 0 O O 0'. O O O O O O O O 17“ -vi- 531: 1, Population 1 2. Climatic m1 3. Vehicles Reg 1. Population c 5. Number of D. Ember and '. in'repic . 1. Discrepancy Growth of B 9. Industrial 33. Schools in Governmnt LIST OF TABLES Table Page 1. Population Estimates of Tepic . . . . . . . . .16 2. Climatic Data for Tepic, Nayarit . . . . . . 21 3. vehicles Registered in Tepic and Nayarit . . 31 h. Population of Nayarit and Tepic, 1900-1960 . 55 5. Number of Dwellings by Class in Tepic . . . . 68 6. Number and Type of Business Establishments in Topic 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 8" 7. Discrepancy in Number of Food Handlers . . . 95 8. Growth of Business in Tepic . . . . . . . . . 97 9. Industrial Establishments in Tepic, 1960 . . 101 —10. Schools in Tepic, 1960. . . . . . . . . . . . 107 11. Government Employees in Tepic . . . . . . . . 11h -vii- L; Tepic and muentatil Transport: lap of Te} Map of Te; rwth of Residentie Home: in c dential az city (phot 111811 Uppe the river Six lower. the city ( ' Adetache ' eastern huddle- 0f the ma- 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 1h. 15. 16. LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Page Tepic and the Matatipac valley. . (Frontispiece) Orientation Map . . . . . . Transportation Relations of Tepic . Map of Tepic, 1855 . . . . Map of Tepic, 1922 . . . . Growth of Tepic, Mexico, 1855-1960 Residential Types, Tepic, Mexico, 1960 Homes in one of Tepic's new upper-class dential areas in the southern part of the city (photograph) . . . . . A new upper-class home on the north side of resi- . O O O the river (photograph); ... . . . . . . . . . Six lower-class homes in the western part of th. City (photograph) e e e e e e e e e e e e A detached lower-class home in the north- eastern part of the city (photograph) . . . . A middle-class neighborhood four blocks west photograph . . . . . . . . of the main plaza Mixing or residential types in the older part of Tepic (photograph) . . . . . . . Business Establishmcnts, Tepic, Mexico, 1960. Residential Densities, Tepic, Mexico, 1960. . Ratio of Business to Residential Establish- ments, Tepic, Mexico, 1960 -viii- O 2 32 59 60 62 7O 76 76 76 77 77 77 80 81 82 EST 0? igafl 17, Food Stores," 0“ (J- - 'i'r'c’nosporcatij Mexico, 196 13. Service Est: o Miocellaneo 19000 O I e 1;. El Carmen, km in mi i‘epio (phot Stall come of city (pr 5:; 23. Min-ware 3!. industrial 1920. , . 33. Unloading carpenter 25° l pottery (PBOLOEI-a Io san Mrtf (DhOtng; ' GOVeI-nme Kay t0 1 Figure 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. LIST or ILLUSTRATIONS (Continued) Food stores, Tepic, Mexico, 1960. . . . . . Transportation Related Businesses, Tepic, Henco,196oeeeeeeeeeeee.eeee Service Establishments, Tepic, Mexico, 1960 Miscellaneous Businesses, Tepic, Mexico, 1960 O O O O C O O O O O O O O O O O O C 0 0 El Carmen, one of four U.S. type super mar- kets in miniature located in old part of Tepic (photograph). . . . . . . . . . . . . Small corner groce in southeastern part at city (photograph e e e e e e e e e e e A tin-ware vendor (photograph) . . . . . . Industrial Establishments, Tepic, Mexico, 1960 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O unloading lumber at a rather well-equiped carpenter shop (photograph) . . . . . . . . A pottery factory and residence combined (phatograph)eeeeeeeeeeeeeeee San Martin bakery and delivery truck (photogmph).....ooo........ Government Land, Tepic, Mexico, 1960 . . . Generalized Districts, Tepic, Mexico, 1960. Key to Block.NUmbers. . . . . . . . . . . . -11- Page 87 89 9O 91 91 91 99 100 100 100 111 128 133 There is 11‘ so: or dramatic our size in Me has: an industr twists, as a bee :ruaplace of 3:318 made by m tfihinhplace of Story or lexico Mane little :1, 3:5 °r the loca In 1960 Te km, and “trill 21H: the capitl moose Tepic te, CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION There is little about the city of Tepic that is un- usual or dramatic to set it apart from other cities of similar size in Mexico (Figure 2). It has achieved no great fame as an industrial or market center, as a haven for tourists, as a heartland of an important agricultural region, or as a place of significance in national history. The claim to fame made by most people of Tepic is that their city is the birthplace of two individuals of some importance in the history of Mexico--Amado Nervo and Juan Escutia.1 But this has done little more than to satisfy the emotional patriotic needs of the local citizenry. In 1960 Tepic remained virtually unknown outside of Mexico, and within the country it was frequently recognized only as the capital of the state of Nayarit. Perhaps it is because Tepic tends to typify the small Mexican city (papula- 1Amado Nervo (1870-1919) was a rather well-known national poet of Mexico who also served in the diplomatic service of his country. Juan Escutia (1828-18h7) was one of the Nifios Heroes (Boy Heroes) who, as a military cadet, lost his life in the defense of the fortress of Chapultepec in Mexico City against the invading U.S. Army in 18h7. -2- ORIENTATION | MAP NAYARIT. MEXICO MILES “‘ HIGHWAY ~ RAILROAD 0 MATATIPAC VALLEV [2:] COASTAL PLAIN‘O‘ZOO METERS ELEVATION FOOTHILLS - zoo-L500 METERS - SIERRA quRE OCCIDENTAL-I.soo-2.ooo METERS - SIERRA MAoRE occquNTAL-zpoov METERS UNITED STATES OF AMERICA MAZATLAN ’GUADALAJARA T0 GUADALAJARA Figure 2 3:35:030 to 103 3:52: influence : unzial mixture we? of the WWII sell-sale busine :e tremendous gro us repeated again rhovever, the rs: attempted eit :éfanctions an 133.1 It is hOpe ta :ootribution R fin I . lse‘Iel‘al nc fizzanislasski, . ;- i-lel‘ican Sin :1“ ”953: 1950 -3- tion 25,000 to 100,000) that it is not better known. The Spanish influence in the architecture and the city plan, the racial mixture of its inhabitants, the low purchasing power of the pOpulation combined with the large number of small-scale business and industrial activities, as well as the tremendous growth in population in the last two decades are repeated again and again throughout urban Mexico. By 1960, however, there were still few urban studies to be had that attempted either a detailed description or analysis of the functions and land use of a Mexican or Latin American city.1 It is hOped, therefore, that this dissertation will be a contribution to the urban geography of Mexico. 1Several notable contributions by geographers are: Dan Stanislawski, The Anatomy of Eleyen Towns in Michoacan, Latin American Studies, Number 10 (Austin: University 6f” Texas Press, 1950); Samuel N. Dicken, "Monterrey and North- eastern Mexico," Annals of the Association of American Gegge ra hers, XXIX (June, 1939), pp. 127;158; Mary Megee,Monterrey, HexIco: Internal Patterns and External Relations (Chicago: Department 0T:Geography, University 6? Chicago, 1958); and. Martin E. Brigham, "Monterrey, Mexico: A Study in Urban Geography," unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, Department of Geography, University of Michigan, 1951. Many anthropologists have contributed to the literature of villages in Mexico. Examples of these are: Robert Redfield, A Village that Chose Progress: Chan Kom Revisited (Chicago: University oft— cago ress, I950) and'Oscar Lewis,_Life in a Mexican Villa e: Tepoztién Restudied (Urbana: University of'niinois Press, 1951). Urban studies in Latin America other than Mex- ico would include Paul C. Morrison, "Aspects of the Urban Geography of Turrialba, Costa Rica,".0chanomizu University Studies in Art and Culture Tokyo, Japan), IX (January, 1957), pp. IFIO; RoEert Carmin, An polis, Brazil: Regional Ca ital of an ricultural Frontier (Chicago: Department of Geography, UfiIversIty of Chicago, 1953); Pierre Deffontaines, "The Origin and Growth of the Brazilian Network of Towns,” Geographical Review, XXVIII (July, 194h), pp. 379-399. /\ ' The primary $13,331: that in; .3! =gencan City - I1 e. nt- mo: until the sod-surfaced high} is introduction 0 its to a 'ninete anxious revolut :eiaages affect .225 of the city :5 relationship fits earlier re 11‘! and horse t: tester-both fun as: ten years . laments have 1 also are part 01 15:5 ';ersonalit‘ ("I 13 par‘hap 8 Vs. Q.‘ .3“, but thi me“ that he -14- The primary purpose of this study, however, is to show the impact that improved transportation facilities have had on a Mexican City. Only in the last thirty-five years has Tepic had rail connections with other parts of Mexico and it was not until the last decade that it was served by a national hard-surfaced highway, and even more recently by airlines. The introduction of twentieth century transportation facil- ities to a "nineteenth century" city has set into motion tremendous revolutionary social and economic forces in Tepic. The changes affect peOple in all walks of life and in all parts of the city, but perhaps more important has been the new relationship between the city and its environs. Instead of its earlier role as an overnight stopping place for the mule and horse trains between Guadalajara and the northwest, Tepic has now become a regional shopping and distribution center--both functions having essentially develOped in the last ten years. Furthermore, a few modern industrial estab- lishments have located in Tepic in the last six years which also are part of the revolution. The important point is that the "personality" of Tepic is changing rapidly. Again the city is perhaps more typical than unique in Mexico in this regard, but this study aspires to describe and analyze the changes that have occurred which are making Tepic a "modern city.” ' Perhaps future studies will either substantiate or refute the author's claim that Tepic is somewhat typical of the Mexican urban scene. This is really of no great academdc concern. But another purpose that this research may serve is siemmate to ul 222131053 and Sta -__--.33tates to tj ,, use associati atoms commonly sameness that ifferent from Ang I‘l‘oe gained stu Wu directly eluted States. :‘a'. geographers {reign areas, th that will res fitbut in its The write Muscat, 196 :z’oe {0110“ in: :IEI‘I'iel durin :Eflr‘fi a la: “*3? sits th elite and uh: :25 “her 1e; L2 ‘- -5- to demonstrate to urban geographers the hazards in applying the methods and standards used in urban field study in the united States to the Mexican city. Different land uses and land use associations are present which do not adhere to the patterns commonly found in the United States. There must be an awareness that Latin America as a cultural region is quite different from Anglo America. Little fundamental knowledge will be gained studying cities elsewhere in the world by applying directly the techniques of the urban geographers in the united States. The city is a cultural phenomenon. As urban geographers of this country extend their research to foreign areas, they must be prepared to modify or adopt meth- ods that will reveal the city, not only in its physical set- ting, but in its cultural setting as well. The writer established residence in Tepic, Nayarit from August, 1960 to January, 1961. Most of the information in the following pages was gained through observation and interview during that time. The first three weeks were Spent in making a land use survey which served to help acquaint the author with the city, but which was later found to be inad- equate and unreliable. As familiarity with the city increased the writer learned to better recognize land use types, and it was realized that another survey was necessary. In Novem- ber an inventory of every city block was made and the number and type of each establishment recorded (this data appears in tabular form in the Appendix). During both of these sur- veys, many informal interviews were conducted with children playing in the streets, operators of small stores, street w; rmwi-vwza. A r .2135, and any :3.” numerous gastrial and 8 Not all C :tie citl'o 55 2:12: and villa :zerland and t wreie;endent L‘ 7.31:. was made t alias longer t his: City to L: fixation that That Tepi é: he no questi 53%, however, Itilhich compa 3'“ h°§ed that 3312135 A “rare: 2.. It»: .hk‘c. There -5- vendors, and anyone else that could be engaged in conversa- tion. Numerous formal interviews were also scheduled with industrial and governmental officials. Not all of the writer's time studying Tepic was spent in the city. Several one-day excursions were made to other cities and villages of Nayarit to become familiar with Tepic's hinterland and the extent that various parts of the state were dependent upon establishments in Tepic. One five day visit was made to an Indian village in the mountains, as well as longer trips of one week each to Guadalajara and Mexico City to use libraries and to contact agencies for information that was not available in Tepic. That Tepic is in a period of tremendous change there can be no question. The writer was handicapped in his re- search, however, by theilack of adequate previous studies with which comparisons could be made for measuring change. It is heped that this dissertation will be useful in estab- lishing a reference point and for encouraging other studies of Tepic. There are several topics which could be advanta- geously purSued in the future. Employment data are wanting for Tepic. An effort could be made to determine more exactly the occupational structure of the city that might either sup- port or challenge the writer's conclusion that the retail trade function is basic to Tepic. Consideration might also be given to measuring the functions and trade areas of the six largest cities of Nayarit in an effort to determine the extent to which they overlap with that of Tepic. Finally, it would perhaps prove rewarding to focus attention on Just one :3:‘:e numerous 5L garter 31181?“ :50: the citY: :zyof employment firs: serious stuc zazed as an indi: :Ioiepic. It : dose in helping stain Mexico, ' tile. The focus {:5 :haracter an thing and hist iiifiied by 3 d1 31;: of the cit}, 331m. Study 0: 2“" and am lysis hall the cone: in: Element or I I. the past an1< weed: intern I?“ tie: n changing E" a ndissertati I £3221. C shy or the. 1..., ' w“Ice t O Ur -7- of the numerous subjects discussed by the writer, such as the rural-urban migration, the industrial or retail trade func— tion of the city, or to analyze more thoroughly the seasonal- ity of employment and its ramifications. Since this is the first serious study of Tepic by a geographer, it is not pre- sented as an indisputable and final work on the Mexican city or on Tepic. It is a beginning, however, and if it can be of use in helping to understand something of the urban geog- raphy in Mexico, the writer will feel that it has been worth- while. The focus throughout this dissertation is on the chan- ging character and function of Tepic. It begins with the founding and historic role of the city. This theme is then amplified by a discussion of the new transportation relation- ships of the city and its recent growth in both area and papu- lation. Study of the problem is then continued with a descrip- tion and analysis of the land use patterns within the city. Finally the conclusion is reached that the single most impor- tant element of change, that is causing the city to break with the past and which is producing a "new" city, is the hard- surfaced, international highway. Little did the peOple of Tepic realize ten years ago the impact that this road would have in changing their city, their lives, and their outlook. This dissertation purports to evaluate aSpects of the urban geography of this city and to indicate their fundamental importance to understanding dynamic change of Mexican urban areas. Tepic is a Listed in Hesterr ihmtlén (Fig. :ieyarituone c: an elevation I site or. both 311 32-11) in the nor 3* Sit? and vall taidental, aboutI 32:1: is overlook {elasetion 7,250 35-”.‘o Sanganguey lists, all of ' The city ‘4. .wgzmnc e to the CHAPTER II THE SETTING OF TEPIC Tepic is a city of a little more than 50,000 people, located in western Mexico about midway between Guadalajara and Mazatlan (Figure 2). It is the capital and largest city in Nayarit--one of the smaller states of Mexico. The city has an elevation of 3,000 feet above sea level and occupies a site on both sides of the Rio Mololoa (often called Rio de Tepic) in the northwestern margin of the Matatipac Valley. The city and valley are in the foothills of the Sierra Madre Occidental, about twenty miles inland from the Pacific Ocean. Tepic is overlooked on the south by the Cerro de San Juan (elevation 7,250 feet), on the east by the extinct volcano Cerro Sanganguey (elevation 7,050 feet) and hills of varying heights, all of which rim the valley. The city of Tepic has a transitional location with reference to the entire state of Nayarit. To the north, north- east, and east is the great Sierra Madre Occidental, which because of its rugged terrain has been a formidable barrier to east-west transportation throughout all Mexican History. The mountainous region is generally cooler and drier than the Matatipac Valley, and is very sparsely settled. Its inhab- itants, many of whom are Indians, are poverty ridden subsis- . ~8- 3:531'3391'3 who there a few W5 min almost com; 2:53.13 to three :xnercial con going riding a 33;: or travel 75.113. This enti :evelogment and r 53535110, social Emit. T0 the vest in kdre Occi in coastal p12 9‘93: local Pen. anion. and d1: :35 scrub “OOdl; meninges, bu 12:. 3°31? begi We °°°nomy . l li‘TI. .. a. cum: beans m “Hays and I if}: ‘ nut and E In. by tl‘oric . I » £35.13 t0 ha ul 3 0 “37 ondiI. he 1’16ch :E -9- tense farmers who raise cattle, corn, beans and squash. There are a few widely scattered villages, most of which remain almost completely isolated. There are no roads or railroads and except for air service that has been instituted recently to three of these villages, the only means of social or commercial contact with other places has been by foot or by using riding and pack animals. Distances are measured in days of travel and many people are five or more days from Tepic. This entire mountainous region suffers from lack of deve10pment and remains largely outside of the effective economic, social and political organization of the state of Nayarit. To thewest and southwest of Tepic foothills of the Sierra Hadre Occidental extend almost to the sea coast, leav- ing a coastal plain less than ten miles wide. This region has great local relief, the climate is warm and humid in the sum- mer, warm and dry in the winter, and the vegetation is that of a scrub woodland. There are now a few roads that connect the villages, but this area has long suffered from isolation and is Just beginning to show signs of participation in the state economy.1 Farming is the dominant economic activity with corn, beans and bananas occupying small plots in the nar— row valleys and on the hillsides. There is also gathering of wild fruit and wood. Parts of the region have contact with Tepic by trapicals (third-class busses), and trucks are now used to haul some of the products of farm and forests, espe- 1Conditions described in the present tense are those of the field work period August, 1960 to January, 1961. ..... 32:2 subsistence ...on. To the nor‘W :3: of Nayarit . szeztly emerged « ’I‘“ L168 in w: . ”.2523. The syste " -'1 part of the 351011 DE'CHOII‘.‘ "“ .5 higher ir- -10- cially bananas, to market in Tepic or more distant places. Much of the area still suffers from isolation however, so that a subsistence economy prevails for a large part of the population. _ To the northwest of Tepic lies the agricultural heart- land of nayarit. The northern half of coastal Nayarit is a recently emerged coastal plain that varies from.fifteen to forty miles in width. Here are several cities and many vil- lages. The system of roads that connect them makes this the only part of the state that enjoys anything approaching a trans- portation network. The living standard, of the rural popula- tion is higher in this region than any other rural area in Nayarit. Farming is dominant with emphasis on commercial agriculture. The use of modern farming machinery and tech- niques is: relatively common as compared to other parts of the state and much of the nation. Corn and beans are produced in commercial quantities, as are also cotton and tobacco.1 Both the latter craps are marketed and processed locally and then shipped to other regions of the state for further processing. or the eight largest cities in Nayarit, five are in this coast- al plain. The region has suffered much less from isolation than those mentioned above, due in part to its low relief and in part to the old colonial road northwest from Guadalajara that crossed this area on its way towards California. The real development however, has come to the coastal plain in the last few decades since modern transportation facilities have 1This is the most important tobacco growing region of Mexico. 353383 11; With so the soot raglan in which is: use through the :eiutral Plates 2:2 is dominant , its: and sugar c citing the prij 3:31 importance : 12° toward the d the oldest cit aTish times, 1: angina places 3 trees. Guada la is mined Elative -11- connected it with Tepic and more distant markets. To the south and southeast of Tepic extends a volcanic region in which is located the most easily negotiated land route through the Sierra Madre Occidental, to Guadalajara and the Central Plateau. It is a mountainous area where agricul— ture is dominant, with corn and beans grown on the steeper slepes and sugar cane occupying the better, more level land and being the principal crop.‘ Tobacco is, however, of some local importance and maguey gains significance relative to cane toward the drier, southeastern margin of the state. Some of the oldest cities of Nayarit are in this area, dating from Spanish times. Formerly they served as important overnight stopping places and provisioning centers along the route between Guadalajara and Tepic. Even so, much of the area has remained relatively isolated--a condition which is now being gradually overcome. Thus Tepic, somewhat centrally located in the state of Nayarit, is surrounded by regions of greatly different climate and topography in different stages of economic devel- Opment, and inhabited by peeple living at “he variety of cul- tural levels. Because of its situation, the economic, social and political activity of the state has tended to focus on Tepic, either directly, or indirectly through intermediate foci which ultimately look to Tepic. The city is therefore more than merely a political capital; it is the regional cap- ital for the whole state of Nayarit. The relationship between Tepic and its hinterland will be demonstrated later by a dis- cussion of the city's external functions (Chapter III) as use: he major 1 hits region k mine Rio San: 'tezispacl ( igur :3 different cu; sass two in the stably culture. has sedentary J an: a variety 0 ”d Peppers ) , they} It has \ 1cm 0. =23?! Front is glans or ._.-;°' a mark nfgffn‘Iely t .386 V311 in .de1 R: e -12- well as by a description and an analysis of its internal land use patterns (Chapter V). The Historical Setting_ Little is known about early settlement in the Matatipac valley. In the pre-conquest period the area was situated be- tween two maJor Indian Groups. One, to the northwest, occu- pied the region known as Aztatlén, extending along the coast from the Rio Santiago to Central Sinaloa, with its center at Sentispac1 (Figure 2). To the southeast, another advanced, but different culture was centered at Ixtlan del Rio. Between these two in the Matatipac valley lived a tribe of Indians, probably culturally related to those of Ixtlan del Rio.2 This was a sedentary agricultural society that cultivated and gath- ered a variety of products, including maize, beans, chiles (red peppers), cacao, tobacco, rubber, cotton, vanilla, and honey.3 It has been estimated that the valley contained 1Carl 0. Sauer and Donald Brand, Aztatlan: Prehistoric American Frontier on the Pacific Coast (Berkeley: University of Cilifornia Press, I932),pp. 445} Qnany of the artifacts discovered in the Matati ac val- ley show a marked resemblance to those of Ixtlan del o. unfortunately there has been no archaeological work done in the Matatipac valley and only preliminary work in the region of Ixtlan del Rio. 0n the basis of this preliminary work though, it has been theorized that the Ixtlan culture may have been the most advanced Indian culture of Mexico prio to the conquest. E. W. Gifford, "Surface Archaeology of Ixtlan del Rio, Nayarit," Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology, XLIII (1950), pp. 183-302. 3Ignacio Ramirez Lopez, A untes Historicos del Estado de Nayarit (Tepic, Nayarit: Imprenta Ruiz, I§H2), pp. 13-15, 52:: 5,000 inhab LEI-3.1 The first as: led by Franc: a“EPUIt-‘ose of tr iii-'91 Spanish t Limerienced sezzlelentg Were :23: left Kenco 2235’ Who Was -13- about h,000 inhabitants just prior to contact by the Span- iards.1 The first Spanish expedition into Northwestern Mexico was led by Francisco Cortes de San Buenaventura in 15214.2 The purpose of the expedition was to explore the newly ac- quired Spanish territory. It reached as far north as Tepic and experienced friendly relations with the Indians, but no settlements were founded.3 The next expedition into the north- west left Hexico City in 1529 under the direction of Nufio de Guzman, who was then president of the audiencia (or highest court) of New Spain. Its objective was clearly one of con- quest. Nufio burned and destroyed entire villages along his route, thus creating antagonisms which made subsequent attempts to pacify the Indians very difficult. He passed through Tepic in 1530, continued on to the north, and then came back to, Tepic where he remained three weeks preparing for his return to lexico City." The productive and populated Matatipac val- ley so impressed Nufio as a favorable site for a Spanish settle- ment that in Hay, 1530 he left a small garrison in Tepic when he departed for.nexico City.5 Four years later he came back, 1Everardo Pefia Navarro, Estudio Historicos del Estado de Nayarit (Guadalajara: Editorial Grafica, 19167, p. 83. 280me historians list the date as either 1526 or 1527. Ibid., p. 21. 3Ramirez Lépez, op. cit., p. 21. “Ibid., pp. 26-28. 5It is not entirely certain that Nufio de Guzman founded the city of Tepic in 1530. Some historians claim that it was actually Compostela. This confusion is perhaps eXplained by £53.91 for nor: passion of l allege. no facto: ai‘sxvival of ' esz. The first :search of the seal months w :23: left in Ha as sale objecti his, Lodians t taste last la r3: the result i3e‘ the Com J -114- remained for more than a year, devoting his attention to the construction of a church, houses and fortifications in the village. Two factors seem important in the early establishment and survival of Tepic. One was the function it performed as a supply center for the Spanish expeditions into the north- west. The first of these was led by Francisco Vasquez Coronado in search of the famed, though elusive "Seven Cities of Cibola." Several months were spent in Tepic assembling this expedition . which left in March, 15140.1 Other expeditions followed with the same objective, as well as some sent out in search of min- erals, Indians to conquer, and new lands to be settled. Per- haps the last large expedition to leave from Tepic was in 1723, with the result that the Spaniards finally succeeded in sub- duing the Cora Indians in northeastern Nayarit.2 As a conse- quence of Tepic's use as an expedition base for almost two hundred years, agriculture was emphasized in the Matatipac val- ley. The raising of cattle, horses and mules, as well as food craps, was particularly important. The performance of this first function did not bring much wealth, or many peOple to the fact that the settlement where Tepic is now located was first called Compostela, and it became the capital of the prov— ince of Nueva Galicia in 1535. The settlement was then moved to the present site of Compostela in lShO, retaining its name and administrative function. The village that subsequently develOped on the old site was then called Tepique (later re- named Tepic) after the name of the Indians who inhabited the latatipac valley. See Pena Navarro, op. cit., pp. 126-127, p. 137, and pp. 171-173. 11bid.. pp. 171-172. 2Ibid., p. 269. 351:: miles 3! as considered 331122131 63231 as San Blas .2 tree-s the capit situation" f :3 capital of :: Gaiala j a ra .31": for Nueva 393% vell est stars that Sa -15- Tepic, but it was vital to the plans of the Spanish and in- sured the survival of the village. The second function which Tepic served develOped con- currently with the first. In 1540, after the Coronado expedi- tion left on its march north, there were Indian uprisings against the Spanish at Tepic and part of the settlement moved twenty miles south to the present city of Compostela, which was considered more easily defended and a safer place for the provincial capital.1 The principal seaport for Nueva Galicia was San Blas.2 Tepic was midway along the natural route be- tween the capital and its seaport and became an important “way station” for the caravans between the two. Even after the capital of Nueva Galicia was transferred from Compostela to Guadalajara in 1560, San Blas continued to serve as the main port for Nueva Galicia.3 Both the port and the overland route became well established and it was not until the nineteenth century that San Blas lost this function.“ Its location on 11hid., p. 173. 2The province of Nueva Galicia included the present Iexican states of Jalisco, Nayarit, Aguascalientes, Zacatecas, and part of San Luis Potosi. 3Ramirez Lépez, op. cit., p. 3“. “San Blas was at its height about 1767-68 when its pop- ulation was estimated to be 20,000 to 30,000. It was consid- erably larger than either Tepic or Compostela. .The growth of San Blas was due to the establishment there of naval and ship- building yards and a fort, in addition to its port function in the trade with the Orient. Spain abandoned the port in 1770, however, and by 1800, Tepic had overtaken San Blas as the principal city of Nayarit. Ibid., pp. 73-78 and.Marcial Gutierrez Camarena, San Blas2y las Californias (Mexico City: Editorial Jus., 1956), p. 10 . -7 , g: easiest route pz'iad been use aimed to be I one it would nc Ii‘able 1 fl Year # 1330 (Indians 1770 title 1). Elm lentipac Val 13:8 had bean 22:41.3, and :3“ 8States “EEG Ont c -16- the easiest route from San Blas into the highlands, a route that had been used during the pre-conquest period, and has continued to be used to the present time, gave Tepic an impor- tance it would not otherwise have had.1 Table l.-Population estimates of Tepic* A ear P0pu a on 1530 (Indians) ‘ 4,000 1770 3,000 1843 8,63“ 1878 1a,ooo *Xavier Leyva Ortega, Antgproyecto del Plano Regulador de la CiudadAde Tepic, Nayarit. Tesla r0 esslonal, Secretaria de Edication Publica, Escuela de Ingenieria Municipal (Mexico City: pri- vately published and undated, circa 1956), p, 5. Tepic grew slowly during its first three hundred years (Table l). Emphasis was on producing food and animals in the Matatipac valley which were marketed in Tepic. Though suguI cane had been introduced from Michoacén in the seventeenth century, and this led to the establishment of some agricul- tural estates, sugar mills were small and little sugar was shipped out of the valley.2 It was not until Spanish rule ended that economic bonds were loosened and Tepic began to 1J. H. Parry, The Audiencia of New Galicia in the Six- teenth Century_(Cambridge: Cambridge UhiversityPress, 19fl8), pp. 16418. . 2Farnando B. Sandoval, La Industria del Azficar enpNueva Es afla (Mexico City: Tallers de la Editorial Jus., 1951), p.g8. _ patience its 1‘ rile of independ 53.1117 and redo that an import ‘13: cotton tex; serum was 0 tegosits worthy legit never came tige and the 1m; ities of Hexim The admit any the 133: .3231 (gangequef1 at“ in 178.5 asapfieared am 21:53 fluent 35133.3 In 1 emissary dis :Ip -17- experience its first large growth in population. From the time of independence in 1821 until 1878, the population grew rapidly and reached 12,000. During this time tobacco had become an important cash crop in the environs of Tepic, a large cotton textile mill began operation, and a new, modern sugar mill was Opened in the city.1 The area lacked mineral deposits worthy of serious exploitation, however, and thus Tepic never came to enjoy the boom of prosperity, the pres- tige and the importance, even temporary, of many of the other cities of Mexico.2 The administrative function which Tepic has had for nearly the last one hundred years has also contributed to its local consequence. The political organization of Mexico was changed in 1786. At that time the province of Nueva Galicia disappeared and Guadalajara was given the territory included in the present states of Jalisco, Nayarit, Aguascalientes and Colima.3 In 1867 the area that is now Nayarit was declared a military district with Tepic as its capital. From 1884 to 1917 the area was separate from Jalisco and known as the Ter- ritory of Tepic, again with Tepic as the capital. In 1917 this territory became the state of Nayarit and Tepic continued as the capital. This long history of Tepic's political function ‘ v v ‘ a v v o - . .— - '. l 4 o a a I . a I — a .0 ......... 1Ramirez Lépez, 0p. cit., p. 87. 2There are many reports that indicate the mineral wealth of flayarit to be substantial. An example is one by Manuel Munoz Immbier "La Mineria en Nayarit,“ Boletin de Minas y Petroleo (Mexico), Tomo 1“, Num. 3 (Marzo de1933), pp. 7213. Hewever, in 1960 there were no significant mining Operations in the state. 3Ram1rez L6pez, op. cit., p. 38. \__/ is served to a‘ :; establish it 2:25: of the E Tepic, : seam and “q :22 of the twe 31?, during 1 are destruct O‘ 2:. Kayarlt L. from some i] 1920 than it, :1: was no The 1. h: 11 phEIl i3 ‘ith map is: Pa112'02 33131333“ ”’13 in th ~18- haa served to attract people and businesses to the city and to establish it as the economic, as well as the political center of the state of Nayarit. Tepic, never-the-less, remained an isolated, virtually unknown and "quaint” colonial-style city until almost the mid- dle of the twentieth century. The Mexican Revolution of 1910- 1917, during which Tepic was the scene of several battles that were destructive to life and property, brought political change to Nayarit but no great social change.1 Although the city had grown some in p0pulation, life there was little different in 1920 than it had been one or two hundred years before. But, this was no longer true in 1960! ‘ The Revolution for Tepic has been largely a post World war II phenomenon. The two factors that have had the most to do with making the great changes possible were the coming of the railroad in 1928 and the completion of the highway from Guadalajara to Tepic, Mazatlén, and on north to Nogales, Ari- zona in the early 1950's. Tepic was thereby “opened” to tie rest of the country and the world. During the decade of the 1950's both foreign and domestic industries located in Tepic, the population more than doubled, streets were widened and public services were extended. Within a few years, Tepic was largely transformed from a small picturesque city with a colo- 1This is not to be confused with the revolution against Spain that began in 1810 and from which Mexico emerged an inde- pendent country in 1821. The date 1910 marks the beginning of tremendous social, political and economic change which is refer- red to in Mexico as the Revolution. The military phases of this period had largEIy ended by 1917, but the other ramifica- tions of the Revolution were still in progress in 1960. 13'; amoephe re , fissodern urbat tugs social an sisteristics Etievolution 1". 1:1: by 1960 ar. pater change i The nata‘ Sitar the Vols: :3 only forty‘s strain which 1 1:1: one Of a lgara to Tepic The flOC :35: alluvial 5 sezeral feet . tel" ~id Smase: -19- nial atmosphere, to one that has many of the characteristics of a modern urban center elsewhere in the Western World. Al- though social and economic changes have been rapid, colonial characteristics and customs have not completely disappeared. The Revolution had, however, secured a strong foothold in Tepic by 1960 and it can be expected to continue to bring even greater change in the near future. The Natural Setting» The Matatipac valley is just within the northern mar- gin of the volcanic region of Western Mexico.1 It has an area of only forty-six square miles and is surrounded by rugged terrain which includes mountains, valleys, volcanoes and hills.2 It is one of a series of small valleys that extend from Guada- lajara to Tepic. The floor of the Matatipac Valley is covered with a dark alluvial soil that varies in depth from a few inches to several feet. Most of the land is used for grazing of animals on wild grasses and for the production of sugar cane. That occupied by cane requires large applications of nitrogen fer- tilizer to maintain its fertility. Below the top alluvial soil, there is a layer of white pumice that extends to a depth 1The Rio Santiago marks the division between the region of great volcanic relief and highland coast to the south, and the lowland coast with no volcanic relief to the north. Sauer and Brand, op. cit., p. 7. 2The coastal plains and interior valleys of Nayarit occupy less than twenty per cent of the total area of the state. Juan a. Parkinson, Geo rafia del Estado de Nayarit (Mexico City: Ediciones de El Nacio ,1951), p. 19. 33pm than the! .315 used as a ti. There or! :evalley £100 :2 any of Te; The Rio '1: left bank, _:ied by the ol ally to the I or of which fee: wide. T‘: ind on the h dramas has ”511 portl 01 “5 annexgd . enveloped, 2337 area . The p -20- or more than twenty feet. This is mined in several small pits and is used as an ingredient in making mortar for construction work. There are also a few low pumice hills that rise above the valley floor, one or which was recently incorporated into the city of Tepic. The Rio Mololoa divides Tepic unequally into two parts. The left bank, or that on the south side of the river, is occu- pied by the oldest and largest part of the city. Sloping grad- ually to the river, it is crossed by several barrancas (gullies), some of which are as much as forty feet deep and one-hundred feet wide. These frequently interrupt the city street pattern. Iand on the north side of the river rises more abruptly. No barrsncas have developed, however, since this comprises only a small portion of the valley drainage pattern. The right bank was annexed to the city only fifteen years ago, is still largely undeveloped, and contains only about one-seventh of the total city area. The Matatipac Valley is located in a tropical savanna climatic region (Kappen Aw).l It has a short wet season from June through September, during which time eighty-four per cent of the annual precipitation of h7.l inches is received, fol- lowed by an eight month dry season. It has an average annual temperature of 69.60 F. with an annual range of about 12° F. between the warm and cold month averages of 7h.7° F. and 62.90 F. (Table 2). The minimum temperature on record is 35.4° and the 1Jorge Lu Tamayo, Atlas Geo rafico General de Héxico_ (Mexico City: ’Tallers Gr cos e a ac on, 9), Plate 8. -21.. Table 2.-Climatic data for Tepic, Nayarits Month (Eggggzsug?) jinghgs) agino Hfimidit; January 62.9 1.2 0-5 more than 80% February 63.2 0.8 0-5 70—80% March 65.5 0.0 0-5 60-70% April 69.3 0.0 0 60—70% nay 70.7 0.1 0-5 60-70% June 74.7 6.7 10-15 70-80% July 7h.3 13.5 20-25 more than 80% August 7M.3 11.3 20-25 more than 80% September 7h.3 8.0 15-20 more than 80% October 73." 3.0 5-10 70-80% November 68.“ 0.4 0-5 70-80% December 6“.“ 2.1 0-5 70-80% Yearly Average 69.6 h7.1 90-120 70-80% *Secretaria de Agricultura y Formento, Direcci6n de Geografia, Meteorologia, a Hidrologia, Atlas Climatolé ico de Mexico (yexico City: Taller de ZincograTIa deI Eepart- mento Geografico, 1939), pp. 7, 10, h6-63. m is 102° near; the w taxation of 3, sense tempera 522 latitude . ties), howeve1 attest of th! 2172 humidity ; Accurat ten mislead:L nriations frc :eived more '5’: 1:4? half of 1 1“New f. 1122 normally . milet 80 t 311's e aVerag i=5“ .. weal char] ’I‘m— -22- maximum is 102° F.1 Tepic stands about on the boundary be- tween the tierra caliente and the tierra templada.2 Its elevation of 3,000 feet gives the city a significantly lower average temperature than that of a coastal station at the same latitude. Tepic is near enough to the ocean (twenty miles), however, to remain under the influence of maritime air most of the year. Even during the dry season, the rela- tive humidity remains high. Accurate though they may be, climatic averages are often misleading with regard to daily weather and to climatic variations from one year to another. During 1958 Tepic re- ceived more than twice its normal rainfall, but in 195M got only half of this average.3 In 1960 the rainy season did not develop fully and Tepic had a relatively dry summer, but the normally dry months of November and December were unusu- ally wet so that the total precipitation about equaled the annual average. various economic activities are geared to seasonal change, and there is considerable hardship in Tepic when weather greatly deviates from the average. A rainy winter in the Matatipac valley, for example, causes costly interruptions to work planned for the dry season. The sugar 1Secretaria de Agricultura y Formento, Direcci6n de Geograffa, Meteorologia, e Hidrologia, Atlas Climatol6 ico de Mexico (gexico City: Taller de ZincograTIa del Depart- mento Geografico, 1939), pp. 7-10. 2Preston E. James, Latin America (Third Edition; New Yerk: Edyssey Press, 1959), pp. 80-81 and 599. 3Secretaria de Industria y Comercio Direccién General de Estadistica, Compendio Estadistico, 1958 (Mexico City: Talleres Graficos de la Nacion, 1959), p. 29. this i! 1020 35215119 we??? elevation °f 3’0 5153338 tempemt sue latitude. [195), however» airtest M the tieebzmidity I" Accurate ten 115163cur variations “‘0‘ 21121 “we th 211‘: mi of t -22- maximum is 102° F.1 Tepic stands about on the boundary be- tween the tierra caliente and the tierra templada.2 Its elevation of 3,000 feet gives the city a significantly lower average temperature than that of a coastal station at the same latitude. Tepic is near enough to the ocean (twenty miles), however, to remain under the influence of maritime air most of the year. Even during the dry season, the rela- tive humidity remains high. Accurate though they may be, climatic averages are often misleading with regard to daily weather and to climatic variations from one year to another. During 1958 Tepic re- ceived more than twice its normal rainfall, but in 195“ got only half of this average.3 In 1960 the rainy season did not develop fully and Tepic had a relatively dry summer, but the normally dry months of November and December were unusu- ally wet so that the total precipitation about equaled the annual average. Various economic activities are geared to seasonal change, and there is considerable hardship in Tepic when weather greatly deviates from the average. A rainy winter in the Hatatipac valley, for example, causes costly interruptions to work planned for the dry season. The sugar 1Secretaria de Agricultura y Formento, Direccién de Geograffa, Meteorologia, e Hidrologia, Atlas Climatolb ico de Mexico (Nexico City: Taller de ZincografIa deI Depart- mento Geografico, 1939), pp. 7-10. 2Preston E. James, Latin America (Third Edition; New York: Ddyssey Press, 1959), pp. 80-81 and 599. 3Secretaria de Industria y Comercio Direcci6n General de Estadistica, Compendio Estadistico, 1958 (Mexico City: Talleres Graficos de la Nacion, 1959), p. 29. geihrvest i err-action 2 Large 4 233:5use ha :z-eiistent are among th :3 rto the treatises do .. rain (es; :weccoler were call essential to the ha 30: Anot? 'L‘Vsns \c-‘un * ' “Vs b 0‘ «L -23- cane harvest is delayed, there is damage to road repair and constructionactivities, and corn in storage begins to mold. Large deviations of temperature from the "normal" also cause hardships. Homes with heating facilities are non-existent among lower and middle-class families, and are rare among the upper-class. Yet night temperatures frequently dip into the forties during the winter and daytime temperatures sometimes do not rise above sixty degrees. Cloudy weather and rain (especially in December and January) often accompany these cooler periods that may last for several days at a time and are called cabafiueles. Blankets and warm clothes are essential to comfort, yet they are not sufficiently available to the majority of the population of Tepic. Another psuedo-climatic factor worthy of mention is smoke. The sugar cane harvest in the Matatipac valley usually begins in late December or early January. Immediately prior to cutting, the cane fields are burned. This lowers the water content of the cane and makes cutting easier because the leaves are burned from the stalks. But, it also produces great clouds of smoke that darken the sky and large amounts of ash that settles in the city. This usually continues until about April or lay. Conclusion In 1960 Tepic was a city with a physical and histori- cal heritage that has been significant in producing its pre- sent character. It has been favored by a location in a small, productive valley along the natural land route through the attains NW9 3:: it is these miefornost ' setzleuent that halal change 1‘ em, the lande h’ opportunity fled from the tenth century, 33,1111960 Te :1: break 1: h titted in the 1' ht the change: an '0! little 1 “We? the hem as rec l! : fill city w 5:15 1’ Changil w ilelation. -zu- mountains between the central and northwestern parts of Mexico. Yet it is these same mountains that have effectively isolated Tepic for most of its history. In addition, Tepic has been a settlement that has successfully resisted practically all social change for most of its history. Social class conscious- ness, the landed aristocracy, the landless peasants, the lack of opportunity for the masses, etc., all of which were inher- ited from the Spanish and were present in Tepic in the six- teenth century, continued well on into the twentieth century. But, in 1960 Tepic was breaking with the past. To be sure, this break is not yet complete. The Spanish influence men- tioned in the previous chapter is still very much in evidence, but the changes have been so great and so rapid that there can be little doubt that the trend will continue. Tepic is no longer the quaint colonial city that it was in 1800, 1900, or even as recently as 1930. Instead, it has become a modern lexican city with a progressive outlook, functioning within a rapidly changing cultural framework produced by the destruction of isolation. Tepic is Emit. It is railroad, truck :zlitical capit 2351223 and war salable here this the r. The big] $31960 m no. Ergely aChiev 33d '33 Closel 211m facillt W’f-H .-.'aw‘on’ and tried in dire 11131“ a CHAPTER III EXTERNAL RELATIONS 0F TEPIC Tepic is the ranking central place in the state of Nayarit. It is also unique in the state as the most important railroad, trucking, manufacturing, and market center, and the political capital. Numerous distribution agencies have state offices and warehouses in Tepic and many specialized services available here are to be found in no other place in the state. Tepic is the focal center of all Nayarit. The high degree of focality that Tepic had achieved by 1960 was not of long standing, however, for it had been largely achieved in the fifteen years following werld war II and was closely related to concurrent expansion of transpore tation facilities in the state.1 Because the economic growth of Nayarit and Tepic has been so intimately tied to trans- portation, and because Tepic's external relations have ex- panded in direct ratio to the extension of transportation facilities, a brief summary of the develOpment of the trans- 1'repic would probably qualify as a fourth-order center in Mexico with Guadalajara, Monterrey and Puebla as fifth- order centers and Mexico City as the only sixth-order center. For a discussion of this system of hierarchical ranking of central places see Allen K. Philbrick, "Principles of Areal Functional Organization in Regional Human Geography," Economic Geographyz XXXIII (October, 1957), pp. 299-336. .-25- pinion PM“ stscussion of 3,1 has llth rehab rill as with 1110‘] In the 1 station facil .‘eueuork of Me were once isola‘ tenements tha‘ zerest city a: a. in 19115 ca 539 3°“ and all a ‘rl ' -25- portation pattern is in order. This will be followed by a discussion of some of the economic relations that Tepic now has with the area immediately surrounding the city, as well as with more distant parts of the state and nation. Transportation In the 19H5-1960 period, public and private trans- portation facilities became vital in the social and economic framework of Mexican society. Many farms and villages that were once isolated are now either on or near bus routes; settlements that only a few years ago were days from the nearest city are now only hours or minutes away. Products that in 1945 came to market on the backs of men or animals are more and more being transported in large, heavy-duty trucks or by rail. The former modes of transportation have not disappeared entirely, but the invasion or modern trans- portation technology has of itself set into motion a tremen- dous revolutionary force contributing to the social and economic transformation of Tepic, which began early in the twentieth century, but which was far from ended in 1960. The market, service, and supply areas of the hinterland have ' expanded many fold and the large-scale movement of peOple and products, into and out of Tepic, has become a commonplace.1 llt should not be inferred that Tepic is peculiar in this regard in Mexico, but instead somewhat typical of most cities. The writer feels, however, that few cities show this as strikingly as those in northwestern lexico. modern 2::er receni 25:33" the S: Ezezes gained kgzles, Ariz: him. Cons :nssed the 5' :hebanks of ‘ Pei: in 1912 :srt'niest. B the east a :arth was She Eflhiest had theme in I .314 by the I final-q abamj Embed '83 v -27- The Railroad Hodern transportation facilities have been of rel- atively recent origin in Nayarit. Late in the nineteenth century the Southern Pacific Railroad Company of the United States gained the concession to build a railroad south from Nogales, Arizona, along the west coast of Mexico, to Guada- lajara. Construction was slow, but by 1910 the line had crossed the states of Sonora and Sinaloa and had reached the banks of the Rio Santiago in Nayarit. The line reached Tepic in 1912 and thus ended the city's isolation from the northwest. But, it was still isolated from all of Mexico to the east and south. Moreover, its rail service to the north was shortlived. Though traffic between Tepic and the northwest had become regular and had shown considerable increase in freight loadings, services were interrupted in 1914 by the revolution and damage was so great that the company abandoned the line completely. Subsequently, the roadbed was washed away and bridges were burned. It was not until 1919 that rebuilding began. This was finally completed in 1922, placing Tepic once again in contact with the north- west.1 Since then service to the northwest has been regular except for a few brief periods when heavy rains caused damage to the roadbed. Tepic still remained relatively isolated from the rest of lexico, however, other than the northwest. Horses and mules 1Everardo Pena Navarro, Estudio Hisorico del Estado de * layerit de la Independencia a la Erecci3n en Estado (Guadala- ara: or a r ca, 1956}, p.393. nztinued to b 2.17% ms 53:33:10“ sine :15 more than 1323 the rail: timed t° be 0 i‘: 1138 nationa In 196C 21'5".“ each da 52.31: as well $1.21: 13 not a 52:: for these zeucco, Com’ serve: as 3 EC :zherpal'ts °f tig suppliers C sentry are th :it; of Hazatl he cities, 81'. a v ,m where files It thL' w Pram , etc Use: Since a“ comer z ave ,2 f'flme -28- continued to be used in carrying cargo between Tepic and Guada- lajara. This was a most difficult section for railroad con- struction since several large bridges and forty-four tunnels, some more than a kilometer long, were required, but finally in 1928 the railroad was completed to Guadalajara. The line con- tinued to be Operated by the Southern Pacific until 1953, when it was nationalized as the Ferrocarril del Pacifico.l In 1960 the Ferrocarril del Pacifico Operated twelve trains each day through Tepic-- four freights north and four south, as well as two passenger trains a day in each direction. Tepic is not an important source of either freight or passen- gers for these trains, although there is a certain amount of tobacco, corn, beans and bananas shipped from the city. Tepic serves as a more important market area for goods produced in other parts of the republic than as a supplier of goods.2 The big suppliers of railroad freight in the western part of the. country are the manufacturing city of Guadalajara and the port city of lazatlén. Tepic is located about midway between these two cities, and like them serves as a fueling station and as a point where railroad crews are changed, but unlike them, does not have repair or marshalling yards.3 1It thus was the last major foreign operated railroad in lexico. Frank Tannenbaum, nexico: The Stru Is for Peace and Bread (new York: Alfred A. KEOpf, 1950), p. 512. 2Interview with El Senor Vargas, Jefe de Ferrocarrils de Nayarit, October 6, 1960. 3Since nationalization of the railroad in 1953 there has been a concerted program of improvement for the line by the Hex- ican Government. Rolling stock has been replaced, all engines are now diesels, the roadbed has had considerable improvement, permitting the use of freight cars with a 140,000 pound capacity, and bridges have been replaced. highway tine state a: of the railroa: while it requ {33:11as).1 1911 and took :o be almost i 22:13 a full as 193 \II Tepic textual-type five introductj 1:811 had begu] ”alias req I an .‘v'a 91‘ than 1;; m. w-EPIands o “fibecause t ‘c the ecOrion €79! " emfiensi 453893 to t‘ -29- The Highways Highway development connecting Tepic with other places in the state and the nation has been mOre recent than that of the railroad. Before the era Of the railroad or the auto- mobile it required four days to go from Tepic to San Blas (30 miles).1 The first automobile to make this trip was in 1911 and took five hours.2 In 1923, however, it was reported to be almost impossible to negotiate the route by car and nearly a full day was required for the trip.3 As recently as 1945 Tepic still had the reputation of being an isolated colonialetype settlement, unspoiled by either tourists or the introduction of twentieth-century innovations. Construc- tion had begun on the highway to Guadalajara, but most of a day was required to make this journey. The road to the north was still not an all-weather route though somewhat better than the one to Guadalajara. Development Of the hinterlands of Tepic languished because of the poor roads and because the railroad had not been as great a stimulus to the economy as had been previously hoped. By 1945, how- ever, extensive road building programs were underway both to the north and south Of Tepic and these brought radical changes to the city during the decade of the 1950's. 1Gutierrez Camarena, Op. cit., p. 50. 2Pena Navarro, op. cit., pp. 488-489. 3Herbert Corey, ”Along the 01d Spanish Road in Mexico," The National Geographic.Magazine, XLIII (March, 1923), . pp e 236-237 e - . . p Mexico h with the t It“. is '1' 1 3mm Plateai use: is along fTollOEaleso ‘ £12103, into climbs int 1; follows the ging of the cmleted by 2 his not compile mooted hot} 253:. and sou 35-51188 EPOWS UTE distant, 3‘ 3)- By 1 Wed roads 3 viii-the? roads .‘oai's have pr iticular tre “‘55 Per ca; ,5 to; sjvo, the -30- Mexico has four national highways that connect Mexico City with the U.S.-Mexican border. Two of these are in the Central Plateau, one is along the eastern coast, and the other is along the western coast. The latter leads south from wogales, Arizona through the states of Sonora and Sinaloa, into the state of Nayarit where it leaves the coast and climbs into the Sierra Madre Occidental. In general, it follows the route of the Old Spanish road.li Although paving of the section between Mazatlan and Guadalajara was completed by 1950, the entire Guadalajara-Nogales highway was not completed until 1953.2 Since 1953 Tepic has been connected both by road and rail with distant points to the north and south, and as the number of trucks, busses and auto- mobiles grows, the economic and social influences Of these more distant regions will be felt increasingly in Tepic (Fig- ure 3). By 1958 Nayarit had about two hundred fifty miles or pavedroads and almost two hundred miles of other improved, all- weather roads, and more were being added each year.3 Better roads have provided the stimulus for a tremendous expansion of vehicular traffic in Nayarit. Though the number of automo- biles per capita is still low, it is growing rapidly (Table 3). In 1960, the most important population centers Of Nayarit were connected with Tepic by paved highway and many of the smaller 1Gutierrez Camarena, op. cit., p. 77. 2Confederacion de Camaras Nacionales de Comercio Directorio Nacional, 1957 (Mexico City: La Confederacion, ape e ‘ 3Secretaria de Industria y Comercio, Op. cit., pp. 305-6. table 3. -‘ Erioate Truck.- .hivate Autom Sate and Fed Govt. vehic East or Mule hath Wagons .Iotorcycles aLeyva bFrom iifil‘it, OCtO “1133638 were an Which Ber ’5 isolation r” “91‘ four -31- Table 3.-Vehic1es registered in Tepic and Nayarit Type of Municipioo ETCTepic State Of’ b Vehicle 19548 1958b Nayarit- -1958 Bicycles 2,186 2,699 6,891 Private Trucks 810 1,321 2,796 Private Automobiles 377 762 1,069 State and Federal Govt. vehicles 138 225 496 Horse or Mule Drawn wagons 53 46 376 motorcycles 15 25 42 aLeyva Ortega, ppp_pi§,, p. 45. bFrom Departmento de Transito Estata1,Tepic, Nayarit, October 17, 1960. Villages were on dirt roads that were passable in dry weather and which served as "feeders” to the paved roads. The period of isolation that had smothered economic development in Tepic for over four hundred years had ended and a great transforma- tion had over-taken the city. The Busses One cannot help but be amazed by the number and variety of busses, usually filled to capacity, that travel the high- ways Of Mexico. This is particularly true on the approaches to Tepic. In general, the busses are of three types--first class, second class, and third class (tropicals). First-class busses are large diesel, Greyhomd-type {moo -32- TRANSPORTATION RELATIONS OF TEWC o N To MAZATLAN _ O HUAZAMOTA ‘~ ACAPONETA SAN JUAN 0E PAYOTAN Q JESUS MARTA Q TuprN \SANTIAGO J“ 1" HUAJAMIC 0 SAN BLAS a. ‘ TEPIC / JALISCO ‘ SAN CAYETANO mum on Rio T0 GUADALAJARA VALLE o sawosaas. PLACES SERVED BY= FIRST CLASS BUS SECOND CLASS BUS FIRST B SECOND CLASS BUS THIRD CLASS BUS AIR PUER I’O VALLARTA OeODI -— PAVED ROADS ”'- OTHER ROADS 4—4- RAILROAD MILES a” I... Figure 3 3513183: USU: 2e cross-£2011J re reserved 1 bases travel he; travel t} who is go izies there a waiting r001 The se mil, aid-we have gasoline '91? comforta' iiszances. T five to fifty Kiln may be ‘4 travelers :14! PPOducts travel 0n bOt aCEO"; traVel .393: 1. h“ ““3 t0 one -33- vehicles, usually air conditioned, and little different from the cross-country busses used in the united States. All seats are reserved and there are usually two Operators. These busses travel only on the main, hard-surfaced highways, and they travel the length and breadth of the country. The service is good and schedules are maintained. In the larger cities there are modern terminal facilities which include a waiting room, restaurant, restrooms and ticket counter. The second-class vehicles might be compared to typical small, mid-western school bosses of the United States. They have gasoline engines, double seats, and are generally nOt very comfortable when ridden over rough roads or for long distances. These vehicles have a capacity Of from thirty- five to fifty people and have a luggage carrier on top in which may be seen a variety of containers used for carrying the travelers personal effects, as well as those for transpor- ting products and animals to market. The second-class busses travel on both the hard-surfaced and gravel roads, but usually do not travel great distances. Their function is to transport people between neighboring places and they usually radiate fifty to one hundred miles from their terminal. It is pos- sible to travel long distances by second-class bus, but fre- quent changes are necessary. The third-class busses serve still a different trans- portatiOn function. Their routes are more Often confined to the poorer gravel and dirt roads that connect the smaller rural villages and farms of the countryside with the larger {.1295 “Ch 8 can flat I bashes) wit} drain. T} asmodate 1 1:13 the th sands of rur ii :1 its, slats. Consi 21:3. Three :3, into, 01 311".- thirty: SET-it 13 ma; tho"eh the 5385183 eac flail? betwe “‘38 to ur -31.}- places such as Tepic. These busses are made from trucks with a flat rack, upon which are mounted long seats (or benches) with a canopy overhead for protection from the sun and rain. They have large luggage carriers on the rear that accommodate chickens, pigs, corn, beans, baskets, boxes, etc. It is the third-class bus that has made it possible for thou- sands of rural Mexicans tO have contact with nearby villages and cities, and indirectly with larger and more distant urban markets. Considering its size, Tepic is a busy bus-terminal city. Three companies Operate first-class busses either out of, into, or through the city, with thirty-six departures and thirty-six arrivals daily. For one of these companies, Tepic is mainly a rest-stOp for its twelve busses that pass through the city in each direction between Guadalajara and Nogales each day. Another company makes five round-trips daily between Tepic and Guadalajara, while the third company makes four round-trips daily between Tepic and Guadalajara, as well as one round-trip daily each to San Blas, to Santiago, and to Tuxpén, three other places of some consequence in Nayarit. All of the runs for the busses of these last two companies start and end in Tepic. There are also three companies that operate second- class busses out of Tepic. Together they account for thirty~ four arrivals daily. One of these lines Operates only be- tween Jalisco and Tepic (five miles) and makes twelve round- trips each day. A second company runs eleven busses daily between Tepic and the northwestern part of Nayarit, while (v :‘oethil‘d com; zethe south E There I Tater of arr 2123. They ar 5:: companies are accounted road-trips d vehicles make :15; at sevei well as the I 13.7 when the; secs along t] Rangers 3 Amid 38 W11 Thee 3‘3 . . ' Miner 33:: "9 pEDI-Ale Risa Th1! N f3 ta :5? e “n 0f '.' ‘01” a R34. to _ a.“ h 3:: ‘5 £9" 'wd 4 ~P. in t -35- the third company has the same number that serves the area to the south and southeast of Tepic. There are some twenty-six departures and the same number of arrivals by the third-class busses in Tepic each day. They are Operated from two terminals by three differ- ent companies. Several of these departures and arrivals are accounted for by the same vehicle making two or more round-trips daily between Tepic and a nearby village. Other vehicles make only one, large circle route from Tepic, stOp- ping at several villages along the way. The third-class, as well as the second-class busses, are usually filled to capac- ity when they leave Tepic. As they discharge their passen- gers along the road or in small villages, they pick up new passengers and usually arrive back in Tepic as heavily loaded as when they left. The combined influence of the several bus companies on Tepic is considerable. There are ninety-six arrivals and ninety-six departures each day that together will carry an average influx and outflow of approximately 3,000 people, or a number about equal to six per cent of Tepic's pOpulation.1 These people come to Tepic to shOp, to market goods, tovisit, and to enjoy the entertainment in the "big city." It is these visitors from the rural areas, to a great extent, who support 1This estimate, based On counts by the writer, is com- puted as follow: fifty passengers for each of the twenty-six third-class busses that arrive daily, thirty-five passengers for the thirty-four second-class busses and fifteen passengers for each of the thirty-six first-class busses that arrive each day for a total of 3,030 arrivals. The number of persons leaving Tepic each day is approximately the same and is com- puted in the same manner. (9 ~33 third com; 1.:- the south I There 1 5332: of arr: i=3. They an 2:: companies are accounted coat-trips d: rattles make in; at sever; Tellas the s 3.7 linen they 4 ac Kim *8 1:1; as fol? hp‘. 333 ‘ .‘ 'he t4}??? 58c L huh °f t 553743: a tQ‘ lilac? Te“ : ' ”1 tag” -35- the third company has the same number that serves the area to the south and southeast of Tepic. There are some twenty-six departures and the same number of arrivals by the third-class busses in Tepic each day. They are Operated from two terminals by three differ- ent companies. Several of these departures and arrivals are accounted for by the same vehicle making two or more round-trips daily between Tepic and a nearby village. Other vehicles make only one, large circle route from Tepic, stop- ping at several villages along the way. The third-class, as well as the second-class busses, are usually filled to capac- ity when they leave Tepic. As they discharge their passen- gers along the road or in small villages, they pick up new passengers and usually arrive back in Tepic as heavily loaded as when they left. The combined influence of the several bus companies on Tepic is considerable. There are ninety-six arrivals and ninety-six departures each day that together will carry an average influx and outflow of approximately 3,000 peOple, or a number about equal to six per cent Of Tepic's pOpulation.1 These peOple come to Tepic to shOp, to market goods, tovisit, and to enjoy the entertainment in the "big city." It is these visitors from the rural areas, to a great extent, who support 1This estimate, based on counts by the writer, is com- puted as follow: fifty passengers for each of the twenty-six third-class busses that arrive daily, thirty-five passengers for the thirty-four second-class busses and fifteen passengers for each of the thirty-six first-class busses that arrive each day for a total of 3,030 arrivals. The number of persons leaving Tepic each day is approximately the same and is com- puted in the same manner. (I. methird com} ache “um I There ‘ :3.th of aI‘I‘ 2;. They ar 2:: companies maccounfieC1 raid-trips ‘3 Thicles make .3125 at sever relies the a 123 when they gers along t‘h passengers ar laicd as whe the cc a. topic is c -35- the third company has the same number that serves the area to the south and southeast Of Tepic. There are some twenty-six departures and the same number of arrivals by the third-class busses in Tepic each day. They are Operated from two terminals by three differ- ent companies. Several of these departures and arrivals are accounted for by the same vehicle making two or more round-trips daily between Tepic and a nearby village. Other vehicles make only one, large circle route from Tepic, stOp- ping at several villages along the way. The third-class, as well as the second-class busses, are usually filled to capac- ity when they leave Tepic. As they discharge their passen- gers along the road or in small villages, they pick up new passengers and usually arrive back in Tepic as heavily loaded as when they left. The combined influence Of the several bus companies on Tepic is considerable. There are ninety-six arrivals and ninety-six departures each day that together will carry an average influx and outflow Of approximately 3,000 people, or a number about equal to six per cent Of Tepic's pOpulation.1 These peOple come to Tepic to shOp, to market goods, to visit, and to enjoy the entertainment in the "big city." It is these visitors from the rural areas, to a great extent, who support 1This estimate, based on counts by the writer, is com- puted as follow: fifty passengers for each Of the twenty-six third-class busses that arrive daily, thirty-five passengers for the thirty-four second-class busses and fifteen passengers for each of the thirty-six first-class busses that arrive each day for a total of 3,030 arrivals. The number of persons leaving Tepic each day is approximately the same and is com- puted in the same manner. :3! large nu: buses in W the support the street v Anott as importer custructed 15 1101! SEPVE -35- the large number of restaurants and inexpensive rooming houses in the city, as well as contributing materially to the support of the drygoods stores, the futbol (soccer) team, the street vendors and other businesses in Tepic.1 The Airlines Another transportation facility, both relatively new and important for Tepic, is the airplane. The airport was constructed by the federal government in 1951 and the city is now served by three airlines. The largest and most impor- tant of these is the nationally owned company, Aeronaves de Mexico, S.A., which normally Operates one flight north and one south each week between Mexico City and Tijuana.2 This airline carries passengers, freight and mail between the, larger cities of western Mexico, including Tepic, and-Mexico City. Since Tepic has no runway lights or electronic landing aids, the city is sometimes bypassed if anything other than contact flying conditions exist. The other two airlines are both local in their operation. One is Transportes Aereos de Nayarit, S.A., which makes two flights each week to San Juan de Peyotan in 1The importance of Tepic as a regional shepping center is discussed in detail in Chapter V. 2The flight goes north on Saturday and south on Sunday. There has been a gradual decline in air service to northwestern Mexico by this company. until three years ago there were daily flights in each direction. At this time the airline was nation- alized and service reduced to three flights north and three south each week. In October, 1960 there was a further reduc- tion of service when the present schedule became effective. zzrgheastem easzem Raga: :mletely 1 121335. Th Zzskes dai :alisco, stc ez-d also ma} entinuing 1 might or I mad or r31 are 3). NJ fierival frc shipped inf 31910“ f] ‘35 sun j I‘te redepa; a: the Com -37- northeastern Nayarit and three each week to HuaJimic in eastern Nayarit. Both places are Indian villages that are completely isolated except for the air service inauguarated in 1955. The other local company is Aerolineas Fierro, S.A. It makes daily flights to the tourist city of Puerto Vallarta, Jalisco, stopping when needed at va11e de Banderas, Nayarit, and also making three flights weekly to Jesus Maria, Nayarit, continuing on to Huazamota, Durango when there is sufficient freight or passengers. None of these villages have either road or rail connections with Tepic or any other city (Fig- ure 3). Much of the revenue of these two local airlines is derived from the freight they haul--both from the supplies shipped into the remote places named and the products car- ried out from them to market. This kind of service, which was still in a deve10pmental stage in 1960, is supported by the federal government in an effort to bring a larger part of the country within the effective national territory.1 In summary then, as transportation facilities have come to Tepic, they have opened Tepic the the ”rest of the 1During the last week of September, 1960, the writer flew into one of these remote places-~Jesfis Maria (its offi- cial name is El Nayar) in northeastern.Nayarit. This vil- 1age is the capital (or ”county seat") of the Hunicipio of Hayar. In 19Sh the residents constructed a landing field about three miles from the village and consequently have since been within thirty minutes of Tepic by air. Previous to this time it required six to eight days to walk to Tepic. Some people still do this, driving cattle to market, or‘be- cause they cannot afford the air fare. Jesus maria, though small, is complex in its settle- ment pattern and function, and perhaps somewhat typical of many of the settlements in the mountains. It has a perma- nent population of two to three hundred mestizos who occupy about one-third of the houses of the village. The remaining houses are owned by different families of Cora Indians who term." “05‘ 13mm an" since, or con“ facilities. gaming and moved tram‘ efficiently pl has therefore tetter able t snot matters {nan at any p 950.319 are ab El‘j tone to 156 muntry, l ‘ieereat m in Other Dam cm‘simplir; 0. .331” eities a. -38.. world." Most of the population growth of the city, and its industrial and commercial development as well, has occurred since, or concurrent with, the expansion of transportation facilities. Tepic now has commercial contact with other producing and marketing areas of the state and nation. The improved transportation has also enabled Tepic to more efficiently perform its function as capital of Nayarit and has therefore increased its importance. Now the city is better able to exert its influence throughout the state in such matters as education, sanitation, law enforcement, etc., than at any previous time in history. And, as more and more peeple are able to travel to Tepic from the rural areas, many cmme to believe that the city offers a better life than the country, with the result that Tepic is participating in the great urban migration so common elsewhere in Mexico and in other parts of Latin America. Though it is perhaps an over-simplification to say that improved transportation facilities are responsible for all change that has occurred, nevertheless it remains the basic factor. live most of the time on their farms in the mountains, one to two days away from Jesfis Maria. These Indians, who have resisted integration into Mexican culture to a greater degree than any other tribe of Mexico, come to Jesfis maria only for festivals. When attending these they occupy their houses in the village, for one, two, or three day periods. The rest of the time the houses remain vacant. The bringing of air service into remote areas such as this one in Nayarit, is part of a national program in Mexico to induce cultural change, that is, to "Mexicanize the Indians." In the six years that air service has been in operation to . Jesus Maria, there is no doubt that some change has been brought about, but it also seems evident that it will take many, many more years before the Cora Indians become either interested or active in national affairs. The cc :2: support: fictions timl trim-ass has sanity. *eet saor‘li“ tial voltm eete'ollshme resulted a: 59' exlsti hese have Q 3' a d’e ‘k‘c : £5533» .Q. «.1 0. L 2“. -39- Commercial Relations The commercial relations between Tepic and the region that supports the city are today much more complex than in previous times. A superstructure of modern, large-scale business has been imposed upon the old, traditional business community. Locally oriented, small-scale activities have not been sacrificed in the transition, but their proportion of the total volume of business has declined. A great variety of establishments, both as to class and scale of Operation, has resulted and reflects the complex group Of relationships now existing between Tepic and its hinterland. For simplicity these have been arbitrarily divided into three groups. Local and Direct Relationships The simplest Of the relationships between Tepic and its hinterland is the marketing of products from the rural areas in the city. This has been important for all Of Tepic's history and involves a relatively large proportion of the population. Individual transactions are both small and numerous. Although it would be difficult to even approximate the number of rural inhabitants within a radius of ten miles of Tepic who engage in this commerce, it can be concluded that in the course of a year, almost every rural family in the environs of Tepic brings something to the city to sell, and that every nearby rural settlement contains peOple who derive part or all of their living from the sale of products in Tepic. The articles marketed are of a wide varietg.but mostly food products. Especially important are corn, beans, tomatoes, agave, 11m 5,52: rather as fill 33 a ere-either those opera“ sell quent t';erson o 338. A i‘e 33’ retail :he street, ‘53.». In 1:12 me II 1] -uo- peppers, limes, milk, poultry, pigs, eggs, Jicamas (a root plant rather similar to a turnip), sugar cane and potatoes, as well as a long list Of other, though less common, fruits and vegetables. Among the non-food items sold are such things as adobe bricks, firewood, charcoal, logs for lumber, and hay. Most of these products are sold directly to retail- ers-~either at the stalls in one Of the public markets or to those Operating stores. Transactions typically involve only small quantities of goods which are carried to the city eithnr by person or animal, though the use Of pick-up trucks is not rare. A few of the people engaged in this commercial activ- ity retail their own products, either in the markets or on the street, but the era when this was common has passed for Tepic. In 1960 the products of the countryside reached the consumer in the city mostly through urban retailers. More Distant Commercial Relations The immediate effect of the advent of modern trans- portatiOn facilities in northwestern Mexico was the rapid expansion of inter- and intra-state commerce. As a conse- quence, products that were previously unknown to Nayarit are now imported from other regions of Mexico, and here-tO-fore rare products have become common. In turn, commodities pro- duced in Tepic are now able to have a wider distribution. These changes stimulated the founding Of many business estab- lishments in Tepic during the 1950's. For practically all consumer goods, however, Tepic still remains much more impor- tant as a market area, than as a producing center. Ills-S“ taste had in d! of perishable $3.295 and 8p 53,0125“: t 33;: and tome 2:2 as €03“or :5 wholesale "tracks an< izem observ' shut in Te :‘zese 3011‘”61 tee is lit Anott reactions it: Mexico :e-ssstands ! are shipped ‘1 .u} ’4 n . «Cation t]? has Hh“ C 1.qu .o..0n. Ir :k“ uan i Iis . have 1" 3:» tl‘plt -41- Illustrating particularly well the role the highways have had in developing Tepic as a market area is the variety Of perishable products now sold in the city. These include grapes and apples from Chihuahua, oranges from Morelos and Nuevo Le6n, tangerines from Nuevo Le6n, pineapples frOm Vera- cruz and tomatoes from Sinaloa. These products, in season, are as common in Tepic as in Guadalajara. All are delivered to wholesale produce markets in Tepic and then re-distributed by trucks and bicycles to retailers within the city. Two items Observed to be common in Guadalajara, but conspicuously absent in Tepic are head lettuce and celery. The market for these commOdities has not develOped and, except for tourists, there is little interest or knowledge of these as yet. Another commodity that demonstrates Tepic's improved connections with other parts Of Mexico is the newSpaper. Four Mexico City daily papers are now regularly sold at the newsstands Of Tepic-~one Of which is The News. These papers are shipped by first-class bus and arrive the day following publication. There are also two Guadalajara dailies shipped by bus which reach the newsstands of Tepic on the day of publi- cation. In addition, there are many weekly newspapers and magazines published in Mexico City, Guadalajara and elsewhere, that are sold in Tepic. The only daily paper published in Nayarit outside of Tepic, IaVOz de Santiago, has a wide cir- culation in the city and reflects the large number of peOple who have recently moved from the coastal plain in northwestern Nayarit, and who still maintain an interest in their homeland. Newspapers also circulate out from.Tepic. There are ..s r " I> (L) (ml 5’9 'e v. 513‘ t h x , mua.‘ !‘! ‘ . h. t; is; v 5;” 6.. ‘ ‘ \“ N? 0‘. -ug- at least ten papers published in Tepic; three of them dailies. Each of these three has a relatively small circulation which is directed at the city reading public, but each also has a small circulation outside of Tepic. One, El Prensa Libre, an afternoon, four-page paper with a circulation Of 2,000, distributes 150 cOpies by bus to the cities on the coastal plain of northwestern Nayarit.l Another, El Nayar, a mid- day, eight-page tabloid with a circulation of 5,000, sells 500 outside Of Tepic by subscription--300 within the state of Nayarit and 200 in other parts of Mexico. There also are about a dozen subscribers in the united States. The third, El Sol de Tepic, is a four-page morning paper that also has a circulation of 5,000. Sales outside of Tepic are by subscription and total 250 cOpies a day, almOst all of which are within the state Of Nayarit. A There are many nationally distributed products sold in Nayarit by agents who maintain warehouses in Tepic. In practically every instance, the agent has been given the. entire state as his territory. Shipments are made from the manufacturer to the agent and then distributed throughout the state. In some instances the agent owns several trucks and supplies retailers directly. In other instances he has divided the state into several smaller territories with a 1All information about Tepic newSpapers was supplied by the editors of the respective papers. The circulation figures are assumed by the writer to be only estimates. -113- sub-agent in each.1 In either case, the system Of distribu- tion has made wholesaling and warehousing an important func- tion for Tepic. Perhaps the best example of this type of commercial relationship between Tepic and other parts of the nation is in the selling of beer. There are four beer distributors in Tepic and each has the entire state Of Nayarit as his territory. All shipments to these distributors are made in large tractor and semi-trailer trucks from breweries in Orizaba, Mazatlan, Monterrey and Mexico City. Each agent in Tepic has a large warehouse and Operates two or more trucks for distribution to one or more sub-agents elsewhere in Nayarit. One Of the four is also the state agent for a cigarette manufacturing company and another acts similarily for a soda water (agua mineral) bottling company. Comparable commercial and distributional relationships are common for many other products, including gasoline, lubricants, cig- arettes, candy, certain prepared foods, national lottery tickets, soft drinks not bottled in Nayarit, etc. Still another system exists for products that are not distributed on a large enough scale to warrant a Nayarit agent. For such products, salesmen representing different manufacturers and distributors in Guadalajara or Mexico City 1There are many examples where a home serves both as residence and warehouse and deliveries are made by automobile or small truck. Commonly such distributors are either hand- ling a new product, with the hOpe that its acceptance will eventually warrant a separate place of business, or they are agents for a product that does not have a large sale. -uu- visit Tepic and take orders. Shipments are made by company delivery trucks, or sometimes via trucking lines or by rail, a week or ten days later. Many food items, as well as shoes, dry goods, hardware supplies, auto parts, liquor and soap are distributed by this method. Some of the more successful merchants get their supplies from the same distributors, but own a small truck and drive to Guadalajara themselves, fig- uring that this is more profitable than having their goods delivered to them. A different method is used by one Guadalajara bakery. Three times a week a large tractor and semi-trailer truck brings baked goods tO Tepic, where they are transferred to two small delivery trucks, which in turn make deliveries to many of the stores in Tepic, as well as to those in neighboring villages. Foreign Relationships There are many commercial establishments in Tepic, especially in the central business district, that have either direct or indirect business connections with foreign countries. Retailers that deal mostly in automobiles, tractors, photo- graphic supplies, and lubricants handle products that are either imported or are produced in Mexico by branch plants of foreign companies. In several dozen other stores, part of the stock, at least, is directly or indirectly derived from foreign sources. Brand names that are almost as common in Tepic as in most cities of the United States, include Singer (sewing machines), U.S. Royal (tires), Ford, Plymouth and mo co Jenn, \ ‘ .fiy , m‘ at I‘:"‘ $ . “1‘s -u5- Chevrolet (automobiles), Kellogg (cereals), Kodak (photo- graphic supplies), Coca Cola, Pepsi Cola, Orange Crush and Squirt (soft drinks), Texaco, Quaker State and Mobiloil (lubricants), International Harvester and Massey Harris (farm machinery), among others. In fact, it is not diffi- cult to find local residents who maintain that some of these products are Mexican and known in the united States only because they have been "exported to the united States from Mexico." Products from other foreign countries are also common, especially from Italy, Germany, France and Japan, but combined they do not approach the quantity from the united States. Almost all Of these foreign products come to Tepic by way Of distributors whose headquarters are in Mexico City or Guadalajara. In addition to retail businesses, there are two industries in Tepic with international connections, namely the soft-drink bottling plants and the tobacco companies. An example of the former is the Embotelladora de Nayarit, S.A. This privately owned company was established in Tepic in 1953 and holds the franchise for the bottling and distribution of Coca Cola within the state of Nayarit. Its foreign commercial relationships are rather simple in that its owners agree: (a) to purchase all of their Coca Cola syrup from the parent company in the united States,1 and (b) to maintain the qual- ity of the beverage as specified by that company. In all 1This syrup is shipped from New York City to Mexico City and then re-distributed from there to various bottling plants elsewhere in Mexico, including the one in Tepic. ‘0‘»: J60” . a V. b a" In A 4' f...‘ . 'rn; pk. V "-r . ..mu :n“ m.'. 'ltfs. I. {5 .hn‘ F‘s -45- other regards it functions as a domestic industry. This same kind of relationship is maintained by two other bottling plants in Tepic who produce Pepsi Cola and Orange Crush. All three companies distribute soft drinks to all accessible parts of Nayarit, but not beyond the state borders where similar franchises are held by other companies. The other industry in Tepic having foreign connections deals in tobacco. There are two companies with local head- quarters in or near Tepic that maintain a complex commercial and spatial relationship involving foreign companies and regions. These are the result of investments by the British- American TObacco Company of London, England (formerly Of Louisville, Kentucky), and the Austin Tobacco Company of Greenville, North Carolina. The latter company has been active in Nayarit only since 1957 and in 1960 its Operations were still relatively small. The other company has been active in Tepic since 1952, when it bOught out a small cigarette fac- tory, and it has become the largest single industry in Tepic in terms of capital investment and number Of employees.- Both of these businesses in Tepic are parts of coordi- nated enterprises that include several other regions of Mexico, as well as foreign areas. The investments of the Austin Tobacco Company in Mexico include at least two companies: (a) La Tobacalera Mexicans, S.A. which has cigarette factories at Mexico City and Toluca and (b) Tobacos Mexicanos, S.A., a subsidiary of the former which is a tobacco growing and processing firm Operating in Veracruz and Nayarit. The Tepic branch of Tobacos Mexicanos stores and cures Nayarit .A.*-‘ "V“ : mF‘ fl tn OM... .e‘ ’9 M. -u7- tobacco and supplies it to the two cigarette factories of La Tobacalera Mexicans. It is estimated that about eighty-five per cent of their Nayarit production will eventually be exported to Europe and Asia through the port of Mazatlan.l One employee Of the Tepic branch, the manager, is a united States' citizen. During the harvest season a number Of other foreign supervisory personnel come to Tepic to assist him. I The business activities Of Tobacos Mexicanos, however, have relatively little influence on the economy Of Tepic for several reasons. First, their tobacco is grown, under con- tract and supervision, by farmers On the coastal plain in the vicinity of Tuxpén and Santiago. The tobacco is also dried in the coastal plain, and only then transferred to Tepic for storage and curing. Second, the Tepic warehouse is three miles southeast of the city, near the ejidO Of San Cayetano. Because Of its.location, the company has only about fifteen employees who reside in Tepic-- the rest are recruited from the ejido. Third, the tobacco is not marketed in Tepic, but is shipped to markets out of the state. The greatest economic influence of this company, therefore, is in the coastal plain where it annually pays several million. pesos a year to purchase tobacco.2 But, since Tepic is the lInterview with Mr. Bart Simmons, Tobacconlst and man in charge of the Tepic Branch, Tobacos Mexicanos, November 29, 1960. zln 1958, its first full year of operation in Nayarit,_ the company purchased 35,000 kilos Of tobacco. This was in- creased to 160,000 kilos in 1959 and 1,900,000 kilos in 1960. Continued expansion is planned. To prOperly provide storage and drying facilities, the company began construction in 1958 I 3 .‘na lafi'fii. - 1: a2: 15?.2' when," t1 '5‘. {est be i n 1‘ a: A 1' 's bu 'Aq‘s 'g‘;: -48.. principal supply center for business on the coastal plain, it derives an indirect benefit from the activity of this company. The other company engaged in the tobacco industry in Tepic is the British-American Tobacco Company.1 The invest- ments of this company are world-wide. In Latin Ainerica it produces and processes tobacco in each Of the republics Of Central America, as well as in Venezuela, Colombia and Mexico. Its Mexican holdings consist of El Aguila, S.A., a cigarette manufacturing company with factories at Mexico City and Irspuato, La Moderna, S.A., another cigarette manufacturing company with factories at Monterrey and Tepic, and Tobaco en Rama, S.A., a company that produces and processes tobacco in both Nayarit and Veracruz and supplies the four cigarette factories.2 The holdings of BATC in Mexico are modern, well- managed and cOmprise a highly integrated Operation. rIn the northwestern coastal plain Of Nayarit, Tobaco of a large warehouse three miles southeast Of Tepic. Construc- tion was still in progress in 1960, when it was estimated it would be completed by 1962. 1Hereinafter referred to as the BATC. 2The supervisory personnel Of the two branches of this company in Tepic did not admit that their companies were both subsidiaries of BATC, nor'that La Moderna and E1 Aguila, which are supposed to be competing companies in Mexico, are also subsidiaries of the same company, BATC. However, this fact is generally well known. There is_considerable uneasiness among the supervisors, especially those that are United States' citizens, for fear that the Mexican Government might national- ize the BATC interests since_this company dominates national tobacco and cigarette production in Mexico. This fear has increased durin the administration Of President Adolfo Lépez Mateos (1958-1924), who seems intent on keeping the Revolution in Mexico very much alive. ‘AOA vau V 9h» L“: U. -h9- en Rama negotiates contracts with farmers to grow tobacco. The farmers are provided with fertilizer, seedlings, and supervision by the company, as well as machinery, if needed. Through the year the growers are given weekly allotments of money by the company, which, together with rental on equipment and charges for fertilizer and seedlings, are deducted from the income from sale of the crOp to the com- pany.1 0n the coastal plain Tobaco en Rama maintains a laboratory, experimental stations, a housing compound, a motor and machinery pool, and tobacco drying sheds. In all, the company engages a year-around staff of over one hundred employees on the coastal plain, and this number is increased to over two hundred during the harvest season. The activi- ties of Tobaco en Rama on the coast preqdate establishment of the cOmpany's Operation in Tepic, which began in 1952. The tobacco is harvested and dried in the coastal plain and then hauled to the warehouse in Tepic. At the height Of the season (April and May) as many as two hundred fifty privately owned trucks are engaged in this transfer. The tobacco is then cured for as long as two years in the large, modern warehouse, where conditions of temperature and 1In 1960 Tobaco en Rama paid approximately 80,000,000 pesos (about six and one-half million dollars, U.S.) to tobacco growers on the coastal plain Of Nayarit. )- ”no . Dif- mv Ill (0 (l- a!‘ ‘1'“ n‘ -‘ Ins ."s 3‘ ‘ct -50- humidity are carefully controlled.1 When properly cured, the tobacco is processed by large machines that remove the stems from the leaves and it is then shipped by truck to the four cigarette companies Operated by BATC in Mexico.2 One Of these is the cigarette factory in Tepic which involves a trans- fer Of only a mile. One privately owned truck is kept busy making daily hauls between the warehouse and the cigarette factory. Shipments to the other three factories are made, by trucking companies, most Of them belonging to Auto Trans- portes del Norte.3 In 1960 there were four United States' citizens permanently employed by Tobaco en Rama--one on the coastal plain, two at the warehouse, and one in Tepic. The cigarette company in Tepic, La Moderna, occupies a new, modern building on the southeast edge of the city. This factory and its larger, sister plant in Monterrey, supply about thirty-five per cent of the cigarettes sold in MeXicO. Together they produce eleven different brands, but only one of these is manufactured in both factories. The Monterrey 1This warehouse was built in l952-5h and the super- visors in 1960 claimed that it was the largest single tobacco warehouse in the world. The tobacco produced in Nayarit is referred to in the trade as "bright tobacco" or "Virginia tobacco." This is a quality tobacco that is used in the bet- ter brands of cigarettes. The tobacco produced in veracruz is a "black tobacco" used in cheaper cigarettes. The differ- ence in these two is a function of soils and curing. Inter- view with Dr. Lionel DeLoche, Agronomist for Tobaco en Rama, December 10,1960. 2About five per cent of the 1959 crOp was exported to EurOpe through the port of Mazatlan. 3Interview with El Senor Harry Rafini, Manager, Tobaco en Rama, Tepic, Mayarit, December 27, 1960. . -51- branch makes the king-size, filter, and more expensive brands, including one made from tobacco imported from the united States, whilatha Tepic plant manufactures the cheaper, more "popular" brands. Each factory serves as a ware house and distribution center for all brands of cigarettes manufactured by La Moderna. This involves an exchange between the Tepic and Monterrey branches, usually in railroad car-load lots, and subsequent distribution from each by truck.1 The distribution of cigarettes in Nayarit by La Moderna is similar to the procedure used in other states by the same com- PEBY. There is one principal distributor for the state of Nayarit with an office and warehouse in Tepic. He in turn, on his own initiative, has established sub-distributors in four cities-- Ixtlan del Rio, Santiago, Tuspan and Acaponeta. Each sub-distrib- utor is allotted a territory in which he supplies retailers. All Mayarit shipments of cigarettes from La Moderna are made to the distributor. He then supplies his sub-distributors in the four cities named above, as well as delivering directly to a large retail area, including the city of Tepic. This distributor, as wall as his sub-distributors, does not handle tobacco products of any other company. The manager and assistant manager of the cigarette factory in Tepic are citizens of the united States, and both have had experience in other factories owned by BATC in other countries of Latin America. The managers and assistant mana- gers of La Moderna and Tobaco en Rama are occasionally sent on tours, visiting tobacco growing regions and manufacturing 1Interview with Mr. Earl Hunt, Manager, La Moderna de Tepic, December 6, 1960. -52- plants in other countries of Latin America, EurOpe, and the united States for several months at a time. An incidental function served by the manager of La Hoderna in Tepic is as an unofficial representative of the united States Consul stationed in Guadalajara. In this capacity he is called upon to assist tourists in Nayarit who experience financial, medical, or legal problems, and in such matters he has the support and c00peration of the Consul in Guadalajara. The tobacco companies in Tepic are examples of complex foreign business interests Operating within, and exerting considerable influence upon, the local economy. Their invest- ments appear large at the local level, but are in reality only small parts of big, international concerns. They have, however, brought Tepic into commercial contact with distant regions during the last decade. These companies are the beginning of modern industry in Tepic and have become possible since adequate transportation facilities have put the city in touch with other parts of the state, nation and world. Summary The construction of transportation facilities in Nayarit, especially highways, has produced revolutionary changes in the state. An increasingly larger percentage of the state pOpulation has become involved in the state economy. The older, typical small-scale exchange of pro- ducts within a limited area has suffered at the expense of large business establishments that rely on the transfer of u. “.C I" in d 999;" Unified a J ’6‘ it IV ’5 I!" 9 r. the ‘ ”-53- goods between Nayarit and distant regions. With the devel- opment of these new economic relationships, the focality of Tepic has increased, until by 1960 it was the economic nerve center for the entire state of Nayarit. ll; at LI) 4 l' O .. I he; I." r (‘_‘) CHAPTER IV THE GROWTH OF TEPIC During Tepic's early history its p0pulation growth was slow and by 1770 the city contained only about 3,000 inhabitants. An estimate in 1843 gave it a population of 8,633. This number had grown to 12,000 by 1878.1 Thus, Tepic's residents had increased about four times in the preceding one hundred years. During the next five decades, however, the total changed butlittle. By 1900 it had risen to 15,500, and by 1919 to 16,778, but then a decline set in. The national revolt against Porfirio Dias, who had been the dictator of Mexico for thirty-five years, began in 1910 and was followed by a decade of civil war.2 Few parts of Mexico escaped damage, and Tepic, even though relatively isolated, was the scene of several battles.3 It was during this period, 1910-1921, that the city's p0pulation dropped to 13,766, but by 1930 it was almost back to that of 1900. It was not until the l9#0's, however, that significant accel- 1Leyva Ortega, Op. cit., p. 5. 2Excellent treatments of this period are Frank Tannen- baum, Peace by Revolution (New York: Columbia university Press, 1933) and’tharles C} Cumberland, Mexican Revolution: Genesis under Madero (Austin: university of Texas Press, 1952). 3Pefia Navarro, op. cit., pp. h9-66. -54- -55- eration of the growth rate began (Table 4). The change in Tepic's p0pulation between 1940 and 1960 was due both to natural increase and a large rural-urban mi- gration. During the decade of the 1940's the population of the state of Nayarit increased by fifteen per cent, while that of Tepic grew forty per cent. During the 1950's the state recorded a twenty-eight per cent rise,while the city Jumped one hundred twenty-one per cent. The annual net in- crease of approximately three and four-tenths per cent for Mexico as a whole, if applied to Tepic's 1950 population, would account for a city of only 32,966 instead of 53,393 in 1960. Since the city boundaries had not changed and since the rate of natural increase in Nayarit was less, not more, than for the nation, the majority of Tepic's population gain Table u.- Population of Nayarit and Tepic, 1900-1960a ‘_-"-‘——'-""_"'—""St5tE-6f_"“'—-——'_———'__Clt§’6?' Year ~ Nayarit Tepic 1900 1500098 15,500 1910 171,173 16,778 1921 1&6,093 13,766 1930 167,72u 15,326 1940 216,698 17,547 1950 290,12fl 2M,594 1960b 371,511 53,393 aSecretaria de Economia, Direccién General de Estadistica, Censo General de Poblacién, various years. bPreliminary, from Secretaria de Industria y Commercio, Direccion General de Estadistica, 71 Balderas, Mexico, D. F., Interview December 21, 1960. -55- was due to the rural-urban migration which recently has been so common elsewhere in Mexico and other countries of Latin America. Where did the people come from that constituted this migration into Tepic? Census data are of little help in answering this Question as they do not give the place, but only the state, of birth for the residents and thus do not reveal migration within the state. To understand more about the rural-urban migration a small-scale random sample survey was conducted in four low-class residential colonias of Tepic. Each of these was a new colonia on the margin of the city. In two of them, fourteen families were interviewed, and in the other two, fifteen families, for a total sample of fifty- eight. This represented approximately a seven per cent sample of all families in the combined area. Among other things, the survey indicated that thirteen families (twenty- two per cent) had moved to the edge of the city from its older, central part. This change was prompted by economic considerations, particularly the availability of cheaper land or rent. Twelve families (twenty-one per cent) had moved to Tepic from some state other than Nayarit. The largest group was thirty-three families (fifty-seven per cent) who had transferred to the city from other parts of Nayarit. Most of these had come from the small, rural villages within a radius of fifteen miles of Tepic. Based on this survey, then, some seventy-eight per cent of the families of the four new colonias sampled had migrated into Tepic. Sixty-eight per cent had done so in the previous three years. -57- It is true that some peOple moved into Tepic and occu- pied hones in the older part of the city, but the bulk of p0pu1ation growth from l9h5 to 1960 was in the newer sections. Sixteen new colonias have been established since 1945. Of the four sampled, three were about two years old and one was approximately five years old. In Mexico the city offers a more attractive way of life than does the small rural village. Though few people initially improve their living standards by moving to the city, they feel that they improve their prOSpect of eventually doing so. Business and employment opportunities are better in the city, as are also the educational, medical, and recreation- al facilities. To explain satisfactorily why,this is true would require a treatment of the problems of rural settlement that is beyond the sc0pe of this paper, but in short, the land- poor agricultural villages are unable to eXpand production adequately to provide for growing numbers of peOple. It remains then for the cities, such as Tepic, to accommodate the surplus rural population. Areal Expansion of Tepic No early map for the city of Tepic is extant, but that the city developed according to.a plan is certain. The distribution of streets, plazas, churche§,etc. conforms, with only minor exceptions, to the criteria for town planning as incorporated in the various Royal Spanish Ordinances and the laws of the Indies during the sixteenth and seventeenth a ,- wh ‘e 'iu la-m r.) a -58- centuries.1 It is because of this early centralized planning authority that was imposed on Spanish America, that Tepic is similar in lay-out to many other Latin American cities. The adherence to a grid street pattern, the placement and size of the various plazas, the virtually complete absense of wooden structures, the situation on high ground, but near a river and in a fertile agricultural valley--a11 of these character- istics are in accord with those of many another city through- out Latin America.2 The earliest city plan available for Tepic was pre- pared in 1855 (Figure A).3 This shows 166 blocks with essentially the same lay-out that the central core of the city has today. In 1855 Tepic was approximately square. It did not extend as far as the river to the north and only five blocks east and seven west of the main north-south street. City plans for 1878 and 1922 are little different from the earlier one. In 1922, never-the-less, Tepic extended to the river, but had not spread to the other side (Figure 5). A park had been developed and a few streets had been straight- ened and cut through blocks, but the city still had only about 18cc Dan Stanislowski, "Early Spanish Town Planning in the New world," Geogra hical Review, XXXVII (January, 19h7), pp. 9h-105; and ZeIIa EuEEaII, "Royal Ordinances Concerning the Laying Out of New Towns," His anic American Historical Review, IV (November, 1921), pp. $33-753 and V (Hay, 1922), pp. 239-25h. 2Francis Violich, Cities of Latin America (New YOrk: Reinhold Publishing Corp., IQHH), p. 28. 3This plan, as well as the city plans for 1878 and 1922, can be seen in the library of the Sociedad Mexicans de Geografia y EstadIstica in Mexico City. Figure ll.--Map of Tepic, 1855 I“, OH ~1v3~u a x at- It“ -60- ARV . . ‘Q e\:\f/‘ :7 K ll ' ‘25}??7. 3 A i i 6 IO ‘5 J/ \ X . / ,. # ’ P. .1 ‘9. a! Figure 5.--Map of Tepic, 1922 -611 180 blocks. This reflects the relatively small growth of population during the intervening years (Tables 1 and A). It should be noted that complete faith cannot be placed in these early city plans as exact guides to the built-up portion of the city, since some streets and city blocks were probably planned, but not developed when the maps were prepared% Tepic's population of some 9,000 to 10,000 in 1855 grew to nearly 17,000 by 1910. During the next decade there was the decline mentioned earlier, after which growth was resumed. The city was able to accomodate the increase without any addition of territory. Indeed, it was not until after 19AO, when the number of residents reached 17,5“7, that the city of 1855 appears to have become filled up and significant areal expansion began (Figure 6). The greatest changes came during the administration of Flores Munoz, Governor of Nayarit from l9h6 to 1952. Munoz was clearly a man of vision as to the future urban needs of Tepic. He seemed to sense that the city was destined to grow and that preparation should be made for this. Some of the projects completed during his term as governor included construction of the airport, the widening of the main north- south street and its extension across the river by building a bridge, the deve10pment of new colonias across the river, and the addition of others in the western part of the city, 180me peOple in Tepic do not agree with the writer on this matter. For example, Lic. Alfreao Corona Ybarra, himself a student of Topic's history, claims that these early city -plans represented the total built-up area of the city. Inter- view September 19, 1960. -62.. GROWTH OF TEPIC. MEXICO / ,’ ‘ ’1 ’II / ’0’ I, i e / A f. 111%.. WWW/WW. w W W. I 1.. . aWWWWW/W/ I , ‘ geaWé/l I um. NEW COLONIAS SINCE I940 . «owl/ll/e/fl“ , 671/ II, I III/0% seaea~ he“. .fi //// ///,,, /// 9W , a {I %/ ,, / ly/ smug» « 4 / W W/ a I. 4//l I. 5W? / r I I855-l960 W W Less Than IOI'I. Bin-up COLONIAS SINCE 50 lo 90" Bum-up : More Than 90’]. Bum-up Figure 6 II! All 00M! Ween I his I“ Guluss . Undeveloped Sheers — “min TMOu‘MMOI W W I” s). -63- as well as of parks, several schools, and two new stadiums, one for futbol (soccer) and the other for baseball. It was the administration of Flores Muhos, more than any other. governor before or since, that helped change Tepic from a quaint, colonial-type village to a modern city. Between 1952 and 1960, however, many other city improve- ments were made; some were the extension of water and sewer lines, the addition of still more colonias, installation of modern neon street lights, and the surfacing of many streets with asphalt,1 But, most of these activities were in response to a need rather than in anticipation of it. Between 1955 and 1960 much vacant and agricultural land adjoining Tepic was annexed by the city. Owners of some of these newly incorporated lands had presented plans to, and received permission from, the Joint state and municipio planning commission (Consejo de Planeacién) to develop resi- dential subdivisions. The element of land speculation was an important factor in requests for so many new subdivisions, but approval was granted on the assumption that the urban growth-rate would continue. The result was that in 1960 there were three new colonias in Tepic which had not yet been occupied, eight others that were just beginning settlement, and another five that were less than ten per cent built-up 1City streets are either dirt, stone or asphalt. In December, 1960, work began on the principal north-south and east-west arteries to convert them to concrete and was com- pleted in the spring of 1961. This constituted the first use of concrete for road or street construction in the state of Nayarit. a \e.\ Tu AV “Io Gun“ ‘5' ‘U ‘1‘ I: -64- (Figure 6).1 All of these were inside the political boundary of the city and created a situation whereby the legal limits of Tepic generally extended beyond its developed area.2 It would seem that the legal city area of Tepic in 1960 can adequately accommodate the population growth for at least another decade. 1These "subdivisions" are originally called fraccion- amientos.and later, after they have been settled, or colonized, the name is changed to colonia. It is not exactly clear how many people must occupy a fraccionamiento, or what percentage of it must be occupied, before it becomes a colonia. However, for all except the upper-class fraccionamientos, city services of water, sewers, electricity, streets, and street lights are not provided until settlement is nearly complete. 2The notable exception to this is along the highway to Guadalajara southeast of the city. There are several indus- trial and business firms which located here to have access to the highway, as well as the railroad, and to gain a tax advantage by not being in the city. CHAPTER V LAND USE IN TEPIC The detailed mapping of urban land use in Tepic is quite different and much more exasperating than for most Anglo-American Cities. Except where a personal knowledge of establishments is possible, the results can only approx- imate reality. In the older part of the city, all buildings present a continuous wall along the inside edge of the side- walk. At times the doors are open, and fleeting glimpses of the interiors are possible. These may give some small clue to the quality of the structures, and whether their use is residential, business or industrial, or a combination of these. Too often, however, such quick looks are wholly inadequate or misleading, yet in many instances they must form the basis for Judgments. Otherwise, every establish- ment would have to be individually investigated, which is impractical in a city the size of Tepic. Another problem of trying to categorize urban land use in Tepic is that many businesses operate from residences, or from structures that appear to be residences. Frequently there is little or nothing that would indicate a business use. Some- times a lead is gained from an informant, or when some business transaction is visible, but such knowledge is often obtained as the result of a fortunate coincidence. It soon becomes -55- ” a . , a . t _ . t y a ,0, . .o. . . . , .. ..~ , . 7 . . e, I e I. , .. e O i n - ,,_ . . e \ , e , ,s . , , , h _ . , 1 a . . i . . m .. , . . e . . as . . a . . . i d . , e .1 v .\ I . i . , . e i . i e , , . ,1 . I e 4 a M ’ . . It. 1 . I v . \ -55- evident that urbanland use mapping in a Latin American city is much less reliable than in cities of the united States, if Tepic is at all typical of the former.” This is particularly true if reliance is principally on obser- vation with only a minimum of interviewing. The result is a gross underenumeration of the business and home-industry functions of the City. However, such a survey is not with- out its value, in that the results may be more complete than are available from any other single source, official records included, short of a house to house census. There are other, though less serious problems, most of which are associated in one way or another with the business function of the city. For example, many businesses display no signs what-so-ever on their buildings. In general these are the older, well established concerns that feel advertising is unnecessary since everyone knows their loca- tion and business. On the other hand, many business signs are displayed on buildings although the business has been defunct for several years. So, both the absence and presence of signs complicate the task of knowing the function of in- dividual establishments. Another of the less serious problems relates to busi- ness hours. Host stores and offices in the city are open from 9:00 A.M. to 1:00 P.M. and from h:OO to 8:30 P.M. During the siesta from 1:00 to #:00 P.M., as well as all other hours when businesses are closed, large iron doors are rolled down over the fronts of many of the stores, completely hiding any observable information about the type of business. Some -67- businesses are open only two or three hours a day, and that time may be during the siesta. For example, the nixtamals1 are Open from about 11:00 A.M. to 2:00 P.M. Likewise, places that sell tortillas2 are open only during these hours. An- other type of business, the private schools (academies) , most of which are located in private homes, usually operate after 6:00 P.H. A difficulty then is being in the different parts of the city at the time of the various activities. Often when businesses are closed the establishment appears to be a resi- dence. Generally, therefore, it requires much more time and a greater familiarity with the city than is necessary for mapping land use in most Anglo-American urban centers. This necessitates walking up and down the same street many times, at different hours of the day, asking a great many questions of peOple in the street, and learning to recognize certain sounds, odOrs and sights as clues to particular types of land use. But, because it is impossible to pry into every house- hold and business establishment, or to visit every part of the city at the most opportune time, the land use survey of Tepic presented here can only approximate reality. 1Places where peOple bring small pails of corn to be ground into mass, which is the dough from which tortillas are made. 2A thin cornmeal cake, similar in shape to a pancake, and eaten with meals much as bread is eaten in the united States. -68- Residential Land in Tepic The overwhelming maJority of all developed land in Tepic is devoted to residential use. Of some 12,564 occupied structures, more than eighty-five per cent are used as resi- dances.l These divide into three general types, though there is great variation within any one. For the sake of simplic- ity they are here labeled upper-class, middle-class and lower- class dwellings and neighborhoods (Table 5). Table 5.- Number of dwellings by class in Tepic —_: ' M' _ _ ”8 Num er Dwelling CBD Rest OTI’ New Part Total Cent - Old Town of Town . Upper-class 101 496 223 820 8 Middleéclass 156 2,092 859 3,107 29 Lower-class 111 2,828 3,870 6,809 63 Total. 368 5,416 4,952 10,736 100 Upper-Class Residences A characteristic of Tepic during the colonial period was the development of a very wealthy class of people that owned the land and controlled the entire economy of the city 1Except where noted, all quantitative data relating to land use in Tepic are the result of the writer's own count. It is felt that in most instances this is more reliable than official figures given the writer by various governmental clerks and officials. It must be kept in mind, however, that such figures can only be interpreted as approximations. -69- and its hinterland. The families of this group represented a tiny segment of the population. Their wealth permitted them to live in large, luxurious dwellings and to move in social circles foreign to the masses. The presence and influence of these families has persisted into the twentieth century in Tepic and in 1960 they still represented the socially elite. The wealthy group, as a class, has grown in recent years and in 1960 no longer included only the "old" wealthy families. The ”new rich" have emerged during the present century, either through political office or business success, and they too live in a grand manner. But these two groups, the old and new wealthy families, tend to live in separate neighborhoods in the city. Many of the homes of the old wealthy families of Tepic are located in the central business district (Figure 7).. Though these dwellings represent a relatively small percentage Of all upper-class residences, they are the most exquisite. lost are large, two-story structures, frequently with a busi- ness on the ground floor which may in turn almost obscure any visible sign of a residence. Yet these homes tend to be quite luxurious and spacious and display imported tile, furni- ture and art obJects. The location in the central business district of these gagg_grandes reflects the attitude of a former era in Tepic's history when the most desirable resi- dence sites were considered to be those near the downtown plaza and, though this preference is losing p0pularity, it still persists somewhat. It should not be inferred that all residences in the central business district are upper-class. There are only -70- RESIDENTIAL TYPES TEPIC. MEXICO I 960 ’s s e'e 525$ . “‘ .§§% ‘ i? {E as #8 Gdhes Maia hamlets- All one: tussle == 0 l/Q 17 r a as?“ as Undeveloped Streets 33’ , 0t .%7, *3 din “ / l / Domino"! Quality 09 Housing ‘ III M W/W ”41/" \ _, / ; l ‘ l -_ ‘ __|._.—- I _.._- ‘ I._— "‘— - t I m Each Block Lower - Class Nicole - Close Uooev- Gloss Ne Residences Public Land Limbs at Game! Business District Figure 7 -71- seven blocks of the twenty-seven where these outnumber any other type (Figure 7), and numerically the upper-class is subordinate to both middle and lower-class dwellings in the central business district as a whole (Table 5). This seven block area is, however, one of the sections of the city that is considered to be an upper-class residential neighborhood. There are four other upper-class residential neighbor- hoods which are all new (less than five years old), only partially develOped, and located toward the margins of the city. The buildings range from relatively modest three bed- room, two-bath homes on a single floor, to eight and ten bed- room homes with numerous baths occupying two or three floors (Figure 8). Interestingly enough, most of these homes are not built as detached dwellings, but occupy the entire lot, Often being built around an inner courtyard, or patio. This reflects more a desire to maintain the traditional architec- tural house type than the fact that in these upper-class sub- divisions, land is quite expensive.1 Upper-class residences are not limited to the five 1The price of a vacant lot in the city is usually quoted by the square meter. In the upper-class subdivisions, with paved streets, street lights, electricity and city water, this price ranges from fifty to one hundred pesos a square meter $4.00-$8.00, U.S.). Thus a lot sixty feet square would cost rom 20,000 to 40,000 pesos, or approximately $1,500 to $3,000, U.S. In the new low-class subdivisions, where there are no improvements or city services, land values are from ten to fifteen pesos a square meter ($0.80-$1.20, U.S.). A lot the size of the example above would cost approximately four to six thousand pesos ($320-$480, U.S.). Thus, considering the comparative purchasing power of the two classes, land is relatively more expensive and difficult for the lower-class family to obtain. -72- neighborhoods where they are dominant. They are found in most parts of the city, being present in at least two hundred of the more than 500 blocks, but they constitute only eight per cent of all homes. It is the dispersion of upper-class dwellings, in conJunction with seemingly undesirable land uses, which is a characteristic of most neighborhoods of Tepic and which makes the task of classification difficult (Figure 9). Considering the conditions under which the survey was made, it is evident that criteria used for defining upper- class residential structures was not infallible. In general, however, they are large, well-kept houses, usually rather new, with ornamental iron and tile work. A reasonably good guide is the presence of a water tank on the roof which indicates running water in the house.1 Another criterion is evidence of ownership of an automobile. This often is advertised by a sign on the garage door next to the sidewalk, stating that the garage is in use (cochera en servicio) and that peOple are not to block access by parking in front of it. Lower-Class Residences The houses occupied by the poorer families of Topic comprise sixty-three per cent of all homes and are widely dis- 1City water systems in Tepic, as in many cities of Mex- ico, do not provide continuous water service. There are no city water storage facilities and the water is pumped directly from the wells into the water mains. Each day the pumps are shut down for several hours. Upper-class homes have storage tanks on the roof to supply household needs when the city pumps are not Operating. -73- tributed. Practically every inhabited city block contains some lower-class dwellings. These are of two general types: (a) at- tached dwellings as in the older parts of the city and (b) de- tached dwellings typical of five of the new colonias. .‘ In the city core, almost all buildings are attached. In general, the pattern tends to be high quality residences in the central business district, surrounded by a ring of "average" or middle-class homes, which in turn grade into an outer circle of lower-class dwellings, interrupted in places by colonies of high-class homes. The poorer quality neighbor- hoods extend into some of the "older" of the new colonias, especially directly across the river to the north, to the west, and in the southeastern part of the city (Figure 7). In the older part of the city many of the buildings were once maintained as better quality homes, but conversions, crowding, and lack of upkeep have caused the dwellings to deteriorate from the higher type structures they once were. In the newer colonias, most of the buildings were built as lowéclass residences, a large proportion of which are rented. As with the upper-class residences, it is impossible to establish absolute criteria for lower-class dwellings. In the attached type there is usually evidence of cramped living accommodations as indicated by closely spaced doorways, an absence of windows on the street, and a general unkempt condi- tion (Figure 10). In addition, household animals, especially chickens and pigs, commonly occupy the patio or yard, and sometimes the house as well. Dirt floors, charcoal stoves, lack of running water in the hOuse, and only one tiny room for -74- an entire family are other conditions common to low-class residences. Difficulty in categorizing homes is experienced when some, but not all of the above conditions are present. usually five or more of the above are considered sufficient to classify a dwelling low-class.1 The second and most numerous type of low-class resi- dence is a detached dwelling. There are five new colonias that have this type of home almOst exclusively, and they are common in other recently develOped areas. 'These structures are usually small, with only one or two rooms, a small back yard, and no patio.2 Most of them are of adobe brick, owned and built by the occupant. Red fired brick from the small brick ovens within a mile or two of Tepic are also often used. Though many of these houses have been occupied a year or two Or more, few of them have been really completed. There are walls started for an additional room, but not finished, 1The writer embarked on his field study believing that the presence of pigs and/Or chickens in the house or patio (the patio is really part of the house) was characteristic of a low-class dwelling. This was soon discovered to be false. The presence of animals in the house is a characteristic of the lower social class, but social mobility is common and many formerly lower-class families have come to occupy middle and upper-class homes. In their more commodious dwellings these people tend to retain many of the customs of their former class. The keeping of barnyard animals in the patio is one such tra- dition that is often retained. 2The homes built around spacious tiled patios, so com- monly described in the literature and travel folders on Latin America, are characteristic only of the middle and upper—class residences in Nayarit. The type of house occupied by the lower-class in Nayarit, and thus the most common type of house has no patio, but usually a back yard. This generalization is probably valid for all Mexico as well as Just the state of Nayarit. -75- make-shift roofs, window Openings with no glass, and other construction work yet to be done as the money becomes avail- able (Figure 11). It is doubtful though, if any of these homes will ever reach a stage of completion initially dreamed of by the owners. For most, money is scarce, employment sporadic, and families large. Under such burdens, house construction proceeds to the point where a structure is live- able, but not necessarily completed. In these new colonias there are no city services. Al- most every home has its own Open, dug well. Candles and oil lamps are used for lighting at night, and the back yard or nearby gully is used for disposing of human and household wastes. The maJority of these families have recently migra- ted to Tepic from rural Nayarit, and their living standards generally have not been improved by the change in their place of residence. Middle-Class Residences The middle-class homes are the most difficult to recog- nize in Tepic. They assume some of the characteristics of the other two residence types, but do not belong in either category (Figures 12 and 13). These houses are connected to both city water and sewer lines, but few have water storage tanks. In general, they are old structures which have undergone little remodeling or repair in the past decade or two, and though found in.most parts of the city, they are the dominant house type in the area that surrounds the central business district (Figure 7). Part of the home is frequently given over to some business ' . i/‘.. .- , .~. I ., I ‘ . v . ' ‘l, ._ y . , CI ' . ‘ ' ‘ -' ‘N .. _ . . L. ' e ' " ‘ ‘ - \ I . e . ‘ C . l - .,..- . v _. . \ug.., I ..~. . . I ) g s I 1 I I I ‘t ' J . '- V . I x. I m e . . , \ I . , .vi , , ' J ‘ , s K ' e A . _ a ,. ,. . I ' . I , ~, I ~ , M \ . . . . . v i . _ . ‘ . v. I» . e ‘ ‘ y K I, . I- { 4 .4 a Figure 8.--Homes in one of Topic's new upper- class residential areas in the southern part of the City s Figure 9.--A new upper- class home on the north side of the river. Note the two lower-class dwellings that adJoin it. Figure lO.--Six lower- class homes in the west- ern part of the city. Each is made of adobe bricks, has no windows and only one room. Cerro de San Juan in the background. -75- min IIY NU Figure 11.--A detached lower-class home in the northeastern part of the city. Note tempo- rary appearance, Open well to right of doorway, and addition under con- struction. Figure l2.--A middle- class neighborhood four blocks west of main plaza. Not distinguish- able are two businesses, two industries, plus five residences. Figure l3.--Mixing of residential types is common in the older part of Tepic. An up- per, lower and middle- class home appear in center of this view. -77- -78.. enterprise. Approximately twenty-nine per cent of all homes in Tepic are middle-Class and in general, are occupied by school teachers, office workers and business peOple. There are few"pure" neighborhoods in Tepic and none in the older, built-up portion of the city. 'Both upper and middle-class homes have been built in city blocks dominated by lower-class homes. The opposite is also true. This reflects two things: (a) the absence of zoning ordinances and (b) the lack of concern on the part of many families for the type or quality of land use in the neighborhood where their new house is to be built. As far as the attitudes of most of the people of Tepic are concerned, there are few, if any uses that are considered incompatible with residential use. It is important to have a fine home, but the location or neighborhood seems to be of less significance. Business Land in Tepic In Tepic, as in most Mexican cities, there is little difficulty in locating the dOwntown or business core of the city, but setting its boundaries is more difficult. Histori- cally, the most advantageous business location has been the area facing the plaza principal.1 The farther away from the plaza that the business is located, the less desirable its 1There are several plazas and each is named. It is cosmion in Tepic, as in many other cities of Mexico, to refer to the main plaza as the plazaprincipal, although some cities have followed the lead of the national capital and have named their plaza, El ZOcalo, while other have assigned a different name-~common1y after a local or national hero. -79- position is considered. In recent years the great increase in the business function of Tepic has made it necessary for many of the newer stores to locate farther and farther away from the plaza. This, together with the spread of residential land, and the construction of new and wider streets in the city, has given rise to small outlying business concentrations (Figure 14). These have been slow in developing, although there is a small beginning on the north side of the river and a public market was Opened two years ago on the west side of the city-~the first to be built outside the old urban core. The main plaza remains the "heart" of the city, however, and is the focus for much of its business activity. 4 The limits of Topic's central business district are not clearly discernible, especially on its western edge. Instead there is a gradual transition from a business to a residential function. It can be delimited, however, as has been done in this study, by the coincidence of three criteria as applied to the city block as a unit. These are: (a) the presence of eleven or more business establishments per block (Figure 14), (b) less than twenty-one residences per block (Figure 15), and (0) blocks where the number of business establishments is about equal to, or greater than the number of residences (Figure 16). All of these criteria were not satisfied in every blockthe writer included in the central business district, but in a functional sense, this area of twenty-seven contiguous blocks does constitute the greatest business concentration, including nearly one-third of all -80- BUSINESS ESTABLISHMENTS MEXICO TEPIC. .\ x x s \sx \\ am , \x x 1: x ., \\\ x xx x x xx \ I960 \ \ \e ’ a/ name/@1874? so ,1 WWWfiSaNWe/e W, W q.// .r §\\\w\“ \\\ \\\\\\\\ WWW/a. ass/W W // Z. W as ass . gW/N/W .1 heir/W . a wave/WW as a .EhethW/ewwy/ W WWW/4 amen Qafi names we... _ mesa sees... We a... §%aaee , $1 . V /. 7: WNW/Ge /4.// . 2’ ,5..>/./’//W/./VWY//z %% Z a eer 7! @@lfléi I I . on... N am. e e. e e to\ GUADALAJAIA \t. “mmukfi . _ M /§,.eeW/W/ ea? m . I m menace/WW . «mama ,. n . . orifice? mg m y .7///’ ,, .&§.>//// . WWWW / M / /; Gums W w Undeveloped sweets — this! Thumbs-I Zl-30 love Then 30 All 01w Sheen Mic I.“ WNW m. Dim ,» Ill Figure 14 I / -81- RESIDENTIAL DENSITIES TEPIC. MEXICO I960 \(éwa‘g “We: ‘1\\\\,\' ::-._. \ 0 “‘\~\“ \ -‘ \\\\"5'- -' 3:“ I\\\\\\\ ‘34 “WW“ w «is» I--“mw% AAAAAAAAAAA NUMKR OF RESIDENCES PER BLOCK - More Then 50 E I so IO @ a «- ‘ w an is as ' Psalm Lewd he .»4 l0 is so e rs hairless bionic. —-- Ulfll lC-Ol Figure 15 -82- RATIO OF BUSINESS TO RESIDENTIAL ESTABLISHMENTS TEPIC , MEXICO l960 ’ :0! . t... wfii§w .& II \\ \\\W\ g um"... fimfifi %@ \m. WWW. ...... '7 ' Iflfil m. “a l ' g. mewwg. NfiWWNN m, u§§.§\ . . \' §§ OCKI IIIII RATIO 0 a In. - m - n I l m m w W G 3 m I _ . I I m w h n F D w. W m u I 3 I I at Lou End-nun: f, Holo II! 0: Lou E and Paula Lu. II! IOI—IIOIIII Multan -' II! Dlflflcf — — - LIIIIII o! cmrll lulu Figure 16 -83- such establishments in Tepic (Table 6).1 Business activity has spread more to the west than to the east of the plaza. And it is on the western side where the central business dis- trict gradually gives way to residential neighborhoods, while this change is more abrupt on the east. To the north of the plaza the central business district is quite different from that on the south. The north side caters largely to the lower classes, especially transients. Here are located the second and third-class bus stations, the cheap restaurants and most of the poorer rooming houses. The south side, on the other hand, is where the banks, the best hotels, the better restaurants, appliance stores, ready- made clothing stores, airline offices, etc. are located, and thus is the part that appeals more to middle and upper class patrons. There is no altogether satisfactory explanation as to why the north and south sides of the central business dis- trict should differ to the degree they do. Low quality resi- dential and business establishments seem to be more character- istic of the newer built-up areas of the city than of the older parts. This is confirmed in many parts of the city, including the central business district where the north side is newer thantthe south. “4-...4-7. 1For example, the plaza and the block facing it to the east where the cathedral is located do not qualify, since both contain less than eleven businesses. On the other hand, there is a block on the southwestern edge that does Join the central business district but which is not included. This block was the military barracks until mid 1959. A small make-shift market has since "taken over” the vacated premises, but because of the temporary nature of the business activity, it is not included in the central business district, even though it satisfied each of the conditions listed above. -su- Table 6.-Number and type of business establishments in Tepic* Lee I . 2119 of Business GED Old Town of Town Total Grocery stores 51 195 166 412 Doorway businesses 6 101 119 226 Restaurants 5 63 23 lh3 Bruit/Vegetable stands 7 26 10 114 Auto repair shops Z 67 23 7 Clothing/dry goods 6 l 1 2 Refreshment stands 49 2 l 92 heat markets 26 12 1 52 Barber shops 18 19 13 50 Taverns/liquor stores 19 27 4 50 Misc. repair shape 10 32 5 R7 Heed/charcoal shops 2 20 18 ho Physicians 11 2 1 39 Misc. business offices 9 2 -- 37 Shoe repair shops 3 19 10 32 Shoe stores 28 3 -- 31 Hardware stores 21 9 -; 3O Hotels/rooming houses 16 ll -- 27 Jewelry/watch repair 17 h 1 22 Furniture stores 11 11 -- 22 Basket/pottery shops 12 -6 1 19 Beauty shops 11 8 -- 1 Drug stores 10 7 1 1 wholesale businesses 3 15 u- 18 Fish/poultry stands 11 2 3 16 Bicycle shaps h 10 1 15 Wholesale produce markets 13 -- -- 13 Gift/novelty shops ll 2 -- 13 Law offices 1 l2 -- 13 Academies 2 9 1 12 Photo shops g 5 -- 12 Stationery/book stores 3 -- 11 Dentists 3 6 -- 9 Pool halls 3 3 3 9 Candy stores 3 5 -- 8 Constructien materials -- 7 1 8 Eat stores 7 -- -- 7 Trucking company offices 1 5 -- 6 Milk stores 1 h -- 5 Gasoline stations -- h l 5 Hotels -- 2 3 5 Bus terminals 2 3 -- g newsstands h -- -- Insurance offices 2 2 -- h Banks 3 l -- h Auto/truck agencies 3 -- 1 h -85- Table 6.-Continued Type of Business CBD Old Town of Town Total Farm machinery dealers 1 2 l 4 Registered nurses -- -- 4 4 Appliance stores 2 l -- 3 Theaters 2 l -- 3 Uhdertakers -- 3 -- 3 veterinary pharmacies -- 3 -- 3 Used car lots -- 2 1 3 Airline offices 1 2 -- 3 Others 33 41 14 88 Total 670 895 “60 2,025 *Source: field counts by writer. In addition to the above, there were an estimated two hundred.fifty street vendors. There are several noteworthy characteristics of businesses in Tepic. One is the very small scale on which many of them operate. The capital investment is often either less or not much more than one week's pay for a laboring man. This is particularly true of the doorway businesses as well as most refreshment stands, basket and pottery shops, many fruit and vegetable stands, grocery stores, and others.1 Peeple that operate these enterprises are commonly in and out of business several times a year, and the money earned is often used to augment the family income during a period of unemployment or to provide, however small, an opportunity for a second or third member of a household to contribute to the family earnings. The large number of small commercial ventures 1Doorway businesses, as used in this paper, include those establishments from which goods are sold from a doorway or window of a home. The most common items offered for sale by these tiny concerns are candy, fruit and vegetables. Rarely is the total inventory in excess of $1.00, U.S. -86- reflects the ease of entering business. This fluctuation, plus the fact that these businesses are not registered and do not pay a tax, makes it impossible to know how many small enterprises actually exist at any one time. It is probable that this facet of the business function of Tepic is some- what underenumerated in the present study. . A second characteristic of business in Tepic is its dispersion (Figures 1h and 17-20). There are few city blocks with no stores. The absence of zoning regulations and the widespread faith that most people have in business as the means to a good life fosters this spread. The dominant business form throughout the city is the grocery store, which some- times serves as a kind of general store while in other in- stances it contains only staple commodities (Figures 21 and 22). In either case, individual sales are small, though numerous. ' There is about one grocery store for every twenty to twenty- five families in the city and most of the population is with- in two blocks of such an establishment (Figure 17). Other businesses that are also widely dispersed throughout the urban area include the auto repair garages (Figure 18), bar- ber and beauty shops (Figure 19), miscellaneous repair shops, and wood and charcoal stores (Figure 20). A third major characteristic of business in Tepic is its presence in combination with residences. 0f the 2,025 businesses enumerated, more than half are Operated from the home of the owner. This is consistently true of the smaller concerns, but is also common with the larger stores in the central business district. Many homes have been built, and -37- FOOD STORES TEPIC. MEXICO ISSO Figure 17 -88— TRANSPORTATION RELATED BUSINESSES TEPIC. MEXICO l960 O Ame/Twat Dealers a Used Ce: Lon 0 My Line Offices In u: 90 newest! smicn .ss no I f 'wim 7‘5 Figure 18 -89- SERVICE ESTABLISHMENTS TEPIC, MEXICO I960 Figure 19 -90- MISCELLANEOUS BUSINESSES MEXICO TEPIC. l960 O/M NONI A Lieuev melee/Terese Figure 20 e I.‘h I In I 1‘ RI‘ P 5| has. 9.. -91- Figure 21.-~E1 Carmen, one of four U.S. type super markets in minia- ture located in old part of Tepic. Each is less than five years old. Figure 22.--Sma11 corner grocery in southeastern part of city which is rather typical of the more than #00 in Tepic. Figure 23.--A tin-ware vendor. This man is only one of several dozen types of vendors seen in all parts of the city. He made these articles, many from old tin cans. -92- new ones are still being built, to provide a room on the street to serve as a business place. Some of these rooms have been converted to a storeroom, bedroom, or garage, but the practice of having a business in conjunction with a home is well established. Such businesses are frequently Operated by the housewife and older children while the man of the family is working on some other Job, either in or away from the city. Still another characteristic of business in Tepic is its greater concentration in the older part of the city. About seventy-five per cent of all businesses are in the part of the city that has been built-up one hundred or more years. Although there is a marked dispersion of stores handling some kinds of goods, as mentioned above, establishments providing many other types of goods and services are located almost exclusively in or near the central business district. Examples of these are the public markets (Figure 17), bus terminals (Figure 18), the restaurants, hotels and rooming houses, home furnishing and hardware stores, drug stores, profes- sional offices, and the clothing stores (Figures 19 and 20). Generally speaking, these business concerns cater less to the day to day needs of peeple than do those that are more dispersed. The number of most of the kinds of businesses in the concentration near the center of Tepic is greater than could be supported by the urban population alone. Tepic is a regional shepping center. As stated earlier, busses daily bring an estimated three thousand persons into the city. -93- Some of these people come for the express purpose Of shop— ping. Practically all Of them do some buying in Tepic, as well as patronizing the restaurants, rooming houses and taverns. The number Of Tepic's residents that gain a livelihood from businesses far exceeds the number employed in industry or in government, even though the city is the leading industrial“ town of Nayarit and the state capital.1 This suggests that the business function that has developed is basic in that it serves a population far greater than that which resides within the city.2 A particularly interesting type Of business in Tepic is carried on by the street vendor (Figure 23). Most Of these people sell food, such as roasted corn, pancakes and Jicamas, which is prepared in carts in the street. Others sell ice cream, cookies, custards, candy and other items prepared at home. Some of these vendors are licensed, but 1The Hexican Census does not give a break-down Of occu- pation groups for cities. The smallest areal unit for which detailed information is readily available is the municipio. The census lists the number Of peOple employed in industry in the Municipio Of Tepic in 1955 as 2,105. This would include the employees Of a textile mill and a sugar’mill in neighbor- ing villages, as well as many smaller industries in these and other villages Of the municipio. In the fall of 1960 the writer estimated that the year-around industrial payroll for the city Of Tepic was 2,000--about equal to the number Of governmental employees, not including school teachers. The number of peOple who gained a livelihood from retail businesses, however, was at least 4,000 and possibly more. Censo Industrial 1956, Op. cit., pp. 168-169. 2For a discussion Of the basic-nonbasic concept see John w; Alexander, "The Basic-Nonbasic Concept of Urban Economic. Fwnctions,“ Economic Geography, III (July, 1954), pp. 246-261 and Victor.ROterus and wesley Calef, ”Notes on the Basic-Nonbasic Employment Ratio,” Economic Geography, XXXI (January, 1955), pp. 17-20. . . _ .. -914- many are not.1 Most vendors are men who pursue this activity year round as the chief means of supporting a family. As such, most of them earn more than a laborer's wage. Many other men rely upon selling in the streets as a temporary means Of earning money during a period of unemployment or to supplement other income. Although it is difficult to measure Just how basic business is to the economy Of Tepic, it none-the-less seems to involve almost all families to one degree or another. Tepic is not unique in Mexico in this regard. In writing Of lexico's third city, Miss negee notes that, “One of the first things that strikes the Observer about the business in Monterrey is that there is sO much Of it."2 This Observation is equally applicable tO Tepic. Individual initiative and the free enterprise spirit are everywhere. This perhaps is a result of the large fluctuation in employment Opportunities through the year which forces many people to rely on their own resources at times tO help support the family. But both the desire tO have a business and individual resourcefulness is apparent among all social classes and in all neighborhoods, contributing tO the dispersion of business as well as tO the large number Of peOple that it engages. It is the character Of business in Tepic, as much or more than the living standards 1The exact number of street vendors is not known. On several occasions the writer noted between forty and fifty-five in a three hour period. The city health inspector stated trat his department has licensed One hundred fifty vendors, but estimated that at least another one hundred were active with- out benefit Of license. Interview with El Senor Manuel Estrada, State Health Inspector, October 29, 1960. 2Hegee, op. cit., p. 47. -95- and house types, that sets the city apart from most cities of the united States. NO single source Of information appears to give an absolutely reliable inventory Of the various types of business establishments in Tepic. Field counts of stores that handle food dO not agree with the information given by the health department, yet this department claims to inspect all_businesses that handle food (Table 7). Census data are not always accu- rate and are not broken down for cities.1 Table 7.-Discrepancy in number of food handlers we 0 p Establishment Counta Count ancy Grocery stores 268 412 144 Restaurants 74 143 69 Meat markets 86 52 34 Nixtamals 18 21 3 Bakeries 47 19 28 Drug stores 15 18 3 Tortilla shops 59 17 42 8Interview with El Senor Alejandro Corona, Jefe de Higiene de la Alimentacién, October 29, 1960. The problem would not be simplified much by trying to make a personal inventory of the retail businesses or home 1For example, the Industrial Census Of Mexico of 1955 reported two establishments in the Municipio Of Tepic that manufactured cigars and cigarettes. Only twenty-two employees were listed for these two concerns. The cigar manufacturer was a small Operator and never had more than ten employees. The cigarette factory, however, had an estimated one hundred employees during 1955. Moreover, the census did not list the tobacco warehouse and processing plant at all which had about seventy employees all during 1955, but many times this number for part Of the year. CensO Industrial 1956, O . cit., pp. 168-169. Also interviews.with_fl?2EafI—Hung, manager Of La Moderna and Mr. James Hodges, Assistant Manager, Tobaco en Rama. . . -96.. industries of Tepic. The overwhelming majority of these establishments are undetected and must remain so unless a door to door inventory were to be made. Even then one would encounter a general reluctance to divulge information because the proprietors wish to remain unknown, unlicensed and untaxed. However, the writer's count of 2,025 businesses,plus an estimated 250 street vendors, plus 328 industrial establish- ments for a total of 2,603 business and industrial concerns in Tepic is probably more realistic than the 1,500 listed by the Tepic Chamber of Commerce.1 The confusion in the number of business establishments makes it difficult to measure change in the business function. A study done eight years earlier by Fajardo lists a total of 682 businesses in Tepic.2 He does not list the source of his information, nor does he elaborate on what is included in the diverse and miscellaneous categories (Table 8). It is impos- sible to know from this source whether there has been a tremendous growth of business from 1953 to 1960 (over three hundred per cent) or whether the 1953 study represents a poor Job of enumeration. This cannot be answered conclusively, but it is probable that it is a combination of the two causes. Industrial Land in Tepic lost of the industrial establishments of Tepic are 1Interview with the director of the Cémara Nacional de Comercio.de Tepic, December 30, 1960. 2W. Fajardo, op. cit., p. 20. -97... Table 8.-Growth of business in Tepic T§5e of fiEJardo Cgunt Writer‘s Count Business (1953) (1960) Grocery stores 220 412 Clothing/shoes 74 113 Drug stores 14 18 Booming houses 20 27a Pool halls 10 9 Restaurants/hotels 26 143b Hardware stores 35 3O Diverse & Misc. 283 1,273 Total 682 2,025 aWriter's count includes hotels and rooming houses. bwriter's count includes restaurants only. small and employ few peOple. They are widely distributed throughout the city, though there is a marked concentration in the older section (Figure 24). More than half of all industries are located in residences and at least half retail their products from the same premises. Host of them.thus represent a complex mixture of land use types which are difficult to classify, often hard to detect, and quite unlike anything found in most cities of the united states.1 The overwhelming majority of all industries in Tepic are those which meet the immediate basic needs of the p0pu1a- 1In this study, any establishment that performed an industrial function was classified as such even though it may also have had a retail function. For example, bakeries and leather goods shops almost invariably had both a retail trade and industrial function, but they are classified here only as industries. -98.. tion. The sugar mill and cigarette factory rely almost exclu- sively on markets outside of Tepic, while four other estab- lishments, namely a small hot sauce factory and three soft-drink bottling plants, rely primarily on markets outside Of the city. The remaining 322 are engaged principally in fabricating clothes, construction materials, food, beverages and furni- ture for the local market (Table 9 and Figure 25-27). The most numerous of the small industrial establish- ments, and somewhat typical of this entire group, are the tailor shops (Figure 24).1 Most Of these shOps have one or two machines, are usually Operated by men, and are frequently in a residence, or in combination with another business, such as a barber shop. The number of tailor shOps, as well as the large number of dryegoods stores, demonstrates that ready- made clothes are expensive and beyond the reach of the major- ity of the population. Also, there are very few stores in Tepic that stock a selection of women's dresses, so even the middle and upper classes rely somewhat on the tailor shOps for making some Of their clothes. The material used in these clothes is purchased at one of the local dry-goods/clothing 1The tailor shOps. like many other types Of establish- ments, are difficult to detect. Sewing machines are common . items of furniture in the homes of all social classes. They are often placed near the doorway of a home within view of the sidewalk. It is impossible to know how many are used for making clothes for the family or the number used for making clothes for a fee. The writer's count of eight tailor shOps. however, includes only shOps or homes with: (a a sign adver- tisi it as a tailor shop, (b) two or more sewing machines, or (c men operating the machines. This account is grossly underenumerated as there undoubtedly are many homes that have only one machine which is Operated by a woman, that function as tailor shOps. -99- INDUSTRIAL ESTABLISHMENTS TEHC, MEXICO | 9 60 Figure 24 Figure 25.--Unloading lumber at a rather well- equipped carpenter shop --One of the few in the city that displays a sign. Figure 26.--A pottery factory and residence combined. Note pottery on the sidewalk drying in the sun. Figure 27.--San Martin bakery and delivery truck. Most bakeries make deliveries to grocery stores by bicycle. -101- Table 9.-Industrial establishments in Tepic--l960 Type of Industry CBD Part of City of City;_ Total Tailor shops 18 39 23 80 Carpenter shOps l 18 21 4O leather goods 18 13 3 34 Bricks -- 4 2O 24 Niztamals 1 11 9 21 Bakeries 4 8 7 l9 Tortillas 5 10 2 17 Tile & pottery -- 5 7 12 Print shops 3 9 -- 12 Iron fabrication 2 5 4 11 Ice cream e ice 3 2 2 7 Dry cleaning 1 4 1 6 Bottling plants -- 4 l 5 Machine shops -- 3 l 4 Upholstery shops 2 l -- 3 Toys 1 2 -- 3 Saw mills -- 2 1 3 Monuments -- l 2 3 Tequila -- l l 2 Tostados -- 2 -- 2 Tanneries -- 2 -- 2 Caskets -- 2 -- 2 Sugar mills -- l 1 2 Bottled water -- 1 l 2 Others‘ -- 7 9 11 Total 59 . 157 111 327 *Others, with one each, include candles, hats, baskets, cigars,-neon signs, electric power plant, cigarettes, tobacco warehouse and processing plant, slaughter house, hot sauce, and soap. stores and taken to the tailor shOp. Some tailors take meas- urements from the customer and proceed without benefit of a pattern. At times a customer will furnish a pattern. In any case, this industry, like the carpenter shape that make furni- ture, the leather goods shops that made shoes and saddles, the nixtamals that grind the cOrn, etc., produces for marketing in Tepic. Products are usually not sent out of the city for -102- sale. This kind of industry in Tepic developed when the city was somewhat isolated from.the rest of Mexico and has perpet- uated a high degree Of urban self-sufficiency. The low pur- chasing power Of the bulk Of the population has been important in the persistence of this aspect of the industrial function Of Tepic, even as the barriers of isolation are disappearing. The three largest industrial employers Operating in Tepic are the cigarette factory (La Moderna), the sugar mill (El Holine), and the tobacco warehouse and processing plant (Tobaco en Rama). Of these the cigarette factory is the only one that maintains a large work force throughout the year. During 1960 this company worked three shifts and employed a daily average of five hundred fifty persons, one-third Of whom were women. Employment is not seasonal, so the cigarette factory Offers an important stabilizing influence in theecon- omy of Tepic. As stated earlier, this company is Operated by the British American Tobacco Company, and from tobacco produced in Nayarit and veracruz it manufactures cigarettes that are distributed throughout Mexico. Tepic's other two large industrial establishments, the sugar mill and the tobacco warehouse and processing plant, each maintain a year round work force Of from forty to fifty employ- ees, and add many more workers during the rush season. The sugar cane harvest usually begins about the first of January and continues into July. During this time from 200 to 250 extra workers are employed at the sugar mill. Many men of Tepic also find Jobs working for growers during the sugar cane harvest. -103- The rush season for the tobacco warehouse and proces- sing plant is from March to June—-coincident with the sugar season. In 1960, the warehouse added 1,300 workers to its payroll during peak activity. There were another 200 or more men busy driving trucks hauling the tobacco from the coastal plain to the warehouse in Tepic. The company has actually been unable to hire enough men in Tepic during the rush season the past few years and has had to extend its recruiting to other villages and cities in Nayarit. The location here Of these two large seasonal employers has had great influence on the economic structure of Tepic. The fact that their rush seasons coincide and produce a labor shortage has encouraged many new families to move to Tepic when Jobs are easy to find, and a good number of these peOple then remain in the city. The economic response of the new, as well as the older residents has been that during the Off season, tiny home industries and businesses abound in the city. Hen repair shoes, make adobe bricks, and sell candy, cookies and other foods produced in home kitchens. The initiative and resourcefulness of the working class causes the number of small businesses to "explode" during the last half of each calendar year. During the first half, on the other hand, when there is a labor shortage, many of these Operations disappear, though a goodly number are continued by the women and children of the temporarily employed family heads. The city of Tepic tries to absorb some of the unemployment by expanding work on roads, water and sewer lines, park.maintenance and other public projects during the slack season. The last -104- part Of the year is also the time when home construction, repair and remodeling are at their peak, All these measures combined, however, leave a considerable number of men unem- ployed from July to January.1 Large, modern-type industrial establishments are quite new in Tepic. Uhtil recently there were only two such con- cerns. One was a textile mill, known as JauJa, located about one hundred yards down river from the northwestern edge Of the city. This factory was destroyed by fire in 1947 and no at— tempt has been made to rebuild it. The five hundred employees that lost their Jobs were mostly women. The other old, large industrial concern is the sugar mill, which is still operating.2 These two factories are more or less traditional industries for Hexico, and symptomatic of a state Of industrial develop- ment that had its beginnings early in the national period of Mexico's history. More characteristic of the new era, at least in Tepic, are the new, modern and foreign-owned tobacco concerns and the soft-drink bottling plants. These are all located in the south- eastern part of the city along the road to Guadalajara and near the railroad (Figure 24). All are using machinery as modern 1All employment data available to the writer was based on annual totals and was Of little help in determining the percentage of the work force unemployed from July to January. The estimates, however, obtained from several labor union Officials and the chief of the state office of Public Works, ranged from twenty to forty per cent. 2There is another small, antiquated sugar mill that employs less than ten persons and which makes anocha. This is a raw sugar, with a strong molasses flavor, that Is sold in cakes or bars in the markets of Tepic. -105- as that used in similar plants in the united States, and all have been established in Tepic since the construction of the international highway. It is reasonable to believe that other industries will gradually develop in Tepic to produce for the Nayarit market, or even a more extended one. It is also expected that Tepic at the same time will become more and more dependent on manufactured goods produced in Guadalajara and other parts of Mexico, as the purchasing power of its population increases. This transition will eventually Offer serious competition to the small home industries of Tepic. It would seem that Tepic is Just entering its "industrial revolution," the consequences of which should bring tremendous social and economic changes in the decades immediately ahead. Educational land in Tepic One of the great changes that has taken place in Mexico in the twentieth century has been the deve10pment Of the intel- lectual resources Of its population. In the fifty years from 1910 to 1960, the literacy rate changed from less than twenty to more than sixty per cent. Though the rate was a little higher in Nayarit than for the nation throughout this period, the change was none-the-less spectacular.1 The reason for this progress has been attributed to the Revolution and its emphasis on educating the masses.2 Even though there were lDirecci6n General de Estadistica, Compendio Estadistico, 220’ °1t e, ppe 52-57. 2A good summary of education as an important part Of the Revolution appears in Tannenbaum, Mexico: The Struggle for Peace and Bread, op. cit., pp. 154:172. -106- still families in 1960 that did not value an education for their children, especially the girls, this attitude has been changing rapidly. A characteristic Of society in Tepic is the widespread interest in social mobility. This upgrading of status is accomplished either by acquiring wealth or an employment posi- tion of responsibility and respect. Because it helps attain these goals, education is increasingly the hope of the masses that the children may enjoy a more comfortable life than did the parents. Schools are not only combatting illiteracy and ignorance, but they have become recognized as an important agency for increasing social mobility. This feeling is strongest among the middle-class families, but it is growing rapidly among the lower-classes as well. The greater interest in education and the eXpanding population have severely taxed Tepic's school facilities. Dur- ing the decade of the 1950's the number of public schools more than doubled and many private schools Opened. Even so, in 1960 some schools were on double and triple shifts and some class- rooms were so crowded that teachers were unable to move among the children.1 Though school construction continues, it does 1Prior to the opening of school in the fall it is neces- sary for parents to register their children. Long lines form in front Of the elementary schools on the appointed day and individual arm chairs in the classrooms are assigned to stu- dents on a first-come, first-served basis. It is frequently necessary to put more students in a classroom than there are chairs. It then becomes the responsibility Of parents to pro- vide arm chairs for the children. It is common to see men hauling arm chairs on their bicycles from a carpenter snap to a school during the first week of session in the fall. -107- not do so at a pace that will relieve the crowding, but merely at a rate that will accommodate the increased enroll- ments. In Tepic there are four types of schools,based upon the responsibility for administration. These are state, federal, church, and private schools. Academic institutions subdivide into categories depending on the age groups of students and the function of the school (Table 10). Table lO.-Schools in Tepic--1960* A Administration Type Of school "Federal State Church Private Total Jardin de winds 2 8 3 -- ’ l3 Primarias 9 5 -- 23 Secundarias l 3 2 -- 6 Preparatorias - 1 - -- 1 Normal - 1 - -- 1 Others - 3 - 12 15 Total 12 25 10 12 59 *Interview, Instituto del Estado, Tepic, Nayarit, the Direccion de Educacion Federal, Tepic, Nayarit, September 21, 1960 and field counts. The Jardin de Ninos is a pre-primary school that nor- mally takes children in the four to six year age group. A child usually spends three years in the kindergarten, although he is sometimes promoted in two. There are thirteen of these schools in Tepic, many of which are parts of other schools.1 1The discrepancy between the number of schools in Tepic as shown in Table 10 and Figure 28 is because there are many instances where two or more schools are in the same building. In fact, some buildings function as one school during the day and as a different school in the evening. -108- Upon finishing the Jardin de Nines the children attend the primaria, or elementary school. There are twenty-three of these schools in Tepic, each having grades one through six. Host of the students in the primaries are in the six to twelve year age group, but older children, who began their school career late, are also common. In the past, almost all students drOpped out Of school after completing the primaria. The drOp-out rate continues high, but the percent- age Of children remaining in school is steadily rising. After the primaria, qualified students attend a three- year secundaria, or high school. There are six of these in the city and each is larger than the biggest primaria. The one preparatoria in Tepic is in combination with a secun- daria. It is a two-year school for students who have finished the high school and wish to prepare for study at one of the national universities. There are four other public schools of a specialized or vocational nature. One is the Normal Urbana which is a professional school devoted to the training of teachers for the state schools of Nayarit. There is also a public nursing school in conjunction with the hospital and a public vocational trade school for boys. A new Law School (Facultad-de Lays) was organized in 1960, but had not yet enrolled any students. There are no ”city" schools in Tepic. Host schools are under the direction of the Instituto del Estado, which is the layerit Education Department. This agency builds, staffs, and maintains schools in other cities of the state, as well as in Tepic. Another department charged with responsi- -109- bility of public education is the Secretaria de Educacién Publica. In Tepic there is a branch Office Of this federal agency and itis primarily concerned with building and staffing schools in the non-urban areas of Nayarit. During the decade of the 1950's, however, Tepic's growth was so rapid, and the state's resources so limited, that there were twelve federal schools built in the city and still remain under federal administration. Ten of these schools are in the newly settled parts of the city.1 In addition to the public schools there are two types of private schools in Tepic. One is supported by the Catholic Church. The federal constitution prohibits the church from Operating parochial schools at the primary level, but such schools never-the-less function as private schools (escuelas particulares), collecting tuition and having lay teachers. Governmental officials evidently are willing to overlook a constitutional provision in order to have the church assume some of the educational burden. Since they do charge tuition, it is mainly the children of the middle and upper-classes that attend these schools. 1One interesting note is that teachers in the federal schools earn about twice the salary of those in the state schools. The same is also true Of federal as compared to state employees in the numerous governmental offices in Tepic. In 1960 the average salary for teachers in the state schools was about six hundred pesos ($48.00, U.S.) a month, whereas the minimum pay for teachers in federal schools was one thousand pesos ($80.00, 0.8.) a month. This is not because the latter are more capable than the former,.but due to a complex of reasons which include the fact that the federal schools normally are in rural areas where payment of a higher salary is necessary to attract teach- ers in view of the difficult living conditions they encounter away from the cities. -110- Another type of school in Tepic is the academia, of which there are about twelve (Figure 19). These are private schools, usually maintained in one or two rOoms of a home, where a member Of the family is usually the only instructor. Some of these are business schools, others instruct in art, danding, or sewing, several give instruction in English and/Or French, and'some give instruction in a combination of these subjects. Most of the students that attend the academias are in their teens, pay tuition to the teacher, and attend classes an hour or more a day, two to five days a week. Many of these academias are Open only in the evenings, some are open in the early morning and late evening, and others have classes during the daytime. Most Of the public schools, including all of the secon- dary schools, and all but one of the private schools, in Tepic are‘located in the Older section of the city (Figure 28). Here, the school buildings occupy fractional parts of city blocks and are found in both business and residential dis- tricts. Space limitations allow no more than a large patio for a play yard and only the sidewalk separates the school from the street. Classroom windows frequently open onto streets that carry heavy and noisy traffic. Toward the edge of the city, on the other hand, schools occupy more space, have playgrounds, and have little or no noise with which to contend. All of these are Operated by the federal government, and are either primarias or Jardin de Nifios . —111- GOVERNMENTAL LAND TEPIC. MEXICO I960 eve) Recreation (Parks. Plums. -Edueofien - All om Insets Rd iien “Mums end 0M ll! Figure 28 -112- There is little relationship between the location of schools and the varying pOpulation densities in the city. In the recent past the city was small and no child had far to walk to school. It was perhaps logical to locate all schools on the fringe of the central business district. The city has since spread out and with it have spread the primarias and the Jardin de Nihos, but not the secundarias. Thus, the younger students in the outlying parts of Tepic attend new schools nearby, but the high school students in the same areas must walk farther to the Old part of town to reach their classes. Some Other Land Uses in Tepic It is the mixture of many types of land use in close proximity that distinguishes the urban from the rural land- scape. Though the bulk of the built-up part Of Tepic is devoted to homes, business establishments, schools and industry, many other types of land uses are also present. For example, the percentage of unimproved or undeveloped land per block ranges from zero in the center Of the city to more than ninety per cent toward the city limits. Most of the "vacant" land is unused, but some is grazed by animals, some is undergoing development, some contains little plots Of corn, beans, squash, or sugar cane, and some is used for playgrounds. All vacant land in the city is subdivided, however, and in all except three colonias, some of it is undergoing development. Presedfly' vacant land will eventually accommodate part of Tepic's ra- -ll3- pidly growing population and then, no doubt, new areas will be added to the city and developed. Another land use type is the city thoroughfare. With the possible exception of residential and vacant land, city streets occupy a greater area than any other land use category. These grade from the main east-west and north-south concrete streets, to the other principal routes of internal circulation paved with asphalt, to the secondary cobblestone streets, and to the dirt roads in the newer and poorer neighborhoods. The function of the Tepic street, as well as its characteristics, is little different from comparable types in most other cities, whether in the United States or in Mexico. There are however, three other urban land uses that should be discussed in some detail. These are lands used for governmental, religious, and recreational purposes. Governmental land Use The Operation of government is an important function for the city of Tepic, and until recently, it was the most important. As a state capital, and as head of the Municipio of Tepic (county seat), many county, state and federal offices have come to be located in the city. This has given rise to a greater concentration of this kind of land use here than is found in any other city of Nayarit. Government employment is not only an important part of the livelihood of Tepic, being about equal to that by industry, if school teachers are excluded (Table 11), but it adds greatly to the stability of the economy. -114- Table ll.-Government employees in Tepica School Level ~ Teachers Others Total Federal 378 1, 16013 1, 538 State and 700 800 1,500 County Total 1,078 1,960 3,038 aSource: Interview with E1 Senor Luiz Romero, Secretary of the Federal Employees union, Officina dc Salubridad, December 12, 1960. bThis does not include 712 military men in Nayarit, most of whom it is presumed are billeted in Tepic. From Secretaria de Industria y Comercio, DirecciOn General de Estadistica, 71 Balderas, México, D.F., Interview Decem- ber 21, 1960. _ The mapping of governmental land use in a Mexican city presents more problems than normally encountered doing a simi- lar task in most cities of the united States. This is due to the more socialized structure Of the economy, as well as the anti-clerical provisions Of the constitution of 1917. Not only are there the usual governmental land use types, such as administrative Offices, parks, playgrounds, schools, the mili- tary barracks, water wells and the post Office, but also owned and Operated by the government are the telephone, telegraph and electrical Offices, the electrical power generating plant, the railroad station and auxilliary facilities, the public markets and wash houses, a cemetery, some apartment buildings and houses, a hospital and a health clinic. In the same cate- gory, at least in theory, are all churches and facilities used by the church. This demonstrates the confusion in classifying -115- government land into one category since it includes a variety of functional groups. In general, the writer has separated' these into governmental land used for: (a) education (dis- cussed earlier), (b) the administrative and service functions of government, (c) religious purposes, and (d) recreation (Figure 28).1 In Tepic there are thirty-seven different parcels of government land with an administrative or service function. The largest Of these is the Palacio del Gobierno (state capitol building) which occupies an entire city block six blocks south of the plaza in the central business district. This building, which faces the Plaza del Gobierno (government plaza) houses most of the state offices in Tepic,including those Of the governor, education, health, public works, engineering, police, traffic, justice, and the state prison. This building con— tains the largest concentration of governmental Offices and employees in the city. Most of the governmental functions Of the Municipio of Tepic are taken over by the state government, so that county government, while important in other municipios of Nayarit, is of little consequence in Tepic. On the west side of the main plaza however, is the Municipal, or county building. There are four offices here, all of which function in cOOpera- tion with state agencies (such as the city plan commission, 1Table 11 includes all government employees. The clergy, although they perform their duties in government-owned build- ings, are paid by the church, and are not listed as government employees. -1l6- whose work is dominated and done by the state offices of Public HOrks). These two buildings, the Municipal and the Palacio del Gobierno, house most of the state and county agencies and employees in Tepic. Around the edge of the city are three water wells, five wash houses, the military bar- racks, the hospital, and the federal highway patrol Office. The remainder Of the government land in the older part of the city is devoted to federal Offices. These are usually small, employing few workers, and are scattered. Though illegal, several occupy part of the residence Of the chief Or director of a particular agency, some are in structures that were formerly used as homes, and others occupy the second or third floor of buildings in the central business district. A fed- eral building which would house these various Offices under one roof would be a welcome convenience for Tepic, but in 1960 there were no plans for such. land Used for Religious Purposes Religion plays an important role in Tepic.1 The main- tenance of approximately three dozen full-time clergyman, the 1There are four protestant churches in Tepic-~Congrega- tional, Seventh Day Adventist, Evangelical (La Luz del Mundo), and the ApostOlica. All have very small congregations and function more as missionary groups than as established churches. The protestant population of the Municipio Of Tepic was less than one per cent of the total in 1950, and had probably changed very little by 1960, whereas Catholics accounted for 98.7 per cent of the population in 1950. Because of its dominance, only the Catholic religion is considered in this section Of the study. Secretaria de Economia, DirecciOn General de Estadistica, Sé timo Censo General de Poblacién, 6 de Junio de 195O,AEstadO He He arit (Mexico, DuF.:*‘Talleres Graflcas de la RaElOn, 1953), p. 34. . -117- construction of churches, and the use Of twenty-two different parcels of land causes the church to exert an economic, as well as a spiritual influence in the community. In addition to places of worship, the church maintains two hospitals, an Old peoples' home, many schools (Table 11), living quarters for priests and nuns, and a monastery under construction scheduled to Open late in 1961 (Figure 9). Moreover, there are approximately twelve religious holidays during the year which bring a closing of most business establishments and celebrations or pilgrimages to one Of several nearby holy shrines. All classes participate in, and contribute to the support of, the church's activities. The overwhelming dominance of the lower sociO-economic groups at most church functions, however, gives the impression that the church exists primarily for the lower classes. Only rarely do middle and upper-class families participate in other than traditional services con- ducted inside a church, such as mass, communion and weddings. There are thirteen Catholic churches in Tepic. All are in use, but three are very small and have a capacity of less than fifty people. One church is under construction and using small temporary quarters; two others are in use as their con- struction is being completed; another church is in the cemetery and is used only at irregular intervals. With the exception of the three smallest churches mentioned, the churches of Tepic average a seating capacity Of about 200 people. ' Two of the churches in Tepic are of greater interest than the others and are usually pointed out as tourist attrac- tions. One is the Church of the Cross. This was founded in -118- 1744 and is thus the Oldest church in Tepic. It served as a convent until early in this century, when One part of the quarters was converted to a public elementary school and another part to residences for families of military personnel (it adjoins the military barracks in the southern part of the city). The chapel is still used for religious services and living quarters for nuns are included in the structure. The other church of interest is the Cathedral, which faces the downtown plaza, and is the largest church in the city. It dates from 1750, although it was remodeled last century. The two Gothic towers extend 150 feet above the street level and are visible from most parts Of the city. The Cathedral has a small, separate chapel, next to which are the living quarters for the priests Of Tepic. Land Used for Recreation The reservation of urban land for plazas was character- istic of town planning in Spanish America, and is one of several features that make for similarity between cities Of Mexico. The Spanish attitude that cities should afford the luxury of Open spaces was firmly implanted in the New WOrld and did not change when independence came. In Tepic there has been a grow- ing concern in adding parks and plazas this century. The city plans Of 1855, 1878, and 1922 show only three plazas and one park in Tepic, and this had not changed by 1940. Following World war II, however, provision was made for a plaza in each of the new colonias and two city blocks by the river were developed as parks. Paseo de la lama, the large park in the -119- southern part of the city was provided with a band shell,a bull ring, playground equipment and tennis courts. A futbol stadium and a baseball field were built in the western section Of the city. Even by Mexican standards, Tepic is well pro- vided with recreational areas (Figure 28). Topic's main plaza serves a variety of functions in addition to being a magnet for much of the city's retail busi- ness activity. Its several trees, flower beds, numerous park benches, fountain and band stand, and central location make it a popular gathering place. Groups of men in conversation, wo- men with children, a few tourists, shoe shine boys and vendors are all commonly seen in the plaza at most any hour of the day. Two evenings each week large crowds turn out to hear the concerts given by the municipal band.- About once a month there is a big celebration with dancing in the street, the music being provided by two or three bands, and elaborate displays of fire- works. The plaza is almost a social institution, without which the city would be a much less attractive place to live for a large part of Tepic's population. The other plazas Of Tepic, because of their trees, flowers, lawns and statues, contribute to the beauty of the city but serve little, if any other func- tion. The four parks in Topic are used very little except on Sundays and holidays, when many families spend part of the day there. Alameda Park, which is more than one hundred years old, is the best maintained. The arrangement of its many trees, flowers, shrubs and stone walks dates from a classical period of park planning in Mexico. The other three parks were estab- -120- lished within the last decade, and though they represent a con- siderable initial investment in walks, trees, benches, band shell, etc., are poorly cared for.1 At times the grass is "knee- deep" and except for remodeling of the bull ring in the large, new park in the southern part of the city, which was in progress early in 1961, there have been no new additions of either equip- ment or shrubs and trees. Perhaps the greatest value of the three newer parks is that the land is reserved, and as the char continues to grow, the need for parks will increase until a permanent program of maintenance will probably be enforced. Not until then will their real worth be realized. Two other parcels of government land are used for recreation or entertainment. In 1960 the baseball stadium was used only occasionally. In the previous year Tepic had a minor league professional baseball team, but the franchise was transferred after the winter season of 1959-60. Efforts were made in 1960 to organize an independent Nayarit baseball league with each of the larger cities supporting a team, but were not successful. There is much interest in the sport and eventually the baseball park will no doubt see greater use. Across the road from the baseball field is the futbol stadium. Futbol (soccer) is Mexico's national sport and among sports enthusiasts undoubtedly commands the greatest interest in Tepic. Within the nation there are two profes- 1This reflects a common attitude in Tepic. The state government takes great pride in new construction projects, but frequently these are not accompanied by a sustained interest in maintenance. This is especially true of schools, parks and roads. -l2l- sional futbol leagues--the first division with fourteen teams and the second division (or "minor league") with twenty teams, one of which is Tepic's. Alternate Sundays there are home games and the stadium, which has a capacity Of about 7,000, is usually filled. The season begins in September and ends in May, during which time futbol is an active topic of con- versation for many people in Tepic. Summary The mapping Of urban land use in Tepic is more diffi- cult than for a city Of similar size in the United States, and the results are less reliable. Residences in the Older part of the city are built flush with the inside edge of the sidewalks exposing only a wall, a door, and sometimes one or two windows to the public, thus the assesment of the quality of most homes is speculative. In the writer's judgment, how- ever, sixty three per cent of the homes are occupied by lower- class families, only eight per cent by upper-class, and the remainder by middle-class. The Older, central part of the city is characterized by a mixture of residential types, but with a concentration of upper-class residences in and near the central business district, and this is surrounded by a ring Of middle-class homes. An outer and newer ring surrounds the old urban core. Most of this is devoted to low-class dwellings, interrupted by four small upper-class neighborhoods and an industrial district. The majority by volume of Tepic's business, and one- third of all its business establishments, are in the twenty- ~122- seven blocks that comprise the central business district. The stores of Tepic are distributed throughout the city, most Of them are small, and a majority are located in homes. A total of 2,275 businesses were enumerated and this urban function is considered basic to the economy of the city. The industrial function of Tepic is somewhat similar to the business function in its dispersion and small-scale Of Operation. The tobacco companies, bottling plants, sugar mill and hot sauce factory, comprising only eight out of 327 industrial establishments, are both the largest and the only ones that rely on markets outside of Tepic. The others typically have only two or three emplOyees, produce almost exclusively for the local market, are located in homes and retail their own product. Industrial employment is seasonal since the tobacco and sugar cane harvests are concurrent. During this time more than 1,500 extra laborers are hired at the tobacco warehouse and the sugar mill. Government land is a more inclusive category in Tepic than for cities of the united States. It includes not only land used for the usual administrative, service and educational functions of the government, but the railroad facilities and the electrical power, telephone and telegraph companies as well. Education has been growing in importance and the forty-seven schools (this includes only federal, state and church schools) are crowded, with several of them Operating more than one shift. Most schools are located in the Older part of the city, there being only eleven in the newer neighborhoods. Religion is important in Tepic and there are thirteen Catholic and four -123- Protestant churches--all of which are legally government prOperty. In addition, the Catholic Church maintains two hospitals and a home for the indigent aged. Tepic is fortunate in that it is well supplied with plazas, parks and other recreational facilities, most Of which have been added in the last two decades. CHAPTER VI SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS The city Of Tepic demonstrates vividly the inter- relationships that exist between elements of an urban econ- Omy and the growth Of a city. From the time of its founding as a Spanish village in 1530, until about 1800, it remained a small isolated outpost on the fringe of settlement in New Spain. Spanish colonial policy forbade growing tobacco and manufacturing textiles, but encouraged raising food crOps and animals to support the village and to supply caravans and expeditions. The location of Tepic in a fertile valley on the natural route between Guadalajara and the northwest gave it an ideal location to perform its function. In the second decade Of the nineteenth century the revolution against Spain began and Mexico emerged an inde- pendent country in 1821. The former economic restrictions were gone and by 1850 Tepic had a textile mill and a sugar mill. Tobacco was being grown in the environs Of Tepic, as well as in several other parts of the state. A greater exchange between Tepic and its hinterland develOped and the city's population grew to approximately 10,000. A period Of relative stagnation then set in. The seaport of San Blas declined, and the loss of the northern territories (Alta -124- " -125- California) following the war with the united States (1846- 1848) had resulted in fewer and smaller caravans passing through Tepic. Also, further economic deve10pment in Tepic was severely restricted by its isolation. All of this con- tributed to the last half of the nineteenth century being a period of slow growth, during which time the city's popula- tion increased from about 10,000 to 15,000 and its boundaries not at all. The twentieth century brought no great change to Tepic initially and forty years more of near dormancy prevailed with regard to the growth of population and the economy of the city. Beginning in the twentieth century, however, two forces Of change were set in motion. One was the Mexican Revolution, the military aspects of which occurred in the second decade and resulted in a temporary decline of population. The other was the completion of the railroad from the Uhited States- Mexican border, through Tepic and on to Guadalajara. For a time, the first force seemed to cancel out the second as far as either economic or population growth was concerned, since Tepic, which had a population of 16,778 in 1910 and dropped to 13,766 in 1921, had reached only 17,547 in 1940. Though data for inter-censal years are not available, it is reason- ably certain that growth did not become rapid until after 1945. Another sapect of the Revolution which undoubtedly reduced the influence of the railroad on the economy of Tepic and Nayarit was the land reform program that reached its peak during the decade Of the 1930's. The immediate result was that the rural areas were transtrmed from a com- ~126- mercial economy based on large estates and cheap labor to small communal farms (ejidos) and a subsistence economy. The beneficial social and economic aspects of the Revo- lution, which had begun in 1910, finally reached Tepic about 1950 in the form Of the highway. Road building programs were started in northwestern Mexico following World war II and early in the 1950's Tepic was connected with Mexico City, Guadalajara, Mazatlan and the United States border by hard surfaced road. Other paved roads were constructed in Nayarit as were many secondary, all-weather roads. Tepic was thus "Opened” to the rest Of Mexico by the means Of rapid transportation that have since revolutionized the city. In the last ten years, large new industries have located in the city, it has become part of the market area of Guadalajara and Mexico City, and its population has climbed from 24,594 in 1950 to more than 53,000 in 1960. Tepic, in the fifteen years since 1946, has experienced greater economic and social change than during its previous four hundred year history. There is no ques- tion that the highways have been of paramount importance in producing this change. The new external influences acting upon Tepic have in turn contributed to the present internal structure Of the city. Though the colonial period is still expressed in the city plan, through arrangements of internal components and some economic characteristics and architectural styles, Tepic can no longer be described as the picturesque colonial settlement it was only two decades ago. Since World war II the old has rapidly given way to the new and a modern city is emerging. -127- The mapping of land use in Tepic presented problems not normally encountered in cities of the united States, and which were not necessarily resolved by the field work that formed the basis for this dissertation. Almost allfbuildings in the Old, central core of the city are built flush with the inside edge Of the sidewalks. As the writer became familiar with the city, he was able to "sense" the quality of neigh- borhoods, but could not be certain in judging the quality of many of the individual dwellings. Most Of the business and industrial establishments Of Tepic are located in homes, which frequently made their detectiOn difficult, or impossible, so they were probably underenumerated. But in spite of these handicaps, it is the writer's Opinion that the results Of a complete and accurate inventory of the city might differ only in minor details from the findings in this study; there would probably be little or no variance in the general urban patterns summarized below. The city can be divided into six principal districts (Figure 29). One of these is the central business district which is built around the main plaza and which contains a com- plex.mixture of land uses. It is delimited by the dominance Of business establishments over residences, though many of the latter exist, as do numerous tiny industrial concerns such as tailor shops, shoe and saddle manufacturers, bakeries, etc. There is also a church and several parcels of land with a governmental function. Related, though subsidiary to the central business district, are six outlying retail concentra- tions which are intermediate foci in the business hierarchy. -128- GENERALIZED DISTRICTS MEXICO TEPIC, \ 1 0 BULDALAJML s ”ewes ii ”:I\ “wawaweae \ to $flmW//%z/iflfl/i%i §§§ . .rfls (a? W, . y/fl/Me %W%/aa%/fl, e/ smears ., , if 74st $s /l ll/l l/ I, .5 RESIMNTIM. - Camel Business blame! m 0M lube“ thenm Ms- Upset-Olen “"5512, mm mm Undeveloped Shula ":3; ' Olav Lever-cues ” Residential. Middle-Clue hues-fleeting. Ihd vim Ieelmeee end "else have". Mam YheveugMeves All OM" Sheen L3““1" 2435;; Me end Hues III II. Figure 29 -129- Outward from the main plaza Tepic tends to divide into three concentric circles and a wedge (Figure 29). Surrounding the central business district on all sides but the north, is a zone of Older residences of mixed quality but predominantly middle-class. Small business and industrial establishments, usually occupying part of a home, are widely distributed throughout the entire district, but with concentrations along, and at the intersections Of, the principal thoroughfares. Also located either in or on the edge Of this middle-class residential area are many schools, numerous government build- ings and offices, several churches and two other plazas. This zone and the central business district probably represent essen~ tially the closely built-up limits of Topic from about 1900 to 1940. ' The next outward ring is that Of older, low-class residences. This zone, which surrounds the previously men- tioned districts on all but the west side, had no doubt been partially settled for many years, but filled up completely during the 1940's. Residential densities are high, houses are small and families large, which together with the pres- ence of seemingly unattractive land uses such as the slaugh- ter house, two tanneries and many auto repair shops, make parts of this district the poorest residential areas in the city. Again there are both middle and upper-class homes interspersed throughout, but low-class homes are over- whelmingly dominant. The remainder, or outer ring of the city, has been occupied only since 1950 and contains three distinct and ~130- homogeneous land use regions. Most Of the outer zone is devoted to low-class residential use. Those parts on the north and south sides of Tepic are only partially occupied and mostly contain detached dwellings, whereas in the low- class area on the west side the houses are the attached type. Though less so than in the central part Of the city, home- business and home-industrial establishments are common and there are two small business concentrations. A second part of the outer ring is composed of four “m" -* ““2:— separate upper-class residential neighborhoods, all Of which are partially develOped and.less than six years old. The one on the north side of the river is the most poorly ‘ located of the four and contains relatively modest homes plan- ned to be occupied by school teachers. There is danger that the poorer residential areas that border it on two sides may either encroach upon or blight this neighborhood. However, the quality Of the homes is such that, by Tepic standards, they must presently be considered upper-class, even though somewhat tenuously. The other three upper-class subdivisions on the south side of the city contain homes that range from rather modest to luxurious structures. These are still undergoing development and the final character of the areas will remain in doubt until this is completed. It would seem, however, that these will continue to be residential districts for wealthy families of Tepic. In the southeastern part of the city, between the high- way to Guadalajara and the railroad, is a wedge that is develOp- ing as Tepic's industrial district. This area is also new, A-l3l- only partially occupied, and contains the cigarette factory, sugar mill, four bottling plants, and a mile farther south- east, the tobacco warehouse. Along the highway in this dis- trict has been some start of a ribbon deve10pment in the form Of homes, a school, and a few stores. There is still much vacant land, however, to accommodate future industrial expan- sion. Tepic is eXperiencing radical and revolutionary changes. The direction that these changes will take in the future is uncertain, but several trends seem evident. The city will certainly continue to gain pOpulation, but prObably at a slower rate than during the decade Of the 1950's. New, modern-type industrial establishments will no doubt continue to locate in Tepic, and there will be a decline of the small home industries. Furthermore, as population expands, so will the retail business function of the city. But, it is doubtful if Tepic will grow to the extent that it will either challenge theindustrial and distributional functions of, or very much lessen its dependence upon, Guadalajara. The foothills of the Sierra Madre Occidental and the Nayarit coastal plain constitute Tepic's hinterland, and they are neither densely populated nor wealthy. Tepic's function in serving this area will undoubtedly expand, but it is the restrictive characteristics of this hinterland that will ultimately limit the city's growth. In the next decade or two, Tepic will probably have reached a: population of 100,000. Thereafter, the city will perhaps begin another period of slow growth since it will have expanded to the limit which the hinterland within the state will support. APPENDIX PART I NOTES ONTHE FIGURES Figure l. Tepic and the Matatipac valley looking northeast toward the Sierra Madre Occidental. Source: 018. Mexicans Aerofoto, S.A., Mexico City, Mexico. Picture taken about 1954. Figure 2. Orientation Map. Base Map: American Geographical Society. Map of Hispanic America, 1959, Sheet NF-l3. Scale, lzlfUUUTUOO. Figure 3. Transportation Relations of Tepic. Base Map: American Geographical Society. Map of Hispanic America, 1959, Sheet NF-13. Scale, 1:1:0007000. Figure 6 and all subsequent maps of Tepic. Base Map: Gobierno delEstado de Nayarit, Depart- amento de Obras Pfiblicas, Plano General de la Ciudad de Tepic, Nayarit. April, 1960. Scale, l:H,000. Source of data: Field work. -132- -l33- KEY TO BLOCK NUMBERS A .m *o inf“: €550 W 3”“ " 5“" CI. 15?“. ‘ 1 » , we... fitfi’fisg @gg/ggww QQ’ “Viifi‘l’mga — Idem TMoungvu All Olhll 8'70." Pen Vl—Nn om: Kin. 0! Task. Int-nu Section Mule \\\\.\ ‘\\\‘\\\\‘\:\ PM VII-Nu cum King M Tepic, Ionian Semen 0 an I/Z ‘ ‘ Figure 30 -134- PART II.--Enumeration of Establishments in Tepic: Central Business District Type of Block Number establishment 1 2 3 4 5 b 2 8 9 1O 11 12 413 Residential Upper-class 18 1 Middle-class - 1 Lower-class - - - 10121010 .3\,.).3 —I O 4 U1 \0 I Businesses Grocery - - - - Fruit and Veg. Meat/fish/fowl Restaurant Snack bars Clothing Furniture/hardware Liquor/pool Barber/beauty shop Drug store Jewelry Hotel/rooming house Repair shop Prof. office Photography Auto repair/parts Academia Paper books Wo charcoal Auto dealer Bank Bike shop Bus terminal Wholesale houses Warehouses Doorway business Other N \I.) .3 I I N .3 .3 I .3 N I-‘le IN-‘INI I I lUiN-‘I IINNI-‘IQI-‘l I I-‘JI III-*4MWNO‘HI I II-‘I-erI INNIlI-‘I IIII III-‘I IIIII IMANIAIANIIAINI I I -sI I lldlll I I I-‘INI-‘INNNINI-‘O‘mOI INIII I I NIIIIIIII N-‘NII III AIIIIIIIII dl-‘lI-‘I d-‘IIIII ‘NNIINIIII-‘dl hllIll-‘Il-‘Ild-‘l-‘IINI .8 dII-‘IINI I IIII bIIIIIII II-‘d-‘III QIIIIIII II-‘lIIII Industry Tailor shop Leather goods Printing Food preparation Other II-‘l-A II II IIIN‘ I-‘III IN-‘II IIIII I II-‘II I I I II-‘II Government Administration, etc. 2 1 - - - - - - 1 - - - School - - 1 - - - - - - - _ - - Church - - l - g - - - - - - - - - -135- PART II.-Continued ._-. _..__.... «-.. Type of Block Number Establishment 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 Residential Upper-class 2 2 - 6 2 3 1 7 9 3 - 3 5 3 Middle-class 4--4104148-3-6912 Lower-class - 1 - 1 7 4 14 - - - 6 8 1 5 Businesses Grocery 24 Fruit and veg. 51 Meat/fish, fowl 34 Restaurants Snack bars Clothing Furniture/hdwe. Liquor/p901 Barber/beauty Drug store Jews Hots rming. hse. Repair shop Prof. office Photography Auto repair/pts. Academia Paper/books Wood/charcoal Auto dealer Bank Bike shop Bus terminal Wholesale hse. Warehouse Doorway'bus. Other Industry Tailor shop Leather goods Printing Fbod prep. Other Govern-ent Administration, etc . School Church O‘I-‘IIIIlI-‘IIIWI-‘III-‘UIO‘w-fiIII IIII-e dIIIIIIIIIIII-‘Il-‘d-‘IIUIIIII d 8IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIKC¥I VIII-*IIIIIIIIIII-‘I-‘I-‘I‘bI-‘Ilw I-‘lII II-‘I-‘IIIIIIIIIIIIII-‘IWNI-‘IIN I-‘III I-‘II-‘III-‘IIIIIIIIIIWIWINIII ddllIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII-‘II-‘II‘ .3||.3.3 WIIIIII-*I-e-‘I-‘N-‘IIIIIA-‘IIIII NIIIIIINIlI-‘I-‘IIN-‘II-‘NINIII NlI-‘IIIII-‘IIIIllNI-‘WWO‘I-‘II‘ I -*I uo-s \OIIO‘IIIII-‘IIIIl-JwPIwbINIIw-‘Nm d-‘Ibw N-‘l-‘IIIIIIIIIld-‘IN-PIIWIII-‘b I-‘IWI wIIdI-‘IIIIIl-‘II-‘I-‘l-P-‘Iblllll N \OII-‘IIII-‘IIll-*A-‘IIN-‘WIIKIMJ-e INIWN -136— PART III.-Enumeration of Establishments in Tepic: Middle-Class Residential District Block Number 2255672891011 Type of establishment 1 Residential 9 - 3 2 3 19 11 Upper-class Middle-class Lower-class Business Grocery Fruit and veg. Meat/fish/fowl Restaurant Clothing Furniture/hardware Liquor/pool Barber/beauty shop Drug store Hotel/rooming house Repair shop Prof. office Photography Auto repair Academia Paper books Wo charcoal Bike shop Wholesale house warehouse Doorway business Other Industry Tailor shop Carpenter shop Leather goods Printing IBood preparation Iron fabrication (Ither Government Administration, etc. School Church bib-i IIIIIIIIHIIIIIIIIIIIII —l-L 36 32“ IFIIIIIINIIIIIIIIINIII I‘AIIII MOI AII‘IIII‘IIIIIIIddIIII IIIlIdI 30 16 I-‘III-‘IlIII-‘II-‘III-‘IId I‘dIIII 18 37 NwINIIIINIIHIIIIIINIIF IIAIIII 36 15 deIIIIIMIIIIIIIIIIIII —l 19 NIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIN IIIIII‘ IIIIIIIINIIdIIIdIIIdII IIIIIdI 16 Id‘INIdINIIAdIIdAIWIIN ‘dIIIIN NU!” N wIIIIdIIddlIIIdIIIQFm# —:I ldeIlI d' wildIIIINIIdIIIdIINIIw AIIIIIA ddIIIIIIAIIIIIIIIIdIII dI-‘lIII —l IIIIIIIIIIII‘III‘IIIII AIIIIII sales—*“——t‘1naav J‘ r. I... I. Typeof establighggnt Residential Upper-class Middle-class Lower-class Business Grocery Fruit and veg. Nbat/fish/fowl Restaurant Clothing Furniture/hardware Liquor/pool Barber/beauty shop Drug store Hotel/rooming house Repair shop Prof. office Photography Auto repair Academia Paper books Wo charcoal Bike shop Wholeshle house Warehouse Doorway business Other Industry Tailor shop Carpenter shop Leather goods Printing Food preparation Iron fabrication (cher Goveumulmn; Administration, etc . School Church k -137- PART III.-Continued 14 12 IIIII-‘III-‘IIII-‘dI-‘IIIN II-‘lIII Ad 15 16 ad I-‘IIIII-‘lII-‘lI—‘III-‘III IIIIIIN 40“ IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII-I —l 17 23 III-*l-‘lIIIIIIIII-el-‘IIN II-‘IIII Block Number 19 20 21 II-‘IIIII-‘IIIIIIIIl—‘IIN 5 13 23 F-‘IIIIIINIIIIII-‘ll-‘Il-fi Ilflll-‘I 1O 2 WIIIIIIIII-‘IIIII-‘IN-‘II II-‘IIII cub NIIIIIIINI-‘d—‘HIIII-‘III N-‘NIIIIIII-‘IIIIIIIIII-e N-‘IIIII-‘IIIINI-‘II-‘IIl-e .3 wa IIIIlI-* \3) 0Q dl-‘IIIIIII-‘I-JAIIIIIIII AIIIIII dIlIIIIIIIIIII-‘IIIIIII _n ‘mm‘v I 0. .‘. A u r I l -138- PART III.-Continued Type Ci of W ‘ Block establishment 27 28 29 _3O 31 32 33_A34, 35 36 _37 i38 39 Residential Upper-class A 4 4 L - 7 11 4 Middle-class 9 12 18 11 12 - 14 2 Lower-class 3 11 13 21 15 3 - MN N O‘ I .3 N-FO‘ 4 29 I I .3 O I Business Grocery Fruit and veg. Nbat/fish/fowl Restaurant Clothing Furniture/hardware Liquor/pool Barber/beauty'shop Drug store Hotel/rooming house ‘ Repair shoiI Prof. office Photography Auto repair Academia Paper/books Wood/charcoal Bike shop Wholesale house Warehouse Doorway'business Other III—‘IIIIIN IIIIIIIIII IIIIIIIIII I-‘I-‘IIIIII I-‘IIIIIIIII-‘IIIIIIIIII I‘IIIIIIIIII-‘IIIIIIIII-J II-‘IIIII-‘I-‘IIIIIIIUIIIN \h-‘IIIIIIN-‘I-‘IIIII-J-e-‘II-I AIIIIIIIIIIIIIIINIIIII I-‘IIIIIIII-‘III—IIIIIIIN IIIIIIII-‘INIIIIII-‘IIIN IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII WIIIII-‘d-‘IO‘AIII—I-‘NIII-I I—‘IIIIIIIIII IIIIIIIIIIII O‘IIIIIII-‘I-I‘I INI-‘IIIIIIII Industry Tailor shop Carpenter shop Leather goods Printing Food preparation Iron fabrication Other III-‘III IIIII-‘I IIIIN-‘d I-‘IIIII IIIIII-b IIIIIII IIIIII-J IIIII-‘I IIIIIII IIIIII-J IIIIIII IIIIIII dIIIIII Government Administration, etc. School Church — - - - 1 - - - - - - - - I I I I I .5 I N I I I .3 I I .3 I I I I I I I I I I I 73".:— _"‘..‘ fi... .75 -139- PART III.-Continued Type of Block Number egtablishggnt 49 41 42 42 54 55 46 47 48 49 50 51 .52 Residential Upper-class 7 11 3 L 8 1 5 Middle-class 6 11 26 19 15 17 11 12 17 19 17 Lower-class - 6 13 4 2 A I —L to ex 0‘ I I Business Grocery Fruit and veg. Meat/fish/fowl Restaurant Clothing Furniture/hardware Liquor/pool Barber/beauty shop Drug store Hotel/rooming house Repair shop Prof. office Photography Auto repair Academia Paper/books Wood/charcoal Bike shop Wholesale house Warehouse Doorway business Other O‘IIIIIIIIII‘II-‘IINI-‘III dIIIIIIIIIWIII-‘IIIIII-I I-‘IIIIII-‘II-‘IIIIIII-‘II-e A-‘IIIIIIIIIIIIII-‘IIIIN “IIIIIIIdIN-‘IIIIIIIII-I NIII-‘IIINIIIIIIIII-‘II-e bIIIIIIINI-‘IIINIIIIIIN N-‘IIIIIII-‘I-‘IIII-I-e-‘III d-‘III-‘IIIIIIIIIIIIIIII IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIN FIIIIIIIIINIIII-‘II-‘II-J III-*IIIIIII-‘I-‘I-e-e-IIIII wIIIIIIIII-I-IIIIIIIIIII Industry Tailor shop Carpenter shop leather goods Printing Fbod preparation Iron fabrication Other IIIIIII IIIIIII III-*III III-‘III IIIIIII IIIIIII IIIIIII III-IIII dIIIII-e .3.|.3|.3.3 IIIIIII II—lIIII I-‘I-‘III Government Administration, etc. School Church - - - — - - - - - - - I .J I I I I I I I I I I I .3 I I I I .3 —l I I I I I I .3 I 440- PART III.-Continued‘ Type of Block Number establishment 53 54 55 .56 57U_58__59__6O 61 62 63 64 65 Residential Upper-class Ifldflle—class Lower-class I~OI> -|\O\I N .3 \l .3 bw'q .3 0‘ .3 .3 who. .3 q.3 A Iv: A 00 A Is doom 3x I Business Grocery Fruit and veg. Meat/fish/fowl Restaurant Clothing Furniture/hardware Liquor/pool Barber/beauty shop Drug store Hotel/rooming house Repair shop Prof. office Photography Auto repair Academia Paper/books Wood/charcoal Bike shop Wholesale house warehouse Doorway business Other NIIIIIIIII-‘I-‘I-‘IWIIIII NIIIIIII-‘IIIII-‘II-‘IIIN dIIIIIIIIIIII-‘NIIIIIII IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII-e NIIIIII-‘IIINII-e-‘IIIIII N-‘IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII #dII-‘IIIIIIIIII-‘IIIII-e dlIIIIIIII-‘IIIII-‘IIII-I \OIIIIIII-‘IIIIIIIIIIIII WIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIN blII-‘III-‘IIIIIII-‘INIIUI NIIII-‘IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIN IIII-‘IIINIIIIIIIIIIIII Industry Tailor shop Carpenter shop leather goods Printing Food preparation Iron fabrication Other IIIIII-3 -*IIIII-* IIIIII II-‘I-‘II IIIIIII IIII-‘II II-‘III-I II-‘IIII d-‘IIIII IIIIII-II III-*I-i-I HIIIIII IIII-‘IN Government Administration, etc. School ChurCh - '- O 1- - - CI .- o e- c- u- - I I I N I I I I .3 A I I I I I I I -sI I I I d I I I -141- PART III.-Continued Type or I ' " Block Number gstablishmept 66 67 68 69 7o 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 Residential Upper-class 6 7 - 2 6 1 4 Middle-class 16 22 - 19 22 18 21+ 18 14 14 8 16 16 Lower-class 2 19 - 5 - 2 7 8 Business Grocery Fruit and '98e Meat/fish/fowl Restaurant Clothing Furniture/hardware Liquor/pool Barber/beauty shop Drug store Hotel/rooming house Repair shop Prof. office Photography Auto repair Academia Paper books Wo charcoal Bike shop Wholesale house Warehouse Doorway business Other NIIIIIIIIII-‘II-‘III-‘II-e A-‘IIIII-‘IIIIII-‘II-‘IIIN INIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII-‘I I-JII-IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII dIIIIIIIII-‘II-‘IIIINIIMJ NIII-‘II-I-‘IIIIIIIIIIIIN dllII-‘II-‘IIIIIIIIIIII-e mIIIIII-‘III-‘IIIIIIIIII NIIIIII-‘IIIIII-I-‘II-‘III deIII-‘I-‘IIIIIIII-‘IIII dIIII-IIIIIIIIIIIIIIII-e -*I-*I--*IIIIIIIIIIIIIIII-+-L Industry Tailor shop Carpenter shop Leather goods Printing Fbod preparation Iron fabrication Other II-‘I-I-‘I II-‘III-3 IIIIIII IIIIIII -‘IIIIII IIIIIII JIIIII-I IIIIII-' IIIIIII IIII-‘II II-‘I-‘ImI IIIIIII -*IIIIII Government Administration, etc. School - - . Church - - - - - - - - - - - I I --I I I —I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I éNI I Type of gstablishment Residential Upper-class Middle-class Lower-class Business Grocery Fruit and veg. Meat/fish/fowl Restaurant Clothing Furniture/hardware Barber/beauty shop Drug store Hotel/rooming house Repair shop Prof. office Photography Auto repair Academia Pepsi/books Wo charcoal Bike shop Wholesale house Warehouse Doorway'business Other Industry Tailor shop Carpenter shop Leather goods Printing Food preparation Iron fabrication Other Government Administration, etc. School Church g -142- PART III.-Continued 17 12 I-bIIIIIIIIINII-I-‘IIII-I 80 81 IIIIIIII-‘IIIIIIIIIIII (DNA) IIIII-‘I 20 21 dIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII-IIIN NIIIIII NIII-‘III-‘II-‘IIIIIIII-I IIIIII-3 358m 93Q3r~ “IIIIIIIIINIIIIIIIIIMJ -‘IIIIII INIIIIII-‘II-I-‘IIIIIIIN III-*III Block Number 82 83 84 85 86 87 SK» -‘IIIIIIIIIIIIIII-*IIII IIIIII-I 03-: WIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIN IIIIINI A 88 .3 | Ad emer——"'““‘ o- - ‘yeummv -143- PART IV.- Enumberation of'Establishments in Tepic: Older Lower-Class Residential District Trpeof gstablishment Residential Upper-class Middle-class Lower-class Business Grocery Meat market Restaurant Liquor/pool Barber/beauty shop Repair shop Auto repair Wood/charcoal Warehouse Doorway business Other Industry Tailor shop Carpenter shop Fbod preparation Iron fabrication Clay and stone Other Government —_ Administration, etc. School Church 1 INIIIIIIII-e WO‘I IIIII-* III-*IIIIIII 10ml .8 O‘I‘I IIIIIIIIIId NbN IIIIIIIIIId Block Number‘ 43__;i__JL_,5 IIIIIIIIII-J 6 IIIIIIIIII-I I-‘IIII 7 III'---*IIIIII--s 8 II-‘IIIIIII-I III-III 1 10 IIIIIIIIII-I 1O 5 7 14 IIIIII-‘IIIUJ III-III 3 17 INI-‘I-‘III-‘I IwI-‘IIIIIII III-II It»... .3 5““ I-‘IIIIII-‘II _~—-m- M‘— I -1“... PART IV .-Continued Type of Block Numbert establishment 1A 15 16 17 1g 19, 20 21 22 22 g4 25 26 Residential Upper-class - Middle-class Lower-class - - - 5 2 - 20 2 8 16 l. 16 22 14 5 l. 5 8 7 48 21 4 8 12 5' N 4Q ...L NF _5 WI .4 FO‘I Business Grocery Meat market Restaurant Liquor/ 01 Barber/{:auty shop Repair shop Auto repair Wood/charcoal Warehouse Doorusy'business Other IIIIII-‘III-A IIIIIIIII-‘N IIIIIIIIIII IIIIIIIIII-—e IIIIIIIIIII llllllIl-III lwIIIIIllI-t IIIIIIIIIII ddd'b—l—l'd—lw IIIINIIIII'I' l-bll-‘Illll-e l-‘llltlllll IIIINIIIIII Industy Tailor shop Carpenter shop Fbod preparation Iron fabrication Clay and stone Other IIIIII IIIII-| IIII-‘I I-‘IIII lIIII-I IIIIII Il-‘III IIIIII d-*IIII IIIIII IIIIII III-III IIIIII Govern-ent Adldnistration, etc. School ChurCh - - - - - - c- .- - - — «- c- I I I I I .5 I I I I I I I w m"m'hli" Typeof establishggnt Residential Upper-class Middle-class Lower-class Business Grocery lbat market Restaurant Liquor/ 01 Barber/gzauty shop Repair shop Auto repair Hood/charcoal warehouse Doorway'business Other Industry Tailor shop Carpenter shop Food preparation Iron fabrication Clay and stone Other Government Administration, etc. School Church IIII—IIIIII-l -145- PART IV.-—Continued 28 I-‘IIIIIII-‘-‘ 29,n30 I-‘IIIIIIII-fi dIIIIIIIIII 13131: Number 32 33 34 31 IIIIIIIIII‘ d .d 13 II-‘IN-‘IINI-I IIId-‘N 35 d-‘IIIIII-‘Id SQI IIIII-5 36 19 45 dNII-‘III-‘IN III-*IIII-‘Il III-*II IIIIIIIINII 39 dllI-‘AIIIII N-‘Q III-‘II l -A /e 41.6- PART IV.-—Continued Residential Upper-class 7 - Eflddle—class 16 Lower-class 35 .s N I I U: N N - 2 3 17 7 2 19 20 19 29 8 25 15 32 33 33 40 4 43 11 53 bl U! ‘5... Business Grocery Meat‘market Restaurant Liquor/pool Barber/beauty shop Repair shop Auto repair Wood/charcoal warehouse Doorway business Other IlllblIl-elw dl-‘IIIIIII-A Alumna-non» I-tllllllII-t N-‘Il-‘III-‘I-e dllll-fil-‘Ilw IIIIIIIIIII auII-AI—bll-‘Ui IIIIIIIIlI-t l-AIIIIIIIIN IIIIIIIIIIN IIII-‘II-‘dll IINIIIIIIII Industry Tailor shop Carpenter shop Food preparation Iron fabrications Clay and stone Other III-‘II -‘IIIII IIINId N-‘III-A III-*II -‘IIIII AIIII-I III-*II IIIIII IIIII-d IIIIII IIIIII Government Administration, etc. School Church - - - - - - - - - - - - 1 I —§ I I I I I I I I I I I -147- PART IV.-Continued Type of Block Number establishment 55. 55 56 57 58 59 6O 61 62 62 64 65 Residential Upper-class Middle-class Lower-class U! U.) .3 O‘ I I \II I I an). 1116 -115 161611. 4210 19 5 41 36 u 5w 0‘ um! —I hi Business Grocery Heat market Restaurant Liquor/pool Barber/beauty shop Repair shop Auto repair Hood/charcoal Warehouse Doorway business Other INI-‘IIIIIII INIIIIII‘WI-e IIII-‘d-fi-‘dIN IIIIIIIIII-I I-‘IIIIIIIII dIII-‘IIIII-I INIIIIIIIII \AdINIII-I-‘ll IWIIIIIIIII IIIIIIIIIII IIIIIIIIIII NIIIIIIIIII Industry Tailor shop Carpenter shop Food preparation Iron fabrication Clay and stone Other IIIIII -‘IIIII IIIIII III-*II IIIIII -3IIIII IIIIII IIIMII I-‘IIII IIIIII IIIIII IIIIII -‘IIIII Government Admdnistration, etc. School Church - - - 1 - - - - - - - - I I I I I I out I I I I I I I I I I I I I .s I .s I I Type of stab shment Residential Upper-class Middle-class Lower-class Business Grocery hat market Restaurant Liquor/pool Barber/beauty shop Repair shop Auto repair Wood/charcoal Warehouse Doorway'business Other Industry Tailor shop Carpenter shOp Food preparation Iron fabrication Clay and stone Other Government Administration, etc. School Church -1 48.. PART IV.-Continued 66 14 WIIIIdIIIIw IIIII-* 67 2 16 INIIIIII-‘Id ‘4'...» 68 15 20 dIIII-‘II-IIW IIII-‘N 69 3 2O 20 bl-‘dNIIIII-J II-‘III Block Number 70 71 72 73 4 L 16 89 I-‘II-‘WIIIIW 40 F-‘W-‘I-‘IIII-I JIINII 2 25 59 |5|.s|.|.s.s|.s 1 8 u IUII-I-IIIIIIN 10 fl ”.3 INIIIbIIIIN O‘U‘II IIIINI 75 ‘3 I-‘IIIIIIIII q 0‘ U O‘mI I-‘IIIIIIIII III-‘IN N] N) ‘38 $38.. INIIIIIII-‘d III-‘II NJ 00 I-‘IIIIIIII-I IIIIId -149... PART IV.-Continued Type of Block Number establishggnt 79 80 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 88 89, 9O 91 Residential Upper-class - - 2 Middle-class 2 - 6 - 12 13 1 12 7 8 1 13 5 Lower-class 22 1 Business Grocery Meat market Restaurant Liquor/pool Barber/beauty shop Repair shop Auto repair Wood/charcoal Warehouse Doorway business Other IIIIIIIIIIN IIIIIIIIII-J I-‘IIIIIIIIw N-‘I-‘III-‘IIW IIIIIIIIII-3 b-‘I-‘IIIIIII IIII-‘III-‘IN ANII-‘I-‘I—IIA AIIIIIIIIIN I-‘II-I-‘IIII-I I-‘IIIIIIII‘ IIIIIIIIIII bIIIIIIIII-J Industry Tailor shop Carpenter shop Food preparation Iron fabrication Clay and stone Other -‘IIII—* III-III IIIII-J INIII‘ NIIIII IIIIII I-‘IIII IIIIII IIII-‘I IIIIII IIIIII IIIIII Government Administration, etc. School Church O ID ID - - - d - c - - u- - N I I I I I I I I I I I _.. 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 >————————~—- e , 4 . . .2 . H r .4 . . o 1 .. . .. . . t . 1 . v -- . , A . . -... — .7 .1 .. . . , . . ,, , , . . ~ -- Typeof establishgegt Residential Upper-class Middle-class Lower-class Business Grocery Meat market Restaurant Liquor/pool Barber/beauty shop Repair shop Auto repair Wood/charcoal Warehouse Doorway business Other Industry Tailor shop Carpenter shop Food preparation Iron fabrication: Clay and stone Other Government Administration, etc. School Church 2 5 28 I-‘II-‘IIIII-J -1 50- PART IV.-Continued 92 93 1 16 18 dIIINII-IIIN 94 3 15 29 .s.s| I 1 1 1 I —tl A) 95 .3... -*I-*IIIII-‘II MIC —I Block Number 96 9'L 98 99 100 101 102 103 8 1O 50 N—‘I-‘IIII-‘I-A IIII-‘I I-‘II-‘IIIIII I-‘IIIN-‘I-‘IW “IIIINIIAAIS N dI-‘IIIIIIII 0‘ 20 INIIIIIIII-t IIIIIIIII-‘I |||'.s.e .3 1 ' s ' i b PART V.-Enumeration.of’Establishments in Tepic: -151- New Southern Section Type of establishment Residential Upper-class Middle-class Lower-class Business Grocery Restaurant Liquor/pool Wood/charcoal Warehouse Doorway business Other Industry Tailor shop Carpenter shop Food preparation Iron fabrication Clay and stone Other Government Administration, etc. School Church IIb-‘I-‘N A. WI dIIII-‘I —-\ IIIIII-‘ I‘IIIIIN mgI III-‘II IIIIII-‘ 6 -*IIIII 7 A.) III-‘II NINI-‘II Block Number § II-OIII dIIIIII III-*II NIIII-‘I I .8 m1 Type 01' Wt Residential Upper-class Middle—class Lower-class Business Grocery Restaurant Liquor/pool Wood/charcoal Warehouse Doorway business Other Industry Tailor shop Carpenter shop Food preparation Iran fabrication Clay and stone Other Government Administration, etc. School Church -152- PART V.-Continued 001 ”—3 -‘IIIIII I-‘IIII O‘ I I-‘I-‘III IIIII-I Block Number 19 20 21 .s N I NI III-*III I-‘IIII-I' IIIIIIb.) III-‘II c-b IIIIII-l' -3\I INIIIIul 22 22 24 25 26 10 CV! IIIIII-* -153- PART V.-Continued Type of Block Number establishment 27_428 296_30 31 n32 33, 34L 351.36 37 38 39 Residential Upper—class Middle-class Lower-class 3:6... bl b.) w... O‘WUI Business Grocery Restaurant Liquor/pool Wood/charcoal Warehouse Doorway business Other I-bIIII-* IIIIIII INIIII‘ IIIIIII IIIIIII IIIIIII IIIIIII IIIIIII IIIIIII IIIIIII IIIIIII IIIII-‘d I-‘IIIII Industry Tailor shop Carpenter shop Food preparation Iron fabrication Clay and stone I I I I l I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I II I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I Other - Government Church - - - - — - - - - - - - - PART V.-Cont1nued -1 52.- Type of Mt Residential Upper-class Middle-class Lower-class Business Grocery Restaurant Liquor/pool Wood/charcoal Doorway business Other Industry Tailor shop Carpenter shop Food preparation Iron fabrication Clay and stone Other Government Administration, etc. School Church —| u.) Ad IIII-‘I IIIIII Block Number NM .3 N 50 “MI 51 IIIII-I 52 11 Type of establishglgt Residential Upper-class Middle-class Lowerbclass Business Grocery Restaurant Liquor/pool Wood/charcoal Doorway business Other Industry Tailor shop Carpenter shop Food preparation Iron fabrication Clay and stone Other Government Administration, etc . School Church PART V.-Continued 53 IIIIII IIIIII NNI -155- 5L55 J6 IIIIII IIIIII NI IIIIII INIIIN IIIIIN I-‘IIII Block Number 57 _58 59 60 61 —l b.) b.) -*IIIII 62 b.) r~ .--—--.— -156- PART V.-Continued Type of Block Number establishment 66 67 68 69 7O 71 72 73 7§Pfi75 76 77__7§ Residential Upper-class Middle-class Lower-class wwq III III .. I O I—‘b I w -*I N N I -a 1 I I \II I I I I I Business Grocery Restau7ant Liquor pool Wood/charcoal Doorway business Other .311--. dIIIII IIIIII IIIIII -*IIIII IIIIII IIIIII IIIIII IIIIII IIIIII IIIIII IIIIII IIIIII Industry Tailor shop Carpenter shop Food preparation Iron fabrication Clay and stone Other Government -157- PART V.-Continued 15.. or - 3136k saase.“‘ establishment 79 80 81 82 83 85 85 86 8'1 88 89 i0 91 Residential Upper-class - - - - - - 1 1 2 - - Middle-class - - - - - - - Lower-class cub I .J u... I I I I I I I \A) I I b I 8 Business Grocery Restau7ant Liquor pool Wood/ charcoal Doorway business Other -3IIIII IIIIII IIIII IIIIII IIIIII IIIIII IIIIII IIIIII IIIIII -*IIIII IIIIII dIIIII IIIII Industry Tailor shop Carpenter shop Food preparation Iron fabrication Clay and stone Other Government Administration, etc. School - - - - - - Church ------------- -158— PART VI.-Enumeration of Establishments in Tepic: New Western Section Type of Block Number establishment 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 § 9, 10 11 12 13 Residential Upper-class 11 Middle—class Lower-class -33-1----- 4 15 12 7 7 18 33 1o 38 38 23 38 81. 3630 I U30“ .3 \I .s \I N I N I \e) N W Business Grocery Restaurant Liquor/pool Wood/charcoal Barber shop Meet market Auto repair Repair shop Doorway business Other —I I‘d '—l|_b|_.l IIIIIN IIIII-i I IIIIII 111111w II-‘l b.) IIIIIIII—bl INIIIIII-I-F ININJIIIIIN dNIIIIII-‘N gédlblll IbII I-‘NI JNII I-‘IIIIIII-I I-‘IIIIIIII I-‘II IN-‘I Industry Tailor shop Carpenter shop Food preparation Clay and stone Other I-‘II III—*I IIII IIIII II-‘II IIII IIII IIIII IIIII IIIII IIIII IIII d-‘NI I Government Administration, etc. School - - Church - - - - 1 1 _.. 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 .8 I I I I I I I I -159- PART VI.-Continued Type of Block Number establishment 14 11 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 Residential Upper-class Middle-class Lower-class 4 A)O‘I u: r~xm b.) o: I A) \s A o: -—B C) 3 firm :8 A \o \J'I o~ 1» \II Business Grocery Restaurant Liquor-pool Wood/charcoal Barber shop Meat market Auto repair Repair shop Doorway‘business Other I-‘IIIIIIIm IUIIII-‘I-Id IIIIIIIIII dNIII-‘II-‘I IvI-‘III-eéII-i IIIIIIIIII III-*IIIIIN lI-‘IIIIIII INIIIIIII‘ --*-‘III-‘III-* II-‘III-‘IIN I-‘III—‘IlI-‘1 IIII-‘IIII-I Industry Tailor shop Carpenter shop Food preparation Clay and stone Other IIIII IIII-'> IIIII IIIII -‘I-*II IIIII IIIII III—AI IIIII II-‘Id II—‘lI IIIII dIIII Government Administration, etc. - School Church - - 1 - - - - I II II 1.... II II II I I I I I I -1 1 1 1 1 1 -160- PART VI.-Continued Type of establishment Residential Upper-class Middle-class Lower-class Business Grocery Restaurant Liquor/pool Wood/charcoal Meat market Barber shop Auto repair Repair shop Doorway business Other Industry Tailor shop Carpenter shop Food preparation Clay and stone Other Government Administration, etc. School Church 8 IIIIIIIIII 80\I II-‘II d N on N O IIIIIIIIIN IIII-* 30 Block Number 31 32 33 31. d I-‘IIIIII-‘d IIII—fi ix -An3 IIIIIIIII-* \JJ \JINI IWIIIIIIIN -*IIII 35.5361_37 21 IIIIIIIII-A 4 21 INIIIIIIII -IIIII 2 11 22 IIIIIIII-aw IWI-éIIIIII II-‘II b.) O a. deIIIIIIN III-‘I smmmermurtruammmv ; II PART VI.-Continued -161- Type of estabgishmgnt Residential Upper—class Middle-class: Lower-class Business Grocery Restaurant Liquor/pool Wood/charcoal Meat market Barber shop Auto repair Repair shop Doorway business Other Industry Tailor shop Carpenter shop Food preparation Clay and stone Other Government Administration, etc. School Church 136... 10 AIIIIIINIm |.3.3|| IIIIIIIII-J N bum-A IIIIIINI-‘N 8:61 I-‘IIIIIIII I-‘III Block Number 6 1 2 - - 25 3 9 11 I-e-‘IIIIIII -*IIII I-‘II-‘IIIII .4 IIIIIIIII-fi I-‘III IIII-‘IIIII 52 311 -¥IIII ~162- PART VI.-Continued Type of establishment Residential Upper-class Middle-class Lower-class Business Grocery Restaurant Liquor/pool Wood/charcoal Meat market Barber shop Auto repair Repair shop Doorway'business Other Industry Tailor shop Carpenter shop Food preparation Clay and stone Other Government Administration, etc. School Church I-‘IIII-‘II-e II-‘II 54 ROI 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 11o 55 56 C33» IIIIIIIII-J en} 57 to Oh I-‘IIIIIII-I I-‘III Block Number 58 WO‘I dIIIIIIIII I-‘III 59 6O 61 dIIIIIIIIN I-‘IIIIIIII I-‘III 62 IIIII-‘III-I II-‘II .3' 0‘ b.) .3 \IN d-‘IIIIIIIN III-4N dIIIIIIIII -163- PART VI.-—Continued Type of establishment Residential Upper-class Middle-class Lower-class Business Grocery Restaurant Liquor/pool Wood/charcoal Heat market Barber shop Auto repair Repair shop Doorway business Other Industry Tailor shop Carpenter shop Food preparation Clay and stone Other Government Administration, etc. School Church 67 l-‘IIIIIIII 68 nut 69 \J’Id IIIIIIIII—I Block Number 72 73 70 71 I-‘IIIIIII-I IIII-‘ MIIIIIII-‘A IIIIIIIII-4 IIIIIIIIIN I-‘III 76 WI 77 d' IIIIIIIIIN IIIIIIIIII -*I Type of estabgeshment Residential Upper-class Middle-class Lower-class Business Grocery Restaurant Liquor/pool Wood/charcoal Meat market Barber shop Auto repair Repair shop Doorway business Other Industry Tailor shop Carpenter shop Food preparation Clay and stone Other Government Administration, etc. School Church 79 -164- PART VI.-Continued IIIIIIIIII I‘I I-‘IIIIIII‘ Block Number 82 83 I54 III-JIIIIII O‘I-‘I IIIIIIIIII Nwl III-*IIII-‘I dWI -—| d 858586§Z8889 u:~:-¢ IIINIIIIIN IIIIIIIII~I‘ I .8 PART VII.-—Enumeration of Establishments in Tepic: -165- New Northern Section Typoof establishment Residential Upper-class Middle-class Lower-class Business Grocery Restaurant Liquor-pool Wood/charcoal Meat market Barber shop Auto repair Repair shop Doorway business Other Industry Tailor shop Carpenter shop Food preparation Clay and stone Other Government Administration, etc. School Church IIII-* AUNIIIIIIN IIIINIIIw-t I-‘III N b) .g-...3..3.3.3 Block Number 5 c—l A 7 INIIIIIII-e 8 INIIIIIIIN 9 1O INIIIIIIII b I 12 13 —3 IIIIIIIII-‘ O‘I II-‘II Type of establishment Residential Upper-class ‘Middle-class Lower-class Business Grocery Restaurant Liquor/pool Wood/charcoal Meat market Barber shop Auto repair Repair shop Doorway business Other Industry Tailor shop Carpenter shop Food preparation Clay mnd stone Other Government Administration, etc. School Church -166- BAIT VII.-Continued 14 IIIIIIIII-J I-‘III —b 15 O‘I I-‘III 16 O‘I I-‘III 17 ‘ Block Number 0.3 IIIIIIIIId 19, 20 21 W IIIIIIIIII \JII O‘I I-‘lII 22 IIIIIIIIII O‘I N K» w \OW IIIIIIIIId IIIIIIIII-fi I-‘III IIIII I-‘IIIIIIII -*IIII -167- PART VII.-—Continued Type of establishment Residential Upper-class Middle-class Lower—class Business Grocery Restaurant Liquor/pool Wood/charcoal Heat market Barber shop Auto repair Repair shop Doorway business Other Industry Tailor shop Carpenter shop Food preparation Clay and stone Other Government Administration, etc. School Church Block Number 27 28 29 3O 31 32 33 34 ‘O‘I IIIIIIIII-J .3 HWI .3 NM IIIIIIIII-A —I IIIII IIIIIIIII-* —l—B IIIIIIIIIw INIId INI-‘IIIIII III-*I IIIIII-‘III IIIIIIIII-‘ 35 #3010 I-‘IIII-‘IIW 'AI—l 36 37 -‘IIIIIIII-‘ IO ANIIII-‘I-‘I -‘I-\I dIIIIIII-‘I IIIIIII-‘N‘ Type of establishment -168- PART VII.-Continued Residential Upper-class Middle-class Lower-class Business Grocery Restaurant Liquor/pool Wood/charcoal Meat market Barber shop Auto repair Repair shop Doorway business Other Industry Tailor shop Carpenter shop Food preparation Clay and stone Other Government Administration, etc. School Church Id-‘IIIIIII II-‘IIIIII‘ IIII-J AIdIWIIINI II-*-|I A. .3\,.).3.3| .3.3' .3” III-*I Block Number AIIIIIIIII III-‘I u—l NIII III-II -—b «Fl-r IIIII-‘IIIN 1—8 49 51 52 52 54 55 46 47 N WWI IIIIIII-‘II III-*I 48 \JNI I-‘IIIIIII-J' 49 .3 I-‘IIIIIIIN \O IIIIIIIII-* IIII-‘ 51 INIIIIIIII N~OI -*IIII U! 1’0 .3 O\] I-‘IIIIIIIN III-*I A'I'i- d n '21:" h ’Wfigm m“.MrA- , ~' r1 3 tha‘ e Type of eetablishment Residential Upper—class Middle-class Lower-class Business Grocery Restaurant Liquor/pool Wood/charcoal Meat market Barber shop Auto repair Repair shop Doorway business Other Industry Tailor shop Carpenter shop Food preparation Clay and stone Other Government Administration, etc. School Church -169- PART VII.-—Continued 53 54 ,55 I-‘III-‘III‘ O‘ON -ae~1 56 \Oml IIIIIIIIII‘ IIII-* Block Number 57 58 ,59 60 61 3 1 12 IIIIIIIII-3 II-‘II 4 14 25 IUJIIIIIIII 2 62 INIIIIIIIUJ IIII-‘ fie. IIII-J NWIIIIIII-I -l IINII 62 14 I-‘IIIIII-‘I -17o- PART VII.-Continued m Type of Block Number establishment 66 677,68 69 ,70 71 ,72 73 74 75 ,76 77, 78 Residential Upper-class - — - - - Middle-class Lower-class I I I I I \3) I I M \hw—S .3 A.) ball I 34 3 I I I I I I I I I is I Business Grocery Restaurant Liquor/pool Wood/charcoal Meat market Barber shop Auto repair Repair shOp Doorway business Other IIIIIIIIII IIIIIIIIII IIIIIIIIII IIIIIIIIII IIIIIIIIII IIIIIIIIII IIIIIIIIII IIIIIIIIII IIIIIIIIII IIIII-‘I-‘Iw d-‘IIIIIIIN IIIIIIIII-‘ IIIIIIIII Industry Tailor shop Carpenter shop Food preparation Clay and stone Other IIIII II III-‘I IIIII I IIIII Government Administration, etc. School - - - - - - Church - - - - - - - - - - - - - .3 I I I I .3 I -171- PART VII.-—Continued Type of establishment Residential Upper-class Middle-class Lower-class Business Grocery Restaurant Liquor/pool Wood/charcoal Meat market Barber shop Auto repair Repair shop Doorway business Other Industry Tailor shop Carpenter shop Food preparation Clay and stone Other Government Administration, etc. School Church 798o_81 IIIIII-‘III IIIIIIIII-I \IWI II-‘IN 82 Block Number 83 84 85 W IIIIIIIIII -‘I 19 Id-elIIIIIN IIIIIIII-‘I \IkI I IIIIIIIII-‘ F-‘I ..~. -172— PART VII.-Continued Auto repair shop - Doorway business - Type of Block Number establishment 92 493.;94 95 96 97 98 99 100 101 102 103 104 Residential Upper-class - - - - - - - - - - - - - Middle-class - - - - — — - - - - - - Lower-class 3 9 9 8 8 3 9 1 9 4 5 3 5 Business Grocery 1 - - - - 1 - - - - - - - Restaurant - - - - - - 1 - - - - - - Liquor/pool - - - - - - - - - - - - - Wood/charcoal - - - - - - - - - - - - Meat market - - - - - - - Barber shop - - — - - - l-‘III l-‘llll lllll Other - - - - - - - - Industry Tailor shOp - - - - - - - - - - - - - Carpenter shop - - - - - - - - - - - - - FOOd preparation - - - '- - - - c- u- - - :- Clay and stone - 1 - - - - - - 2 — 1 _ 1 Other - - - - — _ - - - - - - - Government Administration, etc. - - - - - — — — - - - - - School - - - - - - - - - - - - - Church - - - - - - - - - - - - - Type of establishment Residential Upper-class Middle-class Lower-class Business Grocery Restaurant Liquor/pool Wood/charcoal Meat market Barber shop Auto repair Repair shop Doorway business Other Industry Tailor shop Carpenter shop Food preparation Clay and stone Other Government Administration, etc. Church School PART VII.-Continued Ill-A \Ol ~173- 1OL106 107 108 Block Number 109 110 111 112 11311411511611? 3'11 '- "-’ BIBLIOGRAPHY Alexander, John W. 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