// MICHIGAN STATE COLLEGE The Graduate School Department of Sociology and Anthropology ELEMENTS ASSOCIATED WITH ACTIVITY AND INACTIVITY IN FORMAL ORGANIZATIWS A Thesis by Emory John Brown Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy December , 1952 ACKNOWIEDGEMENTS I am indebted to many persons, who, directly or. indirect- ly, have contributed their talents to the development of this thesis. Especially valuable have been the informal discussions with many professors concerning questions covered in the study. Indirectly, they have assisted in determining its content and in shaping the interpretations. Special mention and thanks are due, however, to the follow- ing persons or groups: To the residents of the three rural communities who sub- mitted to the rigors of a long and personal schedule form. To the Department of Agricultural Economics and Rural Sociology at The Pennsylvania State College under whose auspices the research was conducted. To Dr. M. E. John not only for his many hours spent as advisor at one stage of preparation, but also for his many on- couraging and stizmlating acts. To Dr. Donald Bay for much assistance and advice in field work and analysis of data. To Dr. William Reader for supervision of research design and schedule. To Mrs. Anna Wink and her clerical staff who did most of the statistical computations and tabular analyses. To Dr. Allan Beagle, not only for assuming the painstakin task of reviewing the thesis when it was transferred to Kichigan State College but for his advice in further integration and synthesis of data. To Dr. W. B. Brookover, Dr. Duane Gibson, and other committee members at Eichigan State College who read the thesis in the later stages and suggested revisions. 5 EMORY JOHN BROWN candidate for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Final examination: Nevember 24, 1952 Dissertation: Elements Associated with Activity and Inactivity in Formal Organizations. Outline of Studies: Major subject: Sociology Minor subject: Agricultural Economics Biographical Items: Born, August 2, 1921, Soudersburg, Pennsylvania Undergraduate Studies: Indiana University 1943-44 The Pennsylvania State College 1946-48 Graduate Studies: The Pennsylvania State College 1948-50 Michigan State College 1950-52 Experience: Member United States Army.Air’Force, 1943-46 Graduate Assistant, The Pennsylvania State College, 1948-49 Instructor in Rural Sociology, The Pennsylvania State College , 1949-50 Assistant Professor of Rural Sociology, The Pennsylvania State College, 19519 Member of Gamma Sigma Delta, Alpha Kappa Delta, Alpha Zeta Elements Associated with Activity and Inactivity in Formal Organizations by Emory John Brown in Abstract Schnitted to the School of Graduate Studies of Michigan State College of Lgrieultm and Applied Science in partial fulfillment of the requiremnts for the degree of Doctor of Philosoplv Department of Sociology and Anthropology 19 52 wajgdg’flwa/a Append A 1 his. .l 'IU 11m 1 .l .«JA {ml lib-t N: un‘. WE I! 1 let: 3.". s 3?]: art I.“ Emory John Brown This study is an analysis of selected social and social psycho- logical factors differentiating active and inactive participants in formal organisations. Hence, the problem focuses on social forces operating in the lives of individuals rendering one group active and the other inactive in organisations. In the smarter of 1948 primary data were gathered by means of a formal schedule frm 621. individuals in approximately equal numbers from three Pennsylvania rural comunities. Respondents were chosen from all able-bodied married men and women, ages 20-65. The three communities had predominantly dairy and general farming in addition to small trades and services in the conmunity centers. These communities were situated in the south-central, central, and western parts of the state. In order to select approximately equal numbers of extreme active and inactive respondents, hey informants were used. All community members meeting previously-mentioned requirements were rated on how much they took part in organisations. Only those individuals agreed upon by the hay in- formants as being high or low participants were selected for interviewing. Since the key informants' ratings were rather subjective, Chspin participation scale scores were computed and utilised in subsequent analysis of the data. All individuals with a scale score of 15 or more were designated 'sctive“ and those with a lower score "inactive." The actives and inactives differed in age distribution especially among females in the 20-29 year age group. Small children seem to be a barrier to the mother's organisational participation. In general, the actives and inactives did not differ significantly with respect to type of family. On the whole, however, actives represented smaller families than the inactives. ,3 5‘ 3 Emory John Brown The actives had a higher social and economic status in the con-- sunity than the inactives, as neaetxred by income, education, occupation, and key informants' ratings. The actives, as compared with the inactives, were located nearer organisational meeting places; more of the actives had a telephone; and the high participants more often represented a family where the wife drove the automobile. Although the inactives were better satisfied with educational and recreational facilities in the commity, the actives were better satisfied with their life in general, social and family life, house or apartment lived in, their work, income,religious opportunities, friend- liness of the comvnmity, and their neighborhood. is a part of their value system, the actives indicated more favor- able attitudes toward formal participation than the inactives. The actives were more identified with the commmity than the in- actives. Actives had a self-image of being more at ease in formal partic- ipation situations than inactives; in addition, the actives perceived them- selves as being higher formal and informal participants. An exploratory part of the study showed that community attitudes define the formal participation role associated with various positions to be similar to the participation of those occupying the positions. Hence, the findings of this study support the hypotheses that differential formal participation patterns are associated with positions in the social structure, with ecological factors and physical means of summation, with self-images, and with varying ”other" images of the eon-annuity. ‘2'] dfis F4 TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE I. INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . l Orientation to the Problem . . . . . . . . . . 1 Statement of the Problem.. . . . . . . . . 5 Theoretical Assumptions . . . . . . . . . . 4 Hypotheses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 Hypothesis One . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 Hypothesis Two . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 Hypothesis Three . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12 Hypothesis Four . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15 II. REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE . . . . . . . . . . . . . l6 Criticisms of Theory and Method . . . . . . . 55 III. METHODOLOGY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56 Introduction.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56 Selection of Communities . . . . . . . . . . . 37 a O a e e a a e k H Selection of the Respondents MOMOVHOGOMOeeeeeeeeaaeee M Ohapin.8oale Score for Respondents . . . . . . #6 Description of the Respondents . . . . . . . . 55 CHAPTER IV. DESCRIPTION OF THE THREE COMMUNITIES Historical, Social ‘Characteristics Newville . . Millheim. . . Predonia a e amyeee V. POSITION OF ACTIVES AND INACTIVES m THE STRUCTURE . . . . . Introduction . . Analysis of Date. Ago . . . . . Size of Family Life Cycle of Families and Economic Income of Family Formal Education Occupation of Family Head Length of Residence in Community Standing as Judged by Key Informants . . Summary 0 O O C C O O O O O O O O O O 0 VI. ECOLCEICAL AND PHYSICAL COWICATION FACTORS OF ACTIVES AND INACTIVES Introduction ii PAGE 55 65 65 7o 76 81 55 85 87 90 94 97 100 101! 107 111 113 113 iii CHAPTER PAGE Analysis of Date . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115 Distance to Place where Organizations meet . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115 Distance to Shopping Center . . . . . . . 117 Occupational Residence . . . . . . . . . . 119 Possession of Means of Communication . . . 122 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127 VII. IMAGES OF THE COMMUNITY HELD BI ACTIVES AND INACTIVES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 128 Satisfaction of Actives and Inactivee with Rural Community Living . . . . . . . . . . . . 128 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 128 Methods Used to Study Satisfactions . . . 151 Satisfactions of Actives and Inactives . . 154 Commity Satisfaction Score . . . . . . . 142 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 145 Attitudes of Actives and Inactivee about Determinants of 'Stending' in the Commity. . ‘ 147 Introduction-....‘.......... 147 Methods Used to Study Attitudes . . . . . 15C Criteria of Standing as Reported by Males . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 151 Criteria of Standing as Reported by Females . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 154 Parente' Participation Patterns . . . . . 157 Locality of Residence where Reared . . . . 165 8m 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 166 CHAPTER Community and Church Identification of Actives and Inactives . . . . . . . . . Introduction ........... Identification with the Community . Identification with the Church . . Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . VIII. SELF-PERCEPTIONS OF ACTIVES AND INACTIVES Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . Self-Perceptions of Feeling at Ease . . Self-Perceptions of Formal and Informal Participation............. Summary................ IX. FORMAL PARTICIPATION ROLE EXPECTATION PATTERNS FOR SELECTED POSITIONS . . . . . . . . . . . . IntrOductimeeeeeeeeeeese Method Used to Study Role Expectations Formal Participation.Role Expectation Pattoma............... Summary................ X. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIGNS . . . . . . . . . APPENDIIA. hblel.......... APPENDIX B. Partial Standardization of Feeling athBGSOEIOeeeeeeeaee APPENDIX 0. Schedule Forms Used . . . . . . . iv PAGE 167 167 170 175 179 181 181 185 188 195 196 196 199 201 206 207 215 220 227 TABLE 10 LIST OF TABLES PAGE Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Participants According to Key Informants and Sex of Respondents in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, 1948. . . . . . . . 82 Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Participants by'Number of Organization Memberships and Sex of Respondents in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communi- t166,1948..e.................... 50 Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Participants According to Key Informants' Ratings and Chapin Scale Scores in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, l9#8 .. . 55 Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Participants by Number of Committee Memberships and Sex of Respondents in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, 1948 O O O O O O O O O O O O O I O O O O O O I O O O O O 55 Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Participants by Number of Offices Held and Sex of Respondents in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, 1948 56 Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Participants by Number of Attendances at Organization Meetings Yearly and Sex of Respondents in.Three Penn- sylvania.Rural Communities, 1948 . . . . . . . . . . . . 57 Distribution.of Active and Inactive Formal Participants by Chapin Scale Scores in Three Pennsylvania Rural Commitieagl948................... 59 Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Participants by Age and Sex of Respondents in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, 19h8 . . . . . . . . . . 86 'Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Participants by Size of Family and Sex of Respondents in.Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, 1948 . . . . . 89 Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Participants by Type of Family and Sex of Respondents in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, l9#8 . . . . . 92 TABLE 11 12 15 11+ 15 16 17 18 19 20 Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Participants by Family Income and Sex of Respondents in.Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, 19#8 . . . . . . Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Participants by Grades of Schooling Completed and Sex of Respondents in.Three Pennsylvania.Rural Communities, 1948 Percentage Distribution of Occupations by Years of School- ing Completed, Male Active and Inactive Formal Participants in Three Pennsylvania.Rura1 Communities, 1948 . . . . . . Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Participants by Occupation of Male Respondents and Occupation of Husbands of Female Respondents in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, 1948 . . . . . . . . . . Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Participants by'NUmber of Years in the Community and Sex of Respondents in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communi- ties , 1948 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 Distribution of Key Informants on 'Standing in.the Commity' by Occupation, Age, and- Income in Three Pennsylvania. Rural Commtieag 19118 e e e e e e e e e e Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Participants by Distance to Place Where Most Organiza- tions Meet and Sex of Respondents in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, 1948 e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Participants by Distance from.Usua1 Shopping Center and Sex of Respondents in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Participants by Occupational Residence and Sex of Respondents in.Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, 1948 Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Participants by Automobile Ownership and Wife Driving, and Sex of Respondents in Three Pennsylvania Rural calmunit1°.2 1948 0. e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e 0 vi PAGE 96 98 99 101 106 109 116 118 121 125 TABLE 21 22 25 24 25 26 27 28 29 5O vii PAGE Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Participants by Telephone Ownership Status and Sex of Respondents in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, 1948 O O 0 O 0 O 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 125 Percentage Distribution of Income Groups by Possession of a Telephone, Active and Inactive Formal Participants in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, 1948 . . . . . 126 Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Participants by Degree of Satisfaction with the Hay Things Are HBually Working Out in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, 1948 e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e 155 Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Participants by Degree of Satisfaction with Selected Community Referents in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, 1948 e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e 157 Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Participants by Degree of Satisfaction with Selected Personal Living Referents in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, 1948 e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e e 141 Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Participants by Community Satisfaction Score Groups in Three Pennsylvania Rural Commities, 1948 . . . . . . . 145 Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Male Formal Participants by Three Highest Rated values in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, 1948 . . . . . . . 152 Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Male Formal Participants by Three Lowest Rated values in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, 1948 . . . . . . . 155 Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Female Formal Participants by Three Highest Rated values in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, 1948 . . . . . . . 156 Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Female Formal Participants by Three Lowest Rated values in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, 1948 . . . . . . . 158 viii TABLE PRGE 51 Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Participants by Number of Organizations Father Belonged to in.Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, 1948 . . . . . 160 52 Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Participants by Number of Organizations Mother Belonged to in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, 1948 . . . . . 160 55 Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Participants by Degree of Father's Activity in Organiza- tions in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, 1948 . . . 161 54 Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Participants by Degree of Mbther's Activity in Organiza- tions in.Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, 1948 . . . 162 55 Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Participants by Place Where Reared and Sex of Respondents in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, 1948 . . . . . . 164 56 Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Participants by Place Vhere Reared and Church Member- ship Status in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, 1948 0 O O 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O C O O O O I O O 0 0 165 57 Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Participants by Extent of Feeling a Part of the Community in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, 1948 . . . . . . 170 58 Percentage Distribution of Number of Organizations Ln Which Individual was an.0fficer and Degree of Feeling a Part of the Community in Three Pennsylvania Rural Cmities,1948.................... 171 59 Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Participants by Respondents' Conception of Community Area in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, 1948 . . . . 175 40 Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Church Members by Selected Indexes of Identification.and Sex of the Respondents in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communi- £10., 19% O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O I O 0 O 177 TABLE 41 45 45 47 49 so PAGE Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Participants by Feeling at Ease Score and Sex of Respondents in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, 1948 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O o O 188 Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Participants by Self-rating on Number of Organizations Belonged to in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, 19% O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 e 190 Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Participants by Self-rating on Activity on Organizations in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, 1948 . . . . . . 191 Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Participants by Self-rating on Leadership in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, 1948 . . . . . . . . . . 192 Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Participants by Self-rating on Participation in Informal Activities in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, 1948 195 Actual Quotient Ratios for Persons in Occupation (l) to Persons in Occupation (2) on Being Expected to Be ‘Mcre Active in Community Organizations, 69 Interviews in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, 1950 . . . . . . 205 Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Participants According to Key Informants by Chapin Scale Score in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, 1948 . . . . . . . 216 Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Participants Rho Were Members of Specific Organizations in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, 1948 . . . . . 217 Number and Types of Formal Organizations to which Respondents Belonged in Three Pennsylvania Rural Cmtioa, 1948 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 218 Calculation of Discriminative Value of Feeling at Ease Items by Comparison of Mean Scores of Low and High Quar- tiles of Distribution of 444 Individuals' Scores in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, 1948 . . . . . . . 224 FIGURE I. II. III. LIST OF FIGURES Location of Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities Used for Active and Inactive Participation Stuiy, 1948 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O. O O 0 Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Partici- pants According to Key Informants by Chapin Scale Scores in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, 1948 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 Percentage of Active and Inactive Male Participants who Were Members of Specific Organizations in Three Penney1vania Rural Commitiea, 1948 e e e e e e e e 0 Percentage of Active and Inactive Female Respondents Who Were Members of Specific Organizations in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, 1948 . . . . . . . . . PAGE 59 52 61 62 I. INTRODUCTION Orientation to the Problem Studies in cultural anthropology show that men and women in all societies form attachments and groupings that transcend the lines of kinship. The reason given for establishing such groups are pro- pinquity, community of interest, possession of the same skill, and establishment of status by exclusiveness.1 Hence, participation in groups beyond the family is a cross-cultural phenomenon with numerous possible variables interacting to motivate the participants. This study seeks to analyze the social forces influencing participation of individuals in one Specific type of group beyond the family; namely, formal organizations. The problem focuses on a study of many impinging variables related to this one aspect of human behavior. As used here a formal organization is defined as a voluntary association of persons selecting a regular set of officers, permitting membership by choice, asopposed to automatic or compulsory membership, and having at least one face-to-face meeting a year.2 (3 1 Herskovits, M. J., Han and His Works, Knopf and Co., New York, 1949, p. 507. 2 Boyd, F., M. Oyler and W. Nicholle, Factors in the Success of Rural Qgganizations, Bulletin 564, Kentucky Agricultural Experiment Station, University of Kentucky, Lexington, 1956. The functions of such voluntary organizations seem.to be: 1. Providing opportunities for social contacts. 2. Utilizing leisure time for cultural expression. 5. Creating foci of power which develop around conflicting interests. 4. Promoting the general welfare as it is viewed by a particular group of citizens. Formal organizations may include any or all of these func- tions. For example, a card club probably includes the first and second as functions, a civic organization probably all four. However, in any given situation, the four functions overlap and are difficult to isolate. Since specialized organizations pervade rural localities, participation.has become increasingly an interaction between the individual and the formal and informal groups. 'Instead of the entire family taking part as a unit in communitylii’e,‘I according to Ray, .there is considerable splintering as household members often 'tdke part in different crganizaticns.‘ 5 Ray, D. G., 'A Scale for the Measurement of Social Participation of Rural Households“, Rural Sociolo , Vol. 15, September 1948, p. 127. Statement of the Problem - The problem of this study includes the social and social psychological factors which distinguish "actives" and ‘inactives‘ in formal organizations. What are the social and social psychological characteristics associated with respondents showing high and low participation patterns? Hence, this study in- vestigates those extremes of the population which are high participants and those which are low participants. The specific empirical referents of this problem are the individuals from these extreme categories who were personally interviewed in three selected rural communities. In addition to an examination of the problem just stated, it is anticipated that the empirical data will be of some benefit to the further develop- ment of sociological theory in that area of which formal participation is a part. Basic to this study is the assumption that organizational participation and failure to participate on the part of individual community members is not a function of the special personality traits of each individual. Rather it is the major hypothesis of this study that a complex of social forces operate upon individuals in various positions in the community social structure so that one group will be active and another inactive in organizations. Theoretical Assumptions It is assumed in this study that the individuals interviewed are members of a wide range of social groups that comprise the social structure of the three rural communities selected. An analysis of the structure includes a study of the positions and interdependent roles played by community members. Although this study focuses only on participation in formal organizations, it is recognized that all indi- viduals belong to other groups, such as family, clique, work, and the like. For social psychological purposes, the social organization of these three communities can be described in terms of the positions which exist for people to occupy.# Every individual occupies at least one position and most individuals occupy several positions: the same man, for example, might be father, husband, college graduate, and officer in an organization. The positions in society are important determiners of the behavior of people who occupy them. No individual participates in all groups of a society, but only in selected areas. Hence, children do not usually participate in voting or labor union activities; farmers generally are not active in management associations. A. Newcomb, T. M., Social Ps cholo , The Dryden Press, New York, 1950: P- 275. 5e 'Sociologists and social anthropologists,“ according to Newcomb, 'frequently view societies as consisting of a complex organization of positions."5 From.this point of view the behavior associated with a specific position can be analyzed while the behavior of particular indi- viduals can be disregarded. By omitting the behavior of specific occupants of the positions from the study, a network of positions which are interrelated and interdependent remains. Thus, from one point of view, communities are structures of interrelated positions. Since the positions are functionally inter- related, no one position stands alone - it has meaning only in refer- ence to the other positions. The farmer cannot exist without the businessman, nor the businessman without the laborer. Each position in the social structure has certain prescribed ”I behavior patterns toward others in related positions. Hence, the position of businessman carries with it the implication of certain ways of behaving toward his employees. The prescribed ways of behaving toward others, which are defined for different positions, are called roles.6 A.role is the expected behavior of an individual in a certain , position. As individuals who occupy various positions learn the 3 behavior expected of them, some degree of stability in organization S! 1d: P- 277 Ibid, p. 278. results in that society. It then becomes possible to predict behavior of those who occupy the organized positions. "The ways of behaving which are expected of any individual who occupies a certain position constitutes the role associated with the 7 position." Roles and positions cannot be considered apart from each other. A role implies a position and a position connotes a role. Hence, a role is a sociological concept consisting of a whole set of behaviors which are more or less characteristic of all the occupants of any position. Role does not refer to the known ways in which people differ as they play the same roles. Self-perceptions and self-attitudes would serve as intervening variables to determine actual role behavior. Individuals learn the expected behavior patterns which are the F“...- prescribed reSponses for their positions. They also expect certain ways ._ ”ramp“... . of behaving on the part of occupants in positions related to their own. chenter fielder on a baseball team is expected to behave according to certain norms while the team is playing, and the center fielder knows how the other members of the team will behave. These roles are interre- lated and interdependent and are dependent upon shared understandings. The community structure acts as a mirror of the cultural patterns of the people who play roles in various positions. Culture is an important concept explaining the norms governing behavior. According to Linton, uCulture is the configuration of learned behavior and results of behavior whose component elements are shared and transmitted by the members of a '6’ id, p. 280. 7. particular society.”8 An understanding of the important elements in the culture of any community is important for understanding behavior because each individual reflects and conforms to the expectations of his culture. The process by which the occupants of these positions learn the behavior expected of them can be conceptualized by_the scheme of the development of the self. The expectancies of individuals in inter- related roles represent attitudes. According to Mead, “These social or group attitudes are brought within the individual's field of direct experience, and are included as elements in the structure of or con- stitution of the self, in the same way that the attitude of particular individuals are; and the individual arrives at them, or succeeds in taking them by means of further organizing and then generalizing the attitude of particular other individuals in terms of their organized social bearings and implications."9 These organized group attitudes become the expected behavior associated with specific positions and the occupants learn to behave as expected. Hence, the collective attitudes which impinge upon members of a community influence the ways in which roles are played. Self refers to the individual as perceived by that individual in a socially determined frame of reference.10 A perspnis Belfmr9pr6' sents his own.side of his perceived relationship to others. The self ‘1..— ~" I 5..., ‘ 8 Linton, Ralph, The Cultural Backggound of Personality, Appleton Century Crofts, Inc., New York, 1945, p. 52. 9 Mead, G. H., Mind, Self, and Society, University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1954, p. 158. 10 Newcomb, o . cit... p. 528. perception influences the ways of behaving by individuals in specific positions. The concept self ties together the individual and society. Each individual has a self which results from.interaction with other people. Since role is the exPected behavior associated with a spe- cific position, and the development of the self is influenced by expectations or attitudes of other people, the position is an impor- tant variable in analysis of the self. As a result of learning other people‘s behavior toward him, an individual has a self-image of how he behaves in groups. Through constant interaction with other individuals, a person learns what behavior is expected in.various situations because of other people's responses toward his behavior. As the self develops, a person comes to feel attached to certain groups or localities and detached from others. Since there is a shared frame of reference in the inter- dependent roles, the individualsin these positions learn attitudes and values which are part of the norms of the group in which inter- action occurs. Fhmiliarity with the norms and expectations of the group undoubtedly contributes to emotional security of the occupants of different positions. According to Haiman, 'It is characteristic of the individual's need for security and selfepreservation that he seeks to know what kinds of situations he is getting himself into. The only way he can.do this is to be able to predict the 9. 11 behavior of others with whom he associates.a In summary, the theoretical assumptions which are the frame- work for analysis of this study are a part of role interactionist theory. The point of view is taken.that social structures are comprised of roles and positions. A role means expected behavior of the occupants of a position. Rights and obligations are part of this expected behavior. The individuals in these positions learn the behavior expected of them.through the development of the self. The attitudes of other community members are assumed to be an important element in the construction of the self. Not all of role theory will be tested, but rather only a few selected hypotheses. Hypotheses This study is guided by four major hypotheses. These pro- positions have been deduced from.the theoretical assumptions just stated and have at least a reasonable probability of being true as shown by previous research studies. The.hypotheses will be further tested by empirical data gathered in formal interviews. Hypothesis One - Differential formal participation patterns are associated with positions in the community social structure so that active and inactive participants can be differ- entiated on the basis of selected positions occupied. As occupants 11 Haiman, F. 8., Group Leadership and Democratic Action, Houghton Mifflin.Co., New York, 1951, p. 100. 10. 'of such positions, they are expected to and do participate according to active or inactive behavior patterns. Hence, this hypothesis will be tested by analyzing the following variable position indexes of active and inactive formal participants: occupation, education, income, length of residence, age, and size and type of family. One of the problems of this study, therefore, is to examine the relation- ship between such position indexes in the social structure and participation in formal organizations. There are undoubtedly many other characteristics of positions in the communities that influence formal participation behavior besides the ones selected for empirical validation of the hypothesis. Some positions are ascribed and some are achieved - that is, individuals are assigned to some positions on the basis of factors over which they have no control such as age and selected family characteristics while other positions are given in part upon the basis of individual achievement, for example, education, income, occupation, and length of residence in the community. It is assumed for purposes of this study that size and type of family are component factors of a family position in the social structure. As a result, a set of behavior patterns are expected of individuals according to their family position as head of a large or small family, pre-school or all-adult type of family. According to Linton, family is one of the five different kinds of positions found in even the simplest ll. societies.12 Name and history are important in determining the position of a family in the community but it seems reasonable to postulate that size and type of family are also contributing factors. The family position is then seen as influencing the participation patterns of family members. Several of the position indexes, such as occupation, income, education, and length of residence, are also indexes of social and economic position. As a sub-hypothesis, it might be stated that active participants have higher social and economic positions than inactives. In other words, high formal participants would be better educated, have higher income, higher prestige occupations, and longer time in residence than the inactives. The other position indexes, age and size and type of family, refer to other characteristics which are expected to influence formal participant behavior. As occupants of various positions in the social structure, people would be expected to behave according to certain normative patterns. Various motive patterns will influence individuals in their actual behavior. However, such behavior will probably lie within certain prescirbed limits. Hypothesis Two - Differential formal participation patterns are associated with ecological factors and means of communication. Playing the role of an active participant is influenced by the physical 12 ' Linton, R., o . cit., p. 61. 12. distance to organizational activities as well as the physical means of communication available. As a result, actives would tend to be located nearer organizational activities and have access to physical means of communication more than the inactives. This will be tested by comparing the difference between actives and inactives on distance to organization meetings and usual shopping center, possession of a telephone and car, and whether or not the wife drives. This hypothesis is concerned with selected ecological and physical communication factors that relate to playing the role of an active or inactive participant. Hypothesis Three - Differential participation patterns are associated with varying "other" images of the community. In other words, actives and inactives can be differentiated on the extent to which they are aware of and sensitive to the community structure and function. The image of the community has meanings to the respondents and thereby influences their behavior. This 'other' image of the com- munity, as opposed to the self-image, includes varying degrees of com- munity awareness and cognizance of the community and organizations within it. It includes varying degrees of altruism beyond an individual's immediate family to other groups in the community. This image of the community probably includes attitudes and values ranging from personal to social goals. A partial explanation of the 'other' image of the community is given by the roles played by occupants of various positions in the community. The process by which these occupants become aware of the community and groups within it beyond their immediate family could 15. be conceptualized in terms of role interactionist theory. Positions denote certain prescribed duties and behaviors which influence the attitudes, values, interests, and identifications that are part of the image the occupants have of the community. Some positions require their occupants to constantly use certain skills requiring intricate knowledge of the community structure and function. Other positions do not have accompanying roles that include the rights and obligations of being aware of and sensitive to the functioning of the community and groups within it. Thus, the expected behavior patterns influence the elements that make up the "other“ image of the community. Although the “other“ image of the community undoubtedly includes many elements, for this study it was delimited to an analysis of three specific types of data in order to focus on the differences between actives and inactives. (l) The degree of satisfaction stated by actives and inactives with personal and community referents. It is expected that the actives would be more satisfied with personal referents of community living, such as job, house, and the like, but less satisfied with community services, such as health, schools and recreation. Actives would usually be more aware of and concerned about the latter type of services. (2) The degree of indentification with the community as a locality group and the church as a specific institution within it. Actives would be expected to feel more a part of the community and the church than the inactives. One index of come munity awareness, then, is the degree of identification with these two groups. (5) Selected attitudes of actives and inactives about l4. determinants of standing in the community. Attitudes that show orientation to behavior beyond the immediate family, such as taking part in organizations, are assumed to be a measure of community aware- ness and sensitivity. Hence, the actives are expected to rats an individual's standing in terms of behavioral criteria which are community oriented while inactives use behavioral referents which are personal oriented. These expressed criteria of standing are assumed to be a reflection of the respondents' own attitudes and values. hypothesis Four - Differential participation patterns are associated with self-images so that active and inactive participants have self-images that influence the roles they play. This hypothesis will be tested by (1) an analysis of responses to questions about how much the respondents feel at ease in formal participation situations and (2) their self-rating on extent of formal and informal participation. The degree of feeling at ease in formal participation situations is a self-image of how the individual feels other people respond to him. The self develops from relationship with others. It is assumed that several other variables of the self—image motivate differential patterns of participation but this study focuses only on the two previously mentioned. 15. In summary, this study is guided by the following four major hypotheses: (1) Differential formal participation patterns are associated with positions in the community social structure so that active and in- active participants can be differentiated on the basis of selected positions they occupy. (2) Differential formal participation patterns are associated with ecological factors and means of communication so that proportionately more of the actives than inactives are located near organizational activities and have access to physical means of communication. (5) Differential participation patterns are associated with self-images so that actives and inactives have self-images that influence the participant roles they play. (4) Differential participation patterns are associated with varying 'other' images of the community so that actives and inactives differ on the extent to which they are aware of and sensitive to the community institutions and services. 16. II. REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE The major research emphasis in the field of rural sociology has been in the area of social organization. One of the major sub- divisions of this area has been that of voluntary associations and social participation. At the present time more research projects are being conducted in the study of voluntary associations and social participation than in any other subdivision, as reported by a recent review of research.15 No attempt will be made to review all studies related to social participation for not all are relevant to this study. Almost all studies in social organization have sanesections related to participation in organizations. Therefore, this review of literature will be limited to studies of formal participation in rural areas in the past 15 years; furthermore, only studies which focus on factors associated with formal participation in rural special interest groups at the local community level will be reported. Studies which deal with the relationship between special interest groups and community functioning will not be included. Much of the research done in the past 15 years by rural sociologists in the area of social participation developed from studies k 15 Gross, Neal, "Review of Current Research on the Sociology of Rural Life', American Sociolo ical Review, Vol. 17, February 1952, pe 85. 17. done by W. A. Anderson and his associates. Some of these studies will be reviewed here. In a study of 2,925 New York farm.0perators, it was found that membership in organizations is selective.14 Farm ownership and relatively much formal schooling were associated with the highest levels of participation. The average organizational membership for the 2,925 farm operators was 1.8. Twenty per cent of the sample reported no affiliations while 20 per cent limited their participation to one organization. Church membership was found to be most prevalent among the sample of farm operators; membership in the Grange, Dairymen's League, Farm.Bureau, lodges, other cooperatives, and social-civic groups followed in order. The chief organizational combinations consisted of the church, Grange, Dairymen's League, and Farm Bureau. - Anderson's study of the Home Bureau emphasized the extent to which farm.women participate in this organization. He also compared farmwwomen.who participate with those who do not in order to discover 1 the distinguishing characteristics of the two groups. 5 He found that 14 Anderson, W. A., The Membership of Farmers in.New York Organizations, Bulletin 695, Cornell University Agricultural Experiment Station, Ithaca, New York, April, 1958. 15 Anderson, W. A., Farm Women in the Home Em, Rural Sociology Mimeograph Bulletin No. 5, Cornell University Agricultural Experiment Station, Ithaca, New Yerk, October 19h1. Home Bureau members compared with nonmembers held more organizational memberships, were more likely to be members of the church, Grange, P.T.A., and other civic associations, had more formal schooling, were of older age, were less mobile, lived nearer the social center and hard surfaced roads, and owned or drove a car. More members than nonmembers were from farm.owner families, had telephones and higher levels of living. Data for this study were gathered in the summer of 1959 from about 800 families living on farms in Cortland county. The sample represented about 47 per cent of the farm.families than living in that county. Two bulletins by Anderson characterize the members and non- members of the Farm Bureau and the Grange.16 The data used for this study were obtained from the sample used in the Home Bureau study and from 590 farm.families in Otsego county. The 590 farm families re- presented about 12 per cent of those in that county. The specific problems of these studies were to determine the extent to which farm operator Farm.Bureau and Grange members participate in.formal organizations, and to describe distinguishing characteristics of the farm operators who do or do not hold membership in these organizations. 16 Anderson, N. A., Farmers in the Farm Bureau, Rural Sociology Mimeograph Bulletin.No. 4, Cornell University Agricultural Experiment Station, Ithaca, New York, November l9#13 and Farm Families in the Grange, Rural Sociology Mimeograph Bulletin.No. 7, Cornell University Agri- cultural Experiment Station, Ithaca, New York, March 1945. 19. Farm operators who belonged to the Farm Bureau and Grange held more memberships, were less mobile, had more formal schooling, had a higher level of living, had the advantage of more communication facilities, were more likely to be farm owners, and had more income than operators who did not belong to the Farm.Bureau or Grange. The author claims the sample in these Cornell studies was representative of all farms in the counties on the criterion of land class. Intensity of the land use to which the soil was adapted was the basis used for dividing the land into six classes. In view of the rather subjective method of land classification, a more objective criterion of defining the representativeness of the sample would have been desirable. The studies of participation of farm families are similar to the previously mentioned participation studies but they do differ in approach. Instead of considering participation associated with an individual unit, the social participation of the farm.family as a unit was investigated.17 In general, the same factors were found to be associated with both individual participation and family participation. Some of the findings are: size of famdly was not one of the important characteristics correlated with participation, but families without children and those with children 10 years or older seemed to partici- 17 . Anderson, V. A., and H. H. Plambeck, The Social Participation of Ffl Families, Rural Sociology Mimeograph Bulletin No. 8, Cornell Uni- versity Agricultural Experiment Station, Ithaca, New York, March 1945. 20. pate slightly more than the others. Younger families had low partici- pation scores and high income families had high participation scores. Families who had resided in the community less than five years had much lower scores than those who were long time residents. Distances of the residence from.the social center did not appear to be signifi- cant in decreasing the extent of participation but type of road was associated with degree of participation. A high level of living was positively associated with participation. In a re-analysis of data collected from 1,176 farm families in Otsego and Cortland counties, Anderson dealt with the problem of the relationship between the social participation of individual family members and the participation of their families.18 For this sample, he found a Pearsonian correlation coefficient of .76 between the formal social participation of husbands and wives. In the majority of households, none of the family members formally participated or all the members participated in some ways. An analysis by Plambeck of the reasons people do not belong to organizations shows that a feeling of inferiority was the reason 19 most often.mentioned by nonmembers. They had a self-image of low 18 Anderson, W. A., "The Family and Individual Social Participation“, American Sociolo ical Review, Vol. 8, August 1945, pp. 420-424. 19 Plambeck, H. H., Relationships of Selected Factors to the Socigl Partici ation of Farm Families, PhD Thesis, Cornell University, Ithaca, New York, 1940. 21. ,social status. Recent migrant status and lack of acquaintances were also stated. Small children at home was a frequently mentioned deterrent to taking part in organizations. He concludes that the non-participating families had low economic and social status in the community while the strong participants were very secure and enjoyed a high status. In a study using data from 544 New York farm families, Anderson tested the hypothesis that social participation as expressed in leadership roles is, in part, a status reaction of the community members who are expressing degree of acceptance of these partcipants.20 On the other hand, participation or non-participation may be an ex- pression of feelings of superiority or inferiority in the community. This hypothesis was investigated by information obtained from.the male or female heads relative to two indicators of social status and three indicators of social participation. These persons were asked: 'If you were to divide the families of your community into four groupings, in which would you place your family in regard to the following factors: (1) the amount of money available for family living; (2) living comfortably in the home; (5) leadership in community affairs; (4) participation in community organizations; (5) participation in 21 informal community activities.‘' 20 Anderson, H. A., IIFamily Social Participation and Social Status Self- Ratings.’ Aperican Sociological Review, Vol. 11, June 1946, pp.255-258. 21 Ibid, p. 254. The two characteristics that showed the greatest relation- ship to these self-ratings were socio-economic status as eXpressed by the Sewell socio-economic score and their actual formal participa- tion as expressed by the Chapin formal participation index. The measurement of the extent and intensity of the formal social par- ticipation of these families by the Chapin social participation index correlated highly with the judgment of these families of their social and economic position in the community, their leadership in community affairs, and their formal and informal participation. Anderson con- cluded that family social participation is "not only the result of status reaction on the part of community members, but is also the result of the opinions families hold concerning their own position in the community.‘22 The author stated that the evidence showed that these families accepted for themselves a status position and participated in accordance with these self-judgments. Under the supervision of Sanderson at Cornell, Smith con- ducted a study of the social participation of twenty-five young married couples in a rural community in central New‘York.25 The couples interviewed ranged in age from 21 to 55. The interviewer assumed the role of a participant observer in the community for one summer. His summarizing statements are as follows: -— 22 id, p. 258. 25 Smith, W. M. Jr., The Social Participation of Rural Young married Couplgs, Bulletin 812, Cornell University Agricultural Experiment Station, Ithaca, New York, July 1944. 25. n1. A majority of the 50 young married people participated in no active organizations of the community regularly. 2. Non-participants, however, were almost unanimous in expressing a belief that belonging to organizations has value for the sake of their children if not for themselves. 5. Those not active in organizations found their group contacts with relatives and more especially with other young couples of similar social status. 4. Most significant motives for participation, or deter- minants of type of social participation were desire for prestige and desire to pursue some particular interest. 5. Frequent mobility of either occupation or residence limited the group participation. These who moved most often develop- ed no roots in the community; they really did not belong to it. 6. The presence of children in the family did not of itself prevent the social participation of the parents. Whether or not parents participated was dependent on other factors; such as, economic status, residence, and participation experience. 7. Certain community attitudes, particularly those toward 24 change or toward the stranger, affected participation.‘I 24 '69 1d, pp. 28-29. 24. The participant observer technique used by Smith gives some insight into the processes involved in the interaction of community members. An attempt was made to determine the emotional significance to young married people of particular experiences or events that con- dition their social participation. The sample is too small to draw definite conclusions but the findings offer hypotheses for further research. A recent pilot study of the Home Bureau in New York con- cluded that about two-thirds of the nonmember farm.women had not joined the Home Bureau because of conditions which that organization could change, such as asking people to join and inviting them.to meetings. Only about one-third of the nonmember farm women had not joined the Home Bureau because of conditions which the organization could do little or nothing to change, such as poor health or large families.25 More recent research in the area of social participation has focused on formal participation as well as informal participation. Hay set up and partially standardized a scale to measure the extent of social participation of rural households which included both formal and informal group participation. Data obtained in a central 25 DeLong, Dorothy and V. Canham, Farm.Women Look at the Home Bureau, Bulletin 754, Cornell Extension Service, Ithaca, New York, September 1948 (pilot study). 25., .New'York dairy community and in a general farming area in northern Pennsylvania were used as a basis for construction and partial standardi- zation of the scale.26 Through this scale Hay found a consistent positive relation- ship between the socioeconomic status score of households and the average social participation scores of male head, homemaker, sons, and daughters.27 Data were gathered in three communities in Maine and one in New York. All members of these rural communities who were 10 years of age or over were included in the sample. Individuals in the lower status households had the lowest average participation scores while those in the upper status households had the highest participation scores. In addition, he found that individuals from farms had higher participation scores than those from part-time farms and rural resident households. In a study of partcipation in relation to occupation, Ghapin found that white collar workers had participation scores as much as 28 four times the scores of the unskilled workers. 26 Hay, op. cit., pp. 285-294. 27 Hay, D. G., "Social Participation of Individuals in Four Rural Communities of the Northeast,‘' Rural Sociology, Vol. 16, June 1951, pp. 127-155. 28 Ohapin, Stuart, lSocial Participation and Social Intelligence,“ American Sociological Review, Vol. 4, April 1959, pp. 157-168. 26. In Wake County, North Carolina, Mayo reports at least five phases in the participation pattern for the population 10 years of age and over of 455 rural families in two rural communities, in l9#8. The average individual social participation score for the 15-19 year group was higher than that for the preceding age group. The parti- cipation scores decreased sharply in the next two five-year age groups; the average scores began to increase at about age 50 and reached a peak in the 55-59 year group. He also found that participa- tion intensity reached a peak at age 55-59 for males while the average score for females was highest in the 45-49 age group.29 Lindstrom reports a study of the forces affecting participa- tion of farm people in rural organizations.50 The areas studied included four townships in Macon and Champaign counties in east- oentral Illinois. A house-to-house canvass of 250 farm families was made and only persons 15 years of age or older were interviewed. He lists the following significant facts: voluntary organizations drew their support chiefly from.the most stable members of the communities, stability being measured in terms of farm ownership, lack of mobility, and extent of formal education. The number of trips that individuals take away from.home showed no relationship 29 Mayo, Selz 0., 'Age Profiles of Social Participation in Rural Areas of Wake County, Nbrth Carolina,‘ Rural Sociolo , Vol. 14, September 1950, pp. 242-51 50 Lindstrom, D. E., Forces Affecting Participation of Farm People in Rural Erganizations, Bulletin 425, University of Illinois Agri- cultural Experiment Station, Urbana, Illinois, May 1956. 27. .to participation. He also lists the reasons given for having member- ship in various types of organizations. These are such generally ex- pected responses as, "for information', "to help others", “for social activities,‘I and 'to help organizations". No further analysis of reasons given was attempted. The study does not analyze the rela- tionship of various factors to participation but describes the general economic and social situation of the areas studied and rates the qualities of leadership. A minimum of space was devoted to forces related to participation. Kaufman studied participation in organized activities in selected Kentucky communities.§1 The total survey population was made up of 1270 married couples and 292 male or female heads without spouses from nine sampkagroups in eight counties. The data were collected in various field studies between 1929 and 1944. Of the total survey pupulation, 2006 persons were classified as rural and 826 as urban. According to the study, the following factors are positively associated with participation} Education, help from Extension service, soil conserving activities, non-farm eXperience, length of time in the community, income, white collar occupations, and value of the dwelling; furthermore, participation rates increase with age to approximately 55 or 40 years, then level off to 60 or 70 51 Kaufman, H., Participation in Organized Activities in Selected Kentucky Localities, Bulletin 528, Kentucky Agricultural Experiment Station, Lexington, Kentucky, February 19h9. 28. ‘and decline thereafter. Women with children under six years of age have lower participation scores than women with older children. There is a tendency for persons of higher educational rank to assume the leadership in organized activities; also, the Kentucky study shows a relationship between social rank as judged by the associates of the persons rated and participation. Since the data were collected over a period of 20 years and combined for the analysis it is possible that trends in social change might hide the relations among some variables. Mangus and Cottam studied the level of living, social participation, and adjustment of residents of 299 farm homes where 52 both man and wife were personally interviewed. Three sample counties in different areas of Ohio were used. They divided the sample into nonparticipants, occasional participants, and active participants. The age groups 55-64 are described as being the most active. Greatest participation was found in the families composed of five or six persons; owners of farms were more active than tenants; white collar workers were the most active of the occupational groups; persons who had attended but not completed high school were more active participants than were those with more or less formal education; the most intelligent persons (measured by subjective ratings of the interviewers) were found k 52 . Mangus, A. R., and H. R. Cottam, Level of Living, Social Participgttqg and Adjustment of Ohio Farm People, Bulletin 624, Ohio Agricultural Experiment Station, Columbus, Ohio, September 1941. 29. to take greatest part in formal groups; families with.no organization affiliation were less well adjusted than were those affiliated with two or more groups; and participants in community organizations were better adjusted than were nonparticipants. A study was made in a central Pennsylvania community to determine the social and economic forces which were significant in bringing about social change. Four hundred and thirty-four families in the community were interviewed and information was secured regard- ing social and economic background, and communication facilities. The history of the community was obtained from primary and secondary sources. A period of community decline began around 1910 and lasted until the time of the study in 1957. This period of time was char- acterized by decreases in group activities, including participation in the church and other organizations. A study was conducted to determine the factors associated with changes and persistencies in social participation, from the period 1957 to 1949 in the same central Pennsylvania rural community. The sample included all the household heads in the trade area community of Howard. The following factors were found to be per- tinentx 55 John, M; E., Forces Influencin. Rural Life, The Pennsylvania State College, Agricultural Experiment Station, State College, Penn- sylvania, February 1940. 50. '(l) The household heads of the community increased the amount of their social participation by a marked degree between 1957 and 1949. The in-migrant (ones who had moved into the community since 1957) were higher participators than the out-migrants (ones who had moved out since 1957). (2) For each survey year, the high participating stable group had the highest socioeconomic rating. (5) The general rise in social participation in the community was accompanied by an increase in the mean number of years of school completed by the household heads. (4) The decrease in average age between 1957 and 1949 was consistent with the rise in social participation within the community. (5) In terms of the stages of the family cycle, it was found that the position of children at any one level was not necessarilywktrimental to active social parti- C ipation. (6) Church affiliation was found to be associated with social participation. (7) Borough residence was associated more closely with high sooialfigarticipation than was non-borough residence.‘ In a study of a local church in central Pennsylvania in 1950, Whitman found that 15 families of a total of 50 church families were not represented in any organization other than the church.55 Twenty- ono families had one or more memberships in only one other organization 54 Ploch, L., Factors Related to the Persistencies and Changes in the Social Participatign of Household Heads,fiHoward Community,_Peng: szlvania,,l957 and 174 , unpublished Masters Thesis, The Pennsyl- vania State College, 1951, 195 numb. leaves. 55 Whitman, L., A Study of a Local Rural Church as a Social Group, un- published Masters Thesis, The Pennsylvania State College, 1951, 125 numb. leaves. 510 . while only one family held memberships in as many as five other organi- zations. Although this study focused on only one religious social system.in a small rural community, it showed that formal participa- tion included either none or only one other organization for three- fourths of these church families. By statistical procedures, Hoffer used data from.the United States census and other sources pertaining to social factors in various counties of Michigan, in addition to county agricultural agent reports, to study the nature and relative significance of social factors which affect participation in agricultural extension programs. Among his conclusions were, 'Socio-economic factors, especially nati- vity of the farm population, percentage of farm ownership, and per- contage of farmers doing business with or through cooperative organi- zations were positively related to participation. Data for certain other factors, such as education of the farm.population, percentage of first class land in a county, and ownership of an automobile, did not show a positive relationship with participation. Because rural sociologists have been quite prolific in social participation research, the basic rural sociology textbooks have included social participation as an area of interest in one form or 56 Hoffer, C. R., Selected Social Factors Affecting Participation of Farmers in Agricultural Extension Work, Special Bulletin 551, Michigan State College Agricultural Experiment Station, Section of Sociology, East Lansing, June 1944. 52. another. The basic framework of recent textbooks determines the manner in which formal participation is reported. Nelson included participa- tion in organizations as an index of stratification and social status, being a part of the social interaction in the rural environment.57 Some empirical data were included in the analysis of specific rural social institutions. The textbook by Loomis and Beegle integrated the results of studies in social participation into the social system framework.58 This book took a broader approach to participation of rural people, for studies using both the sociological and social anthropological approach were reported. In addition, much space was devoted to the informal participation in groups. An example of a textbook in which participation in organizations is handled as a separate chapter and not integrated into a conceptual framework is one by Lindstrom. He includes a chapter on rural interest groups and reviews the results of many studies in this section.59 The trend in textbooks seems to be an integration of data on participation as a part of the analysis of social processes or social structure. 57 Nelson, Lowry, Rural Sociology, American Book Company, New York, 1948. 58 Loomis, C. P., and J. A. Beagle, Rural Social Systems, Prentice-Hall, Inc., New York, 1950. 59 Lindstrom, D. E., American Rural Life, The Ronald Press Company, New York, 1948. 55. Criticisms of Theory and method The studies cited and other related research have resulted in a vast accumulation of data concerning social participation in voluntary organizations. The reports of facts have been verified, in some cases more than once, but many of these facts have not been related to one another or an adequate explanation given as to why these, rather than other, observations have been made. Most studies in participation have not stated explicitly the research design which guides and focuses the study, although they undoubtedly all have an implicit framework. Much of the empirical data have been gathered without showing a detailed relationship of the findings to a system- atic theory of social participation. It should be pointed out that much of the data from these empirical studies could be fitted into a theoretical framework which would point up research problems for future investigation. Morton has written about the bearing of socio- logical theory on empirical research and empirical research on socio- logical theory.40 Following the procedures he advocates, a conceptuali- zation of the empirical data on social participation would promote formation of hypotheses for further empirical validation. The results from these studies then necessitate constant revision of the theory to agree with the findings. In this way a constant interrela- tionship of theory and empirical data result. 40 . Merton, R. K., Social Theory and Social Structure, The Free Press, Glencoe, Illinois, 1949. Ch. II and III. According to Gross, an analysis of the current research by rural sociologists in all areas of social organizations shows, "There is apparently slight use, explicitly or implicitly, of the structure- function or interactional role framework for studying the social structure of the community or smaller social entities.‘41 The design and methodology of the current studies show no marked deviation from previous studies in social organization. Undoubtedly there is justification for using research designs formulated from more recently developed theoretical orientations. Review of current research projects shows “current rural sociological research uses predominantly the interview schedule technique for gathering data, as formerly.‘42 More recently developed methods of conducting research would seem to be beneficial to studies in social participation. Several concepts are not well defined in participation studies. Social participation seems to include areas of behavior subsumed in several sociological concepts. Social participation, as now used, seems to be an ill-defined concept which needs further delimiting. Informal participation, as used in several participation studies, includes a wide scope of heterogeneous kinds of behavior that will 41 Gross, o . cit., p. 85. 42 Ibid, p. 85. 55- propably have to be further categorized to be adequately handled in scientific research. various types of behavior are included in formal participation, such as farm cooperative and church memberships. [It is questionable if these types of behavior are similar enough to be included in the same concept. A methodological problem in participation studies is that of the validity of the verbal statements of the respondents about their participation. In describing the church members reported in next to the bottom class in E1mtowg}s Youth, Hollingshead says, "Twenty-four per cent of the fathers and 19 per cent of the mothers are not known by ministers of the churches with which they c1aim.affiliation.'45 In that study he found that many people belong to the church in spirit only but do not engage in any church activities. Nhny'people probably 'inherit' their religious sentiments or feel they acquire status by claiming a religious affiliation. If this condition was found to exist for the church, might it not also apply to other organizations? 45 Bollingshead, A., Elmtown's Youth, John Wiley 5 Sons, London, 1949’ p. 107 e III. METHODOLOGY Introduction The primary data for this study were obtained by use of a formal schedule in personal interview situations in the summer of 1948. In addition, secondary data were obtained from newspapers, books, and observation. The 624 respondents were selected in approximately equal numbers from three rural communities in selected types of farming areas in Pennsylvania. These respondents were drawn from the extreme ends of the activity-inactivity continuum as regards participation in organizations. In order to select approximately equal numbers of these extreme active and inactive individuals, key informants were used to rate all able-bodied married couples between the ages of 20 and 65 in each community on degree of activity in organizations. Only the individuals rated high or low were then interviewed. The schedule consists of two parts. Part A, the largest, contains questions concerning the socio-economic background of the respondent and information relative to organizational participation in general. Part B includes questions concerning a specific organiza- tion that the respondent belonged to and was filled out for each organization in which a person reported membership. (See Appendix C.) The schedule was pre-tested in rural communities similar to the ones in which the interviewing was done and required changes were made to clarify questions before the respondents were selected. 57- Selection of Communities The respondents were chosen by use of selected key informants. In order to reduce the number of key informants used, it was decided that the community center should not include more than 2500 people because of the problem of rating the degree of participation for all adult persons in the center and outlying areas. All adult residents were rated in order to select the extreme groups. Three communities were selected, geographically located in three separate areas of Pennsylvania. Each community had to have an adequate number of formal organizations to allow opportunity for participation; a further requirement was that it be mainly agricultural in background, not a satellite community to an urban center. Communities with minority groups, such as the Amish, who do not participate in groups beyond the church, were not considered. Since general, dairy and intensive farming predominate in Pennsylvania, one community was selected from each type of farming area. Intensive farming area includes southeastern Pennsylvania counties where the farms are generally quite a bit smaller than the average for the state but the value of farm products sold per farm is more than the state average. Dairying and poultry are the main enterprises along with crop specializa- tion. Using three communities instead of one allows the respondents to be representative of the more extreme participants, permits a comparison 0f the respondents from each community, and represents a wider territorial 'area. By use of communities in different areas, several variable (filaracteristics are introduced into the total number of cases. The research design called for approximately equal numbers of interviews in the three communities, even though they differed in pepulation numbers. This standardized the number selected from each community. The data gathered will permit generalizations to communi- ties of the type selected. Since communities of Pennsylvania have not been classified as to type of community in which several characteristics are considered, it was impossible to select the communities on a random basis within types. Thus, generalizations from the data would be reasonably valid in communities with people of similar cultural characteristics, as these three, relatively isolated from large urban centers, and having dairy, general or intensive farming around a com- munity center with little or no industry. The county agent, county school supervisor, and county com- missioners gave assistance and advice in selecting the community that filled the above requirements. Communities were selected in the south central, central, and western areas of Pennsylvania. Those chosen are Newville in Cumberland County, located in the south central intensive farming area; Millheim, in Centre County, located in the general and dairy farming section; and Fredonia, in Mercer County, located in the northwestern dairy area.44 See Figure I. 44 Wrigley, Paul, Types of Farming in Pennsylvania, Bulletin 479, The Pennsylvania State College Agricultural Experiment Station, State College, May 1946. 39. .33 £33 83.5393 sateen as. caused see some eateries 1.5m Stage 8.5.. no assess . H abuse 0 The community was defined as a type of social group compris- ing special interest groups and the people who exercise a functional social control over members; community membership was defined as including all residing in a contiguous area within which all or almost all of the social, psychological and economic needs are met. Those rated by the key informants included the people in the community center and all the people in the outlying district up to that point where the people went to another community for most of their supplies and organizational meetings. The boundary of each community was determined by interviews with the postmaster, merchants, and town officials. Their opinions were verified by travelling to the fringes of the community and asking the people where they go for supplies and organizational activities. A line was drawn on.a map outlining the community boundaries as accurately as could be ascertained. All eligible persons within this area were then rated by key informants. Names of residents were obtained from.mail directories, tax assessment lists, and local informants. Five key informants in each comunity were selected to rate the married and living together, able-bodied males and females, between the ages of 20 and 65, inclusive, on their degree of participation in formal organizations. Able-bodied as used here refers to physical ability to attend organizational meetings. It was assumed that physical disability and broken families would be a pgiori factors influencing participation. 41. Selection of the Respondents The key informants were selected from those who had been in the area for a long period of time and were well acquainted with the participation patterns of many community members. The following is a list of the occupations of the key informants used: NEYVILLE KILLHEIM FREDONIA Occupation of N T 7. key informant number Lumber humber Businessman 1 8 5 Farmer l O 1 Minister 4 l 1 Postal clerk 1 O O Postmaster 1 O 1 Bank officer 1 l 1 Newspaper editor 1 O O Lawyer 1 O O Clerk 0 1 O Housewife 1 l 1 Tax assessor O l 0 Total 12 15 8 (10 male and 2 female) (11 male and 2 (6 male and female) 2 female) The ratings could probably have been improved by having a 1ar or number of occu ations represented amon the ke' informants. Thi - - 8 U) would have given key informants from all strata of the social structure. More farmers might have been used in all communities, although it was difficult to find any farmer who knew most of the people in the community well enough to rate them. Perhaps, it would be an improvement to select several farm key informants even though they were aware of the participation patterns of only a small percentage 42. . of the people in the community. Laborers and young people could have been used to rate people in this manner also. The informants were given the names of the people in their community and were asked to rate as many as they know on the basis of this instruction, “If everybody in this community were to be placed in five groupings according to how much they take part in organizations in the community, in which group would you put the following people?“ Mbst active, next most active, third most active, next to the least, and least active were the categories. The ratings of the key informants were given numerical values in this way: “most active“ was rated as one, “next most active“ as two, and so on, with the “least active“ as five. To arrive at an individual's score, the total value of the ratings given were added and then divided by the number of key informants who rated him.45 An individual had to be rated by at least three informants to be considered. In this manner, the men and women in each area with the highest scores were considered the inactives and those with the lowest scores as the actives. A sample of at least 100 men and 100 women were chosen for each community. One half of these men and one half of the women were the most active participants while the other half were the least active. The respondents 45 For example, if one individual was rated in the most active category by three key informants and next to the most active by another informant, his score would be 1.25 (5 divided by 4). If another individual was rated third most active by all informants, he would have a score of 5 and would not have been selected as a part of the sample since only extreme actives or inactives were used. 450 were composed of the individuals rated most active and least active so that the men and women with the lowest and highest numerical ratings were selected for interviewing. Hence, each community differed on the average rating of actives and inactives. Not enough people were rated in the extreme categories by all key informants, so that the sample includes people with numerical values of more than one and less than five. The average rating of the active men and women used in Millheim.was 1.7 while for the inactives it was 4.6. In contrast, in Fredonia it was 2.0 for the actives and 4.7 for the inactives. The average ratings of people used in Newville were 1.5 for actives and 4.7 for the inactives. Hence, the average numerical scores differed by communities only from.4.6 to 4.7 for inactives while they ranged from 1.5 to 2.0 for the high participants. According to the 1940 census, the approximate populations of the age group 15-64 in the three communities were as follows: Newville 2592, Nfillheim 2284, and Fredonia 1466. There were no indica- tions that these numbers had changed significantly since 1940. The Millheim.and Newville communities had larger populations than Fredonia which might be a partial explanation for the average ratings of the actives selected in Fredonia being numerically higher than the other two areas. Newville and Millheim.had numerically more people who were rated in the more active categories than Fredonia While the average for the inactives in all areas approached the maximum score possible of five. The key informants rated a high percentage of people in . the middle or less active categories and a small percentage in the active categories for all communities. In Fredonia 504 men and 504 women were rated by at least three informants and in MHllheim 697 of each were so rated. Newville key informants rated slightly more than 900 men and 900 women from which to select the extreme participants. Interview Procedure The sample selected was personally interviewed by enumerators consisting of a social science analyst, a rural sociology professor, three graduate students, two public school teachers, and four under- graduates. The interview required from 50 minutes to two hours. All interviewers were familiar with the purposes and ob- jectives of the study. Approximately one-third of the interviewing was done by the author. Refusal and inability to locate interviewees resulted in about five per cent of the names on the original list being replaced by new names. This substitution group was predominately from the inactive list. As a result some extreme inactive residents were replaced with ones slightly less inactive. Generally, good rapport was easily established with actives but much more tact was required to elicit cooperation from.the in- actives. The interviewers introduced themselves as representatives of the college who were studying organizations in the community. The inactives often expressed the feeling that they could be of no help because they did not belong to any organizations. This attitude was often overcome by insisting that their opinions were equally as valuable as those of members. Several sections of the schedule con- 45. . tained “open end“ questions, the value of which might have been enhanced by more probing and by additional interviewer training. When possible the men and women were interviewed separately. The farmers were generally available for interviews during the day especially in the month of August while many of the skilled and un- skilled workers were absent during the day and had to be interviewed after their working hours. Mhny of the businessmen and other white collar workers were interviewed at their places of work. Appoint- ments were not made prior to the interview unless a call back was required. The local newspapers cooperated by describing the study and asking for community cooperation. This paved the way for the inter- view, and in many cases, the interviewees were looking forward to the interview. The leaders of several organizations in the community were contacted personally to explain the objectives of the study and to gain their support. The residents of the community center were generally aware of the presence of interviewers and there was no manifest resentment. Much interest was expressed in the ameliorative possibilities of the study. The anticipation of possible help generally was verbalized by organization leaders, and the impresssion was gained that the inactive participants did not feel much personal or community gain from the study. The field work required a period of approximately 10 weeks in the summer of 1948. The reapondents consisted of a total of 155 active men, 150 inactive men, 159 active women, and 160 inactive women, accord- ing to the rating given them by the key informants in each community. to") See Table 1. Table 1 - Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Participants According to Key Informants and Sex of Respondents in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, 1948. ——v— Community Male _fl*1 Female- Total Active Inactive Active Inactive Newville 51 51 51 55 206 Millheim 51 48 52 52 205 Fredonia 55 51 56 55 215 Total 155 150 159 160 624 Chopin Scale Scores for Respondents The key informants' ratings were an aid as a start in locating extreme activity groups but it was felt that this method needs more refinement. Therefore, the Chapin participation scale score for each respondent was computed. The author of this scale tested it for relia- bility and validity.46 He felt that it has a strong element of internal validity because it includes a series of weighted components that consist of 45 Chapin, OD. Cite, pp. 157-1660 1+7 . actually observed forms of social participation. To test external validity, he correlated the participation scores with status criteria. Degree of participation was reasoned as being one index of social status in our society. Therefore social participation scores were compared with social status scores. “The following coefficients were found: social participation with social status score in 72 negro homes, r:+.60 ;" .083 in 86 homes, white and negro, +.62 1' .07.' The scale also showed high reliability for two studies in Minnesota. 'A correlation of r=+.8887 was obtained between the first and second scores of 77 students in a sociology class at the University of Minnesota with an interval of one week ........ 171 slum families in Minneapolis, with an interval of several months yielded a coefficient of rsz.876.'A8 Hence, this scale is used in this study because it has been at least partially standardized and used in.msny other research studies since first formulated.#9 The Chapin participation scale, first developed in 1928 and revised in 1957, allows one point for membership, two points for 47 id, p. 160 1000 Cite, p. 160. 49 See Mayo, 0 . cit., pp. 242-251, and D. G. Hay, “A Scale for the Measurement of Social Participation of Rural Households', o . cit., pp. 285-294. 48.' attendance, three points for paying dues or donations to an organiza- tion, four points for committee membership, and five points for office holding. The total number of points derived in this manner yields an individual's participation score. According to Chapin the scale measured the degree of indivi- dual or family participation in community groups and institutions. In the directions for use of the scale, an organization is defined as some active grouping, usually but not necessarily located in the community or neighborhood. Clubs, lodges, business or religious organizations, labor unions, and the like are included but subgroups of a church or other institutions are to be used separately, provided they are organized as more or less independent entities. An organiza- tion that has independent integrity is one that has a membership, receives contributions, and operates through committees and officers.50 The Chapin scale is accepted in this study as being a more precise instrument for measuring formal participation than the key informants' ratings. It was felt that the key informants did not always know the degree of formal participation for all adult couples in the community and that the information obtained from.each indivi- dual in.the personal interview would be a more adequate picture of his formal participation on which to base the analysis. Furthermore, 5O Chapin, F. Stuart, Social Participation Scale, 1957, University of Minnesota, 1958. the use of the key informants in locating actives and inactives was justified in that it was an economical way to select a large group of both high and low participants. If a representative sample from each community had been selected, a-J-curve distribution of participation patterns would have resulted whereas a large group of both actives and inactives was desired. The characteristics which differentiate high and low participants would be more evident in universes of the extreme groups. Hence, the key informants were used as a technique of selecting the respondents and their participation patterns were later computed in terms of Chapin scale scores for presentation and analysis of the data. The respondents were divided into two groups on the basis of their Chapin scale scores. Those with a Chapin participation score of 15 or more were considered active or high participants, while those with a score of less than that figure became inactive or low participants. A score of less than 15 would not often include nwmbership in more than two organizations, thus, the division at 15 was regarded as operationally adequate for separating the actives from.the inactives. Several combinations are possible to attain a score of 15. An individual would have to be a member and attend three organizations and contribute to at least two of them to accrue a score of 15. The only way an individual could accumulate a score of 15 if a member of only one organization would be by belonging, attending, donating, serving on a committee, and holding an office. This degree of participation would usually be considered quite active. 50- Hhen respondents with scores of 15 or more are classified as active and those with less than that as inactive, only six per cent of the inactives belonged to more than two organizations, whereas only three per cent of the actives belonged to two or less organiza- tions. The Chapin score arithmetic mean for the actives is 52.2 and 5.5 for the inactives. See Table 2. Table 2 - Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Partici- pants by Number of Organization Memberships and Sex of Respond— ents in Three Pennsylvania.Rural Communities, 1948. number of Inactive Actéve organization Male Female Male Female memberships None 51% 53% 0% 0% One 50 28 1 0 Two 51 55 2 5 Three 6 5 14 29 Four 1 1 21 25 Five 1 0 15 19 Six 0 O 16 10 Seven 0 O 8 7 Eight 0 O 8 5 Nine or more 0 0 1 2 Total 10% m 10% 105,2 Number of cases 155 146 172 175 51. The division was further substantiated by graphing the number of actives and inactives according to layman's ratings on a Chapin scale score base, to determine the point of intersection. The result, approximately 18, is not significantly different from the score of 15. See Figure II. Table 5 shows the relationship between the distribution of the respondents according to the key informants' ratings of active or inactive and their Chapin scale score group. When the distribution of total actives and inactives as judged by key informants and the distribution as determined by Chapin scale scores are compared, there is no significant difference although the chi square value approaches the level of significance. Of the respondents rated in- active by key informants, 60 or about 19 per cent are active on the criterion of a Chapin scale score of 15 or more. Of those rated active by key informants, 29 or about nine per cent are inactive because they have a Chapin scale score of less than 15. Hence, the activity status of 89 respondents, or about 14 per cent, was changed on the criterion of Chapin scale scores. 52. Number of respondents 79 6.. i *— inectives (according to key informants) \ I \ / \ «— actives (accordin to l \ / \ key informants? \ 30. 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 [+0 45 5O 55 60 and over Chapin Scale Score Figure II - Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Participants According to Key Informants by Chapin Scale Scores in Three Pennsylvania Rm'al Commities, 1948. 55. . Table 5 - Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Participants According to Key Informants! Ratings and Chapin Scale Scores in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, 1948. m “- Wc—L -———_ *W— —-——- :— Key Informants' Ratings Chapin Newville Millheim. Fredonia Total scale Inactive Active Inactive Active Inactive Active Inactive Active ‘score 0 47 0 l6 0 28 2 91 2 1-14 51 8 6o 10 48 9 159 27 15-59 6 44 2h 66 29 67 59 177 or 0 5O 0 27 1 51 1 108 more Total 104 102 100 105 106 109 510 514 Description of the Respondents Most research projects give a detailed description of the sample and the characteristics of that universe which it represents. However, the respondents for this study do not represent a sample based on probability. Rather, the data were collected from.two uni- verses, the extreme actives and inactives. All individuals on both ends of the activity continuum were interviewed. Hence, an analysis of the characteristics of these two groups is really the problem of this thesis. And it would be rather meaningless to combine the two extreme groups so as to describe their combined characteristics for that combination would not be representative of any actual community. 54. Since it is expected that the reader is interested in the components of formal participation behavior for the respondents, this section will describe the extensity and intensity of formal participa- tion for the high and low participants. The degree of participation as measured by number of organiza- tions belonged to, number of organization meetings attended per year, number of times served on a committee, and number of offices held, shows marked differences for the actives and inactives. These differ- ences are to be expected because the elements just mentioned are come ponent parts of the Chapin scale score which was used to differentiate active and inactive participants. Only 10 of the 545 actives belonged to less than three organizations and only 17 of the 279 inactives belonged to more than two organizations. About 15 per cent of the male actives and two per cent of the female actives had membership in nine or more organiza- tionsas shown in Table 2. While over one-half of the female actives belonged to three or four organizations, about one-third of the male actives were members of the same number. Twice the percentage of male actives belonged to seven or more organizations as compared with female actives. About one-third of the inactives belonged to no organization. The inactives reported no committee activity in the year pre- ceding the interview while about one-fourth of the actives reported serving on one or more committees in the same period. See Table 4. 55. 'Table 4 - Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Parti— cipants by Number of Committee Memberships and Sex of Respond- ents in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, 1948. “L j ”2:“ 3m Number of committee Active Inacggve memberships Male Female Male Female None 79% 69% 100% 100% 1 or mere 21 51 O 0 Total 100% 100% 100% 100% Number of cases 172 175 155 145 Only three of the inactives reported that they served as an officer in any organization in the past year. These three are males, each of whom.served in one office. A little over 60 per cent of the actives reported officer leadership participation in one or more organizations in the same period; about oneéhalf of these officers reported holding office in two Or more organizations, as shown in Table 5. 56. Table 5 - Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Parti- ‘ cipants by Number of Offices Held and Sex of Respondents in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, 1948. Number of Active Inactive offices held Male Female Male Female N one 59% 58% 98% 100% One 50 5A 2 0 Two or more 51 28 O 0 Total 100% 100% 100% 100% Number or cases 172 175 155 145 These data show that the inactives almost unanimously gave no evidence of leadership in organizations, as measured by committee membership and offices held. Even the actives reported a minority who served on committees while a little over oneehalf hold office. Holding an office is a more pervasive activity than committee membership. The total number of organizational meetings attended in the year preceding the interview is an indication of the intensiveness of the respondents participation. About one-half of the inactives attended no organizational meeting in the period discussed. See Table 6. This is partially explained by the fact that about one-third of the in- active: belonged to no organization.. While about one-sixth of the inactives attended a total of 52 or more organizational meetings of 57- any type in the preceding year, slightly over four-fifths of the actives reported that degree of participation. Table 6 - Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Parti- cipants by Number of Attendances at Organization Meetings Yearly and Sex of Respondents in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, 1948. Number of attendances Inactive Active at organizations yearly Male Female male Female None 52% 45% 0% 0% l-17 25 18 6 5 18-51 17 15 16 12 52 or more 8 24 78 85 Total 100% 100% 100% 100% Number of cases 155 146 172 175 Further description of attendance shows that no inactives attended any extension service meeting; 66 per cent of the inactive males and 45 per cent of inactive females did not attend any religious organizational meetings. Only six inactives reported attendance at a Grange meeting, while 74 actives attended once or more often; two inactives and 47 actives reported attendance at farmers' cooperative meetings. Twenty-eight of these 47 actives were males with Chapin scale scores of 40 or more. Five inactives and 49 actives attended 58.‘ . one or more patriotic organizational meetings; 10 inactives and 180 actives reported attendance at one or more civic group meetings; 12 inactives and 108 actives attended one or more lodge meetings; 4 in- actives and 42 actives attended one or more recreational group meetings. The inactives who attended any meetings tended to confine their parti- cipation almost entirely to the church. The active participants are not highly represented in any type of organization except the church and civic groups. A distribution of the interviewees by community and Chapin scale scores shows that over one half with scores of 60 or more were from.Newville which also had slightly over one-half of the respondents with 0 scores. See Table 7. A consolidation of the scores shows a bimodal curve with modes at O and lO-l4. About 41 per cent of the respondents includes both husband and wife. Hence, 128 partners were interviewed among the extremely active or inactive participants. Of the 52 inactive males whose wives were included, all wives are inactive with the exception of 11. All of the wives of the 76 active males are active except 10. The organizations in the communities were classified into nine categories: (1) church organizations, including all sub-organiza- tions; (2) Grange; (5) extension organizations, including the farm women's group in one community and senior extension; (4) farmer coo- peratives, such as Farm Bureau, Eastern States, artificial breeder's associations; (5) patriotic organizations, such as V.F.W., and American Legion with their auxiliaries; (6) civic organizations, Table 7 - Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Participants by Chapin Scale Scores in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, 1948. Chapin scale score Newville Millheim Fredonia Total Inactive 0 47 16 50 95 1-4 16 15 7 56 5-9 17 19 28 64 10-14 26 58 22 86 222112. 15-19 14 25 25 62 20-24 11 21 25 55 25-29 10 15 15 40 50-54 5 19 18 42 35-59 10 12 15 57 40-44 9 11 9 29 45-49 15 5 6 24 50-54 6 7 4 17 55-59 6 2 A 12 60 or more 16 2 9 27 Total 206 205 215 624 60. such as Lion's Club, W.C.T.U., P.T.A., and women's club; (7) lodge, such as Odd Fellows, Masons, and any women's lodge auxiliaries; (8) recreational, such as athletic clubs, sportmen's clubs, and (9) professional or labor organizations, such as labor unions, teacher's associations. Only about two percent of the actives were not members of a church while about one-half of the inactives were not members. See Figures III and IV. 8 A sex differential is shown since about 60 percent of the inactive men and 45 per cent of the inactive women were not members of a church. Other than the church, the inactives had memberships in few organizations, the women having fewer memberships than the men. About one-eighth of the inactive men belonged to civic organizations while a little over one-tenth belonged to union organizations which are classified with professional organizations in this study. Eight of the inactives, or two-thirds of the inactive men who reported union membership, reported attending a union meeting. About two-thirds of the active men and oneéhalf of the active women were members of civic organizations, such as women's club or Lion‘s club. Very few of the active men belonged to extension service organizations while about one-sixth of the active women did. Most of these women.be10nged to a farm women's group in.Newville. This group does not function as a part of but works very closely with the extension service; therefore it was included in that classification. There is A I. ahlrrcu C .{vi 0 Pratt-‘1'" ' l. t'r‘pV‘c' cooper five CI" nine. Recreational Irofessirml q am: 1.311 on Fxtena’or; 1.. series I r U T I I 1 V T j r I I I 1 I I I i ii 1 1 1 l A 1 1 l 14 1 VI A l l I“ A 4 1 V; kl. 0 1”, ti.) :"\_ ' Ac‘ive [:3 Inn-“tire ‘ Timers III - Percent-rams of ‘c‘.'_"e 2rd 2* 1‘ ‘7 T 1:. I'r‘i ‘l’."-“' to 1:":0 "are ‘19"‘0‘ * *f‘ ”‘0’” Co‘ssriT‘tf .‘TrF 17‘ "'frve } ~ r. "i i ‘ ‘1‘ CT’T'l‘f‘itlefi, 1871'“. 3 ‘C F“ rev-A .111 g .-..I Fr» tmsw 1 Primer v: ' l u sonnet" * i‘xe Frcfec”’.cln21 'md 11"" "fr; :] F‘f‘rersi on 1 SGT'J‘G 1111111111111111L41_L ()1 .J D -) I )\ 3 1 filrw l" - Forcwt‘ so of 'ctive ”3‘s" ' “‘5. 7‘" In 'V‘t‘,“fl§9‘fi '10 V‘»‘~~r, "q »‘ .‘.(~ .~'o‘ 'F.",‘ ‘ 4 , . .. . . . .. C--~v-.in' "Y f“ 3v 'M ra~ Tu- Y‘" " * ' rap-w- = : w .- -. ’ - , . 65. 'no formally organized group of adults functioning as a part of the extension service in Pennsylvania except senior extension which includes youths 18 to 24 and the executive committee which acts in an advisory capacity to the county agent. About one-half of the inactive women in.Newville and one- fourth of them in Millheim.were not members of any organization. A similar differential exists between the inactive men in Newville and Millheim, for about two-fifths of the inactives in the former and one- eighth in the latter did not have membership in any organization. None of the inactive women were members of a recreational group and only two were members of the Grange. Some of the community differences for the active and in- active groups can be attributed to the variation in extent of partici- pation for the respondents selected in each community. The arithmetic means of the Chapin scale scores for the inactives by communities were: Newville,4.4; Nullheim, 7.2; and Fredonia, 5.5. The arith- metic means for the actives were: Newville, 41.0; Millheim, 51.0; and Fredonia, 52.2. In summary, the respondents here consist of active and in- active participants in formal organizations in three rural communities. Very few of the actives belonged to less than three organizations while few of the inactives belonged to more than two organizations. Ncne of the inactives and about one-fourth of the actives reported committee work within the preceding year. About one per cent of the 64 .‘ inactives and sixty per cent of the actives served as officers in the same span of time. All of the actives and about one half of the in- actives attended one or more organizational meetings in the period discussed. While the inactives had membership almost exclusively in the church, the actives had membership in all types of organiza- tions with over half being members of church and civic groups. 65. IV. DESCRIPTION OF THE THREE COMMUNITIES Historical, Social and Economic Characteristics For purposes of this study, three rural villages with sub- stantial trade areas not dominated by large urban centers were selected. Further, it was desired to select three communities geographically located in three separate areas of Pennsylvania all having general and dairy farming types. It was also desired that the population of the community be somewhat homogeneous in order that formal participa- tion could be studied without the complicating factor of minorities. Newville - The community of Newville is situated in the Cumberland valley between the North and South mountains in Cumberland county in southcentral Pennsylvania. The borough of Newville is 11 miles west of Carlisle, seat of Cumberland county. There are approx- imately 4000 people in.the Newville community which geographically in- cludes all or part of seven townships and the borough center. The community extends north of the community center about nine miles to the North Mountain, east six miles to the village of West Hill, south eight miles to route 55, and west six miles, so that Newville communi- ty includes an area six to nine miles in radius. The Pennsylvania turnpike bisects the community. According to the 1950 census there were 1788 people in the borough of Newville which represents an increase of 50 over the 1940 census. Shippensburg,.with a population of 5710, is about 12 miles southwest of the Newville community. 66. The valley in which the Newville community is located is hilly and has fertile soil. Several springs and streams flow through the community. The soil in the southern part is predominantly sand- stone, the central part limestone, and the northern part shale. The farming includes primarily dairying and general farm crops. The history of Newville includes descriptions of networks of trails which gave traders and settlers outlets to the Potomac, the Ohio, and the Susquehanna Rivers. Later a wagon road was built through this community. The Delaware, Shawnee, and Susquehanna Indians lived in this valley but their numbers diminished after the Scotch-Irish and Germans arrived. Few Indians remained after 1765. The Scotch pioneers constructed the original churches and schools in this area. In 1790 sixty lots were laid out for sale and the town of Newville was established. It was incorporated in 1817. The population of Newville has few minority groups and a quite stable population. Only three of the respondents and four of the fathers and six of the mothers of the respondents were foreign born. The respondents represent a relatively stable population as evidenced by the fact that all except nine were born in Pennsylvania. Two weekly newspapers are published in Newville. Three rural mail routes emanate from the Newville post office serving the entire community. Daily newspapers come into the community from.Harrisburg and other cities. 67. A few small industries provide employment for Newville residents. Hershey Chocolate company operates a milk receiving plant in Newville. Milk has been the farmers most important source of income over the past 50 years. Because of the quality of spring water available, the Cloverdale Spring Company started bottling carbonated drinks in this area before World War I. It now employs more men than any other single industry in the community. A cannery operates in an old building, which formerly housed a tannery and required seasonal labor. Newville includes such economic services as two drug stores, two restaurants, two banks, several garages, filling stations, grocery stores, clothing stores, and hardware stores. Scattered in the hinterland of the community are gasoline stations and general stores. Social relationships are very informal in Newville. Groups of men and boys gathered in the restaurant, gas stations, and hardware stores to discuss the local ball games and crop conditions. The businessmen seemed to be very familiar with the customers and called them by name. Much labor was donated in building the community recreation building although a few seemed to shoulder the brunt of this work. While the interviews were being conducted, a local medical doctor's child drowned and word of this tragedy spread from mouth to mouth so that most of the town seemed to know about it the same day. Several families had been in this community for a long time and they were considered quite influential in the community activities. 68. Religion has been an important factor in the lives of the people. The first Presbyterian church was erected in 1757. The Big Spring Presbyterian church had its beginning in 1787. Two homes for. aged women are now maintained in Newville by the three hundred Presbyterian churches in six Presbyteries located in central Penn- sylvania. In 1764 the United Presbyterian Church was founded by Scotch-Irish settlers. Germans organized the first Lutheran Church ‘in Cumberland Valley about 1795 in the northern part of the community. Three ministers of this church later became presidents of Gettysburg college. The St. Paul's Lutheran Church was organized in 1789 and the Church of God in 1791. In 1787 Methodism was introduced into the valley. The Church of the Brethren received its charter in 1925 and the Pentecostal Church has been recently organized. The church and the school were closely linked early institu- tions. In 1850 the qualifications for teaching were good moral character, belief in the doctrine of the Trinity, belief that the Old and New Testaments were the only rule of faith and practice, and ability to teach the shorter catechism.51 Any one desiring to teach who was popular with people and could secure patrons might open a school. 51 Anonymous, History of Newville, 1940. 69. The first school house was opened in.Newville in 1796. In 1858 a four-room public school building was erected. In 1915 the school was enlarged, and in 1925 the school term was extended from six to nine months. The building was enlarged again in 1956. Now there are six grade teachers and ten junior and senior high school teachers in the borough. There are several one-room grade schools located outside the community center. A high school in Newville serves the entire community. Other special interest groups in.Newville date back to 1828 when the Newville Temperance Society was organized. This early name has been changed to the Women’s Christian Temperance Union. Only 12 years later, in 1840, the Fire Company was chartered. Women's groups developed shortly after 1900 for in 1910 the Women's Civic Club had a first meeting with 61 members enrolled as compared with about 200 now. This organization promotes educational and cultural activities - one manifestation of this goal is sponsorship of a Girl Scout troop. The Ladies Auxiliary to the Fire Company was founded in 1958. Women are also active in the American Legion Auxiliary. Men's organizations include the Lions club which sponsors Ithe Boy Scouts, the Newville Fish and Game Association, which has a recreational goal, and two veterans organizations. The American Legion has recently sponsored the construction of a community recrea- tion center where no alcoholic beverages are allowed. Bowling alleys are located in the basement with a dance hall and basketball court 70. on the ground floor. he Veteransof Foreign Wars meet in a building immediately outside the town in order to sell beer which is prohibited by a local ordinance in Newville although a state liquor store operates in the town. A list of the organizations reported in the community of Newville are given in Table 49 in the Appendix. Since there were approximately 2592 people between the ages of 15 and 64 for the report- ed 55 organizations, the crude population - organization ratio is about 49. This means there are about 49 people 15-64 years of age per organization reported in Newville community. Since the youth organizations were not inventoried, youths under 15 were not counted in the population figure. This is a very crude figure because the (population reported includes 15-64 year age groups. However, it does give some indication of the availability of organizations to the people of Newville community. Nullheim - The community consists of the borough proper and five large neighborhoods or.hamlets plus all the Open-country inhabitants. It could be called a multi-centered community. The p0pulation of the three townships and the borough included in the community was 5518 in 1950. The community center has a population of 750, an increase of 68 over the 1940 census figure. Mountains on the north, south, and east provide natural boundaries for the community. Brush Meuntain runs through the community just north of Millheim. Parallel to this range is Nittany Mountain which provides a northern boundary for the comunity, Thus, a valley is situated 71e 'between Brush and Nittany Mountains where there are two large neighbor- hoods, Madisonburg and Rebersburg. A good macademized road traverses this valley. On the southern border of the community is the Seven Mountain range. Coburn, the third neighborhood, is two miles south of Millheim. The eastern end of the community is bordered by several mountains, a part of the Appalachian range. The fourth neighborhood, Woodward, is at the base of these mountains about six miles east of the borough. Aaronsburg, the fifth neighborhood, is situated about one mile east of Millheim.borough. A macadem road connects Millheim and other towns, running east and west parallel to the road through Madisonburg and Rebersburg. Thus, the community is egg shaped. Millheim is an incorporated borough situated in the eastern end of Centre County in a dairy and general farming region. The town was incorporated in 1879 but its history dates back to 1788 when this section was purchased from the Indians. Millheim derived its name from a mill built in 1790 by an immigrant from Lebanon county. Mill- heim is German for IIhome of the mill.“ In 1798 Philip Grunkle laid out the town plots and a grist ndll, saw mill, distillery, red school house, frame hotel, and several log cabins were built. In 1812 the population was approximately 100. anrly industries included wagon, carriage, and sleigh shops, lime and cement works, furniture factory, gunsmith, boot and shoe factory, and woolen mill . 72. The farms in the community have limestone soil and are very productive. General farming and dairying are the chief types of agri- culture. A large majority of the farmers own their farms. About a decade ago, a steel company began to purchase farms on a broad strip running along the southern.and eastern sections of the community, presumably for the limestone rock which is used as a flux in steel making. In 1948 they bought about eight more farms for which very high prices were paid. The farmers were guaranteed continued residence as long as they paid rent. Vast repairs and modern facilities were installed in these farms. One can only speculate about the changes in culture as these farmers become renters instead of owners. The community center provides the following trades and services: three grocery stores, four electric shops, one five and ten cent store, two jewelry stores, three service stations, one hotel, and two restaurants. The small towns outside the community center have at least a gasoline station and a general grocery store. There is little industry in Millheim except two textile factories. Most of the workers in the factories are married women who live in the town or nearby neighborhoods or on farms. Hosiery has been manufactured in Millheim since 1897. The mill has changed from local to New York City ownership but now has a local manager. The business manufactures’novelty sport hose. The factory represents a stable source of employment in the borough and employs approximately 100 persons. A small silk spinning mill was organized about 1918 and has been reorganized several times since - it employs about 80 workers when it is operating. 79- A newspaper is published weekly in.Mfillheim.and is distributed to all areas of the community and immediate outside areas. Daily papers come into the area from outside cities. Bus transportation is available to outside destinations. Nfillheim people generally have German backgrounds. Few young people can speak German fluently but for many of the older age groups it is easier than English. The community values independence and hard work. One farmer said, nI farm because I like to tend to my own business - I don't want any boss." This seems to be a prevalent feeling. The town businessmen seemed somewhat more formal in social relationships with customers than those in Newville. This is probably due to the wider trade area of Millheim.stores because of their more adequate and modern facilities.. As a result, many of their customers were from.outside the community. However, most clerks and business- men were long time residents of the community and knew Millheim.re- sidents by name. There seemed to be a rather pervasive conflict of values between the "church" people and the “drinking and gambling crowd“. The story of a death in a local veteran's club a few years ago was related by many respondents, signifying the negative symbol that drinking and gambling had to those people. Many residents were of the opinion that the fire company would not have such modern facilities without slot machines. The population of this community is relatively homogeneous and stable as evidenced by only one respondent and three fathers and three mothers of respondents who were foreign born; in addition, only 74. nine interviewees were born in a state other than Pennsylvania. The church and family have been important social control agents in the lives of the Millheim people. The churches to which these people belong are the Evangelical, Lutheran, and Reformed. These churches are present in all neighborhoods and in the community centers. About 1812 when the pepulation was 100 in Millheim, religious services were started in a little red school house. The Evangelical Association was the first to organize a church congregation and built a church in 1841. The Methodist church edifice was erected in 1857 and remodeled in 1886. However, membership fell and the building was sub- sequently purchased by the Millheim.I.0.0.F. Lodge. The United Brethren Church was built in 1865. The Lutheran and Reformed attended services in neighboring communities. In 1877, the first church council for the St. John's Lutheran Church in Millheim was elected. They rented the United Brethren Church on alternate Sundays at the annual rental rate of fifteen dollars. The sermon was delivered in English one Sunday and in German the follow- ing Sunday. The Lutherans built a church in 1881 at a cost of $8,000 with 19 active members. Recently the membership was reported at 141. The St. John's Reformed Congregation held two services in the United Brethren church in 1882 and then the Methodist Episcopal church was rented for the purpose of holding services every two weeks. The Reformed Congregation group erected a new building in 1888. 75- The church seems to be declining in its influence on the attitudes and values of the Millheim people. One minister reported that a survey showed that 40 per cent of the people attend church regularly and the vote against allowing liquor to be sold in the community was about that percentage. He assumed that the church goers opposed having liquor in the community. This might be a false assumption. A high school in Millheim.serves the community so that busses transport children from outlying areas into the community center. Grade schools are situated in the community center and villages scatter— ed throughout the community. A plan is underway to consolidate the high school with other nearby communities. The school board was con- sidered quite conservative by several respondents. Since 1900 special interest groups have become more pervasive in Millheim.community. The Ladies Literary Club Was organized in 1902 for self-improvement of the individual, particularly as to writings, paintings, and other efforts of notable individuals from the beginning of time. The Ladies Civic Improvement Club was organized in 1915 to start a fund for a municipal building to replace the one then standing. The new building was completed in 1924 at a cost of $28,000 which was donated by other organizations and borrowed from the local bank. All indications are that the building of this project was a cooperative venture and was a result of a gemeinschaft type of social relationships. 76.. The lodges in the community were very active at one time, but several informants reported that young people are not joining them so the members are usually in the older age groups. The American Legion has active members who are war veterans and social members who have access to social affairs only. There are about 500 members in this organization. Several church people remarked about the immoral be- havior that occurs inside the Legion building. The Fire Company has a social organization which promotes various types of social events. Both the American Legion and Fire Company had bars and slot machines at the time of the study. The value system of the community would not have accepted this situation a decade ago. This is a social force that may cause age group cleavages. Millheim inhabitants have membership in several formal organizations which are listed in Table 49 in the appendix. Since there were approximately 2284 people 15-64 years of age in the community and the respondents indicated 50 organizations, the population - organi- zation ratio is about 46. Eggdggig - The community of Fredonia is located in Mercer county near such industrial centers as Sharon and Greenville, Penn- sylvania and Youngstown, Ohio. The borough of Fredonia is situated about two miles from.main highways and is in the center of a general and dairy farming area. The community includes the western half of Fairview township, the eastern half of Delaware township to the Shenango river, and small portions of north Jefferson and northwest Cool Spring townships. Fredonia is the only large borough in this community but there are three small neighborhoods. 77- Fredonia was incorporated as a borough in 1876. During the next few years, the town attained a status in population and business which has changed little in subsequent years. The population of Fre- donia borough was 556 in 1940 and 588 in 1950. The total community includes about 2500 people. A grist and sawmill were the first businesses of this commu- nity. These mills were built by Levi Arnold in 1857-58, and the locality was known as "Arnold's Mills" until the growth of the village caused a change in the name to the present one. The town developed slowly until 1866 when William Simmons built a store. He foresaw the construction of a railroad and had several acres of land surveyed into lots. In the fall of 1869, the railroad was completed and the population quickly increased. Farming in this community consists of general dairying with most farmers having about lO_to 12 cows. The main crops are: oats, corn, wheat, buckwheat, rye, and a few potatoes. Most farmers have small flocks of chickens. The farms are less valuable than in the other communities studied. Many of the men work in Sharon, Bessemer, or Greenville, industrial cities, about 15 to 20 miles from Fredonia. The only industry in Fredonia is a feed mill and many of the peeple are re- tired farmers. With a population of 588, the town has a third-class post office. Two rural routes emanate from this office. The town has no newspaper published within the area but a local representative sends items of interest to two daily newspapers in nearby cities. 78. :This news usually consists of personal items and organizational activities. The Bessemer and Lake Erie Railroad which passes through the town trans- ports iron ore from Lake Erie to steel producing centers near Pittsburgh. This railroad also offers the only public passenger service available to the community. Fredonia contains three grocery stores, two recently built service stations, two feed mills, one bank, one post office, one electric shop, two hardware stores, one drug store, two restaurants, and one funeral director. These businesses are very small in comparison with city establishments. Service stations and general grocery stores are scattered throughout the outlying community. All of these are situated on the two main highways which pass through the community. The community center is in the eastern end of Delaware town- ship near the border of Fairview township. A recently built high school in Fredonia serves the borough of Fredonia and Delaware township. Fair- view township, which is part of the Fredonia community, sends its children to Stoneboro consolidated school, located about 12 miles east of Fredonia. There is a grade school in Fredonia, and several one room schools serve Delaware township. Fairview township sent its high school children to Fredonia until recently when a disagreement about money needed for the new high school resulted in the Fairview children going to Stoneboro schools. This division in the schools might result in deep cleavages within this trade and service community. Life is very informal and neighborly in the town of Fredonia. One customer in the drug store returned a few green stamps which had been given him in excess the day before, even though the monetary value 79. of the stamps was very small. One lady had a funeral for her son who was killed in World War II. She said that many of the people sent cake and other things for the meals the day of the funeral. The Lion's Club harvested the wheat for a farmer whose barn had burned. These examples give evidence of ggmeinschaft social relationships. However, there were evidences of social stratification in this community. This is shown by a statement made by the high school principal's wife: "It is hard to become a part of Fredonia. The people don't accept you in their clique readily." No doubt the principal's wife was attempting to identify with that clique which is a part of the upper strata of the social structure. A new businessman in town was not put on an important committee because of jealousy on the part of the older people in power. The long time resident businessmen resented the competition the newer ones brought into the town. A young married woman said, "People come to Fredonia to die.“ She said her neighbor was 77 and did not spend the money which she had accumu- lated during her lifetime. This shows a conflict of values between spending on the part of the young person and saving on the part of the older one. Dances were held in.the community hall for a short time, but certain groups were instrumental in terminating them. Little organized recreation was evident. The son of the most influ- ential man in the community was the leader of a young group. They were attempting to wrest some power from the older leaders. 80. The interviewers observed more mobility in this community than in either of the other two studied. That the population was less stable than in the other two communities is shown by the fact that 52 of the respondents were born in a state or country other than Penn- sylvania. Six of them and 14 of the fathers and 14 of the mothers of respondents were foreign born. This community had a few Catholics. As in the other two communities, Fredonia has a vast number of organizations. The churches are the oldest institutions in Fredonia, dating back to 1820 when the Cool Spring Presbyterian church was organized. The Catholich church was introduced in 1846 and then follow— ed the Lutheran, Methodist, and several others. The men's lodges were organized around 1872. Many of the special interest groups have ori- ginated since 1940, including the Sportsmen's club, Civic Club, American Legion, Lion's Club, and Rebekah's lodge. The Fireman's Association has been very active since 1956 and are responsible for planning Old Home Week, an annual carnival. This event has become a symbol of community pride and prestige to Fredonia for fire companies from nearby communities participate in a colorful parade. The women in and near the community center have organized several small interest groups structured primarily on a neighborhood ‘basis, designated by such names as birthday club, neighborhood club, sewing club, and good-time club. It was reported that much jealousy results between these groups. The organizations in the Fredonia community and in which respondents reported membership are listed in Table 1+9 in the appendix. 81. " Fredonia had a population-organization ratio of about 55 since there were 45 organizations for 1466 people between the ages of 15 to 64. Summary - These three communities have centers that might be classified as semi-complete, intermediate type, according to Kolb and Brunner's classification.52 The centers range from about 600 to 1800 people and are semi-complete because two have bus lines but no rail- road while the other has a railroad but no bus line. The high schools are relatively small. Farming is the primary occupation of residents outside the community center. There are few agencies for processing raw products in the centers. In no case is the community a county center. The settlers of these areas had primarily German and Scotch- Irish backgrounds. Newville and Millheim respondents were more homo- geneous than those in Fredonia, as evidenced by number who were foreign born or born in another state. Also, Fredonia had a few Catholics as respondents. The pepulation for the communities ranged from approximately 2500 people in Fredonia to 4000 in Newville. All areas had many residents working outside the community. Newville and Fredonia includes more respondents than Millheim who were part-time farmers. The trades and services in each community were similar while the re- creational facilities were not as adequate in Fredonia as in Newville 52 Xblb, J. H. and E. de S. Brunner, A Stgdx;of figrgl Sogiety, Houghton IMifflin Company, New'York, 1952, p. 233. 82. and Millheim. The number of organizations in whiCh respondents mentioned membership ranged from 45 in Fredonia to 55 in Newville, Efillheim,having 50. Using the approximate population of the residents 15—64 according to the 1940 census, a crude population-organization ratio was computed which showed Newville with 49, Millheim 46, and Fredonia 55. 85. V. POSITION OF ACTIVES AND INACTIVES IN THE SOCIAL STRUCTURE. Introduction This section analyzes the relationship between.high and low participants and their positions in the community social structure. It was hypothesized that participation or non-participation.in.forma1 organizations is role behavior that can partially be explained by the positions associated with such behavior. Thus, active and inactive participants could be differentiated on the basis of selected positions they occupy. As occupants of such positions they are expected to and do participate according to active or inactive behavior patterns. The specific position indexes analyzed are: occupation, income, education, length of residence, age, and size and type of familyt . This study attempts to answer specifically such questions as: Do the active and inactive participants differ in age composition? Can they be differentiated on the basis of the size and type of their family! Since education, occupation, income, and length of residence are indexes to social and economic status, do the actives and inactives differ on these sociological variables? Status is used in this sense as 'The ranking given.individua1s based upon the consensus of members as to what traits and qualities are to be rated high and low'.55 55 Locmis and Beagle, op. cit., p. 5. Previous studies have shown a high correlation between formal participa- tion and social and economic status. In addition, actives and inactives were rated by several key informants on 'standing' in the community and these data are expected to show that actives are rated higher than inactives. Thus, the two measures of social and economic status of actives and inactives are data pertaining to selected positions and the key informants' ratings on Istanding'. This dual approach result in corroboration of findings because they are both an index of ranking on the social scale of values for the actives and inactives. Differ- ential degrees of formal participation would be among the duties and rights associated with social and economic status. The procedure in this section is to examine the age and size and type of family for adtive and inactive participants after which the data on their social and economic status will be presented. Analysis of Data §gg_- Age seems to be an important criterion of participation in formal organizations. Most clubs have age requirements for member- ships. The 4—H clubs, for example, include young individuals only: The Grange is divided into two separate organizations, one for the youth and one for the adults. In.many ways organizations recognize variations in the interests of different age groups. The respondents used here are between the ages of 20 and 65 inclusive. As shown in Table 8, there is a significant difference in 85. age distribution between the active and inactive participants.5 Further analysis shows the active and inactive females differ significantly in age distribution but the males do not. The greatest age disparity between the active and inactive females is for the ages 20~29 which includes a little over one-tenth of the actives and about three-tenths of the inactives. Slightly over three-tenths of the active females and two-tenths of the inactive females are in the 50-59 age group. The age distribution for the sample differs among communities for the actives. A little less than one—half of the actives in Fredonia were 50-65 years of age while about one-fourth of the actives in the other communities were in the same category. The total sample showed the following age medians: Newville, 40; Millheim, 42; and Fredonia, 46. This indicates the possibility of an older age structure in Fredonia but the respondents were not selected to be representative of the community, and no conclusion about age structure of the community is intended to be drawn from.the sample. 54 The statistical test of significance used is the Chi square test. Refer to Hagood, M., Statistics for Sociolggists, Holt and Company, New York, 1941, Chapter 19. The five per cent level has been selected as the upper limit to indicate significance. However, the P values are indicated in the event that the reader wishes to draw his own conclusion. At some points the writer may refer to P values of .07 or .08 as “approach- ing the level of significance." The Chi square test ascertains the existence of association but does not measure the degree of association. Therefore, the 0 value was computed which is the coefficient of contin- gency and measures the degree of association. It is computed by the 2 x formula C = \/r--§- . Refer to Hagood, M., Ibid,p. 508. Since most of n x ‘the tables in this study show the relationship between actives and inactives and the variable under consideration by sex and community, several compu- tations of the statistical measures just stated are generally given. | Table 8 - Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Participants by Age and Sex of Respondents in Three Pennsylvania Rural Commu- nities, 1948*. —_ Age and sex of Newville Millheim Fredonigfi- Tota1 respondents Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Male respondents 20-29 4% 6% 15% 7% 8% 10% 9% 873 50-59 40 4o 15 51 18 21 25 50 40-49 15 28 54 5o 25 14 25 24 50.59 29 20 18 22 28 51 25 24 60-65 12 6 20 10 25 24 18 14 Total 106% 166% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100%' 100% Number of cases 52 50 59 60 59 62 150 172 Female respondents 20-29 27% 14% 28% 15% 52% 11% 50% 12% 50-59 25 4o 24 51 18 27 22 52 40-49 15 24 22 50 25 24 20 26 50-59 25 18 22 17 14 21 20 19 60-65 10 4 4 11 1 8 11 Total 106% 366% 'i66% 166% '166% 166% 100% 106% Number of cases 52 5o 45 54 44 55 142 170 All respondents 20-29 15% 10% 22% 10% 21% 10% 19% 10% 50-59 55 40 19 52 18 24 24 51 40-49 15 26 27 50 24 20 22 25 50-59 26 19 20 19 2O 26 22 22 60-65 11 12 l 20 15 12 Tota1 106% 166% 166% 106% 166% '166% 100% 100% Number of cases 104 100 85 114 85 128 272 542 * Significance 9f the difference between: P C Total actives and inactives Between .01-“Eta .02 '—:i4 Male actives and inactives Between .70 and .80 . Female actives and inactives Between .001 and .01 .21 Actives among the communities Between .001 and .01 .24 Inactives among the communities Between .10 and .20 Unless otherwise stated, the cells have not been collapsed in computing degrees of freedom for this and subsequent tables. 87s 1 Thus, the analysis of the age differences of actives and in- actives shows a significant difference between only the active and in- active females and this difference lies mainly in the 20-29 year age group. It is usually these women who have babies at home. Preschool children could very well be a barrier to taking part in organizations. The actives are composed of proportionately more older respondents in Fredonia than in the other two communities. A complete analysis of the relationship between age and activity status would include age role eXpectations. The role behavior is a product of the community expectations and self-image of the individual. Communities would probably differ in their participation expectations for various age groups. The power structure would also influence the role behavior by inhibiting or facilitating participation of various age groups. The community expectations are probably determined by many factors other than age, such as income, occupation, family background, and education. ‘§iggngf_§gmily - The size of the families of the participants suggests the possible range of social contacts within the family group. Perhaps the size of family would be a determinant of the extent to which the social needs of the individual are met within the family. Assuming that everyone has a need for social contacts, a larger family offers greater possibilities of fulfilling this need than a small one. IHowever, the quality and quantity of the social relationships within 'the family would have to be considered when studying the satisfaction of personality needs by the family social system. Among other factors, the degree of integration would determine the quantity and quality of intra-family contacts. A family with familistic gemeinschaft social relationships could be expected to satisfy personality needs to a greater extent than one with contractual gesellschaft qualities. This study attempts to determine the difference between active and inactive participants in relation to size of family of the respond— ents. The processes which are a function of the size of the family are assumed to be very important in understanding the relationship between size of family and participation. Several sociologists have shown size of family to be negatively associated with income and amount of formal education. Therefore, other variables are interrelated when size of family is singled out as a factor in formal participation. The actives were generally from smaller families than the inactives. About three-fourths of the actives and three-fifths of the inactives were from families composed of two to four persons, while a little over one-fourth of the actives and four-tenths of the inactives were from five or more member families. See Table 9. Differences are shown between actives and inactives classified by sex and size of family. About one-fourth of the active women and two-fifths of the inactive women were from families with more than four persons. For the males, a little less than three-tenths of the actives and two-fifths of the inactives belonged to families with more than four members . There were size of family differences among the communities for the inactives. Millheim and Fredonia inactives included more individuals from two-person families than.Newville, while the latter 89. Table 9 - Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Partici- \ pants by Size of Family and Sex of Respondents in Three Penn- sylvania Rural Communities, 1948.‘II Size of family and sex of Newville Millheim. Fredonig Tota1 respondents Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Mhle respondents Persons in family Two 8% 17% 56% 57% 43% 53% 27% 30% Three or four 46 50 28 57 25 41 54 42 Five or six 21 25 25 20 22 21 22 22 Seven or more 2 8 1 6 10 ._5, 1 6 Total 16% 10a 10% 160% 100% 100% 10% 166% Number of cases .52 48 59 60 ‘40 6l;_7 151 169 Female respondents Persons in family Two 11% 24% 50% 37% 29% 50% 25% 51% Three or four 45 52 54 55 54 47 57 44 Five or six 20 2O 25 25 24 17 25 20 Seven or more 26 4 ll 75% 46% 6 _% _5_ Total W 166% '1'66% 1 1 m 1 100% Number of cases 54 50 47 57 45 66 146 175 A11 respondents Persons in family Two 9% 20% 55% 57% 55% 52% 24% 30% Three or four 44 51 51 56 29 44 56 45 Five or six 21 25 24 21 24 19 25 21 Seven or more 26 6 12 6 12 l 6 Total 10@ 10% W $606.7 10% 1% 1% 10% Number of cases 106 98 86 117 85 127 277 542 ' Significance of the difference betwggg: P .9. Total actives and inactives Less than .001 .18 Male actives and inactives Between .02 and .05 .17 Female actives and inactives Between .001 and .01 .20 Actives among the communities Between .20 and .50 Inactives among the communities Less than .001 .50 90. area had more people from three- or four-person families. While about one-fourth of the Newville inactives were from seven or more person families, only about one—tenth of the inactives in the other two communities were from such large families. Several key informants were asked for their observations as to why more actives were from the smaller families than the inactives. There is a feeling that large families fulfill the personality needs, but a response often given was "The men or the women with several children must keep their noses to the grindstone to produce a living and these people must work longer hours.“ The implications from such a response are that it costs more to maintain a large family and that taking part in organizations is behavior which develops after more basic needs are satisfied. Other responses included a prevalent idea that the large families are from the lower socio-economic group. The heads of large families had their role defined more in terms of work for economic returns than activity engaged in for leisure time pursuits. The community probably expects the smaller-family heads to spend more time in organizational behavior than large-family heads. Life Cycle of Families - Families pass through life cycles as the following quotation suggests: nThe conjugal family begins its life cycle at marriage, at which time the family of procreation of the united couple is initiated. With the addition of children, the family grows in size until children begin to leave home for employment or marriage. From the period that the last child is born to the time the first leaves home, the family is usually constant in size. As the children leave the parental home, the unit decreases, and with the 91. death of the last parent it passes out of existence."55 Changing periods in the family life cycle require a similar change in interaction patterns. The role of the mother with preschool children necessarily includes obli- gations to the offspring which are different from that in the all adult family. Do the families of the high and low participants differ as to type of family? For this analysis, the families of the respondents were classified into four different periods of the family cycle: (1) couples with no children or with children all of whom were over 20 years of age, (2) couples with only preschool children (up to 6 years of age), (5) couples with children 6-15 years of age, with or without younger children, (4) couples with children 16-20 years, with or without others. As summarized in Table 10, there is no difference between the actives and inactives on type of family. This is true for total, male and female respondents. When the actives and inactives from.families with only preschool children were examined, the results show 14 per cent inactive and 15 per cent active. This study shows nothing to substantiate the expected differential participation patterns accompany- ing various stages in the life cycle. Some differences were found among the communities. A greater percentage of the respondents from Fredonia and Millheim, than from Newville, were from families with no children or with children who were 55 Loomis and Beegle, op. cit., p. 77. 920 Table 10 - Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Participants by Type of Family and Sex of Respondents in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, 1948.* Type of family and sex of Newville Milyggyg_ Fredonig_ __~j3flgg_u a respondents Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Couples with: Male respondents No children, or children over 20 17% 27% 41% 46% 45% 41% 55% 59% Only preschool children 10 10 10 7 12 20 11 12 Children 6—15,with or without others 50 58 25 50 25 18 55 28 Children 16-20,with or without others 25 25 26 1 2O 21 25 21 Total 100% 100% 190% 16% 100% m 100% 100%___ Number of cases 52 48 .59 59 4O 61 151 168 Couples with: Female respondents No children, or children over 20 17% 57% 52% 41% 55% 41% 27% 40% Only preschool children 20 8 15 l2 16 18 17 15 Children 6-15,with ' or without others 55 29 25 28 27 25 29 26 Children 16-20,with or without others 28 26 28 l 24 18 27_ 21 Total 106% 1736,?! 166% 100% 100% 100% 100% 10% Number of cases 54 _42 47 57 45 66 146 172 Couples with: All respondents No children, or children over 20 17% 52% 56% 45% 59% 41% 50% 59% Only preschool children 15 9 15 10 14 19 14 15 Children 6-15,with or without others 42 55 24 29 25 20 51 27 Children l6-20,with or without others 26 26 27 18 22 20 25 21 Total 106% 106% 100;. 106% 100% 169% 100% 100% Number of cases 106 97_ 86 116 85 127__ 2774 .540 * Significance of the difference between: _§L_ _£L_ Total actives and inactives Between .05 and .10 .11 Male actives and inactives Between .50 and .50 Female actives and inactives Between .10 and .20 Actives among the communities Between .02 and .05 .19 Inactives among the communities Between .01 and .02 .24 'over 20 years of age. Newville community had proportionately more respondents from families with school children than the other two communities. Of this sample, 48 women were from families having only preschool children. The actives and inactives differed by communities for this category since Newville had 11 out of 15 as inactives, Mill- heim showed 7 active and 7 inactive, while Fredonia had 7 inactive and 12 active. The differences tend to counterbalance each other when the three communities are added together. There are possibly some differences in the culture of the three communities that would explain these differential patterns of participation. However, since the sample is not representative of all families in the preschool category, no conclusions can be drawn except for the extreme partici- pants. Several reasons given for not participating included the element of obligations to children. One 52 year old father of five children was making extensive repairs to his recently purchased farm. He said he didn't have time to be active in organizations and the children kept his wife from attending. A 26 year old woman reported that her two children under two years of age prevented her from much participation. A 21 year old female said that she finds no time for organizational activities with two small children to care for, but plans to become active when the children are older. Their behavior might be termed rationalization but their responses represent attitudes that are real enough to them. 914‘s Children in the family could be a positive as well as a negative motivating factor in formal participation. The children could be per- ceived not only as physical and economic barriers to participation, but also as elements motivating parents to improve the community insti- tutions directly affecting their children. Parents would have to value the symbols for which these improvements stood before taking action to attain change. In other words, before parents could be expected to work for better schools, education would have to be a part of their value system and schools would be a symbol of something good. These data show no differences between high and low partici- pants on type of family to which they belong. Several responses indicate that the females from families with preschool children feel that obliga- tions at home prevent active participation. There are indications that the role definition of the young mother and the general value orienta- tion of the community might be powerful influences on participation patterns. Income of FamiLy - The sample was operationally divided into three income groups approximately evenly distributed. Income was obtained in terms of the family of the respondents. Since both farm and nonfarm individuals are included, income comparisons are rather crude and difficult to classify together. However, the three groups seem reliable enough for the purpose of this study. If the farmer gave his gross income instead of net income, which was the case in 51 instances, the gross income was adjusted to obtain a net income. Size and type of farming enterprise were taken into account in the adjustment. The same procedure was done for businessmen. 95. The lowest income group includes nonfarm families with an income of $2,000 or less and farm families with a net income of $1,500 or less; the middle group, nonfarm families earning $2,000-5,000 and farm families with net income of $1,500-2,500; and he highest group, families with incomes over these figures. The difference of $500 between the farm and nonfarm families was assumed to be a reasonable allowance for rent and products consumed on the farm. These costs are usually not con— sidered in a farmer's evaluation of his income. In 22 per cent of the interviews, no reliable income figure could be obtained. Many farmers' wives could not give an estimate of the farm income, even in one of the $1,000 categories used to obtain family income. Several people were apprehensive about giving an income figure if it could be used in checking their income tax reports. There is a positive relationship between activity status and income. A little orer one-half of the inactives and one-fifth of the actives were from families in the lowest income group. See Table 11. A little over two-fifths of the actives and slightly less than one- tenth of the inactives were from the highest income category. In all communities and for both sexes, there were proportionately more high income group respondents among the actives than the inactives. 96. 1 Table 11 - Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Participants by Family Income and Sex of Respondents in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, 1948.* - J - T Family income Newville Millheim Fredonia Total groups Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Hale respondents Lowest income 56% 9% 51% 17% 45% 25% 56% 18% Middle income 57 58 56 56 57 57 56 ~ 56 Highest income 55 11 47 21 1 46 Total 106% 100% 106% 100%' 100%’ 1 p 166% 166% Number of cases 41 45 57 58 55 49 111 152 Female respondents Lowest income 65% 17% 57% 51% 45% 27% 56% 22% Middle income 50 59 58 58 44 50 57 56 Highest income 44 51 ll 45 7 Total 106% 106% 166% 100%’ 100% 106% 100% 166% Number of cases 57 41 57 48 -27 57 101 126 All respondents Lowest income 60% 15% 54% 25% 45% 28% 55% 22% Middle income 55 57 58 57 4O 54 57 26 Highest income 7 O 8 40 17 58 10 2 Total 100% 166% 100% 106%' 100% 100% 100% 166% Number of cases 78 86 74 106 60 86 212 278 * Significance of the difference between: .31. _9_ Total actives and inactives Less than .001 .58 Male actives and inactives Less than .001 .57 Female actives and inactives Less than .001 .57 Actives among the communities Between .10 and .20 Inactives among the communities Between .10 and..20 97. Formal Education - The actives had more formal schooling than the inactives, as shown in Table 12. About two-thirds of the inactives and one-fourth of the actives had eight grades or less of formal school- ing. About two-thirds of the actives and one-fifth of the inactives completed high school or more. For both males and females there were significant differences between high and low participants on amount of schooling. There were differences between the inactives among the communities. A larger percentage of the inactives in.Newville com- pleted eight grades or less than in the other areas; Fredonia had more inactives who completed high school. The actives showed variations among the communities. Newville had a larger percentage who had attended or completed college while Millheim and Fredonia had larger percentages than Newville who had eight grades or less of schooling. A possible explanation of the fact that about one-third of the inactives in Fredonia are individuals with high school education might be attributed to the older age sample from this community. There were indications of conflict between the old and young age groups for community leadership. Perhaps this was a factor in causing better educated young people to be inactive. The older people seemed to exert much power in Fredonia in making decisions affecting the community. 98. ' Table 12 - Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Participants by Grades of Schooling Completed and Sex of Respondents in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities,l948*. Grades of schooling completed and sex Newvillq Millheim, Fredgnig_ Tgtal of respondents Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Grades Male respondents Eight or less 80% 21% 64% 27% 60% 51% 68% 27% Nine to eleven 14 16 17 12 ll 5 14 10 Twelve 2 55 8 55 17 45 9 57 Thirteen to fifteen 2 16 6 l4 9 9 5 l5 Sixteen or more 2 l4 5 12 5 l4 4 15 Total 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% Number of cases 44 49 56 59 55 58 115 166 253223 Female respondents Eight or less 75% 20% 57% 25% 59% 22% 58% 22% Nine to eleven 15 12 25 22 27 16 21 17 Twelve 10 56 18 52 5O 42 19 57 Thirteen to fifteen 0 20 0 5 2 12 1 l2 Sixteen or more 0 _12 2 16 ._J;_ 8 1 12 Total 106% 106% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% Number of cases 52 50 44 56 44 64 140 170 Grades All respondents Eight or less 77% 20% 60% 26% % 26% 65% 24% Nine to eleven 15 14 20 16 2O 10 18 15 Twelve 6 55 14 54 24 45 14 57 Thirteen to fifteen 1 l8 2 10 5 10 5 l5 Sixteen or more 1 15 4 l4 5 ll 2 15 Total 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% Number of cases 96 99 80 115 79 122 255 556 ‘ Significance of the difference between: P C Total actives and inactives Less than .001 .41 Male actives and inactives Less than .001 .45 Female actives and inactives Less than .001 .42 Actives among the communities Between .05 and .10 .18 Inactives among the communities Less than .001 .27 99. Over one-half of the male blue collar workers, (farmers, skilled, semi-skilled, and unskilled laborers) completed eight grades or less of school while over two-thirds of the male white collar workers completed twelve or more grades. See Table 15. Hence, the white collar workers were generally of a higher educational status than the blue collar workers. The white collar workers were usually in the active category. Hence, there is an interrelationship between occupation, amount of education, and activity status. One of the purposes of formal education could be considered that of making students more consciously aware of the community in which they live so tlat they become more interested in organizations. In addition, formal education allows opportunity for development of social skills necessary for participation in organizations. It is the white collar workers who have been exposed to learning more of these social skills and who are in occupational positions requiring constant use of skills which are assets in formal participation. Table 15 - Percentage Distribution of Male Respondents by Grades of Schooling Completed and Occupation in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, 1948. j‘ ‘-=—_ — ‘—.~d‘- Grades of Occupation ' schooling Professional/Farmer/Proprietor/Clerical/Skilled and /Unskilled_ completed semi-skilled 0-8 0% 59% 25% 18% 52% 50% 9-11 8 8 15 6 18 15 12 11 22 57 58 25 20 More than 12 81 ll 25“ 18 5 15 Total 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% Number of cases 26 112 4O 17 6O 2O 100. Occupation of Family Head - The reSpondents were classified into seven occupational categories: professional, farmer, proprietor, clerical,skilled and semi-skilled laborers, unskilled laborers, and homemakers. Since only eight farm laborers were included in the sample, they were classified as farmers. The outline of occupations as classified by the Census Bureau was used in coding. Of the women, 10 inactives and 16 actives gave occupations other than homemaking. Therefore, all female respondents were classified for analysis by the occupations of their husbands. In general, the wives have a status or position similar to their husbands and are expected to assume the rights and duties in accordance with the standing of the husband as dictated by his position. Anderson found a high correlation between participation scores of husband and wife.56 A greater percentage of white collar workers were actives than inactives, as shown in Table 14. While a little over two-fifths of the male family heads of the actives were white collar workers, (professional, proprietors, and clerical) only a little over one- twentieth of the inactives were in those categories. The farmers contributed approximately the same percentage of actives and inactives but a little over one-half of the inactives and one-fifth of the actives were from the skilled, semi-skilled, and unskilled cate- gories. / 0 Anderson, W. A., "The Family and Individual Social Participation", pp: cit;, p. 425. 101. ’Table 14 - Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Partici-l pants by Occupation of Male Respondents and Occupation of Hus- bands of Female Respondents in Three Pennsylvania Rural Commu- nities, 1948.* Occupation of male respondents Newville Millheim Fredonia___ Total and husbands of Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Inact. Act. female respond- ents Male respondents Professional 2% 20% 5% 10% 0% 12% 2% 14% Farmer 65 48 27 29 42 4O 46 57 Proprietor 4 18 O 29 7 17 4 22 Clerical 4 10 O 8 O 8 2 9 Skilled and semi-skilled 25 4 57 22 22 20 52 16 Unskilled laborer 4 O 11 2 2 l4 2 Total 10% W l—o_o% 10% 100% 1667. 100% 106% Number of cases 52 49 57 59 41 59 150 167 Husbands of female respondents Professional 0% 17% 2% 12% 2% 7% 1% 12% Farmer 55 41 28 25 54 40 55 54 Proprietor 0 l7 4 51 7 l6 4 21 Clerical 2 6 O 12 2 7 l 9 Skilled and semi-skilled 58 15 44 16 52 27 58 20 Unskilled laborer 2 4 22 4 2 2 4 Total 103% 160% '160% 106% 153% 163% 168% 106% Number of cases 51 48 46 56 44 67 141 171 Male and husbands of female respondents Professional 1% 19% 4% 11% 1% 10% 2% 15% Farmer 49 44 28 27 58 58 59 56 Proprietor 2 l8 2 5O 7 l7 4 21 Clerical 5 8 O 10 l 8 l 9 Skilled and . semi-skilled 5o 9 49 19 27 24 55 18 Unskilled laborer l5 2 lg 26 l 5 Total 199% 100%55 lg_% 100% 100% 103% 100% 10g% Nunmer of cases 105 491, 85 115 85 126 27; 558 9 Significance of the difference between: _E_ _Q_ Total actives and inactives Less than .001 .14 Male actives and inactives Less than .001 .57 Female actives and inactives Less than .001 .42 Actives among the communities Between .001 and .01 .21 Inactives among the communities Between .02 and .05 .19 102. The low participants included more unskilled laborers in Fre- donia than in the other two communities whereas Iewville had a greater percentage of farmers than the other communities. In comparing the distribution of the actives by communities, Newville had a greater percentage in the professional and farm categories and a smaller per- centage of skilled, semi-skilled, and unskilled laborers. Millheim had a larger percentage of proprietors than the other two areas among the actives. People were asked why certain occupational groups were more active in organizations than others. The complex patterns of inter- action accompanying role behavior in any occupation were felt to be significant in determining activity status. There are certain occupations that require much interaction involving human relationships. White collar jobs generally require more intense human associations than other types of work. Associating with people in daily living may give certain satisfactions that are also obtained by formal participation. As opposed to this, other people may become conditioned to absence of intense patterns of human relation- ships, and, thereby, obtain little satisfaction from group experience. One lady, who lived in a small house three miles from a macadam road at the foothills of a mountain, never visited neighbors and said she would rather "eat in the woods with the squirrels than at a banquet." Another farm woman said, "If you don't see much of people, you're not apt to have any trouble with them.n 105. A later check with key informants in the communities gave credence to the hypothesis that people who associate with many people daily get satisfaction out of being with people in formal organiza- tions. The job in which a person meets people outside his own immediate circle might give him a personal satisfaction which is also satisfied in formal group activity. The key informants felt that the farmer usually does not interact much with other people, and that he is more content to be alone. Certain occupations interfered with the time of organization meetings. One member said: "If an event is important to them, people take part." An active farmer said the same thing. An inactive home- maker felt that farmers have more leisure time since they have more farm machinery. Another inactive homemaker felt that the time re- quired by ohe's occupation is very important in determining participa- tion in organizations. one businessman said, “It's always the active ones who do the work. You never ask the ditch digger to do a job. You ask the foreman.E In this case, his role expectations differed for the laborer and foreman. One laborer felt that he did not have time to do what he was doing in organizations because he wanted to take better care of his chickens and a garden. A businessman was of the opinion that all farmers have time to participate in organizations. A few businessmen thought that individuals who work for others should have more time to be active in organizations than self-employed people, for the employee's day is finished when he leaves his place of work, while the businessman is never finished. It is evident that ~each occupational group feels that other groups have more time for activity in organizations. There are instances in which the occupation did conflict with meeting time. Most farmers in these communities were busy with evening chores at the time the community Lion's clubs were meeting, since the clubs combined the meeting with the evening meal. Some occupations require working in the evening when most organizations are meeting. Men on night shifts, such as truckers and janitors, cannot attend evening meetings. Length of Residence in Community - Another position index which has been shown in some studies to be related to formal participa- tion is length of time as a resident of the community. Individuals who have been in the community over a period of years can achieve a posi- tion of prestige and power in the social structure; newcomers often are not ascribed a high position in the prestige hierarchy until they have earned their places. The time element required for accultura- tion to the organization life of the rural community, then, would seem to be a significant factor in participation. The process by which the individuals take on the culture of the rural communities or accomodate to it is not analyzed by this study. Rather the problem under analysis is the relationship between the length of residence in the community and activity status. 105. The male actives and inactives did not differ in distribution on number of years lived in the community but the females did. The female actives had proportionately more long time residents and fewer short time residents than the inactives. About one-fourth of the female inactives were residents of the community 1883 than five years while a little over one-tenth of the female actives resided in the community that length of time, See Table 15. Over one-half of the actives and a little less than one-half of the inactive females were residents for 20 years or more. The difference between active and inactive females was primarily in the category of residents less than five years. The female inactives had more newcomers (less than five years) than the actives. A further analysis of the females in each community shows that in only one community, Fredonia, did the active and inactive participants differ significantly on length of residence in the community. In Fredonia a little over one-half of the actives and a little over one-fourth of the inactives were residents 20 years or more. This is in contrast to the other two communities where a little over one-half of the active and inactive females were residents 20 years or more. Even though the total male actives and inactives did not differ on length of residence, when each community was studied, Fredonia showed a difference between male actives and inactives. It is only in this community that the high and low participants of both sexes differed on number of years in the community. The actives were 106. ITable l5 - Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Partici; pants by Number of Years in the Community and Sex of Respond- ents in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, 1948.* Number of years in the community Newville Millheim Fredonia Total and sex of Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Inact. Act. respondents Male respondents Less than 5 15% 12% 5% 10% 17% 9% 15% 11% 5 to 9 12 2 8 10 15 5 12 6 10 to 19 8 16 10 17 25 18 15 17 20 or more 65 O 77 65, 45 68 62 66 Total 10Q% 105% 100% 100% 10 p 100% 100% 106% Number of cases 51 49 59 59 4O 62 150 170 Female respondents Less than 5 22% 10% 15% 14% % 14% 2 % 15% 5 to 9 11 14 2 16 15 12 9 14 10 to 19 15 19 24 17 22 25 20 2o 20 or more _52 57 52 _55_. _22_ 51 41_ 455 Total ' 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% Number of cases 54 49 46 57 45 66 145 172 All respondents Less than 5 19 11 10 12 27 12 19 12 5 to 9 11 8 5 15 14 9 10 lo 10 to 19 12 17 18 17 22 2o l7 18 20 or more _58 64 677 A58 59 _54 60 Total 10% m 100% 100% 10%. 100% 100% 100% Number of cases 105 98 85 116 85 128 275 542 * Significance of the difference between: P C Total actives and inactives Between .05 and .10 .10 . Male actives and inactives Between .20 and .50 Female actives and inactives Between .02 and .05 .16 Actives among the communities Between .80 and .90 Inactives among the communities Between .001 and .01 .27 107. ‘longer time residents than the inactives in Fredonia. This leads one to believe that mobility influences activity in organizations. The popula- tion of Fredonia was observed by interviewers to be less stable than that of the other two areas. In the two more stable communities, the actives and inactives did not differ on length of time in the community but in the more unstable one they did. The general pattern of mobility would seem to be an important variable in determining activity status from length of time in residence. Fredonia had proportionately more actives from the older age groups than the other two areas so that the leadership might be a barrier to new—comers being active in organizations. Kimball refers to the assimilation of new-comers into village organizations when he says, nThe organization functions and sentiments of those in control are directly related to the degree to which the new-comers are accepted or repelled.n57 Standing as Judged by Key Infprmantg - ter the original interviewing was completed, it was decided to have the respondents rated by community informants on their "standing" in the community. It is assumed that "standing" included several components which related to the prestige of the person in the social structure. The raters were given only the following instructions: "Here is a list of some 57 Kimball, S. T., The Fringe, Special Bulletin 560, Michigan State College Agricultural Experiment Station, Section of Sociology and Anthropology, East Lansing, Michigan, June 1949. 108. “men and women in this community. Will you please place a check after each name in one of the five categories according to his or her standing in the community. If a person is among that group of people who have a high standing in the community place a check in the first column; if a person is in that group of people who have a low stand- ing, place a check in the fifth or last column. The other people would be placed in one of the three categories between those two. Skip any names you don't feel qualified to rate." The number of key informants used in each community were: Newville, 7; Millheim, 11; and Fredonia, 8. The occupation, age education, and income of the raters for each area are given in Table 16. These key informants were generally not the same ones used to rate the community members on degree of participation. In Newville, three were the same, Millheim, four, and Fredonia, three. The raters made several comments which suggested criteria of standing. One female rater said a good working housewife would rate average even though she did nothing else. Several raters ex- pressed reluctance to rate people in the community. Many stated verbally their desire for complete secrecy of their ratings. Several reasons were stated for placing a person higher than average, as for example: "participation in organizations", “businessman who owns a farm or two", and "having a lot of money". Some reasons for putting people low were working by the day with no steady job", "drinking to excess", "mental incapacity", and nexcess profanity". 109. Table 16 - Distribution of Key Informants on 'Standing in the Community" by Occupation, Age, and Income in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, 1948. HI Social background Communities characteristics Newville Millheim Fredonia Occupgtiog 9f family;h&afi. Number Professional Businessman Farmer Clerk Skilled laborer Unskilled laborer Total -l IOONWHH ll—IHNNWN aloaonw 11 has 20-29 50-59 40-49 50-59 60-69 Total (DINNNl—‘H «I IHl—IHVIH H H PNWWO Income Low Nbdium High Tota1 Kl Pro 1.”... (I) FWD 110. The raters showed some variation on criteria for rating people. One woman schoolteacher rated people on their personality, intelligence, and participation in organizations. An elderly widow of a farm owner judged them mainly on success in farming or business. Her neighbor is a farm owner and very active in community organizations, but she rated him low because, "He doesn't stay and take care of his farm as he should." It is evident that raters generally reflect their own values in judging other people's standing. It is possible that use of more raters from the lower part of the social structure would have altered the results obtained. The ratings were handled statistically by giving each person an average score computed by assigning a numerical score of one if a rater rated him in the top category, two in the second, three in the third, four in the fourth, and five in the bottom. The ratings for each person were added and divided by the number rating a given individu- al. This gave an average score for each person. Most people were rated by at least five raters. The arithmetic mean average score for the inactives was 5.5 and 2.44 for the actives. This shows that high participants were ranked significantly higher than the low partici- pants on standing in the community. The Pearsonian correlation between Chapin scale score and rating or standing score was -.67. The negative sign is due to the fact that ones with high standing were given lower quantitative scores than ones judged low in standing. By community, the following correlations resulted: Newville, -.75, Millheim, -.68, and Fredonia,-.55. 111. Summary - This section generally supports the hypothesis that differential patterns of participation are associated with selected position indexes in the social structure so that actives and inactives can be differentiated on the basis of position they occupy. However, a few of the position indexes analyzed here do not give data to support this hypothesis. The male actives and inactives did not differ significantly on age distribution but the females did, primarily in the 20-29 year age group which had proportionately more inactives than actives. The actives had proportionately more respondents from families with few members and less from families with several members in comparison with the inactives. No significant difference resulted when the high and low participants were compared on type of family. Thus, only size of family showed a consistent relationship for all communities and both sexes. The analysis of relationship between position indexes indicating social and economic status and actives and inactives gives credence to the eXpectation that proportionately more actives than inactives occupy positions of high status. A greater percentage of the actives than inactives were from the upper economic and educational status groups and were from the white collar occupational groups. In addi- tion, the actives in all communities were given a higher standing than inactives by local community raters. Length of residence was not important in differentiating actives and inactives except in Fredonia where the actives were residents of the community a longer time than the inactives. It seems that the total socio-cultural configuration must be considered to obtain a complete picture of the relationship between several positions and patterns of formal participation. For example, length of residence, age, and type of family differed among communities or between sexes as factors influencing activity status. 112. 115. VI. ECOLOGICAL AND PHYSICAL COIh JICATION FACTORS OF ACTIVES AND INACTIVES Introduction Accessibility to organized activities is regarded as a factor influencing participation patterns. Whether or not individuals are active would be influenced by the physical space between their homes and place of meetings as well as means available for transportation and communication. Since public transportation facilities are not available for transportation from the outlying areas of the community to the center, ownership of an automobile and telephone are possible prerequi- sites to participation. Vehicles of communication are important in all forms of social organization whether communication takes place through word of mouth, written material, or other means. Hence, this section examines the specific hypothesis that proportionately more actives than inactives are located near organ- izational activities; furthermore, more actives than inactives have physical means of communication whereby this space factor is reduced as a barrier to participation. Thus, the actual formal participation role behavior is influenced by the ecological factors and means of communica- tion. The physical location of the members of a community in relation to the locus of organizational meetings is a social force that could be expected to influence participation. Although modern methods of communication and transportation have greatly reduced physical distance as a barrier to social contacts, physical space is a factor that has 114. not been reduced to zero. The ecology of the communities is such that people who live in the neighborhoods or village centers are nearer organized activities than farmers or open-country residents. In fact, very few of the formal organizations in the three communities met in the open-country. The communities differ in respect to location of organization meeting places. Few people in Millheim lived more than three miles from the usual meeting place of organizations while in both Newville and Fredonia almost one-fourth of those interviewed lived beyond three miles. Millheim community has five large neighborhoods which serve as organization centers so that all inhabitants are within short distances of organization meetings. The chief roads in all the communities converge or run through the community centers. It would be expected that the greater the distance the families reside from community centers the less they would participate, since longer distance means more inconvenience and sacrifice in participating. There are certain vehicles and channels of communication that aid in the social contacts required for participation. Possession of the means of communication, such as an automobile and telephone, is an index to economic status as well as a necessary factor in maintaining networks of social contacts. Along with having a car, the ability of the wife to drive would influence her participation. Where formal participation is on an individual instead of family basis, the ability to drive allows the wife to participate when the husband or another member of the family is preoccupied, assuming an automobile is available. 115. Data on the following comunication factors as they relate to formal activity status are presented and analyzed: (1) the distance of the interviewee to the usual place of organization meetings, (2) the distance of the interviewee to his usual shopping center, (5) occupa- tional residence, (4) possession of a family car and whether or not the wife drives, and (5) possession of a telephone in the family home. Analysis of Data Qigtance to Place where OrganizatJions Meet - A larger propor- tion of actives than inactives lived near the meeting places of most organizations as indicated in Table 17. Both male and female actives had proportionately more people who lived closer to the locus of meetings than inactives. A little over one-half of the actives and less than two-fifths of the inactives lived in the populated area where most organizations held their meetings. About one-fifth of the inactives and one-sixth of the actives lived more than three miles from meetings. Both Millheim and Fredonia had more actives and inactives living in the town or village where organizations met than Newville; the latter community had more of each activity status group living more than three miles from the place where organizations met. A greater proportion of the actives than inactives were town or village residents, but there was not as much difference between actives and inactives for those living more than three miles away. New- ville and Millheim had several inactive respondents living in the mountain foothills which were several miles from town. However, Fredonia had many very active respondents living more than three miles from the . meeting place. 116. 'Table 17 - Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Partici-' pants by Distance to Place Where Most Organizations Meet and Sex of Respondents in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, 1948*. Miles from.meeting place of organiza- Newville Millheim Fredonia Total tions and sex of Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Inact. Act. respondents Male respondents No 22% 46% 51% 68% 42% 49% 57% 55% Three or less 45 52 41 22 54 4o 41 51 More than three 55 22 8 10 24 11 _;§§_ _gEL_ Total 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% Number of cases 49 46 59 60 58 62 126 168 Female reapondents No 51% 41% 46% 67% 40% 49% 58% 55% Three or less 41 55 45 21 47 52 44 29 More than three 28 24 ll 12 15 19 18 18 Total 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% Number of cases 49 49 44 57 45 65 158 171 All respondents No 26% 45% 48% 68% 41% 49% 58% 54% Three or less 45 54 42 21 41 56 42 50 More than three 51 25 10 ll 18 15 20 16 Total 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100; 1005 Number of cases 98 95 85 117 85 127 264 55 * Sio ificance of the diffegence between: P C Total actives and inactives Less than .001 .16 Male actives and inactives Between .001 and .01 .18 Female actives and inactives Between .02 and .05 .16 Actives among the communities Between .001 and .01 .22 Inactives among the communities Less than .001 .51 117. A factor not considered in this study is the quality of particiL pation by people living outside the populated areas. Relative social isolation might influence the kind of roles played in group situations. Grace Coyle refers to the group processess that result where members live isolated lives when she says, nSocial habits natural to isolation will affect the quality of participation, the ease of communication, and 58 the range of experience available in the group!. Distance to Shppping Center - The total active participants had proportionately more respondents who travel none or more than seven miles to shop than the inactives. The female actives and inactives did not differ but the male actives and inactives did. See Table 18. There is much variation among the communities on distance travelled to the usual shopping center. For these respondents about one-half of the males in.Newville, one-fifth in Millheim, and three-fourths in Fredonia travelled more than three miles to their usual shopping center. For the females, about three-fourths in.Newville, four-fifths in Fre- donia, and one-fourth in Millheim.travelled more than three miles to their usual shopping center. Millheim is regarded as a local shopping center by a greater percentage of the respondents from that community than from the other two. Millheim.had more adequate and varied shopping facilities than the other community centers. Many people in the town of‘ Fredonia shopped at an outside community center, this pattern being re- inforced by the fact that many people in Fredonia work in nearby cities in industrial plants. 58 Coyle, Grace, Social Process in Organized Groups, Richard Smith, Inc. New York, 1950, p. 70. I! 118.' Table 18 - Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Partici- pants (a) by Distance from.Usual Shopping Center and Sex of Respondents in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, 1948.(b) Distance (miles) from.usua1 shopping Newville Millheim. Fredonia Total center and sex of Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Inact. Act. respondents Male respondents No 25% 32% 46% 69% 19% 19% 29% 40% Three or less 29 17 21 25 6 10 19 17 Four to seven 58 25 19 2 58 29 52 18 fibre than seven 10 26 14 ' 6 57 42 20 25 Total 100% 100% 166% 100% 100% W 100% 100% Number of cases 52 47 48 51 48 52 148 150 Female respondents No 17% 14% 59% 58% 7% 5% 21% 25% Three or less 17 10 29 25 15 15 20 15 Four to seven 16 16 16 ll 58 56 25 22 More than seven. 0 6O 16 8 4O 46 Total 10?. W 100% 100% TOE m 10% 10% Number of cases 52 5O 51 52 55 56 158 158 All respondents No 20% 23% 43% 63% 12% 12% 25% 52% Three or less 25 15 25 25 11 11 2O 16 Four to seven 27 21 17 7 58 52 27 20 More than seven 50 45 15 I 45 28 52 Tbtal 100% 10 p 100% 100% l 100% 100% 10Q% Number of cases 104 97 99 105 105 108 506 508 (a) Active and inactive in this table refer to activity status as judged by key informants and not Chapin scale score. (b) Biggificance of the difference between: P G Total actives and inactives Between .02 and .05 .12 Male actives and inactives Between .02 and .05 .17 Fbmale actives and inactives Between .50 and .70 . a Actives among the communities Less than .001 .49 Inactives among the communities Less than .001 .55 119. The women generally thought of their usual shopping center as being more distant than the men did. The women were probably thinking of a different type of shopping. Perhaps the women answered with cloth- ing and furniture in mind, while the men were thinking of hardware, automobile, feed, seed, and farm supplies which were readily avail- able within all communities. If the single index, where people shop, is taken as a measure of community solidarity, Millheim would rank first, Newville next, and Fredonia third, on the basis of these respondents. In comparing the male actives with the male inactives, the male actives had proportion- ately more respondents who shop locally or who travel more than seven miles. Millheim, more than any other community, shows that actives tend to shop nearby while the inactives travel a greater distance. Part of the difference in distance can be attributed to the different locations of actives and inactives within the community area, and part in the different patterns of travel to other towns or cities. Occupational Residence - The sample is divided into five occupational residence categories; as follows: farm, rural resident, borough resident, other village, and part-time farm. A farm is an enterprise with at least three acres or producing $250 of farm pro- duce annually and where the operator works off the farm less than 100 days a year; the rural resident is one who resides in the open country but who is not a farmer or part-time farmer; a borough re- sident is one living in the incorporated centers within each community; other village refers to the people residing in a village other than 120. 'the community center; part-time farm includes farmers who also work at other occupations more than 100 days a year. While the male actives and inactives did not differ on occupa- tional residence, the females did. The female active category had proportionately more respondents classified as borough or other village residents and part-time farmers than the inactive category. See Table 19. About one—fourth of the female actives and three-tenths of the female inactives were farm residents. In contrast, about one-fourth of the female inactives and one-twentieth of the female actives were rural residents. The rural residents were generally from the lower income and educational groups. In addition, the relative geographic isolation in the open country could be expected to be more of a barrier to participation for the women than for the men who have opportunity to expand their range of social contacts at work. The distribution of the respondents for occupational residence varied among communities. Almost all of the respondents living in villages other than the community center were in Millheim, where they comprised 55 per cent of the inactives and about 40 per cent of the actives for the area. Newville had more respondents residing on farms ‘than.the other two communities. Newville and Fredonia each had about 16 per cent of the respondents from part-time farms, while Millheim had about six per cent in the same category. 121. Table 19 - Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Partici- pants by Occupational Residence and Sex of Respondents in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, 1948.* Occupational Residence Newville Millheim_ Fredonia Total and sex of Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Inact. Act. respondents Male respondents Farm 58% 54's 18:: 25% 5e: 27% 4e; 23;; Rural resident 10% 16% 15% 5% 20% 16% 1 % 12% Boro resident 21 52 25 27 25 45 25 54 Other village 2 4 56 58 O 5 ll 17 Part-time farmer 2 14 10 5 17 49 12 2 Total 100% 100% 100» 100% 100» 100% 100% 100% Number of cases 52 5O 59 6O 4O 56 151 166 Female respondents Farm 51% 27% 28% 21% 51% 29% 50% 26% Rural resident 5O 8 l5 4 54 ll 25 7 Boro resident 22 58 21 28 22 55 22 55 Other village 0 4 54 4O 0 5 ll 16 Part-time farmer 17 _ggg_ __lt_ Z 15 24 12 18 Total 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% ‘100% Number of cases 54 48 47 57 45 66 146 171 All respondents Farm 7 517» 257: 2273 547 28% 5553 27% Rural resident 2O l2 l5 4 27 15 2O 10 Boro resident 22 55 22 28 24 58 22 55 Other village 1 4 55 59 0 4 11 16 Part-time farmer 15 18 7 6 15 17 12 14 Total 100%’ 1607' 1005' 100% loot 1005 106% 100% Number of cases 106 98 86 117 85 122 277 557 * Significance of difference between: P C Total actives and inactives Less than .001 .19 Male actives and inactives Between .05 and .10 .16 Female actives and inactives Less than .001 .26 Actives among communities Less than .001 .45 Inactives among communities Less than .001 .49 122. Possession of Means of Communication - Communication is not only influenced by the distance between families and organization meeting centers but also by the availability of facilities that make communication possible and easy. The relationship between possession of a car and telephone and activity status is considered important in an analysis of communication factors. It is recognized that having a car is highly related to income status. Two people in the high, 15 in the medium, and 56 in the low income categories did not have cars. The data concerning possession of a car are combined with those on whether or not the wife drives and are classified into the following three categories for all respondents: (1) do not have an automobile; (2) have an automobile, but homemaker does not drive; and (5) have an automobile and homemaker drives. About 12 per cent of the sample did not have a car and 60 per cent of these were inactive. Whether or not the homemaker drove seems to be a significant factor between the actives and inactives. See Table 20. Slightly over one-half of the actives and one-fourth of the inactives had a car and the homemaker drove. A little over one-half of the in- actives and one-third of the actives had a car but the homemaker did not drive. Several respondents stated that the wife driving allows greater participation than where the husband or someone else must accompany the wife to a meeting. One woman said she terminated church attendance when her husband fell asleep after taking her to church and did not return for her. The active men and women accounted for a large percentage of the families possessing cars and wives driving. This is 125.. Table 20 - Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Partici- pants by Automobile Ownership and Wife Driving, and Sex of Respondents in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, 1948.* Auto ownership and wife driving and Newville Millheim Fredonia Tota1 sex of respondents Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Hale respondents No automobile 20% 6% 18% 9% 10% % 16% 8% Has auto,home- maker drives 25 49 24 55 28 56 25 54 Has auto, home- maker does not - drive 57 45 ‘58 56 62 " 52 58 Total 1:10;; 100% 100:: 10051. 100;: 100;; 10073 100;; Number of cases 51 47 58 58 59 62 128 167 Female respondents No automobile 18% 6% 20% 5% 7% % 15% 5% Has auto, home- maker drives 26 55 24 45 55 62 29 55 Has auto, home- maker does not drive 6 41 56 _50 58 55 5g 40 Total 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% Number of cases 54 49 45 56 45 66 144 171 All respondents No automobile 19% 6% 19% 7% 8% 6% 16% 6% Has auto, home- maker drives 25 51 24 5O 52 6O 27 54 Has auto, home- maker does not drive 4 57 45 6O 54 57 40 Total 108% 168% 108% 100%' 100% 100% 100% 106% Hummer of cases 105 96 85 114 84 128 272 528 * Significance of the difference between: P C Total actives and inactives Less than .001 .55 Male actives and inactives Less than .001 .28 Female actives and inactives Less than .001 124. undoubtedly a function of higher economic status as well as an index of a family type in which the wife's role includes driving the car. The families in which the wife did not drive might represent a more patri- ' archal type in which authority is centered in the husband while families in which the wife drives might indicate a more democratic relationship between husband and wife. The possession of a telephone was expected to increase participa- tion. By means of it, individuals may be easily informed of the time and place of meetings and may also establish contact with others for committee and program work. Hhere meeting arrangements are not planned well in advance of the actual meeting time, the telephone is almost a necessity. A leader would be greatly handicapped without a telephone. A high percentage of the actives and a low percentage of the inactives had a telephone as indicated in Table 21. A little over 70 per cent of the actives and about 25 per cent of the inactives possessed a tele- phone. Possession of a telephone is closely related to income level of this sample. About 70 per cent of the high income group and 50 per cent of the low income group had a telephone. See Table 22. This study does not include data on television but it seems probable that this medium of communication will influence participation. Early studies indicate a drop in.movie going for those owning television sets. How it will affect formal and informal participation of users is a new research problem. 125. Table 21 - Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Partici? pants by Telephone Ownership Status and Sex of Respondents in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, 1948.”ll Possession of a telephone W lflllheil_n_ Fr edoni a Tot a1 and sex of Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Inact. Act. respondent Male respondents No telephone 87% 50% 76% 25% 75% 50% set 287 Have telephone 15 70 24 15 25 470 2C 72 Total 100% 100% 100% 1005 100% 100% 106% 100% Number of cases 52 47 58 59 4O 60 150 166 Female respondents No telephone 82% 22% 67% 25% 67% 55% 72% 28% Have telephone 18 _78 55 75 55 65 28 2 Total 100% 100% 100% 10 t 10.” l n .1067 186% Number of cases 54 49 45 57 45 66 144 172 A11 respondents No telephone 84% 26% 71% 25% 71% 52% 76% 28% Have telephone 16 74 22 2 68 24 2 Total 105% 100% 100% 108% 108% 100% 100% 100% Number of cases 106 96 85 116 85 126 274 558 * Significance of the difference between: P C Total actives and inactives Less than .001 .45 Male actives and inactives Less than .001 .41 Female actives and inactives Less than .001 .40 Actives among communities Inactives among communities Between .50 and .50 Between .02 and .05 .15 126. Table 22 - Percentage Distribution of Income Groups by Possession of a Telephone, Active and Inactive Formal Participants in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, 1948. Income Group* Possession of Low Medium High a telephone No 687. 50% 28% Yes 52% 50% 72% Total 1007. 100% 1007. Number of cases 170 175 158 * Significance of the difference between income groups: P is less than .001; C = .50. 127.. Summar - In general, this study supports the hypothesis that proportionately more actives than inactives are located near organiza- tional activities and have access to physical means of communication. The active group had a greater percentage than the inactive group of respondents living in the community center and other villages near the meeting places of organizations. The active and inactive females did not differ on distance to usual shopping center, but the active males in comparison with the inactive males more often lived in the nearby area or more than seven miles from the usual shopping center. When the locus of residence was analyzed, the male groups did not differ, but the female inactives had proportionately more respondents than the female actives from farm and rural residence categories. This study shows variation among communities on most ecological factors so that the physical topography, source of employment for the people, and quality of shopping center would probably influence participation and vary from community to community. The actives in comparison with the inactives had proportionately more respondents with telephones and automobiles. The actives and inactives differed further in that the wives of actives more often possessed the skill of automobile driving. Thus, playing the role of an active or inactive participant is influenced by communication facili- ties as well as location factors. 128. VII. II-IAGES OF THE CODE. NITY HELD BY ACTIVES AND INACTIVES One of the hypotheses that serve as a framework for this study is: Differential participation patterns are associated with varying u images of the community. In other words, actives and inactives “other differ on the extent to which they are aware of and sensitive to the community. Characteristics of this image are assumed to be given by the respondents in answers to questions pertaining to satisfaction with community and personal services, identification with the community and the church, and attitudes about selected determinants of "standing" in the community. The role system is viewed as being an important influence on the behavior which defines the image of the community. Satisfaction of Actives and Inactives with Rural Community Living introduction - This section analyzes the differences between actives and inactives regarding expressed degrees of satisfaction with several personal and community referents. These responses are viewed as an index to awareness of and sensitivity to the community and organizations and institutions within it. It is expected that the actives would be more satisfied with personal referents but less satis- fied with community services, such as health, schools, and recreation, as compared with inactives. If the actives are more aware than the inactives of the community situation with regard to schools, recreation, 129. and health, they would probably see more need for better education, recreation, and health facilities. Inactives would not be aware of the need for such improvements and would be less dissatisfied than the actives. The positions that the actives occupy in the social structure undoubtedly influence the awareness of and satisfaction with the community referents. Thus, playing the role of an active or inactive participant includes varying degrees of satisfaction with community services. Several research workers have explored a limited segment of personal adjustment by studying the degree of satisfaction expressed verbally by respondents concerning a certain item or unit of behavior. Hence, the degree of satisfaction becomes an index to personal adjust- ment toward the specified object. In summarizing a study in personal satisfactions, McVoy and Nelson stated, “Results of this study bear out the expectation that general adjustment would be related to satis- faction with one's way of 1ife".59 Personal adjustment may be measured in two ways. It can be considered an aggregate of the person's adjustments in different sectors of experience, such as, employment, income, family, friends, religion and selected community facilities. The interest may be in adjustments to particular activities within each field of experience. 60 This type of measurement gives a multiple conception of adjustment. 59 McVoy, E. and L. Nelson, Sgtisfacpions in Livigg, Bulletin 570, Univer- sity of Minnesota Agricultural Experiment Station, Minneapolis,June 1945. Gavan, Burgess, Havighurst, and Goldhamer, Personal Adjustment in Old égg, Science Research Associates, Inc., Chicago, Illinois, 1949, cf. 150. Or, adjustment may be thought of as the over-all happiness or satisfaction of the person with his present situation, as judged from his statements or from reports of other persons. The question often arises as to whether individuals who parti- cipate in organizations are better adjusted than those who do not. There are implicit assumptions in much social science research that participation in activities creates personal adjustment and, thereby, a better integrated personality. Anderson and Plambeck say, uIt is the asocial individuals and families who are drags on all measures of progress. To neglect those in the development of organizational activi- ties is certainly to hold back the development of the better life."61 On the other hand, many active participants express verbally a desire to decrease the organizational obligations with which they are burdened. It seems pertinent to analyze the adjustments or satisfactions of active and inactive respondents. There are undoubtedly several components to the concept of personal adjustment. Internal physiological adjustment is perhaps functionally related to verbal responses about one's personal adjust- ment, but other methods would be needed to validate internal adjust- ment, than those used in this study. When we talk in terms of the external effect produced, some standard of social approval or a value criterion is implied. In some societies mentally abnormal individuals 61 Anderson and Plambeck, op. cit., p. 21. 151.= ‘might be termed well adjusted, but not according to American social norms. In another sense, while it is possible for a person to be adjusted in display of outward behavior and at the same time be homeostatically efficient (discharging more stimulus induced energy than is rearoused), it will be seen that in meeting many long-term and socially approved behavior standards, individuals often become unbalanced homeostatically. Some of our best adjusted men from a social standpoint are the most maladjusted physiologically.62 An index to the physiological adjust- ment is probably included in the individual's responses concerning de- grees of satisfaction. Methods Used to Study Satisfactions - Personal adjustment, as used in this study, refers to verbal responses of how satisfied the respondent feels about certain units of community and personal behavior. It assumes that the better satisfied a person is, the better adjusted he is to the Specific behavior being analyzed. Another basic assump- tion was that the residents of the various communities were conscious of their immediate territorial surroundings and reacted with varying degrees of satisfaction.to them. One could question individuals about degrees of satisfaction concerning units of behavior ad infinitum. Hence, it seemed necessary to delimit the areas of behavior for analysis of personal adjustment. The items used here were selected to include the major proportion of 62 Freeman, G. L.,The Engrgetios_gf'Humgngfiehsvior, Cornell University, Ithaca, New York, 1948, p. 201: 152. the important segments of behavior that are ordinarily expected to be a part of living in small rural communities. For example, the reSpond— ents were asked about their degree of satisfaction with the friendliness of the community, educational opportunities, COOperativeness of the community, and moral character of the community. These items refer to specific images that are part of a total conception of community living. Also, the individuals were questioned about more personal referents, such as degree of satisfaction with his or her work, social life, family life, house or apartment, and income. It seems possible that satisfaction with these more personal referents is inextricably interrelated with satisfaction with community institutions and services. The integration of the person with the beliefs and values of the community would seem to be important for personal adjustment. Newcomb refers to personal adjustment to these sociological variables when he says, "In communities the acquiring of social attitudes is only one aspect of a total personality adjustment to the total community situation, and acceptance or internalization of that sector of the mores labeled social attitudes tends to accompany internalization of other sectors.“65 Personal adjustment, then, would include more areas of living than acceptance of the community's social attitudes. 65 Newcomb, T., Personality;and Social Changg, Dryden Press, New York, 1945, p. 160. 155. In this study each respondent was asked to express his degree of satisfaction or dissatisfaction concerning the units of behavior already mentioned. Each question was worded so as to obtain a reply in one of four categories: very satisfied, quite satisfied, not very satisfied, or not satisfied at all. These replies were then given quantitative values so that a total satisfaction score was obtained for each person. In combining the disparate activities into one score, one is confronted with the certainty that the different activities have unequal satisfaction values for the person. This would have to be considered if the list were constructed into a scale to be standard- iged. In addition to securing responses on separate activities, this study obtained responses on the degree of satisfaction with life as a whole. The assumption was that the individual's satisfactions with specific activities are represented in his general satisfaction. It would be desirable in studying individual adjustment to attempt further validation of the responses concerning satisfactions. Appropriate methods might include the use of intensive observation of the people interviewed by a well trained and competent research worker or observation of the presence of adjustive behavior by a person with psychiatric or psychological training. These methods could be used in future studies. 154. Satisfactions of Actives and Inactives - It was expected that ' the actives would be better satisfied than the inactives with the way things are working out for them. An assumption was made that reSpond- ents reply in a degree of satisfaction that includes all variables in the over-all satisfaction concept. Cottam found in his Ohio study that a much larger percentage of the active participants was entirely or mostly satisfied, everything considered, than the non—participants or occasional participants.6l+ To make a similar comparison here, the ques- tion asked was, “How satisfied do you usually feel about the way things' are working out for you?" This question was intended to obtain an over-all satisfaction picture as the interviewee saw it. The writer feels that many respondents answered the question in view of a specific recent situation. For instance, one farmer‘s cows had recently been sick with milk fever. He answered the question with that incident in mind. However, even with many individuals responding to the question in terms of recent specific situations, there was a marked difference in the answers obtained from the actives and inactives. About nine out of 10 of the actives were very or quite satisfied with the way things were working out for them as contrasted to seven out of 10 of the in- actives. See Table 25. This does indicate that the actives were better satisfied than the inactives. The results are similar to Cottam's find- ings since 86 per cent of the active participants (Chapin score of eight 64 Cottam, H., Level of Living, Social Participationl_and Social Adjustment, a Stugy of the Standard of Living of 299 Ohio Farm Families, Uni- versity of Wisconsin, 1940, Ph.D. thesis. or more) in his study were mostly or entirely satisfied while 52 per cent of the non-participants reaponded that way. Table 25 - Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Participants by Degree of Satisfaction With the Way Things Are Usually Working Out in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, 1948.* 1 _-—___ 1— 1— Degree Of, Inactive Active satisfaction Very satisfied 14% 50% Quite satisfied 56 55 Not very satisfied 25 15 Not satisfied at all 5 2 Total 100% 100% Number of cases 272 541 * P is less than .001; C = .25 Each person was also asked how satisfied he or she was with specific areas of personal living and community services, such as friendliness, family life, recreation, and health. Cottam found that a higher percentage of active participants than non-participants was satisfied with educational and medical facilities in the community while there was no significant difference in satisfaction with recreational facilities. 5 Similarly, in this study, the respondents were asked 65 Ibid, Table 48. their degree of satisfaction with recreation, education, and health facilities in the community. The actives were expected to be less satisfied with these specific community services than the inactives. This expectation was only partially verified for the low participants were better satisfied than the high participants with educational and recreational facilities but their responses did not differ significant- ly for degree of satisfaction with health facilities, as shown in Table 24. While the actives and inactives did not differ on satisfaction with health facilities, the difference that did exist was in line with the hypothesis. About one-half of the actives and two-thirds of the in- actives were very or quite satisfied with educational opportunities. Slightly less than one-half of the high participants and a little over six-tenths of the low ones were satisfied with the recreational activities. Evidently, educational opportunities and recreational activities are not felt needs for the inactives as often as for the actives. About one-fourth of the inactives and one-third of the actives were not very or not at all satisfied with the health facilities in the community. The respondents mentioned the services of the local medical doctor or lack of a sewage system when they gave comments on this question. Within this narrow definition of health facilities, it is quite possible that inactives feel a need for adequate health facilities as much as actives. None of the three communities had a sewage system. Many individuals who resided outside the community center expressed dis- satisfaction with the local doctor. 157. Table 24 - Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Partici- pants by Degree of Satisfaction with Selected Community Refer- ents in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, 1948. Degree of a) Educational b) Recreational c) Health satisfaction opportunitigg facilities facilities Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Very satisfied 18% 16% 153% 11% 24% 22,7. Quite satisfied 48 56 46 54 51 46 Not very satisfied 26 55 5O 59 2O 25 Not satisfied at all 8 15 9 _56 5 7 Total 100?. 1007. 1087,. 100,. 100,. 1003. Number of cases 261 558 261 556 265 529 Degree of Friendliness e) Religious oppor- f) Neighbor- satisfaction of community tunities in hood community, Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Inact. Act. very satisfied 59% 52% 57% 5 5 55% 43% Quite satisfied 51 40 59 40 59 47 Not very satisfied 9 8 4 6 6 4 Not satisfied at all __j. 0 O O O 1 Total loo—35 1007. 10077. 1007. 1007. 1007. Number of cases 275 545 267 541 268 544 Degree of Moral character h) Cooperativeness satisfaction of community of community Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Very satisfied 27% 55% 50% 58% Quite satisfied 64 55 54 45 Not very satisfied 8 15 14 16 Not satisfied at all 1 l 2 1 T 01'. 8.1 1 0070 1 0070 1 00730 1 0070 Number of cases 264 558 266 540 a) P: between .02 and .05; C = .08 8) P=1693 than .0013 0 = .19 b) P: between .01 and .02; C = .15 f) P: between .001 and .01; C=.l5 c) P: between .50 and .70; C . J g) P: between .02 and .05; C: .10 d) P: between .001 and .01; C : .15 h) P2 between .05 and .10; 02.09 158. In other words, concerning education and recreation, a signi- ficantly larger percentage of the inactives than the actives was satis- fied. The question arose as to whether the actives were dissatisfied with these community services before or after they became active in organizations. When the study was completed, a few people in each community were asked why they thought the actives were dissatisfied with these two community services while the inactives were satisfied. The general feeling was that many people do not get out and see how other people in the world live. It is probable that those people who themselves had more education or who have experienced or read about better conditions elsewhere were more dissatisfied with community services in their community. A study related to this question made by Nelson and McVoy reached a conclusion that the nature and extent of wants and the degree of their satisfaction differ with variations in age, occupation, place of living, nationality, education, socio- economic status, social participation, and family composition. I The actives and inactives did not differ at the five per cent level on degree of satisfaction with the cooperativeness of the community, but the P value approached the level of significance. See Table 24. About four out of 10 of the actives and three out of 10 of the inactives were very satisfied with the cooperation of their community. About 85 per cent of both groups were very or quite satis- fied with the way their community cooperated. ‘— Nelson, L. and E. MCVoy, 'How Satisfying is Rural Life?“, Rural Sociolo , Vol. VIII, No. 5, September 1942, pp. 261-267. 159. Proportionately more of the actives than inactives were"very satisfied"with the moral character of the community. However, more actives than inactives were dissatisfied with the moral character of the community. About three—fourths of the respondents who expressed dissatisfaction with the moral character of their community were from the only community center that permitted sale of alcoholic beverages. How much influence the local bars had on the responses to this question is highly speculative. Moral character is a rather vague term and each respondent probably defined it in terms of his own value system. Actives replied in the extreme categories of satisfaction more than inactives. Proportionately more of the actives than inactives were satis- fied with religious opportunities in the community, friendliness of the community, and their neighborhood. While almost all of the respondents were satisfied with religious opportunities, a little over five out of 10 of the actives and less than four out of 10 of the inactives were very satisfied. The number of churches in each community could explain the fact that there was a pervasive satisfaction with religious oppor- tunities; the fact that practically all of the actives and about one- half of the inactives belonged to a church helps to explain the differ- ence in extreme degree of satisfaction between the two groups. Slightly over one-half of the actives and about two-fifths of the inactives were very satisfied with friendliness of the community. Likewise, about one-half of the actives and one-third of the inactives were very satisfied with their neighborhood. Only four to nine per cent 140. bf the actives or inactives were dissatisfied with the friendliness of their community or neighborhood. This gives some indication of the gemeinschaft type of social relationships that exist in these communities. It seems that almost all of the respondents were at least fairly well satisfied with the friendliness manifested by other communi- ty members. The respondents were questioned about degrees of satisfaction with more personal referents that are assumed to be a part of the over- sll image symbolizing satisfaction with a community. These personal areas included the respondents work, house or apartment, income, social life, and family. Proportionately more actives than inactives were satisfied with these personal referents. See Table 25. Although only a very few were not satisfied with their work, proportionately more of the actives than inactives were very satisfied. In contrast with so few people being dissatisfied with their work, about three-tenths of the inactives and one-sixth of the actives were dissatisfied with their income. A little over nine out of 10 of the actives and eight out of 10 of the inactives were very orquite satisfied with their house or apartment. About three-fourths of the high partici- pants and a little over one—half of the low participants were very satisfied with their family life. The interview situation where a man or wife were interviewed in the presence of the other might have biased the responses to this question. About one-half of the actives and one-fourth of the inactives were very satisfied with their social life. That a large proportion of all respondents were satisfied with these 141 .' ‘Table 25 - Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Partici- pants by Degree of Satisfaction with Selected Personal Living Referents in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, 1948. Degree of a) Income LL Vork c) genes or apartment satisfaction Inact. Act. Inact. Act. . Inact. Act. Very satisfied 16% 58% 56% 27% 45% Quite satisfied 55 59 54 41 55 49 Not very satisfied 25 7 5 16 7 Not satisfied at all 4 1 0 2 1 Total 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% Number of cases 266 559 271 541 271 541 Degree of d Psmil life s) Social life satisfaction Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Vbry satisfied 54% 75% 26% 50% Quite “tidied 4'4- 2} 62 “'1 not very satisfied 2 11 6 not satisfied at all 0 l 0 total 100% 100% 100% 100% Number of cases 271 545 270 541 ‘) P: I... w .0013 0 = s19 b) P: less than .0013 O = .17 c3 P: less than .0013 O = .18 d P: lessthsn.0013 0 =.21 e) P = less than .001: O = .24 1112'. personal referents is evidenced by the fact that not more than about one-fifth were dissatisfied with any one item. Omit: Satisfaction Score - Each respondent was given a quantitative score based on responses concerning degree of satisfaction with the 15 community and personal living referents. A community satis- faction score was calculated by assigning mmerical values to the replies of the 15 questions on aspects of living and adding these item scores for each respondent. The answer, very satisfied, was valued at plus two: quite satis- fied, plus one: not very satisfied, minus one, and not satisfied at all, minus two. The difference between a positive and a negative answer was considered relatively larger than the difference between the two positive or two negative answers. If a middle category had been used, it would have had a value of zero. This five point range of intensity for each item is similar to the scoring used in the Likert technique.67 It is quite possible that some cases were lost because of no neutral score, but it was felt that the advantages of not having it were greater than the disadvantage of losing a few cases. This made possible a range of individual scores from +26 to -26. These scores were broken down into five groups so that the top group included those 57 Likert, R. A., 'A Technique for the Measurement of Attitudes', Archives ofPs cholo , No. 140, Columbia University Press, 1952. 145. ‘ individuals with total scores of 21-26, the next group 16-20, the medium group, 11-15, the next to the lowest group 6-19, and the lowest group, all below 6. It can be seen that those persons with a score of less than six would be personally adjusted to very few of the areas of commmity living included in this study. Proportionately more of the actives than inactives were in the high oomunity satisfaction score groups, see Table 26. The difference between actives and inactives was significant at the five per cent level. Thus, while the inactives were better satisfied than actives with a few community services, the composite score of the 15 calamity and personal referents shows the actives better satisfied than inactives. Table 26 - Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Participants by Oomity Satisfaction Score Groups in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, 1948.* Calamity satisfaction score group Inactive Active Highest 16% 17% Next to highest 15 21 Medium 29 55 lent to lowest 25 17 Lowest 1 12 ‘ Total 16% "1'56? Ember of cases 271 545 " P = between .02 and .05; O = .15. 144. Davies constructed a scale of community satisfaction using 40 opinion statements having 40 value referents.68 His scale deals entirely with the subject's degree of satisfaction with the community whereas five of the 15 items used in the present study determined the degree of satisfaction with areas of personal living which are at least incompletely related to a community value referent. However, eight of the community values used by Davies were used here. Davies found that students were more dissatisfied with regard to recreation than adults. He found acceptable discriminative value on all 40 items. Tests of reliability and validity were generally highly significant. He also found a moderate relationship between morale and community satisfaction. A Pearsonian correlation coefficient was computed between the Chapin scale scores and the satisfaction scores on the eight areas of community living. For the actives, the value obtained was -.55 and for the inactives, 0.11. Thus, as the participation scores increased, the satisfaction scores decreased for the actives; for the inactives, a small positive relationship was shown between participation scores and community satisfaction. It seems that a point might be reached in participation level where satisfaction with the community decreases. A statement was made previously that satisfaction with community services and interpersonal relationships might be highly 68 Davies, V., 'Development of a Scale to Rate Attitude of Community Satisfaction,‘l Rural Sociology, September 1945, pp. 248-255. 145. . related to satisfaction with personal referents. A Pearsonian correla- tion of +.l5 for the actives was obtained when the satisfaction scores for the personal referents were compared with the scores for community behavior items. When the same procedure was completed for the inactives, a value offl65 resulted. This shows a rather high degree of correla- tion for the inactives between the degree of satisfaction with commi- ty and personal behavior units but little correlation for the actives. In Stott's investigation of the relationship between family - prosperity and the psychological adjustment of farm family members, he concluded that successful operation of the farm as reflected in material possessions and cultural advantages in the home are factors of sass importance in the personality adjustments of both parents and children.69 The Mangus and Cottam study showed social adjustment, level of living, 70 Since the active and social participation to be closely associated. participants are mainly from the higher income group, it could be ex- pected that the actives would be better adjusted psychologically. The aspects of living studied seem to substantiate this hypothesis. QM - This study shows that the active individuals in the three commities were not as well satisfied with educational opportuni- ties and recreational activities as the inactive ones were. There was no significant difference between actives and inactives on satisfaction 69 Statt, I», 'Pamily Prosperity in Relation to the Psychological Adjustments bf Farm Polk', Rural Sociolggz, pp. 256-265, September 1945. Q 70 Mangus and Cottam, o . cit., p. 54. 146i ' with the health facilities and cooperativeness in the commity. However, in all other selected aspects of living in these rural commities, the active group was better satisfied than the inactive group. These aspects included social life, family life, the house or apartment lived in, the individual's work, his or her income, religious opportunities, friendliness and moral character of the conmunity, and his or her neighborhood. The active group was better satisfied than the inactive group with the community when all facets of living were combined into a composite score. The actives expressed greater satisfaction with the way things were working out for them than the inactives. The hypothesis is at least partially substantiated, namely, that actives are more satisfied than inactives with personal refer— ents but the fermer are less satisfied than the latter with «munity services. Therefore, it seems that the actives see a need for improve- ment in community services to a greater degree than inactives. The 'other' image of the community for the actives in comparison with the inactives- includes a greater degree of satisfaction with aspects of living closely related to interpersonal relationships, such as friendliness, the neighborhood, moral character, and coopera- tiveness. However, with regard to specific ccmnunity services, such as recreation and education, the actives feel more dissatisfied, indicating a greater degree of social and commity sensitivity. Further study is needed to determine specifically what commity services the actives are more or less dissatisfied with than the in- actives. However, evidence here cn differential degrees of satisfaction 147. with community and personal referents tends to support the hypothesis that actives and inactives have varying 'other' images of the community. Attitudes of Actives and Inactives About Determinants of “Standing“ in the Community Introduction - This section attempts to answer the problem: Does the attitude-value system of the active and inactive group differ in such a way as to explain their varying degrees of participant behavior? The answer to this question is viewed as further evidence testing the I major hypothesis that actives, more than the inactives, are aware of and sensitive to community institutions and services. In other words, the image of the community is a symbol evoking differential behavior patterns for the actives and inactives. The behavior of an individual can be understood and explained on the basis of a type of conceptualization.that views the individual in interpersonal situations. The individual is a group product of past experience, on the one hand, and a product of the interpersonal situa- tion in.which he is currently participating, on the other.71 Hence, it seems desirable to ascertain the attitudes of the individual acting in a certain situation. The attitudes are generally products of past eXperiences and they act as social forces in determing behavior. These attitudes are only one segment of behavior that must be analyzed 71 Mullahy, P., A Study of Integpersonal Relations, Editor, Hermitage Press, Inc., New York, 1959. p. 58. 148. in order to understand the resulting behavior in a particular situation. Attitude is conceived as being tied to the concept value so that one has a predisposition to behave toward an object or symbol that has meaning for the person. The attitudes most important in daily life seem to be social attitudes which are related to other individuals, groups, institutions, tools, technology, standardized values or norms. These are predisposi- tions to behave that really determine an individual's reaction to other people or other groups, and map out for him the main boundaries of his expdrience and taste. These attitudes act as selectors which determine the manner in which other people, objects, and norms are perceived. The social values which have positive or negative meaning as related to attitudes, serve as stimli and influence the actor.72 The origin of attitudes can be found in the culture of groups in which a person interacts. It is from the groups of which he is a part tint he mainly derives his attitude toward life. The values and norms which exist in the family, play, and peer groups become a part of the lives of its members. The understanding of any socially con- ditioned behavior must be sought in an understanding of the groups from which the person's attitudes are derived.” 78 Sherif, M. and E. Cantril, The Egychologz of Ego-Involvements, John Wiley and Sons, 1947. cf. 75 Eubanks, E. 8., The Games ts of Sociol , D. 0. Heath and Compaq, New Iork,19§2, p. 167. 149. j The mind becomes organized and takes on new meaning from intercourse with minds in its historic epoch, in its world of social patterns. Values as we find them in adult experience are largely the result of social emphasis, suggestion, and organization?“ The status groups in which we interact form our values to a great extent. Those things which bear the stamp of approval of our group satisfy us. The system of values of an individual is comprised of various objects or beliefs to which he or she is positively oriented. Hence, the individual has an attitude-value system. Knowledge of the attitudes of people gives a partial explanation of social behavior. Of particular interest to this study was the attitude of the people toward participation in formal organizations. in attitude conducive to formal participation would be a motivating force in attaining that felt need; namely, of participation. Formal participa- tion to some people is a necessary part of living; to others it my be of no significance. An individual who requires formal participa- tion for a certain satisfaction feels that need much as another person needs food. Even though the need is socially conditioned it is real to that person. It is expected that actives value individual behavior related to other people while inactives value behavior unrelated to other people. ‘74 Boodin, J., The Social Mind, The McMillan Co.,eNew York, l9§9,p. 268. 150. 3This means that active participants would have more favorable attitudes toward socially conscious behavior than inactives. Because active participants take part in many community activities, they probably are more outward facing than the inactives. Thus, actives would be social- 1y sensitive and aware of groups and situations beyond their individual or family behavior. To test this hypothesis, it was assumed that respondents would reveal their own attitude-value system regarding selected behavior patterns when asked to rank various types of behavior that determine standing in the community. No attempt was made to define standing but the assumption is inherent that it subsumes certain prestige elements that allow individuals to be placed in a hierarchical order. Various groups differ on the criteria for standing or give varying degrees of weight to the determinants. These attitudes toward determinants of standing are probably a part of the subculture of various groups in the communities. Methods Used to Study Attitudes - Data were obtained from respondents to the following request: 'The following often determine a men's (women's) standing in the comunity. Some of these are more important than others. Will you indicate which one is most important in your community, the next most important, the third, etc." ' The list included 12 behavioral items, some of which referred to commity behavior while others included more personal behavior. The items were chosen to conform to the culture of the rural areas studied, in addition to being criteria for standing as gathered from other 151 . research reports. Considerable difficulty in obtaining a complete ranking of the 12 items resulted in an attempt to get the top three and bottom three items, as judged by the respondents. . The questions for males and females were slightly different. The males were asked to rate “that a man does for a living,' while the females were given 'Vhat one's husband does for a living,'3 in place of 'How good a farmer, businessman, or worker he is' for the males, the females were given 'How good a housekeeper she is.‘ It was felt that these items were comparable and that each conformed to the sex role of the respondent. ' Criteria of Standing as Reported by Males - The ratings as given by male respondents, according to their activity status, showed rather consistent patterns for all areas as shown in Table 27. The items most often listed high by males included how religious a man is: how good a farmer, businessman, or worker he is; his moral and ethical standards; and how good a neighbor he is. There were large differences in the number of times actives and inactives chose some items as being one of the highest three determinants of a person's standing. The male actives reported the following a greater number of times than the inactives: how such he supports and takes leader- ship in community organizations and his moral and ethical standards. Of the replies from the actives, about one out of six was how mch a person supports and takes leadership in community organizations, while ofthe total inactive's replies, only one out of 55 was that item. More inactives than actives ranked high: what a man does for 152 . Table 27 - Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Male Formal Participants by Three Highest Rated Values in Three Pennsyl- vania Rural Communities, 1948. Highest rated Newville Millheim Fredonia Total* values Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Inact. Act. this How good a farmer he is, businessman, etc. 27% 14% 22% 16% 26% 16% 25% 15% How good a neighbor he is 19 1A 14 17 16 22 17 18 His moral and ethical standards 6 17 15 24 15 2O 10 20 How religious a man is 9 19 10 ll 12 9 11 15 How much he supports and takes leadership in community organi- zations 2 19 4 14 h 15 5 16 What a man does for a living 14 5 7 5 11 6 ll 5 How well he keeps his place up 7 4 9 5 9 5 8 4 His personal appear- ance 8 2 8 2 1 2 6 2 How much money he has 2 2 6 5 1 5 5 5 The house he lives in 4 O 5 1 6 2 4 1 How well educated he is 2 2 l 2 l l l 2 What family a man comes from O 2 g5_ 2 O l l 1 Total 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% Number of cases 47 48 56 59 51 59 114 166 * P - Less than .001; c a .5o;d.:fa- 7. 155. a living, the house he lives in, his personal appearance, how good a farmer, businessman, or worker he is, and how well he keeps his place up. There was little difference in the replies of the actives and the inactives on some items mentioned often; such as, how good a neighbor he is and how religious a man is. These latter items seem to be per- vasive values in the culture of these areas. The values rated high by actives are more community oriented than those rated high by inactives. While the actives rated high organization activity and moral and ethical standards, the inactives more often mentioned what a man does for a living, his house, appearance, and good worker. The actives tended to emphasize interpersonal relation- ships more than the inactives. The inactives tended to emphasize factors which are a part of a person's economic status. It is possible that the inactives were striving to attain a favorable status in relation to the items placed high. The actives were generally in a higher economic status group than the inactives which might explain why the actives put less emphasis verbally on individual economic achievement. The active participants tended to seldom mention items closely related to the physical necessities of living while the inactives high rating of economic goods probably reflects more basic felt needs as part of their value system. The three items with the least influence on a person's standing were more difficult to obtain in the interviews than the three highest, resulting in fewer replies for this question. The male actives and inactives most often rated the following items low in judging a man's 154. ‘ standing in the community: how much money he has, how well educated he is, and what family a man comes from. See Table 28. The actives rated the following values low a greater percentage of the time than the inactives: what a man does for a living, the house he lives in, and how much money he has. A greater percentage of the inactives than actives reported the following items low: how much he supports and takes leadership in community organizations, and how well educated he is. However, the differences for male actives and inactives were not significant. CriterjiLa gt; Standigg as Reported by Females - The women most often ranked the following items high in determining a woman's stand- ing in the community: how religious a woman is, how much she supports and takes leadership in community organizations, how good a house- keeper she is, her moral and ethical standards, and how good a neigh- bor she is. See Table 29. Several items were listed more frequently by the actives than by the inactives. These were , how much she supports and takes leadership in comunity organizations, and her moral and ethical standards. More inactives than actives reported the follow- ing: what a woman does for a living, how much money she has, her personal appearance, and how good a housekeeper she is. This listing of values was similar to that mentioned by the active and inactive males. The most-significant difference between actives and inactives was on suppbrting and taking leadership in organizations as a value. The women most often reported the following items low in determining a woman's standing: how much money a woman has, how well 155. Table 28 - Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Male Formal Participants by Three Lowest Rated Values in Three Penn- sylvania Rural Communities. if Lowest rated Newville Millheim Fredonia Tota1* values Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Male How much money he has 26% 22% 18% 27% 25% 26% 22% 26% What family he comes from 15 ll 16 16 51 26 22 19 How well educated he is l9 14 19 9 15 11 17 11 What a man does for a living 10 15 10 12 8 16 9 14 The house he lives in 7 18 11 17 5 6 7 12 How much he supports and takes leadership in community organi- zations 7 O 6 2 11 5 9 2 His personal appear- ' ance 1 5 11 7 ”O 4 4 6 How religious a man is 8 9 4 1 7 5 6 4 How well he keeps his place 5 2 l 5 _ O 1 1 5 His moral and ethical i standards 4 O O l 1 l 2 1 How good a neighbor he is O 2 5 2 l O l 1 How good a farmer he is, businessman, etc. 0 4 1 1 O 1 O 1 Total 100% 10Q% 100% 100% 100% 100% lOQ% 100% Number of cases 21+ 21 28 51 26 47 78 119 ‘ P . between .50 and 070;def- 50 156. Table 29 - Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Female Formal Participants by Three Highest Rated Values in Three Pennsyl- vania Rural Communities, 1948. Highest rated Newville Millheim Fredonia Tota1* values Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Female How good a neighbor she is 20; 1953 195: 1872’. 18;: 24,-: 207. 21;; How religious a woman is l8 l7 19 15 12 18 16 17 Her moral and ethical standards 6 19 15 17 18 22 12 20 How much she supports and takes leadership in community organiza- tions 8 17 4 l7 5 11 6 14 How good a houskoeper she is 10 6 l4 6 l5 9 l5 7 Her personal appear- ance 9 9 6 7 l4 6 10 7 What a woman does for a living 11 6 9 10 8 5 9 7 How much money she has 6 2 6 5 5 2 6 2 What family she comes from. 5 2 4 4 O l 5 2 How well educated she is 5 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 The house she lives in 4 1 4 1 5 2 5 1 Total 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% Number of cases 50 5O 46 55 58 65 154 168 * P - between 002 and e05; C ‘ 0223d0f’ 8e 157‘. educated she is, and her family background. The active women reported the following a greater number of times than the inactive: what a woman does for a living, how much money she has, and the house she lives in. Mere inactives than actives chose these replies: how much she supports and takes leadership in organizations and how well educat- ed she is. See Table 50. Even.though the active and inactive female groups did not differ on reported low values, the difference observed was primarily on the value of having to do with taking part in.organi- zations. The active women, like the active men, responded a greater number of times then.the inactives in favor of determinants of stand- ing that are community behavior items rather than individually orient- ed behavior. Parents' Participation Patterns - The actives ranked taking part in community organization higher than the inactives as a detersdr nant of a person's standing. One influence in determining the degree of emphasis placed on formal participation is the home training as exhibited by the parents' behavior in.organizationa1 activity. The family in which the child is reared exerts many social forces that influence behavior. .Much has been written recently on the topic of early home conditioning factors and the effect they have on.forming a personality structure which persists in later life. Much of psycho- analytic theory is based on the assumption that training received in early years of life influences adult behavior. 158. Table 50 - Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Female Formal Participants by Three Lowest Ratedvalues in Three Pennsyl- vania Communities, 1948. Lowest rated Newville Millheim Fredonia Tota1* values Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Female How much money she has 1853 27% 22% 257$ 287$ 27% 25% 27% What family she comes from 11 11 14 16 27 20 19 17 How well educated she is 18 21 18 11 l6 16 17 15 The house she lives in 10 10 15 20 7 9 ll 14 What a woman does for a living 8 10 12 15 8 14 10 15 How much she supports and takes leadership in community organize tions 14 4 11 5 6 5 10 5 How good a neighbor she is O O 5 2 4 2 5 2 How good a housewife she is 2 4 O 4 2 5 1 5 Her moral and ethical standards 9 2 1 2 1 1 5 1 How religious a woman is 4 7 O l l 4 1 5 Her personal appear- ance 6 4 2 #5 O l 2 2 Total 100% 100;; 100% 100% 1007. 1007; 100% 100,7. Number of cases 17 18 59 48 28 49 84 115 * P s between .50 and .50; d;-fa- 5. 159 . The formal participation patterns of the parents of the respond- ents were conceived as a conditioning factor in the life history of the individuals interviewed. It was expected that the respondents could recall the approximate degree of participation of their parents. The analysis that follows is of responses to the question: "How many organizations did your father belong to?" Answers were placed in one of the following four categories: none, one or two, and three or more. The same question was asked about the respondent's mother. Many did not know or could not recall, but about 85 per cent answered the question. The respondents were asked to rate the activity of their parents contemporary with organizational activity of their time. The activity of the parents was obtained as of the time that they were 50- 55 years of age. As shown in Table 51, about one out of eight of the actives had fathers who belonged to three or more organizations while only one out of 55 of the inactives were in that category. About one out of sixteen of the actives had fathers who had belonged to no organiza- tions while about three out of ten of the inactives reported fathers having had no formal organization membership. About one-tenth of the actives and one-fiftieth of the inactives had mothers who belonged to three or more organizations; the mothers of three-tenths of the inactives and one-twelfth of the actives belonged to no organizations. See Table 52. Hence, the parents of the actives were more frequent participants than the parents of the inactives. 160. ‘Table 51 - Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Partici- pants by Number of Organizations Father Belonged to in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, 1948. _: (_v Number of organizations Newvil 1e Mil lhe im Fredonia Total“ father bel onged to Inact . Act . Inact. Act . Inact . Act. Inact. Act. None 41% 5% 21% 5% 24% 8% 29% 6% 1‘2 55 75 79 80 74 55 55 31 5 or more 6 20 O 15 2 I 5 15 Total 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% Number of case e 76 96 81 109 58 109 215 514 * P= Less than .001; C =.5l Table 52 - Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Partici- pants by Number of Organizations Mother Belonged to in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, 1948. Ember of organizations Newville Millheim Fredonia Total“ mother belonged to Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Inact. Act. None 46% 9% 22% 4% 22% 10% 31% 8% 1-2 51 77 77 90 75 85 67 85 5 or more 5 14 l 6 5 Z 2 _ 2. Total 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% Number of cases 78 95 85 111 55 104 216 510 _* P = Less than .001: O = .54. 161. The respondents were then asked: 'How active was your father (mother) in the organizations to which he-(she) belonged?‘ The parents of the actives were more active than the parents of the inactives. As shown in Table 55, about one-third of the actives and one-fifth of the inactives rated their father as very active in organizations. Three-tenths of the actives and one-half of the inactives rated their father as not very active or not active at all. The two groups differ- ed on reported father's activity in two commities but not in Fredonia, although what difference did exist was consistent with that in the other two. Table 55 - Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Forml Partici- pants by Degree of Father's Activity in Organizations in Three Pennsylvania Rural Oomunities, 1948. Degree of father's activity in organi- a1 Newville bLMillheim e1 Fredonia a) Total zations Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Very active 25% 51% 19% 29% 11% 22% 18% 54% Quite active 40 29 5o 45 27 4o 52 57 Not very active 25 17 42 25 46 5O 58 24 Not active at all 12 5 2 5 16 8 12 5 Total 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% Number of cases 45 87 57 99 44 90 144 276 a) P = between .001 and .01; O = .26 b) P : between .02 and .05; C = .22 c) P 2 between .10 and .20; d) P = between .001 and .01; o = .22. About one-third of the actives and one fifth of the inactives judged their mother as having been very active in organizations. About one-third of the actives and one-half of the inactives said she was not very or not active at all, as shown in Table 54. When analyzed by 162 . 'separate commities, the degree of mothers activity for the active and inactive groups did not differ significantly, although the difference approached the level of significance. Perhaps the respondents felt their mothers were not as active in organizations as their father. Table 54 - Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Partici- pants by Degree of Mothers Activity in Organizations in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, 1948. Degree of mother ' s activity in.organi- a) Newville b) Millheim. c) Fredonia d) Tota1 zations Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Inact. Act. very active 20% 56% 20% 27%. 12% 2r% 13% 28% Quite active 50 51 58 44 55 55 54 57 Not very active 55 29 55 25 48 42 58 51 Not active at all 15 4 2 6 z 2 10 4 Total 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% Number of cases 46 87 64 106 42 89 152' 282 a; P =between .05 and .10; C -.22 b P =between .20 and .50; c) P =between .20 and .50; i d) P =between .001 and .01; C “.16. It is quite possible that the individuals interviewed rated their parents in terms of their own activity status. Since the respondents probably had little knowledge of the possibilities of participation at the time their parents were of middle age, it seems logical to assum that mny people replied in terms of their own participation as a norm. Another possible explanation of the results from the preceding two questions would be that the factors which act as social forces in formal 165. ‘participation are more readily acquired by actives than inactives. The formal participation patterns of the parents might not be learned by the children, but the occupation, income level, education, and the like might be socially inherited. However, it is still possible that the formal participation patterns of the parents exert forces which promote early participation by the children. Locality of Residence fihere Reared - Locality of residence where reared was analyzed as a possible conditioning force promoting favorable attitudes toward formal participation so that they persist over a period of time. No assumption is made that individual attitudes do not change with intervening experiences; rather, this study explores the relationship between.high and low participant groups and place where reared. Since the respondents represent two extreme activity universes, it is impossible to draw any definite conclusions regarding place where reared as a factor in participation for the entire community. As shown in Table 55, proportionately mere of the actives than inactives were reared in the city and town, while inactives, compared with actives, had proportionately more respondents who spent their youth in a farm or open country family.. Further analysis by sex shows that only the female groups differ significantly on place where reared. The high and low participant male groups do not show a significant difference on this sociOIOgical factor. Since about only five per cent of the respondents were reared in a city, the results cannot be considered very conclusive for that category. Only two males and eight females were foreign born. All were active participants except one male and two females. 164. Table 55 - Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Partici- pants by Place where Reared and Sex of Respondents in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, 1948.‘ Place where reared and sex Newville Millheim. Fredonia Total of respondents Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Male respondents Fm 81% 66% 59% 56% 65% 74% 70% 65% Rural nonfarm 10 8 10 10 5 5 8 7 Town 7 24 51 27 25 20 20 25 City 2 ‘ O 7 5 2 5 Total W 100% 100% 100% 100% 1002757 56% 100% Number of cases 52 5O 59 6O 40 61 151 171 Female respondents Farm 72% 52% 68% 54% 60% 60% 67% 56% Rural nonfarm. 15 10 15 7 15 11 15 9 Town. 11 28 19 52 18 21 16 27 City 4 10 o 8 4 8 Total W W m 16% 168% m W W Number of cases 54 5O 47 57 45 66 146 175 All respondents Farm 77% 59% 64% 56% 65% 67% 68% 61% Rural nonfarm. 11 9 12 8 9 7 11 8 Town 9 25 24 29 21 21 18 22 City 5 7 0 Total 100% 100% 100% 173% 158% T067 10% W Number of cases 106 100 86 117 85 127 277 544 * Siggificance of the difference betwggg: P C Total actives and inactives Between..62-and .05 -:l2 Hale actives and inactives Between .50 and .70 Female actives and inactives Between .02 and .05 .16 165. The most pervasive organization for the respondents was the church. For this reason, the members and non-members of this institu- tion were compared on place where reared. Proportionately more non- members than members were reared in the farm or rural-nonfarm areas. See Table 56. However, taking each conmmnity separately, only New- ville showed a significant difference between church affiliates and non-affiliates on place where reared. Table 56 - Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Partici- pants by Place Where Reared and Church Membership Status in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, 1948. a) Newville; b} Millheim c) Fredonia (D Total :1&°’d'h”° Church member Church member Church member Church member ”to No Yes No Yes No Ies No Yes Farm 75% 66% 65% 57% 61% 66% 67% 65% Rural nonfarm 17 7 14 9 29 8 Town 5 22 21 29 20 15 24 City Total 3% 17%; m 41mg; 1% m 15%: Number of cases 59 145 45 159166 145 470 a; P: between .001 and .01; C =.21 b P 3 between 020 and e303 c) P = between .70 and .90; d) P = between .01 and .023 C = .15 This indicates a need for more study on differential motivation patterns for joining the church or other organizations. If people reared on farms have more fundamentalistic religious attitudes than city reared people, one would expect their reasons for joining a church to be less socially oriented than the urban reared. In other words, 166. membership alone gives little indication.of the different motivating patterns operating in the lives of participants. The motivation probably occurs as a result of social forces acting in the lives of adult people in various situations, in addition to attitudes learned in childhood. Summary - Basic to this section is the assumption that respond- ents reflect their own attitude-value system when asked to rank criteria of a person's standing in the community. These responses then re- present the attitudedvalue system of the active and inactive groups with the problem being that of analyzing the differences between the two groups. Proportionately more male and female actives than inactives ranked how much a person takes part in and supports community organiza- tions as one of the highest determinants of standing in.the community. This criterion was ranked as having very little influence on standing by the inactives. Thus, these results indicate that taking part in community organizations is a very important element in the attitude- value system of the active group, but is valued little by the inactive group. Mere inactives than actives selected the following as determi- nants of standing: what a person does for a living, the house one lives in, personal appearance, how good a worker a person is, and how well his residence is maintained. In contrast, the actives more often rank- ed high: participation in organizations, and moral and ethical standards. Hence, findings in this section.tend to support the hypothesis that actives have attitudes which show orientation.toward and social sensitivity of 167.! ‘ community behavior, while inactives are goal oriented toward more per- sonal behavior. The responses of the inactives generally reflect the culture of the groups who are low in educational, economic and occur paticnal status. Also, they are probably not as conscious of moral and ethical standards as the higher status groups. It was shown that the participation patterns of the respondents are similar to those of their parents so that attitudes toward formal organization activity might have been learned by early home condition- ing. Residence where reared was studied as another possible childhood conditioning factor. It was found that the female actives were more apt to be reared in a town or city than the inactives, but the males did not differ. A question which is relevant to much of the analysis in this section is whether participation behavior is a result of present social forces or of childhood training factors which have persisted in later life. It seems that both are probably factors in determining participation. Also, the social forces in the present situation might be similar to those in the childhood family with regard to occupation, income, and education, so that the present situation only reinforces the participation patterns learned in childhood. Community and Church Identification of Actives and Inactives Introduction - This section is concerned with the specific problems: Do the active and inactive groups differ on the extent to which they identify with their community; do the actives and inactives, who are church members, differ in.degree of identification with the 168. Ichurch to which they belong! Responses to these questions are expected to be an index to community consciousness. A high degree of identifi- cation would symbolize a feeling of pride in being a part of the community. Hence, data presented here are a further test of the major hypothesis that proportionately more actives than inactives are aware of and sensitive to the community and institutions within it. It is expected that actives are more identified with the community than inactives. Groupitgs which can be identified with specific geographic areas are known as spatial or locality groups. Such groups can be delineated on the basis of the particular center where a majority of the people share in the use of services. The two main locality groups are usually classified as communities and neighborhoods. Other spatial groupings might also include meaningful associations which are persist- ent among people of a certain.area, such as cliques, work exchange groups, visiting groups, and open country church organizations.. flithin the area designated as the community there are various types of formal organizations which attract individuals to become identified with them. The church was the most pervasive type of formal organization for the age groups studied in the three communities. The assumption was made that individuals identify in varying degrees with the community as a locality grouping and with the church as a formal organization within.the community. 75 Ray, D. and R. Polson, Rural Organizations iggOneida Count New York . Cornell University, Agricudtural Experiment Station, Ithaca, New York, 1951, p.12e 169.‘ The process of identification may be defined as a tendency to act in the name of an integrated set of symbols which have reference to persons, places, objects, and beliefs. Presumably identification is achieved by means of symbols which have significance. A certain amount of emotion is probably associated with the identification pro- cess. When a person becomes identified with a set of symbols, such as a group, community or institution, whatever happens to the set of symbols also happens to the person, for the symbols are a significant part of his personality structure.76 Individuals who identify with their community attribute success or failure of community ventures to 'cur community won', or 'our themselves. The expression becomes, community lost'. Likewise, identification with the church helps determine behavior. Various methods could be used to ascertain the extent of belong- ingness of the individuals to the ctmmmity. The approach used in this study analyzes the verbal response of the interviewee to the question: 'To what extent do you feel a part of this ccmmmity‘l' The four possible replies were: very much, quite a bit, not very much, and" very little or not at all. The question was designed to obtain the feeling of belonging of the individual to his locality group. Since the term community does not delimit the area for the respondent, it - was necessary that each respondent define the perceived area. This ~76 Coutu, H., Emer ent Human Nature, Knopf, New York, 1949, pp. 288-289. 170. ' described the specific locality group referred to in answering the ques- tion of identification. It might be expected that the active partici- pants would perceive the community to be a larger geographic area than the inactivds. Identification wggh the Communfii‘tl - The actives felt a part of the community more than the inactives. While about two-fifths of the actives felt very much a part of the community, only one-fifth of the inactives replied that way; about one-fifth of the inactives and one- tenth of the actives felt not very much or not at all a part of the community. See Table 57. In other words, the actives are more iden- tified with the community than the inactives. There is a large con- centration of responses in the category, quite a bit. It is possible that many of those would have answered in a middle category if there had been one. Table 57 - Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Partici- pants by Extent of Feeling a Part of the Comunity in Three Pennsylvania Rural Commities, 1948. Extent of feel- ing a part of Newville Millheim Fredonia Total‘ the comity Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Tery‘mh 24% 52% 50% 57% 9% 58% 21% 42% Quite a bit 61 42 51 52 71 55 61 50 Not very much 15 6 15 11 M 7 l4 8 Very little or not at all 2 0 4 0 6 O h 0 Total m m 10% T073 17.1% M m m Number of cases 105 98 84 115 79 125 266 558 "' P 2 less than .0013 C = .25. 171. The individuals who had served as organization leaders expressed greater identification with the community than those who had not held office. While about one-fourth of the individuals who held no office in an organization stated that they feel very much a part of the communi- ty, a greater percentage of office holders in one or more organizations expressed the maximum degree of identification ranging from 42 for ones holding one office to 69 for persons holding three offices. See Table 58. While about one-sixth of the noneoffice holders said they feel not very much or not at all a part of the community, only about one-four- teenth of the one and two office holders felt that way, and none of the three or more office holders answered in a negative sense. Table 58 - Percentage Distribution of Number of Organizations in.Nhich Individual was an.0fficer and Degree of Feeling a Part of the Community in.Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, 1948.* a part of the individual served as an officer community None ' One Two Three Four or more Very much 26% 42% 45% 59% 60% Quite a bit 58 51 he 51 1+0 Not very much 14 7 7 O 0 Very little or not at all 2 0 0 0 0 Total 100% 10Q% 100% 100% ' 10Q% Number of cases 582 115 62 25 15 * P =-less than .0013 C = .25. 172. IWhat are you referring to as the community?‘ was an open end question; The responses were grouped into the following categories: (1) borough center (each community had a borough as the center of the community); (2) neighborhood (each community had at least one neigh- borhood which had less population.than.the community center); (5) openecountry neighbors (this included all the people living near a person in the open country, not in a nieghbcrhood); (4) township (all communities studied cut across township lines, and two of the trade center communities contained at least two full townships; (5) borough center and all the people around it (this would come probably closer to the natural community as a trade and service area than any other grouping); and (6) other (this was used as a residual category). There was very little difference between the limits of the community as defined by the actives and inactives as indicated in Table 59. In fact, a slightly greater percentage of the inactives than actives referred to the community by boundaries similar to the natural community. Slightly over 40 per cent of each group defined the community as the borough and all the people around it. Millheim had many people defining the neighborhood as the community, especially among the inactives, while a larger percentage of actives than ins actives called it the borough and all the people around it. Since IMillheim contains at least four well-defined neighborhoods, the number answering neighborhoods can be understood. This community also has mountains separating the neighborhoods so that the natural topography undoubtedly influenced the replies given. 175. Even though this sample does not show much difference between the actives and inactives in their conception of the spatial area of the community, there was a greater identification of the active than of the inactives within that specific area that each called the community. Tabld 59 - Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Partici- pants by Respondents' Conception of Community Area in Three Pennsylvania Rural Ccmnunities, 1948. Conce pt ion of the Newvil le Mil lhe in Fr ed onia Total“ community area Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Boro center 52% 55% 15% 11% 20% 51% 22% 24% Neighborhood 7 8 5O 17 O l 12 9 Open-country neighbors 2 l 52 25 O 1 ll 10 Township 5 l5 4 10 18 17 9 l4 Boro and all the people around it 55 4O 21 57 6O 49 45 42 Other 1 5 O 0 2 l l 1 Total 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% Number of cases 98 95 84 116 79 124 261 555 * P = between .10 and .20; Identification with the Church - On another level is identifica- tion of actives and inactives with the church organizations to which they belonged. The set of symbols of people, ideas, ideology, and sentiments which evoke feelings of emotion toward the church are prob- ably functionally related to the feeling of identification with the community. Various units of behavior were included in analyzing the factor of identification with the church, such as degree of benefit from the church, feeling a part of the church, feeling at home in the 174. organization, and friendliness of people. It was assumed that answers to these questions were a valid indication of identification with church organizations. The actives and inactives both formally participated in the church.mcre than in any other organization. In fact, few inactives belonged to any organization other than the church. It was expected that the actives would express a greater degree of identification with church organizations than would the inactives. Church organizations include the church proper and all sub-groups with- in the church. Since not all respondents were members of a church organization, only 107 inactives and 252 active participants were included in this analysis. The inactives analyzed were, therefore, higher participants than the total inactive group. This analysis, then, becomes a compari- son.of the degree of identification.of the actives and inactives with the church organization to which they belong. The male actives felt they received more benefit from the church then.the male inactives, but the female activity groups did not differ as shown in Table 40. A similar sex differential resulted on the question of how much they felt a part of the organization. The male actives felt a part of the church more than the male inactives but there was no significant difference between the female activity groups on.how much they felt a part of the church. Thy did the activity groups of the men differ on rating of benefit and how much.they feel a part of the church while the two female groups did not differ! There were a little over twice as many cases of female inactives who were 175. church members as male inactives. Furthermore, no females hold regular church offices so that neither actives nor inactives were office holders.‘ Another possible reason.might be explained by the Benefits people gave when asked what benefits they receive from.the church. The men tended to give social benefits while females gave predominantly religious benefits. This would allow female inactives to get an emotional benefit from the church as much as the actives while the inactive males might not get the social benefits to the same degree as the active males. Over half of all respondents felt the church was very success- ful in.making them feel at home. About one out of eight of the male inactives thought the church was not successful in making them feel at home but both sexes of actives and inactives did not differ significant- 1y on the success of the church in making them feel at home. No attempt was made to correlate social and economic status with church denomination, but it would be expected that many laborers would not feel at home in the Presbyterian or Evangelical churches. About two-thirds of the respondents who were church members felt the people in.the church were very friendly. No one thought the other people were not friendly at all. The answers reveal a high degree of intimacy and friendliness in the church organizations for both activity status groups. The respondents were thinking in.terms of their own church when answering this question. . An.additional indication of familistic gemeinschaft social relationships was the response to the question of how many people in the church were the kind they most enjoy associating with. A little 176. over four out of 10 said almost all of them.were. No difference was obtained between the active and inactive groups. About nine out of 10 enjoy associating with most or almost all of the other members. The answers analyzed here do not give an index to the interaction among the members because the activity of sitting in church together might constitute the only form of association for many church members. Unless a member expressed views different from.the rest or was recognized as a social isolate, the brotherhood symbol of a church would be enough to evoke responses indicating high degree of solidarity. The self-image of the active and inactive males did not differ on how well other members know them and recognized their abilities, but the females did. While over five out of 10 of the active females felt other members know them and their abilities very well, about four out of 10 of the inactive females answered in a similar fashion. About 16 per cont of the female inactives and four per cent of the female actives had a self-image of not being well known by other members. The actives of both sexes felt they had more influence in.the church then.the inactives. About 65 per cent of the active males and 50 per cent of the inactive males felt they had quite a bit or a great deal of influence in the church. For the females, about one-half of the actives and one-seventh of the inactives felt they had quite a bit or a great deal of power in their church. Hence, the inactives see them- selves as being rather impotent in the functioning of the church. It is rather significant that about four out of ten of the actives and eight out of ten of the inactives felt they had some but not much or very little influence in the church. 177 . ’Table 40 - Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Church Members by Selected Indexes of Identification and Sex of the Respond- ents in Three Pennsylvania Rural Comunities, 1948. How much benefit do Male Female you get from the church? Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Very much 58% 61% 49% 57% Quite a bit 41 56 4O 58 Not very much 15 5 10 5 Very little or none at all 6 O l 0 Total m 10% W W Number of cases 54 101 72 151 P: between .02 and .05; P: between .10 and .20; O = .20 A How much do you feel a part of the church organizations? Very much 52% 55% 27% 40% Quite a bit 58 55 48 47 Not very much 27 12 2: 12 Not at all 0 1 Total 16632 10507. 10$ 10% Number of cases 54 99 72 152 P: between .01 and .02; szetween .10 and .20; 0 = .25 How successful is the church organization in making you feel at home? Very successful 56% 67% 54% 60% Quite successful 52 52 45 59 Not very successful 9 1 l 1 Not successful at all 0 O 0 Total 13% m . 10a 1063/. Number of cases - 54 99 71 152 P: between .20 and .50; P=between .20 and .50; 178. " Table 40 - Continued. How friendly are Male Female the people Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Very friendly ‘ 62% 70% 62% 67% Quite friendly 52 25 55 50 Not very friendly 6 5 5 5 Not friendly at all 0 O O 0 Total $07.32 W 1069,. 10E Number of cases 54 99 75 155 P:between .50 and .70; P=between .50 and .70; How many people of the church organization are the kind you most enjoy associating with? Almost all of them 50% 45% 55% 45% Most of them 41 47 55 47 About half of them 9 6 10 8 Most of them or almost 0 2 O 0 all of them are not Total 103 W 135% 10% Number of cases 52 100 68 152 P: between .50 and .50; P:between .05 and .10; How well do members know you and what you are able to do? Very well 55% 52% 59% 55% Quite well 35 54 45 41 Not very well 12 4 l5 4 Not well at all 0 0 . 0 Total 17.1% W 153% W Number of cases 55 100 71 152 P=between .20 and .50; P: between .02 and .05; 0:.15 179 0 Table 40 - Continued. How much influence do you have in the church organi- Male Female zation? Inact. Act. Inact. Act. A great deal 12% 25% 0% 14% Quite a bit 18 58 15 57 Some but not much 55 26 ii 56 Very little 5% ll 15 Total 10 10?; 10% 100% Number of cases 55 98 68 149 P: between .001 and .01; P: between .001 and .01; o = 050 C = .52 Suggggx - In general, the data in this section tends to sub- stantiate the hypothesis that actives are more conscious of the community and institutions within it than the inactives. Specifically, the active group felt a part of the community more than.the inactives although both activity groups defined the area included in.the community con- cept to be somewhat similar. Leaders in organizations would seem to be more highly identified with the community for there was a positive relationship between degree of feeling a part of the community and number of offices held. Hhen the actives and inactives who are church members were compared on selected identification behaviors, the most significant difference was on having influence in the church - the active group said they have more influence than the inactive group. The male actives received more benefit and felt more a part of the church than 180. 'the male inactives. The female actives visualized themselves as being better known by other members than the inactives. For other indexes of identification, there were no significant differences between actives and inactives. An explanation of the reason for little differ- ence between actives and inactives for several identification.variables could be that the actives belong to many organizations and can spread their loyalty among several groups while most of the inactives who are church members belong to no other formal organization and attain much satisfaction from.church identification. 181. VIII. SELF-PERCEPTIONS OF ACTIVES AND INACTIVES Introduction This section examines the hypothesis that differential partici- pation patterns are associated with self-images so that active and inactive participants have self-images that influence the roles they play. The empirical data to test this hypothesis includes: (1) self- ratings on feeling at ease in selected formal participation situations by actives and inactives; (2) self-ratings on extent of formal and informal participation by actives and inactives. Other variables in the structure of the self undoubtedly influence the playing of roles, but for purpose of this study only the two areas of behavior just mentioned will be studied. In the process of interacting with other community members, each person comes to perceive the self in terms of other people's attitudes toward him. The self is an image that influences behavior. As to the origin of the self, Coutu says, 'It emerges in the images of the other significant selves with which his own system is implicat- ed; the self is to a person what his groups have led him to believe itis'.77 Hence, a person is given a certain.status position by other people in the community. He has arrived at an image of what . Coutu, o . cit., p. 65. 182. ‘other people expect, by taking their roles. Through constant inter- action in several groups a person learns what behavior is accepted and what is disapproved. He has a self-image of how other people define his role in the community and behaves in accordance with that judgment. Common sense would suggest that in almost any social situation individuals are likely to include thomselves as part of the situation to be perceived. l'Moreover, protection or enhancement of one's own self is commonly considered to be a strong motivation in many social situations. A person's own view of himself, then, and his own attitude toward himself, would seem to have 9 great deal to do with his behav- ior.Jni An individual's behavior is motivated by his self-perceptions. What‘s person does, feels, and thinks depends to a great extent upon what he perceives. Since the self develops in interaction with others, the individ- ual, the group, and the relationships of both must remain the theme of all observations and analysis. The group is composed of a gather- ing of individuals. Such conceptions as personality, self, and identification can be described only in terms of membership in.a group or groups. Therefore, any scientific.field work and theory will onquire into the parts played by the individual and the group, and their mutual dependence.79 waoomb, o . cit., p. 512. 79 Malinowski, 3., I'The Group and the Individual in.Functiona1 Analysis', in.Sociological Analysis, ed. by L. Wilson and V. Kalb, Harcourt, - Brace and Company) Rew‘York, 1949, p. 168. 185. Self-Perceptions of Feeling at Ease Exactly how the individual is related to his group and what the determinants of his behavior are present another problem. In addition to sociological factors and forms of social organization, it seems necessary to deal with the emotional aspect as an important element in the relationship of the individual and the group. Hence, this factor, in combination with many others, becomes indispensable for understanding how a culturally determined individual takes part in group life and cooperates with others. Much recent research has dealt with the emotional aspects of group phenomena. From.these studies has emerged a number of working hypotheses about the emotional dimensions of group life. These hypotheses serve mainly to designate sets of important variables and to help formulate significant areas of research.80 Two of them are: (1) The individual derives security or insecurity from group membership, Therefore, the emotional adjustment of an individual is affected by the groups to which he belongs. (2) Participation in the activities of a group calls for certain skills in individual behavior with which all people are not adequately equipped. This sometimes leads to emotional tension, aggressiveness or withdrawal from.participatton in group life. People 80 Cartwright, D., 'Emotional Dimensions of Group Life,‘ paper read at Second International Symposium.on.Feelings and Emotions, October 29, 1948, of. 184. differ greatly in the ability to take required roles and to adjust these roles to the changing demands of the group. Students of personality have long recognized individual differ- ences in the ability to gain acceptance by a group. They also recognize differences in ability of individuals to adjust themselves to group 81' situations. For this study one factor that is a partial determinant of social behavior is called the individual's emotional sense of feeling at ease in group situations. An assumption was made that the trait of feeling at ease is common to a wide variety of situations. Hence, each person has a generalized image of the situations in which different roles must be played. It is recognized that the type of group deter- mines to a certain extent the emotional feeling of security. The research design and method used in this study did not allow observa- tion.of behavior in varying group situations. However, the questions asked about feeling at ease refers to behavior in several formal participation situations. Therefore, it does not seem.too presumptue cue to assume a degree of feeling at ease about certain behavior that can be generalized to many group situations. This emotional sense of feeling at ease is not viewed as an inborn.instinot which cannot be altered by subsequent experiences. In.fact, it is possible that individuals might respond to these questions 1 Gayle, 0 e Cite, p. 55. 185. 'entirely differently after intervening group experiences of various types. Reeder refers to the socializing process that occurs in parti- cipation.when he says: 'A more satisfactory group adjustment comes through participation in organizations. .8-2 An individual's degree of feeling at ease reflects a great deal of what other peeple think of his reactions in group situations. It thus becomes related to what Cooley called the 'looking glass' self. The individual learns through taking the role of the other people with whom he interacts and observing how they respond to his behavior. Their responses act as stimuli to his behavior and he do- fines his behavior accordingly. Nhether the origins of feeling at ease are rooted entirely in the social situation or to a certain degree are derived organically has not been ascertained. Observation does not give a true indication as to how much at ease a person feels in a group situation. It seems extremely difficult to measure feeling at ease. Hence, the individual's verbal response to six questions on how much he or she feels at ease in specific group situations was accepted as valid for this study. The assumption is inherent that individuals did not rate themselves on abstract qualities but in accordance with how they habitually behave in specific social situations. It is assumed'that the emotional sense of feeling at ease is a response tendency that is relatively 82 ‘ Reeder, i. H., A Study of Selected Factors Influencing»Socialization and Leadership on the Utah State égriculturalgOollege Campus, unpublished Master's Thesis, Utah State College, 1958. 186. stable for the people in the rural communities studied. The hypothesis is advanced that the actives would report a higher degree of feeling at ease in formal group situations than ins actives. The degree of feeling at ease becomes a conditioning factor in formal participation; whether this feeling is a cause or effect of participation is not dealt with, but it probably is both. Parti- cipation in groups should develop a feeling of being more at ease; also, a selective process probably functions to attract to formal group life those individuals who possess social skills required in formal participation. The questions used to check this hypothesis were: "How much at ease do you.feel: (1) when you are in a.meeting with a large number of people?_ (2) when you are called upon to express your opinion in a group of people? (5) when you are at a large dinner or banquet? (4) when.you are around people you do not know? (5) when you have to take a part on.the program! (6) when you are left alone with an important person?‘ The person had these four alternatives in answering each part which permitted indication of different degrees of feeling at ease: 'Very much at ease,‘ 'quite a bit at ease', 'not very much at ease', and 'not at all at ease'. These six A questions concern various types of behavior functionally related to formal participation. To score these responses the answer, “very much at ease' was given a value of.+2, 'quite a bit' +1, 'not very mueh' -l, and. 'not at all at ease' :2. Thus, a range of scores from.412 to ~12 187.' 85 ' was possible. This follows the general idea of the Likert technique. The difference between 'quite a bit at ease' and 'not very much at easell was considered a bigger separation than the-others so it was given a numerical difference twice as great. In.this study the arithmetic mean of the feeling at ease score for the active individuals was 5.0 as contrasted to -1.2 for those with a participation score of O and +.55 for those rated as in- active (Chapin score of O to 14 inclusive). Thus, actives rated significantly higher on this scale then.the inactives. The scores received on this scale were placed in four cate- gories, so that the groups were about equal numerically. Seventy- nine cases were not complete enough to be used. The highest category included all scores from 9 to 12, the next to highest, 5 to 8, the next to lowest, 2 to -2, and the lowest -3 to -12. These categories were compared with the four Chapin social participation scale score categories. There is a positive correlation between feeling at ease scores and Chapin scores. About 77 per cent of the active men and 44 per cent of the inactive men were in the next to the highest and highest categories while 59 per cent of the active women and 51 per cent of the inactive women were in these same categories. See Table 41. 5 5 Likert, Re Ae’ OEe Cite The description of how this scale has been partially standardized is given in the appendix. 188. ' Table 41 : Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Partici- pants by Feeling At Ease Score and Sex of Respondents in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, 1948. Feeling at algMale b) Female ease score Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Groups Highest 13% 557. 6% 21% Next to the highest 51 42 25 58 Next to the lowest 27 18 26 27 Lowest 2 4 14 Total 1087. 15% 10% 13—092 160 Number of cases 99 114 161 a) P: less than .001; C .56 b) P= less than .001; C .54 II II Self-Perceptions of Formal and Informal Participation To what extent do the self-perceptions of actives and inactives correspond to their actual behavior? A person who perceives himself as being an active participant would tend to define the situation so that he behaves accordingly. This perception would also include a feeling of being expected to have a high participating status. The hypothesis was stated that actives and inactives have developed selféperceptions that influence their degree of participation. Thus, proportionately more actives than inactives would see themselves as being high partici- pants. In addition, the respondents would feel that they are expect- ed to participate according to certain patterns. The question used to examine this hypothesis includes self- ratings of the interviewees on formal and informal behavior. The 189. 'individuals responded to the following questions: 'If all of the people who live in this community were to be divided into four groups on the following items, in which group do you think you would fall? Group one would be the highest and group four the lowest. (a) On the number of organizations you belong to, (b) on how active you are in.the organizations you belong to, (c) on how much other people go to you for help and opinions, (d) on the number of athletic events, parties, festivals, movies and other such activities you take part in.‘ Answers ~to these four sub—parts were obtained in one of four categories: 'the nost', "next to the most', "next to the least', and 'the least'. 8 The active participants generally rated themselves among . these in the community who belong to the most or next to the most organizations while the inactives usually put themselves in that group who belong to the least. About two-thirds of the actives placed themselves in the group belonging to the most or next to the most organizations while 95 per cent of the inactives had a self-perception of being among that group belonging to the next to the least or least number. Only one inactive saw himself as belonging in the group having membership in the most organizations while eleven per cent of the actives felt they are in.the group which belong to the least number of organizations. It is possible that a certain degree of modesty was manifested by some actives in placing themselves in the lower group. See Table 42. 196. Table 42 - Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Partici- pants by Self—rating on.Number of Organizations Belonged to in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, 1948. Self-rating on number of Newville Millheim. Fredonia Total* organizations Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Inact. Act. belonged to Groups x Largest number 1% 52% 0% 20% 0% 29% O 27 Next to the larg- est 5 42 6 42 5 55 5 59 Nest to the least 11 14 26 28 9 26 15 25 Least number 8 12 68 10 86 10 8O 11 ran regs 1 16a 1%” Tots m We m number of cases 102 99 85 116 85 127 272 542 " re Less than .001; c = .57 x Less than..5 per cent. A self-rating on activity in organizations gives an index to the self-perception regarding intensity of participation. The actives usually placed themselves in.that group in.the community which are the most or next to the most active in organizations; the inactives felt they were in the lower activity groups. While about three-fourths of the actives placed themselves in the group which is most or next to the most active in organizations, only about one-tenth of the inactives placed themselves in the same group as shown in.Table 45. There is high agreement by both sexes on these self-ratings. The data on number of organizations and activity in the ones belonged to show that the actives and inactives have a rather accurate selfeimage of their behavior, 191. 'as measured by the Chapin scale score. A more refined instrument to measure the self-ratings would be helpful in future studies. Table 45 - Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Partici- pants by Self-rating on Activity in Organizations in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, 1948 Self-rating on activity in Newville .Millhoim. Fredonia Total‘ organizations Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Groups ' Most active 5% 57% 10% 55% 0% 52% 5% 54% Next to the most 5 45 8 56 7 51 6 56 Next to the least 14 15 20 25 19 22 Least active 11819: ::§ 1E112 g0 ‘ 8 Total 106% 1 106% Number of cases 86 127 261 542 "' P a less than .001; o = .56 To obtain self-perceptions of their leadership functions, the respondents replied to a self-rating question on how much other people seek their help and Opinions. About two-thirds of the actives and one- fourth of the inactives saw themselves in the group highest or next to the highest on how much they are called on for help and opinions. See Table 44. It is possible that many of the inactives serve as leaders in an.informa1 capacity, but not formally. Also, some people might interpret this question to include work exchange and opinion seeking by family members. However, there still seems to be a.high relation: ship between activity status of the respondents and self-rating on being asked for help and opinions. 1.2. Table 44 - Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Partici- pants by Self-rating on Leadership in Three Pennsylvania Rural OWitieag 1948e Self-rating on other people Newville Millheim Fredonia Total"I seeking help Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Inact. Act. and opinions Groups Highest leadership 5% 28% 8% 24% 5% 24% 6% 25% Next to the highest 26 58 24 58 14 41 22 59 Next to the lowest 40 51 :0 Lowest leadership 2 Total 1010; 10:8E10% '% 3% _fi 10; Ember of cases 105 97 115 127 274 559 1. P = less than .001; C: .40. The actives generally had a self-imge of being in the group which engage in more informal participation than the inactives. A majority of both actives and inactives feel that they are in the groups who participate in the least or next to the least athletic events, parties, festivals, movies, and other such activities. About six out of 10 of the actives and nine out of 10 of the inactives had a self- perception of being in the bottom two groups on this behavior as indicat- ed in Table 45. The self-ratings are similar for both sexes and all commnities. Other specific types of informal behavior might have changed the replies obtained. The informal behavior specifically mention- ed in the question evidently is not a pervasive type of activity for these people. Perhaps leisure time activities, such as parties, movies 195'. 'and festivals are in conflict with the value attached to 'work' in these rural areas. Table 45 - Percentage Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Partici- pants by Self-rating on Participation in Informal Activities in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, 1948. .3.— I h Self-rating on participation Newville Millheim. Fredonia Totglf in informal Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Inact. Act. activities 2121123 Most activities 2% 19% 4% 19% 1% 9% 2% 15% Next to the most 5 27 14 5O 9 25 29 27 Next to the least 22 55 56 55 24 Least activities _11 19_ 46 18 Total 100% 100% 166% 100% 133% 180mm 53% Number of cases 102 99 84 115 85 127 271 . P : less than .001; C : .40. These results show that the active groups rated their formal and informal participant behavior higher than the inactive group. The results in this study tend to corroborate Anderson’s conclusion.that families 'accept for themselves a status position and participate in accordance with these self-judgments. Several qualitative examples of self-images held by occupants of various positions were received in the communities studied. One business- Anderson, 1!. A., 'ramily Social Participation and Social Status “lt‘Rfltiflfi', 0 e Cite, pe 258e 194. 'man, a hardware merchant, felt that he is expected to be active and contribute to all organizations. But, he explicitly showed resent- ment that those, who often expect this behavior, go to a nearby city to purchase their hardware supplies. He was of the opinion that businessmen should stop supporting organizations and let the people buy supplies where they want to. He could not reject the prescribed role that his position carried even though the conflict between his and the community's expectations was evident. His attitude is probably indicative of the trend in small communities as social relationships change from a familietic gameinschaft to a contractual gesellschaft nature. The minister is not expected to join the Legion because its policies are often in conflict with that of the church which he symbolizes. The farmer is expected to be active in certain organiza- tions, such as the Grange and farmers' cooperatives. There are certain status groups of farmers who are expected to be more active than other farm groups. The community does not expect the farmer to be active in civic organizations, such as the Lion's club. There are a few exceptions to this but those farmers who are members of the Lion's club are playing the role of a farm leader. Most farmers do not feel obligated to belong to civic organizations, nor would they be able to play their roles well in that situation. A farmer does not belong to the country club because such behavior is not defined as the role a farmer should play. 195 . The farmer is expected to participate in some manner in main- taining the local fire company since it is a direct benefit to him in case of fire. This participation is usually in the form of money or donations in kind which can be used for the annual festival that provides money for the maintenance of the fire fighting equipment. The active work of the fire company is done by townspeople even in actual fire-fighting duty. The farmer seldom participates because he does not live in the vicinity of the fire house. The social clubs which are satellite organizationsof the fire company seldm have farmers as active participants. In all participant behavior which is part of the fire company, the farmer assumes his well defined role. Summary Empirical data presented in this section tend to substantiate the hypothesis that active and inactive participants have self-images that influence the participation roles they play. The actives had a self-image of being more at ease in formal participation situations than the inactives. Thus, the high participants were of the opinion that they had certain skills required in active participation to a greater degree than the low participants. Proportionately more actives than inactives rated themselves high in degree of formal and informal participation. The actives perceive themselves as being higher participants than the inactives. In general then the respondents seem to behave in accordance with what the self means to them. 1%e: IX. FORMAL PARTICIPATION ROLE EXPECTATION PATTERNS FOR SELECTED POSITIONS Introduction Role assignments are standard for all occupants of a specified position. Roles refer to patterns of behavior expected of every one in a particular situation, regardless of who he is?6 A role is the dynamic aSpect of the status so that a role is assigned for every posi- tion in a social structure. The structure becomes a functioning system by roles being played. . Role does not describe the known ways in which people differ as they take the same role. It does not explain the variations in.motives and attitudes as the individuals play the role. If we want to look at the particular way in which a person behaves, we must look at his motives and attitudes for behaving in such a manner. It is really by means of motive patterns that individuals play roles. Role behavior can refer to the actual behavior of specific individuals as they play roles. Hence, the roles of the people in the rural communities studied consist of a.range of behavior which is characteristic of the occupants of the same position, Roles differ in this respect. Certain roles 86 Newcomb, o . cit., p. 528. 197. ' are channeled so that there is no alternative; others offer alternative behavior. It may be that the extent to which a person has a choice in his behavior patterns is related to the social visibility of the person in the situation. For instance, a minister may be the subject of dis- cussion because he wears a palm beach suit on a hot Sunday. On the other hand, the unskilled laborer may have to commit a crime or invent a new gadget before he gains notice in.the community. The area of social conformity is more narrowly defined for the minister than for the laborer. Hence, for individuals and groups of persons there would be varying attention thresholds. The lower the attention threshold is for a person, the more socially visible that person is in.his relation- ships; the higher the threshold, the less visible he is and consequent- ly he has more freedom. Individuals play various roles in the community and soon learn the patterns of behavior expected of them in various situations. The processes by which people occupying a position learn the behavior ex- pected of them.can.be conceptualized by the scheme of the development of the self. The organized community or social group which gives to the individual his unity of self may be called the"generalized other'. Thus, the attitude of the 'generalized other" is the‘attitude of the . whole community. The development of the self includes taking the attitudes of other individuals toward himself and toward one another within the human social process, and bringing that social process as a whole into his individual experience. It is in.the form of the 1980' I'generalizcd other"that the social process influences the behavior of individuals, 1.6., that the community exercises control over the con- duct of its individual members.87 Since formal participation is a form of social interaction, the process by which the self develops would be pertinent in analyzing factors associated with formal participant behavior. The expected role behavior of occupants in various positions becomes a part of the self and would be an area of the social process rendering some people active and others inactive. Previous data presented in this study Show the active and in- active formal participants occupy positions in different strata of the social structure and have a self-image which correSponds closely with their participant behavior. Several qualitative examples gave evidence that the self-image includes a conception of being expected to participate according to certain patterns. Does the community define the role played in various status groups in such a.mannsr that the people occupying these positions are expected to have differential patterns of partici- pation? Do the attitudes of community members form.a pattern of ex- pected behavior that would explain high status groups participating and low ones not? The community expectations could be generalized and in: corporated into the self. Thus, the expectations become stimuli to behave in conformity with the defined role as an occupant of a certain status position. 87 He‘d, 0 e cite, Pe 155s 199. If the community expectations are social forces which impinge upon the actor and motivate him to participate accordingly, the communi- ty members should express attitudes which expect the higher income, educational, and occupational groups to participate more then.the lower groups. Hence, this section attempts to portray how the community ranks various positions on expected participation in formal organizations. Theoretically, the attitudinal patterns of community members about expected formal participant behavior impinge on the individuals occur pying these positions and become incorporated into the self. It is impossible from our data to tell whether patterns of expectation are cause or effect. The reason peeple expect one occupa- tional group to participate more than another group might be due to tradi- tion or it may be due to present day ideologies. However, this study does not attempt to explain why these peOple have various levels of expecta- tions rather it is concerned only with the expectation about formal participation as part of the ongoing social processes. Method Used to Study Role Expectations In 1950 data were collected in interviews with 69 respondents in various positions. They indicated their expectations regarding formal participation by comparing one position with another. The result was a ranking of positions on the criterion of being expected to take part in community organizations. A schedule was used in personal interviews in each of the three rural communities previously studied. (See copy of schedule in.Appen- 200. . dix C). The schedule contained twenty-five comparisons of seven occu- pational categories for which the respondent replied to this question: .Which is expected to take the more active part in community organiza- tions?“ For each comparison three different replies were possible. For example, farm tenant, farm.owner, both about the same. The reopond- ent chose one of these three possible answers for each comparison. There were 24 other comparisons like this, so that all seven occupation- al groups were compared with each other. Each occupation was ranked with respect to every other occupation, i.e., by all possible pairs. Three of the comparisons were duplicated to check reliability of respondents' answers. In addition to occupational comparisons, the following ones were asked: IWhich is expected to take the more active part in community organizations? (1) A person who is a high school graduate, a person who is not a high school graduate, both about the same. (2) A person who makes 857.50 a week, a person who makes $75.00 a week, both about the same.‘ The present analysis is viewed as an exploratory study. The sample interviewed consisted of 54 females and 15 males. No validity is claimed for this sample and more males will have to be included before it represents all groups in the three communities. However, the composite ranking by the women is in.the same rank order as by the men. Some interviews were made in each of the three communities and the results were similar in all three. The men interviewed in: cluded one farm owner, three businessmen, two skilled laborers, two laborers, five professional men, and two clerks. The women respond- 201. ‘ ents gave their husbands' occupations which were much more representa- tive of the communities, except for a deficiency of farmers. Formal Participation Role Expectation Patterns The order of the occupational rankings, according to the expec- tations of taking part in organizations is: (l) businessmen, (2) pro- fessional people, (5) farm owners, (4) skilled laborers, (5) clerks, (6) laborers, and (7) farm tenants. The summarizing measure to show the responses given for expec- tation of occupational positions is the ratio, in the form.of the actual quotient. See Table 46. These ratios represent comparisons showing the number of times the occupation on the left was ranked higher in expected formal participation than the occupation on the columns. For example, 25 respondents expected the businessman to take part in or- ganizations more than the professional person: 16 respondents expected the professional person to take more part than the businessman. There- fbrs, the ratio, 1.1;, is obtained by dividing 25‘ by 16. Hence, the ratio of a businessman being expected to take more part in community organizations than a professional person is 1.4-. 202. Table 46 - Actual Quotient Ratios for Persons in Occupation (l) to Persons in Occupation (2) on Being Expected to Be More Active in.Commup nity Organizations, 69 Interviews in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, 1950. Occupation (1) Occupation (2) Professional Farm. Skilled Clerk Laborer Farm owner laborer tenant Ratios ' Business 1.4 12,0 4.6 49.0 8.8 28.5 Professional - 5.1 5.7 5.6 11.0 14.2 Farm.owner - - 1.9 1.5 4.5 5.6 Skilled laborer - - - 2.1 5.0 5.5 Clerk - - - - 5.1 5.2 Laborer - - - - - 1.2 Farm tenant - - - - - - To the question about who is expected to take the more active part in community organizations for education and income, the following percentages were obtained: 1. A person who is a high school graduate 69 per cent A person who is not a high school graduate 5 per cent Both about the same 28 per cent 2. A person who makes $57.50 a week, 11 per cent A person who makes $75.00 a week #6 per cent Both about the same #5 per cent The results indicate that people with.more education.ar a higher income are expected to be more active in community organiza— tions than ones with less education or income. Differences in.educationr a1 level were more significant in participation expectancies than differ- ences in income. Perhaps education is a symbol evoking expectancies of 205. ~ organizational activity to a greater extent than income. Some explanations of the data are in order. Severalof the people in.the neighborhood answered in terms of their own locality group and in some cases did not include the entire community. They tended to rate the clerk lower because there were usually only one or two clerks in the nieghborhoods outside the community center. Several of the less educated and low income people said they were expected to give more proportionately to organizations than the higher educated and upper income groups. Many felt that the higher status group did not give as much as they should. Some of them were attempting to present their group in favorable perspective. Perhaps part of their behavior was projection. ' Several respondents, especially older and less educated ones, seemed to concentrate when answering the first several occupational comparisons and then answered the others without much apparent thought. Maybe a simpler or shorter list of comparisons would suffice. However, three comparisons used in duplicate on the schedule showed high reliability. Following are the results of those three duplicates with the number on the left showing the position of that comparison on the schedule. In only a few interviews did the interviewee notice that the same comparison was used twice. 204. ' farm.awner both about the same . 4. Businessman 4 farm owner 2 both about the same .52. 10. Businessman s 5 Businessman -. laborer both about the same 15. Businessman laborer 2 both about the same *16. Farm owner 25. Farm.owner laborer 2 both about the same laborer 8 both about the same W it his Ha Ha IBF'o‘ By Chi square method, no significant difference. An example of community expectation was observed in one area where a membership committee chairman was given a list of farmers to be contacted as possible new members. Farm owners were listed first and farm tenants last. He was instructed to start with the top names. It seems that various positions have symbolic meaning to the community members in regard to participation. Education is a factor that symbolizes qualities prerequisite to taking part in organizations. Therefore, the people develop attitudes of expectancy for higher educat- ed people to play an active role in organizations. In the same way, high income groups are symbolic of phenomena associated with active participation and the community members expect that behavior. Other characteristics, traits, or qualities, could be viewed as symbols evoking differential patterns of expectancies for formal participa- tion. In subsequent studies, the position being rated should be more sharply defined in order to obtain more specific details of role definition. Positions of high social visibility could be ex- pected to have sharply defined role expectancies. Also, such a direct and blunt approach as used in this study to measure expectancies 205. 'must be viewed with suspicion. In addition, the term "expectation' possibly contains several variables which should be delimited and _ defined for empirical research. For example, in the actual field work, the writer feels some respondents defined it in terms of what these people actually do as regards formal participation.and others in terms of what they should do. Role expectations conceivably offer alternative levels of participation for various status groups as well as individuals within each group, so that research should focus on expectancies of individuals as well as broad status groups. Further study should include analysis of errors in role taking, for not all people would correctly interpret the attitudes of other people express- ing expectedrole behavior. And whether or not the participation expectation patterns for various roles in other communities will vary from results of this study will have to be investigated. Another index to community expectations is whether or not non- members have ever been asked to join certain types of organizations. It was believed that individuals in rural communities are generally aware of the activities and membership in local groups. 0f the active and inactive respondents, between one-fourth and four-fifths of the nonmembers had been asked to join organizations. In practically all groups, a higher percentage of actives than inactives had been.invit- ed to membership. More men than women of the nonmembers had been asked to join all the types of organizations. This is evidence that community expectations determine to a certain degree who is asked and who is not asked to join. 206. Summary This section shows that formal participation role expectancy patterns are in substantial agreement with the participation patterns which actually occur. Community members have differential expectations of various status groups so that they expect the white collar, high income and educational groups to be more active in organizations than laborers and farmers, and low income and educational groups. This con- clusion must be considered quite tentative because of the exploratory nature of this part of the study and the inadequate sample used. More study is needed to substantiate, refute, or alter the findings here. An explanation of the social forces causing one group of people to be active in organizations and another inactive can be explained on an abstract level by the development of the self. Roles played in various status groups are defined in terms of levels of formal partici- pation expectations. These patterns of expectation or attitudes of the generalized other become a part of the self so that the individual behaves in accordance with what other people expect of him. He takes the role of others with whom he interacts and plays his role in con- formity with what other people's behavior toward him means. Hence, the role expectation patterns are viewed as one factor in the develop- ment of the self as regards formal participation. 207. X. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS Rural sociologists have been prolific in producing studies con- cerning the social participation of rural people. Implicit in.many of the studies is the assumption that taking part in social activities has positive value in itself. Much of the motivation for studies of this type probably emerged from.a social context in which rural areas attempt- ed to retain prerogatives in the decision making processes in.a society tending toward centralization. Perhaps the researchers felt that partici- pation in.voluntary organizations at the community level would mitigate the transference of power to higher levels of government. Several of the earlier participation studies were done by men connected with the church institution. The goal then became that of finding ways and means to support the church as a moral and ethical force in the community as well as in other areas of social living. At any rate, both sociologists and anthropologists have ana- lyzed social participation of rural people in many studies. Most stud- ies by sociologists focus on the problem of correlating certain socio- logical and social psychological variables with degree of participation. Their methods have usually been that of a structured interview with a schedule. On the other hand, the anthropologists generally studied the entire community structure and processes that occur within it. Social participation occurred in context with other social dynamics in the community. These anthropologists made use of several methods in obtaining data, especially the participant observer. 208. Social participation is a concept which has ambiguous meanings. It has been used by social scientists to denote a great range of behav- ior. It seems that social participation can be viewed as a form of social interaction including formal, semi-formal, and informal cate- gories. Hence, what has been described and analyzed as a form of social participation becomes a part of the interaction processes. The concept can be analyzed in a framework of power in which the leaders attempt to draw within their control more followers in order to swell the ranks. It is extremely important for leaders to report a large number of followers in attaining prestige and power in the community or outside it. In addition, social participation can be operationally defined, in which case, it becomes whatever behavior is being described and ana- lyzed. This is true of the present study and of many other studies where social participation is measured by a quantitative score. The basic hypothesis of this thesis was that there are certain social and social psychological forces operating in.the lives of indi- viduals which distinguish actives and inactives in formal organiza- tions. Hence, a complex of social forces operate upon categories of individuals in the community in such a way that one particular category will be active in organizations while another will be inactive. Being more specific, this study is guided by four hypotheses: 1. Differential formal participation patterns are associated with positions in the community social structure so that active and 209. inactive participants can be differentiated on the basis of selected positions they occupy. 2. Differential formal participation patterns are associated with ecological factors and means of communication so that proportion- ately more of the actives than inactives are located near organization- al activities and have access to physical means of communication. 5. Differential participation patterns are associated with self-images so that actives and inactives have self-images that influ- ence the particpant roles they play. 4. Differential participation patterns are associated with varying other images of the community so that actives and inactives differ on.the extent to which they are aware of and sensitive to the community structure and function. The data used to test these hypotheses pertained to the formal participation of the actives and inactives in three rural communities in Pennsylvania. A total of 624 individuals, all between the ages of 20 and 65, were enumerated in approximately equal numbers from communities in the south-central, central and western areas of the state. The three communities were predominantly dairy and general farming with central trade and service areas having little or no industrial activity. The community center and neighborhoods had sever- al stores and shops in addition to a wide range of occupational groups. A group of key informants in each community rated all married residents who were between the ages of 20 and 65 on formal partici- pation. The extremes of these rating were then interviewed. The 210. ‘Chapin scale scores of the respondents were computed to attain.greater validity. Hence, the independent variable in the tabular analyses be- came the Chapin scale scores. All individuals with a scale score of 15 or more were called active and those with a lower score, inactive. A marked similarity between the Chapin scale score groups and ratings by key informants resulted. If the inactives were affiliated with any organization, it was usually the church. Almost all of the actives were members of a church and over one-half belonged to a civic group. Very few of the actives belonged to less than three organizations while few of the inactives belonged to more than two formal organizations. The following are the main findings of this study: 1. The male actives and inactives did not differ significantly on age distribution while the females did, primarily in that proportion- ately more inactives than actives were in the 20-29 year age group. 2. The active group had proportionately more respondents than inactives from families with few members while the inactives had propor- tionately more from.families with several members. In addition, the actives and inactives did not differ on type of family. However, the distribution differed by communities so that Newville had more respond- ents from.families with school children than the other two communities which had greater representation from the childless or all-adult type of family. However, open end responses indicated small children were a barrier to formal participation by mothers. 211. 5. When the actives and inactives were compared on social and economic status variables, the actives had proportionately more respond- ents from high economic and educational groups and white collar occupa- tional groups. They did not differ on length of residence except in Fredonia where long time residents comprised proportionately more of the actives than inactives. Key informants rated the actives higher than the inactives on “standing' in the community. 4. The actives as compared with inactives had greater access- ibility to organizational activities on the basis of communication facilities. The actives lived nearer meeting places than inactives. The actives more often than the inactives had a telephone and an.auto- mobile which the wife drove. 5. The actives were better satisfied than the inactives with their life in general. Specifically, the actives were not as satis- fied as the inactives with educational and recreational activities, but more satisfied with their social and family life, house or apart- ment lived in, their work, income, religious opportunities, friendli- ness of the community, and their neighborhood. 6. The actives more than the inactives had attitudes indicat- ing formal participation as a part of their value system. The in- actives showed attitudes which place high value on.work and material possessions. 7. Although actives and inactives did not differ on.their conception of the geographical area defined as the community, there was a greater identification of the actives than the inactives with 212. the specific area each called the community. 8. Actives responded that they feel more at ease in formal participation situations than inactives. 9. The active individuals had a self-image of being ammng the high formal and informal participants in the community while the ins actives perceived themselves among the low formal and informal partici- pants. Hence, these individuals have developed self-images that are in close agreement with their formal and informal participation. 10. The community's definition of the role of various posi- tions was in substantial agreement with the formal participation patterns which actually occur. This tentative conclusion was derived from an exploratory study showing that persons of high occupational, income, and educational status are expected to be more active than occupants of low status as regards these variables. Hence this study tends to substantiate the hypotheses that differential formal participation patterns are associated with posi- tions in the social structure, with ecological factors and physical means of communication, with self—images, and with varying 'other' images of the community. Mere data are needed to investigate these propositions in further detail. The theoretical implications of this study include as one area, the relationship between formal participation and positions in the social structure. Roles associated with selected positions seem to be defined in such a way that activity or inactivity in formal organizations is a part of the role definition. In addition, the 215. ‘ theory of personality in which the self-image and self-other percep- tions are brought into focus by adjusting one or both of them.until they show as little discrepancy as possible is an.implication derived from the data on self-image and attitudes and values concerning formal participation. Results from this study could probably be generalized to other rural communities of the type used in Pennsylvania. However, caution should be used in generalizations pertaining to factors showing dis- agreement among the three communities used in.the study. And since the respondents represent only the active and inactive groups, general- izations can only be in terms of these social and social psychological factors that differentiate actives and inactives. It is admitted that this study is inadequate in various parts and future studies could be improved by mistakes in this one. First, the respondents include extreme actives and inactives as well as a middle group of somewhat active, according to the Chapin scale. Future studies using this design.might discard the cases that are not in the extreme categories, or use more rigorously arrived at ratings of key informants. Second, it is difficult to generalize to specific communi- ties because the type of community represented by the three communities is rather vaguely classified. Having selected the communities only on the basis of type of farming area, population size, and lack of large industry and minority groups, a.more rigorous statistical selection of the communities would have allowed more precise generalizations. 214. ' Third, the theoretical framework and hypotheses could have been some- what better integrated so that the problem.cou1d have been.more de- limited in scope. Fourth, more extensive use of scales partially standardized, such as socio-economic status, community satisfaction, and personal adjustment scales, would have been justified. Fifth, inadequate training of interviewers before entering the field caused, in part, omission of some information, primarily on those questions that required probing. It is suggested that future studies in this area first study the social structure in a community, that is, the stratification system and power groups as a perspective with which to analyze social participation. Sociograms would be an invaluable aid in locating centers of influence. There are indications in this study that the social strata and formal and informal authority patterns probably have much influence on participation in organizations. Research might focus on analysis of one organization or several after a study of the power and influence structure. Another area of suggested study is that of the group pro- cesses that occur in meetings. The techniques of group dynamics research could be applied to organization meetings to analyze factors pertinent to membership and group participation. Future research might also focus on the formal participation role expectations in order to discern the positions and social skills that determine these expectations . 215. APPENDIX .A Tables 216. Table 47 - Distribution of Active and Inactive Formal Participants According to Key Informants by Chapin.Scale Score in Three Pennsylvania Rural Communities, 1948. _ r fl Chapin scale Key informants' rating. score Inactive Active Dumber 0-4 128 2 5-9 55 9 10-14 67 18 15-19 55 27 20-21: 15 143 25-29 6 55 50-34 5 40 55-59 2 54 110-114 0 30 115-49 1 25 50-51} 0 17 55-59 0 12 60 or more 0 26 Total \N H O \N p..- .h' Table 48 - Percentage of Active and Inactive Formal Participants who were Members vania Rural Communities, 1948. Type of formal of Specific Organizations in Three Pennsyl- 217. organization Newville NHllheim Fredonia Total: belonged to Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Inact. Act. Inact. Act. lhle respondents Church 58% 98% 46% 95% 48% 95% 44% 96% Grange 0 5O 0 22 10 26 5 26 Extension 0 2 O 2 O 5 O 5 Cooperative 12 44 8 27 10 57 10 56 Patriotic 2 28 15 25 10 18 8 25 Civic O 46 26 75 14 66 12 65 Fraternal 12 48 10 50 12 48 11 #9 Recreational 7 42 0 l5 5 51 4 28 Professional 2 22 15 18 l9 15 ll 18 No organization 40 O 15 O 56 O 51 0 Number of cases 52 5o 59 6o 42 62 155 172 Female respondents Church 48% 98% 62% 100% 62% 10.0% 57% 99% Grange o 24 o 19 4 15 1 19 Extension 2 40 O 4 2 6 1 l5 Cooperative 0 0 0 2 0 2 0 1 Patriotic 0 l4 4 10 2 20 2 15 Civic 6 54 6 7O 7 52 6 . 51 Fraternal O 20 O 25 15 58 4 28 Recreational 0 4 0 4 O 6 O 5 Professional 0 10 0 5 O 6 0 7 No organization 48 o 25 o 55 o 56 0 Number of cases 54 5O 47 57 45 66 146 175 218. Table 49 -vflumber and Types of Formal Organizations to Uhich.Respond- ents Belonged in Three Pennsylvania Rural Commities, 1948. Newville Millheim. Fredonia Church Number number Number Lutheran 6 6 1 Church of the Brethren l O 0 Church of God 6 O l Presbyterian. 2 O 2 Evangelical 4 7 O Reformed O 6 O God's Missionary O 2 O Lutheran and Reformed 0 l O Vesleyan.Methodist O O l Methodist O O 2 Evangelical and Reformed O O 5 Latter Day Saints 0 O 1 Catholic 0 O 1 92% l l 1 Extension service Farm Homes 1 O 0 Senior Extension* 1 1 0 ‘8e Ene hoes Com.’ 1 1 1 W Farm Bureau! 1 1 1 Cumberland valley Co-op‘ 1 O 0 Eastern States"I 1 l 1 Butler Egg Co-op* O O l D.H.I.A.* l 1 l ‘Iool Growers* l O 1 Artificial Breeding"I l l 1 Interstate Milk Producers* l O O D.C.S.A.* O O l Breeder's.Assn.* l O 1 Potato Growers Assn.‘I O O l triotic or anizations American.Legion Legion.Auxiliary Vere'O Blue Star Mothers cares-r- C)C)h‘h‘ sac>vsrd 'Table 49 - Continued. Civic groups Lion's Club Fireman's Assn. Fireman's Club _ Women's Club Men's Business Assn. V.O.T.U. P.T.A. Park Commission Boro Council Band Parent's Assn. Birthday Club Good Time Club Neighborhood Club Sewing Club Ladies' Fire Co. Auxiliary Anonymous Club Women's Civic Club Kiwanis* 119.452 IOOOOOP. POOOSOA. Eastern Star“ Masonic"I Rebekah Lodge Order of Jr. Mechanics Knights of the Golden Eagles Eagles Woodmen of the World Moose" Recreational Athletic Assn. Fish and Game Assn. Athletic Assn. Auxiliary Rod and Gun Club Beagle Club Sportsmen‘s Club Total Newvil 1e Mil lheim Number Numb er OOOHOOOOHHOHHHHOHH OHOOOOOOOHHHHOHHHH OHHOHHHHOI—I HHOHOHHHHH OOOI—II-IH OOHHOOO 55 5 fiedonia Number HHHOHHHHOHOHHHOOHH HOOOOHHHOH alnooeee 219. '* Usually met at places beyond the boundaries of the communities studied. 220. APPENDIX B Partial Standardization of Feeling at Ease Scale 221.‘ The six questions asked of the interviewees were scaled and partially standardized. The internal consistency method was used for computing item validity which is explained later and reliability was ascertained by the split-half method. It is very difficult to validate a scale of this type if the verbal responses of the respond- ents are not accepted as being valid. The scores of this scale were correlated with identifiable groupings, such as education, income, and Chapin participation scores. To score these responses, 'very ' was given a value of-+2, 'quite a bit. +1, 'nct very much at ease much' -1, and "not at all at ease' -2. Thus, a range of scores from-+12 to -12 was possible. This follows the general idea of the Likert technique.88 The difference between "quite a bit at ease' and 'not very much at ease' was considered a bigger separation than the others so it was given a numerical difference twice as great. Internal Consistency or Critical Ratio Method The criterion of internal consistency, or the critical ratio method was used for computing item validitytag This was used to see if all items had large significant differences which would give them. great discriminating power. Likert, op. cit. Sletto, R. F., 'A Critical Study of the Criterion of Internal Consistency in Personality Scale Construction,‘ American Sociological Review, Vol. 1, 1956, p. 61. 222. The criterion of internal consistency was used with the lowest and highest quartiles of the distribution. The total feeling at ease scores were first computed for the 624 schedules but 180 were not used, because not all six questions were adequately completed. At least one of the six questions in these 180 schedules was not filled in. The scores were arrayed from the lowest to highest. The array was divided into approximately equal quarters with 102 in the lowest quartiles and 112 in the highest. The score for each of the feeling at ease situations was separate- ly computed according to values described before. The mean score of each item.for all individuals in the extreme quartile was then com- puted. The mean score of each item in the low and high quartile is shown in the first and second columns of Table 50. The difference be- tween these quartile mean scores is the discriminative value of each item. In this case 4 would be the highest possible one. All items were represented 102 times on the lowest quartile and 112 times on the highest quartile. The items yielded an average discriminative value of 2.7. The critical ratio for each difference was computed to ascer- tain the statistical significance of the difference between mean.scores of the extreme quartiles. The average ratios ranged from 1.5 to 5.9. This indicates that all items except feeling at ease when left alone with important person yielded statistically significant discriminative values. This item.probab1y had different connotations to individuals as it was not clear who an important person is. Many 225. Table 50 - Calculation of Discriminative value of Feeling at Ease Items by Comparison of Mean Scores of Low and High Quartiles of Distribution of 444 Individuals' Scores in Three Pennsylva- nia Rural Communities, 1948. Critical Mean score of items Difference ratio of How much at ease Low High between, differences do you.feel: quartile quartile quartile between quar- mean score tile mean score Hhen.you are called upon to express your opinion in a group of people? -l.5 1.7 5.2 5.9 “hen you have to take part in the program} -l.4 1.6 5.0 2.9 When you are at a large dinner or banquet? “1.0 1.9 2e9 5e} When you are around people you do not know? "0e9 1e9 2e8 5e]. When you are in a meeting with a large number of people? -O.5 1.9 2.4 2.5 When you are left alone with an important person? -l.l 0.9 2.0 1.5 224. of the more socially adequate individuals answered this question con- servatively. Since the constituent items were selected in the first place to conform to a culture pattern that was reasonably well known, there was some reason for assuming an initial inherent validity in the instrument. External validity The scores obtained in this manner were correlated with iden- tifiable groups. These groupings of the active and inactive sample were based on: (1) education, (2) income, and (5) Chapin participa- tion.scores. The scores were correlated with every fifth case of education and income and all Chapin index scores, giving a total of 95 cases for education and 79 for income. The coefficient of corre- lation between the feeling at ease score and education was +.45. The correlation with income was +.52. Inasmuch as there was a high correlation between education and.income, this rather similar corre- lation of income and education with feeling at ease was to be expect- ed. It does indicate, however, that education seemed to have more effect on degree of feeling at ease than income. The coefficient of correlation between the feeling at ease score and Chapin score of the individuals was +.4l. Here 505 individual scores were available. From the data obtained it was possible to compute the total number of times each individual attended a formal organization meeting in the 12 month period prior to the interview. The total attendances 225. ranged from O to 555. A correlation of-+.28 was obtained when the total attendances were compared with feeling at ease scores. The number of times each individual attended church was sub- tracted from the total attendances at formal organizations and the resulting attendances gave a correlation of +.56 with feeling at ease score. This indicates that individuals are more apt to attend church than other organizations even.though they do not feel at ease: how- ever, the difference is too small to be conclusive. A possible ex- planation is that more people who feel ill at ease will participate where roles are crystallized and participation is by the group rather than individual. ~ Reliability of the Scale The Thurston 'split-half reliability coefficient,‘ the tech- nique used in.testing reliability of the scale, correlates one-half of the items on the scale with the other half. The scale was divid- ed into halves composed of the even numbered and the odd numbered items. The scores of the halves were correlated from.555 cases giving a correlation of +.9l. This correlation indicates relatively high reliability of the scale in terms of scald standards. This scale will have to be tested and studied in grdater detail. The coefficient of correlation between the scale and items used in validating it were not large, but they were consistent. The two items, number of attendances and Chapin score, are overt behavior factors. It indicates that many people are participating in organizations even though they do not feel at ease in those 226. situations. Therefore, they have other motivations in being partici- pants. The phenomenon being measured needs more detailed examination. In summary, when the six questions are combined into a scale, all questions show significant discriminative value except one. The critical ratios range fram 1.5 to 5.9. The scale shows high reliabi- lity by use of the split-half method. This scale has been used in an exploratory manner and further validation would have to be attempted in subsequent studies. Additional items should be added to develop a better scale and the question about meeting a strange person should be dropped because of its low discriminative value. The scaling technique as developed by Guttman could be used to see if the items are scalable. 227. APPENDIX C Schedule Forms Used A Schedule Number Tabulation Number The Pennsylvania State College Department of Agricultural Economics and Rural Sociology This survey is being conducted under the direction of the Department of Agricultural Economics and Rural Sociology at The Pennsylvania State College. The purpose of the survey is to secure information which will help organizations in better providing for the needs of their members. Only you can give the infomation needed. We need your earnest and sincere c00peration if these find- ings are to be helpful. Any information you give is confidential. What we want is accurate information and frank opinions from everyone. Feel free to make comments at any time. 1. No. family members living at home No. of single children living at home: Under 6 years of age 6 to 10 years of age 11 to 15 years of age 16 to 20 years of age over 21 years of age . 2. How many years have you lived in this community? 3. What was the highest grade in school which you completed? The grade A. How old were you on your last birthday? Sex: M F 5. What is your primary occupation? 6. (If wife) what is your husband's primary occupation? 7. If husband has a secondary occupation, what is it? 8. About how much income did the members of your family living at home make last year? Less than $500 ' $2,000 but under $3,000 $500 but under $1,000 $3,000 but under $4,000 $1,000 but under $1,500 __ .__. II$49mO bllt under $6,000 $1,500 but under $2,000 $6,000 or over 9. If all the families in this conmmnity were divided into four groups on the amount of money they have for family living, which group would your own family fall in? Would your family be one of that group who have - the meet next to the least next to the most the least 10. Do you have an automobile? How many automobiles does the family have? passenger cars trucks Does the wife drive? Yes No 1‘ 11. 12. 13 . 11.. 15. 16. 17. 229. Do you have a telephone? Yes No Where does the family live? In the town In the country . How far do you live: From the nearest town? From your usual shepping center? From the place where most of the organisations hold their meetings? During the past year about how many days has it been difficult for you to get to town because of road conditions? About days. In what state or country were you born? In what state or country were your parents bom? Your father . Your mother Did you grow up on a fan rural non-farm in a town in a city ? 230. nhuaoommv husaflwxsd seamen Ahufioommv aoapsuamsmuo anemone» anode has 350 Ahqaeommv swoon 538m 34 3:3 hpoaoom humnoanmfi: Hoosom asefim “£033 595 .sopa no .oom heoammo .856 nausea NH smears“ mwmmuooammo one S .05 «H .Ro .uaemo ease poem .ppe damn «same .2300 .2500 some .02 .02 he mmmwmmmmmd its .238 mammnomaoa soapaaaoo moanemaoz loos spec .3. 32 .oz .02 mumflmmmn pedomom 3:8 m p s 5.25 QJ 38 #0: as. nob [EOE OOQO as; 3 .03 NH puma hon lac: soapsaaosmuo no oasz museum conga 5" nowvsnfioafism emH 4 III Ahqaooowvsoapsnfiammuo Hoooauusmonm soapsaoouu4 a.moEoufih mobfipohoaooo Asao capoamad moan soamnoaxmruoacom mzao a.mosoz .4 .9 .m .D .9 .o .3 omesno seeo3.auem nooauuo .No heave .nfiono .608 e030 .58 .58 ea Hm poOfihuo one namuuopaoa ooppfiaaoo no nonasz .3... 321 .02 .02 .m «angelic. s38 .ups can: .02 .oz mm¢wmmmm usasmom 385 N on 2.5 eooo as: QJ .08 NH pose non use: ooavsnaqswuo Mo oasz Acodnavnoov .wH d 232. III III! ..II III III III II II III ......I II II @3033 s38 III II. III III III- Illl .ll. ..|..l III III. III III nOHasHeomod 3.300on IIIIIII all-[Ills I llllll Ill-ll IIIIIII I III... all I... Illll Ill .4 0H 0mm on III III III III II III... II. III III III III. ..II :OHnD .383 .38 a .eaautoam .smwa .3330 JB 3:30 .38 amen .mw“ 6”“ .mwm 0mm“ non NM :oHpansomuo no . . no: 5 as o Jam 50 uoEo E8 58 you nulls chafing mMIIInflooz we“ when oawz umpooa NH poem 5 $2303.30 one .35», .350 Endowed lacs 13: fineness—ea 0338500 no .3952 sooo ooeo oboe no: @2388 .3 < ‘I 19. 20. 22. How many times do you engage in the following activities? 233 . Average per month Per year Remarks Meals with relatives Meals with other friends or neighbors Banquets, church dinners, etc. Picnics Visiting with friends 85 neighbors Visiting with relatives Having a coke, a sandwich, a cup of coffee or a drink with friends at the local dmg store or roadside place vaies Dances Card parties Other house parties Car riding for pleasure Trips (100 miles or more) Hunt ing Fishing Swimming Football games Basketball games Baseball games Hockey games Fairs, celebrations & carnivals, festivals Going to town Shopping with friends Others :—. Did you take a vacation during the past 12 months? Yes No ; if so, what kind and how long? About how many different villages or cities do you visit once a month or oftensr? On a normal day about how many people do you meet and chat with during your working hours other than your family members? About people. About how many people do you meet and chat with before and after your working hours other than your family? About people. Cements: 23. 24. 25. 26. 28. 234. If all of the people who live in this community were to be divided into four groups on the following items, in which group do you think you would fall? Group 1 would be the highest and group 4 the lowest. (most? (least; Group Group Group Group 1 2 3 4 On the number of organizations you belong to __ __ __ __ On how active you are in the organizations you belong to __ __ __ __ Oh how much other people go to you for help and opinions __ __ __ __ On the number of athletic events, parties, festivals, movies and other such activities you take part in How many organizations did your father belong to? None One or two Three or four Several How many organizations did your mother belong to? Home One or two Three or four Several How active was your father in the organizations to which he belonged? Very active Quite active Not very active Not active at all Don't know How active was your mother in the organizations to which she belonged? Very active Quite active Not very active Not active at all How satisfied do you usually feel about the way things are working out. for you? Very satisfied Not very satisfied Quite satisfied Not satisfied at all 30. 31. 32. 33. 31.. 35. 235. How much benefit do you feel you have received from the organizations to which you have belonged? A great deal Not very much Quite a bit None at all What benefits do you think you have received? What are the things you don't like about belonging to organizations? To what extent do you feel a part of this community? Very much Not very much Quite a bit Very little or not at all What are you referring to as "the commtmity"? Specify: How enjoyable have your contacts in organizations been? Very enjoyable Not very enjoyable Quite enjoyable Not enjoyable at all The following often determine a man's standing in his community. Some of these ‘ are more important than others. Will you indicate which one is most important in your community, the 2nd most important, the 3rd, and so on. What a man does for a living How much money he has How religious a man is 236. The house he lives in His personal appearance The degree to which he supports and takes leadership in community organizations ___How good a farmer, businessman, or worker he is __Bow well he keeps his place up ___His moral and ethical standards _____How well educated he is ___What family a man comes from _How good a neighbor he is Other (specify) 36. The following often determine a woman's standing in the connmmity. Some of these are more important than others. Will you indicate which one is most important in your community, the 2nd most important, and the 3rd most important and so on. ____What one's husband does for a living ___The amount of money the family has ___How religious a woman is ____The house she lives in Her personal appearance The degree to which she supports and takes leadership in community organizations ___How good a housekeeper she is ___Her moral and ethical standards ____How well—educated she is ____What family a woman comes from How good a neighbor she is Other (specify) 237. 37. When you get a little time so you can do some of the things you like to do, what are the things you usually do? By yourself With other’people 38. How satisfied do you feel with the following: Not satisfied seeisfied satisfiyd satisf ld F: The friendliness of this community ______ Your work Your social life Ybur family'life The educational opportunities in the community Recreation activities in the comuni_tz__ Health facilities in the community This house or apartment This neighborhood Your income Religious opportunities in the community Cooperativeness of this community The moral character'of this community -_:_ r— 238. 39. Here are a few questions about how you feel when you get into certain kinds of SituateiODSe How much at ease ‘Very much Quite a NOt Y9K? Not do you feel: at ease bit much at at all ease at ease When you are in a meeting with a large number'of people When you are called upon to express your'opinion in a group of people When you are at a large dinner or banquet When you are around people you do not know When you have to take part on the program When you are left alone with an important person Interviewer B 239 . Schedule Number Tabulation Number 1. 2. 3. l... S. ’7. Name of this organization How many years have you belonged to this organization? On the average, how many hours do you spend per month on this organization and its activities? (Include time spent in going to and from meeting) About hours/mo. Have you ever held an office in this organization? Yes No. If yes, what offices and how many years? Why did you join this organization? How much benefit do you feel you get from this organization? very much not very much quite a bit very little or none at all What are the benefits? What are the things you don't like about this organization? How do you feel about the amount of Opportunity this organization provides for members to take part in meetings and activities? Check one. too much about the right amount too little Why? How much influence, directly or indirectly, do you have in deciding what is going to be done in this organization? Check one. a great deal some but not much quite a bit very little or none at all In what ways? 9. 10. 12. 13. 11.. 15. 240- As an organization to belong to, how would you rate this organization as compared with others in the community? Check one. about the best a bit below average one of the better ones one of the least attractive about average Why? How many of the influential peeple of the community are members of this organization? most of them few but not many quite a few very few or none How much do you feel a part of this organization? very much not very much quite a bit not at all Why? How friendly are the people in this organization? very friendly not very friendly quite friendly not friendly at all How many friends do you have who belong? a large number some but not mny quite a few none How well do you feel the members of this organization know you and what you are able to do? very well not very well quite well not well at all Connent: How successful is this organization in making you feel at home when you attend their meetings? very successful not very successful quite successful not successful at all Cement: 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 24.1. How many of the people who belong to this organization are the kind you most enjoy associating with? almost all of them most of them are not most of them almost all of them are not about half of them On what basis? Do you think the organization is being run as well as it could be? Check one. as well as it could be not as well just about not nearly as well Enqalain. How well do the officers keep the members informed as to what is being done? Check one. very well not very well quite well not well at all In your Opinion is this organization too liberal or too conservative? much too liberal somewhat too conservative somewhat too liberal much too conservative about right Why? No matter how good it may be, any organization could be improved to some degree. What are some of the things which you think might be improved in this organization? Specify. Interviewer Formal Participation Expectation Schedule THE PENNSEVANIA STATE COLLEG DEPAREAENT OF AGRICULTURAL ECONOMICS AND RURAL SOCIOLOGY sum; COLLEGE, PENNSYLVANIA There are many occupations in this community, such as the farmer, clerk, businessman, teccher, laborer, etc. For our purpose here, we have classified them into a few groups as follows: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. farm owner farm tenant~-one who runs a fans but rents it.from someone else businessman-one who owns or manages a business of any size skilled laborer-~such as the carpenter, mechanic, painter, etc. laborer--such as the janitor, truck driver, mill worker, farm laborer etc. professional-~such as teacher, doctor, lawyer, banker, minister, etc. clerk--office or store work A list of these occupations are compared with each other on how active you feel they are expected to be in community organizations, sucn as the church, lodge, farm organizations, civic club, patriotic organizations, and recreational group. Please check the one that you think best answers the question about taking part in organizations. For example, if the question were asked; "Which is expected to take the more active part in community organizations?" 1. zations?" 2. ll. 12. 13. 14. City mayor ' County treasurer both about the same , and you thought the city mayor is expected to take a more active part in community organizations than the county treasurer, you would place a check after city mayor. Now continue with the comparisons of the following occupations always keeping in mind the question, "Which is expected to take the more active part in community orgcni- Farm tenant farm ownerw ; both about the same . Farm tenant “i clerk Aboth about the same . Businessman farm owner both about the same . Businessman laborer both about the same . Farm owner; A , clerk both about the same . . Skilled laborer clerk both about the same . . Clerk ggp laborer,1_f both about the same . Laborer professional both about the same Farm owner businessman both about the same . . Farm tenant businessman both about the same . Fnrm tenant laborer _h both about the same . Laborer__f businessman both about the same . Businessman skilled laborer both about the same . 15. lb. 17. 18. a 250 Also, answer the same question: active Businessman Farm owner Skilled laborer Clerk Farm tenant Fzrm tenant Businessman Fann owner Farm owner Skilled laborer professional Laborer professional both laborer both laborer both professional both skilled laborer;____both professional both clerk both Skilled laborer;____both professional both both farm owner both A person who is a high scnool gradua+e a high school graduate A person who makes $37.50 a week both about the same a WGGK A person who has inherited much money or property who has not inherited much money or property same? . Your age part in community org nizationszu Check your main occupation: Farm owner Farm tenant Businessman Skilled labor Laborer Professional Clerk Housewife Other (husbands occupation 4vaast year in school completed about about about about about about about about about about about 243. the the the the the the the same same same same St me same same same same "Which is expected to take the more in the following comparisons: a person Who is not both about the same a person who makes $75.00 Sex a person both about the 2M. BIBLIGRAPHY Books Anonymous, History of NewiLLg, 1940. Boodin, John, The Social Mind, The MacMillan Company, New York, 1959. Caven, Burgess, Havighurst and Goldhamer, Personal Adjustmentin inOld 539.: Science Research Associates, Inc., Chicago, Illinois, 1J9. Chapin, 1". Stuart, Soggl Participation Scajlg, 1957, University of Minnesota, 1958. 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Stott, Leland, 'Family Prosperity in.Relation to the Psychological Adigstments of Farm Folk,‘ Rural Sociolo , Volume 10, September 19. - JP 11. 86 1:13; am 31 '55!- - “PM W u D ' Nov 8 ! Ila.‘ Id: 11lll. .I‘I‘itl’IFIZ l.liIlI-. vbunl 1111;) . .t‘l! I. . ‘I-Cll‘l I! IV! L 1.. 1O! ’ 1.111.111