REFERENCE mow Am WORKER SATISFACTIONVTA;

CA5 STUDIES U WOW SATISFACTION

AMONG NIGERIAN 5;.qu WORKERS,4 ;_A;- 75;a_?i"ii2£3

Thesis for Ike Degree of pl! D
MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY

1967

I .Igohma Tubobelem Dagogo Amachree

1115.516 .
M

6 WW. .
-HA WM .,

This is to certify that the

thesis entitled

ReEerence Group and Worker Satisfaction 3

Case Studies of Worker Satisfaction

Among Nigerian Factory Workers.
presented by

Igoiima Tubobeiem Dagogo Amachree

has been accepted towards fulfillment
of the requirements for

Ph. D. Sociology

degree in

Major professor

Date JUIY 25: 1967

 

0-169

3,

 

 

ABSTRACT

REFERENCE GROUP AND WORKER SATISFACTION:
CASE STUDIES OF WORKER SATISFACTION AMONG
NIGERIAN FACTORY WORKERS

by Igolima T. D. Amachree

This dissertation was designed to investigate the
social factors that condition the satisfactions and dis-
satisfactions that the Nigerian industrial worker derives
from his occupational activity. To the extent that the
self arises and functions and is maintained through con-
tinued interaction with significant others in a symbolic
social situation, this study attempted to delimit these
significant others and to identify their social locations
in order to determine their influence on worker satisfac-
tion. The interactive situation ineluctably predisposes
the worker to certain invidious comparisons with signifi—
cant others or reference group members, and the results
of such comparisons predispose the worker to certain pat-
terns of satisfactory or dissatisfactory behavior. The
central organizing hypothesis for this study, therefore,
is that reference group comparisons are significantly re-
lated to worker satisfaction. In addition, the study sought
to investigate the shifting sources of reference group se-

lection- The contention is that the selection of comparative

Igolima T. D. Amachree

reference groups is not random but shifts with the processes
of industrialization and socialization into the industrial
work force. There is a tendency to select congruent ref-
erence groups in order to engender effective industrial
socialization and commitment. At the initial phase, ex-
tended kin members located in non-industrial occupations
are selected as reference group members, while at the in-
termediate phase, extended kin members in industrial occu-
pations are selected. At the final phase, non-kin members
in industrial occupations are selected as reference group
members. This pattern of selection serves the function

of reinforcing socialization.

A sample of 141 Nigerian factory workers from four
factories—-Metal Containers, Metal Construction, both of
which are located in Lagos, the capital of the Federal Re—
public of Nigeria, Nigerian Bottling Company and Lafia Can-
ning Factory, both of which are located in Ibadan, the re—
gional capital of Western Nigeria--were interviewed in 1965.
The sample does not represent a random sample of all factory
workers in Nigeria. The selection of a non-random sample
of the total work force was due primarily to the problems
of gaining entry into other factories to legitimize the
study. The sample, however, represents a random sample
of the four factories in this study. The interview sched-
ule utilized both forced-choice and open-ended questions

and no attempt was made to use composite indices because

Igolima T. D. Amachree

of the difficulties of constructing theoretically valid
measures for such indices. Contingency distributions con-
stituted the main statistical tool of analysis, while sta—
tistical significance was ascertained by means of chi-square
and derivative tests. Significance level was set at the
conventional .05 level.

The investigation of workers' attitudes in each

of the areas of worker satisfaction--sector, occupation,

 

and wggkf-confirmed the general hypothesis that worker sat-
isfaction is significantly related to worker comparisons
with reference group members. Furthermore, it confirmed
the proposition that satisfaction is not an overall entity
but represents discrete clusters of attitudes and feelings.
Satisfaction was found to increase with expanding spheres
of social activity. Thus workers tended to be less satis-
fied with their work tasks than with their occupations,
and less satisfied with their occupations than with their
sectors of employment.

A major substantive finding was that Nigerian fac-
tory workers were relatively satisfied with their sector
of employment and their occupation but relatively less sat-
isfied with their specific work tasks. However, even this
relative dissatisfaction with work tasks represents a fairly
healthy sign when the recency of industrial development
and the attendant difficulties of adjustment are taken into

account.

Igolima T. D. Amachree

Besides comparisons with reference group members,
skill level (which represents degrees of socialization into
industrial life) and urban residence appear to be the major
variables that condition sector and occupational satisfac-
tion, while work control and the recognition of the worker's
performance by his boss condition work satisfaction. Var-
iables like the performance of traditional obligations such
as help to members of the kinship group and demographic
variables such as age, education, marital status, number
of children and number of wives, were not found to be re-
lated to work satisfaction. Skill level, though related
to sector and occupational satisfaction, was not found to
be related to work satisfaction. Semi—skilled workers were
found to be more satisfied with work tasks than skilled
workers, and skilled workers slightly more satisfied than
unskilled workers. However, in the areas of sector and
occupational satisfaction, it was found that satisfaction
increased with skill level.

The sector of employment of the worker's father
appears to be significantly related to the choice of the
preferred sector of employment of the industrial worker.
Those whose fathers were employed in non-agricultural sec-
tors are found to be more likely to select non-agricultural
sectors of employment than those workers whose fathers were
in the agricultural sector.

Significant differences exist among the four

Igolima T. D. Amachree

factories. In addition to the fact that they were estab-
lished at different times--Metal Containers in 1940, Lafia
Canning in 1954, Metal Construction in 1958 and Nigerian
Bottling in l962—-significant differences were found in
the mean age of the workers, marital status, rural-urban
residence, skill level, job control, education, patterns
of reference group comparisons and worker satisfaction.
There were also differences in management policies toward
conditions of work and also in union organization.

Finally, in addition to the viability of reference
group concept in analyzing worker satisfaction, the study
also found a shifting pattern in the selection of reference
group members. This pattern followed the degrees of social—
ization into industrial work. Unskilled workers tend to
choose extended kin members in non-industrial occupations,
while skilled workers chose extended kin-members in indus-

trial occupations, as reference group members.

REFERENCE GROUP AND WORKER SATISFACTION:
CASE STUDIES OF WORKER SATISFACTION AMONG

NIGERIAN FACTORY WORKERS

BY

Igolima Tubobelem Dagogo Amachree

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

Department of Sociology

1967

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I owe my most profound gratitude to Professor
William H. Form, the chairman of my dissertation committee,
whose study and subsequent formulations and theoretical
guidance provided the theoretical underpinning for this
study. Furthermore, Dr. Form's consistent guidance, sug—
gestions, and understanding encouragement both throughout
the anguish of data collection in the field and the mundane
and undramatic grind of the analysis of the massive data,
sustained and enabled me to complete this study. This dis-
sertation would have taken much longer to complete had he
not made himself freely available both in the office and
at his home to go through the data and preliminary drafts.
Finally, my intellectual development in graduate school
owes a great deal to classroom and off-class discussion
and interaction with Professor Form which enabled me, in
the first instance, to appreciate the interrelationship
of social phenomena, and who, as my advisor, unstinting
in his advice, helped to make my academic socialization
both possible and complete.

I also owe a debt of gratitude to Professor William A.
Faunce, who read and made significant corrections in the
original draft, and also suggested the theoretical linkage

between reference group and worker satisfaction. Dr. Faunce

ii

was also kind enough to be instrumental in making the Labor
and Industrial Relations Center defray the expenses of the
Computer analysis. To the two other members of my commit-
tee, Professors J. Allan Beegle and James B. McKee, I ex-
press my deep appreciation for the sincere encouragement
and latitude they gave me and for their stimulating class-
room lectures which have provided enviable models for me.
Without their help, this work would never have been com-
pleted. I am also grateful to Professor John Useem for
his guidance and encouragement during the many years of
my graduate study and who as my first advisor was signif-
icantly influential in my early graduate socialization.
Several other people have contributed materially
to the research and this final product. My sincere thanks
go to the Ford Foundation and the Western Regional Govern-
ment of Nigeria who very generously provided the funds for
this study. I am also indebted to the Institute of Public
Administration, New York, and the Institute of Administra-
tion and the University of Ife for administering the re-
search funds and providing a challenging atmosphere under
which the research was conducted. The Institute of Inter—
national Education deserves an enormous thanks for initially
providing the fellowship under which I first came to the
United States to study and for their continued and unal—
loyed support all through these many years of my sojourn

in the United States of America. My thanks also go to the

iii

United States Government which provided the funds for the
fellowship that have provided me my graduate study.

This section will be incomplete without expressing
Im{ deep gratitude to those Nigerian workers who patiently
sat through the long interviews and freely gave information
Ifliat led to this study. I also thank the management in
truase four factories who were kind and courageous enough
tc> give permission for the research to be conducted in
tflieir factories. Without the help of the workers and the
rmanagement this research would never have been done. I
esto am grateful to the Star Brewery of Nigeria which al-
Ihawed me to use their factory in Kaduna for my pretest.

My sincere thanks also go to Mrs. Shirley Brown,
ch0 not only typed the manuscript but also, from her vast
Iknowledge, made certain strategic corrections. I am also
grateful to Mrs. Norma Ray who was a great source of help
in the computer analysis.

I am also thankful to Dr. Arthur T. Porter for en-
couraging me to pursue graduate work.

Above all, I owe my deepest and eternal gratitude
to my wife, Kaema, whose patient understanding, guidance,
good humor,and moral support have sustained me all through
the collection of the data in Nigeria, the loss of the data
through shipment (found after six months stacked away some-
Where in Canada) and the writing of the dissertation. She

has been a source of comfort through many a trying moment.

iv

Finally, her safe delivery of our first child, Selepri,
eased.my tensions and provided the relaxed conditions for

the completion of this dissertation.

TABLE

LIST OF TABLES. . . . . . .
LIST OF FIGURES . . . . . .
LIST OF CHARTS. . . . . . .
FRONTPIECE. . . . . . . . .
DEDICATION. . . . . . . . .
INTRODUCTION. . . . . . . .

CHAPTER

I . THEORETICAL BACKGROUND

OF CONTENTS

TO THE STUDY.

Reference Group Theory and its Relation to

Developing Economies and Societies

Job Satisfaction .

O O O O O 0

Some Empirical Studies . . . .

Some Further Studies . . . . .

Theoretical Linkage Between Reference
Group and Worker Satisfaction,

General Hypothesis . . . . .

Arenas of Satisfaction . . . .

Major Variables. .

II. BRIEF BACKGROUND TO URBAN AND INDUSTRIAL

O O O O O 0

DEVELOPMENT IN NIGERIA. . . . .

III. A SUMMARY DESCRIPTION OF THE FOUR PLANTS

STUDIED O O O O O 0

Introduction . . .

Metal Containers Factory, Lagos.

Metal Construction Company,

vi

Lagos.

and

Page
viii
xiii

xiv

xv

xvi

19
26

38

46
51

54

57

74
74
76

86

 

CHAPTER

Nigerian Bottling Company, Ibadan.

Lafia Canning Factory, Ibadan. . . . . . .
IV. ANALYSIS OF DATA [1] . . . . . . . . . . . .
Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Background Variables by Factory. . . . . .
Occupational Socialization Variables . . .

Interrelationship of Demographic and
Occupational Socialization Variables . .

V 0 ANALYSIS OF DATA E 2] 0 O O O O O O O O O O O
IntrOdUCtion O O O O 0 O O O O O O O O O 0
Industrial Workers and Sector Satisfaction

The Industrial Worker and Occupational/Job
satiSfaction O O O O O O O O 0 O O O O 0

Industrial Worker and Work Satisfaction. .
Factories and Sector Satisfaction. . . . .

Industrialization and the Shifting Sources
of Reference Group Membership. . . . . .

VI. SUMMARY, LIMITATIONS, AND AREAS FOR FUTURE
INVESTIGATION O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0

Summary and Implications . . . . . . . . .

Limitations of the Study . . . . . . . . .

Areas for Further Investigation. . . . . .
BIBLIOGRAPHY. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
APPENDIX A. SOME BACKGROUND VARIABLES AND TENTA-

TIVE PROBES INTO DEMOGRAPHIC TRANSI-
TI ON TI-iEORY O O O O O O O O O O O O 0

vii

Page
98
106
117
117
118

128

139
143
143

145

167
177

185

193

202
202
210
211

214

220

LIST OF TABLES

Distribution of Reasons for Job—Liking. . . . .
Distribution of Reasons for Job—Disliking . . .

Distribution of Reasons for Job—Liking (Our
Kaduna Pretest) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Distribution of Reasons for Job—Disliking (Our
Kaduna Pretest) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Summary of Population in Nigeria by Region. . .

Primary Occupations of Nigerians (Males) 1952—
53 Census C O D O O O O O I I I O O I D O I 0

Volume Index of Industrial Production . . . . .
Projected Manpower Needs of Nigeria . . . . . .

Reported Employment by Major Occupational
Groups by Industry Division: December, 1962.

Distribution of Metal Containers Workers by
Mode of Income and Country of Origin. . . . .

Distribution of Reasons for Leaving Among Metal
Containers Workers. . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Distribution of Modes of Leaving Metal Con—
struction Factory (Blue—Collar) . . . . . . .

Distribution of Lafia Canning Factory Workers
by Section. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Turnover Rates at Lafia Canning Factory . . . .

Comparison of Turnover Rates for the Four
Fac tor ie S 0 O I O I O C O I O O I I O O O O O

Comparison of Selected Variables in Four
Factories . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Distribution of Father's Occupation by Factory.

Age Distribution by Factories . . . . . . . . .

viii

Page
40

41

42

42

58

61
66
69

7O

78

82

92

113

114

115

116

119

Table

4.3.
4.4.

4.5.

4.9.
4.110.

4.211.

4.:12.

4.];3.

40140

4.17 ,

4.18 .

4.19 .

5.1.

Distribution of Marital Status by Factories . .

Distribution of Number of Wives by Factories. .

Distribution of Number of Children by Fac—
tories O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0

Distribution of Rural/Urban Background by
Factories . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Distribution of Ethnic Distribution by Fac—
tories O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0

Distribution of Ethnic Distribution and Rural—
Urban Background. .

Distribution of Educational Level by Factories.

Distribution of Religion by Factories . . . . .

Distribution of Mortality of Parents by Fac-
tories. O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O I O O 0

Distribution of Skill Level by Factories. . . .

Distribution of Age of First Full-Time Employ-
ment by Factories . . . . . . . . . . .

O O 0

Distribution of Type of First Full—Time Employ-
ment by Factories . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Distribution of Number of Job Changes by Fac~
tories O O O O 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0

Distribution of the Location of Persons Who
Found Jobs for Workers. . . . . . . . . . . .

Aspiration Level for Sons by Factories. . . . .

Distribution of Skill Level by Urban/Rural
Background. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Distribution of Number of Wives by Educational
Leve l O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0

Distribution of Marginals of Sector Preference
for Two Questions . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

ix

Page

120

121

122

123

124

125
125

126

127

128

129

130

131

133

134

141

142

149

Table Page

5.2. Relationship of Two Questions on Sector
Preference. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 150

5.3.. Sector Preference and Rural-Urban Residence . . 151
5.4.. Urbanity and Reasons for Sector Preference. . . 153
5.5.. Sector Preference and Skill Level . . . . . . . 155
5.65. Sector Preference and Skill Level . . . . . . . 156

5.77. Association of Skill Level with Repetitive/
Non-Repetitive work 0 o o o o o o o o o o o o 15 7

5.63. Father's Sector of Employment and Child's
Sector Preference . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 159

5.59. Father's Sector of Employment and Child's
Sector Preference (Collapsed) . . . . . . . . 160

5.2LO. Industrial Sector Satisfaction and Perceived
Comparison with Reference Group Members in
Agricultural Sector . . . . . . . . . . . . . 162

5.2L1. Industrial Sector Satisfaction and Perceived
Comparison with Reference Group Members in
Trading or Related Sector . . . . . . . . . . 163

5.12. Industrial Satisfaction in Relation to Refer—
ence Group Members in the Agricultural Sector
Compared by Skill Level . . . . . . . . . . . 164

5-1J3. Industrial Satisfaction in Relation to Refer—
ence Group Members in the Service Sector
Compared by Skill Level . . . . . . . . . . . 165

5.141. Reference Group Comparison and Job or Occupa—
tional Satisfaction . . . . . . . . . . . . . 170

5-1fi. Level of Occupational Satisfaction by Skill
Level 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O I O O O O O O 172

5.16. Level of Occupational Satisfaction and Skill
Level 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 O O O O 0 O 172

5.17. Skill Level and Age . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 173

5.18. Association of Skill Level and Desire to Change
Occupation O O O O O 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O 174

Table Page

5.19. Association of Job Evaluation with Desire to
Change 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 O O O O O 175

5.20. Association of Occupational Comparison with
Reference Group Members with Desire to Change 175

5.21. Work Satisfaction and Work Control. . . . . . . 179

5.22. Work Satisfaction and How Boss Views the Impor-
tance of the Respondent's Work. . . . . . . . 181

5.23. Association of Work Satisfaction and Skill
Level 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 O O O 182

5.24. Relationship of Work Satisfaction and Skill
Level in the Three Factories. . . . . . . . . 182

5.25. Skill Level and What Will Make Workers More
Satisfied and Happier . . . . . . . . . . . . 185

5.26. Agricultural Reference Group Comparison and
Industrial Sector Satisfaction for Three
Factories O O O O O O O O O O 0 O O O O O O O 186

5.27. Service Reference Group Comparison and Indus-
trial Sector.Satisfaction for Three Factories 187

5.28. Distribution of Agricultural Reference Group
Comparison and Industrial Sector Satisfaction
in Metal Containers . . . . . . . . . . . . . 188

5.29. Distribution of Service Reference Group Com-
parison and Industrial Sector Satisfaction
in Metal Containers . . . . . . . . . . . . . 188

5.30. Distribution of Agricultural Reference Group
Comparison and Industrial Sector Satisfaction
in Metal Construction . . . . . . . . . . . . 189

5.31. Distribution of Service Reference Group Com—
parison and Industrial Sector Satisfaction
in Metal Construction . . . . . . . . . . . . 189

5.32. Distribution of Agricultural Reference Group
Comparison and Industrial Sector Satisfaction
in Bottling Company . . . . . . . . . . . . . 190

5.33. Distribution of Service Reference Group Com—

parison and Industrial Sector Satisfaction
in Bottling Company . . . . . . . . . . . . . 190

xi

Table
5.34.

5.35.

Work Satisfaction by Inter-Factory Comparison .

Skill Level and Occupational Sector of Refer-
ence Group Members. . . . . . . . . . . . .

Urbanity and Occupational Sector of Reference
Group Members . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Urbanity and Selection of Reference Group Mem-

bers of the Same Age. . . . . . . . . . . .

Urbanity and Selection of Reference Group Mem-

bers from the Same Village. . . . . . . . .

Skill Level and Selection of Reference Group
Members of the Same Age . . . . . . . . . .

Skill Level and Selection of Reference Group
Members from Same Village . . . . . . . . .

xii

Page

191

194

195

197

198

198

199

LIST OF FIGURES
Figure Page

1. Conceptual Scheme: The Shifting Bases of
Reference Group Selection. . . . . . . . . . 16

2. Conceptual Pattern of Relationship of Vari—
ables. O O O O O O O O O O 0 O O O O 0 O O O 18

3. .Level of Satisfaction and Contribution to
Relevant Others. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33

4. Paradigm for Reference Group Selection . . . . 199

xiii

LIST OF CHARTS
Chart Page

3.1. Organizational Chart of Metal Containers of
Nigeria. 0 0 O O O O O O O O 0 0 O O O O O O 79

3.2. Organizational Chart of Metal Construction
company 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 93

3.3. Organizational Chart of Production Section of
Nigerian Bottling Company. . . . . . . . . . 102

3.4. Organizational Chart of Nigerian Bottling
company 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O I O O 0 lo 3

xiv

FRONTPIECE

"The sentiments of sociality manifested by
various sorts of residues are nearly always ac-
companied by a desire for the approbation of
others, or for avoiding their censure."

—- Vilfredo Pareto

"It is not the consciousness of men that
determines their existence, but, on the contrary,
their social existence determines their conscious—
ness."

—- Karl Marx

XV

Dedicated to

Data K. Amachree
my grandmother of blessed memory who first

inspired me to seek knowledge and
pursue it,

and
Dr. William H. Form

my teacher, my mentor and my colleague

xvi

INTRODUCTION

Most of the technologically underdeveloped countries
have recently embarked on various programs of development
in order to increase, in the language of Professor Leslie
White, their energy utilization. This increase which is
usually subsumed under the rubric of modernization or in-
dustrialization has been treated, in the main, in purely
economic terms and due regard has not been given to the
social adjustment of those involved in this process of in-
dustrialization. One such area of prime importance to the
sociologist involves the kinds of meanings factory workers
give to work and the patterns of satisfaction or dissatis-
faction they derive from their work. It further involves
the different stratification orders that emerge and the
kinds of meaningful linkages that factory industrial work-
ers make to these orders.

Industrialization, in our conception, is directly
related to an appreciable increase in the number of stat-
uses within a given social system which is a result of the
functional division of labor and specialization. These
statuses are differentiated and ranked according to some
prevailing value system which is usually explicated, in

stratification studies in terms of function (Davis-Moore),

 

the pgsition in the line of production (Karl Marx) or EEEiEQ’

power and prestige (Max Weber), or a combination of these.

 

This system of differentiated statuses or clusters of stat-
uses is what is referred to in the literature as social
stratification. Paul K. Hatt refers to it as a ”system

of differentially valued positions in all societies."1

The invidious imputation of differential qualities to these
statuses implicates the actor in a set of normative behav-
ior in relation to the statuses. Whether we call this def-
erence patterns (Moore) or authority patterns (Weber), they
serve the function of inducing normatively oriented expec-
tations, evaluations and interactions.

The situation in the developing countries is, how-'
ever, further complicated by the co-existence of a tradi—
tional system and an industrial system which interact with
and interpenetrate each other. Ideally, the traditional

system relies mainly on ascription as a means of distrib-

 

uting statuses and utilizes symbolic norms in articulating
status relationships. Relationships are thus said to be

particularistic rather than universalistic. Such patterns

 

led Fortes and Evans-Pritchard to conclude in their analy-.
sis of African political systems, that "bonds of utilitar-
ian interest between individuals and between groups are not

as strong as the bonds implied in common attachment to

1Paul K. Hatt, “Occupations and Social Stratifica—
tion," in Sigmund Nosow and William H. Form, Man,_Work and
Society (N.Y.: Basic Books, Inc., 1962), p. 239.

mystical symbols."1 The industrial system, on the other
hand, ideally relies on achievement criteria in status dis-
tribution with utilitarian functional specificity articu-
lating status relationships. Relationships are therefore
said to be universalistic.

The existence, side by side, of these two systems
in developing countries with a preponderance of the tradi-
tional, thus creates a problem of commitment for the indus-
trial worker in terms of the sources of his commitment and
by implication his satisfaction. Most satisfaction studies
have utilized the job context as an independent variable.
Such variables as type of job, co-workers, lighting, super-
vision, technology, job control, morale, etc., have been
used to predict satisfaction. However, only a few have
used reference group as an independent variable.2 This
study utilizes reference group behavior as an independent
variable for the analysis of industrial satisfaction. The
proposition is that the type of satisfaction an industrial
worker gets from participation in industrial work is related

to the kinds of comparisons he makes with members of his

 

lMeyer Fortes and B. E. Evans-Pritchard, "African
Political Systems," in Morton H. Fried (ed.), Readings in

Anthro olo , Vol. II (N.Y.: Thomas Y. Crowell Company,
1960), p. 295. .

2William H. Form and James A. Geshwender, "Social
Reference Basis of Job Satisfaction: The Case of Manual
Workers," American Sociological Review, Vol. 27, No. 2,
April, 1962; see also Martin Patchen, "The Effects of Ref-
erence Group Standards on Job Satisfactions," Human Rela-
tions, Vol. XI, No. 4, 1958, pp. 303-14.

reference group. There is also an assumption of a develop-
mental pattern in reference group selection as the worker
shifts his commitment from the traditional to the industrial.
At the initial phases of development, the reference group
members tend to be traditional—traditional. That is, those
selected as reference group members will be traditionally
related extended kin members occupied in traditional, non—
industrial activities. At the intermediate phase, as in—
dustrialization proceeds, there will tend to be a shift
to the selection of extended kin members who are employed
in industrial activities. At the final phase of industrial—
ization, non-kin members engaged in industrial activities
will be selected as reference group members. The fourth
category of industrial-traditional does not logically apply
because at this point, theoretically, the whole society
has become industrialized which precludes the existence
of traditional occupations.

A corollary of the foregoing is the significance
of traditional kinship members. To the extent that kin
members are important as anchorage points we would expect
the performance of traditional duties in terms of help to
kin members to be significantly related to worker satisfac-
tion. It is important, also, in connection with kin mem—
bers that in Nigeria age is still an important ascriptive
norm and has the effect of inducing greater interaction

among people of about the same age. The significant point

 

here is that in looking at reference group we may be look—
ing actually at peer group or,age cohorts. Thus in this
study, peer group and reference group will be used inter—
changeably as well as being tested.

The focus of this study is to explore the levels
of satisfaction of industrial workers. ,To the extent that
satisfaction implies an opportunity cost relative to other
situations, and also realizing that satisfaction is not
a monistic concept in spite of Hoppock, this study inves—
tigates the relative satisfaction of other sectors of the
economy to indicate how these affect industrial satisfac—
tion. In addition, this study explores the concept of rel—
ative deprivation in relation to peer group in influencing
relative satisfaction or dissatisfaction of industrial work-
ers. Other variables, such as job control, urban-rural
residence, father's sector of employment, skill level, etc.,
are also used to predict worker satisfaction.

More concretely, this study intends to find out
the level of satisfaction industrial workers have in four
selected factories in Nigeria, and what factors contribute
to this level of satisfaction. In doing this, the study
has utilized reference group theory. It should be pointed
out that reference group is used here in a rather restricted
sense in terms of those groups that serve comparative and
not normative functions.l

*—_—_

lR. Merton, Social Theory and Social Structure

I”

 

Chapter I of this dissertation will deal with the
general framework of the study. It focuses on some rele—
vant literature in the area of worker satisfaction and ref—
erence group theory indicating the relevance of such a theory
to the study of worker satisfaction. Furthermore, this
chapter will deal with the general hypothesis deriving from
the theoretical linkage between reference group and worker
satisfaction. Satisfaction is not regarded as a singular
concept, but as an attitudinal variable relating to differ—
ent arenas of social action. Such arenas include the eco-

nomic sector, the occupation and the specific work tasks.

 

 

Chapter II will deal with certain demographic and economic
conditions in Nigeria, indicating the developing nature

of the economy. This will not be an elaborate discussion
of economic development in Nigeria but rather it will be

a modest effort to highlight the broad features of a devel-
oping economy. In Chapter III, the concern will be mainly
with the description of the four factories in the study,
outlining the general features of work organization. This
will be followed by a description of the operation of plant
unions in two of the factories. Only two plant unions are
dealt with because data on the operation of the unions in
the other two factories could not be obtained.

(Glencoe, 111.: The Free Press, 1957), p. 283. Our con-
cern is primarily with groups that are used for comparative
purposes and not those from which the individual derives
his normative orientation.

 

The concern in Chapter IV will be with the analysis
of the data in terms of delineating the profiles of the
factories and the industrial workers. In doing this, it
takes into account demographic and occupational socializa—
tion variables which include age, marital status, rural—
urban background, father's occupation, skill level, etc.

It further investigates the interrelationships of these
variables to provide a profile of the worker.

Chapter V deals with the analysis of the data in
terms of the various hypotheses dealing with sector, occu-
pational and work satisfaction. Other variables such as
rural-urban background, skill level, father's occupation
are also used to delineate worker satisfaction. Finally,
this chapter is concerned with the shifting sources of ref—
erence group selection as indicators of relative socializa-
tion to the processes of industrialization.

The final chapter, Chapter VI, will deal with a
summary of the findings, limitations of the study and areas
for future investigation.

Field observations were made in the traditional
anthropological style, with field notes and pertinent on-
the-spot comments which will be used at appropriate points

to clarify certain issues in the study.

 

CHAPTER I
THEORETICAL BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY

"Theory," as used here, does not refer to the realm
of the speculative, the unaccomplishable, or to ideas un-
related to existential facts. Rather, it refers to a sys-
tem of logically interrelated general concepts which have
empirical referents.l Put differently and more concretely,
theory defines the researcher's major orientation by "de-
fining the kinds of data which are to be abstracted; it
offers a conceptual scheme by which the relevant phenomena
are systematized, classified and interrelated; it summarizes
facts into empirical generalizations and systems of general-
izations; it predicts facts and finally . . . points to
gaps in our knowledge."2 The central issue of theory,
therefore, is that it is a logical frame of reference with
which we structure, directly or derivatively, phenomena
in nature or impose order on somewhat unordered groups of

phenomena.

lThis coincides with Parsons' conception of theory.
See T. Parsons, The Structure of Social Action (Free Press
of Glencoe, 1949), p. 6.

2W. J. Goode and P. K. Hatt, Methods in Social Re-
search (N.Y.: McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc., 1952), p.

 

1. Reference Group Theory and Its Relation to
Developing Economies and Societies

A central contention of this study is that personal
evaluations of worker satisfaction or dissatisfaction are
more a function of the social location of the individual
and the specific groups to which the worker commits himself
for evaluative purposes rather than the intrinsic qualities
of the job. Worker satisfaction is therefore seen as a
function of reference group behavior. Reference group ac—
cordingly provides the theoretical underpinning and the
organizing concept for this study.

Reference group, as it is known today, derives from
the Hyman study of 1942.1 In coining the term reference
group, Hyman considered it as an anchoring point for the
individual, having various weights or influences depending
on a variety of factors such as distance from the reference
group, mobility of society, number and type of alternative
anchorage points, etc. In general, however, he found that
status aspirations and status evaluations are influenced
by reference groups and that changes in reference groups
produced changes in values and judgments.

Generally, reference groups are regarded as those
that provide "a frame of reference for self-evaluation and
attitude formation."2 There is, however, some disagreement

M

1H. H. Hyman, "The Psychology of Status," Archives

0f PS cholo , No. 269, 1942.
2Merton, op. cit., p. 283.

 

10

in the literature on how extensive or restrictive the ref—
erence group concept should be. Kelly1 and Turner2 con—
sider the main problem to be whether reference groups should
be defined as gay group to which a person relates or from
which he derives his attitudes and norms, or whether the
concept should be restricted only to those groups from which
an individual derives his norms, i.e., whether or not the
individual perceives the group to have reinforcing proper—
ties for normative behavior. Their concern, so stated,

is not with the self-evaluative properties of reference
groups in terms of relative deprivation but with normative
orientation. Our study considers the self—evaluative prop—
erties of reference groups as critical.

Eisenstadt3 and Merton4 are representative of the
more "extensive" interpretation, arguing that reference
groups perform both normative and comparative functions.
Kelly5 designates these two functions as motivational and

perceptual, thus suggesting a possible linkage between

 

lHarold H. Kelly, "Two Functions of Reference Groups,"
in A. E. Swanson, T. M. Newcomb and E. L. Hartley, Readings
in Social Psychology (N.Y.: Henry Holt & Co., 1952).

2Ralph H. Turner, "Role—taking, Role standpoint
and Reference Group Behavior,“ American Journal of Sociol—
ogy, LXI, 1956, pp. 316-28.

3S. N. Eisenstadt, "Studies in Reference Group Be—
havior," Human Relations, 7, 1954, pp. 191—216.

4Merton, op. cit., pp. 283—84.

5Kelly, op. cit.

ll

reference group behavior and more general studies of moti-
vation and perception. The broader definition of reference
groups is also implicit in the studies of Hyman.l

On the other hand, Shibutani,2 Sherif and Sherif3
and Newcomb4 argue for a more restrictive definition of
reference group, limiting it only to role—taking, or norm—
ative behavior based on some psychological relationship to
the group. Shibutani would further reduce the concept to
“any identifiable group whose supposed perspective is used
by the actor as a frame of reference in the organization

of his perceptual field,"5 while Sherif and Sherif restrict
it only to "those groups to which the individual relates
himself as a part or to which he aspires to relate himself
psychologically."6

A more perceptive point of view, as it relates to

lHyman, op. cit.

2Tamotsu Shibutani, Society and Personality (Engle—
wood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice—Hall, 1961), pp. 257-58.

3Muzafer Sherif and Carolyn W. Sherif, An Outline
of Social Psychology (N.Y.: Harper and Brothers, 1956),
pp. 175—780

4T. M. Newcomb, "Attitude Development as a Function
of Reference Groups: The Bennington Study," in E. E. Mac-
coby, T. M. Newcomb and E. L. Hartley, Readings in Social
Psychology (N.Y.: Henry Holt & Co., 1958, 3rd edition),
pp. 265—66.

5

 

 

Shibutani, op. cit., p. 258.

6Sherif and Sherif, op. cit., p. 175.

 

12

our study, is, however, provided by Chapman and Volkmannl

who insist that "one way in which the social environment
might determine the level of aspiration of a given individ—
ual would be through his knowledge of the achievement of
groups whose status or ability, relative to his own, he
could assess." Though not exactly phrased in terms of our
study, it could be rephrased to indicate that the industrial
worker's perception of the relative achievement of his ref—
erence group members will constitute a point of comparison
conditioning his levels of satisfaction with his work.
However, those who take a restrictive definition
of the concept do so primarily for the reason that to in-
clude under the rubric of reference group all groups which
serve as points of comparison and normative orientation
is so extensive an interpretation as to render the concept
almost useless. Muzafer Sherif, for example, takes this
point of view. Actually, the distinction between a broader
or narrower definition is not a theoretical issue but rather
a question of conceptual limits conditioned by the peculiar
problems of research. To the extent that a limited defini—
tion consciously and conscientiously controls the recalci-
trant limits of phenomena so that they are better studied

and understood, it is functional.

1D. W. Chapman and John Volkmann, "A Social Deter—
minant of the Level of Aspiration," in Maccoby, Newcomb
and Hartley, op. cit., p. 282.

13

This study uses reference groups in a restricted
sense in terms of those groups that are used primarily for
comparative self—evaluation. It is in this respect that
linkages between reference group theory and worker satis—
faction can be made in a fruitful manner. It should be
borne in mind that reference groups are not always static
and in a dynamic society shifts occur both in the social
sources of reference group members and also in the kinds
of jobs and sectors in which they are located. The obser—
vation of Albert Einstein in an address in the Sorbonne
highlights the transitory nature of membership groups. 1
"If my theory of relativity is proven successful, Germany
will claim me as a German and France will declare that I
am a citizen of the world. Should my theory prove untrue,
France will say I am a German and Germany will declare that
I am a Jew."1

Industrialization, in our View, is accompanied by
shifts in the sources of reference group members and also
in the jobs and sectors in which they are located. This
means that as industrialization proceeds or as workers be—
come more skilled, reference groups for industrial workers
shift from traditional to industrial. To our knowledge,
no studies have made this a focus. But it appears to be

critical in assessing both the worker's socialization into

1Quoted from Merton, op. cit., p. 288 (footnote).

 

14

the normative patterns of the industrial process and also
in his relative commitment to and satisfaction with indus-
trial activity. We assume here that at the initial phases
of industrialization or at the early stages of entry into
the industrial work force, the source of the worker's ref-
erence group members will be traditional, i.e., those who
are from the same village or share common symbolic kin—
relationships with the worker. They provide a significant
anchorage point for the worker in sustaining him at this
stage. Such reference group members will also be found
in the agricultural sector performing traditional jobs.
At the extreme of this is the target worker whose compara-
tive reference group members are located in the traditional
system and perform traditional functions. This period at
the level of individual career pattern may roughly coincide
with what Miller and Form call the "initial period."1
At the intermediate phases of industrial develop—
ment or, as skill acquisition in the industrial work force
increases, a shift occurs in the worker's reference group.
At this stage, the source of reference group members still

remains traditional but a shift occurs in the types of jobs

1D. C. Miller and W. H. Form, Industrial Sociology:
The Sociology of Work Organizations (N.Y.: Harper & Row,
1964, second edition), p. 544. It should be noted that
these are different conceptions and dimensions and no
equivalence is posited. The Miller—Form proposition deals
mainly with individual career patterns while we are con—
cerned with gross adjustment to the processes of industrial
development.

 

 

 

15

they perform and also in the sector in which they are lo—
cated. Even though they still have symbolic kinship ties
with the worker, they are now located in the industrial
sector and perform industrial jobs. They thus perform a
transitional function not only of providing symbolic anchor—
ages but also of orienting the worker to the industrial

work force. These are congruent patterns and it will be
dysfunctional to the socialization and industrial adjust-
ment of the worker to have reference group members who have
traditional occupations.

Finally, at a more mature or final phase of indus— - l
trialization both the source and occupational location of
reference group members shift to the industrial. This is
also a congruent pattern. Manning Nash indicates quite
appropriately that “a developed labor force depends on the
proliferation of ties and social relations connected with
industrial work."1 The selection of comparative reference
groups is not random and it is our contention that it shifts
with the processes of industrialization and thus constitutes
a fruitful means of evaluating relative degrees of indus—
trialization and labor commitment.

The final stage of industrial source and traditional

occupation is logically inconsistent because at this stage,

 

lManning Nash, “Kinship and Voluntary Association,“
in Wilbert E. Moore and Arnold S. Friedman, Labor Commit-
ment and Social Change in Developing Areas (N.Y.: Social
Science Research Council, 1960), p. 325.

16

theoretically, the whole society has become industrialized
and therefore there could not be any traditional occupation.
At this stage, it is expected that even farming would have
become industrialized and highly bureaucratized so that

it no longer resembles the traditional type of farming.
However, it is possible for non—work—related relationships
to be predominant but again this represents a qualitatively
different dimension from a traditional occupation. The
only condition under which cell four in Figure 1 will be
consistent will be if the whole society again reverts to
traditional patterns. Our assumption is that this is not
possible.

Our proposition can be illustrated thus:

The Shifting Bases of Reference Group Selection

Source of Reference Group

 

 

 

Traditional Industrial
Sector and (kin) (non-kin)
10b of . Traditional (1) Initial Phase (4) Super Mature
reference of Industrializa— Industrializa—
group tion tion (Logically
inconsistept)
Industrial (2) Intermediate (3) Mature or
Phase of Indus— Final Phase of
trialization Industrializa—
tion

‘

 

Figure 1. Conceptual Scheme

There is no implication here about the demise of

the larger kinship group and the emergence of nuclear

 

17

families as Nash argues: "The overwhelming impression
gained from the material on East Africa is that industrial—
ization is creating something of a vacuum in social life
by destroying kinship groups."l Nor are we concerned with
the persistence of these kinship groups in the face of in—
dustrialization as Greenfield argues: "An examination of
both comparative and historical evidence indicates that,
developmentally, there is no necessary and sufficient causal
relationship, whether expressed in terms of necessary func—
tional interdependence or consequence between the small
nuclear family and urbanization and industrialization."2 ;
The primary concern here is with the shifting bases of ref-
erence groups as foci for worker socialization and satis—
faction.

Put in this manner, reference groups can be con—

ceived as structural variables which are expressed in terms

lNash, op. cit., p. 324. Also see Clark Kerr,
John T. Dunlop, Frederick Harbison and Charles A. Myers,
Industrialism and Industrial M32: The Problems of Labor
and Management in Economic Growth (Cambridge, Mass.: Har—
vard University Press, 1960), p. 82.

2Sidney M. Greenfield, "Industrialization and the
Family in Sociological Theory," in Kinship and Family Or-
ganization, Bernard Farber (ed.) (N.Y.: John Wiley & Sons,
Inc., 1966), p. 417.

Vide also Erwin Johnson, "The Stem Family and Its
Extensions in Modern Japan" (paper presented at the Annual
Meeting of the American Anthropological Association,
Minneapolis, Minnesota, 1960), p. 13.

And also Philip Garique, "French Canadian Kinship
and Urban Life," American Anthropologist, LVIII, Dec.,
1956, pp. 1098-99.

 

18

of the pattern and type of reference group. These struc—
tural variables condition the emergence, through interac—
tive and relational patterns, of self—evaluation in rela—
tion to reference group members. This self—evaluation
within the structural context of reference group has a
tendency of inducing attitudinal or behavioral patterns
which take the form of the expression of satisfaction or
dissatisfaction or turnover or absentee rates. These can

be illustrated thus:

Relationship of Variables

A. Structural Variables <+——%> a. Reference Group

1 l

B. Self-evaluation <——-> b. High or Low Self—
i evaluation
C. Attitudinal/ <———> c. Worker Satisfaction/
Behavioral Turnover rate

Figure 2. Conceptual Pattern of Relationship of Variables

Put in this way, it becomes clearer to see the con—
tention that behavior or attitude expressed toward the in—
dustrial system either in terms of the expression of satis-
faction or dissatisfaction, or in turn—over or absentee
rates, is a function of the self—evaluation the industrial
worker makes with respect to the structural variables——ref—
erence group. A general proposition that emerges is that

worker satisfaction will vary directly with self-evaluation

19

in relation to reference group. Specifically, satisfaction
with the industrial sector is directly related to self-eval-
uation in relation to reference group members in other sec—
tors. Furthermore, satisfaction with occupation or work

is directly related to self-evaluation with regard to ref—

erence group members in other occupations or work tasks.

2. Job Satisfaction
Most studies of job satisfaction or worker satis—
faction have concerned themselves primarily with satisfac—
tion conditioned by the factory situation without seriously
relating it to larger societal variables. This primary J
concern with the factory without relating its dynamic func-
tioning to larger social categories has earned for it the

1 It must be admit—

veritable epithet of "plant sociology."
ted immediately that this approach of regarding the factory
system qua system has led to very interesting and signif—

icant discoveries. The classic example is the Western Elec-
tric Study of Elton Mayo and his associates.2 The ideology

of the worker that emerged from this and other related stud—

ies was that of a group member. That the types of satisfaction

lClark Kerr and Lloyd H. Fisher, “Plant Sociology:
The Elite and the Aborigines," in Mira Kamorovsky (ed.),
Common Frontiers of the Social Sciences (Glencoe: Free
Press, 1957), p. 285.

2Elton Mayo, The Social Problems of an Industrial
Civilization (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press,
1945 .

20

the worker has, derived from his participation in a group
setting which is located within the factory. To increase
or affect his satisfaction, therefore, it was necessary

to increase his group participation. Viewed in this way,
co—workers become critical to worker satisfaction and the
leap from this position to morale and esprit de corps stud~
ies is only too apparent.l Most morale studies have this
view of the worker——that the conditions imposed on him by
his immediate work or factory group are E22 only critical
variables in worker satisfaction. The research implications
of such a view of the worker and his satisfaction are ob- “
vious.

However, such a limited, extremely factory—group
oriented view of the worker derives from the implications
of earlier studies which have viewed the worker either as
a biological machine or as an individual personality. These
represent, respectively, the scientific management school
and the industrial psychology school. The inability of
Elton Mayo to lift himself above the confines of the fac—
tory group may derive in part from his training in psychol—
ogy, in part from the very nature of a pioneering study,
and in part from the continuity of thought in factory

studies.

1The views on the various images of the worker
in this section derive from classroom discussions with
Dr. William H. Form and also from Miller and Form, pp.
EiE., pp. 643—86.

 

21

The industrial engineering school derives primarily
from Frederick W. Taylor, who postulated the view of the
worker as an organic machine. Accepting rather uncritic-
ally the concept of the economic man, which states that
man acts rationally, to his own interests and calculates
utilities, Taylor went on to elaborate his system of time
and motion studies, work simplification and control of such
environmental conditions as light, heat, color, noise, etc.
Taylor viewed the motivation of the worker, that is, the
source of satisfaction, as stemming from pay and other
financial inducements, stating about a worker named Schmidt ;.
(which could be generalized to industrial workers), "A penny 1
looks about the size of a cart wheel to him."1

The next View of the worker, which has been termed
"recessive,“2 is that of the psychological man, individual—
ized and individuated. Here it is assumed that intelligence,
ability, skill and temperament are predictive of the indus—
trial worker's behavior. Deriving its impetus initially
from stimulus—response studies, it thought of satisfaction
as emanating primarily from a reward-punishment or what
has been aptly described as a “carrot—and-stick" approach,

where the rewards are seen mainly in terms of pay. Here

 

1Frederick W. Taylor, "A Piece Rate System, Being
a Step Toward Partial Solution of the Labor Problem,"
A.S.M.E. Transactions, Vol. 16, 1895, pp. 586-883.

2Miller and Form, op. cit., p. 646.

22

again, satisfaction is linked to pay and somehow the earlier
predisposing psychological variables disappear. This view
of the derivation of worker satisfaction was current around
1920-1940.

These two views of the worker served as condition-
ing factors for Elton Mayo and his associates,1 in the senSe
that, in trying to extricate the worker from the constrict—
ing forces posited by the two schools of thought and to
highlight the social, he was practically forced to start
from the work group and never managed to get above it.

Thus he considers the effect of management on absenteeism
“most important“ in his foreword to the study by Fox and
Scott.2 The importance of this for our study is the impli—
cation that the satisfaction of the worker, expressed in
rates of absenteeism or labor turnover, is directly derived
from management policies and that larger societal factors
are considered to be not only ephemerally operative and

not crucial.3

Besides these theorists who only by implication
and merely inferentially concerned themselves with satis—

faction, there were others who, following the lead by

 

_ lElton Mayo, The Human Problems of an Industrial
Civilization (N.Y.: Viking Press, 1960).

2J. B. Fox and J. F. Scott, Absenteeism: Manage—

ment's Problem (Boston, Mass.: Harvard University: Grad—
uate)School of Business Administration, 1943), p. iv (Fore-
word ,

3Ibid., p. 28.

 

23

Hoppock,l were concerning themselves primarily with satis-
faction as a legitimate field of inquiry. After all, the
worker has been viewed as a dissatisfied person and alien-
ated from his work since the nature of his work precluded
him from liking his work. Indeed Karl Marx had declared
earlier in his Economic and Philosophical Manuscripts:

In his work, therefore [the worker] does not
affirm himself but denies himself, does not feel
content but unhappy, does not develop freely his
physical and mental energy but mortifies his body
and ruins his mind. The worker therefore only feels
himself outside his work, and in his work feels
outside himself. He is at home when he is not work-
ing, and when he is working he is not at home. His
labour is therefore not voluntary, but coerced; it
is forced labour. It is therefore not satisfaction
of a need; it is merely a means to satisfy needs
external to it. Its alien character emerges clear-
ly in the fact that as soon as no physical or other
compulsion exists, labour is shunned like the plague.
External labour, labour in which man alienates him-
self, is a labour of self—sacrifice, of mortifica-
tion‘.2

The question was rephrased in a universalistic sense: “What
does the worker actually want from his job?" In answer to
this question there has not been a dearth of studies as the
works of J. Hoppock, William Form, William Faunce, Mason
Haire, Frederick Herzberg, Bernard Mausner and Barbara
Synderman, Robert Dubin, Katz and Kahn, Robert Blauner,
Franca Magistretti, Ely Chinoy, Walker and Guest, Zaleznik

and his associates, E. Wright Bakke, Theodore Purcell,

 

lR. Hoppock, Job Satisfaction (N.Y.: Harper, 1935).

2Karl Marx, Economic and Philosophical Manuscripts
of 1844 (Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House).

 

24

Gladys Palmer, Nancy Morse and Robert Weiss, H. A. Robinson,
George Johnson and others on an ever growing list of works
will indicate. Even economists like Shister and Reynolds1
have also joined the list in indicating that "independence
and control" were the crucial ingredients accounting for
job satisfaction and dissatisfaction. In a number of these
studies such variables as control, supervision, technology,
responsibility, isolation, involvement, skill level and

the like have been used as predictive of satisfactory or
dissatisfactory behavior. Blauner,2 Faunce,3 and Walker
and Guest,4 for example, have utilized technology as con-

5 6

ditioning satisfaction while Purcell, Palmer, and Morse

and Weiss7 have used job control. Still others like

 

lJoseph Shister and Lloyd Reynolds, Job Horizons
(N.Y.: Harper & Brothers, 1949).

2Robert Blauner, Alienation and Freedom: The Fac—
tory Worker and His Industry (University of Chicago Press,
1964).

3William A. Faunce, "Automation and the Automobile
f Worker," Social Problems, 6, 1 (Summer, 1958), pp. 68-77.

4C. Walker and R. H. Guest, The Man on the Assembly
Line (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1952).

5Theodore Purcell, The Worker Speaks His Mind on
Company and Union (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University
Press, 1954).

6Gladys Palmer, "Attitudes to Work in an Industrial
Community," American Journal of Sociology, LXIII, 24, 1957.

7Nancy C. Morse and Robert S. Weiss, ”The Function
and Meaning of Work," American Sociological Review, XX,
1955, pp. 191-98.

 

25

Magistrettil and Chinoy2 have used structural variables
in factories as conditioning variables. These approaches
are seen as essentially correcting the shortcomings of
earlier studies of motivation.

The beginnings of a new view of worker satisfaction
which takes into account the larger societal context and
the growing dissatisfaction with extremely factory-oriented
studies can be seen in Kornhauser's seminal article in which
he put forward the view that "the investigator can under-
stand and interpret the local morale picture only if he
is fully alive to the vastly significant inflpgpces which
lie entirely outside the company—-the social and economic
conditions in the community and in the world at large."3
In spite of this, very few studies have taken into account
larger societal factors as conditioning levels of satisfac—

tion. The few exceptions include Zaleznik and his associates4

lFranca Magistretti, "Sociological Factors in the
Structuring of Industrial Workers' Teams," American Journal
of Sociology, LX (May, 1955), pp. 536-40.

2Eli Chinoy, Automobile Workers and the American
Dream (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday Co., 1955).

3Arthur Kornhauser, "Psychological Studies of Em-
ployee Attitude," Journal of Consulting Psychology, 8,
August, 1944, p. 142 (emphasis mine).

4A. Zaleznik, G. R. Christensen and F. J. Roethlis—
berger, with George Homans, The Motivation, Productivity,
gpd Satisfagtion of Workers: A Prediction Study (Cambridge,
Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1952).

26

who included in their prediction study such societal fac—
tors as "social investments status.“ Form and Geschwenderl
and, more related to our study, Patchen2 have enlarged their
perspectives in their studies to include social references
in accounting for worker satisfaction.

The next section will deal with a description of
these three studies and two other studies which were con—
ducted in Nigeria and Southern Rhodesia. The main purpose
is to use them in formulating the foci of our study, i.e.,
in deriving the variously related hypotheses. These hypoth-
eses will be stated briefly and in broad terms but will be
taken up in greater detail in the chapter dealing with the
analysis of the data. This is done mainly for the sake

of parsimony.

3. Some Empirical Studies
From September, 1954, to December, 1956, Zaleznik
and his associates3 undertook a research involving fifty
workers in a medium—sized manufacturing company in the
United States. They observed work behavior, interpersonal
relations in addition to collecting data on productivity.
Their study, couched in motivational terms, was concerned

with predicting motivation, satisfaction, productivity and

 

1Form and Geschwender, op. cit.

2Patchen, op. cit.

3Zaleznik et al., op. cit.

27

group membership from what they called the rewards and i3:
vestments structure. The rewards are either external or
internal. External rewards such as pay, seniority, respon-
sibility, etc., flow from the organization which utilizes
them in achieving organizational goals. Internal rewards
result from the informal friendship organization which uses
these rewards in satisfying the worker's need for "associ—
ation, friendships, approval, support, participation and
belonging."1 The relationship between rewards and motiva—
tion is mediated by the kinds of investment the worker brings
to the work. Such investments include education, age, sex,
ethnicity, seniority, etc. In their view, the worker con-
stantly computes his reward—investment structure and “when
the investments of a member of a group are greater than
those of others but his returns are less, a condition of
felt injustice exists."2 Through the investment structure,
they managed to work in social variables external to the
industry.

One of the main shortcomings of this study besides
the failure to extend the group to cover those outside the
industry, is the use of the concept social justice. There
is the assumption that "among persons, groups or jobs where

we find status congruence to exist in fact we do not assume,

 

lIbid., p. 37.

21bid., p. 54.

28

expect or often find a certain kind of trouble."1 Here
status congruence is used as the matching of investments

to rewards, i.e., Rewards = Investments. Our study contends
that even though a worker might find his rewards to be equal
to his investments, he may still be dissatisfied or produce
"certain kinds of trouble," if by comparing himself with

his peer group he discovers that their investments and re-
wards are higher than his.

However, of primary concern to our study are their
findings on the determinants of satisfaction. They found
that group membership in terms of regular/non—regular was
critical to satisfaction dichotomized into high and low.
Using a chi-square analysis, they obtained a relationship
between group membership and satisfaction that was signif—
icant at the .01 level. They also found a significant re—
lationship between ethnicity dichotomized into Irish and
non—Irish and satisfaction. In addition to this, a number
of other findings were recorded. Female workers tended
to be more satisfied than male workers.2 Workers who were
being rewarded by the group with regular membership tended
to be highly satisfied regardless of their reward by man—

agement as measured by the reward—investment index.3 They

 

lIbid., p. 52.
21bid., p. 284.

31bid., p. 285.

 

29

found no relationship among non—regulars, between social
background and satisfaction.1 Finally they indicate that
"workers who were members of regular sub—groups (being re-
warded by the group) tended to express greater satisfaction
than workers who were members of deviant groups or who were
isolates (i.e., not rewarded by the group)."2

The critical point brought out by the study is the
influence of group membership in determining the patterns
of satisfaction an industrial worker gets. Even though
they limited group membership to the factory, it definitely
serves as a point of departure in enlarging the parameters .1!
of the group to include those outside the factory. This
aspect is particularly critical to our study where in our
view, groups outside the factory, both in the traditional
and industrial systems, to a large extent condition the
patterns of satisfaction that industrial workers get. In
spite of the fact that Zaleznik and his associates talked
about "investments of a member . . . greater than those
of others,"3 they never used reference group as a unifying
concept for their study. Our contention is that compara-
tive reference groups provide comparative anchorage points

for work satisfaction.

1Ibid., p. 285.
21bid., p. 287.

3Ibid., p. 54.

30

A study that tended to correct this shortcoming
was conducted by Form and Geschwender.l The study attempted
to demonstrate "the utility of social explanation for per-
sonal appraisals of life situations."2 This study forms
part of a larger study which was conducted by J. Allan
Beegle, William H. Form and Sigmund Nosow. In their re—
search design, Form and Geschwender explain the proposition
they derived from their theoretical position thus: "Job
evaluations are not so much a function of their [manual
workers] aspirations or that of their parents, but a re-
sponse to the occupational position which their parents
and brothers occupy."3 From this, the general hypothesis
was derived that "if these relevant others occupy positions
above the subject, he should feel less satisfied with his
job situation, or if they are at the same level or lower
level, he should feel relatively more satisfied."4 This
view corresponds to our position in this study that refer-
ence group behavior is relatively more important than the
actual conditions of work in conditioning work satisfaction
or dissatisfaction.

Before discussing the specific test hypotheses and

the statistical techniques used in their study, two

 

1Form and Geschwender, op. cit.

21bid., p. 228.

31bid., p. 229.

41bid., p. 229.

31

shortcomings of the study should be pointed out in order

to clarify the focus of our study. Even though Form and
Geschwender quoted Merton with approval in support of their
position on reference group, they did not seem to have in-
vestigated the distinction Merton made between reference
groups and reference individuals. In fact, they seem to
have equated reference group with reference individual,
thus overlooking the critical insight provided by Merton
that "the distinctions between role models, reference in-
dividuals, and reference groups generate a distinctive set
of problems for investigation."1 This point is very impor—
tant but as far as the data were concerned, the distinction
did not make much of a difference.

The second, and more important from the point of
view of our study, is the question of orientation and tech-
nological development. Indeed, this should not be regarded
as a criticism since the Form-Geschwender study did not
implicate a broader developmental approach except in the
movement away from the family as a point of reference as
one ascends the occupational hierarchy. Our hunch in Ni—
geria, which is a newly developing country, will be that
the pattern of satisfaction a worker gets as a result of
the relative position of his brothers will be mediated by
certain symbolic ties and responsibilities. In this case,

it will be mediated by the contribution made by the subject

lMerton, op. cit., p. 304.

 

32

to the success of his brothers. This brings to bear the
larger traditional system. Thus the Form—Geschwender prop-
osition can be modified for the Nigerian context in this

manner:

(1) If relevant others occupy positions above the subject
and he feels he has contributed most in supporting them,
he will feel relatively satisfied with his job situa-
tion. The rationale for this is that in most newly
developing countries, tradition still plays a great

part in status distribution and one who feels that he

 

has contributed most to these relevant others' position
will feel satisfied to the extent that it indicates
the performance of his traditional duties. A skilled
respondent in our sample who had earlier voluntarily
retired himself to get his retirement benefits and
gratuity in order to put his brother, now a manager,
through college expressed this point rather succinctly:
"I am happy that I am working where I am working. How
else could I have been able to do my duty to my family.“
(2) If relevant others occupy positions lower than the sub—
ject but he feels that he has contributed much to help
these others, he will feel less satisfied with his job
situation.

(3

v

If relevant others occupy positions lower than the sub—
ject but he feels that he has not contributed in help—

ing them he will be dissatisfied with his job situation.

33

(4) If relevant others occupy positions higher than the
subject but he feels that he has not contributed in

helping them, he will feel most dissatisfied.

A two-by—two table can help explain this.

Level of Satisfaction and Contribution to
Relevant Others

 

High Low
Position of High (1) Most Satisfied (4) Most Dissatis-
relevant fied
Others Low (2) Satisfied (3) Dissatisfied

 

Figure 3.

Another way of looking at this is that the performance of
traditional duties, obligations and responsibilities is
related to industrial satisfaction.

The four main hypotheses considered by the Form-

Geschwender study are:

a. "There will be no association between job satisfaction
of the subject and his occupational level relative to
his parents' occupational aspirations for him."

b. “There will be a positive association between job sat-
isfaction and occupational level of the subject relative
to that of his father."

c. "There will be a positive association between job sat-
isfaction and occupational level of the subject relative

to that of his brothers."

 

34

d. "There will be a positive association between job sat-
isfaction and generational occupational mobility of the
subject relative to that of all those of similar origin,
i.e., those whose fathers' occupation was similar to
that of the subject's father."

The first two, in our view, refer to role models, the third

to reference individuals and the fourth to reference groups.

A caveat must be introduced here in the use of reference

group to the extent that fine theoretical distinctions can

be made between reference groups and reference categories.

Such distinctions, however, will not substantially detract.

from the thrust of the Form-Geschwender study.

The study interviewed 545 manual workers in Lansing,
Michigan, between 1950-1951. The final sample for the study
included skilled, semi-skilled, unskilled, and "manual cler-
ical" in these proportions: 26.8, 59.8, 11.4 and 2.0 re—
spectively.

The substantive findings of the study confirmed
hypotheses (b), (c) and (d), but failed to confirm (a).2

In actuality, the study reports that for the first hypothesis

1Ibid., p. 300.

2The last hypothesis (d) was statistically signif-
icant at the .005 level for professional, sales, clerical,
etc., and related occupations, at the .0005 for skilled
and supervisory levels, .05 level for semi-skilled and .01
level for unskilled workers. The second and third hypoth-
eses (b and c) were also statistically significant at the
.0005 level respectively.

 

35

four-fifths of the sample reported that their parents had
no job aspirations for them. This situation was accounted
for by the lack of knowledge of the urban job situation by
the parents.

This study is significant and unique in its use
of reference group in the study of job satisfaction and
therefore incorporates larger social categories in its in-
terpretation than the Zaleznik study. However, its use of
reference group is rather restricted in the sense that it
focuses only on fathers and brothers. The third study we

will describe goes a step further in specifically using

 

peer group as a reference point of job satisfaction. It
also specifically links this with the concept of relative
deprivation, thus limiting it to comparative reference groups.
Martin Patchen'sl study dealt with four classes of
seventh and eighth grade junior high school pupils. The
total sample was 124, with 60 boys and 64 girls. The de-
sign used to test his hypothesis consisted of-comparing
the satisfactions of three groups of subjects. In the first
condition which may be called group X, their classmates
were performing job task A which was of lower desirability.
In the second group Y, their classmates were doing job task

B which was a highly desirable job and in the third group 2,

 

lPatchen, op. cit. The main study was done as a
master's degree thesis in the Department of Sociology and
Anthropology at the University of North Carolina.

36

their classmates were doing the same job as they were doing.
This was the control group. All the three groups were per-
forming the same job tasks.

Deriving his propositions from reference group the—
ory and specifically from relative deprivation, Patchen
hypothesized that these groups would compare their jobs
with those of their classmates and will show patterns of
satisfaction or dissatisfaction depending on whether or
not they consider their classmates to be doing a job task
better or worse than their own. He predicted that members
of the group (what he called the deprived group) whose class-
mates were doing a better job or higher or more desirable
jobs will exhibit greater dissatisfaction with their jobs
irrespective of the type of job they are doing. Those in
the advantaged group, i.e., those who were doing a job more
desirable than their classmates would exhibit greater sat—
isfaction with their job. And the control group, those
doing the same jobs as their classmates, will be in the
middle.

His findings supported the hypothesis that the rel-
atively deprived group, the disadvantaged group, showed
greater dissatisfaction with their jobs than the control
group. The mean job enjoyment scores of the deprived and
Control groups, using a t—test, was not found to be signif-
icant. The actual mean differences were 3.24 for the con-

trol group and 3.65 for the deprived group-—the highest

37

satisfaction being one and the lowest satisfaction being
five. The advantaged group also showed a mean satisfaction
lower than the deprived group, 3.36, but this was not sta-
tistically significant. However, contrary to what was pre-
dicted, the advantaged group did not seem to have lower

job enjoyment than the control group. The explanation
given by Patchen was that “after the experiment most of

the members of this group [advantaged group] reported not
preferring their own job to the other, although they had

preferred their own job before the experiment. . . . A

 

plausible interpretation of this result, consistent with
the theoretical ideas . . . revolves about the fact that
subjects in the advantaged group were assigned a job which
turned out to be more tedious and disagreeable than the
pre—experimental description of the job had led them to
believe. . . . In this context, subjects could well have
felt that they had been misled in what to expect by the
experimenter and that their standards of fair treatment
had been violated."1

In spite of the findings of this study, which were
not quite statistically significant, the study provides
a crucial point of departure for our study where the error
reported by Patchen is actually avoided to the extent that

industrial workers know what they do and what their peer

 

lIbid., pp. 312—13.

38

group members are doing. Present in this is not only the

notion of visibility but knowledge.

4. Some Further Studies

 

These three studies of work satisfaction have pro—
vided very useful insights for our study in spite of their
limitations. However, they represent what might be described
as "studies in a different cultural context." This does
not imply that they are irrelevant to the context of our
study, for, to argue in such a vein will be to take a blind
and an extremely relativistic position as to lose sight
of the possibilities of scientific discovery and general
principles of universal applicability. It is, however,
in order to bridge the cultural gap that the next two
studies are reviewed and described.

The first study was conducted by Dieter Siebel.l
The study concerns 160 workers in a Nigerian brewery com—
pany, Guinness (Nigeria), Ltd., in Lagos and seeks to find
out "the social implications of industrialization in Ni-
geria.“2 It is very exploratory and uses simple descrip-
tive statistics which obscure critical problems in deter-
mining whether or not a particular pattern of response is

statistically significant. Percentages are used without

lDieter H. Siebel, "Industrial Labour in Nigeria,"
unpublished thesis, Universities of Ibadan, Nigeria, and
Freiburg, Germany.

21bid., p. 3.

39

a clear indication of their statistical significance. For
example, the study concludes, with regard to why workers
dislike their job, that “a main reason why they do not like
their job is that the job is not interesting, or not accord—
ing to their knowledge, or is not the job they learned or
is not skilled enough."l However, the responses to the
question which tapped this answer indicate that only five
out of the 160 gave this response.2 This is only 3% of

all the responses to this question. This pattern, which
recurs many times in the study, raises the crucial question
of whether or not to regard such findings as "rare events."
The data would have been more meaningful if such simple
tests as t—tests or chi—square were used to establish mean—
ingful relationships.

In spite of this criticism, the study has some in—
teresting and significant findings, which are briefly sum—
marized here. The range of the ages of the workers was
between 18 and 60, and the mean age was 27 years. Siebel’
indicates that this can be accounted for by the fact that
“the firm itself is very young. But the main reason is
the fact that the elder people stay in village or town to
farm or to carry on traditional (or now modernized) village

craft, or for trading and that only the younger persons

 

lIbid., p. 62.

21bid., p. 43.

 

40

leave their home village for the town."1

Of critical relevance to our study are Siebel's
findings on job—liking or job—disliking. Using a 5-point
scale--like very much, like much, medium like, do not like,
and do not like at a11-—he obtained the following distri-

bution.

Table 1.1. Distribution of Reasons for Job-Liking

 

 

Reasons Given Percent
Wages 18
Gaining experience and learning new things 18 2
Like every job 14
Interesting work 11
Like the firm 8
Labor conditions 7
Technical and mechanical job 6
Prestige _1
Total (N = 160) 83‘

 

’Source: Siebel, op. cit., pp. 38-39. The remain-
ing 17% are accounted for by don't knows and other minor
categories with 1% each.

 

lIbid., pp. 16—17.

 

41

Table 1.2. Distribution of Reasons for Job—Disliking

 

 

Rpasons Given Percent
Wages 45
Not according to my knowledge 15
Not interesting 9
Hard working conditions 6
Position too low (lack of prestige) 6
Quarreling, worrisome _;4
Total (N = 160) 86‘

 

‘Source: Siebel, op. cit., p. 41. The remaining
14% are accounted for by don't knows, and other minor cate—
gories with 1% each.

It is quite surprising that Siebel does not regard
the responses to the question on job—liking as too reliable
because "this might be one of the very few answers given
to please the interviewer."1 This might be so but since
we cannot control for the "pleasing'| factor it is difficult
to assess its significance in influencing the responses
and in indicating the direction the responses will "nor-
mally" take. However, our pretest in another brewery firm
in the northern region of Nigeria——Star Brewery, Ltd.—-
obtained an entirely different distribution which is givenr

below in tabular form.

 

1Ibid., p. 38.

 

 

 

42

Table 1.3. Distribution of Reasons for Job—Liking (Our
Kaduna Pretest)‘

 

 

Reasons Percent
Work relations (co-workers and bosses) 63
Overtime wages 19
Medical facilities 12
Interesting job __6
Total (N = 16) 100

 

Table 1.4. Distribution of Reasons for Job—Disliking
(Our Kaduna Pretest)’

 

 

Rpasons Percent
Lack of mobility 31
Termination l3
Wages 13
Bad treatment 13
Hours of work 13
Pressure of work 6
Relations with management 6
None __6

Total (N = 16) 101

 

*Pretest from the Kaduna plant of Star Brewery,
Ltd. The pretest consisted of 16 workers randomly selected
from pay vouchers. The total work force was 258, thus the
pretest sample accounts for 6.2% of the total working pop—
ulation in the plant. Since this is a pretest using a
relatively small sample, it is hard to make significant
inferences to the total population. Furthermore, we did
not consider the question of “liking" or "disliking" strong

43

Finally, in response to the question, "What do you
want your son to become?" Siebel found that over 70% chose
professional occupations, less than 30% chose technical
work and the rest chose clerical work or said it was their
"children's own choice."1 This finding can be used infer-
entially as the prestige ranking of different occupations
by the industrial workers.
One significant finding of Siebel in connection
with job satisfaction is that wages are critical. This
seems to be corroborated by Evelyn M. Bell in her Polygons
studies.2 Bell argues that though Silcock and Hill, in w I
their studies, did not find any correlation between wage, I
labor turnover and mobility, "among Polygons employees,
however, there was oral evidence of considerable interest
in wage."3 As evidence, she indicated that "an examination
of the labour history of the men showed many examples of

efforts to improve wage position and to move into higher

enough to measure the saliency of the reasons to the work-
ers, so in our main study we changed it to reasons which
the workers felt strong enough about to cause them to leave
or stay in the factory. This, in our opinion, will not
only measure reasons for liking or disliking, but also the
saliency of the reasons.

1Ibid., p. 93. These represent collapsed forms
by us.

2Evelyn M. Bell, "Polygons Part Two: A Study of
Labour Turnover," Occasional Paper No. 34L Dept. of African
Studies, Salisbury, 1963, University of Rhodesia, Nyasaland.

31bid., p. 35.

44

earning occupations, and frequent expressions of dissatis—
faction with wages in the jobs they held before enrolling
with Polygons."l
To account for some conditioning factors for labor
turnover, Bell concludes (a View also supported by Elkan)2
that "conditions within urban employment are as yet insuf—
ficiently attractive or secure to engender any real desire
to resist the force of circumstances which eventually draw
a man away from employment--the strong attachment to tribal
homes, where ties of kinship, of custom, inheritance . . ."3
are so strong. Put in sociological terms, one would inter—
pret this as the perceived downward status mobility of the
worker by accepting industrial work. Thus the worker would
tend to accept the criteria for status distribution in the
traditional system instead of those of the industrial sys—
tem and will therefore consider accepting industrial work
as a downward movement or at best a means of acquiring higher
status in the traditional system. Such a pattern was found

among the Baganda by Elkan and Fallers.4 However, such

might not be the case in Nigeria where, as Bispham points

lIbid., p. 35.

2W. Elkan, "The Persistence of Migrant Labour,"
Bulletin of Inter-Africgn Labour Institute, September, 1951.
See also W. Elkan and Lloyd A. Fallers, "The Mobility of
Labor,“ in Moore and Feldman, op. cit., pp. 238—57.

3Bell, op. cit., p. 47.

4Elkan and Fallers, op. cit., p. 245.

 

45

out, "there is now a ready-made labour force fully willing
to work in industrial conditions and . . . capable of doing

."1 This also seriously questions Bell's assertion that

so
“target workers are common in the labor scene in most parts
of Africa where industrialization is developing alongside
the existing rural pattern."2

Evelyn Bell in this study interviewed 585 African
industrial workers between May and June, 1959, in a manu-

facturing factory nicknamed Polygons, in Salisbury, Southern

Rhodesia. In terms of age distribution, the study found

 

that the mean age was 28.27 years and the median age was
29. Seventy-six percent of the sample fell between 21-35
years while 51% fell between 26 and 35 years. It is inter—
esting to note that Elkan and Fallers, deriving their dis—
tribution from A. W. Southall, found that "the average age
of employees in Kampala [Uganda] in 1954 was about 26.5
years; those over 30 comprised only about one—fifth of the
total labor force."3 In our pretest in the northern region
of Nigeria we found that the mean age was 32.68 years and
the median age was 28.33 years. The discrepancy between

our pretest and study findings and earlier findings by

 

1W. M. L. Bispham, "The Concept and Measurement
of Labour Commitment and Its Relevance to Nigerian Devel-
opment," Nigerian Journal of Economic and Social Studies,
Vol. 6, No. 1, March, 1964, p. 55.

2Bell, op. cit., p. 35.

3Elkan and Fallers, op. cit., p. 246.

 

46

Siebel, Elkan and Fallers, and Bell will be fully discussed
later in this dissertation.

5. Theoretical Linkage Between Reference Group and

Worker Satisfactioni and General Hypothesis
The first part of this section will deal more spe-_

cifically with the theoretical link between reference group
and satisfaction. More fundamentally, the section will
address itself to the question of what it is about refer-
ence group that induces a comparative or evaluative behav—
ior. The theoretical contention is that such comparative

or evaluative behavior implicates the actor ineluctably

 

in certain attitudinal and behavioral action patterns.
It thus sets both an upper and lower limit conditioning
certain attitudes and behaviors.

The utilization of social theories implies that
such theories may be confirmed or denied by evidence. In—
deed, according to Professor Karl Popper,l what distinguish-'
es a scientific theory from a metaphysical proposition is
that the former can be falsified by evidence. That is,
it is capable of being disproved. Metaphysical proposi-
tions are not of this nature. They are regarded rather
as self-evident 'truths.' Popper argues that the state
Of scientific knowledge at any given time thus represents

theories that have not yet been disproved or falsified by

 

lKarl R. Popper, Logic of Scientific Discovery (New
York: Harper & Row, 1964)}

 

47

evidence. Theories are also prior to experiments to the
extent that they condition the kinds of questions that are
asked and also the experiment itself.1 These properties
of scientific theories should be taken into account in any
scientific endeavor to the extent that research possesses

the dual function of affirming or denying theories.

The Self and Reference Group

The significance of reference group for comparative
or evaluative purposes derives from the conception of the
p31: in the process of socialization in a symbolic environ-
ment. Process involves a dynamic relationship.

A brief overview of the literature reveals that

the self-concept arises from the way the actor is regarded

 

by his fellow actors or individuals. This was essentially
the point William James made in his discussion of the pg:

cial self.2 Cooley's "looking-glass-self" again focuses

 

on an actor's appearance to other persons, the judgment
of these others on the actor's position, and a kind of self
feeling such as adequacy or inadequacy that the actor de-

rives from such a situation.3 To these, Herbert Mead added

 

lKarl R. Popper, The Poverty of Historicism (New
York: Harper & Row, 1964), p. 98.

2William James, Principles of Psychology (New York:
Henry Holt & Co., 1890).

3Charles H. Cooley, Human Nature and the Social
Order (Glencoe: The Free Press, 1922), revised ed.

 

48

the distinction between the "I" and the "Me." The "I,"
to Mead, represented the impulsive core tendencies of the
actor, while the "Me" represented the incorporation of the
"generalized other" within the actor.1

More recently, a number of others have taken this
point of View, with varying modifications, in the develop—
ment of the self concept. Shibutani, for example, argues
that once an individual is located within certain conven—
tional categories such as age—group, sex, occupation, eth—
nic and social classes, organically based self conceptions
arise through the actor's location and interaction within
these categories.2

Though such a scanty overview of the literature
does not do justice to the massive studies on self—concep—
tion, it nonetheless represents the general trend in such
studies. The pattern that emerges from all these studies
is that the conception of the self arises from the percep—
tion of how others view the position of the actor. Thus
these others become the basis for self comparison and eval—
uation and self conception. It is not important to find
out whether there is a correspondence between the actor's
perception of how significant others view his position and

the significant others' actual view of his position. The

 

1George Herbert Mead, Mind, Self and Society
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1934).

2Shibutani, op. cit., pp. 214 ff.

 

 

49

critical factor is the actor‘s perception of significant
others' perception of his position. Since, in Shibutani's
terms, the actor is located within certain categories, these
categories become the crucial conditioning factors for the
actor's self conception. The perception by the actor of
how these categories or generalized others (a la Mead) view
his position represents one side of the coin. The other
side represents how the actor perceives his position rela—
tive to the positions of these others and it is with this
side of the coin that we are primarily concerned in this
study. Thus, the actor in the development of the self,

in a dynamic sense, constantly compares or evaluates his
position to the positions of the others and thereby derives
a self and, in Coolean language, a sense of adequacy or
inadequacy. In a symbolic environment, social functioning
is predicated on this evaluation to the extent that with-
out it there is no social self.

In this study, reference group is used as represent-
ing those others, the perception of whose attitudes, con—
ditions the self conception of the industrial worker. Thus,
in his self conception, if the industrial worker perceives
that his own self is higher, equal or lower than those of
his reference group, it will implicate him in certain at—
titudes and behavior patterns. In doing this, he will also
be evaluating the social contexts that have conditioned

his present self and there will be a general feeling of

 

50

adequacy or satisfaction, or inadequacy or dissatisfaction
with these social contexts. A feeling of adequacy produces
a positive self image to the extent that it corresponds
to the perceived expectations of significant others, while
a feeling of inadequacy produces a reverse effect.

Certain propositions derive from this position:
1. The self arises from a symbolic situation.

2. The self arises from the perception by the actor of
the evaluation of others.

3. The self arises from the perception by the actor of
his evaluation of others.

4. A feeling of adequacy or inadequacy is conditioned by
the perception by the actor of others relative to him— ,
self.

5. This feeling is reflected on the social conditions that
have produced such a feeling.

More specifically, the actor will feel adequate
about himself and the general conditions that have produced
this if he perceives that compared to others, he is on the
whole better off. The reverse will also be true. In this
study, adequacy and inadequacy are interpreted as satis-
faction and dissatisfaction. Satisfaction is measured on
a five—point scale of very satisfied, satisfied, not set—
isfied and not dissatisfied, dissatisfied, and very dissat—
isfied.l

The general hypothesis for this study, therefore,

is that: Satisfgction or dissatisfpction that an industrial

 

1These are collapsed into satisfied-dissatisfied.

 

 

 

51

worker gets is related to his evaluation of how members
of his reference group are doing vis-a—vis himself.1
The major rationale for this hypothesis is that
the industrial worker's self conception derives from just
such comparison or evaluation with reference group members
who are significant to his socialization. This, then, is
the cardinal vector on which this whole study is based.
The significance of this study derives primarily
from its use of reference group as a viable concept for
the analysis of satisfaction or dissatisfaction of indus-
trial workers. To the extent that social actors constantly
make invidious comparisons between themselves and their
reference group members in terms of their self maintenance,

it is a crucial concept for analyzing satisfaction among

industrial workers or other kinds of workers.

6. Arenas of Satisfaction
As indicated in the early part of this chapter,
satisfaction is not a singular concept or a general atti-
tude of well-being but rather applies to different arenas
of economic and social activity. Thus a professor of so-
ciology may be satisfied with the department of sociology

in terms of his interaction with other professors in the

 

1The specific hypotheses dealing with the differ—
ent arenas of industrial activity are discussed in Chapter
V in the analysis of data. Our reasoning in so doing is
that such a pattern presents a more parsimonious way of
looking at the data meaningfully.

 

52

department, with facilities for research, with his teach-
ing load and so on. The same professor may be dissatisfied
with the overall university administration, with dispropor—
tional recognition given to other departments and so on.
The knowledge of one does not imply knowledge of the other
and thus makes it difficult to predict the satisfaction
with the university from the satisfaction with the depart-
ment. Each should be treated as a singular social unit.
However, how the social unit for analysis is established

is a matter of research strategy and what it is the re-
searcher wants to know.

In the analysis of the satisfaction of industrial
workers, such social units or arenas include the sector,
the occupation, the 19p, the work group, the company, and
the factory. Economists divide the sector broadly into
three categories——the primary or agricultural, the second—
gry or industrial, and the tertiary or service. Sociolo—
gists have taken over this tripartite classification from
economics in their analysis of economic behavior.l Such
a distinction is useful to economists because it permits
them to isolate for analysis the “important differences
between the general economic laws under which the three

divisions operate."2 For example, through such a

 

1Miller and Form, op. cit., pp. 51-53.

2Colin Clark, The Conditions of Economic Progress
(3rd edition, London: Macmillan, 1957), Chapter IX, "The
Distribution of Labour Between Industries,“ pp. 490—508.

53

distinction economists are able to postulate the so-called
Engel effect whereby proportionately smaller expenditures
are made on agricultural products with increases in income
while with increases in income proportionately large expen—
ditures are made on manufactured goods. The distinction

is also useful to sociologists to the extent that it pro-
vides a meaningful distinction in the patterns of social—
ization and the structural factors that condition the choice
of one sector over and above other sectors. In this study,
this tripartite distinction is maintained. Agriculture

as used here and in the preceding chapters includes the
related activities of farming, forestry, and fishing. £27
dustry includes mining, manufacturing, utilities, construc—
tion; and service applies mainly to commerce and transpor-
tation, and also to banking, insurance and such related
activities. In developing countries, the nature of the
commercial or service sector is slightly different than

it is in developed or industrialized societies. Commerce
in developing societies comprises mainly trade at the in—
termediate level, most of which is retail trade or what

is called, for lack of a better word, petty trade. Here
the capital outlay varies considerably. In developing so—
cieties traders generally emerge from farm backgrounds and
initially perform the task of the distribution of agricul-
tural products. In this sense they precipitate the emerg-

ence of the peasant society which in Kroeber's terms links

 

54

the folk to the urban. Their work involves risks, endur-
ance and commercial imagination.l Later, they begin to
deal in manufactured goods which are imported. As incomes
rise, profits accrue to the multiplicity of intermediary
traders who benefit from the secular inflationary pressures.
As the economy advances traders quite often turn to indus—
try, transport and estate agriculture. This also implies
the accumulation of capital since these activities require
larger capital outlays.

Besides sector status, there is also occupational
status which defines the rewards and duties of an occupa—
tion vis-a—vis other occupations. Everett Hughes3 distin-
guishes between job-type and trade-type occupations. This
distinction will not be maintained in this study and occu-
pation will refer to both of them because of the inherent
difficulty of transferability. Thus an electrician, a fit-
ter, a welder, a driver mechanic or a plumber can be regard-
ed as trade-types to the extent that these occupations are

relatively easily transferable from one industry to another

1P. T. Bauer, Economic Analysis and Policy in Under—
develo ed Countries (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, Ltd.,
1966 , pp. 67-72.

2A. N. Agarwala and S. P. Singh (eds.), The Econom-

ics of Underdevelopment (New York: Oxford University Press,
1963 p. 70.

3Everett C. Hughes, "Personality Types and the Di-
Vision of Labor," American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 33,
Pp- 762- 63.

55

whereas machine operators or hub-cap operators are not
easily transferable to unrelated industries. However,
since most of the so-called trade-type occupations are
in the plants studied, primarily factory—based, such a
distinction will not be particularly meaningful.

Work refers to the specific activity of the indus-
trial worker in the plant together with the physical and

social environment of work.

Major Variables
The primary dependent variables for analysis in
this study, therefore, are:
1. Satisfaction with sector
2. Satisfaction with job/occupation
3. Satisfaction with work
The major independent variables are:

1. Self—evaluation with reference group1 members in other
sectors

2. Self-evaluation with reference group members in other
occupations

3. Self-evaluation with reference group members in other
work environments

It is important to reiterate the point made earlier that
satisfaction with one does not necessarily imply satisfac-
tion with the others.

In addition to these independent variables others

1For how this concept is defined see Chapter V.

 

 

56-

such as age, education, income, urbanity, skill level and
technology, father's occupation, and amount of help given
to members of kinship group will be used to predict satis-
faction. These are used primarily to confirm or refute

other studies that have made them significant independent

variables.

CHAPTER II

BRIEF BACKGROUND TO URBAN AND INDUSTRIAL
DEVELOPMENT IN NIGERIA
Nigeria, which emerged as a unified country after
the amalgamation of 1914, became independent from British

colonial rule on October 1, 1960. By October 1, 1962, it

was a Republic. Located between longitudes 3° E and 14° E,

and latitudes 4° N and 14° N, Nigeria has a total land area

of about 357 square miles, which is more than three times
the size of the United Kingdom and slightly larger than

Texas and Oklahoma put together. With an estimated popu—
lation of 56 million,1 it is the most populous country in
the continent of Africa. The population density is there;
fore about 156 per square mile. This represents a density
two and a half times the density of the United States, but
much less than India (347 per square mile) or England and
Wales (750 per square mile). However, Nigeria has a rela—

tively high density in the continent of Africa.2

1Federal Republic of Nigeria: Annual Abstracts
of Statistics, 1964, Federal Office of Statistics, Lagos,
p. 12.

 

 

2Egypt has a density of 62 per square mile; Ethi—
opia, 44 per sq. mile; Union of South Africa, 28 per sq.
mile; Democratic Republic of the Congo, 13 per sq. mile;
Sudan, 10 per sq. mile; Ghana, 52 per sq. mile. Source:
The Demographic Yearbook of thgyUnited Nations, 1957.

 

57

58

Table 2.1. Summary of Population in Nigeria by Region‘

 

Population Area Sq. Mi. Population

 

Region (millions) (thousands) Dgpsity
Northern Region 29.809 281.782 106
Eastern Region 12.394 29.584 420
Western Region 10.266 30.454 337
Mid-Western Region 2.536 14.922 170
Lagos Territory .665 .027 24,639

Total 55.670 356.669 156

 

‘Source: Federal Annual Abstract, Lagos, 1964.

 

Administratively and politically, Nigeria is di-
vided into four regions and the Federal Capital of Lagos,
each of which functions as a semi—autonomous unit. These
four regions are: the North, East, West, and Mid-West.
However, for the purposes of this study we will disregard
these sections and treat all of them within the unified
rubric of Nigeria.

The majority of Nigerians live in rural areas or
villages but the 1952/53 censusl indicates that about 19%
of the population live in towns of 5,000 or more. Since

the urban area is defined differently in different

1The 1952/53 census will be used in this study
except as otherwise indicated since it has more meaning—
ful breakdowns and since the 1962 census has aroused cer—
tain suspicions and doubts.

59

countries,1 there arises a difficulty of cross-national
comparisons. However, using the United Nations Demographic
Yearbook of 1952, it could be argued that Nigeria is among
the low urbanized areas, lying somewhere between Korea (20%)
and Jamaica (18%).2 Davies believes, in any event, that
city growth in Africa is proceeding more rapidly than any—
where else in the world.3 To the extent that urbanization
involves not only numbers——the proportion of those living
in urban areas in the total population-—but also a whole
new set of normative behavior and value orientation, it
becomes even more difficult to have cross-national compar—
isons. These factors should be borne in mind while consid-
ering the process of urbanization in Nigeria.

It is estimated that urban population in Nigeria
will increase by about 3% per year, which in actuality is

higher than the estimated increase of the total population

 

lThe United States, for example, uses 2,500 as the
demarcating line between rural and urban while India, Cey-
lon, Belgium and Greece place the line at 5,000. Still
such countries as Italy, Sweden, Poland, Rumania, etc.,
do not make any numerical distinctions. Italy, for ex—
ample, considers an urban area as a commune in which less
than half of the employed persons are engaged in agricul—
ture. In Canada, all cities, towns and villages are clas—
sified as urban if they are incorporated. These are just
a few examples to show the difficulties of cross—national
comparisons.

2U.N. ngographic Yearbook, 1952, Table B.

3Kingsley Davis, "Urbanization and the Development
of Pre—Industrial Areas," Economic Development and Cultural
Change, 3, October, 1954, pp. 20—21.

60

which is a little under 2%.1 This estimated increase is,
however, dependent on the rate of industrial growth and
the relative attractiveness of urban—industrial living to
the total population. In any event, if other things are
equal and this growth rate continues, Nigeria will emerge
as an urbanized country in three to four decades. This
appears to be a very optimistic estimate and whether or
not it can be realized will depend on time and the rate
of industrialization.

Related to rural dwelling in Nigeria is the fact
that agriculture accounts for about 75% of the total male
labor force with only about 6% in craft and industrial work.
Crafts here include traditional crafts like iron works,
calabash carving, woodworks, etc., so that the actual per-
centage in industrial work is even smaller than the 6%.

In addition to providing employment for over 75% of the
total male labor force, agriculture also accounts for about
50% of the National Income of Nigeria and 85% of her total
exports besides enabling her to feed her population. How—
ever, measured by the standards of mature industrialization,
this represents a relatively low level of industrialization.
The best estimates, though somewhat arbitrary, of mature
industrial growth and the changing occupational structure,

are given by Miller and Form who indicate that "the mature

1Economic Survey of Nigeria, 1959, Federal Govern—
ment Printer, Lagos, p. 13.

 

 

61

industrial economy may be arbitrarily defined as one in
which a third or less of the labor force is engaged in ag-
riculture and over half of the urban labor force is engaged
in nonmanufacturing pursuits. . . . In mature industrial
economies the majority of the urban population have typic—
ally been born in the cities and have learned to live in
them."1 Even though the nature of the nonmanufacturing

was not clearly delineated at least to take account of petty
trade which abounds in Nigeria, this arbitrary definition
may be used fruitfully as a working hypothesis.

Table 2.2. Primary Occupations of Nigerians (Males)
1952—53 Census (Thousands)

 

 

 

Crafts,
Skilled,
Semi- All
Agriculture, skilled Traders Govt.
Forestry, workers and Em— & Local
Animal engaged ployees Govt. &
Husbandry, in pro- engaged Profes-
Fishing & ducing in com- sional
Hunting articles merce Workers Others Total
Lagos
Township 4 ll 21 16 32 84
Western
Region 1,154 119 145 54 125 1,597
Northern
Region 3,876 291 151 104 245 4,667
Eastern
Region 1,306 75 148 50 142 1,721
Total 6,340 496 465 224 544 8,069

_¥

Source: Federal Republic of Nigeriay_Annual Abstract
9f Statistics, Nigeria, 1964, Table 2.3, p. 13.

1Miller and Form, op. cit., p. 39.

 

62

In contrast to the agricultural sector, the indus-
trial sector, with which we are primarily concerned here,
is relatively new. Even though one may agree in a general
sense with Dr. Aboyade that "it would nevertheless be true
to say that the economic development of Nigeria is not just
a phenomenon of the Second World War,"1 it may also be true
in a specific sense that "[it is only in the last ten years
that industrialization on a factory scale has been gather-
ing momentum."2 Indeed the International Bank for Recon--
struction and Development, in the report after its mission
to Nigeria in 1954, indicated that "in less than ten years
the economy has grown and strengthened to such an extent
that it bears little resemblance to the prewar economy."3
In actuality, industrialization in Nigeria can be regarded
as related to the changing circumstances and demands of
the Second World War.

Even though tin was mined and exported for over
50 years, it was not until during the Second World War when

Malayan tin supplies ran out that tin production in Nigeria

 

leetunji Aboyade, Foundations of an African Econ:
omy: A Study of Investment and Growth in Nigeria (N.Y.:
Frederick A. Praeger, 1966), p. 1. Aboyade recognizes this
with regard to the industrial sector; vide, p. 133.

2Economic Survey_of Nigeria, 1959, p. 5. Also see
Western Nigeria Development Plan, 1962-68, Government Print—
er, Ibadan, p. 25.

 

3Economicpgvelopment of Nigeria, Report of the
I.B.R.D., Federal Government Printer, 1954, p. 6.

63

was stepped up.1 After the war, production declined as
columbite production rose and then fell. Limestone depos—
its have also, since 1958, made possible the production

of cement which by 1962 figures accounts for about 30% of
total consumption. Coal has also been mined in Nigeria
for over 40 years and was a primary source of fuel even
before the Second World War. However, with new sources

of power being made available in Nigeria, it is estimated
that total coal production will decline in future. Mining
thus provided the initial introductions of Nigerians to
the processes of industrialization, i.e., the patterns of
industrial normative systems.

Processing and manufacturing industries are still
more recent in Nigeria and contribute much less to the
National Income. In the words of the 1959 Economic Survey,
"industry is not yet a major contributor to Nigeria's Na-
tional Income."2 The number of persons working for indus-
tries employing ten or more persons is estimated at 40,000.
The total number of all those employed in manufacturing
in 1962 is given as 57,960 with the total number of estab—
lishments being 514.3 This total includes such items as

meat products, dairy products, training, etc.

 

1Economic Survey of Nigeriai_l959, p. 50.

2Ibid., p. 60.

3Annual Abstracts of Statistics, Nigeria, 1964,
op. cit., Table 5.4, p. 41.

64

There are certain implications for our study result-
ing from all these. The obvious conclusion is that indus-
trialization is a very recent development in Nigeria. If
we take the period 1945-1950 as the beginning of active
industrialization in Nigeria, with the mean age of 32 years
that we obtained in our study, it follows that most of the
workers were between the ages of 15—20 years by this time-
and would already have been socialized into traditional
patterns of behavior before entering the labor market.

Further implications for labor commitment and work
satisfaction are posed for our study. On the demand side
of the labor market are the emergence of new opportunities
which utilize labor for maximum production and profits.

On the supply side are factors which motivate entry and
participation in the labor market. Such factors include
the kinds of rewards that are available which can induce
greater responsiveness if by comparison they are perceived
to be more satisfying than other alternatives or lack of
alternatives. Some decision theorists make a distinction

between optimal alternatives and satisfactory alternatives,

 

1James G. March and Herbert A. Simon, Orggnizations,
Graduate School of Industrial Administration, Carnegie In-
stitute of Technology, 1959. They state, for example:
"An alternative is optimal if: (1) there exists a set of
criteria that permits all alternatives to be compared, and
(2) the alternative in question is preferred by these cri-
teria to all other alternatives. An alternative is satis-
factory if: (1) there exists a set of criteria that de-
scribes minimally satisfactory alternatives, and (2) the
alternative in question meets or exceeds all these criteria.“
p. 140.

65

but our concern here is not with such fine distinctions.
Between the supply and demand factors are various interven-
ing variables such as the conditions and the institutions
that enhance entry. Such intervening institutional com-
plexes may be in the traditional system or in the industrial
system. It is here that the linkages between the tradition—
al and the industrial can most fruitfully be investigated.
What the economists call opportunity cost becomes very crit-
ical in inducing participative behavior in the industrial
sector.

Another factor to note in this brief overview of
industrialization in Nigeria is the relatively low per cap—
ita income. This is estimated to be about $84 per annum.1
By contrast, those employed in manufacturing received,
through wages and salaries, about $525 per annum.2 This
represents a disproportionately higher income for factory
workers than for the whole nation.

Another important aspect of the process of indus—
trialization in Nigeria, which has been touched upon brief—
ly earlier, is the fact that manufacturing has not yet dom-
inated the industrial sector nor even the economy. This

is to be expected in the light of Miller and Form cited

 

lPuis N. C. Okigbo, Nigerian National Accounts
1950-1957, Federal Ministry of Economic Development, Lagos,
1962, p. 9.

2Computed from Annual Abstracts of Statistics,
Table 504, p. 41.

66

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Table 2.3. Volume Index of Industrial Production (Base
Year 1957 = 100) Analysis by Activities
1950-1961‘
Activity
Sectors

Manufacturing 1950 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61
Bakeries 9 16 23 29 31 77 87 100 91 113 137 138
-Groundnut Oil

~Milling 17 8 13 12 17 21 109 100 102 123 120 117
Beer l6 19 28 38 44 61 77 100 147 173 218 261
Tobacco 66 63 81 92 105 98 110 100 98 98 107 105
Textiles l 4 5 8 13 14 15 100 108 80 82 120
Soap 34 48 9O 95 113 77 120 100 105 127 187 191
Rubber

Processing 3 4 8 17 23 53 68 100 103 134 143 137
Training 15 15 39 55 43 67 61 100 88 103 103 107
Saw Milling 33 30 62 53 85 96 88 100 127 127 132 145
Metal Products 51 67 100 117 105 138 149 100 108 123 116 157
Cement - - - - — — — 100 222 237 310 600
Mining

Coal 72 68 71 86 78 92 97 100 135 91 69 73
Tin 87 90 87 86 83 86 95 100 64 57 79 8O
Columbite 45 56 67 102 151 164 135 100 42 83 106 122
Oil (1958:100) - - - - — - - - 100 220 346 914
Public Utilities

Electricity 41 42 51 59 63 75 85 100 116 124 151 228
Construction

Building &

Civil Eng. 47 59 45 60 88 89 85 100 95 112 149 163
Summary
Manufacturing 29 29 44 48 59 66 93 100 117 130 136 157
Mining 81 82 83 88 83 93 98 100 82 88 113 174
Public Util. 41 42 51 S9 63 75 85 100 116 124 151 228
Construction 47 59 45 60 88 89 85 100 95 112 149 163

Total 48 57 50 62 83 86 88 100 98 112 142 166
‘Source: Aboyade, op. cit., p. 134.

67

above and in terms of the relative underdevelopment of in-
dustrial activities. Using Aboyade's computations, we ob—
serve that construction activities exert a strong influence
on the whole industrial sector.

Using the volume index of industrial production,
Aboyade concludes, with regard to the manufacturing indus-

tries:

The longer established manufacturing industries
like tobacco, soap and saw milling also did not
exhibit impressive growth. The more phenomenal
increases were experienced in breweries, drinks,
textiles, rubber processing and more especially
in cement in 1957. Groundnut milling moved sudden-
ly to a new height in 1956, but since then seemed
to have grown slowly and with hesitation. . . .

Apart from cement, metal products constitute the

only existing capital good industry; but this cer— .
tainly has not shown any remarkable or steady growth.
As manufacturing industries covered in the table
represent about 93 per cent of the value added by

all manufacturing activity in the base year 1957,

we may conclude that the manufacturing_sector was
still heavily concentrated on a very narrow range

of consumer goods.f_

The relatively developing nature of the Nigerian economy
becomes very apparent from this. Our study covers two
metal processing industries, one soft drink bottling fac-
tory and one canning factory. These four factories con—
stitute three levels of growth. Soft drinks represent high
growth, metal processing middling growth and canning repre-
sents low or undiscernible growth.

One can safely state, in the light of the discussion

 

lAboyade, op. cit., p. 135 (emphasis mine).

68

above, that the Nigerian economy is in the very early stages
of industrial development. This, coupled with the demon-
stration effect of mature industrialized societies, might
have prompted the Federal Government of Nigeria in its Six
Year Development Plan 1962-19681 to regard industrial devel-
opment as one of the prime priorities. Indeed in the re-
gional version of the national plan, the Western Regional
Government states that "industrial development in Western
Nigeria is in its early stage. . . . The industrialization
concept is not one of creating this or that industry; rather,
it is an economic process in which industrialists become
interested primarily in meeting domestic needs for manufac-
tured goods and . . . steadily acquire the necessary man-
agerial and technical skill and entrepreneurial ability
for developing more complex large-scale and small-scale
industries."2 This trend is reflected in the other regions.
The emphasis on “managerial and technical skill
and entrepreneurial ability" is crucial because the top
levels of the industrial hierarchy are saturated with ex—
patriates. Onyemelukwe complains that " . . . there has
been an increasing dependence on technical manpower from

abroad both in government service and in private industry.

 

1National Development Plan 1962—1968, Federal Gov-
ernment of Nigeria, 1963.

2Western Nigeria Development Plan 1962-1968, Gov-
ernment Printer, Ibadan, p. 25.

69

The persons so recruited are often second-rate but have

been paid high wages."l While the shortage of skilled tech-
nical manpower is noted by many, Dr. Azikiwe declared in
his Foundation Day speech in 1961 that: “There is no need
for us to be running helter-skelter abroad begging for ex-
perts to come and guide us when we have indigenous experts
galore in Nigeria."2 However, the manpower level in 1960
and the projections into 2000 A.D. together with employment
figures in different occupational groups will give a fairly
clearer picture of the critical manpower shortage. This

will also give us a distribution of the skill levels.

 

 

 

 

Table 2.4. Projected Manpower Needs of Nigeria
Semi-
A. B. skilled
Total Working High Intermed. and un-
Popula- Popu. level level Skilled skilled
tion in 51% of manpower manpower manpower manpower
Xgar millions A 1% of B 5% of B 25% of B 69% of B
1960 41.0 20.9 0.2 1.0 5.0 14.7
1970 52.3 26.8 0.3 1.3 6.7 18.5
1980 68.0 34.6 0.4 1.7 8.7 23.8
1990 88.4 45.1 0.5 2.3 11.3 31.0
2000 116.9 60.6 0.6 3.0 15.2 41.8
Source: Onyemelukwe, op. cit., p. 285.
l

C. C. Onyemelukwe, Problems of Industrial Planning
23Q_Management in Nigeria (London: Longmans Green & Co.,

Ltd., 1966), p. 287. Also see Daily Times (Nigeria), March,
1965, July 24 and July 26, 1965, articles by Adisa Adeleye.

2Quoted from Eric Ashby, African Universities and
EEEEern Tradition (Oxford University Press, 1964), p. 51.

 

70

 

 

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71

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72

Even though the working population of the expatri-
ates is. not fully given by the 1962 census figures, we can
find frxom Table 2.5 that over 10,000 of the non-Nigerians
are in Iarofessional, technical, administrative, executive
and maniagerial. This is out of a total non-Nigerian popu—
lation <>f about 41,000.1 This accounts for about 25%. By
companison, Nigerians in these groups, even when computed
by employment in major occupational groups which is much
smaller? than the total population, gives only a paltry
4.52%» This particular trend is borne out by our study
where, except for the canning factory which is owned by
the Western Nigeria Development Corporation, the top man-
agerial and technical positions are held by expatriates.
The crux:of the matter, however, is that since the bulk
of the capital in this area is owned by the expatriates
and skilled.manpower is short,2 in order to protect the
investment and its profitability, these expatriates find
it convenient to supply their own skilled personnel. A
way out of the impasse is through increased technical and

managerial training and it appears that both the National

 

lAnnual Abstract of Statistics, op. cit., Table 2.5.

2Aboyade, op. cit. Aboyade indicates that "A number
of impmrtant industries are dominated by single firms which
are euither international oligopolies or vertically integrated
‘with such business organizations." p. 132. He gives such
examples as cigarettes and tobacco, petroleum, breweries
and drinks, soap and toiletries, aluminum products and
building materials like metal windows and tiles. To this
list, however, can be added metal construction.

73

Plan anci the Regional Plans seem to have finally recognized
this need.1 The dominance of the higher skill levels by
expatriaxtes, however, is not peculiar to Nigeria but is
rather 21 characteristic of most developing countries.

The general characteristics discussed so far lead
us Ubtflae obvious conclusion that Nigeria is an underdevel—
oped economy or at best a developing one. Aboyade also
reached the same conclusions when he stated: "But probably
more significant was the simple fact that at Independence
(1960) Nigeria was still squarely an underdeveloped econ-

omy."2

 

1The Federal Plan increased its expenditure on edu-

cation.from 14.6 in the 1955-61 plan to 37.3 in the 1962-68
plan.

2Aboyade, op. cit., p. 26. For a more detailed
analysis of the characteristics of the Nigerian economy
and its growth patterns, see Aboyade, op. cit. This is
the best single comprehensive survey and analysis so far.

CHAPTER III

A SUMMARY DESCRIPTION OF THE FOUR PLANTS STUDIED

Introduction

 

The study was conducted between August, 1964, and
July, 1965. Actual interviews began from April, 1965, un-
til July, 1965. Two of the factories—-Metal Containers
and Metal Construction--are located in the federal capital,
Lagos, and the other two--Coca Cola Bottling and Fruit Can-
ning—~are located in the regional capital of the West at
Ibadan. In addition, a pretest was conducted at a beer
bottling factory in the regional capital of the North, at
Kaduna. A total of 142 workers were interviewed in the
main study while the pretest used 16 workers. An interview
guide was used. Originally a questionnaire was the planned
instrument but it soon became apparent that the workers,
unfamiliar as they are with such techniques and language,
would have a great difficulty in filling in the answers
by themselves. Consequently, the original questionnaire
was used as an interview guide with the researcher filling
in the responses. Most of the questions were fixed alter-
natives but a few open—ended questions were also used. In
addition, observations and off-the-job conversations were
recorded in the traditional anthropological style. These

will later be built into the main corpus of the analysis.

74

75

The factories were not randomly selected due to
the vagaries that accompany research and access in such
areas. These factories therefore represent those that
granted permission for the study. Opposition to research
in industry is not unique to Nigeria. Form experienced
similar difficulties in gaining access to the Oldsmobile
Plant in the United States.1 However, if the characteris—
tics of a labor force are to be accurately described and
known for purposes of research and decision-making, indus-
tries should be convinced to grant access to legitimate
researchers with relative ease.

Apart from the canning factory where research con-
straints did not permit the interview of a larger sample,
all other workers were selected randomly. Furthermore,
except in canning and bottling where the sample included
white-collar workers, the other samples were restricted
to blue-collar workers. The total sample of 141 represents
about .3% of all those engaged in manufacturing in Nigeria.
Even though this is not a random sample, we can still make
certain limited inferences to the industrial population.
However, it is our hunch that such inference may not be
too far wrong. In contrast to the selection of the fac-

tories, the industrial workers in the plants were randomly

 

1William H. Form, "A Bargaining Model of Social
Research," unpublished manuscript, Michigan State Univer-
sity. We are indebted to Professor Form for permitting
us to use this material even though it is only for private
circulation.

76

selected. In addition, the records of the Lagos factories
dealing with labor turnover were used to determine the turn-
over rate. These records also inplude the reasons for leav—
ing or termination and these, it is hoped, will give some
clues as to adaptation and commitment of industrial work.

Finally, it should be pointed out that all inter-
views were done by the researcher and no attempt was made
to train interviewers. This makes for consistency in in-
terviewing patterns as it made sure that all the questions
were asked in the same manner. The interview time ranged
from 25 minutes to 2 hours, 30 minutes, with the mean as
1 hour. To minimize the tensions created by the interview
situation, the researcher offered cigarettes to those work-
ers who smoked and soft drinks or tea or coffee to those
who did not smoke. This, in our opinion, tended to ease
the context of the interview. At the end of the interview,
if there were certain inconsistencies in dates, ages, etc.,
the respondents were faced with such inconsistencies and
in many cases this proved to be helpful as it aided recall
patterns.

The following represent summary descriptions of

the four factories that were studied.

1. Metal Containers Factoryy_Lagos
Legally established in Nigeria in January, 1940,
it represents a branch of a larger private Dutch company——

the Van Leer Group, which had 49 factories in other parts

77

of the world until the Nasser government in Egypt nation-
alized one of its factories. Starting production in the
early 1940's, it was mostly concerned with the production

of bitumen drums mainly for containing coal tar. A few

 

years later, a new plant was established to recondition
and repair old drums. This was necessitated by the short—
ages created by the Second World War. The reconditioning
plant needed gas, particularly oxygen and acetylene, and
so the company decided, by the end of the war, to produce
its own gas. Gas production, however, became so lucrative
that around 1959, it became established as a separate com-
pany with its own management and policies.

The container factory then settled down to the pro-
duction of 44 imperial or 55 American gallon drums. A few
years later, it added the production of four imperial gal—
lon kerosene tins. By 1961 it began the production of dust
bins of 10, 8, 5 and 2 imperial gallons, and also head pans.
These then constitute the main products of the factory.

The factory does not have a separate sales section
as it produces mainly on order from the big petroleum com-
panies like Esso, Texaco, Shell, B.P., Total, Agip, Mobil
and Shell-B.P. There are also small private consumers whose
market is handled by a few middle-men.

Metal Containers has a small sub-station at Port

Harcourt in the Eastern Region but the bulk of its labor

force is located in its Lagos plant. At the time of research,

78

the Lagos plant employed a total of 237 workers.

Table 3.1. Distribution of Metal Containers Workers by
Mode of Income and Country of Origin

 

Nigerian daily rated wage earners . . . . . . . . . 170
Nigerian monthly rated salary staff‘ . . . . . . . 55
European staff. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . °._£§

Total 237

 

‘Of the total African salaried staff only two held
managerial positions--Foreman L.D.P. and the Establishment
Officer who died in May, 1965, shortly before this research
began in the plant.

From the total Nigerian labor force of 225, a ran-
dom sample of 63 workers, representing 29%, was drawn.
Since white collar workers constitute about 66% of the
monthly rated salary staff, our sample represents about
34% of the total blue collar workers with whom we are pri—
marily concerned in this study. The random sample was
drawn by using a table of random numbers to the list of
wall blue collar workers provided by the management. In
actniality, the original sample contained 64 workers but
(Mm: was dropped because of serious language difficulties.

The factory is broadly divided into two main sec-
tions, one under the chief accountant and the other under
'Uua:factory manager. The factory manager is in charge of

Production while the chief accountant controls stores,

wages, purchases, personnel, and delivery and inventory.

MHummHz mo mumchucou Hmpmz mo bumcu HMCOHpmNHcmmuo

0H0 GQEOHOM OED. HH<

:.mummsHmcm: cmmdonsm wn omommr omam

.GOHpHmOQ HMHummmsmE m moHon ..m. a. A cmsmuom .Em£# M0

mco maco “SQ cmEmuom >9 pmommc mum dorm mcHupHm ms» cam mGOHuumm mmucp mmmne

huHusumm
norm .m. a. m soapomm
msspuem ..m.e.m .a. a. q msspaasm

_ _

4..., human

"mpoz
pcmam Edna momma u .m.n.q
pcmHm Spun HHmEm u .m.o.m
pupae can mumsem n .m.e.m.
cmmpcmu
.uQmQ Much
thoHHu Hmccom Ism>sH e .ydma .udmo mmu0pm
Iomam lumm >Hm>HHmD mmmsousm mmmmz ammum
«a _ _ _ _ yin

 

 

ummmcmz Nwouumm .pmm<

 

 

 

 

Hmmmcmz Nucpomm

mmMZH<BZOU A<Bm2

_

pcmucsoUu< .umm4

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pampszouu< mmero
L

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Hmmmdmz Hmumdmw

.sm<mo zoee<NHz<wmo mme

80

Above these two is the General Manager. The Establishment
Officer was under the Factory Manager to the extent that
most of the workers are in production and also under the
Chief Accountant since he controls personnel.

The main production section, therefore, is divided
into three main sub-sections--Large and Small Drum Plant,
Square Tin Plant, and Fitting Shop. The L.D.P./S.D.P. sec-
tion produces large and small petrol drums and dust bins.
The square tin plant produces mainly kerosene tins and also
head pans, while the fitting shop, comprising in the main
skilled workers--fitters, welders and sheet—metal workers,
is primarily concerned with machine repairs and also set-
ting up the machines for production. Our study mainly con-
cerned these three sections.

Of these three sections, the S.T.P. is the most
automated, with the workers mainly performing machine-
tending jobs. As a result of the flow of work, each work-
er's performance is dependent upon the workers on the ear-
lier stages of production. This is critical because the
company has an incentive policy where if production ex-
ceeded 1,800 tins, the workers were paid a bonus on every
additional tin produced. Since this is the most demanded
product of the factory, the pace of work is much higher
than in the L.D.P./S.D.P. section where quantity is not
as great and where there are slack periods. The company

does not have much overtime work and so production starts

81

at 7 a.m. and ends at 4 p.m., with intermittent breaks for
the workers. In fact, the company does not have any pol-
icy on break periods but merely states in its booklet on
Conditions of Service:
"The normal working hours per week of six days are:

A) Daily-rated workers ---------------- 44 hours

B) Daily and monthly rated tradesmen,

foremen and drivers ---------------- 44 hours
C) Security personnel ----------------- 48 hours
D) Clerical staff --------------------- 39 hours."1

The Fitting Shop workers are the least machine paced.
Indeed, they control the machines and their pace of work
except when there is a machine breakdown and repairs are
needed urgently. This section includes two apprentices.

The company provides "free medical attention for
its employees in a clinic conducted by the Company's Nurse
and the Company's Doctor."2 But conditions of service add
immediately that "the medical services to be rendered do
not include surgical, dental, V.D. or eye treatment. The
cost of medicines will be for the account of the employee."3
In all, the general conditions of service in this factory
appear to be much better than those provided in Metal

_

lMetal Containers of West Africa, Ltd.: Conditions
95 Service, January, 1963 (no publisher).

2Ibid., p. 5.

3Ibid., p. 5.

82

Construction or in Nigerian Bottling Company.

This factory has the lowest turnover rate, partic—
ularly considering the fact that it is the oldest of the
four factories. Out of a total of 74 monthly rated workers
employed between 1940-1965 only 19 have left the factory,
while of a total of 195 daily-rated workers employed for
the same period only 25 have left.

Table 3.2. Distribution of Reasons for Leaving Among Metal
Containers Workers

 

Not Inval—

 

Dismissed Resigned Died Seen idated Total (N)
Salaried 37% 42% 11% 11% - 100 (19)
Wages 68% 24% 4% - 1% 100 (25)
Total 55% 32% 7% 5% 1% 100 (44)

 

Thus, out of a total Nigerian labor force of 269
in this factory from 1940-1965, only 44 have left for vari-
ous reasons. As can be seen above, dismissals account for
almost four—tenths among salaried workers as opposed to
seven-tenths for wage earners. Resignations account for
42% of salaried workers while they account for 24% of wage
earners. The relative ease with which daily paid wage
earners can be dismissed accounts for persistent verbal
complaints of workers in this factory for not being
"staffed." To be "staffed" meant to be paid monthly on
a salary. Some of them even indicated that they would

accept a salary cut to be "staffed." The turnover rate

 

 

83

for this factory comes out at about 16%.

Finally, this is also the only factory that has
an organized football team which is actively supported and
encouraged by the management, and it also provides a mean-
ingful avenue of mobility within the factory. The captain
of the team quickly rose from laborer in 1957 to machine
operator in 1957 to assistant foreman-in-training in 1962
and finally to assistant foreman in 1965. This worker
agreed, when asked, that his participation in the football
team has contributed to his rapid rise from the ranks.

A few comments will be in place here about the
plant labor union. The local union called the Amalgamated
African Staff, Clerical and Technical Workers of Metal
Containers, West Africa (hereafter called the Factory Un-
ion), consists of all the Nigerian workers in this plant
except two who have managerial positions and one who is
being considered for a managerial position. Thus the
strength of the union is about 222. Every year, after
the union's statement of account has been filed with the
Federal Register of Trade Unions, elections are held. In
actuality, these yearly elections are not always held.

For example, there were no elections held between 1961-1963.

The Factory Union consists of general members of
floor members and an executive council. The floor members
are all members of the union who are not in the executive

council. The executive council comprises the President,

 

84

Vice-President, General Secretary, Treasurer, Financial
Secretary and p§p_unofficial executive members chosen from
the various sections. In 1965, all the top executive posi—
tions, excluding the unofficial members, were held by white—
collar workers. The union was well organized structurally
and records were painstakingly kept even though the factory
workers showed great apathy in attending meetings. The
records showed that the mean attendance was much less than
40% and some meetings were called off because of very poor
attendance. The poor attendance can be explained by the
timing of the meetings. General meetings were usually held
on Saturdays when the blue-collar workers work until 11
a.m., while the white-collar workers stay on until 12 noon.
Inany of the blue-collar workers complained of having to
wait a whole hour after their work for such meetings and
most of them leave before the meetings start. While this
research was going on, the Union was negotiating with man-
agement to let the white-collar workers off at 11 a.m. or
at 11:30 a.m. on days of general meetings. General meet—
ings and executive meetings are held once every month, the
executive meetings coming shortly before the general meet-
ings.

The Factory Union is affiliated with a national
trade union--the United Labour Congress, and sends five

delegates to the Lagos branch of the mother union. In

addition to this linkage, the mother union is also

 

85

represented by a professional trade unionist who acts as

a visiting secretary-general to the Factory Union which
pays him a salary. The professional unionist may have five
or more other unions to which he serves as visiting secre—
tary—general and by such an arrangement can draw a very
large salary. The factory unions need him because of the
supposed political pressure he can bring on management in
negotiations. Such pressures still have to be demonstrated
and many factory unions have to fight their own battles.
Indeed many factory union members accuse such profession—
als of double-dealing by receiving bribes from management
and pedalling slow. A case in point will be demonstrated
in the union of the next factory——Metal Construction. How—
ever, a comment by the President of the Metal Containers
Union is particularly relevant here in terms of the rela—
tionship of the local union to the mother union.

You know that our trade union movement in Nigeria
is very much split and most of us, in fact all of
the trade unions, the big national ones are all
financed by outside sources, and you see, this cre-
ates grave problems. You see, because the national
trade union bodies have financial assistance from
outside sources, they, I mean the trade union lead-
ers, don't care for the local unions very much be—
cause whether we support them or withdraw our sup—
port, they still get money from abroad. This makes
them not to worry too much about how the local un-
ions function, whether they are contributing money
or whether the workers are in fact well treated

are not their concern. They don't, sort of, owe
any allegiance to us, the local unions, and there
is not much we can do to punish or check them be—
cause if we say we wouldn't contribute money they
don't care and it is not a problem to them because
they get money from outside. On the other hand,

86

we need them very badly particularly in serious
situations when we are negotiating with management
and need some influence to back us up. Take people
like or or any of the big people
in trade union business, if you have them as your
paid secretary the management itself will know and
sit up but where can we find them? In fact, once
we tried to get but his fee was too high.
We didn't mind that but he never had time. All
you hear is that he is in America, in Europe,
everywhere, and somebody like him and in fact
most of them don't care because whatever happens
they get money. This is worrying us a great deal
at the local union level because we need these
people and they are never available and even if
you can get them as paid secretaries they don't
have time to attend meetings. This is too bad

and you see most of us end up fighting for our—
selves without their help.1

 

These then in brief represent the work setting of
the Metal Containers Factory. As a closing note, it should
be pointed out that this is the only factory of its kind
in Nigeria and so there is no competition in its product

market.

2. Metal Construction Company, Lagos

This factory was started in 1958 by Mr. Santoro,
an Italian, who also owns the Santoro Workshop in Italy.
It was the second factory of this type in Nigeria after
the establishment of Dorman Long which was the first. Soon
after its inception Mr. Santoro became very sick and died
1J1 Italy in 1959. Mrs. Santoro took over as Managing Di-
rector with Mr. Santoro's nephew, Mr. Bizzaro, as the Gen-
eral Manager. From 1960-1962 Mrs. Santoro worked as the

1From my field notes MCF No. 4.

87

Managing Director, but her health became so bad that she
finally left for Italy, leaving Mr. Bizzaro as Managing
Director and Mr. Migliore as the General Manager. At this
point a bitter quarrel ensued and Mr. Bizzaro broke away
in March, 1964, to establish his own Structural Steel Works,
which he finally succeeded in doing by the end of 1964.
Between the end of 1964 and the early part of 1965 Mr.
Bizzaro succeeded in recruiting a considerable portion of
the work force from the Metal Construction Company which
in part accounts for the large turnover in this plant.
Of a total work force of 215 employed in the Metal Con—
struction between 1958 and 1965, 83 left by dismissal or
resignation. This accounts for a turnover of about 39%
between 1958 and 1965 as compared to 16% for the Metal
Containers between 1940 and 1963. However, this high turn-
over in the Metal Construction is a little deceptive since
a large proportion of those who left actually broke away
with Mr. Bizzaro to his new plant.

The blue-collar labor force consists of 215 work-
ers, out of which our study took a random sample of 45
workers which accounts for about 21% of the blue-collar
workers.

The Metal Construction factory produces mainly
large gasoline (petrol) tanks, and builds motor bodies
With steel structures. Since there are about ten such

factories competing for the product market, this factory

88

faces tough competition. The General Manager of the com—
pany’complained to the researcher that the factory's profit
mairgin was below 10%. "We are not making any profit at
all. because of bad competition-~very cut—throat competi—
tiorh You know that the owner of Pressed Metal was a for—
me:~ manager here and he broke away and established his
bussiness before the nephew of Mr. Santoro left us. Now

we have nine companies producing the same products with

us and most of them are very unscrupulous."l The General
Marlager indicated that the factory controls about 60% of
the pmoduct market. However, the chief accountant had a
lower estimate. He estimated that the factory controls
about.20% of the product market. On the other hand, our
own estimates put the figure at around 3%—7%. Our esti—
mates were arrived at by computing the value of total turn—
over of Metal Construction for 1964—65 which was about
£282,000 or about $789,600. The total value of Iron and
Steel products in 1963 was 58.81 million or about $24 mil—
lion.2 Even allowing for no increase between 1963 and 1965
we okrtain about 3.3% of the product market. However, this
fiGUIwe may reach about 7% if we exclude steel products other
than 'those in construction. This figure seems realistic

becmise even assuming that each of the ten factories has

\—

1Field notes MCC No. l.

_ 2ggview of External Trade, Nigeria, 1963, Federal
Office of Statistics, Lagos.

 

 

89

an equal share of the product market, each factory will
ccnntrol about 10% of the market. But Metal Construction
ruas never had a government contract, a substantial con-
suuner, while some of the others do. In fact, a new fac-
txiry--Jamma1 Steel Structures, producing the same products,
vmas formerly opened on July 15, 1965, by the most powerful
pcfilitical figure in Nigeria, the Sardnana of Sokoto—-the
Prwemier of the Northern region, and the president of the
Ncurthern Peoples Congress, the senior partner in the Fed—
erwal Coalition Government.1 In any event, Metal Construc-
tixan was fairly profitable because in 1964/65 it showed

a net profit (before taxes) of £58,000 or $162,000, even
tfluaugh this represented a small drop from 1963/64 profits.
33mg tax for 1963/64 was 51,800 or $5,040, and assuming no
substantial change in the tax structure, we can still get
a profit of about £56,200 or $156,960 which is not partic-
ularly discouraging.

The factory has no clear—cut policies with regard
t0¢conditions of service and except for one foreman (the
onlyr.Nigerian) all the blue-collar workers were daily-paid
workers. There are no medical facilities provided for the
workers as in Metal Containers and a number of the workers
COmplained about this. A comment by one of the workers,

shared by most of the others, sums up this point very well:

 

lSee Daily Times (of Nigeria), July 15, 1965, p.
14, and July 27, 1965, pp. 7—9.

90

This is a very dangerous work. Do you know that
we go inside those petrol tankers after both sides
have been closed and stay there for two, three
hours welding with all the fume and heat? In
fact, when a worker comes out from working inside
a tanker he is completely soaked out. His skin
becomes extra soft and mouldy from excessive sweat
and there is no help from management either by
putting in a fan or somehow cooling the rotten
place. No, nothing is done, and you know our
African sun, and we work inside those tankers
under such excessive heat. The rods and heavy
iron we use have wounded several people and there
is not even a small clinic or an emergency kit

to protect workers. Nothing, I am telling you.
Nothing. In fact, the worst part is when you

get seriously injured and the company even refuses
to use its van to take you to hospital. This is
terrible and our lives are in grave danger. Again,
when you are sick and you want to go to hospital,
and that is another problem and in fact our prob-
lems have increased since the new Labor and Staff
Manager came. You can't get paper to go to hos-
pital when you are sick and even if you are given
paper to go to hospital if you don't return by

12 noon they mark zero hours for you that day and
you know our hospitals in Nigeria, you can stay
there for almost a whole day without anybody at-
tending to you. And now to worsen the whole sit-
uation, we don't get any increment at all. Imag-
ine someone working three, four years without any
hope of increment. There is no future you can
look up to except the little money you can get
from overtime.1

The factory has a long history of many wildcat sit—
in strikes which are the most effective weapons the workers
use. .At the time of research, the local plant union has
filed! an application but has not yet been registered by

the federal registrar of trade unions. This union, unlike

 

1Field notes MCC, No. 6. The significance of this
can be seen in Chapter V, where this pattern produced a
dispr-‘Oportionate amount of work dissatisfaction among Metal
Construction workers.

 

 

9].

true union in Metal Containers, is seeking affiliation with
time most militant of the national trade unions-~theNiger—
isuu Trade Union Congress. The factory uses a lot of over-
tiJne to keep the heavy machines in full capacity but over-
tiJne depends on the willing consent of workers. The union
very often exercises this freedom to refuse to work over-
tiJne, to the utter dismay of management. During the period
of’ the research in this factory which lasted for about two
moriths, there were eight such sit-in strikes which works
up> to about one sit—in strike every week. Again, unlike
the:.Meta1 Containers, all members of the union in Metal
(knistruction are blue-collar workers with a fire-brand
ndjxitant president. There were occasions during this re—
search.when he almost got into fist-fights with the General
Manager. A quick glance at the minutes of the general
meetings of the two unions--Metal Construction and Metal
Containers-~will indicate the radicalism of the construc-
tion union and the relative conservatism of the containers
union, and the massification of the construction union cen-
tered around the charismatic president and the bureaucrat—
ization of the containers union. A comparison of these
Umallnions will be presented in a forthcoming article.

Out of a management staff of nine there are two
Nigertians--the Accountant and the Labor and Staff Manager
‘fl“>\fias brought back from retirement in another company.

Of all the blue—collar workers only the foreman is on

 

 

92

salary, all the others receiving daily wages. Of the seven
Ehnropean staff, all of whom are on management level, four
3:13 Italians, two are Scottish and one German. The Manag-
ixug Director, the General Manager and two out of four en-
giaieers are Italian; the Chief Engineer and the Architect
are: Scottish and one engineer is German. This is a famil-
iau: pattern in the industries studied. In Metal Containers,
all. European staff except the nurse, are Dutch and in the
COCLa Cola Bottling Company in Ibadan all the European staff
are: Greek. This pattern is also repeated in the Star Beer
Brewery in Kaduna.

Table 3.3. Distribution of Modes of Leaving Metal Construc—
tion Factory (Blue-Collar)

 

 

Dismissed Resigned Died Not Seen Total
38 40 5 83
Total 45.8 48.1 0.0 6.1 100.0

The dates of resignation reveal an interesting pat-
‘Umnl which links up with the establishment of Steel Struc-
tures hw'Nma Bizzaro. Of the 40 who resigned between 1958
and 1966, 30 or about 75% resigned between October, 1964,
and May, 1965, which coincides with the establishment of
Steel. Structures. There was no attempt made to cross-check
with Eiteel Structures to find out whether most of those
who resigned went there, even though this was strongly as-

serted by most of the workers and by management. In spite

93

ORGANIZATIONAL CHART: METAL CONSTRUCTION FACTORY

Managing Director

General Manager

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Chief Engineer Architect Chief
Accountant
Engineer Engineer Engineer
Labor and
Staff Manager
119.12%
Workers' Workers " Workers "

‘The majority of the workers are skilled and semi-
skilled fitters and welders with a few operators and ap-
Prentices. Apprenticeship in the factory lasts from any—
where: between 3—5 years or more depending on good conduct
and When the management feels that a worker is qualified
to be out of apprenticeship. There are thus no standards
for apprenticeship. Workers who come with government trade
tests; are not rated as such and such ratings depend on man-
agement.

Chart 3.2. Organizational Chart of Metal Construction
Company

 

 

94

of: these assertions, a number of the letters of resignation
Jxeave no clue as to where the workers are going even though
mcust of them indicate a "pleasure in leaving your company."
Pknnever, two of such letters of resignation (one of which
is; reproduced here in full) did indicate the force of tra-
didzion. The first letter indicated that "my brother want
me: to come down to Ibadan to look after his shop." The
second is reproduced in full:

Sir:

In fact if I had known that my going home on leave
would course the end of my work with you, I would
have not gone at all.

But I thought that my having not seen my parents
for the past five years will be sensible since this
opportunity is at my disposal during this leave you
gave to me to enjoy with them.

This followed a very tough argument and I was sur—
prise as I was preparing to come back to spend the
rest of my leave here in Lagos.

I left Lagos for my home town on the 27th Dec. 1964
and returned on the 2nd Jan. 1965, due to the very
matter my father landed to me.

In his points of argument_he said, that people have
been claiming parts of his lands, of farming, Rubber
Plantations, Cocoa Plantations and even the little
.Palm Oil Plantation that he has.

{Then he thinking of all these things if I have been
VVith him there would have not been any possibility
<>f these people taking some parts of these lands.

Iflnat I should think in the other hand of his old
age. That there is no one else to look after the
rest of the family again since the death of my
Senior brother.

That.not only money that could make one happy in
life but that once presence counts more in case of

imagency call.

95

In fact sir not all he said I can express here.
As you must very well trust, I tried to tell him
of the progress I have made ever since my absence
from him five years now and also point to him how
the Company is going to expand which determined

a brighter future ahead of me in the Company.

On the whole the rest members of the family crit—
icises my views and stating that all they wanted
is my coming home to care for my old parents and
their properties.

Well as one can not fight a dozen I realized at
the later part of this matter that it was an ar-
rangement they made which I cannot help.

So for this I regret to inform you that my going
home on leave has coursed a discomfit to my ways.

Never theless as I take this letter as a letter

of my resignation with one week notice as from
this day 4th January, 1965, I still promise you
that God wishing, if I can not cope with condition
of things at home I shall still come back and we
may still work together again.

I have made up my mind to live Lagos at the end

of this month while I come to collect my leave
money at any time after this one week notice.

I should therefore humbly like to take this oppor-
tunity that you extend my regretive resignation

of my appointment in the Company to the Director,
members of your staff and my fellow comrades in
the workshop for this great disappointment of mine.
While I wish you best of the seasons all the New
Year round and more friendliness good understand-
ing within us.

I remain,
Yours obediently,

The pace of work in this factory is less machine
controlled compared to the machine operators in Metal Con-
tainers, and the workers have greater freedom of movement
and can control the quality of their work. Welders and

fitters can work on tanks either in the body—building

96

section or in tankers section. In addition, they can take
pauses while welding or fitting unlike Metal Containers
workers. On the other hand, work in Metal Construction

is much more dangerous because of the heavy steel struc-
tures and also because of the effects on the eyes of con—
tinuous welding. Many of the workers complained about this
aspect of the work in addition to the fact that the factory
has no clear-cut policies on annual increments. As indi—
cated earlier, a number of the workers, in lieu of such
increments, look forward to overtime work as a means of
increasing their wages. Out of the total wages of about 1
52,000 or $5,600 paid out in May, 1965, overtime pay account—
ed for about £500 or $1,400 which is 25%. Thus overtime
increases the monthly wages of the workers by about one—
quarter. Furthermore, the overall monthly wages of Metal
Construction workers are about the same as those of Metal
Containers workers after excluding overtime pay. On the
whole, then, it is fairly safe to say that general condi-
tions of work are better in Metal Containers while wages
are about equal in both factories. Both factories have

the problem of "staffing," i.e., paying workers on a month-
1y salary basis and even though workers in both companies
complain about this, workers in Metal Containers complained
most about lower wages while those in Metal Construction
complained most about conditions of work.

One night during a free discussion after the night

 

97

skuif“t the workers complained about the conditions of work.
I Eislced them: "You have all complained about your condi-
tiJDFIS of work and so on; suppose I have power to change
trlixigs here and I tell you, okay, I will give you most of
tile: things you ask for but I will cut your wages say by
536 or 2%; will you agree?" The reply was immediate. One
Crf the workers spoke for the rest.

Oga, you 'sef, you know our work is very hard and
we do too much work here. Anyway, if they give

us good leave allowance and more important, if
they don't terminate workers as they do now and
give us Christmas bonus or something like that

it will be very nice and as for me, they can leave
me on the same salary for two, three years, I don't
mind. I will not like for them to reduce my sal-
ary because even now I do a lot of work and the
money itself is not enough, much less than what

my mates in other places are making. But if I
know that my life is safe and my work is sure and
I am treated like a human being, I don't mind,
they can keep their increment. I mean, how can
you go to work in the morning and you are not sure
whether that is your last day at work or not. If
I know that my work is sure, I don't mind. If I
want to make more money, I can set up petty trad-
ing for my wife or open a small workshop of my own
as long as I know that my work is sure and my daily
bread is sure too.

All the workers agreed with this.1

However, in spite of all these, when asked what
factors will make them quit their jobs, a majority mentioned
poor wages followed by the perception of their relative
deprivation when compared to the attainments of their peer
group—-“I want to be in a place where I can meet my respon—
sibilities like my mates."

'—_——_—

1Field notes MCC No. 5.

 

 

98

3. Nigerian Bottling Company, Ibadan

The Nigerian Bottling Company (abbreviated NBC)
stnarrted production in Ibadan in March, 1962. It is owned
bY’ A” G. Leventis & Co., Ltd.——a private Greek company
erik:h has a variety of other interests and the NBC is just

Drier of such interests. The factory which produces Coca

<2c>la, Fanta Orange, Sprite, Fanta Lemonade, Fanta Ginger
1\1J3, Eapta Tonic Water and Fanta Club Soda, employs about

594. workers, 23 of whom are engaged in actual production.

‘Nklite collar sales workers and storesmen together with
<g€3neral labor and managerial staff account for the rest.
Chit of this total, our study interviewed 16 of the produc—
ilion workers randomly selected and also 12 randomly select-
EHd sales and stores white collar workers. This gives a
t<>tal of 28 workers representing about 30% of all the work—

ers in this factory.

The pace of work on the production line is very
““JCh machine controlled and a number of the workers, par—
‘ticularly the bottle inspectors, complained about this.

In.contrast to the other two factories, all the workers

here, blue—collar and white-collar, are on monthly salaries

rather than on daily paid basis. The average monthly in-

come for production workers is between £7.10/ — to L8 or
about $22.40 which is lower than in the other two factories

where the average is about £12 or about $33.60.

of this,

In spite

there are fewer complaints about salary in the NBC.

 

99

It rnay be assumed that being on a salary instead of on
wages is related to relative satisfaction. Being on a
saliary, in Nigeria, has certain prestige factors which
frkbnxour point of view might tend to minimize the invidi—
OLls comparisons with relevant peer group members.

Here is a description of work flow on the produc—
tlixon line. The logical place to start is the washer-inlet
eat: which point are placed two workers called washers—inlet.
Iflieir job is to get the bottles into racks which are ar—

rwanged in straight lines into which a bottle each can go

alld these form a horizontal line of 24 bottles, i.e., one

Clase. As they get arranged, they are automatically pushed
illto the washing machine which washes the bottles. The
Clapacity of the washing machine is given as 160 cc.

The washed bottles come out in horizontal rows of
241 at the washer outlet. A man is sitting just before the
knottles, checking the bottles as they come out from the
vvashing machine. He is called washer outlet and his job
5.5 to prevent the bottles from falling off the rails.

The washed bottles then go by a conveyor—belt
through a lighted machine which lights a white background
so that the bottles are clearly reflected and seen. A man
Sitting on a chair about three feet high checks the bottles
as they pass through the light. He is called the inspector
empties and he checks for bottles that are cracked, not

well washed and similar things. In fact there are two

lOO

insEectors empties and each works for thirty minutes at a
stureetch and is changed by the other. The inspector not
MKDricing through the light for cracked bottles, etc., i.e.,
trie: relieved inspector, will stand by for another duty.

{Friea 'disqualified' bottles are put into cases that sit by
‘tlielinspector so he can just grab the bottles and put them
illto the cases. When the cases are full the relieved in—

SIDector carries them back either to be rewashed or put aside

inf they are broken.
After this point, the cleaned good bottles continue
tflurough the same conveyor belt into the filler machine. 1 I
CPhere are two buttons—-the filler machine operator presses
(Dne and the conveyor belt stops; he presses the other and
5.t moves on, carrying the bottles with drink either Fanta
Clrange, Coca Cola, etc., filled by the filler machine. As
1:he bottles come out from the filler they go round almost
iJnmediately through the Crowner, i.e., the crowning machine
Vvhich crowns the bottles and they proceed through a con—
\reyor-belt to a light similar to that of the inspector
empties. This time it is the inspector fulls who checks
them. At this point we will interrupt the sequence to show

how the drinks get into the filler machine.
This is done upstairs in a large air conditioned
room. There are 6 tanks, 4 for syrup and 2 for water, one

for washing and the other for bottling. (Here we describe

Fanta Orange production which is about the same process as

 

lOl

otrmex: drinks except for the ingredients used.) Very fine
granules contained in plastic containers are poured into
true syrup tank; a liquid contained in bottles is also poured
iritx: the same tank. The liquid and the granules or powder
alts: mixed in the syrup tanks automatically into syrup and
tileay pass through a plastic tube downstairs into a pre-mix
machine. Meanwhile, treated water in the tanks also flows
iJIto the pre-mix and they are there proportionately mixed.
(Erie resulting product is the drink which then passes auto—
Inaitically from the pre-mixer into the Cooler where they
Eire cooled at different temperatures and also mixed at dif-

ferent percentages of gas.

(702 lbs.) Cooling degrees

 

EDITink % of Gas (gas pressure)
E‘anta Orange 1.8% 32° F
Ceca Cola 3.8% 46° F
Tonic 4.0% 50° F
S<>da 5.0% 55° F

From the cooler the drink goes into the filler.

The bottled and crowned drink passes through the
ixispector fulls—-there are two of them as in the case of
enmmies. The inspector checks the level of the drink in
the bottle, i.e., whether or not it is full, whether it
is uncorked or whether it has particles in it.

From here the "qualified" bottles go through a
Conveyor—belt onto the accumulating table. In between
the inspector fulls and the accumulating table is the meter

Which checks the number of bottles produced, i.e., production

 

102

level so as to tally it in the stores. As the Supervisor
put ist:

ka the Storekeeper says he has 49 cases when my

nueter indicates 50 cases, I know there is some—

tliing wrong somewhere between accumulating table

811d Stores.

From the accumulating table where three men are work-

ing 'they are put into cases and rolled down a roller—belt.

The organizational charts of the whole factory and

the production section follow.

ORGANIZATIONAL CHART: PRODUCTION SECTION

Plant Suaervisor

 

Production Supervisor

 

 

Elflasflp§p_(operations) Fitter (mechanic)

 

 

LDI-‘Oduction Workers Greaser

cnlalrt 3.3. Organizational Chart of Production Section of
Nigerian Bottling Company

Labor turnover was said to be very low but there
:13 no way of checking this as the researcher was not al—
J‘DVVed access to the relevant files. However, a number of
tr1€= workers indicated that very few people have left. This
Hui)! be accounted for by the relative newness of the plant
arnd also the relative scarcity of comparable job opportuni-
tj4353 in Ibadan. The skill level is also very low, most of

131$ hdue—collar workers being unskilled. In fact, only one

 

 

 

 

 

     

 

 

 

>CMQEOU mafiabbom cmaummflz wo Dunno HMCOHuMNHcmmuO .v.m Dumbo
«m "apnea we meMm\c0H#:bHubmHQ
N mocwxuoz
.HOQMH mH mwhopm
mCHmHuum>0m mm soapusooum
mmmmmmmm m coaumubmflcaeo<
_ dmzzommmm Z<Q<mH
mumHOQmA
mbcm>m
Hmfluwmm .umm< cwesupmz umpuflm uonmq
mHUHSO> mCchmz bcmEummue ummcwmmmz
mcaanmnmq umumz
cmEmmHmm cmE xUOpm
mbcm>m Immamm m>ummmm umuonmq UHcmcomz uoumum O
aneummm .umm< wuoum muoum umaoou mumcmmau mcozmmama
% (409mg
1 IlllHlml _ _ _ Eoom v _
uowmum o MIINI
mmmmm cmE mum>Huo mumpCHmm an m uwppflm mama B
Imwamm unommcmue _ _
IIEHII um moxouonw mumHOqu mxumau
mxumau mmamm .pmm< mumucm Hmu unflsomz oacmcomz mpcsouu<
Hm moxmuonm cmemuom Numpmuuwm MMHSmMU
nomfl>um 5m
mllllllllll
camaunm>o< Momfl>um 5m
_ muoum can: ocmxuos soapusooum bcmucsouu<
no mum: mmamm _ _ _
_ MOmH>um 5m ucmam
_
um mam:
z<o<mH .Mz<m200 oZHHaeom 2<Hmmon £585 q<20He<NHz<omo

 

104

blue—collar worker, the fitter, has any skills to show for.
The other two factories described above have a large con-
centration of skilled workers. As indicated in the section
on the overview of economic conditions in Nigeria, soft
drinks have increased production over the past few years
and are profitable even among those run by government in
Partnership with private concerns like Pepsicola.

There is no plant labor union in this factory even
though it is represented by a larger national trade union
and none of the workers showed any particular interest in
union activities. The larger national union sporadically,
Over long intervals punctuated by long periods of utter
inaction, performs the functions of the local plant union
in negotiations.

Of the six top managerial positions two are held
by Nigerians-—the sales manager who came here after being
dissatisfied with what he called "nepotism" in another
bottling factory in Ibadan, and the Production Supervisor
Who has strong ambitions of going abroad to study economics.
All the remaining four expatriates, who are also in top
ma'nagement position, are Greeks. The plant supervisor was
Very critical of people from other places praising what
he called the "Greek sense of business."

General conditions of work are a little better than
Metal Construction but fall far short of Metal Containers.

An aspect of work in which workers at NBC expressed great

 

105

interest was their freedom to drink half—filled bottles
or other rejects. However, many of the workers complained
about the machine pacing as one of them indicated:
When there is some trouble and the machine stops,
hallelujah, because then I can breathe and go to
the lavatory if not it is all work, work, work and
no break. Before you can even go and urinate, you
have to beg and beg for another person to take your
place and when the machine is working, there is
nobody to take your place so you can even piss
inside your trousers.
This is borne out by other workers and the factory has no
clear policy for breaks. The workers take about 15 minutes
to eat lunch and they do it in turns so that production
can go on. There are no medical facilities provided for
the workers and the workers did not complain too much about
this. Perhaps this is due to the fact that the work is
not particularly dangerous and medical facilities are rela—
tively easier to come by in Ibadan than in Lagos.

Finally, our sample from this factory does contain
one female worker operating the kiosk. It should be men-
tioned immediately that because of the smallness of the
female sample it is difficult to use it for any compara-
tive purposes. This is in spite of the findings of Zaleznik
and his associates that female workers are relatively more
satisfied than male workers. Because of the smallness of

the female sample, we lumped them together with the male

respondents.

 

1Field notes NBC, No. 4.

106

4. Lafia Canning Factory, Ibadan

Lafia Canning Factory is a project of the Western
Nigeria Development Corporation. It was established in
1953 at a capital cost of $350,000 or $980,000 but came
into operation in 1954. The purpose of setting it up was
"to assist in the control of the 'swollen shoot' disease
which had infected large areas of cocoa plantations [and
which was] obviously going to upset the economy of the Ni-
gerian farmers in the areas under treatment as their main

cash crop would be lost to them. As citrus grows very well

   

in Nigeria, these cut-out areas were planted with oranges

(”iiilllmn

and grapefruit and pineapples and the cannery was construct—
ed to provide the necessary outlet for the fruits."1 The
rated fruit intake capacity of the plant is estimated at
2,000 tons per season of six to seven months. When operat-
ing at full capacity, the plant is supposed to employ 120
female and 40 male seasonal workers in addition to 12 fe-
male and 30 male permanent staff. The primary products
of the factory are:

1. Pineapple slices-—chunks-—crush

2. Pineapple juice

3. Grapefruit segments

4. Grapefruit juice

5. Orange juice

6. Lemon juice

7. Mango slices
8. Mango pulp

 

1A one page paper produced by the Lafia Canning
E2M2tory, printed by A. C. Press, Ibadan.

107

At the start of our study the factory employed,
at the Ibadan plant, 42 permanent workers. Of these only
five were interviewed representing only about 12% of the
permanent staff. None of the seasonal workers were inter—
viewed. The permanent staff includes managerial personnel,
white-collar and blue-collar workers and our sample includes
one white-collar worker. Our main concern, however, is
the production section.

We now give a brief description of the production
process from raw—materials intake to final product. The
Lafia Canning Factory is just one project of the many proj-
ects of the Western Nigeria Developing Corporation (WNDC).
The WNDC also runs a farm independent of the factory (i.e.,
in terms of administrative control). The farm is primarily
concerned with supplying fruits to the factory.

And so a lorry load of lemon comes into premises
of the factory. (A lorry is the American equivalent of a
truck.) The lorry together with the fruits is weighed and
the weight registered on a card. The lorry then travels
about 25 yards within the premises to the off—loading plat—
form. Someone moves a lever and the lorry is tilted back—
wards to allow the fruits to be discharged onto a roller-
conveyor which carries them up through the roof into a

building which has six compartments called biens. The

 

biens are storage spaces. There is an outlet manually

controlled by raising something like a trap door which

108

allows the fruits then to move onto a rubber belt conveyor.

From this point on we will discuss the processing
of orange juice since this was what they were still process-
ing at the time of research. Furthermore, just for the
sake of style (and possibly elegance!) we will use one
fruit, i.e., one orange as it goes through the production
line.

The fruit moves from the rubber conveyor belt for
about 10 yards into a washing machine which brushes and
washes the fruit at the same time. Then it moves on to
the grating machine which grates off the back of the orange
for oil extraction. At this point there is a bifurcation-—
the orange with back grated off and the back that is grated
off. (We will follow the course of the back first.) From
the grating machine, the back goes into the Sifter which
sorts out the chaff while the remaining gil and ggpgp (i.e.,
extracted from the back of the orange) flow into a container
also called a tank. (All what we have described so far
are on the floor—-first floor of the factory.) From the
tank a pipeline takes the oil and water first upstairs and
then downstairs to the floor into a machine where the oil
is separated from the water. (At this point it will be
better for us to go back to the grated orange and continue
with it.)

Waiting for the orange as it comes out from the

grating machine and passes through a series of watering

 

109

pipes that again wash it, are £223 women. If they discover
that it has not been grated at all or only partially grated,
it is taken back into the grating machine. The well grated
orange then moves up through another conveyor—belt to the
juice extractor which is located on the second floor. The
extractor extracts the juice from the orange.

Nearby is a tank containing a combination of water
and soda for sterilizing machines.

The juice thus extracted passes through a pipe into
a screw-finisher which separates the seeds and the cells
from the juice. The juice "proper" then goes through a
pipe which has a filter interlaid with nylon at the center.
This is to filter out the little bits and pieces that es—
caped from the screw-finisher. It continues to flow through
the pipe into five storage tanks from juice.

From these tanks the juice passes into a pasteur—
izer where juices are pasteurized at 200° F. The juice
leaves the pasteurizer and flows into an automatic filling
machine. By now the cans which come through another con—
veyor—belt after being sterilized arrive and are according-
ly filled. It is the empty can that the automatic filling
machine fills. The filled can moves on to a sealing machine
which automatically seals the can and codes it at the same
time.

The can leaves the sealing machine onto a conveyor

belt which carries it into another sterilizer where the

110

can is sterilized at 210° F for two minutes.

From the sterilizer it goes into a cooling tank
where it is cooled and then sent to the Store for labelling.
There is a labelling machine but it is not functioning at
the time of research. The automatic filling and sealing
machines described above were also not functioning at the
time of research.

What was operating at the time of the research was:
Instead of the pasteurized juice going into the automatic
filling machine, it goes into another tank where about pix
women manually filled the cans which are brought empty and
carried away full by another set of women workers. From
now on we will distinguish them as fillers and carriers.
It is interesting to note that the fillers and carriers
are officially designated differently according to whether
they are permanent staff or casual labor. They are also
distinguished by dress. The fillers who are permanent
staff wear a green dress and a green head-tie and are
designated “charge—hands" while the carriers who are cas-
ual labor wear blue dress with a blue head—tie and are
designated “ordinary labor."

The carriers take the cans to a table at a dis—
tance of about five yards where a set of four girls make
sure that they are well filled and then hand them sideways
to a man who manually operates a machine that seals the

can. After this the can is carried manually into a

lll

sterilizer at 210° F for two minutes and then cooled as
explained above.

And now we go into the room where the oil is being
extracted and the water wasted. This is the strand we left
off about the back of the orange that was grated. The oil
and water enter what is called the Centrifuge Machine which
automatically extracts the oil and drops it into a bucket
placed under it and wastes the water through a pipe lead—
ing to a gutter. When the bucket is full, it is manually
carried into a tank for storage. The machine which sep—
arates the oil from the water is called Centrifuge Machine
but it was trademarked Shaples Centrifuge, Ltd., England.

At this point we move into a room on the ground
floor where the cans are reformed. The cans actually come
from Britain flat and they are reformed into a round shape
and flanged. They are then put into a machine, manually
operated, to seal off the bottom. After sealing the bottom
they are carried into a storage room on the second floor.
There is an automatic machine which, when the cans are
manually put into it, sterilizes the cans and sends them
through a conveyor belt onto the filling machine.

Pineapple: Pineapple processing, i.e., pineapple
slices is slightly different from fruit juice processing.
The back of the pineapple is removed and so is the cork
by some kind of threshing machine. It then goes into an-

other machine called the eradicator which removes the

 

 

112

surface, i.e., after the back has already been removed.
The pineapple is then washed by the same process as oranges
are washed. Then via a conveyor-belt it goes into a slic-
ing machine which after slicing it passes the slices through
a surface washing area into another surfaced dry area where
about four girls are waiting to sort the good from the bad
slices. The good slices are canned directly but not sealed.
The slice—in—can then passes through a conveyor
belt on to an automatic syruper which syrups the slice in-
side the can. Then it goes down to the exhauster where
it remains for 17 minutes at a temperature of 210° F. When
it comes out from the exhauster, it goes into an automatic
sealer which seals it and, when it is functioning, into
the automatic cooker—cooler machine which automatically
sterilizes it for 12 minutes at 210° F (compare this with
the 2 minutes for orange juice). Then it automatically
moves into the cooler section of the machine where it is
cooled and ready for labelling. But as the Forewoman ex—
plains as to why the cooker-cooler machine is not in use:
"You see, this mgchine does not function too well. You
know, many timesgyou will have somgpcans hiding somewhere
in the machine and not coming out and since it is very dif-

ficult to go inside the machine, a number of the cans stgy

 

there and get spoilt."

113

Table 3.4. Distribution of Lafia Canning Factory Workers

 

by Section
Production. . . . . . . . . . . 4
Administration (production) . . . . 3
Engineering . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
Security. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
Medical . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Lab. attendant. . . . . . . . . . . l
Washer woman. . . . . . . . . . 1
Labellers and packers . . . . . . . 4
Packer. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
General labor . . . . . . . . . 3
Administration (office) . . . . . . 5
Accountant. . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Manager . . . . . . . . . . . . . . _1

Total 42

 

The general conditions of service are better than
in the other three factories as government promotion leave
and hospitalization policies apply to all permanent workers.
However, a number of the permanent workers complained about
nepotism as two of the top workers put it: "It is not what
you can do but who you know that can push you up." The
working hours for blue—collar workers are from 7 a.m.—4 p.m.
with one hour break (10 a.m.—10:15 a.m. and 1:15 p.m.—2 p.m.)
while for white-collar workers the hours are from 8 a.m.—
4 p.m. with one hour break (10 a.m.—10:15 a.m. and 1:15 p.m.—
2 p.m.). Thus blue—collar workers work 8 hours while white—
collar workers work 7 hours. All the workers except the
manager and the accountant belong to the Western Nigeria
Development Corporation and Allied Industrial Workers Union.
However, union activities, controlled largely by white-

collar workers, are not particularly strong. They are

114

actually uneventful.
Finally, we turn to turnover rates for 1953/54 and
1954/55 for which figures were obtained by computing from

personal emoluments pay vouchers.

 

 

Table 3.5. Turnover Rates at Lafia Canning Factory
Employment New Those that
Month Previous Month Employees Left Total
Aug. 53 12 12
Sept. 12 2 14
Oct. 14 l 15
Nov. 15 15
Dec. 15 15
Jan. 54 15 1 16
Feb. 16 16
March 16 l 17
April 17 17
May 17 17
June 17 17
July l7 17
Aug. 17 3 1 19
Sept. 19 9 28
Oct. 28 7 3 32
Nov. 32 9 3 38
Dec. 38 2 36
Jan. 55 36 4 40
Feb. 40 4 2 42
March 42 1 8 35
April 35 _4 ._£ 38
58 0

 

What this indicates is that during this period there
was relatively low turnover. For a year——August, 1953, to
July, 1954, there was zero turnover and for 21 months, out
of a total number of 58 employed during this period, 20
left accounting for about 34.5%. These are permanent staff.
A majority of those who left did so between October, 1954,

and March, 1955; otherwise the labor force remained

 

 

llS

relatively stable. This period coincided with the intro—
duction of regionalization with most of the non—Western

workers leaving for their regions of origin.

Table 3.6. Comparison of Turnover Rates for the Four

 

Factories
Metal Containers 16.0%
Lafia Canning 34.5%
Metal Construction 39.0%
Nigerian Bottling Unknown (possibly low)

 

Let us now compare the four factories on a few

selected variables.

 

116

Table 3.7. Comparison of Selected Variables in Four Factories

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Factories a. Turnover
High Medium Low
Metal Containers x
Nigerian Bottling x
Lafia Canning x
Metal Construction x
b. Machine-Pacing
High Medium Low
Metal Containers x
Nigerian Bottling x
Lafia Canning x
Metal Construction x
c. Condipions of Service
Excellent Good . Poor
Metal Containers x
Nigerian Bottling x
Lafia Canning x
Metal Construction x
d. Skill Level
High Medium Low
Metal Containers x
Nigerian Bottling x
Lafia Canning x
Metal Construction x
e. Local Labor Union Organization
Strong Medium Weak
Metal Containers x
Nigerian Bottling x
Lafia Canning x
Metal Construction x
f. Competition for Internal Product Market py Others
Strong Medium Weak
Metal Containers x
Nigerian Bottling x
Lafia Canning x
Metal Construction x
9. Quality of Products Produced
Good Medium Poor
Metal Containers x
Nigerian Bottling x
Lafia Canning x‘
Metal Construction x

 

’This is due to the type of limes produced which
have thick barks and so increase the acidity of the fruit,
thereby reducing their quality for canning purposes.

 

 

CHAPTER IV
ANALYSIS OF DATA [1]

Introduction

The main purpose of this chapter is to give the
general characteristics of the workers in the three main
plants. The chapter is therefore organized around two
broad variables which are labelled background variables
and occupational socialization variables. Background vari—
ables deal with general demographic characteristics such
as father's occupation, age, education, rural—urban resi-
dence, marital status, number of wives, number of children,
ethnicity, mortality pattern of parents and religion. On
the other hand, occupational socialization variables deal
with the kinds of linkages the workers have had with insti-
tutions that have some bearing on industrial socialization.
Such variables include father's sector of employment, skill
level, age and type of first full-time employment, number
of job changes, wages and salaries, the location of person
who found present job for the worker and occupational as—
piration for sons of the workers.

Finally, an attempt will be made to indicate the
distribution of these two main variables in the three plants
primarily studied. The inter-relationships of these vari—

ables, it is hoped, will give the profiles of the workers

117

 

 

 

118

in addition to indicating demographic patterns and incipi—
ent trends.
1. Bgckground Variables by Factoryl

Father's Occupation

Table 4.1. Distribution of Father's Occupation by Factory

 

 

 

 

Factory of Father's Occupation
Child Farmer Trader Industrial Clerical (N) Total
Containers
(1940) 67.2 17.2 8.6 7.0 (58) 100.0
Construction
(1958) 70.5 4.5 15.9 9.1 (44) 100.0
Bottling
(1962) 55.6 22.2 11.1 11.1 (27) 100.0
Total (N) 85 18 15 11 (129)
x2 = 7.0 df = 6 p < .35 E .2872 N = 129
l

The fourth factory, Lafia Canning, is not used
here because only five cases were obtained and they repre—
sent so small a sample that they could not be used for any
meaningful analysis. The five cases are used, however,
when the analysis deals with all workers without specific
reference to any particular factory.

2The contingency coefficient C is used as a measure
of association or relation between the variables. Since
the use of the contingency coefficient does not necessitate
the assumption of underlying continuity for the various
categories and since we have mainly categorical informa—
tion, we deem it uniguely useful. After obtaining the C
by the formula C = X 2, we then corrected for the Cs.

N + X

All corrected Cs thus become El See M. G. Kendall, 2mg
Advanced Thggry of Statistics (London: Charles Griffin
& Co., 1945); T. C. McCormick, Elementary Social Statistics
(N.Y.: McGraw—Hill, 1941), p. 207; C. C. Peters and W. R.
VanVoorhis, Statistical Procedures and Thgir Mathematical
Bases (N.Y.: McGraw-Hill, 1940): p. 398.

 

 

 

119

There is no statistically significant relationship
for father's occupation in the three factories. However,
about two—thirds of the workers' fathers are farmers and
14% are traders, about 12% are industrial workers and 9%

are clerical workers.

Age of Workers

There has been a tendency to characterize African
factory workers as being young.1 The mean obtained for
the entire sample was 32 years. From Table 4.2 we can see
the age distribution in the three main factories. A sig—
nificant aspect of this is the relationship between the
age of the factories and the mean age of the workers in

the corresponding factories.

Table 4.2. Age Distribution by Factories

 

 

 

Age Factories
Containers (1940) Construction (1958) Bottling (1962)
N 63 45 28
16—25 11.1 22.2 39.3
26—35 47.6 66.7 46.4
36—45 27.0 8.9 14.3
46 and above 14.3 2.2 0.0
Total 100.0 100.0 100.0
2

x 34.9 29.6 28.0
x =2o.5 df=6 p<.005 N=l367=31.2 E: .427

lSiebel, op. cit.; see also Elkan and Fallers, pp.
ci ., p. 24.

 

120

There appears to be a significant difference in
the ages of the workers in the three factories. Workers
in Containers are about five years older than workers in
Construction and seven years older than Bottling workers.
This difference in the age structure can be accounted for
mainly by the age of the factories.

It appears that for every 3.6 years difference in
the ages of the factories, there is a one year difference
in the mean ages of the workers in the corresponding fac-
tories. In Metal Containers, established in 1940, the mean
age of the workers is about 35 compared to 30 for Metal
Construction established in 1958 and 28 for Bottling estab-

lished in 1962.

Marital Status

The age structure of the three factories is also
reflected in the marital statuses of the workers in these
factories. Table 4.3 shows that a greater percentage of
workers in Metal Containers than in Construction and Bot-

tling are married.

Table 4.3. Distribution of Marital Status by Factories

 

 

Factories Marital Status
Mgrried Single Total (N)
Containers 88.9 11.1 100.0 (63)
Construction 55.6 44.4 100.0 (45)
Bottling 42.9 57.1 100.0 (28)
N (93) (43) (136)

 

x2 = 24.1 df = 2 p<.001 N = 136 E = .566

121

A greater percentage of workers in Containers than
in Construction and Bottling are married. This seems to
follow the age structure of the workers in the three fac—
tories. Furthermore, a little over two—thirds of the work—
ers are married and a little less than one—third are single.
Marital statuses in the factories appear to be significantly

different.

Number of Wives

Since polygyny is legally permitted in Nigeria, it
is expected that some workers will avail themselves of this
opportunity and acquire more than one wife. Table 4.4 shows
the distribution of the number of wives in the three fac—

tories.

Table 4.4. Distribution of Number of Wives by Factories

 

Numbep of Wives

 

 

Fgctories One Wife Two Wives Total N
Containers 75.0 25.0 100.0 56
Construction 92.0 8.0 100.0 25
Bottling 58.3 41.7 100.0 12
N (72) (21) (93)
x2 = 5.8 df = 2 p<.06 N = 93 E = .356 i = 1.2

A greater percentage of Construction workers than
Containers or Bottling workers have one wife. On the whole,
about 77% of all the workers in the sample have one wife.
The main explanation for this distribution is the corre—

sponding distribution of education where those with no

 

122

formal education tend to marry more than one wife, signif-

icantly more so than those with some formal education.

Number of Children

Assuming that fertility rates are randomly distrib-
uted, we would expect the number of children to follow the
distribution of marital status and number of wives. Table

4.5 indicates this pattern.

Table 4.5. Distribution of Number of Children by Factories

 

 

 

 

 

Factories Number of Children
1-3 4-6 7-10 X’ Total N
Containers 56.6 32.1 11.3 3.6 100.0 53
Construction 82.6 17.4 2.5 100.0 23
Bottling 54.5 36.4 9.1 3.6 100.0 11
N 55 25 3.2 87
2

x =5.7 df=4 p<.25 N 87 3:.333 "i=3.2

There does not appear to be a significant relation—
ship in the number of children in the three factories.
This is due to the fact that even though Bottling has the
least percentage of married workers, it has the highest
percentage of those who are married to more than one wife.
Construction workers have the lowest mean number of child-
ren. The table also shows that about 63% of the workers
in the sample have between one and three children, 49% with
four to six children and about 8% with seven or more child—

ren. The mean number of children is about three.

 

123

Rural-Urban Background
Table 4.6 shows that there are significant differ-
ences in the urban backgrounds of the workers in the three

factories:

Table 4.6. Distribution of Rural/Urban Background by

 

 

 

Factories
Factories Rural—Urban Background
Urban Rural Total N
Containers 81.0 19.0 100.0 63
Construction 51.1 48.9 100.0 45
Bottling 85.7 14.3 100.0 28

 

x2 = 14.8 df = 2 p<.OOl N = 136 E = .457

Bottling Company has the largest percentage of
workers of urban background followed by Metal Containers
and then Metal Construction. One explanation for this
distribution is the ethnic composition of the factories.
Yorubas in Nigeria are generally more urban than other
ethnic groups.1 This is also reflected in our total sam-
ple. To have a better understanding of this pattern we

will discuss the pattern of ethnic and urban distribution.

1It has been estimated that in Eastern Nigeria
(where the Ibos predominate) 7% live in cities, in the
Western Region (where Yorubas predominate) 35% live in
cities while 4% live in cities in the North (where the
Hausas and Fulanis predominate). Vide: K. M. Buchanan
and T. C. Pugh, Land and People in Nigeria (London: Uni-
versity of London Press, 1955); and also R. Mansel Prothero,
"The Population Census of Northern Nigeria 1952, Problems
and Results," Population Studies, X 2 (November, 1956),
pp. 166-83.

 

 

 

 

124

Since Ibos and Yorubas form about 80% of the sample we will
take these as two categories and then collapse all other

ethnic groups to form a third category.

Table 4.7. Distribution of Ethnic Distribution by Factories

 

 

Ethnic Groups Factories

Contaimgrs Construction Bottling N
Yoruba 38.1 8.9 74.1 48
Ibo 38.1 66.7 18.5 59
Othersl 23.8 24.4 7.4 28
Total (N) (63) 100.0 (45) 100.0 (27) 100.0 (135)

 

x2=33.o df=4 p<.OOl N=135 23:.600

Ibos and Yorubas are evenly distributed in Contain—
ers. However, in Construction, Ibos are disproportionately
represented (about two-thirds) while in Bottling Yorubas
are disproportionately represented (about three—quarters).
The distribution of ethnic groups in the three factories
does not seem to be a chance event. Next, we will look
at the distribution of urbanity and ethnicity.

These two tables (4.7 and 4.8) explain the reason
why Bottling Company has a preponderance of those of urban
background. It has a disproportionately large percentage

of Yorubas who are generally urban dwellers.

1These include Ibibio/Ekif 10.4% (14), Edo/Isako
3.7% (5), Ijaw 3.7% (5), Urhobo/Itshekiri 3.0% (4) and
Hausa 0.7% (l).

 

 

 

125

Table 4.8. Distribution of Ethnic Distribution and Rural—
Urban Background

 

 

 

 

Ethnic Group Urban—Rural Background
Urban Rural Total N
Yoruba 86.8 13.2 100.0 (53)
Ibo 59.3 40.7 100.0 (59)
Others 71.4 28.6 100.0 (28)
Total 101 39 (140)
2

x = 10.6 df = 2 p<.005 N = 140 E = .387

Educational Level

 

Table 4.9 shows the distribution of educational

levels in the three factories.

Table 4.9. Distribution of Educational Level by Factories

 

Factories
Educational Level Containers Construction Bottling (N)

 

No education 28.6 2.2 3.6 20
Grade school 63.5 86.7 53.6 94
High school 7.9 11.1 42.8 22
Total 100.0 100.0 100.0
N 63 45 28 136
2

x = 35.4 df = 4 p<.001 N = 136 E = .617

The distribution of educational level among the
factories could not have occurred by chance because the
probability of such chance occurrence is less than one in
a thousand. Further examination of the tables reveals that

of those with no education 90% are in Containers, 10% each

 

126

in Construction and Bottling. Of those with grade school,
43% are in Containers, 41% in Construction and 16% in Bot-
tling. High school education is distributed thusly: 23%

each in Containers and 54% in Bottling.

Religion

Table 4.10 indicates the distribution of religion
in the three main plants. Islam is the predominant relig—
ion in Nigeria but it appears to be under-represented in

the sample and generally in the labor force in Nigeria.

Table 4.10. Distribution of Religion by Factories

 

 

 

Factories

Religion Containers Construction Bottling_ N
African Religion 7.8 4.4 —- 5
Islam 23.8 2.2 10.7 19
Catholic 31.7 51.2 14.3 47
Protestant 39.7 42.2 75.0 65
Total 100.0 100.0 100.0

N 63 45 28 136

 

x2 = 22.6 df = 6 p<.001 N = 136 E = .480

The distribution of religion in the three factories
is statistically significant. A little over 82% of the
workers are Christians, while only about 14% are Moslems.
In all, only about 4% are not attached to any of these two
major religious groups. Among Christians, Protestants have

a slightly higher percentage than Catholics (58% and 42%

 

127

respectively). Finally, it appears from the table that
Catholics are a little over—represented in Construction
while Protestants are very much over-represented in Bot-
tling. Containers, on the other hand, maintains a fair

balance among religious groups.

Mortality of Worker's Parents

The study sought to find out whether one or both
parents of the worker were alive or dead and if only one
were alive to ascertain which one it was. The relationship
of this variable to the concept of demographic transition
is discussed in Appendix A.

Table 4.11. Distribution of Mortality of Parents by
Factories

 

Mortality of Factories
Workers' Parents Containers Construction Bottling N %

Mother and

 

Father alive 31.7 33.3 35.7 45 33.1
Mother alone alive 34.9 35.6 42.9 50 36.8
Father alone alive 14.3 6.7 3.6 13 9.6
Mother and

Father dead 19.1 24.4 17.9 28 20.6
Total 100.0 100.0 100.1

N 63 45 28 136 100.1

2

x =3.8 df=6 p<.75 N=136 3:.210

About two-thirds of the workers have either one or
both parents dead. Where only one parent is alive, there

appears to be a seventy—five percent chance that it will be

128

the mother. This tends to indicate that as far as our
sample is concerned, women seem to have a longer life ex-
pectancy than men. This problem is also further discussed

in Appendix A dealing with the demographic transition theory.

2. Occupational Socialization Variables

Skill Level

 

The acquisition of skill implies a process of so—
cialization into a set of normative patterns. The distri-
bution of skill level will thus give a profile of the in-
dustrial socialization in the three main factories. The

table below gives such a distribution.

Table 4.12. Distribution of Skill Level by Factories

 

 

 

Factories
Skill Level Containers Construction Bottling N
Skilled 42.9 77.8 10.0 64
Semi-skilled 9.5 20.0 5.0 16
Unskilled 47.6 2.2 85.0 48
Total 100.0 100.0 100.0
N 63 45 20 128

 

x2 = 51.6 df = 4 p<.001 N = 128 E’ = .730

There is a proportionately larger percentage of
skilled workers in Construction than in the other two fac-
tories. Skilled and unskilled workers are fairly evenly
distributed in Metal Containers while in Bottling there

is a disproportionately large percentage of unskilled

129

workers. In the total sample skilled workers account for
one-half of all the workers while unskilled workers account

for about 38%.

Age of First Full-Time Employment

The age of first full-time employment is indicative
of educational level and wOrk experience. The three fac-
tories are thus compared in terms of this variable.

Table 4.13. Distribution of Age of First Full-Time
Employment by Factories

 

Age of First Factories
Full—time Employment Containers Construction Bottling N

 

 

15 and below 5.0 2.2 ~—‘ 4
16-20 46.7 37.8 53.6 60
21-24 23.3 40.0 35.7 42
25+ 25.0 20.0 10.7 27
Total 100.0 100.0 100.0

N 60 45 28 133

E'(approx.) 20.7 20.8 20.6 20.7
x2 = 5.3 df p<<.50 133 .251

’Where the value of the X2

is not statistically

significant, empty cells are not crucial since such empty
cells only increase the value of the X2.

The mean ages in the three factories do not appear

to be significantly different.

full time employment is about 21 years.

Type of First Full-Time Employment

The mean age for entry into

In addition to looking at the distribution of the

age of first full-time employment we will also indicate

 

 

130

the distribution of the type of job that was first engaged

in for full-time pay.

Table 4.14. Distribution of Type of First Full—Time
Employment by Factories

 

 

 

 

Type of Job Factories
Containers Construction Bottling N

Farming 4.8 2
Domestic Service/
General Labor 29.3 16.6 45.8 35
Industrial Work 67.3 69.0 20.8 73
Clerical Work 1.7 4.8 25.0 9
Trader 1.7 4.8 8.4 5
Total 100.0 100.0 100.0

N 58 42 24 124
x2 = 31.2 df = 8 p<.OOl N = 124 E = .553

While a greater percentage of the workers in Con-
tainers and Construction got their first full-time jobs
in industrial work, nearly half of those in Bottling began
either as domestic servants or in general labor. On the
whole, about six out of every ten workers had their first
full-time job in industrial work, while about three out
of every ten workers had their first full—time job in do—
mestic service or general labor. Finally, there appear
to be significant differences in the three factories in
terms of the distribution of the type of first full—time

job.

 

131

Number of Job Changes

 

The number of job changes an industrial worker has
made indicates the varying kinds of differential sociali-
zation he has had. The purpose in Table 4.15 is to indi-
cate the distribution of this variable in the three fac-

tories.

Table 4.15. Distribution of Number of Job Changes by

 

 

 

Factories

Number of Job mggctories

Changes Containers Construction Bottling N
No changes 19.1 11.1 17.9 22
1-3 changes 58.7 60.0 64.3 82
4-6 changes 20.6 24.4 14.3 28
7-9 changes 1.6 4.5 3.6 4
Total 100.0 100.0 100.1

N 63 45 28 136
Mean number

of changes 2.4 2.8 2.4 2.5

 

X2=2.8 df=6 p<.79 N=136 'c'=.181 Y:2.5

There are no significant differences among the
three factories in terms of the distribution of the num-
ber of job changes. The mean number of changes is about
two and a half times which means that their present jobs
constituted their third or fourth jobs. The slight dif-
ferences in the mean job changes of the three factories
may be attributed to random errors. However, those in
Construction appear to have made about three job changes,

their present job being the fourth.

132

Wages and Salaries

 

In Bottling, all workers are paid salaries and not
wages while in Containers and Construction salaries are
paid only to "staffed" workers. The mean salary for Metal
Containers is 10.8 shillings (one shilling = 14 American
cents) by day. Only about one out of every twelve receives
a salary in this factory. Those in Metal Construction get
a mean salary of about 10.4 shillings per day. The total
mean wages, therefore, is about 10.6 shillings per day,
or about 270 shillings (about $29) per month. The differ—
ence of the mean wages in the two factories is not signif-
icant. The mean for all salaried workers is about 340
shillings (about $48). Apart from those in Bottling, all
other salaried workers are skilled workers. This does not
mean that all skilled workers are salaried. Indeed, only

about one out of every twenty skilled workers is salaried.

Person Who Found Job for the Worker

We were interested in locating the persons who
found the jobs for the workers and also their relationship
to the worker. In general, a little over one-half found
their jobs through someone from the same village, besides
immediate relatives who account for a little over one-fifth
of all the jobs found. Only about one—quarter found the
jobs for themselves. There are significant differences

in the pattern in which jobs were found in the three

133

factories.l About 21% in Containers, 27% in Construction
and 29% in Bottling found their jobs by themselves.

After excluding those who found the jobs themselves,
we tried then to locate the persons who found the jobs for
the remaining workers. We were interested in finding out
whether or not these individuals were in the same plants
as the workers. The table indicates the distribution in
the three main factories.

Table 4.16. Distribution of the Location of Persons Who
Found Jobs for Workers

 

Persons Finding Factories
Jobs for Workers Containers Construction Bottling, N

In same plant 58.9 78.8 10.0 61
Not in same plant 41.1 21.2 90.0 48
Total 100.0 100.0 100.0

N 56 33 20 109

 

x2 -.= 24.3 df = 2 p<.001 N = 109 ‘c' = .623

In Containers about three out of five workers are
working in the same plants as those who found the jobs for
them, while in Construction about four out of five are in
the same plant as those who found the jobs for them. In
Bottling only one out of every nine is in this category.

This pattern has implications for turnover rates to the

 

1x2 34.0 df = 18 N = 141 p<.Ol E: .497

134

extent that there tend to be reciprocal patterns of rela-
tionship. Thus those who found the jobs for the workers
are in a position to influence the behaviors of those for
whom they found the jobs and if for any reason there is a
crisis in the plant, as in the case of Construction, this
could result in mass resignations or high turnover rates.
On the positive side, it has the function of maintaining
traditional obligatory patterns and if properly channelled

could result in high esprit de corps or morale.

Aspiration Level for Sons

An open-ended question--What wouldgyou want your
son to become?-—was asked to tap the aspirations of the
workers for their sons. Table 4.17 shows that there are
no significant differences among the three main factories.
However, almost eight out of ten would want their sons to

be professionals.

Table 4.17. Aspiration Level for Sons by Factories

 

 

 

 

Aspiration for Factories
Sons Containers Construction Bottling N

Professionall 74.6 68.9 89.3 103
Factory Technician 17.5 26.7 7.1 25
Trader 4.8 -- 3.6
Clerical 1.6 2.2 --
Farmer 1.6 2.2 -—
Total 100.1 100.0 100.0

N 63 45 28 136

2

x =7.5 df=8 p<.50 N=136 ’5': .283

l . .
Profe581onals refer to doctors, lawyers, engineers,
professors, chemists and accountants.

135

We could infer certain patterns of occupations and
sector satisfaction from this. A relatively higher per-
centage (about 27%) of Construction workers would prefer
their sons to be in similar jobs as themselves than Con-
tainers or Bottling workers. This could be viewed as rel-
atively low aspiration levels for their sons, but it could
also be interpreted as their satisfaction with their occu-
pations to the point that they would want their sons to
be in the same jobs. On the whole, however, a little less
than one of every five would want their sons to be in sim-
ilar occupations as themselves. Finally, there do not ap—
pear to be statistically significant differences in the

distribution of this variable among the three factories.

Conclusion

 

The distributions of the background and occupational
variables indicate certain patterns in the three factories,
some of which are significant.

Father's occupation is randomly distributed in the
factories with agriculture accounting for the occupation
of about eight of every ten fathers. Containers and Con—
struction workers have a slightly higher percentage of
their fathers in agriculture than Bottling workers.

The ages of the workers follow the ages of the
factories. In Containers which was established in 1940
the mean age of the workers is about 35 years while the

mean age of Construction workers is about 30 years. Metal

136

Construction was established in 1958. In Bottling, estab—
lished in 1962, the mean age is 28 years. The mean age
for the entire sample is 32 years. In consonance with the
age structure in the factories, there were significant dif—
ferences in the marital status of the workers in the three
factories. Nine of ten workers in Containers are married,
while only about six of ten in Construction and four of
ten in Bottling are married. Since in Nigeria polygyny

is legal, marital status also involves the possibility of
marriage to more than one wife. However, eight of ten
workers have only one wife. Marital status is distributed
unevenly in the factories. In Containers three of every
four workers have one wife while in Construction about one
of every twelve workers has one wife. In Bottling, only
about three of five workers have one wife.

Even though a higher percentage of Containers than
Bottling workers are married, Bottling workers tend to be
more polygynous. This has a leveling effect on the pos-
sible number of children. Thus both Containers and Bot-
tling have about an average of four children while Con—
struction workers have between two or three children. The
mean number of children for the sample is about three.

In terms of rural-urban background, one of every
two workers in Construction has an urban background while
Containers and Bottling have eight of ten and nine of ten

respectively with urban backgrounds. This distribution

137

is reflective of the ethnic distribution in these factories.
Yorubas are more urban than Ibos or other ethnic groups and
there is a disproportionately large percentage of Yorubas

in Bottling than in the other two factories. However, the
fact that Containers was established in 1940 with very little
turnover, even though there is an even distribution of Yoru—
bas and other ethnic groups, means that most workers have
spent their lives in the urban area in which the factory

is established. This tended to narrow the gap in the ur-

ban background distribution between Containers and Bottling.

Construction and Bottling have slightly higher edu-
cational levels than Containers workers. The mean level
of education is about seventh grade for the sample. There
is also a preponderance of Christians in Construction and
Bottling (93% and 89% respectively) more so than in Con—
tainers with about 71% Christians. The distribution of
religion in the three factories is statistically signif-
icant. In Containers, about one of every fourth worker
is a Moslem.

Some of the occupational socialization variables
are distributed unevenly in the factories.

There appear to be significant differences in the
distribution of skill levels in the three factories. Con—
struction has the highest concentration of skilled workers
(about 78%) while Bottling has the lowest percentage of

skilled workers (10%). Containers is in between with 43%.

138

There seem to be no differences in the ages of
first full-time employment in the three factories but there
are significant differences in the types of jobs that the
workers in the different factories first had. The mean
age of first full-time employment is about 21 years. How-
ever, about seven—tenths of Containers and Construction
workers started with industrial work while about half of
Bottling workers began as domestic servants or general
laborers. There does not appear to be any difference in
the number of job changes that the workers have made. The
mean number of changes is about three times.

Only about one—fifth found their jobs themselves.
Of the four-fifths whose jobs were found for them by others,
about four-fifths of Construction workers are working in
the same plants as those who found the jobs for them.
Three-fifths of Containers and one-tenth of Bottling work-
ers are in this category. This has implications for worker-
morale or the lack of it. The distribution of this vari-
able in the three factories is statistically significant.

Finally, when aspirations for sons are compared
in the three factories, there is no difference in the dis-
tribution. However, about eight of every ten workers would
want their sons to be in professional occupations. Among
Construction workers, however, three-tenths would want
their sons to have the same occupations as themselves.

This is compared to one of five for Containers and one

139

of ten for Bottling workers who would want their sons to
be in the same occupations as themselves.

This represents a composite picture or profile of
the three factories. The next step will be to investigate
the profile of the workers by correlating some of the back—

ground and occupational socialization variables.

3. Interrelationship of Demographic and Occupational
Socialization Variables

 

Father's occupation was not found to be related to
rural-urban background.l However, about 70% of those whose
fathers are in agriculture have urban background as com—
pared to 73% of those whose fathers are in non—agricultural
occupations. Furthermore, father's occupation is not re-
1ated to education.2 On the other hand, this variable is
significantly related to skill level.3 About 65% of those
who are unskilled have their fathers in agriculture. This
appears to be the only variable with which father's occu—
pation is correlated. It is correlated neither with age
of son's first entry into the job market, nor with the type
of occupation.

Age is positively related to marital status4 with

 

x = 2.50 df = 10 p<.999 N = 134 E = .160
2x2 = 20.50 df = 20 p<.35 N = 134 E = .403
3x2 = 81.58 df = 20 p<.OOl N = 134 E = .680
4x2 = 57.64 df = 14 p< .001 N = 141 E = .641

140

the higher percentage of the older workers married. Indeed,
about 96% of all those thirty—one years and over are mar-
ried, while only about 42% of those under thirty—one years
are married. There is no relationship between age and the
number of wives a worker has. Age is also positively re-
lated to the number of children a worker has.1 Older work—
ers have more children as is to be expected. Age is also
positively related to urban background.2 Of those 31 years
and over 83% are of urban background while 62% of those
under 31 years are of urban background. Age is negatively
correlated with education.3 Of those thirty—one years or
younger, all of them have eight years or more of education,
while only 37% of those over thirty-one have eight years

or more education. Age was not related to skill level.4
Age is not related to wages. This is so because wages
follow not only length of service but also skill level.

Age was also not found to be related to aspiration for sons.

Urban background appears not to be related to skill

level.

lx‘2 = 33.63 df = 12 p<.001 N = 90 E = .623
r = +.543

2x2 = 36.93 df = 14 p<.001 N = 141 E = .541
r = +.420

3x2 = 90.31 df = 28 p<.001 N = 141 E = .679
r = _o6l7

4x2 = 36.02 df = 28 p<.15 N = 141 E = .490
r = —.l65 However, there is one incipient trend in which

younger workers, under 35 years, have a larger percentage
of skilled workers than those over 35 years.

 

141

Table 4.18. Distribution of Skill Level by Urban/Rural

 

 

Background
Rural—Urban Skill Level
Eggkground Skilled Semi—skilled Unskilled Total (N)
Urban 46.0 10.0 44.0 100.0 (91)
Rural 26.3 18.4 55.3 100.0 (38)
Total (N) (52) (16) (61) 129

 

x = 4.9 df = 2 p<:.08 N = 129 E'= .280

Of those who are skilled a little over eight out
of ten are of urban background. Though the relationship
in Table 4.18, between skill and rural—urban background
is not statistically significant, one could see an incip—
ient pattern where those of urban background are relatively
more skilled than those of rural background.

Urbanity is positively related to age1 and nega—
tively to education.2 Age and education are negatively
related3 because the younger workers are more educated and
are also recent migrants to urban areas. Education is not
related to skill level but is significantly related to the

number of wives a worker has.

 

1x2 = 39.93 df = 14 p<:.001 N = 141 E = .544

2x2 = 24.82 df
r = ‘0329

3x2 = 90.31 df = 28 p<<.001 N = 141 E = .679
r = "o6l7

.478

II
(I)
'0
.A
O
O
to
Z
n
H
.b
l—l
0I
ll

Table 4.19.

142

Distribution of Number of Wives by Educational
Level

 

Number of

Educational Level

 

 

 

Wives No Education ngg Education N
One 55.0 81.6 73
Two or more 45.0 18.4 23
Total 100.0 100.0

N (20) (76) 96
x2 = 6.14 df = 1 p<.025 N = 96 E = .385

Of those who have one wife about 85% have some edu—

cation while only about 15% have no education.

A number of the variables in this chapter are in-

cluded to inform and sensitize the reader to the character—

istics of the labor force. They are, in effect, a mine

of information for further studies in Nigeria.

 

 

CHAPTER V
ANALYSIS OF DATA [2]

Introduction

The primary organizing hypothesis for this study

is that industrial satisfaction is related to reference

rou com arison. As indicated in Chapter I, industrial
satisfaction is not a singular concept but derives from
different arenas of social activity. Accordingly, the an—
alysis of the data will deal with the three selected arenas
of sector, occupation, and E2£E7 and the significance of
reference group comparisons in inducing satisfaction in
each of these three arenas. In addition to reference group,
other variables such as skill level, rural-urban background,
work-control, etc., are used to indicate how much of worker
satisfaction can be predicted by them independently.

With regard to the major hypothesis, it is perti—
nent to point out that, in adumbrating causal connections,
since both the dependent variable (worker satisfaction)
and the independent variable (reference group comparison)

are attitudinal variables,1 it is possible for either of

 

1It should be pointed out that these variables are
not ipso facto psychological variables because the percep—
tion occurs within structural contexts, to wit, the struc—
tural context of the reference group.

143

 

144

them to be used as a dependent or an independent variable.
One way of solving the dilemma is by a longitudinal study.
The other approach which we have chosen in this study, in
lieu of such longitudinal studies, is to rely on structural
factors in a theoretical sense. In a relatively undiffer-
entiated society, status categories tend to be more visible,
thereby having the influence of making individuals more
prone to using such categories for invidious comparisons
irrespective of the intrinsic satisfactions they derive
from performing the functions related to such status cate—
gories. In addition, even if we knew that certain attri—
butes of a status are used in determining one's specific
location in the status hierarchy of one's reference group,
this will not tell us the satisfaction that one derives
from the general status whose attributes have produced such
a location. Our contention in using reference group as
an independent variable is precisely the fact that even
though status attributes are important in reference group
comparisons, it is the comparison per se that induces sat—
isfaction with the occupation of such a status. This con—
stitutes the primary justification for our use of reference
group as an independent variable.

Furthermore, in a causal sequence, the independent
variable, the predictor, must logically occur before the
dependent variable, the state of affairs predicted. One

trend of argument holds that since skill level which

 

 

145

represents occupational mobility is correlated with satis—
faction, skilled workers would feel, in greater proportions,
that they are better off than members of their reference
group and that it is the skill level and the concomitant
satisfaction that will induce or cause (7) a more favorable
evaluation vis—a—vis reference group members. Our data

do not support this point of view. What our data indicate
is that it is reference group comparison that produces sat—
isfaction and not the other way round. Skill level was
found not to be related to reference group comparison.1

In the light of this lack of relationship between skill
level and reference group comparison, we feel justified

in using reference group comparison as the independent

variable.

1. Industrial Workers and Sector Satisfaction
The choice of a particular sector of social and
economic activity is conditioned, in developing economies,
by a whole set of factors among which are the diminishing
returns on land and therefore the release of the surplus
labor to work in industries, the desire for urban residence,

the desire to make “fast" money and so on. In Nigeria,

 

lService Reference Group Comparison and skill level;

Agricultural Reference Group Comparison and skill
level; x2 = 4.0 df = 2 p<.85 N = 85

Occupational Reference Group Comparison and skill
level; x2 = 1.3 df = 1 p<.25 N = 128.

 

146

land is owned by the family and no single member of the
family has the right to dispose of land without the prior
consent of the whole family. As Dr. Elias states:
The Nigerian conception of the ownership of

land was summed up by one of our chiefs speaking

to the West African Lands Committee in 1912 . . .

'Land belongs to a vast family of which many are

dead, few are living and countless numbers are yet

unborn.‘ Throughout Nigeria the ownership of land

is in the hands of the family, hardly ever the in-

dividual.1
Thus, as family size increases, land segmentation also in—
creases, thereby decreasing the productivity of land. Thus,
the push factor induces people to move to urban areas for
employment. There are also those who have spent most of
their lives in urban areas and thus get absorbed into urban
employment. Furthermore, there are those in rural areas
who perceive the industrial sector as conferring more pres—
tige and are thus pulled into industrial employment. Fi—
nally, there are those, mostly target workers, who enter
industrial employment to make some "fast" money to take
back to the farm or rural areas to consume, possibly con—
spicuously.

However, for whatever reason a person enters a par—

ticular sector, his satisfaction with that sector is con—

ditioned by how he perceives the members of his reference

group to be doing, as compared to himself. Thus the

 

1T. O. Elias, The Impact of English Law on Nigerian
Customary Law (Lugard Lectures) (Lagos: CMS (Nigeria) Press,
1958), p. 15.

 

147

general hypothesis here is that: Satisfaction with thg
sector is related to tpg perceived position of refergmgg
group mgmpers in othgr sectors. Specific hypotheses derive
from this:

1. Satisfaction with the industrial sector is related to
the perceived comparison with reference group members
in the agricultural or service sectors.

1a. Those industrial workers who perceive members of their
reference group in the agricultural sector to be on
the whole better off than they are, will be on the
whole less satisfied with their sector than those who
perceive members of their reference group in the agri-
cultural sector to be on the whole worse off than they
are.

lhh Those industrial workers who perceive members of their
reference group in the service sector to be on the
whole better off than they are, will be on the whole
less satisfied with their sector than those who per-
ceive members of their reference group in the service
sector to be on the whole worse off than they are.

In order to establish reference group, respondents
were asked to define those with whom they compared them—
selves usually. The question used was: "Name six people
with whom you always cqmpared yourself." In order to probe
patterns of group relations between the respondent and the
six named, another question was asked:

"How related are these six to you? Same age, same
village, live near in city, passed through elemen-
tary school at the same time, passed through sec-

ondary school (high school) at the same time."

The distribution is as follows:

Percent N
a. Same age 92 140
b. Same village 92 141
C- LiVe near in city 65 141
d. PaSSed elementary school same time 77 140
e. PaSsed secondary school same time 12 141

N = 705

148

The pattern that emerged from this was that those
selected as reference group members are the same age, come
from the same village, went to elementary school together
and live near in city. Reference group members may be said
to be also peer group members. Thus, in line with Chapman
and Volkmann, these are also people whose status and abil—
ity, relative to his own, the industrial worker can assess.1
That is, they are from the same or similar social background.

An attempt was made to tap sector preferences. Two
questions were asked to tap this:

"With the same annual or monthly income, which of

these would you prefer: farming, factory work,
trade, clerk?"2

"Have you ever thought of changing your job?——
Never, sometimes, always. If you have thought
of changing your job, to which of these would you
want to change: farming, industrial work, trade,
clerk?"
These questions, particularly the first, were designed to
minimize economic and other differences among sectors and

they were also widely separated so as to avoid a halo ef-

fect.3 Furthermore, one question serves as a check on the

 

1Chapman and Volkmann, op. cit.

2The additional category of clerk or office work
was introduced to help account for the preference for clean
or dirty jobs. It refers to desk jobs in the civil serv—
ice, industry or service.

3The first question was question #37, while the
second was #67. Thus, there were thirty other questions
separating the two.

 

 

149

other for consistency in responses and thereby a test of
the reliability of the instrument used.

The responses to the first and second questions,
dealing with sector preference, are distributed as follows:

Table 5.1. Distribution of Marginals of Sector Preference
for Two Questions

 

First Question‘ Second Question‘

 

 

 

Sectors Preferred Perggpt (N) Percgmti(N)
1. Farming/Agriculture 7.0 (10) 5.0 (6)
2. Factory/Industrial 44.0 (62) 33.0 (46)
3. Trade/Service 45.0 (63) 34.0 (47)
4. Clerk/Office Workl 4.0 (2) 7.0 (10)
5. No Change __:;_ 21.0 _£221
Total (N) 100.0 (137) 100.0 (138)

 

‘See page 148.

The relationship between the responses to these
two questions is statistically significant as indicated
in Table 5.2. This indicates a significant degree of con—
sistency in the responses.

The only major differences between the distribution
of the first question and the second question seem to be

between agriculture and clerical work which appear to have

 

1The low preference for clerical work (about 5.5%)
would tend to indicate a pattern which would dispel the
notion current in many intellectual and management circles
in Nigeria that most Nigerian industrial workers are not
willing to soil or dirty their hands with factory work.

 

 

150

switched places. The difference between factory and trade
still remains the same. Such a distribution gives relia—
bility to the instrument.

Table 5.2. Relationship of Two Questions on Sector
Preference

 

Question #1‘ Question #2‘
Farm Factoryfi Trade Clerk Total (N)

Farm 37.5% 12.5% 12.5% 37.5% 100.0% (8)
Factory —- 93.5% 6.5% -— 100.0% (46)
Trade 2.1% 33.3% 58.3% 6.3% 100.0% (48)
Clerk 50.0% —— 50.0% —— 100.0% (2)
Total (N) 5 60 33 6 (104)

 

’See page 148.

We may conclude from the distribution on Table 5.2
that most industrial workers in Nigeria prefer the indus—
trial and service sectors relatively equally but prefer
the industrial over and above both agricultural and cler-
ical work.

These represent gross figures. When, however, sec-
tor preference is computed with such variables as rural—
urban residence, skill level and wages, a pattern begins
to emerge. Thus, as data in Table 5.3 indicate, among
those of urban background, a little less than one—tenth
chose agriculture, about two-fifths chose industry and
over half chose service or trade. Of those of rural back-

ground, one-twentieth preferred to be in agriculture,

 

 

151

seven—tenths in industry and a little more than one—quarter

in service.

Table 5.3. Sector Preference and Rural—Urban Residence

 

 

 

Urbanity Sector Preference
Agriculture Industry Service Total (N)
Urban 8.2 36.7 55.1 100.0 (98)
Rural 5.1 66.7 28.2 100.0 (39)
N 10 62 65 137

 

x2 = 10.15 df = 2 p<.01 N = 137 E = .384

Urbanity is one of those difficult concepts to de-
lineate since it involves not only the number of years an
individual has lived in an urban area, but also the previ—
ous rural or urban socialization the individual has had.
Thus, it is difficult to compare the urbanity of an indi—
vidual who is thirty years old and has spent fifteen years
in an urban area, with a twenty—year old individual who
has also spent fifteen years in an urban area. There are
the problems of countervailing rural forces in the social-
ization process. This difficulty led us to use the area
where the respondent has spent more than half of his life.
If he has spent more than half of his life in a rural area,
he is defined as rural; and, if he has spent more than half
of his life in an urban area, he is defined as urban. We
recognize the difficulties inherent in this approach, but

we chose it mainly because it tends to bring to focus the

 

152

effects of differential patterns of socialization.

The finding is significant in many respects and
lends itself to interpretation. Rural or urban background
is not significantly related to the rejection of the agri—
cultural sector. However, more of those with rural back—
ground chose industry than those of urban background (66.7%
and 36.7%), while those of urban background preferred serv-
ice to those of rural background (55.1% and 28.2%). Indus—
trial sociologists argue that in a mature industrial soci-
ety, service or non—manufacturing industries predominate
and a majority of those employed in the labor force have
been born in urban areas.1 Thus, this tendency of those
with urban background to prefer the service sector may be
attributed to an incipient pattern of industrial sociali—
zation.

There is also another factor operating here. Those
of rural background are generally more likely to be less
familiar with service industries and particularly with their
operations. These are not just the agriculture-linked serv—
ices but those functionally related to industries-—those
dealing with the export—import market. Thus, their rela-
tive unfamiliarity with the service sector will tend to
preclude those of rural background from meaningful social

linkages to be able to compare themselves. Above all,

 

1Miller and Form, op. cit., p. 39.

153

movement into urban industrial employment carries with it
some prestige factors not only because these people are
better able to earn and discharge their traditional obli—
gations, but the neon light of an urban employment carries
some degree of sophistication and pride.1

A corollary to this would be the reasons why indus—
trial workers in Nigeria would prefer any of the sectors
they chose. The distribution of the reasons for sector

preference was as follows:

Table 5.4. Urbanity and Reasons for Sector Preference

 

 

 

 

Urbanity Reasons for Sector Preference
Money Responsi— Respect Inde— Total (N)
bility pendence
Urban 30.4 26.1 23.2 20.3 100.0 (102)
Rural 13.9 15.3 41.7 29.1 100.0 (39)
x2 = 11.20 df = 3 p<.02 N = 141 E = .372

It is significant from this table that those of
rural background preferred their sector of choice primarily
because of the prestige it will give them and, secondarily,

because of the independence they will get. This independence

, lGeorge Balandier, "Urbanism in West and Central
Africa: The Scope and Aims of Research," in International
African Institute, Social Implications of Industrialization
and Urbanization in Afrmga South of the Sahara (prepared
under the auspices of UNESCO; Paris: UNESCO, 1956), pp.
495-510. Also see "Town Planning,“ a report given at the
2nd session of the Inter-African Conference on Housing and
Urbanization, CCTA/CSA L. (59), p. 23, Nairobi, Feb. 13,
1959 (Mimeographed).

 

 

 

154

may be interpreted as the freedom from immediate kinship
and agricultural ties which will enable them to organize
their lives independently. It involves independence of
choice and of action. Those of urban background selected
their sector primarily because of financial gains and, sec-
ondarily, because of the responsibility it will offer them.
The implication here is that those of urban background have
already been used to the prestige and independence the sec—
tor will offer them and are more pragmatic in terms of the
tangible gains such as money and greater responsibility
that the sector will bestow on them. One may assume from
this that as the industrial workers become more urbanized,
they become less idealistic in terms of their expectations
and become more pragmatic. Financial inducements will there—
fore be more meaningful to such workers than the sheer glory
of being in the industrial work world.l

Sector preference is also related to skill level
and furthermore to repetitive and non—repetitive work.

However, urbanity was not found to be related to skill

 

lWhen reasons for the choice of a sector were cor—
related with sector preference, it was found that money
and independence accounted for the choice of the service
sector (72.41% and 51.43%, respectively). Responsibility
and prestige account for the choice of the industrial sec—
tor (75.00% and 50.00%, respectively), and money and £27
sponsibility accounted for the choice of the agricultural
sector (10.34% and 10.53%, respectively). Reason for the
choice of sector was used as the independent variable here.

 

 

 

155

level.1 That is, an urban person is as likely to be skilled
or unskilled as another of rural background. First, we
will deal with sector preference and skill level, and then

interpret the data.

Table 5.5. Sector Preference and Skill Level

 

 

 

Sector Preference Skill Level

mggggilled ngi—skilled Skilled
Agriculture 13.5 6.3 1.6
Industry 15.4 68.7 68.9
Service 71.1 25.0 29.5
Total (N) 100.0 (52) 100.0 (16) 100.0 (61)
x2 = 39.1 df = 4 p< .001 N = 129 E = .640

These categories could be further collapsed into
a two—by—two contingency table and the relationship becomes
clearer.

Table 5.6 shows that skill level is significantly
associated with the choice of sector as skilled and semi—
skilled workers are more likely to select the industrial
sector than unskilled workers. The significance of this
can be seen when we look at those who have selected the
various sectors. For example, about four—fifths of those
who selected agriculture are unskilled workers with the

remaining one-fifth distributed evenly between semi—skilled

 

lSee reasons adduced in Chapter IV, pp. 141-42,
to account for this discrepancy.

 

 

156

and skilled workers. Furthermore, about 70% of those who
chose industry are skilled workers, with 18% semi—skilled
and 12% unskilled. Of those selecting service, a little
over 60% are unskilled workers, with 31% skilled workers
and about 9% semi—skilled workers. One can conclude from
these that the higher the skill level, the greater the
chance that the worker will select the industrial sector.
This leads to the general statement that industrial adap—

tation or commitment increases with skill level.

Table 5.6. Sector Preference and Skill Level

 

 

 

Sector Preference Skill Level
Unskilled Skilled
Non—Industrial 84.6 31.2
Industrial 15.4 68.8
Total 100.0 (52) 100.0 (77)
2

x =35.6 df=1 p<.001 E=.730 N=129

Skill level is significantly associated with wages,
and wages, on the other hand, are significantly related
to sector preference. Skill level was found to be signif—
icantly associated with degree of repetitive/non—repetitiVe
work even though degree of repetitive work/non-repetitive
work does not appear to be associated with sector prefer—

ence.1 The table below gives the association of skill level

x =4.7 df=2 p<.09 N=129 E=.273

 

157

to degree of repetitive/non—repetitive work.

Table 5.7. Association of Skill Level with Repetitive/
Non—Repetitive Work

 

Skill Level Dggree of Repetitive Work

 

 

 

Repetitive Non—RgpetitiveII_TSE§l (N)

Skilled 39.0 61.0 100 (61)

Semi-skilled 37.5 62.5 100 (16)

Unskilled 80.8 19.2 100 (52)
2

x =21.8 df=2 p<.001 N=129 E=.556

Table 5.7 indicates a slightly higher, though not
significant, percentage of semi—skilled workers in non—
repetitive work. However, when we focus on those who are
in non-repetitive work, about 65% are skilled workers, and
only 33% of those in repetitive work are skilled. A pre—
ponderantly large percentage of unskilled workers are per—
forming repetitive work. Eight of every tenth unskilled
worker are in repetitive work.

The finding of the association of skill level and
sector preference is to be expected to the extent that
skilled workers are more socialized into the normative
patterns of industrialization and, more importantly, since
skill is a relatively scarce commodity in developing soci—
eties, pay, prestige, responsibility, etc., that accrue
to it are relatively much greater than in mature, indus-
trial societies where skill is relatively abundant. Thus,

skilled workers are expected to prefer the industrial to

 

 

158

the non-industrial. The relatively large percentage of
skilled workers preferring non-industrial sectors can be
accounted for by those who preferred service.

Even though urbanity and skill level are predictive
of sector preference, it might also be worthwhile to exam-
ine the sector of employment of the worker's father, which
may indeed exert some impact on sector preference. That
is, we are dealing with the preferences that derive from
early socialization due to the sector of work of the father

<of'the worker. As would be expected in a developing soci-

 

ety where industrial experience is relatively recent, a
majority of the industrial workers have their fathers in

due agricultural sector. The distribution is as follows:

 

 

Father's Sector of Employment Percent
Agriculture 69.1 (85)
Industrial 12.2 (15)
Service 13.8 (17)
Office Work 4.9 (6)

Total (N) 100.0 123

When father's sector of employment is computed
witld the sector preference of the child, we obtain this

pattern of distribution:

 

159

Table 5.8. Father's Sector of Employment and Child's
Sector Preference

 

 

 

 

Child's Sector Father's Sector of Employment
Prefergmce Agriculture Industry Service Office

Agriculture 10.6 -— —- —-

Industry 40.0 53.3 52.9 83.3

Service 48.2 40.0 47.1 16.7

Office 1.2 6.7 —- ——

Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
N (123) 85 15 17 6

 

X2=12.6 df=9 p<.20 E=.364 N=123

Table 5.8 indicates that, of those whose fathers
are in agriculture, a little less than half preferred serv—
ice and only about one—tenth chose agriculture. However,
significantly larger proportions (over one—half in each
case) of those whose parents are in non—agricultural sec-
tors, selected the industrial sector. Indeed, when we look
at the characteristics of the sector preferences, we observe
that all of those who selected agriculture have their par-
ents employed in the agricultural sector. Of those who
selected the industrial sector, 61% have their parents in
agriculture, 16% in industry, 14% in service, and 9% in
office work. Finally, of those who chose service, 73%
have their fathers in agriculture, 14% in industry, 11%
in service, and only 2% in office work.

However, when the categories are collapsed into

160

agricultural/non—agricultural, as in Table 5.9, a signif-
icant relationship emerges where there is a greater like—
lihood of those whose parents are in non—agricultural sec—
tors preferring the industrial sector, and those whose
parents are in the agricultural sector selecting that sec-
tor. Thus, those who prefer agriculture are more likely
to be those whose parents are in agricultural than in non—
agricultural sectors. The distribution is as follows:

Table 5.9. Father's Sector of Employment and Child's
Sector Preference (Collapsed)

 

 

 

 

 

Child's Sector Father's Sector of Emplpyment
Prefeggnce Agricultural Non—Agricultural
Agricultural 10.6 0.0
Non-Agricultural _§2;£ lgggg
Total 100.0 100.0
N (123) 85 38
2

x = 4.4 df = 1 p<.03 E = .292

Refepgpce Group Behavior and Sector Satisfggtion

Sector preference does not by itself necessarily
indicate an attitude of satisfaction or dissatisfaction
toward corresponding sectors of activity. In order to tap
responses to our major hypothesis with regard to reference
group behavior and sector satisfaction, four questions were
asked, two dealing with reference group members in agricul—

ture and two with those in service.

161

"When you compare yourself with members of your
mates1 who are farmers, do you think that on the
whole you are:

a. Better off than all of them?

b. Better off than most of them?

c. Doing as well as they are?

d. Most of them are better off than you are?

e. All of them are better off than you are?" (Ques-
tion 41)

The responses to this question were collapsed into three
categories (i.e., (a) and (b), (c), (d) and (e)), but be—
cause of empty cells in the middle category they were fi—
nally collapsed into two categories of better off and worse
off.

To tap sector satisfaction, the following question
was asked:

"When you compare yourself today as an industrial
worker, do you feel:

a. More satisfied working in industries than your
mates who are in the agricultural sector?

b. Less satisfied working in industries than your
mates who are in the agricultural sector?"
(Question 45)

The distribution of the two variables is shown in

Table 5.10.

lReference group is a technical term which was found
in the pretest to be meaningless to the workers. A synonym
more generally used in Nigeria was therefore adopted. The
synonym is mate. Thus, here and in all other sections where
reference group is used, mate may be substituted. There
appears to be no difference.

 

2This represents a collapsed form of the original
question which was worded like the previous question orig—
inally. All other related questions were collapsed in this
way.

162

Table 5.10. Industrial Sector Satisfaction and Perceived
Comparison with Reference Group Members in
Agricultural Sector

 

Comparison with

 

 

 

Reference Group Industrial Sector Satisfaction
in Agriculture Satisfied Dissatisfied Total (N)
Respondent Better Off 78.6 21.4 100.0 42
Respondent Worse Off 46.9 53.1 100.0 49
X2 = 9.56 df = l p<:.Ol N = 91 3’: .480

Table 5.10 confirms the hypothesis that satisfac—
tion with the industrial sector is related to the perceived
comparison with reference group members in the agricultural
sector.

Two further questions were asked to tap the rela—
tionship between industrial sector satisfaction and per—
ceived comparison with reference group members in the serv-
ice sector.

"When you compare yourself with your mates who are
traders, or in such related areas, do you think

that on the whole you are:

a. Better off than all of them?

b. Better,off than most of them?

c. Doing as well as they are?

d. Most of them are better off than you are?

e. All of them are better off than you are?" (Ques-

tion 40)1

"When you compare yourself today as an industrial
worker, do you feel:

a. More satisfied working in industries than your
mates who are in trading or related fields?

 

1These were further collapsed into two categories:
Respondent Better Off or Worse Off.

 

 

163

b. Less satisfied working in industries than mem—
bers of your reference group who are in trading
or related fields?" (Question 44)

Table 5.11. Industrial Sector Satisfaction and Perceived
Comparison with Reference Group Members in
Trading or Related Sector

 

 

 

 

Comparison with Industrial Sector Satisfaction
Reference Group Satisfied Dissatisfied Total (N)
Respondent Better Off 67.9 32.1 100.0 (28)
Respondent Worse Off 24.1 75.9 100.0 (83)
x2 = 17.6 df = 1 p<.001 E = .581 N = 111

Table 5.11 above also confirms the hypothesis about
the relationship of reference group comparison and sector

satisfaction.

Relationship of Other Variables to Sector Satisfaction

 

In addition to utilizing reference group as a vi—
able independent variable for predicting sector satisfac—
tion, this study also used other independent variables to
test their association with sector satisfaction. Such var—
iables include skill level, job control and amount of help
given to extended kin members.

When industrial sector satisfaction in relation
to reference group is related to skill level, these are
found to be significant at the .001 for both agriculture
and service. As indicated earlier, skill is a scarce com—
modity in Nigeria and in most developing countries, and

is therefore both highly evaluated and gives greater

164

prospects for mobility. It is assumed therefore that such
skilled workers will feel more satisfied with the industrial
sector than semi—skilled or unskilled workers. The distri-
bution we obtained is as follows:

Table 5.12. Industrial Satisfaction in Relation to Ref—

erence Group Members in the Agricultural
Sector Compared by Skill Level

 

 

 

Industrial Satisfaction Skill Level

in Relation to Reference

Group in Agriculture Skilled Semi—skilled Unskilled

More Satisfied 88.5 81.2 51.8

More Dissatisfied 11.5 18.8 48.2
Total (N) 129 100.0 (61) 100.0 (16) 100.0 (52)
2

x =19.7 df=2 p<.001 3:.571 N=129

Data in Table 5.12 clearly reveal that skill level
is significantly related to the industrial worker's satis—
faction or dissatisfaction when compared to members of his
reference group in the agricultural sector.1

The distribution of industrial satisfaction in re—
lation to reference group members in the service sector
by skill level is shown in Table 5.13.

Table 5.13 further confirms the relationship between

 

1In all these analyses, no causal connections are
posited not only because the data are not amenable to such
analysis, but more importantly because of the logical dif-
ficulties of positing causal connections. All the data
say is that there is a relationship or an association be—
tween two variables.

165

skill level and sector satisfaction. However, it will be
noticed that the degree of satisfaction decreases from the
agricultural to the service sector. This pattern can be
accounted for by the differential attitudes toward the ag-
ricultural and service sectors. This is so because of the
relatively greater distaste industrial workers have for
the agricultural sector.

Table 5.13. Industrial Satisfaction in Relation to

Reference Group Members in the Service
Sector Compared by Skill Level

 

Industrial Satisfaction

 

 

 

in Relation to Reference Skill Level

Group in Service Skilled Semi-skilled Unskilled

Satisfied 65.6 62.5 21.2

Dissatisfied _;2£:g ._;Z;§ _;Ei£i
Total (N) 129 100.0 (61) 100.0 (16) 100.0 (52)
2

x = 24.0 df = 2 p<<.OOl E'= .578 N = 129

Finally, this study also tested the relationship
between the amount of help the industrial worker gives to
his kinship group and his satisfaction with the industrial
sector. The specific hypothesis was that industrial sat-
isfaction will be_positively‘related to the amount of help
the industrial worker gives to his kinship group. The
reasoning here is that the performance of traditional du-
ties will give the industrial worker a sense of satisfac-

tion since Nigerian society is still tradition-oriented.

 

 

166

This hypothesis was, however, not confirmed.1 The only
explanation that may be offered here is that the discharge
of kinship obligations is such a basic aspect of social

living that it is not regarded in relation to satisfaction.

Conclusion

From the foregoing, it can be concluded that there
are certain social factors operating in the selection or
preference for a particular sector and that such prefer—
ences do not occur randomly. Among variables that account
for sector preference are rural—urban background with those
of rural background preferring the industrial sector more
than those of urban background (67% and 37%), while those
of urban background preferred the service sector more than
those of rural background (55% and 28%). With regard to
the reasons for such sector preferences, those of urban
background preferred their sector of choice primarily for
financial gains, while those of rural background gave pres—
tige as the major reason for the choice of their sector.
Since preference for a particular sector is not necessar-
ily indicative of satisfaction with the sector, different
measures were_utilized to tap sector satisfaction. Satis—

faction with the industrial sector was found to be

 

lFor sector satisfaction, X2 = 1.20 df = 32
p <.75 E': 4142. For occupational satisfaction, X 2: 2.40
df = 2 p.<.30 E': .209. For work satisfaction, X = .330
df = 2 p<.95 ‘c' = .080.

167

significantly related to reference group behavior, i.e.,
in relation to the relative positions of reference group
members. Sector satisfaction was also found to be signif—
icantly related to skill level with skilled workers prefer-
ring the industrial sector more so than semi-skilled or
unskilled workers. Age, amount of help, education, mari-
tal status were all found not to be related to sector sat-
isfaction.

In general, Nigerian factory workers in our sample
appear to be relatively satisfied with working in the in-
dustrial sector and are willing to engage in such work.
This tends to confirm the contention of W. M. L. Bispham
that "there is now a ready-made labour force fully willing
to work in industrial conditions. . . ."1 From all indi-
cations, this tendency will continue and possibly increase,
barring a cataclysmic disruption of the economy.

2. The Industrial Worker and Occupational/
Job Satisfaction

The industrial sector does not represent a homo—
geneous entity, for with economic and technological devel-
opments, changes in the meaning of occupational categories
occur. Furthermore, endless redefinitions and industrial

classifications and reclassifications emerge.2 The social

lBispham, op. cit., p. 55.

2Miller and Form, op. cit., pp. 60 ff.

168

and technical division of labor produces these changes.

As a society begins to develop technologically, this will
be accompanied by an increased need for skills to operate
and supervise technical equipment. There will thus be a
relative increase in skill level to sustain the technolog-
ical development. However, as functions become more sub—
divided with a resulting accentuated division of labor and
specialization of functions, a process of the decomposition
of skills will follow, resulting in more semi-skilled work-
ers whose primary concern will be with machine—tending op-
erations. Most of these skills will be tied to particular
industries or plants resulting in difficulties in inter—
changeability. Thus, the embossing operator in Metal Con-
tainers, for example, can hardly move horizontally to an-
other industry to do the same kind of work since his job

is a specialized one produced by the functional division
of the production process in the factory. Thus, these jobs
or occupations tend to cluster around specific types of
industries. There are, however, a few such as fitters,
welders, which are interchangeable to a large extent.

Since in the Nigerian situation, fitters are differentially
defined in different industries, most of them tend to be-
come job—type rather than trade-type occupations. Even
though Everett Hughes had advocated such a distinction,

such a distinction does not seem to be meaningful in the

169

. . . . l
Nigerian Situation.

The general hypothesis used here to test occupa—

tional satisfaction is that: occupational satisfaction

is related to reference ggoup behavior. The specific hy—

pothesis that derives from the general hypothesis is that:

occupational satisfaction is related to the perception of

the industrial worker of the relative occupational position

of his reference group members.

Hypothesis:

The more the industrial worker perceives
members of his reference group to be in
higher occupations or jobs than he is,
the more he will be dissatisfied with his
occupational position.

and

The more the industrial worker perceives
members of his reference group members

to be in lower occupational positions than
he is, the more he will be satisfied with
his occupational position.

In order to ascertain the comparison with reference

group members, the following question was asked:

"Do you think that your present job is:

a. Higher than the job of all of your mates?
b. Higher than the job of most of your mates?
c. Egual to the job of your mates?

d. Lower than the job of most of your mates?
e. Lower than the job of all of your mates?"

 

 

2

 

lHugheS, OE. Cit. , pp. 754-680

2These were then collapsed into three categories
with (a) and (b) forming one category, (c) a category, and
(d) and (e) a third category.

 

 

170

To tap satisfaction with the job or the occupation

a different type of question was asked. Workers were not
asked directly whether they were satisfied or not with their
present job or occupation. A more meaningful approach was
to tap their attachment and commitment to their jobs with
the implication that those who are committed and attached
to a particular job or occupation are also satisfied with
it. The question was phrased in such a way as to give them
a choice and thereby minimize the possibility of their feel—
ing attached mainly because of inertia or lack of alterna—
tive opportunities. There was also a built-in control for
pecuniary rewards as well as promotion opportunities. Thus
the question focussed on basic satisfaction with the job
or the occupation.

"Suppose you quit your job today, what job would

you like to have, assuming that you will get the

same pay and promotion chances as you have now:

a. Same job/occupation as you have now?

b. A different job/occupation?"

Table 5.14. Reference Group Comparison and Job or
Occupational Satisfaction

 

 

Comparison with Job/Occupational Satisfaction
Reference Group Satisfied Dissatisfied Total (N)

 

Job higher than
reference group 83.3 16.7 100.0 (60)

Job equal to
reference group 50.0 50.0 100.0 (4)

Job lower than
reference group 54.6 45.4 100.0 (77)

2

X = 13.10 df = 2 p.<.002 = .429 N = 141

nl

 

171

Table 5.l4 indicates that there is a significant
relationship between comparison with members of reference
group and satisfaction with the job or occupation. It
should be pointed out that here satisfaction or dissatis-
faction refers primarily to the preference for the job or
occupation over and above other jobs and occupations. This
preference indicates a commitment to the job or occupation.
It is significant though that of those who felt that their
jobs or occupations were lower than those of members of
their reference group, 55% were satisfied, as opposed to
45% who felt dissatisfied. This further indicates the
strong commitment to the occupation with two-thirds being
satisfied with their occupation as opposed to one-third
who were dissatisfied.

Attitudes toward one's occupation, in addition to
being conditioned by reference group comparison, may also
be a matter of personal adjustment to the occupational sub-
culture. This implies the influence of occupational social-
ization in determining levels of satisfaction. To the ex—
tent that within a given occupational or job category work-
ers may differ in their levels of satisfaction, it will
also be useful to look at occupational conditions which
might have an influence on satisfaction. Thus, it will
be meaningful to compare occupational satisfaction in terms

of skill levels. Table 5.15 shows this comparison.

 

 

172

Table 5.15. Level of Occupational Satisfaction by Skill

 

 

 

Level
Skill Level Occupation Satisfaction
Satisfied Dissatisfied Total (N)
Skilled 79.6 (39) 20.4 (10) 100.0 (49)
Semi—skilled 70.0 (7) 30.0 (3) 100.0 (10)
Unskilled 31.6 (12) 68.4 (26) 100.0 (38)

 

x2—21.0 df=2 p<.001 N=97 3:.616

Recognizing the significance of skill in develop-
ing economies, one could understand that satisfaction with
occupation increases as one moves from unskilled to skilled
work. If we collapse the skilled and semi—skilled cate-
gories, we obtain this distribution as shown in Table 5.16.

Table 5.16. Level of Occupational Satisfaction and Skill
Level

 

Skill Level Occupational Satisfaction
Satisfied Dissatisfied Total (N)

Skilled/
Semi—skilled 77.97 22.03 100.0 (59)
Unskilled 31.58 68.42 100.0 (38)

 

X2 = 31058 df = l p<.001 C = .780 N = 97

Age, educational level, marital status were not
found to be related to occupational satisfaction. The main
reaSOn why education is not predictive is that most of the
workeirs are on the same or about the same educational level

Whicri is the sixth grade. Age, however, presents an

 

173

interesting pattern when compared to skill level.

Table 5.17. Skill Level and Age

 

 

 

 

Age Skill Level
Unskilled Semi-skilled Skilled ,Total (N)
16-25 45.8 8.4 45.8 100.0 (24)
26—35 33.8 14.1 52.1 100.0 (71)
36-45 48.0 12.0 40.0 100.0 (25)
46 and above 55.6 11.1 33.3 100.0 (9)
2

x =4.1 df=6 p<.40 c=.223 N=129

From this table we can observe that as age increases
skill level also increases until the age of 35 and then
gradually declines. This represents a trend even though
not quite discernible now. However, with the new govern—

'ment programs of an emphasis on technical education, the
expectation is that in about five to ten years, age will
become significantly related to skill level with the younger
workers being more skilled. This means that there will

emerge a negative relationship between age and skill level.

Desire to Change Occupation
A different question dealing with occupational sat-
isfaction was also asked without any controls. This was
done to probe the intensity of their feelings. The ques-
tiOEl is: "Have you ever thought of changing your job or
OCCUIDation?" Responses to this question distributed as

follows:

 

 

 

 

 

Never think of changing 21.3% (30)
Sometimes think of changing 39.7 (56)
Always think of changing 39.0 (55)

Total 100.0 (141)

A little over one-fifth of the workers never think
of changing their job or occupation, and about two—fifths
each always or sometimes think of changing. This indicates
a degree of occupational adjustment among the workers, when
we realize that pecuniary gains and freedom from routinized
jobs are not controlled for.

What social factors account for these different
levels of adjustment? Quite significantly, it was found
that desire to change jobs or occupations is not related
to skill level, and that skilled workers are as likely to
desire to change as unskilled or semi-skilled workers.

Table 5.18. Association of Skill Level and Desire to
Change Occupation

 

 

 

 

Skill Level Desire to Chang;

Never Sometimes Alway§_ Total (N)
Skilled 16.4 52.5 31.1 100.0 (61)
Semi-skilled 37.6 31.2 31.2 100.0 (16)
Unskilled 23.1 30.8 46.2 100.0 (52)
X2=8.0 .df=4 p<.07 E: .327 N=129

Only two variables were found to be related to the
desuire to change. These are comparison with reference group
and-.liking for the present job. Workers were asked to com—

pare: their present job with other jobs that they have held

 

 

 

 

175

and to indicate whether they liked the present or a previ—
ous job better. Those who liked their present job better
were less willing to change than those who liked their pre-

vious jobs better.

Table 5.19. Association of Job Evaluation with Desire to

 

 

 

 

 

Change
Job Liking Desire to Change Job
Never Sometimes Always Total (N)
Like Present Job 29.4 38.2 32.4 100.0 (68)
Like Previous Job 9.8 29.2 61.0 100.0 (41)
x2 = 9.9 (if = 2 p<.OOS E = .420 N = 109

Table 5.20. Association of Occupational Comparison with
Reference Group Members with Desire to Change

 

Desire to Change Reference Group Comparison
Worker Better Off Worker Worse Off

 

Never 31.8 15.6

Sometimes or Always _§§i£ _§4;4
Total (N) 100.0 (44) 100.0 (96)
2

x =4.82 df=1 p<.04 3:.286 N=l40

When desire to change is computed with the job the
respondent liked best (present or previous job), 83% of
those who have never thought of changing liked their pres—
ent job. Of those who have thought of changing sometimes,
68% liked the present job, while only 47% of those who have

always thought of changing liked their present job best.

 

 

176

Furthermore, among those who would never change, about half
feel they are better off than their mates while only about
one-quarter who have sometimes or always thought of chang—
ing felt they were better off. Furthermore, the desire to
change is associated with comparisons with reference group

1
members.

Conclusion

On the whole, there seems to be a considerable de—
gree of occupational or job satisfaction, as indicated by
the industrial workers in the four plants studied. This
would appear to be a general trend among Nigerian factory
workers, as indicated by Bispham. The best predictors of
occupational satisfaction seem to be comparison with mem—
bers of reference group, preference for present or previous
job, and skill level. No other variables were significantly
related to this. To the extent that skill level represents
a degree of socialization into occupational patterns, this
relationship is expected. Furthermore, in consonance with
our hypothesis, those perceiving the members of their ref—
erence group to be on the whole higher than they are in

terms of occupational comparison felt more dissatisfied

 

1The absence of significant association between
desire to change and skill level, but the significant re—
lationship of desire to change and reference group compar—
ison, underscores our contention that in a causal sequence,
it is more meaningful as far as our data go to use refer—
ence group comparison instead of job satisfaction as the
lndepefldent variable.

177

with their occupations than those who feel that on the
whole their occupations are higher than those of their
reference group. This tends to confirm our hypothesis
about the relationship of occupational satisfaction and

comparison with reference group members.

3. Industrial Worker and Work Satisfaction

In the two preceding sections, the main concern
has been with sector and occupational satisfaction, thus
focussing on what the worker is. The present section will
deal with the specific performance of work routines and,
in this sense, it will be concerned with what the worker
does as opposed to what he is.

In any given factory, the worker may be called
upon to perform only some of the operations within a wider
range of operations pertinent to his job or occupation.
Thus, he may be an embosser, but his job may require only
a few of the many operations he is capable of performing
on the embossing machine. The concern here is not with
his satisfaction with performing only this aspect of his
total repertoire of skills, but rather with the degree
to which he is able to control these few operations that
lie is called upon to perform. This is the crucial aliena—
tion factor that Karl Marx pointed out.

The actual content of the work and how the worker

choes it are determined to large measure by the necessities

cxf the production process and the general organizational

work flow. Ultimately, job design and job description are
decided by the requirements of the technological equipment
and the organizational structure of work activity. In this
sense, the particular work—task ties the individual to the
technological environment, and thus constitutes a link be-
tween the technical division of labor and the social divi—
sion of work. More sociologically, however, the technical
job description defines only a part of the worker's behav-
ior.1 Beyond the specific tasks he must perform in order
to do his work, there are also patterns of social relations
which link him to the organizational structure, the members
of his informal group, and the cluster of technical rela-
tionships he must maintain in order to perform his work
tasks. His satisfaction with the technical division of
work is predicated on the degree of his control of the work.
This is so because the lack of control over one's pace of
work and the lack of autonomy in the use of work tools re-
sults in a general low level of satisfaction.2 This derives
from the general Marxian position on alienation and the
worker.

At this level, however, comparisons with reference

qgroup outside the factory will not seem to be meaningful

 

1Miller and Form, op. cit., p. 169.

2Robert Blauner, op. cit., p. 16 ff. Also see
Ialy Chinoy, Automobile Worker and the American Dream (New
York: Doubleday and Co., 1955), pp. xvi-xvii.

179

to the extent that this level defines not so much what
members of the reference group are, but what they do, and
this is more difficult to evaluate. Thus, the evaluation
will shift to co-workers whose specific job operations can
more readily be evaluated. The organizing hypothesis at
this level therefore is that: Work satisfaction will be
positively related to the worker's ability to control his
work relative to his reference group in the same factogy,

orpplant. Accordingly, two questions were asked, one to

 

ascertain level of job control and the other to ascertain
satisfaction with the work. It is important to point out
here that most of the workers seem to be dissatisfied with
their specific job tasks.
.11
Satisfied 15.6% (22)

Not satisfied/not dissatisfied 15.6% (22)

Dissatisfied 68.8% (97)
Total (N) 100.0 (141)

However, about one—seventh indicated satisfaction with
their job tasks. This was then correlated with job or

:Hork control. This distribution is as follows:

'Table 5.21. Work Satisfaction and Work Control

 

 

 

Work Control Work Satisfaction

vmithin Plant Satisfied Medium Dissatisfied Total (N)
Chantrol 20.3 21.2 56.5 100.0 (69)
Ah: Control 11.1 8.3 80.6 100.0 (72)

 

x2 =9.70 df=2 p<.01 N=l4l E: .371

180

Among those who are satisfied, about two-thirds
control their work pace, while among those dissatisfied,
only about two-fifths control their pace of work. Among
those with middle satisfaction, 73% control their work pace.
The percentage of dissatisfaction (about 69%) may appear
to be relatively high on face value, but when the relative
newness of the factory system and the attendant problems
of adjustment to it are taken into account, the figure rep—
resents a hopeful sign for the future adjustment of indus-
trial workers in Nigeria to the technological requirements
of the work. This is particularly impressive when one has
taken into account certain verbal dissatisfaction with the
general conditions of work, such as pay, lack of medical
facilities and other factors.

Satisfaction with the technical conditions of work
does not appear to be related to any other thing except
the worker's perception of how his boss views his work.
This question was asked to elicit the attitude of the work-
er to the appraisal by significant others of his work:
‘"Qoes your immediate boss know thatgyour work is important
<1: unimportant?" The rationale for this question is that

.11? a worker thinks that his boss knows how important or
‘dcnimportant his work is, it will provide him with an eval-
ziation of his work and thus enable him to relate not only

tx> his work but to other significant others in the work

process .

181

Table 5.22. Work Satisfaction and How Boss Views the
Importance of the Respondent's Work

 

 

 

 

Work Satisfaction Boss's View of Worker's Work
pgflportant Unimpgptant
Satisfied 34.4 6.7
Dissatisfied _§§L§ _2§;3
Total (N) 100.0 (125) 100.0 (15)
2

x =4.8 df=1 p<.03 N=14O E=.247

Even though the percent of those satisfied is still
relatively low, there is a significant relationship between
satisfaction with the work and whether or not the boss rec—
ognizes the importance of the work of the industrial worker.
Thus, an appreciation of work by bosses appears to be sig-
nificantly related to the industrial worker's satisfaction
with his work. This is significant in industrial manage—
ment to the extent that it makes it possible for the worker
to relate meaningfully to an impersonal system and thus
tends to take the raw edge of impersonality out of the sys—
tem as the industrial worker relates to the work environ—
ment.

Work satisfaction does not appear to be signifi—
<Zéantly related to skill level. Only three—tenths of skilled
chrkers are satisfied with their work as compared to seven—

tenths dissatisfied. Table 5.23 indicates the pattern of

relationship.

 

 

 

182

Table 5.23. Association of Work Satisfaction and Skill

 

 

 

Level
Skill Level Work Satisfaption
Satisfied Dissatisfied Total (N)
Skilled 29.9 70.1 100 (77)
Unskilled 28.8 71.2 100 (52)

 

X2 = 0.13 df = 1 p4<.99 N = 129

The main explanation for the distribution in Table
5.23 is because of the peculiarity of the Metal Construc-
tion sample which contains a disproportionately large per-
centage of skilled workers who were working under very bad
working conditions. This was expressed by most of the work—
ers there. To see what is actually happening to the sample,
it will be necessary to inspect the distribution in the
factories.

Table 5.24 gives the relationship between skill
level and work satisfaction in Metal Containers and Bot—
tling, and Metal Construction.

Table 5.24. Relationship of Work Satisfaction and Skill
Level in the Three Factories

 

 

 

 

Skill Level Work Satisfaction
MCF‘/Bottling Metal Construction
Sat. Diss. Total Sat. Diss. Total
Skilled 57.9 42.1 100 (38) 15.0 85.0 100 (40)
Unskilled 25.6 74.4 100 (43) 20.0 80.0 100 (5)
X2 = 8.7 df = l p<.008 N = 81 X2 = .05 df = l p<097
N = 45

'MCF means Metal Containers Factory.

183

Thus Table 5.24 shows that skill level is related
to work satisfaction in Metal Containers and Bottling, but
that these two variables are unrelated in Metal Construc-
tion. Indeed the lack of relationship between these two
variables reported in Table 5.23 can be accounted for by
the unique sample represented by Metal Construction in
which skilled workers are subjected to harsh conditions

of work coupled with ineffective human relations.

General Conditions of Work

 

When questions were asked as to what general con—

 

ditions of work would induce workers to quit or change

their jobs, the most important reason was “the pay is too

 

small.“ This distribution is as follows:

1. Pay too small 28.1%
2. My peer group members earn better 17.0
3. I want to learn more things 12.3
4. I don't feel secure in my job 9.5
5. I want to serve my country better 8.6
6. Leave allowance and leave conditions 8.0
7. The job is too hard 7.7
8. Lack of medical facilities 5.2
9. They shout at me too much 2.1
10. Lack of housing facilities .9
11. I don't like my co-workers .3
12. Too much supervision .3
Total 100.0

From this tabulation it can be seen that pay, comparison
with reference group and desire to learn more account for
more than 50% of the concern of the workers.

This same question was asked again in a different

form toward the end of the interview. It was asked as an

184

open-ended question and the responses were coded. The
question was: If you had power to change things around,
what wouldpyou do to make factory workers more satisfied

and happier? The responses followed this pattern:

 

 

Give them more pay 66.0%
Improve physical working conditions 18.4
Staff them or promote them 5.0
Will not bully them 2.1
Will not sack them arbitrarily 1.4
Give them better training for their
jobs 1.4
Give them fair pay for fair job 1.4
Others 4.3
Total 100.0

From this tabulation one can conclude that the
primary concern is with pay and, secondarily, with improv-
ing the general working conditions. However, since skill
level is assumed to represent a degree of socialization
into industrial life, these categories were further col—
lapsed into three: pay, physical work conditions, and
general work relations, and then compared with skill level
to see if any pattern would emerge. There appears to be
some correlation with skill level, with semi-skilled work—
ers again forming a kind of erratic pattern.

This correlation is not significant at the .05
level, but yet we can see a pattern emerging with unskilled
workers preferring pay more than skilled and semi-skilled
workers, while skilled and semi-skilled workers appear to
be more concerned with physical and work relations. However,
most of the workers appear to prefer pay by a fairly large

margin.

 

 

185

Table 5.25. Skill Level and What Will Make Workers More
Satisfied and Happier

 

 

 

 

What to do for Skill Level
Workers Skilled Semi—skilled Unpkilled
Increase pay 62.7 53.3 83.7
Improve physical
work conditions 23.7 26.7 10.2
Improve work relations
and conditions 13.6 20.0 6.1
Total (N) 100.0 (49) 100.0 (15) 100.0 (59)
x2 = 7.80 df = 4 p<.O9 N = 123 E” = .332
Conclusion '

Work satisfaction was found to be related to job
control and also with relations with the boss in terms of
whether or not he views the worker's work as important.
This indicates a significant pattern of work relations.
Work satisfaction does not appear to be related to any
other variables. In terms of what will make workers more
satisfied with their work, most of them indicated pay,
physical work conditions and work relations, and compari—

son with members of their reference group.

4. gaptories and Sector Satisfaction
Since our general hypothesis about reference group
comparisons and sector satisfaction was confirmed at the
.01 level for the whole sample, we would also expect that
this relationship will hold true in inter—factory compari—

son. Since the hypothesis is assumed to hold true

 

186

irrespective of the internal structures of factories since
it deals with self conception to which the factory struc—
ture is irrelevant, we will hypothesize that the same re—
lationship will hold true when factories are compared.
Here it must be pointed out once again that the central
focus is with sector satisfaction, that is, the satisfac—
tion the industrial worker feels that he gets from the in—
dustrial sector vis—a—vis the agricultural and the service
or commercial sectors. We would expect that if there are
any differences in comparisons with reference groups in
these three factories, there will also be corresponding
differences in the level of satisfaction with the indus-
trial sector.

Table 5.26. Agricultural Reference Group Comparison and
Industrial Sector Satisfaction for Three

 

 

 

Factories
A. Ref. Comparison B. Sector Satisfggtion
Factories Better Worse Total (N) Satis— Dissat- Total (N)
Off Off fied isfied

 

Containers 68.3 31.7 100.0 (38) 61.9 38.1 100.0 (63)

Construc—
tion 88.9 11.1 100.0 (32) 82.2 17.8 100.0 (45)

Bottling 46.4 53.6 100.0 (17) 57.1 42.9 100.0 (28)

 

A.X =15.2 df=2 p<.001 N=87 3:.592

.314

0I
u

B.X = 6.6 df=2 p<.04 N=136

187

Table 5.27. Service Reference Group Comparison and
Industrial Sector Satisfaction for Three

 

 

 

Factories
A. Ref. Comparison B. Sector Satisfaction
Factories Better Worse Total (N) Satis— Dissat- Total (N)
Off Off fied isfied

‘41——

 

Containers 39.7 60.3 100.0 (53) 38.1 61.9 100.0 (63)

 

Construc-

tion 73.3 26.7 100.0 (33) 64.4 35.6 100.0 (45)
Bottling 7.1 92.9 100.0 (20) 7.1 92.9 100.0 (28)
A. x2 = 31.5 df = 2 p<.001 N = 106 E = .699

What the two tables (5.26 and 5.27) indicate is
that there are significant differences among the three fac—
tories in terms of how they compare themselves with members
of their reference groups and these differences are reflect-
ed in differences in how they are satisfied with their sec-
tor of employment. Before proceeding to the rest of the
relationships, it should be observed that Construction work—
ers have the highest sector satisfaction (about 73% satis-
fied), followed by Containers (about 50% satisfied), and
then Bottling (about 32% satisfied). On the whole, Con—
struction workers also have the largest percentage of those
who feel that they occupy better off positions than members
of their reference group (about 81% feel better off), then
Containers workers (about 54% feel better off), and then
Bottling (about 31% feel better off).

In order to test the relationship between reference

 

 

188

group comparisons and sector satisfaction, however, it is
necessary to investigate this relationship in each of the
three factories.

Table 5.28. Distribution of Agricultural Reference Group

Comparison and Industrial Sector Satisfaction
in Metal Containers

 

Agricultural Reference Industrial Sector Satisfaction

 

 

Group Comparison Satisfied Dissatisfied Total (N)
Better Off 79.0 21.0 100.0 (19)
Worse Off 31.6 68.4 100.0 (19)

 

x =8.6 df=l p<.01 3:.675 N=38

Table 5.29. Distribution of Service Reference Group
Comparison and Industrial Sector Satisfac—
tion in Metal Containers

 

 

 

 

Service Reference Industrial Sector Satisfaction
Group Comparison Satisfied Dissatisfied Total (N)
Better Off 66.7 33.3 100.0 (12)
Worse Off 24.4 75.6 100.0 (41)
x2 = 7.3 df = 1 p<.01 E = .546 N = 53

It is evident from Tables 5.28 and 5.29 that in
Metal Containers there is a statistically significant re—
lationship between reference group comparisons and sector

satisfaction.

189

Table 5.30. Distribution of Agricultural Reference Group
Comparison and Industrial Sector Satisfaction
in Metal Construction

 

Agricultural Industrial Sector Satisfaction

Reference GrouP Satisfied Dissatisfied Total (N)

 

Comparison
Better Off 100.0 -— 100.0 (16)
Worse Off 75.0 25.0 100.0 (16)

 

x2 = 4.6 df 1 p<:.03 5': .556 N = 32

Table 5.31. Distribution of Service Reference Group
' Comparison and Industrial Sector Satisfac-
tion in Metal Construction

 

 

 

 

Service Reference Industrial Sector Satisfaction
Group Comparison Satisfied Dissatisfied Total (N)
Better Off 90.9 9.1 100.0 (11)
Worse Off 54.5 45.5 100.0 (22)
x2 = 4.5 df = 1 p<<.04 E': .543 N = 33

Again, from the two tables above it can be seen
that in Metal Construction Company, industrial satisfaction
is significantly associated with reference group comparison.

In Bottling, the relationship also seems to obtain,

and Tables 5.32 and 5.33 show this relationship.

190

Table 5.32. Distribution of Agricultural Reference Group
Comparison and Industrial Sector Satisfaction
in Bottling Company

 

 

 

 

Agricultural Industrial Sector Satisfaction

Reference Group Satisfied Dissatisfied Total 5—(N)

Comparison

Better Off 71.4 28.6 100.0 (7)‘

Worse Off 20.0 80.0 100.0 (10)
2

x =4.5 df 1 p<.03 E": .720 N=l7

Table 5.33. Distribution of Service Reference Group
Comparison and Industrial Sector Satisfac-
tion in Bottling Company

 

 

 

 

Service Reference Industrial Sector Satisfaction

Group Comparison Satisfied Dissatisfied Total (N)

Better Off --‘ 100.0 100.0 (4)

Equal 100.0 --' 100.0 (1)

Worse Off 6.7 93.3 100.0 (15)
2

x =9.6 df=2 p<.01 8:.832 N=20

’Care should be taken in interpreting the X2 and
the data because of the smallness of the frequencies in
the cells. We have presented the data in this form for
the sake of parsimony.

Again, from the two tables above (5.32 and 5.33)
it can be shown that reference group comparison is signif-
icantly related to sector satisfaction.

On the whole, therefore, it can be safely stated
that reference group comparison is significantly related

tC> sector satisfaction. Whatever essential factors that

inciuce industrial workers to make invidious comparisons

191

with members of their reference groups, once such compari-
sons are made, they have the influence of inducing satis—
factory or dissatisfactory attitudes.

Even though Construction workers expressed the great—
est satisfaction with their sector of employment and with
their occupation (75% satisfied, as opposed to 64% in Con-
tainers and 65% in Bottling), they showed the greatest dis-
satisfaction with their specific job tasks. The distribu—
tion of work satisfaction in the three factories is shown

in Table 5.34.

Table 5.34. Work Satisfaction by Inter-Factory Comparison

 

Work Satisfaction A Factories
Containers Constructigg Bottling

 

 

Satisfied 17.5 13.3 17.9

Medium 17.5 2.2 32.1

Dissatisfied 65.0 84.5 _§Q;g
Total (N) 100.0 (63) 100.0 (45) 100.0 (28)

 

x2 = 14.1 (if = 4 p<.01 N a 126 E a .416

The significant differences in work satisfaction
in the three factories can be accounted for by the general
conditions of service and of work. Construction workers
<momplained most not only of the harshness of their work,
Imrt also of the danger involved in it. When this is coup-
led with lack of medical facilities and chances for promo-

tion, it can be understood why they expressed the greatest

192

degree of dissatisfaction with their work tasks even though
they had expressed greatest satisfaction with their sector
and occupation. The problem is compounded when it is re—
alized that a majority of them are skilled workers. The
relatively high satisfaction with work tasks in Metal Con-
tainers can be accounted for by the substantially high pro-
portion of skilled workers who not only control the pace

of their work, but also have generally better conditions

of service than Construction workers. Bottling workers
have good conditions of service but very monotonous work.
This accounts for the even split between satisfied and dis—

satisfied workers.

Conclusion

 

There appear to be statistically significant dif-
ferences in the way industrial workers in the three main
factories compare themselves with members of their refer-
ence groups and also in their levels of satisfaction with
the industrial sector. The differences in reference group
comparisons in the three factories are also reflected in
the differences in satisfaction.

Finally, reference group comparison appears to be
a viable concept to measure levels of satisfaction, whether

at the sector, occupational, or work levels.

 

 

193
5. Industrialization and the Shifting Sources
of Reference Group Membership

Chapter I suggested that as industrialization pro-
gresses, there will be a corresponding shift in the sources
of reference group membership and also the sectors and jobs
of reference group members. We also indicated the pattern
of this shift.1 There are two ways of approaching this
problem. Comparative data could be used to demonstrate
the various developmental levels as the society moves from
non—industrialized to fully industrialized. We do not have
such comparative data and we do not want to use secondary
data because of the inherent difficulties involved. The
second approach, for which we have data and which we intend
to utilize, is to focus on skill levels and urbanization
as indicators of industrialization, and then compare shifts
in the sources and occupational locations of reference group
members. The basic assumption in using skill level and
urban residence is that these in turn represent degrees
of socialization into the industrial productive process
and the impersonal norms of urban dwelling and industrial
bureaucratic work.

If our assumption is accepted as a premise, then
we would expect unskilled workers to select kin members
who are in non-industrial occupations as reference group

members more so than skilled workers. Furthermore, those

 

lSee pp. 16-17 of Chapter I of this dissertation.

194

who are less urban would also tend to select kin members
who are in non—industrial occupations more so than more
urban people. Since Nigeria is at the very early stages

of industrialization, we would expect few workers to select
non-kin members who are in industrial occupations. The
distribution we obtained from the sample is as follows:

Table 5.35. Skill Level and Occupational Sector of
Reference Group Members

 

Occupational Sector and Number of

 

 

Skill Level Reference Group Members
(6-3)’ (2-1)‘
Industrial Industrial Non—Industrial Total (N)
Skilled 59.0 32.8 8.2 100.0 (61)
Semi-skilled 62.4 18.8 18.8 100.0 (16)
Unskilled 27.0 36.5 36.5 100.0 (52)

 

x2: 19.2 df=4 p<.001 N=129 E: .488

‘The numbers represent the number of reference group
members in the category. Respondents were asked to name a
maximum of six reference group members.

Skill level is significantly related to the sector
from which reference group members are selected. Signif—
icantly more skilled workers selected members of their ref-
erence group members from the industrial sector (about 92%)
than semi-skilled (about 81%) and unskilled workers (about

63%0 . Thus, as skill level increases, there is also a cor—

-rGSpondingly gradual shift from the selection of non-indus-

trial tb industrial reference group members. Among those

Who selected three to six reference group members from the

 

195

industrial sector, 60% are skilled and 23% unskilled.

The second measure used is urbanity, or the rela—
tive number of years the industrial worker has spent in
an urban area. Data in Table 5.36 reveal that unlike skill
level, urban residence does not appear to be related to
the selection of reference group members by sector of oc—
cupation. Thus, those of rural background are as likely
to select reference group members either from the indus-
trial or non-industrial sectors, as are those of urban
background.

Table 5.36. Urbanity and Occupational Sector of Reference
Group Members

 

Occupational Sector and Number of

 

 

 

Urbanity Reference Group Members
(6-3)‘ 5(2-17‘
Industrial Industrial Non-Industrial Total (N)
Urban 45.1 31.4 23.5 100.0 (102)
Rural 46.2 35.9 17.9 100.0 (39)
x2 = .6 df = 2 p<.25 N a 141 E: .095

‘See p. 194.

This represents a significant finding in that it
tends to show that urban residence per se does not produce
expected urban and industrial attitudes and behavior.
Rather, it is the involvement and participation in the
urban-industrial status structure, through the acquisition
of industrial skills, that are significantly related to

the expression of urban-industrial attitudes and behavior.

 

 

 

196

It can be deduced from the two tables above (Tables 5.35
and 5.36) that, while skill level is significantly related
to the selection of reference group members in urban-indus-
trial occupations, urban background is not so related.

To tap the kin/non-kin source of reference group
members, this study sought to find how reference group
members were related to the respondent. Two possible re-
lationships were posited: traditional kinship and, as a
residual category, non—traditional non—kinship. Tradi—
tional kinship relationships were tapped by two questions
dealing with whether the respondent was from the same vil-
lage as other reference group members and whether they were
the same age.1 As indicated earlier in this chapter, about
92% gave these two factors as conditions for the selection
of the members of their reference groups. The next step
is to indicate the association of these two variables with
skill level and urban residence to see whether any signif-
icant patterns emerge. We would expect, ideally in a ma—
ture industrial society, that skilled and urbanized workers
would select members of their reference group less by kin-

ship ties or particularistic norms and more by universalistic

 

lAge as an ascriptive status articulates role rela-
tionships in Nigerian traditional societies. Clusters of
these roles produce age-grade systems which prescribe norm-
atively oriented interaction patterns among members in each
system. In a sense, they are age-cohorts. Furthermore,
those who are regarded as kin as usually, in Nigeria, those
who are from the same village related by affinal, consan-
guinal or agnatic ties. In a larger sense, these form clans.
Thus kinship should be understood in Nigerian terms.

 

 

197

industrial norms.

There appears to be no significant relationship
between urban or rural background and the selection of ref—
erence group members by the criterion of age. That is,
workers of urban background are as likely to select refer—
ence group members by age as are those of rural background.
However, from the table we could infer that those of rural
background appear to select slightly more members of their
reference group by age than those of urban background (79%
as opposed to 75%). This difference, though, is not sta-
tistically significant.

Table 5.37. Urbanity and Selection of Reference Group
Members of the Same Age

 

 

 

Urbanity Number of Reference Group of the Same Age

0-2 3-6 Total N
Urban 24.8 75.2 100.0 101
Rural 30.8 79.2 100.0 39
x2 = .524 df = 1 p<.40 N = 140 E = .096

Again we find that urban or rural background is
not related to the selection of reference group members
by the kinship criterion of those who are from the same
village. Also, we find that those of rural background
select slightly more of their reference group members from
those who are from the same village than those of urban
background (80% to 71%). This difference is also not sta-

tistically significant.

198

Table 5.38. Urbanity and Selection of Reference Group
Members from the Same Village

 

 

 

 

Urbanity Number of Reference Group
Members from Same Village
0-2 3—6 Total N
Urban 29.4 70.6 100.0 102
Rural 20.5 79.5 100.0 39
X2 = 1.135 df = l p<:.25 N = 141 E = .140

Next, we want to find out whether skill level makes
any difference in the selection of reference group either
by age or same village.

Table 5.39. Skill Level and Selection of Reference Group
Members of the Same Age

 

 

 

 

Skill Level Npmper of Reference Group of the Same Age

0—2 3-4 5—6 Total N
Skilled 21.7 23.3 50.0 100.0 60
Semi-skilled 18.8 25.0 56.2 100.0 16
Unskilled 30.8 11.5 57.7 100.0 52
x2 = 3.7 df=4 p<.40 N=128 E: .228

When skill level is computed with selection of ref—
erence group by age, there does not seem to be a relation-
ship that is statistically significant, which indicates
that skilled workers are as likely to select reference
group by age as are semi—skilled or unskilled workers.
However, semi—skilled workers seem to select reference
group members more by age, followed by skilled and unskilled

workers.

199

Skill level does not appear to be significantly
related to the selection of reference group members who
are from the same village or kinship background. Skilled
as well as semi—skilled or unskilled workers are likely
to select reference group members from the same village.

Table 5.40. Skill Level and Selection of Reference Group
Members from Same Village

 

 

 

 

Skill Level Number of Reference Group
Members from Same Village
0-2 3-4 5—6 Total N
Skilled 21.3 23.0 57.7 100.0 61
Semi—skilled 25.0 25.0 50.0 100.0 16
Unskilled 30.8 15.4 53.8 100.0 52
x2 = 2.0 df = 4 p {.60 N = 129 'c‘ = .168

It will be necessary, once again, to state our

position in order to make the necessary comparisons.

 

 

 

 

Paradigm

Sector and Job Source of Reference Group

of Reference

Group Members Traditional (Kin) Industrial (Non—Kin)

Traditional 1. Initial Phase of 4. (Inconsistent)
Industrialization Industrialization

Industrial 2. Intermediate Phase 3. Mature Phase of
of Industrializa— Industrialization
tion

 

Figure 4. Paradigm for Reference Group Selection

200

With this paradigm in mind, we can infer from the
preceding contingency tables that unskilled workers, who
are less socialized into the industrial production process,
are at the initial stages of industrialization and conse—
quently select members of their reference group from tradi-
tional kinship members who are in non—industrial occupations.
This was confirmed by Tables 5.35, 5.39, and 5.40. Skilled
workers, on the other hand, even though they still select
reference group members from traditional kinship members,
tend to select those of them who are in industrial occupa—
tions. Thus, they tend to be at the intermediate stages
of industrialization. Our data do not indicate any near-
ness to the third stage of mature industrialization where
industrial rather than kinship ties, and industrial occu—
pations provide the bases for reference group selection.
Since industrialization is recent in Nigeria, skill level
appears to be the best indication of industrial socializa—
tion. We would hypothesize that as Nigeria matures in in—
dustrialization, this shift in the selection of reference
group members will occur. Unfortunately, none of the
studies in mature industrial societies have focussed on
this aspect with a resulting dearth of comparative data.
Comparative studies of this nature are needed to establish
both industrial commitment and also the stages of indus—
trial development.

Finally, there is a dual relationship that emerges

201

from this approach. As workers become socialized to the
processes of industrialization, they begin to apply indus—
trial norms in selecting reference group members and, since
such members are in the industrial sector, they in turn
have the effect of further socializing the workers to in—
dustrial norms, thereby speeding up the process of indus—

trial socialization.

 

 

 

 

CHAPTER VI

SUMMARY, LIMITATIONS, AND AREAS FOR
FUTURE INVESTIGATION
ngmary anngmplications

The main contribution of this study to the under-
standing of worker satisfaction derives from its use of
reference group as a viable concept for assessing worker
attitudes to work. In this sense, it constitutes a dras—
tic departure from traditional worker satisfaction studies
which deal with intrinsic satisfaction deriving from the
functional or social division of labor or from certain pos-
ited personality characteristics. The meanings that work-
ers give to work or derive from work do not only emanate
from the technological division of functions, but primarily
from the kinds of evaluations the workers make of the func—
tions and positions of relevant others. It is this evalu—
ation that puts the worker's position and function in con—
text.

Satisfaction poses two alternative questions: sat-
isfied relative to what? and satisfied relative to whom?
Reference group neatly combines these two and answers both
of them to the extent that it deals with satisfaction rela—
tive to the positions (which answers "relative to what?"),

of significant others (which answers "relative to whom?"),

202

203

and therefore focusses on the symbolic social context of
worker satisfaction. This study therefore concerned itself
primarily with the significance of reference group in con-
ditioning the kinds of meanings industrial workers derive
from work. Since work is located in a sub—system of larger
systems which are independently evaluated, these interlock-
ing systems were also investigated.

In order to determine the significance of reference
group theory to worker satisfaction, three factories in
Nigeria were researched with a relatively small sample from
a fourth factory. The total number of workers interviewed
in the four factories was 142, but one interview was almost
entirely discarded because the respondent expressed inabil—
ity to understand the questions.

The analysis of worker attitudes to the sub-systems
of work, occupation and sector, confirmed the assumption
that worker satisfaction is conditioned by the evaluations
the workers make of the positions and functions of signif—
icant others. This confirms the contention that reference
group constitutes a useful and significant concept for the
analysis of worker satisfaction. Thus, the study found
that when workers felt that they were equally or better
placed than members of their reference group, this tended
to make them feel more satisfied with their work, occupa—
tion and sector of employment. On the other hand, when

they felt that members of their reference group were more

204

highly placed than themselves, they tended to be less sat—
isfied with their work, occupation, or sector of employment.

Skill level, which represents degrees of sociali—
zation into the industrial process, was also found to be
significantly related to satisfaction with skilled workers
being relatively more satisfied than unskilled workers.
Even though skill level did not appear to be significantly
related to work satisfaction, the percentage of skilled
workers who are satisfied is slightly higher than unskilled
workers (13% compared to 11%). However, semi-skilled work—
ers have a much higher percentage of satisfied workers (35%).

Generally, the workers were more satisfied with
their sector of employment than with the agricultural sec-
tor (74% to 26%). However, there appears to be an even
split between satisfaction with the industrial sector and
the service sector. Furthermore, about 55% of the workers
seem to be satisfied with their occupation with 45% dis-
satisfied. Thus, when sector and occupational satisfac—
tion are considered, the workers appear to be generally
satisfied with both. Since this is so, we could hazard
the assumption that there is a willingness to engage in
industrial employment.

When satisfaction with work or the specific work
task was investigated, only about 15% were found to be
satisfied. This is relatively lower than 70%-80% of Amer—

ican factory workers who are generally satisfied with their

205

work.1 However, considering the recency of the factory
system in Nigeria, 15% satisfied workers represents a fairly
healthy indication of a trend. Since satisfaction rises
with skill level and general industrial development, we
would expect that as skill levels increase and the society
moves toward maturity in industrial production, general
satisfaction with work will increase.

Urban residence was found to be related signifi—
cantly to sector satisfaction, but neither to occupational
or work satisfaction. Those of urban background were found
to be more satisfied with the industrial sector than those
of rural background.

When the question was asked, "Who are those selected
as reference group members and where are they located?",
it was found that neither skill level nor urban background
was related to the selection of kin-related or traditional
reference group members. Skilled or unskilled workers and
those of urban or rural backgrounds were as likely to se—
lect kinship members as members of their reference group.
Given the relatively low level of industrial development
in Nigeria, this was predicted in that it is expected both

lRobert Blauner, "Worker Satisfaction and Indus—

trial Trends in Modern Society," in The Dynamics of Modern
Societ , William J. Goode (ed.) (New York: Atherton Press,
1966), p. 113. For a different view of the "satisfied
worker" in the United States, see Harvey Swados, "The Myth
of the Happy Worker," Nation, CLXXXV (August 17, 1957).

 

 

 

206

at the initial and intermediate phases of industrial devel—
opment. However, when the occupational location of refer—
ence group members was probed, it was found that skilled
workers were significantly more likely to select members

of their reference group from the industrial sector than
unskilled workers. Thus, the composition of the reference
group shifts or changes with skill level or, as was pre—
dicted, with the level of socialization into the industrial
production process, which may be interpreted as the process
of industrialization. The significance of this finding
rests in its developmental nature, which indicates a chang—
ing social environment for attitude formation and compara—
tive behavior as societies develop in technological sophis—
tication or industrial production. The location of these
changing social environments will enable one to make cer—
tain predictions as to the kinds of attitudes toward work
that will emerge.

Contrary to earlier studies in Africa, which indi—
cated a relatively younger work population lower than thirty,
we found the mean age of our sample to be about thirty—two
years. This might be due to the fact that younger brothers
tend to stay home to help out in farming or such functions,
or go to school while the older brothers go out to seek
industrial employment, possibly to help support other fam—
ily members. However, with the new government programs

On technical training and other educational schemes, we

 

207

would expect the mean age to drop gradually before begin—
ning to rise again as industrialization progresses.

There seems to be a decline in the number of child-
ren born to the workers, as compared with those of their
fathers. This generally supports the demographic transi-
tion theory. Finally, the mothers of the industrial workers
were found to live longer than the fathers by about a one-
to—four margin.

In terms of the need dispositions of the workers,
the study found that unskilled workers and those of urban
background tended to have an instrumental orientation with
an emphasis on pay, while skilled and those of rural back—
ground tended to have an expressive orientation stressing
expressive symbols like prestige and responsibility. On
the whole, however, concern with pay tended to be the most
prominent of all the concerns of the workers. The main
implication here is that as the workers become more skilled,
concern with pay or instrumental goals shifts to social
prestige, life styles and general work conditions, or ex-
pressive goals. This has implications for management be—
havior in inducing adjustive behavior on the part of in-
dustrial workers.

Given the traditional nature of Nigerian society,
this study contended that the discharge of traditional
functions in terms of the degree of help given to tradi—

tional extended kinship family members would give the

208

worker a sense of well—being and would, therefore, induce
a satisfactory attitude to work. Contrary to our expecta-
tion, this was not confirmed by the data. In fact, we
found that those who have given help were equally as sat-
isfied or dissatisfied with their work as those who have
not given any help. Of those who have given help, 15.4%
were satisfied, as compared to 15.9% of those who have not
given help. We did not have any measures to tap why this
is so. This should be an area for further investigation.
However, when workers were asked whether their work helps
them to meet their family obligations, 30% said it does,
and 70% said it does not. Twenty percent of those who said
it does were satisfied with their work, while 14% of those
who said it does not were satisfied with their work.
Significant differences in the social character—
istics of workers were found in the three main factories
that were studied. In terms of the relationship between
skill level and satisfaction with specific job tasks, Metal
Construction-~which has the highest percentage of skilled
workers-—appears to have the highest percentage of dissat-
isfied workers. Metal Containers, with the second largest
percentage of skilled workers, were less dissatisfied.
On the other hand, Bottling with the least percentage of
skilled workers were least dissatisfied. The import of
this seems to be the lack of relationship between skill

level and satisfaction with specific job tasks. There were

209

also significant differences in age, level of education,
rural—urban background and in the expressed feelings of
relative deprivation in relation to members of reference
group. Finally, there were significant differences in sec—
tor, occupational and work satisfaction.

The major implications of this study are both the—
oretical and practical. The contention is that work sat—
isfaction derives from a feeling of relative deprivation
in a comparative sense and that this feeling arises from
a comparative interaction with reference group members.
Thus, it enlarges the theory of reference group in its
application and, therefore, enables us to understand the
social sources of worker satisfaction. We were also able
to indicate in this study the social and technological con—
ditions under which we would expect shifts in the selection
of reference group members. Furthermore, by the use of
reference group we are implying linkages with the social
sources of self formation and maintenance. These then are
the general theoretical implications of this study.

On the practical side, the study will enable man—
agement to appreciate the kinds of differential reward
systems suitable to different skill levels and stages of
industrial development. To the extent that all workers
expect some form of reward for the performance of their
tasks, knowledge of the appropriate reward structure will

help induce industrial commitment and possibly greater

 

210

productivity. In addition, knowledge of the social char—
acteristics of workers will help management and union to
make more meaningful decisions about workers and the proc—
esses of production. Finally, hopefully this study will
sensitize workers to the factors operating in the context
of industrial work and enable them to adapt better to in—
dustrial life. It will also, we hope, help management,
union, and workers to work for better cooperation by being
sensitive to the social conditions of work, and thereby

tend to reduce industrial conflict.

Limitations of the Study

 

There are many limitations to this study. Since
this research was organized under pressure and limited time,
a number of significant questions were not raised and asked.
For example, the extent of interaction with reference group
members was not included in the interview, with the result
that we are fairly unsure whether those named as members
of reference groups for comparative purposes were reference
individuals or ipso facto reference group members. This
appears to be the gravest of all the limitations of the
study and we hope to correct this defect in future studies.

Another limitation of the study is the fact that
some areas important to our hypotheses were not probed.

For example, the meaning of giving help to extended kin—
ship members to the workers was not probed. If this were

probed, it would have given us an insight into what produced

211

the situation where degree of help was not related to work
satisfaction.

The selection of the factories for analysis was
not random and, since there is the possibility of bias in
the sample, inferences to the total working population in
terms of its social characteristics can only be tentative.
This restriction was, however, imposed by the vagaries of
research such as the refusal by management to grant permis-
sion to conduct research in randomly selected industries.
Time also imposed its own restrictions, which made it dif—
ficult to extend the research to include other industries.

With these limitations in mind, the injunction
caveat emptor becomes very appropriate in interpreting or
extending the findings. Thus, caution is required in the

extended interpretation of the data and findings.

Areas for Furthgr Investigation

 

The areas for further investigation follow natur—
ally from the limitations of this study. One area for
further research would be the replication of the same
study with a larger sample randomly selected from all
or a substantially larger number of industrial workers.
This would give a more reliable structure of the social
characteristics of industrial workers in Nigeria. It
would further help to test the reliability and utility
of the application of reference group theory to worker

satisfaction. On the other hand, the same research and

212

instrument could be replicated in other factories in soci—
eties with varying degrees of industrialization, to test
both the theory, instrument and findings.

A further area for investigation would be a com—
parative study of industries located in rural and urban
areas to see if the general social climate has any relation
to the level of industrial satisfaction.

Another question that merits investigation is the
location of the central life interests of industrial work—
ers to see if reference group has any implications for such
life interests. To the extent that reference group is sig-
nificant to self maintenance and socialization into norma—
tive patterns, central life interests should derive from
such groups. This will enable us to understand the social
sources of life interest formation and maintenance.

The patterns of aid—giving to members of extended
family members may also be investigated in depth for an
understanding of the meanings given to aid—giving. If aid-
giving is meaningful to workers, it must implicate them
to certain patterns of behavior. Such patterns of behavior
should be investigated.

Finally, it will be necessary to conduct both longi—
tudinal and comparative studies to understand the develop—
mental patterns that emerge. Such comparative studies, of
course, should include comparison with other developing

and also with industrially developed societies. This will

213

give a better test of the shifting sources of reference
group selection. Comparative cross-cultural data are be—
coming available, but it will require systematic analysis
with reference group behavior as the focal point. The

future prospects for such studies appear to be promising.

 

 

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APPENDIX A

APPENDIX A

SOME BACKGROUND VARIABLES AND TENTATIVE PROBES
INTO DEMOGRAPHIC TRANSITION THEORY

Father's Occupation

Distribution of Father's Occupational ngkground

Occupation Percent (N)
Unemployed 2.8 4
Domestic Service 2.1 3
Farmer 62.0 88
Trader 13.4 19
Industrial 10.6 15
Clerical 4.2 6
Othersl 4.9 7

Total 100.0 142

A little over three—quarters of the workers have
their fathers in farming and trading. Only about one—fifth
of the fathers are in what may be described as industrial-

bureaucratic occupations.

Distribution of Age

 

Age Percent (N)

16-25 years 21.1 30

26—35 53.5 76

36-45 18.3 26

Above 45 7.1 10
Total 100.0 142 2': 32 approx.
1

These include three traditional chiefs, one priest,
and three don't knows.

221

222

This distribution tends to refute earlier studies
in Africa that the mean age is between 26 and 29.1 First,
we must admit that there is a strong reluctance among Ni—
gerian industrial workers to disclose their ages, mainly
for fear of leaving their jobs before they are ready to
leave. There is also the problem of unrecorded births,
which tends to compound the problem. There is the case
in our study of a sixty—year—old worker who, when faced
with the question of retirement, went to court to declare
a lower age and made the local trade union fight his case
to stay on. The management accepted his new age and al—
lowed him to continue working. It is, therefore, very
misleading to use records in the plants, as these are very
unreliable.

In our study, we used two approaches. We spent
a lot of effort in explaining to workers that whatever
they told us would be treated with the utmost confidence
and that being a fellow Nigerian we could not use whatever
they told us against them with the management. This ap—
proach seemed to work because a number of the workers told
us confidentially that the ages they declared for manage-

ment were not their actual ages. They said they were using

 

lSiebel, op. cit. See also Elkan and Fallers, 2p.
g;£., p. 24. It could be argued that such differences may
be due to sampling errors. There is, however, a tendency
in these studies to characterize the labor force in devel—
oping countries in general and in Africa in particular,
as young.

223

what they called "work age" because management has a tend—
ency of employing younger men and that they want to work
until they feel they are ready to retire. Furthermore,

we asked workers to estimate the age they started to work
and then to indicate job changes and the years of change.
We cross—checked with the ages they have given us and, if
there was a discrepancy, we confronted them with this at
the end of the interview. This tended to make for better
recall. We are not claiming that our approach is foolproof,
but under the circumstances we are confident that it is a
better estimate of the age structure of the working popu—
lation than earlier studies.

However, we would expect that as government poli—
cies of establishing trade schools and other such measures
begin to take full effect, the age structure will drop to
be younger and then rise again with mature industrializa—
tion. We would expect this pattern in all developing so—
cieties because at the initial stages of industrial devel—
opment it is easier for older brothers to move into indus—
trial employment than younger siblings. This trend was
confirmed by our sample where about 28% are first—born
sons, 18% second—born, and 14% third—born. With the mean
number of siblings being eight, the first three children
have about a 60% chance of entering industrial employment.
This also refutes Siebel's assertion that the older ones

stay home while the young go out to seek industrial or

224

urban employment. Indeed, it is even possible for older
brothers to take up industrial employment so as to be able
to help younger brothers go through grade or high school.
We cannot make any inferences to the total Nigerian
population, but we can infer from the tables below that
the workers in our sample will have fewer children than
their parents. Our estimate from the 1952—53 Nigerian
census is that the life expectancy in Nigeria is about
55 years.1 We would expect that in the remaining years
the industrial worker might not have five more children,
also considering the fact that mean number of wives in
our sample is about 1.2.2 There is no estimate of the
number of wives per man in the total population, but our
hunch is that the number of wives per parent of the indus-
trial workers will be about two or a little more. Thus,

we will expect, as industrialization progresses, a relative

lAnnual Abstract of Statistics, 1964, op. cit.,
p. 13, Table 2.2. Furthermore, our nearest estimate is
from the question dealing with parents alive. About two—
thirds in our sample have either one or both parents dead.
If we can assume that these parents started having child-
ren between 20-25 years, with our mean of 32 for the work-
ers, we may assume a life expectancy between 50 and 58.
The distribution was: both parents alive, 35%; mother
alone alive, 35%; father alone alive, 10%; both parents
dead, 20%. It appears from our sample that women seem
to live longer than men, which is true for a number of
other countries. The findings here are very tentative
and must be viewed in this light.

2Of those who are married, 76% have one wife while
24% have two wives. None of the workers have more than
two wives.

225

decrease in the number of children born to each father to
appear. Our unsupported estimate is that at the present
time the bulge of the demographic gap is fairly large, in—
dicating a decreasing death rate with malaria control and
other medical facilities, without a corresponding decrease
in the birth rate. There is a great degree of tentative-
ness to these assertions. Further research is needed to
map out clearly the demographic structure of the industrial

working population.

Distribution of Marital Status

 

Marital Status Percent (N)
Single 31.0 44
Married 68.3 97
Divorced/Separated .7 1

Total 100.0 142

Distribution of Number of Children

 

 

Number of Children Percent (N)
1 child 9.9 14
2—3 children 29.6 42
4—5 15.5 22
Above 6 9.1 13
None 35.9 51

Total 100.0 142

Y: 3.31

 

1The mean is computed only for those with children
and does not include the 51 cases without children.

 

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