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THE 'DELIN‘EATION,
DEMOGRAPHIC COMPARISON ‘
AND POPULATION STABILITY OF SELECTED
TYPES OF- LOCAAITYGRQUPINGS IN THE
CENTRAL DISTRICT OF TURRIALBA CANTON, I
COSTA RICA: 1951 7

M Cor flu DIG". of Ph. D.
MICHIGAN STAT! WW
Norman W. Paint”
1956

 

This is to certify that the

thesis entitled

The Delineation, Demographic Comparison and
Social Solidarity of Selected Types Of Locality Groupings
in the Central District of Turrialba Canton, Costa Rica: 1951

presented by

Norman W. Painter

has been accepted towards fulfillment
of the requirements for

Ph.D. Sociology & Anthropology

degree in

 

 

Major professor

Inn: September 10, 1956

 

0-169

THE DEL NEATICN, DEMOGRAPHIC COHEARISON AND FOPUIATION

STABILITY OF SELECTED TYPES OF LOCALITY GROUPINGS

IN THE CENTRAL DISTRICT OT TURRIALBA CANTON,

ij]

COSTA RICA: 1951

0

, by
to 1A. w. PAINTER

AN ABSTRACT
Submitted to the School for Advanced Graduate Studies of
Michigan State University of Agriculture and
Applied Science in partial fulfillment of
the requirements for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

Department of Sociology and AnthrOpology
Ye 19:6

  

Approved /
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Michigan Statc
University -

 
  
 

 

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NORUAN W. PAINTER ABSTRACT

The purposes of this study are: (l) to test tech-
niques of delineation developed in the United States in an—
other cultural milieu; (2) to delineate locality groups in
the Central District of Turrialba Cantén, Costa Rica;

(3) to make demographic comparisons of these groups; and
(4) to indicate degrees of pOpulation stability of such 10-
cality groups.

Following a summary of the history and develOpment
of techniques of delineation in the United States,aatech-
nique is designed for carrying out delineation under the
concrete conditions of the new cultural milieu. Specific
problems encountered are outlined. Results are presented
graphically.

Two variables comprise the cross-classificatory sys-
tem for determining locality place-groups. They are: (l)

time—distance--time to traverse distance; and (2) land ten-

 

 

ure--small independent owner-Operators and owners of large

haciendas. This system converted forty-five locality groups

 

into seven conceptually homogeneous locality place-groups:
the urban trade-center; those whose residents can reach the

trade-center within fifteen minutes (all large haciendas);

 

those whose residents travel to the trade-center in from
sixteen to ninety minutes (subdivided into small land-
holdings, large land-holdings, and mixed type holdings);

those whose residents require more than ninety minutes to

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NORMAN W. PAINTER ABSTRACT

reach the trade-center (subdivided into large- and small-
holdings groups).
The following results are outstanding:

Education: The younger age groups are more literate

 

than the older. The urban people are more literate than the
rural. Men are slightly more literate than women, although
literate women achieve higher grade levels than literate
men. PeOple living nearer the trade—center, whether on
large or small holdings, are more literate than those who
live farther from school facilities. Small owner-Operators
and their children are more literate than people living on

large haciendas.

 

Marital Status: There are more single men than single

 

women. There are more married women than married men.

There are very few divorced or separated individuals, and
fewer than five per cent "free unions." Slightly more than
five per cent are widowed. Rural-urban differences in mari-
tal status are negligible.

Occupational Composition: The Turrialba District is

 

predominantly agricultural. Most of the working pOpulation
is engaged in either agricultural or domestic activities,
the men tending to the former and the women to the latter.
Only 15.4 per cent of male agricultural workers are owners.

There are more paid female employees in the large-holdings

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NORNAN W. PAINTER ABSTRACT

place-groups. Non-paid domestic workers are more prevalent
in the rural than in the urban zone.

Place of Birth and Tigration: About one—half of the

 

peOple in the Turrialba District were born there. The
small-holdings place-groups demonstrate higher prOportions
of "native" inhabitants than the large-holdings place-groups.
Internal in-migration is counter-balanced by internal out—
migration. There are very few foreign-born in Turrialba.
Population stability is greater for the small-holdings
than for the large-holdings place—groups. This is true when
the average length of residence is taken as the criterion--
because of the attachment the small Operators have to the
land and the landlessness of the day-wage workers on the

large haciendas. It is again true when the homogeneity of

 

place of last previous residence is the criterion; homogene-
ity of origin seems to contribute to more landless people

coming to the haciendas and more land-seeking peOple to where

 

land can be settled.

One hacienda (Aquiares) constitutes an exception to

 

the above generalization. This is because of a sharecrOpping

system which gives the workers some attachment to the land.
Graphic presentation is used extensively. A graphic

method of evaluating and presenting data on pOpulation sta-

bility is offered.

 

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THE DELINEATION, DEI"OC? InIC COIPARISOJ ND IOPULATION

STABILITY OF SELECTED TYPES OF LC WC “IITY GBCUPINGS
IN THE CENTRAL DISTRICT OE TU RIALBA CANTON,

COSTA RICA: 1951

by
roar IAN w. PAINTER

A THESIS

Submitted to the School for Advanced Graduate Studies of

Michigan State University of Agriculture and
Applied Science in partial fulfillment of
the requirements for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

Department of Sociology and Anthropology
1956

p;

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CKNOWIEDCMENTS

The author wishes to express his sincere apprecia-
tion to Dr. Charles P. Loomis and Dr. J. Allan Beagle of
the Department of Sociology and AnthrOpology. Dr. Loomis
guided the field work in Costa Rica and was exceedingly
helpful in the orientation stage of that work and in the
analysis of the demographic data. He made many valuable
suggestions at various stages of the work which were most
helpful to the author. Dr. Beegle was most helpful in the
early stages of interpretation of the results of analysis,
and suffered his patience to be tried in subsequent stages
where attention to detail was time-consuming.

Dr. Paul C. Morrison deserves special mention for his
untiring companionship on the roads and trails of the rugged
terrain of the Turrialba District during the delineation of
the locality groups in that District. He further encouraged
the author during the preparation of the first draft of the
manuscript.

Dr. Olen E. Leonard assisted in the develOpment of
graphic presentation of those data which lent themselves to
this form of presentation.

Finally, Dr. Duane L. Gibson helped more than he may
realize throughout the various stages of the project on‘dxse

aspects related to methodology and field techniques.

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TABLE OF CCNTE NTS

PAGE
LIST OF TABLES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . v

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vii

CHAPTER
I. IYTRCDUCTION . . . . . . . . 1
Background of Study . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Purpose and Scope . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
An Approach: based on present litera-
tdre . . . . . 6
II. THE STUDY AREA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
Geography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
Economy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16
Early Settlement . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19
III. TECHNIQUES OF DELIYEATIOY . . . . . . . . . . 25
Introduction . . . . . . .'. 25
Origin and DevelOpment. of Delineation
Techniques . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28
Modern Techniques . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45
IV. DEL YEATIO Y AND DESCRIPTION OF LOCALITY
GROUPS IN TURRIALBA . . . . . . . . . . . . 48
Delineation in Turrialba . . . . . . . . . 48
Some Problems Encountered . . . . . . . . . 57
General Description of Locality Groups
in Turrialba . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 60
V. THE LARGF A? COIL-I; IJIUIIITY OF TUiRRIAiJBA o o o o o o 73
VI. A TAXONCZY CF LOCALITY GRC UPIYGS: DISTAYCE
FROM TRADE CEY ER AND SIZE OF LAND HOLD—
ING . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79

iii

 

 

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CHAPTER

VII. DEYOCYAPJIC AYALYSIS AND CCHPARISOY OF

LOCALITY GROUPS

Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Age—Sex Composition . . . . . . . .
Education and Literacy . . .
Marital Status . . . . . . . .
Occupational Composition . .
Place of Birth and Migration .
Nationality . . . . . . . . . .

VIII. POPULATIOY STABILITY AND SOCIAL SOLIDARITY

IX.

APPETDIX .

Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . .

Stability of the Central District as a
Whole . . . . . . . . .

Stability as It Varies between Types of
Locality Groups . . . . . . . . .

Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

CCI‘ICLUSION O O C O O O I O O O O O O O O .

BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

85
85

86

95
102

105
111
115
118
118
119

124
155

137
142

146

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LIST OF TABLES

TABLE PAGE

I. Certain Contacts Made by the PeOple of
Aquiares Within and Outside the Community
for a One Year Period, 1948 . . . . . . . . . 69

II. lumber of Contacts Made by the People of
Aquiares in the Use of Service Center Facil-
ities for a One Year Period, 1948 . . . . . . 71

III. Numbers and Percentages of Persons Classified
by Age and by Sex, Rural Zone, Turrialba
Central District, Costa Rica, 1948 . . . . . 89

IV. Numbers and Percentages of PersOns Classified
by Age and by Sex, Urban Zone, Turrialba
Central District, Costa Rica, 1948 . . . . . 90

V. Percentage of Literate Persons by Age Groups,
by Rural Sub-Areas, and by Urban Zone,
Turrialba Central District, Costa Rica,
1948 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 98

VI. Percentage of Adults 21 Years of Age and Over,
Classified by Highest Grade of School Com-
pleted and by Zones, Turrialba Central Dis-
trict, Costa Rica, 1948 . . . . . . . . . . . 100

VII. Civil Status for the Population 15 Years of
Age and Over, for the Canton of Turrialba,
1950 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 104

VIII. Percentages of Persons Sixteen Years of Age
and Over, Classified by Yarital Status, by
Sex, and by Zones, Turrialba Central Dis—
trict, Costa Rica, 1948 . . . . . . . . . . . 104

IX. Percentages of Working Persons Eleven Years
Old and Over, Classified by Occupational
Branch, and by Rural Sub-Areas and Zones,
Turrialba Central District, Costa Rica,
1948 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 107

 

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TABLE PAGE

X. Percentages of Agricultural Workers Eleven
Years of Age and Over, Classified by Occu-
pational Position, by Sex, by Rural Sub-
Areas, and by Zones, Turrialba Central
District, 1948 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 108

XI. Percentages of Female Domestic Workers Eleven
Years of Age and Over, by Occupational
Position, by Rural Sub-Areas and by Zones,
Turrialba Central District, Costa Rica,
1948 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109

XII. Percentages of Persons Residing in the Rural
Sub-Areas and Urban Zone, Classified by Place
of Birth, Turrialba Central District, Costa
Rica, 1948 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115

XIII. Place of Birth of the Foreign-Born Population
.of Costa Rica in 1950 . . . . . . . . . . . . 116

XIV. Distribution of Family Heads by Years of Resi-
dence at Present Place, for Groupings Based
on Place of Last Previous Residence, ' "
1948-49 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 120

XV. Distribution of Family Heads by Place of Last
Previous Residence, for Groupings Based on

Years of Residence at Present Place,
1948-49 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121

XVI. Distribution of Family Heads by Years of Resi—
dence at Present Place, for Each Place—Group
or Neighborhood, 1948-49 . . . . . . . . . . 126

XVII. Distribution of Family Heads by Place of Last
Previous Residence, for Each Place-Group or
Neighborhood, 1948-49 . . . . . . . . . . . . 127

y-. «9“—

 

LIST OF ILLUSTI‘TIONS

FIGURE PAGE

1. Locality Groups, Central District of Turrialba,

1951 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55

2. Church, School and Work Communities, Central
District 0 Turrialba, 1951 . . . . . . . . . . 65

5. The Larger Community of Turrialba, 1951 . . . . . 76

4. Population Place Groups, Central District,
Turrialba Canton, Costa Rica, 1951 . . . . . . 85

5. Age-Sex Pyramids for the Rural and Urban Popu—
lations, Central District of Turrialba,
1950 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 88

6. Literacy in Relation to Size of Land Holding and
Distance from Trade Center, by Age Groups,
Rural Zone, Central District of Turrialba,
1950 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99

7. Place of Birth in Relation to Size of Land Hold-
ing and Distance from Trade Center, Central
District of Turrialba, 1950 . . . . . . . . . . 114

8. Length of Present Residence and Place of Last

Previous Residence, Central District of
Turrialba, 1948 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 152

vii

CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
Background of Study

This study reports work done under the auspices of
the Area Research Center of Michigan State College in c00p-
eration with the Inter-American Institute of Agricultural
Sciences located at Turrialba, Costa Rica, Central America.1
In the Fall of 1950 three Area Research Assistants accom-
panied by Dr. Charles P. Loomis, Director of the Area Re-
search Center, went to Costa Rica to expand the research
program begun in 1948. The present writer was one of these
Assistants.2

The three Assistants were assigned to the Department
of Economics and Rural Life at the Institute to become
parts of the "research team" composed of members of that
department and of Michigan State College personnel. The
present investigator, in addition to assisting in carrying

out other studies underway and still others subsequently

 

1This Institute is a branch organization of the Pan
American Union.

2The other two were Thomas L. Norris and Charles H.
Proctor. Another earlier Assistant, who helped in the ini-
tiation of the program in 1948, was Reed M. Powell.

initiated, was assigned the task of delineating "locality
groups"--and, later, of making demographic comparisons of
such groups--in the primary study area, the Central Dis-
trict of Turrialba Canton, Cartago Province.

One of the problems of previous studies at the In-
stitute had been the difficulty of research teams in accu-
rately determining and defining their areal units of inves-
.tigation. The areal units previously studied had been more
or less arbitrarily determined, supplemented by the subjec-
tive judgment of some of the long-time residents of the
District. But no verification had been made of the accura-
cy of the units do determined. In the application of "so-
cial system" as a unit of investigation, there was need for
a concrete areal unit as a source of data in order that
groups might be studied and compared. Further complicating
the overall research program was the requirement of inter-
disciplinary team research; the investigations needed to be
in agreement on such basics as definition of units of
study. There was a recognized need for the determination
of common units of study in order that sociologists, an-
thropologists, economists, health specialists, nutrition-
~ists, and others could work together so that data and com-
parisons might be made of results. It was felt that team
research could be advantageously utilized only if a ma or

problem (e.g., raising the level of living of a population

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group) could be systematically attacked. For these reasons
the task of delineating the localities of the Central Dis-
trict of Turrialba became an important part of the research
program. The present study is restricted, therefore, to
this aspect of the entire program. Subsequently, the demo-
graphic comparison of these groups made another fundamental
contribution to the larger study in the form of basic data
relevant to health, level of living, and, on the theoretical

side, to the detailed study of social systems.
Purpose and Sc0pe

The purposes of this study are: (l) to delineate
the locality groups in the Central District of Turrialba;
(2) to make demographic comparisons of these groups on the
basis of a cross-classificatory system (to be described
later); and (5) to describe some of the organizational and
interactional patterns of such groups.

Supplementary to these threebasic purposes is that of
the description of the locality groups and their respective
members following delineation. This description will be in
terms of the settlement patterns, forms of tenancy, daily
life patterns, etc., of the various locality groups.

Certain assumptions are implicit in these purposes,
zig., that awareness of attachment to a locality implies.

some kind of group feeling or group consciousness; and,

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that this group consciousness or group feeling gives the
inhabitants of a locality esprit de corps and some degree
of solidarity, thereby permitting them to be sociologically
labeled as "groups."

Locality groups are defined herein in terms of a
socio-psychological conceptualization since the concept of
"identification" is basic to the determination of such
groups. This will be clarified along with the discussion
of the technique used in delineation in Turrialba.

The criteria for combining the locality groups will

be restricted to (1) time-distance (average distance in

 

terms of time, on the part of members of respective groups,
to reach the trade center of Turrialba City), and (2) size

of land holding--1oca1ities composed of small independent

 

operators will be combined, as will those coinciding with
large plantations. A cross-classification of these two
variables will ultimately result in seven "place—groupings,"
or "population-groupings." For example, all the large plan-
tations in a given time zone will be combined into one
"place-group."

The demographic comparisons of these groupings will
be restricted to the census data available on them plus a
limited supplement by a previous investigation at the In-
stitute.

The basic interest herein is in the overall effects

which certain ecological characteristics have on peOples in

diverse types of localities. Certain questions may be

asked regarding the factors of distance from the trade cen—

 

ter, and size of land holding.

 

What is the effect of distance from the community
trade center on the life of peOple in the various neighbor-
hoods? Does nearness to the trade center contribute to the
general welfare of a people? Is the demographic composi-
tion of a locality affected by variation in distance from
the trade center--marital status, for example? Is the life
of peOple who live in localities composed of small, inde-
pendent owner-Operators affected thereby? Is it different

from the pattern of life on large haciendas? If so, in

 

what respects is it different? Further, how is the demo-
graphic composition of such pOpulation groups affected by
this factor of size of land holding?

V The present state of ecological theory does not lend
itself readily to the derivation of a frame of reference
for the study of locality groups. In this respect, it may
be helpful to discuss briefly some of the major points of
argument among human ecologists. And a brief description
will be made of what human ecologists actually d9, the
things they study and write about (that is, "constant").
From the nebulous state of ecological theory it is hOped
that a satisfactory point of departure can be derived for

this study.

An Approach: based on present literature

The word ecology " was coined in 1869 by the biolo-
gist Ernst Haeckel from the Greek word OIKOS, which means
house, abode, dwelling."3 The main point seems to be that
what is observed is studied in consideration of where it is
located.

Historically plant life received the first attention
of ecologists. Later animal life was studied ecologically.
And human ecology is only now beginning; it does not yet
have a consistent, established, and accepted frame of ref-
erence. It is, however, often considered to be a part of
the field of sociology.4

But ecological study has come to be restricted pri-
marily to the study of the relationships existing between
organisms and, or in, their environments. As one authority
states it, "human ecology centers in the study of relations

between man and environment."5 This constitutes a basic

 

5A. B. Hollingshead, "Human Ecology," Part Two, in
A. M. Lee (ed.), New Outline of the Principles of Sociology
(New York: Barnes & Noble, Inc., 19467, p. 67.

4See, in this regard, E. B. Reuter, Handbook of So-
ciology (New York: The Dryden Press, 1941), pp. 29, 114.

5J. A. Quinn, Human Ecology (New York: Prentice-
Hall, Inc., 1950), p. 5. Quinn emphasizes that "environ-
ment" refers only to material and spatial aspects and not
to cultural and social elements.

 

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definition. And no one seems to disagree with this concep-
tion of human ecology--as far as it goes.

"Human ecology deals with thespatial aspects of the
symbolic relations of human beings and human institutions."6
This definition introduces the idea of the unconscious na—
ture of relations between men. Indeed, this conception has

not only been consistent in most of the writings in the

past thirty years since "the term human ecology made its

 

appearance in 1921 in the volume, An Introduction to the

7

 

Science of Sociology by R. E. Park and E. W. Burgess," but

 

still persists today in some of the important treatises of
quite recent date. For example, Quinn states in his Open—
ing chapter that his work was going to place "much greater
emphasis on the impersonal, sub-social aspects of areal
structure and change than on the distinctively social as-
pects of human relations."8 He had already stated that
"one important View pictures human ecology as the study of

those sub-social aspects of areal organization that ariseinri

 

6R. D. McKenzie, "Human Ecology" in Encyclopedia of
the Social Sciences (New York: The NacMillan Co., 1951),
Vol. V, p. 514.

 

 

7Pages 161-216, referenced in Amos H. Hawley, Human
Ecology: A Theory of Community Structure (New York: The
Ronald Press Col, 19507, p. 8.

8J. A. Quinn, op. cit., p. 11.

8
change through 'competition.'"9 The use of the term "sym-
biosis" has also been traditional. This term means "living

together" but includes also the idea of "mutual dependence

between unlike organisms," according to Hawley,10 and re—

fers to the "impersonal coexistence aspect of ecological

relations" according to Quinn.11

But it seems to this writer that sociologists have
little use for ecology if it cannot be made hpggp to a
greater extent than is indicated by the above. Hawley de-
fines human ecology as "the study of the form and the de-
velopment of the community in human pOpulation," and then

roceeds to discuss "man's extensive control over his sur-
P

roundings,"12

and further says that

the elements of human culture are therefore identi-
cal in principle with the appetency of the bee for
honey, the nest-building activities of birds, and
the hunting habits of carnivora . . . . Ecology is
not concerned with how habits are acquired--that is
a psychological problem; it is interested rather in
the functions they serve and the relationships they
involve.l3

 

91bid., p. 7. Quinn clarifies "sub—social" as
"those aspects of human interrelations . . . that do not in?
volve interaction through symbol communication" and defines
"competition" in the tradition of Park and Burgess, "who
picture it as a sub-social form of interaction 'without so-
cial contact.'"

10A. H. Hawley, 09. cit., p. 56.
11J. A. Quinn, 02. cit., fn. 10, p. a.
12A. H. Hawley, op. cit., p. 68.

15Ibid.,IL 69.

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Hawley insists that this is the thing "that constitutes man
an object of special inquiry and makes possible a human as
distinct from a general ecology."14 But, Quinn says that
the "social-cultural conception of human ecology seems in-
adequate as a means of defining the field, . . ."15 And so
it goes.

But this writer prefers to go along with the need of
and the insistence upon certain major changes in order that
human ecology may be put to use. Boskoff16 says that the
"mystic sub-social Spatial determinism" must be removed,
and that "competition . . . must face the reality of so-
cially structured spatial distribution." He adds that "or-
thodox" human ecology is inadequate. He thinks, however,

that human ecology "can provide a needed spatial frame of

reference for sociology to aid in the location of the so-

 

cial phenomena with which it is concerned," and introduces
the term "sociological ecology" which he defines as "the
description, analysis, and explanation of the spatial and
temporal adjustment of social organizations (groups and

functions) through social behavior and relationships in the

 

14Loo. cit.

15J. A. Quinn, p. 9.

16Alvin Boskoff, "An Ecological Approach to Rural So-
ciety," Rural Sociology, XIV (December, 1949), 506-516.

 

L
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10

pursuit of cultural values."17

This agrees, more or less,
with McKenzie's classification of human ecology into three
categories one of which is "ecological organization" which
he says "represents the Spatial arrangements of population
and institutions at any given time either within a local
community or within a larger constellation of communities.”18

These latter conceptions are essentially those as-
pects of human ecology which will be utilized in the pres-
ent study, that is to say, this study will describe the
spatial arrangements and the spatial and temporal adjust-
ments of the pOpulations of delineated localities in the
community of Turrialba, Costa Rica.

All aspects of human life are affected by the places
where peOple live. The places where they live, work, and
meet their daily needs through institutional and associa-
tional agencies are, for the peOple, their worlds.

Space is a requirement for human activities. As the
characteristics of spatial areas vary, so varies the life
of the peOple living therein. Not only are the character-

istics of an area determinant of the composition, structure

and action of population groups but the characteristics of

 

171bid., p. 5oa.

18R. D. McKenzie, "Human Ecology," Encyc10pedia of
the Social Sciences(New York, 1951), p. 514. The other two
categories are ecological dominance and ecological succes—
sion.

 

11
other areas, especially nearby ones, are also influential.
Furthermore, the relationships between areas are determi-
nant of life patterns in a locality.

Some of the basic concepts to be utilized in this

study need to be defined. Demography is the scientific

 

study of human populations; it is the quantitative study of
the composition and vital processes of pOpulation aggre-
gates. Such pOpulations can be geographically located.

The composition of populations is usually concerned with
such factors as age, sex, residence, education, marital
status, occupation, and nationality. The vital processes
include births, marriages, migrations, and deaths.

Traditionally the concepts of community and competi-

 

tion have been utilized by ecologists. Community, in the

 

ecological sense, refers to the "living together" in a com-
mon habitat of like organisms. It assumes also a relative-
ly stable order among members of the same species. This
implies a static approach; an ecological study would then
be a study of the situation as it exists at a given time in
a particular Space.

Competition, as used by the ecologists, refers to the

 

fact of a competitive struggle for existence among the mem-
bers of the species. This competition acts as a regulator
of the number of individuals which a given locale will sup-

port. Of course, many factors enter here to help determine

‘

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12
the number; for example, natural resources, climate, tech-
nology, custom and tradition, . . .

Reduced to its elements then, the human community
may be considered to be ecologically the product of
five interacting factors: a population (1) living
in an area, (2) ossessing artifacts (technological
culture), and C3§ customs and beliefs (nonmaterial
culture), which determines (4) the use of the natu-
ral resources, and (5) the functions performed in
the social division of labor.

In the human community these factors Operate to
produce its (1) spatial distribution, (2) functional
organization, E5) position in a constellation of com-
munities, and 4) changes, within the community, both
ecological and social.

Human ecology deals with society in its biological
and symbiotic aspects, that is, those aspects brought
about by competition and by the struggle of individu-
als, in any social order, to survive and to perpetu~
ate themselves. The social order includes that in
which individual freedom is limited by the rules of a
political society, or by the customs and conventions
of a purely personal and moral order such as exists
in the family. Human ecology is, therefore, concerned
with (l) pOpulation in all its vital aspects; (2) 25‘
gregation; (5) ecological organization; (4) the pos1—
tion and fupgtion of dominance; (5) migration; and (6)
succeSSion.

 

 

 

 

 

19A. B. Hollingshead, 0p. cit., p. 70.

CHAPTER II
THE STUDY AREA
Geography

Costa Rica is located in the central part of the
isthmus between the two American continents. It is one of
the six Central American countries. Among these only El
Salvador is smaller than Costa Rica. It has an area of
about 19,258 square miles (approximately the size of the
state of Maryland) and in 1950 had 800,875 inhabitants,
which results in a pOpulation density of 41.65 per square
mile.1

In spite of its diminutiveness, it is commonly be-
lieved to have the most stable of Latin American govern-
ments, to be among the most progressive and most democratic
of Hispanoamerican countries, and to have the largest pro—
portion of whites (about 90 per cent) of such countries.

Politically, Costa Rica is composed of seven prov-

inces which are themselves divided into cantones (counties).

 

lPreston E. James, Latin America (New York: The oa—
yssey Press, 1942), p. 705. Censo de Poblacion de Costa
Rica (22 de mayo de 1950), (San Jose: Ministerio de Econo-
mia Hacienda, Direccion General de Estadistica y Censos,

1953 , p. 7.
2Preston E. James, 0p. cit., p. 706.

 

 

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14
Each canton is further subdivided into districts--the
smallest political units. It is one of these districts
which comprises the primary area of investigation for the
present study-—the Central District of Turrialba in the
Province of Cartago.

Geographically Costa Rica is located south of Nica-
ragua and north of Panama. It is bounded on the east by
the Caribbean Sea and on the west by the Pacific Ocean.

The geologic backbone of the country is a segment of the
Rocky Mountain, Sierra Nadre and Andean chain which extends
from Alaska to Tierra del Fuego, or Cape Horn. The highest
peaks reach elevations of more than 12,000 feet above the
sea, just south of Cartago Province.3

The general climatic condition of Costa Rica can be
classed as humid. The annual mean rainfall for the country
as a whole is approximately 100 inches. While the tempera-
ture along the coast lines may be considered hot and uncom-
fortable--even unhealthy--that in the Central Plateau is
commonly thought of as being rather ideal. In this more
densely settled plateau the temperature averages from 68 to
74 degrees F.

The average annual rainfall in Turrialba is between

95 and 100 inches. The rainy season (which the natives

 

3Ibid., p. 707.

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15
sometimes refer to as "winter") lasts from May to December,
and the "dry" season lasts from January to April.

Temperatures in Turrialba range from 68 to 76 de-
grees around the calendar. The coolest months are usually
January and February (which the people paradoxically call
"summer" because these months are relatively "dry" ones).
Temperatures during these months range from 68 to 71 degrees
The warmest months are usually May and June when the tem-
peratures range from 75 to 76 degrees.

The topography of Costa Rica is very irregular;
mountains and plateaus cover a great proportion of the
country, but there are also some plain areas. Topography
is often highly determinant of neighborhood and community
boundaries. Much of the political boundary of the Central
District of Turrialba is marked by rivers. Within the dis-

trict, mountain ridges, guebradas (creeks), rivers, and

 

other physical features of the land often coincide with the
accepted geographic limits of a locality group.

The Turrialba River heads on the slopes of the Vol—
cano Turrialba. It flows downward in a southeasterly direc-
tion. The Turrialba Valley is bounded on the north by one
ridge of mountains, and on the south by another, both run-
ning from northwest to southeast. Two other small rivers,
parallel to the Turrialba River and to these ridges, form
the boundaries of the District on the northeast and south-

west.

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16
Within the Turrialba Valley can be found variations
other than in altitude, which varies from 2000 to 4000 feet
above sea level. For example, to the southeast of the City
of Turrialba lies a rather extensive and unusually level
area of land, at about 2000 feet elevation. This land is
of unusually high quality, for the most part. Most of it
is included in the holdings of the Inter-American Institute
of Agricultural Sciences. But to the northwest of the City
the Turrialba Valley has a rather rough and stony surface.
Some of the numerous short slopes range up to 45 degrees or
more in steepness. The elevation at Aquiares is about 5200

feet.4

Economy

The major products of Costa Rica are coffee, bananas,
cacao, sugar cane, cattle, and lumber. One of its major
industries is sugar refining. Much of this is done on a
small scale, however, and most of it is for local consump-
tion. The per capita imports of Costa Rica exceed the ex-
ports in terms of dollar value.

Coffee and sugar cane are the two major products of

the Turrialba Valley. Some of the small farmers lean rather

 

4Paul C. Morrison and Jorge Leon, "Sequent Occupance,
Turrialba Central District, Costa Rica," Turrialba, Vol. I,
NO. 4, pp. 185-189.

 

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heavily on their gglpg (subsistence crops, especially
"maize" or corn) but most of the neighborhoods will produce
both coffee and sugar cane, even though each neighborhood
tends to emphasize the one or the other. Uncleared or un-
tillable land is usually given over to pasture. There is
very little beef or dairy production in the District, but
the major Source of power on the farms and plantations is
the oxen. Thus a certain amount of pasture land is vital
to successful farming.

With the coming of the railroad in 1890 the city of
Turrialba was founded. Agriculture, which had declined,
was revived and sugar and coffee became cash cr0ps. The
prosperity of the sugar industry contributed greatly to the
economic and population growth of Turrialba.5

Such was this growth in the Valley that Turrialba
was made a county in 1905. The present Central District
covers about 50 square miles of the southwest portion of
the county.

The United Fruit Company began contracting for ba—
nanas in the Turrialba Valley in 1916. The production of
bananas increased steadily until at its peak between 1926
and 1928 an average of nearly 900,000 stems were shipped

annually. The booming of this new industry contributed

 

51bid., p. 191.

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18
substantially to the additional growth of population in
Turrialba. But from the start there was evidence of dis-
ease among the banana trees. And by 1955 the banana indus-
try for the Turrialba area was a matter of history.

However, the city fathers had begun to plan for this
event as early as 1922. In that year they began to offer
coffee seedlings for free distribution. Thus the local
economy was sustained, although not without some problems
of adjustment. At least, no serious decline in population
was evidenced.

According to Arthur W. Peterson, Costa Rica has been
divided into fifteen principle agricultural regions. These
regions differ according to the manner in which farmers
make use of the land for agricultural purposes. These dif-
ferences result from variations in climate, distance to
market areas, and geological characteristics. The average
size farm per family varies according to agricultural re-
gions. For example, in the coffee region there are about

seven manzanas6 per family as compared with 267 in the

 

northern cattle region. However, the coffee region pro-
duces a higher income per manzana which permits a family of
of this region to live on approximately the same level as a

family of the cattle region. Other agricultural regions of

 

6A manzana equals 1.727 acres or 0.70 hectares.

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19
the country range between these two extremes with respect
to size of farm per rural family and income per manzana.

Turrialba lies within one of several zones classi-
fied by Peterson as having "cultivos varios" (mixed crOps).
These several zones, for the country as a whole, are made
up of 2,549 fgpggg with a total surface area of 262,586

manzanas, which gives an average of 69 manzanas per "rural

"7

 

 

family.
In 1948, there were about 420 farms of one manzana

or more in Size in the Turrialba district. Of these some

95 were Operated by colonos (share crOppers) and 65 by pg-

résitos (squatters on lands that were part of the large ha-

ciendas). In addition, most of the 959 rural families with

less than one manzana of land at their disposal lived on the

large haciendas where the workers were employed as day la-

 

borers. Thus, almost 80 per cent of the rural families of

the Central District are dependent upon the big haciendas
8

 

for their livelihood.

Early Settlement

The primary study area was determined in part by the

fact that demographic data were available only for the Gen-

 

7Arthur W. Peterson in Atlas Estadistico de Costa
Rica (San José: Ministerio de Economia y Hacienda, Direc-
ciSn General de Estadistica y Censos, 1955), pp. 74-75.

 

8Paul C. Morrison and Jorge Leon, lbid., p. 195.

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20
tral District of Turrialba Canton. The entire Canton was,
however, surveyed for purposes of determining the limit of
influence of the trade center of Turrialba City. The meth-
od of determining this "trade community" will be discussed
later.

The first center of settlement in Costa Rica was in
the Central Plateau, 5000 to 4000 feet above sea level.
What is today the city of Cartago was established in 1564.
Prior to that time the Turrialba Valley had been inhabited
by Indians; they were a branch of the Caribes known as Gue-
tares. But because of plague (and other factors) these In-
dians had either died out or migrated from Turrialba. It
was not until late in the nineteenth century that white ex-
pansion from the Central Plateau reached down through the
Reventazon Valley to one of its major tributaries—-the Tur-
rialba Valley, which varies from 2000 to 4000 feet above
sea level, and is located on the Caribbean slope Side of
the isthmus.

In 1858 there were only 26 houses in the Turrialba
Valley. (Coffee had been introduced about 1855.) Cacao
was still the major crop of the valley. The establishment
of a church congregation in 1841 did not enhance the growth
of population. Disease was a serious problem, and there
was a plague of cholera in 1856. An attempt at coloniza-

tion was made by a group of Germans about 1850. This at-

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21
tempt was a failure, however, primarily because of the ex-
treme isolation, very bad roads, and the resultant near-
impossibility of transporting products to market. The col-
ony disappeared about 1880.

By 188 most of the cultivated land in the Turrialba
Valley had reverted to pasture. But when the railroad came
in 1890, it gave considerable impetus to pOpulation expan-
sion. By rail, Turrialba is about forty miles from the na-
tional capital of San José and sixty miles from the port of
Limon on the east coast. With transportation now provided
to both the national and the world markets, agriculture was
quickly developed.

Several earlier attempts at settlement failed, pri-
marily because of disease. The present population of the
Turrialba Valley is a result of settlement occurring mostly
during the past sixty years. The pOpulation density of the
Central District in 1950 was 471 per square mile, and of the
rural area alone it was 284 per square mile. (This compares
with a population density of forty-two for the country as a
whole.) Morrison concludes that "the successful occupance
of the Turrialba Central District gives every indication of
permanence."9

In 1885 there were only 869 peOple around Turrialba

in the Valley. By 1888 there were even less, 792. But

 

9P. 197.

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22
four years later, in 1892, there were counted 2165 (after
the railroad came in). The 1920 Census gave the population
of the Central District of Turrialba as 5227; the 1950 Cen—
sus gave it as 10,496; and the 1940 Census gave a popula-
tion of 14,140. It thus appears that the pOpulation thresh-
old, or saturation point, has been reached (under the pres-
ent state of technology), since the 1950 Census gives prac-

tically the same ifgure, 15,584.10

And since there are no
known problems attributable to over-pOpulation, some degree
of population stability is indicated.

Of the present inhabitants, 5,449 reside in the town

of Turrialba and the remaining 8,155 live in the rural sec-

tions.

Today the pattern of settlement in the Turrialba Dis-
trict is as varied as a crazy-quilt. The populations occu-
pying the large plantations are usually agglomerated; the
workers' dwellings are concentrated around the central
buildings, or headquarters, of the hacienda. Note the lo-
calities of La Isabel, La Dominica, La Doris, La Roncha,

Aquiares, Pavas, and Florencia (Figure l, p. 55).

 

loFigures taken from the annual volumes of (1) In—
forme de la Direccion General de Estadistica, and (2)_ An-
nuario Estadistico (for 1920 to 1940). The 1950 figure is
from Censo de Poblacion de Costa Rica (22 de mayo de 1950),

p. 52.

 

 

 

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23

On the other hand, the inhabitants of localities
composed primarily of small independent owner-Operators are
dispersed upon the land. Note San Juan Sur and San Juan
Norte. In Jesus Maria the dispersed pOpulation is that of

parésitos or squatters. And the dispersed settlement noted

 

on a part of the community of Aquiares is that portion of
the plantation which is assigned to the colonos. The 9919-
ng system is a form of tenancy similar to share-crOpping.
The patron (owner) of the plantation cedes to the colono
from two to twenty acres each (with a mode of about five
acres) of land on which they must produce the major crop of
the plantation. They are provided with a house and with
fuel (wood). In addition, they are granted a small plot
for the cultivation of garden crops; this is for their sub-
sistence but any surplus may be sold. They must sell the
major crOp produced to the patron at a contracted price.
Thus, in addition to the railroad, reduction in the
rate of human mortality, establishment of certain services
(hospital and schools), production of cash crops, and im-
provement of other conditions of agriculture, in the Turri-
alba District, plus an increasing birth rate and resultant
population pressure in the original settlement on the cen-
tral plateau, and a general improvement in overall condi-
tions for the country as a whole, the present system of

land tenancy also influences pOpulation characteristics and

.. “
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24
contributes to the pattern of land settlement in the Turri-

alba Valley.

The present pOpulation and settlement pattern seems

to have stabilized, and the economy offers hope of healthy

permanence o

fa

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CHAPTER III

TECHNIQUES OF DELINEATION

Introduction

The localization of human groups is common knowledge,
but the reasons for aggregation are not always apparent.
Population grouping is a common phenomenon determined in
part by the unequal distribution of conditions favorable
for living.1

Most human beings prefer to live in groups. Thus
the group, rather than the individual, is the important
unit in the discussion of human distribution. The family
is usually considered to be the smallest and the most basic
group of social significance. The members of a family gen-
erally live together in one particular and very small area,
a house which is known to them as home. But the isolated
house, or family, is exceptional; a cluster or conglomera-
tion of houses is the rule.

The consequences of the great irregularity of dis-

tribution of mineral resources and other favorable quali-

 

1See R. E. Dodge and s. D. Dodge, Foundations of
Geo ra h (New York: Doubleday, Doran & Co., Inc., 1957),
pp. 251 ff

 

w:

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“4‘

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ale

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26
ties of land is that peOple find it advantageous to live in
unequally spaced groups of varying sizes. The influence of
the physical features of the land upon the size and compo-
sition, as well as the location, of a settlement group is
often pronounced. There is another factor which adds to
the tendency of peOple to group together, namely, economic
necessity.2 This latter factor is directly related to the
way in which people gain their livelihood.

When a population group is of sufficient size, or
covers a large enough territory, it has a tendency to di-
vide itself into sub-groups. These sub-groups are no less
important for being so. They may be analysed and compared
on the basis of size, density, relative location, and.so on.
For example, a clique may be composed of the members of an
extended family whose residences are interspersed among
those of other cliques and families. The study of these
groups is possible by the application of certain techniques
which will receive only limited attention as such in this
work.

Beyond the family, the next locality group consid-
ered of significance by sociologists is the "neighborhood."
The neighborhood is the smallest of the locality groups be-

yond the family. The final grouping in this continuum is

 

21bid., p. 264.

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27
the community. Both the neighborhood and the community are
capable of further classification. The community is usual—
ly thought of as consisting of a congeries of neighborhoods
and the neighborhood as being "composed of two or more
friendship or clique groups."5

In order to study any group it is necessary to de-
termine its units. In the case of the family we would want
to know who its members are; then we might determine and
study the relationships between these members, and finally,
we might arrive at some understanding of its structure--the
social organization of the family. This procedure can be
applied to the study of locality groups. Our interest at
the moment is limited to the determination of the area of
influence of social institutions or social groups which, as
a result of this determination, are called locality groups.
This process of determining boundaries is called delinea-
tigg.

As implied above, the determining of the units of a
study group is seldom an end in itself. A study of the
family is often directed toward the understanding of its
structure. The study of cliques may be directed toward the

determination of "leaders" or of interaction patterns.

Likewise, the study of locality groups usually involves

 

5See C. P. Loomis and J. A. Beagle, Rural Social
Systems (New York: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1950), p. 187.

 

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28
structure and relationships; it is often an attempt to de-
termine the lines of communication and understand the rela-
tionships between a cluster of smaller locality groups
(neighborhoods) and a larger one (the community).

Sometimes a failure to properly determine the limits
or the area of influence of a locality group leads to false
conclusions on the part of an investigator regarding the
structure of a community. If some units are omitted or if
some are included which do not belong, then the study con-
sists not of what the investigator thought he was studying
but of an "unknown universe." No conclusions of such a
study can be valid.

Thus, the application of "good" delineation tech-
niques are well worth while. Such "good" techniques (those
techniques which give the highest degree of precision in a
given situation) will vary according to the circumstances of
the situation. The importance of delineation lies in the
basic control which it gives an investigator in the study

of locality groups.
Origin and Development of Delineation Techniques

Delineation may be defined as the process of deter-
mining the geographical limits of social groups, or of de-
termining the limits of the basic areas of interaction of

such groups. The result of this process of delineation is

n
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29

a congerie of social groups, based on the criterion of
Space, which we call "locality groups."

As far as can be determined by this writer, the
first "delineator" was Charles Josiah Galpin. In 1908,
when a student pastor at the University of Wisconsin, grad-
uate students used to engage him in the discussion of a fa-
vorite tOpic, what he called "service stations." A service
station, according to Galpin, was a center at which the
basic needs of a group of peOple were fulfilled. PeOple in
a given area bring their produce to sell at this "service
station" and buy the necessities of life. The area serv-
iced by these stations Galpin called "social basins." The
"station" was the center of a "social watershed."AL

Galpin went still further in the elaboration of his
ideas and said that beyond this (primary) area peOple flow
into larger "social basins." The first of these has come to
be called the "neighborhood"--an area of relatively limited
services; and the second is generally thought of as a com-
munity-—an area with a "service station" which meets a ma-
jor portion, if not all, of the needs of its people. Gal-
pin believed that the economic concept of communities

should be broadened to include more social aspects.5 This

 

4C. J. Galpin, Rural Life (New York: The Century
00., 1918), p. 181.

 

5He did not consider political boundaries as very
influential in regard to these social areas.

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50
may have been the forerunner of the idea of neighborhoods
being areas of high frequency social contacts and relative-
ly intense social interaction.

Galpin is usually credited with the so-called "road-
turnings" technique of delineation. (This could not be
verified by the present writer in the available literature.)
This is more a tentative or checking technique than it is a
basic one. Actually Galpin did not rely altogether on
road-turnings just as no one today relies alone on "traffic-
flow" or any other short-cut method.

The road-turnings technique consists of traversing
the main artery between two trade centers and noting the
direction in which the wagon and buggy tracks (in Galpin's
day) turned. When the point was reached at which the tracks
from the lanes and side roads turned away in the Opposite
direction, Galpin knew that he was on the periphery between
the two centers.

Two methods were described by Galpin for finding the

6 Both relate to the

"bounding lines" of a rural community.
delineation of "trade areas." In the first of these he re-
dords the following steps: (1) Begin with an up-to-date

atlas of the county in which the community lies. This map

 

6Ibid., pp. 558 ff. It should be noted that Galpin
did not use the term "delineation." He used "finding the
bounding lines" and "obtaining the trade areas," etc.

h
5.
o
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51
should show the location of every farm house in the county.
(2) Trace a portion of the map in such a manner so as to
locate at the center the trading village or small city
which is to be the trade center of the community. Include
so much of the contiguous farming territory as will reaCh
nearly to each adjoining business center in every direc-
tion. This will constitute a "trial map" which is obvious—
ly larger than the area of the community in question. (5).A

card index of the present occupants of each farmstead

 

should be made. This should be very complete. (4) The
next step is to take the trial map and card index to the
principal merchants of the business center and ask, for
each card, whether this farmer's family trades regularly in
this business center. Repeat the process with bankers on
the subject of banking, with the school principal regarding
schooling, with the clergymen on the subject of church par-
ticipation, and so on. When this is completed the "essen-
tial facts for making the final map of the rural community"
will have been gathered. (5) The last step is mechanical.

For determining the trade map, stick a pin in every

farmstead dot which you find checked in the card in-

dex. Run a thread around the outside pins. Draw

your boundary along the thread. The result will

give you the trade community. Repeat the process

for the banking community, shipping community, pa-

per community, library community, high-school com-
munity, church community, etc.7

 

7Ibid., p. 559.

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52
After indicating that the economic concept of commu-
nities should be broadened to include more aspects of a §g~
gig; nature, and actually including such non-economic as-
pects as religion and education, Galpin comes back to the
strictly economic aSpect when he concludes as follows. "As
business is the basic principle of the borough, the trade
community map will be accepted as the basic community

area."8

This can probably be justified, however, on the
basis of the coincidence of the areas of social activities
with those of economic activities.

The second method of making the final map involves
altering the technique under step four (4) above. Instead
of interviewing businessmen and others in the trade center,
talk directly with each farmer living in the "area of the
trial map." Ask them where they trade, and so on. Galpin
asserts that "the two methods produce approximately identi-

"9

cal results. Tradesmen know their customers. This point
could be argued.

In the forty years since Galpin began expounding on
the tOpic many others have seen the importance of delinea-
tion as a requisite to the further study of communities.
With further study the units so determined are usually an-

8Loc. cit.

 

9Ibid.

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33

alyzed in regard to social structure, leadership, patterns
of interaction, and so on. Carl C. Taylor agrees that "ac-

"10 The

curate description is the first step in analysis.
point has already been made that delineation is gply a
first step, not an end in itself. It is rather a means of
determining units of study after which they can be more
prOperly described and better understood.

By 1920 Dwight Sanderson had begun to publish his
studies of rural neighborhoods and communities. One of the
earliest of these was "Locating the Rural Community."11 His
methods have been described in numerous bulletins published
by the Cornell University Agricultural Experiment Station

12 He leaned rather heavily on Galpin's

and in his books.
methods and utilized also the "team haul" concept of Warren
H. Wilson. This concept is used in limiting the community
whose nucleus is a town or village trade center to the
"team haul radius" of that center. Wilson had said that

"social customs do not proceed farther than the team haul.

Imitation, which is an accepted mode of social organiza-

 

10Carl C. Taylor, et a1. Rural Life in the United
States (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1949), p. 5.

11‘CCornell Reading Course for the Farm," Lesson 158,
1920, p. 417.

12See especially, Dwight Sanderson and Warren S.
Thompson, "The Social Areas of Otsego County," Cornell Uni-
versity Agricultural EXperiment Station, Bulletin 422, July,
1925, pp. 9 f. And Dwight Sanderson, Rural Sociology and
Rural Social Organization (New York: john Wiley & Sons,
Inc., 1942), pp. 275-278.

 

 

so 3 w... 3 V r. .C 2 2 .1 7.. W o. v... C Va I "I C
"V “a 3“ 0G .7. .J .l n. W. O h. .w‘ “a n. {IA
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54
tion, does not go any farther in the country than the cus-
tomary drive with a horse and wagon. . . . Intimate knowl-
edge of personalities is confined to the community and does
not pass beyond the team haul radius."15

As Galpin had done, Sanderson delineated on the ba-
sis of individual "agencies" or institutions and drew lines
on the map for each of them. "The area for each agency was
determined by asking each resident where he went for the

"14 He also inter-

satisfaction of that particular need.
viewed business men and church and school leaders. (Bank-
ing and hardware areas were found to be somewhat larger
than grocery trade, church, and village most often visited.
The latter were almost identical among themselves.) Then a
composite of the areas described was said to approximate
the boundary of the community. There was a tendency for
the communities to overlap along the periphery. This strip
of territory between two communities which cannot be
claimed for either of them with certainty Sanderson recog-

nized as a "neutral zone."15 And that was it; the communi-

ty was delineated.

 

13Warren H. Wilson, The Evolution of the Country Com-
munity (Boston: Pilgrim Press), quoted in Sanderson, D.,
ibid., p. 275.

14Dwight Sanderson and Robert A. Polson, Rural Commu-
nity Organization (New York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 1959),

p. 32.

15Dwight Sanderson, Rural Sociology and Rural Social
Organization, pp. 285- 84.

 

 

 

35

It might be interesting to compare Sanderson's de-
scription of the method of delineating in 1920 with that in
1942. In the Cornell Bulletin No. 422 he handles the
neighborhood and the community separately as regards "meth-
od of investigation"; they were also treated separately in
Rural Sociology and Rural Social Organization, but he did
discuss the method of delimiting the neighborhood in the
latter work.

In 1920 the "method of investigation" of the pgigh-
borhood was described as follows:

The COOperation of the rural school teachers was en-
listed in the study, and their assistance, as well as
that of the district superintendents, is gratefully
acknowledged. Through them cards were taken by the
school children to the farm homes of each district,
bearing the question, "What is the locality in which
you live ordinarily called among the peOple? (This
name does not refer to the village, town, or city with-
in a few miles of you, but rather to your country
neighborhood, such as 'Robert's Corners,’ 'Taylor
Settlement,’ 'Blue Valley,‘ etc. If your locality has
no such local name, please indicate how you would de-
scribe your location.)" This card was filled out by
some one on each farmstead, with his postoffice ad-
dress. A map of the school district was sent to each
teacher, and on it she drew the approximate boundaries
of the district, and located the houses by numbers cor-
responding to those placed on the cards. In this way
the locality names were obtained for the whole county,
with the exception of a few districts along the county
boundary whose schools are located in adjoining counties.

These local maps were then transferred toad map of
the county and a line was drawn around each group of
farms using the same locality name. As no maps of the
individual farms are available and as their boundaries
do not run on section lines, it is impossible to map
the exact boundaries of the farms using the same local-
ity name, and the areas shown in figure 5 are only ap-

4...:
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.4.‘ , Q

r

56

proximate, so as to include the farmsteads using the
same locality name. Localities in which less than
five farms used the same name were omitted, . . . .

. . . Sections of this map for each township were
sent to the township clerks and supervisors, for cor-
rection.16

' the "method of location" of the community stated that:

 

The location of community areas is based on the re-
turns from questionnaires received from the farm
homes. The following questionnaire was sent to each
farm home in the county, with a franked enve10pe for
its return: ((prose form c0pied from the question-
naire)) Town, School District No., Your name, Your
post-office address, (1) At what place is the store at
which you do most of your local buying of groceries?
(2) At what place is the store where you do most of
your local buying of hardware? (3) At what place is
your bank located? (4) If you sell milk, where do you
deliver it, or to what point is it hauled for you?

(5) Where is your nearest railroad station for ship—
ping or receiving freight? (6) At what place is the
church or Sunday School located which your family at-
tends? (7) At what place is the grange located to
which any member of your family belongs? (8) At what
place is the lodge located to which any member of your
family belongs? (9) Do you have any children attend-
ing high school? If so, where is it located? (10) To
what village or community center do you and your fam-
ily go most frequently?

. . . the replies were sufficiently well distributed
to give a fairly accurate basis for mapping the areas
of the different institutions. The replies to ques-
tions 1, 2, 5, 5, 6, 7, 9, and 10 were transferred to
large maps, so that symbols placed at each farm home
replying showed the location of the institutions or
services which it utilized. Boundary lines were then
drawn showing the areas of each of these institutions
or services, . . . The community areas were then de-
termined by making a composite of the boundaries of the
areas for local trade, for the church, and for the vil-
lage or the community center visited the most frequent-

 

16Cornell Bulletin 422, pp. 9-10.

.v. 4.. I. ..

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&U .1

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57

ly. Where the boundary of two communities was in
doubt, owing to lack of information or to conflict-
ing information, facts were ascertained several times
by a personal visit, and at other times the boundary
line was so obviously due to tepography that the
lines of the watersheds were used.

In 1942 Sanderson omitted discussing the method of
delimiting the neighborhood but did treat the method for
"locating the rural community":

The exact mapping of the approximate boundary is a
technical matter, but for practical purposes it may
be determined by making inquiry of merchants and busi-
ness men as to the farms farthest from the village
which habitually trade with them and marking these on
a map. In the same way the number of church attend-
ants may be obtained from the ministers, school pa-
trons from the school principal, and members of lead-
ing organizations, such as the grange or a lodge, from
_their officers, and marked on a map. A composite of
the areas thus described will approximate the boundary
of the community, but very probably will be somewhat
larger than may be safely claimed for the community
area, . . . . Usually there will be a strip of terri-
tory between two communities which cannot be claimed
for either of them with certainty and which must be
recognized as a neutral zone. If it is desired to de-
termine the community area more exactly it may be neces-
sary to visit the families on the outer border of the
community and to inquire as to which village they vis-
it most frequently, for it has been found that a
boundary mapped from the replies received to this
question is practically identical with that obtained
by more elaborate procedures.

Sanderson distinguished between primary and second—
ary community areas on the basis of types and amounts of

services provided by the centers. He stated that "the

 

17Ibid., pp. 28-30.
18

Rural Sociology and Rural Social Organization, pp.

 

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38
areas of primary communities are determined by the majority
of the open-country families obtaining a majority of the
available services at the local village center, whereas the
secondary communities are defined by the patronage areas of
such services as high schools, banks, motion picture thea-
ters, etc., which cannot be maintained in the smaller com-
munities."19

Sanderson further demonstrated that the proportion
of the services obtained from a given center declined

20

steadily as distance from the center increased. For ex-

 

ample, in villages of from 1000 to 2499 inhabitants, those
living with the first mile from the village obtained 80 per
cent of "all services used and offered at the primary area
centers" in that center. But those living six miles or
more from the center obtained only 56 per cent of such
services in that center.21
Again, it was demonstrated that the sip; of the cen-

ter influenced the preportion of services utilized. This

proportion decreased steadily in the cases of short disé

 

19Ibid., p. 281. See also his "Rural Social and Eco-
nomic Areas in Central New York," Cornell University Agri-
cultural Experiment Station, Bulletin 614, June, 1934, pp.
65 ff. and 79 ff.

2OThe present study utilized "distance" by special
definition of "time to traverse distance."

21Cornell Bulletin 614, Table 61, p. 78.

'3
o...“ p.
.d‘. -‘Q

 

4 u ;\ V . u . . u .
a. a. T. c, l “a l V .l r .C 1
.r“ .1 r: 3 3 n :l V C n
.1 .1 T S 7. n v c: S l P H .J.
Y; 0. 1 O a. 2. e e l. :2 Ta 3..

0 9C m~ nu L u 0» 7L .. a w

.. . 4 . 3 a v 5 “a. . Vu 3

n. 7.. .6 . u « u 3 ”Q L . n‘v

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:x .1 «a «v .a« .n~ G» a» a» pa r

r. a: a: a: h v s h n . e u W4 A.- a.

59
tances from the center and not so steadily in distances of
four miles or more from the center. Within the first mile
from the centers, this proportion decreased from 97 per
cent in the case of cities of 10,000 or more pOpulation to
64 per cent in the case of hamlets of 50 or less pOpula-
tion.22

Like others, Sanderson used delineation as a tech-
nique of determining the geographic limits of his units of
study and not as an end in itself. He usually studied the
social organization or various interaction patterns or,
sometimes, leadership.

By 1940 Douglas Ensminger had published his study of
Chilton County, Alabama.23 It was pointed out at this time
that the "local school" and "nearness" are the most common
reasons given for the neighborhoods' feeling of attachment
to Maplesville (the trade center). This concept of near-
ness will receive attention later, along with size of a lo-
cality group, as a factor in frequency of interaction.

In 1949 Ensminger's chapter on "Rural Neighborhoods

and Communities" was included in Rural Life in the United

 

22Loc. cit.

 

23Douglas Ensminger, and Irwin T. Sanders, Alabama

Rural Communities--a Stud of Chilton Count , Bulletin No.
136, Alabama College, Vol. XXXIII, No. 1A, July, 1940.

.
I
.

5.,
“__‘.;¢¢,

‘

.qr'fl.‘

.1

?u

40

States.24

The rural community was defined therein as "the
geographic area with which most of the community's members

identify themselves."25 And the rural neighborhood was de-

 

fined as "that socio-geographic unit consisting of a small
group of families to whom the area is a symbol of personal
identity." Both the neighborhood and the community are
"locality groups" and are similar in being socio-geographic
units "to which peOple express a feeling of belonging."26
One difference is that the community encompasses a larger
area and frequently includes several neighborhoods. "The
essential differences between neighborhoods and communities
are in size of area, pOpulation, in services provided, and
in the degree of intimacy of relationships."27
It is within the confines of the neighborhood or
community that the rural dweller Spends the greater part of
his time. "The neighborhood stands first and the community

second as modes of intensive common life beyond the common

life of the family itself."28 Definite integrated systems

 

24Carl C. Taylor, et al. (New York: Alfred A. Knopf,
1949), pp° 55-77-

25;bid., p. 55. The concept of identification will
be utilized in the present study for purposes of delinea—
tion.

261bid., p. 57.

27Loc. cit.

 

281bid., p. 59.

A-

C
,5
9v

988 15

I

. c
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C

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RA‘ ‘
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w l

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.

IF
usg“

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Aw

41
of social interaction are formed through the associations
of individuals and families within particular areas.

Ensminger describes two methods of delineation: the
individual method and the group method. He says this proc-
938 is easily carried out because rural peOple have psycho-
logical and physical attachments to their neighborhoods and
communities. And "this delineation is a preliminary step
in understanding neighborhood and community relation-
ships."29 The individual method involves asking "informed
community leaders" to indicate on a map of the area the
last families in all directions which belong to their
neighborhood. Then a line connecting these points will
constitute an "approximate boundary line" for the neighbor-
hood. And the community, too, can be so determined by ask-
ing the leaders to name the last families along the various
roads leading away from the trade center who have the most
frequent associations, and identify themselves most close-
ly, with the community. And discrepancies along the periph-
eries between the communities can be "adjusted" by learning
from the families in the disputed area the name of the com-
munity to which they profess the greater "loyalty."

The group method used by Ensminger entails getting a

group of peOple together who are well informed about commu-

 

29Ibid., p. 62.

 

r'- .7 . V .
C S .: i e a
o. . .v?» 4“»
.4 A n. w“ n.
w u r: .14 A ,. .. .
.1. . . .
A "a a. .1
a: v a v 9.: e
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rfld \ . av 1 c “i

A
«K... u-
.

\b/ ‘.
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F
c A
U A,»
“'1 UV ”H‘V‘

’Q\ '1’:

42
nity matters. Get them to focus their attention on commu—
nities-—the places with major towns or centers. Such places
are indicated on a map of the area. Specific farms or
landmarks considered as the outer bounds of the community
should be located. The group must agree on which families
live on these outer limits. The following questions are
used in arriving at agreement on the limits: (1) "If com-
munity meetings were called at two centers on the same
night, and all families were equally interested, where
would the line that separated the areas of attendance fall?"
(2) "If community-wide programs were planned, for recrea-
tion or education, for example, what is the farthest point
at which one might expect family interest and reSponse?"
Mark such limits on the map, connect all outer points, and
the community will be delineated. Ensminger says that ex-
perience has indicated that the group method is more pre-
cise in bounding communities than in bounding neighbor-
hoods. Refinement of the lines can be carried out in one
of the following ways. (1) Place the map in a frequently
visited office and have the rural dwellers assist in refin-
ing it when they stOp by; (2) Talk with representatives from
each of the neighborhoods in the community; or (5) Go into
the neighborhoods and visit peOple who can advise and make

30

needed refinements.

 

3Olbicl., p. 63.

3. C;
‘U

av
11 if“
.. . o .

2..

at;

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w“ hwy
W Ana F“
1,» .v .. i
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3. 5"
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Ni

VJ

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vs. .FH
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$5.. NJ
7 s
«.0 § ¥,M
A... A;

43

Hodern Techniques

As time went on and more and more was learned about
the delineation of neighborhoods and communities, emphasis
came to be placed on time-saving devices. When a more rap-
id technique was found to give the same, or approximately
the same, results as a more laborious one the former was
often used. This was eSpecially true if a high degree of
precision was not required in defining the spatial limits
of the locality groups to be studied.

John F. Thaden of Hichigan State University has had
a great deal of experience in delineating neighborhoods and
communities. His communities usually result from a compos-
ite of numerous service areas. He determines the median
line of all those lines which form the clothing, hardware,
newspaper, banking, high school, post office, church, and
other boundaries between community centers and this compos-
ite boundary is then labeled as enclosing the trade and
service community.

After much experience and observation of trade cen—
ter communities, Thaden noted that the position of a bound-
ary line where it crossed a main artery of transportation
often stood in an inverse relation to the size (population)
of the trade centers which it divided. This line was not
only delimiting the first trade center but also the adjoin-

ing one. Thaden observed that this line often was located

44
at a proportionate distance between the two trade centers.
Thus a line could be pre-determined on the basis of knowl-
edge of the relative sizes of the two pOpulation centers.
Later study by tried and proven techniques showed a close
resemblance to lines determined by the rapid technique of
such calculations. This process could be carried out along
all the main arteries of transportation. Then a line con-
necting all points so determined would enclose the trade
center community.

Although it was obvious that the results of this
rapid technique quite often coincided, more or less, With
the results obtained by more precise techniques, there was
still some doubt of the overall validity of the method in a
region enclosing numerous trade center communities. Geo-
graphical features sometimes entered into the picture and
upset the general pattern. And it can be assumed that
there are other hidden factors which could upset or influ-
ence the pattern. So, before recommending the procedure as
a valid one, the present writer wanted to know to what ex-
tent claim of precision and validity might be made for the
method. For the purpose of testing the validity of this
procedure the statistical technique of rank order correla-
tion was applied to two cases.

There are certain assumptions involved, however, in

applying rank order correlation to this problem. It is ob-

45
vious that concern here is with a relationship which is sim-
ilar to that between the area of a circle and its radius.
This relationship is known to be constant. But a circle
means perfection in that the line which forms it moves in a
constant arc. But because of tOpOgraphy and certain man-
made alterations no trade community is likely to approach
such perfection, although in some cases an approximation is
apparent. Further, there is no direct substitute for the
population size of the trade community. The distance along
a tranSportation artery may correspond to the radius of a
circle, and the area of a circle may correspond to that of
the trade community. But things which equal the same thing
are equal to each other. So if (1) radius corresponds to
area, and (2) population size also corresponds to area (the
hypothesis to be proven), then (5) radius would also cor-
respond to pOpulation size. If (2) is true then (5) logi-
cally follows; that is, if Egg is "high" then we may con—
clude that a line or point can be located the reciprocal
and proportionate distance between two trade centers, such
preportionate distance being determined by the relative
population sizes of the two trade centers.

Data were obtained on two separate studies. The

first was 1 study made in Wisconsin about 1925.51 The raw

31J. H. Kolb, "Service Relations of Town and Country,"
Agricultural Experiment Station, Research Bulletin 58, Uni-
versity of Wisconsin, December, 1925. Data from Table III,
p. 19.

46
data for computing php were available in tabular form. The
populations of the subject centers were already arrayed.
The present author proceeded to array the areas of the re~
lated communities and then assign ranks to both columns.

He further carried out the calculation of Egg and found
that the pOpulation sizes of the trade center communities

correlated with their areas plus .94 (N a 23).

 

It was felt, however, that this coefficient was un-
usually high. It was doubted that more modern conditions,
wherein transportation facilities are so much improved and
so many factors in modern living influence each other,
would permit the demonstration of such a high correlation.
So a study made in central Michigan by John F. Thaden in

32

1940 was chosen as the second case. It was to be consid-
ered fortunate if rho substantiated the hypothesis to the

extent of a plus .70. We were thus pleasantly surprised

 

when the calculation was made and the correlation between
the population sizes of the trade centers and their respec-

tive areas came out to a plus .28 (N a 57).

 

It may therefore be concluded that if a high degree

of precision is not necessary in determining the study

 

32John F. Thaden, "The Lansing Region and its Tribu-
tary Town-Country Communities," Agricultural Experiment
Station, Special Bulletin 502, Michigan State College,
March, 1940. POpulation data taken from Table 4, p. 30;
areas computed from original work maps by Dr. Thaden.

47
units, this rapid means of delineation may be carried out

in the office with a map of the area and census data on
pOpulation sizes.

But if precision is required by a given study, the
method used in the present case (described in the following
chapter) is to be recommended. Briefly, this technique in-
volves the direct interviewing of peOple along the periph-
eries of neighborhoods and communities, employing interview
items which will stimulate responses indicating orientation-
al direction of such respondents.

A consistent attribute of all the techniques of de—
lineation presented in the foregoing pages is that they are
never ends in themselves; they are always means which fa-
cilitate the further and more accurate study of the local-
ities delineated.

Another feature noted is that most of the techniques
presented add a method of refinement. But if precision and
accuracy are to be valued, why not use the refinement itself
as the basic technique--if time allows? Such procedure
gives maximum precision in the first place. The present

study began with an aim for a high degree of accuracy.

CHAPTER IV

DELINEATION AND DESCRIPTION OF LOCALITY GROUPS
IN TURRIALBA

Delineation in Turrialba

The spatial determination of meaningful social units
is a task in itself. For North American sociologists, this
is neither a new nor an esoteric process. But, as far as
is known, this is the first attempt to carry out the process
in Latin America.1 Furthermore, it is expected that the
comparatively precise technique used insures a higher de-
gree of accuracy of results than is sometimes the case in
other studies. The accurate determination of the units of
study lends to the quality of results obtained in their
further analysis and comparison. The results of any study
are no better than the data themselves. For example, if
data were collected for two or more social groups without

having clearly defined the groups or determined their sizes,

 

1Neither Taylor nor Smith, in Argentina and Brazil
respectively, actually delineated the locality groups which
they subsequently analyzed and described. See Carl C.
Taylor, "Rural Locality Groups in Argentina," American So-
ciological Review, Vol. IX, No. 2, pp. 162-170; and T. Lynn
Smith, Brazil: Peeple and Institutions, Baton Rouge:
Louisiana State University Press, 1946.

 

49
comparisons would not be possible. Some members of one
group might be inadvertently included in another, or might
unknowingly be left out altogether.

A locality group has been said to be "any group which

 

is defined chiefly by its geographical or spatial bounda-

ries."2

But this does not go far enough to properly char-
acterize a locality group as such. Quinn agrees that the
delimitation of locality groups (or, as he says, of "neigh-
borhoods") "depends on tests of consciousness of local area
unity or on spatial extent of a web of social relations."5
This implies that there is some kind and degree of social co-
hesion among the members of locality groups; locality

groups are, then, social groups.

One of the important factors which gives people this
feeling of attachment to a locality is their conscious
identification with the name of the area. The peOple of
Florida are called "Floridians" and those of California,
"Californians." Likewise, the peeple of Turrialba are
called "Turrialbefios and those of Aquiares, one of the 10-

calities in the Turrialba District, are called "Aquiareflos."

It is submitted that the smaller the locality group, the

 

2Dwight Sanderson in H. P. Fairchild (ed.), Diction—
ary of Sociology (New York: Philosophical Library, 19445,
p. 134.

 

5J. A. Quinn, Human Ecology (New York: Prentice-
Hall, Inc., 1950), p. 55.

 

50
more meaningful will be such identification in the dglly
lip; of the peOple.

This socio-psychological concept of "identification"
was chosen as basic to the delimitation of locality groups
in Turrialba because it was felt that (1) it was an accu-
rate and precise way of determining the boundaries of spa-
tial groups, and (2) it would permit establishing the iden-
tity of the smallest of such groups. Thus, locality groups
with as few as five families within their boundaries were
identified if their members responded to the schedule items
by giving a distinctive name for the place in which they
lived.

For the purposes of this study "identification" is
defined merely as a psychological awareness of belonging--
such belongedness having reference, in this case, to a spa-
tial area with a specific name. Group cohesion or group
solidarity is found among the members of locality groups,
however, only if at least some part of the needs and re-
quired services of the people can be met or fulfilled with—
in the area. If goods and services are provided within the
area there must, of necessity, be some degree of organiza-
tion present. Such inter-participation is what gives the
group its cohesion. And, at the same time, such organized
activities supplement and strengthen group "identification."

The basic schedule items by means of which socio-

psycholOgical groups were spatially delimited in the Central

51
District of Turrialba were as follows: (1) "What is the
name of this place?" (2) "If you were in (a nearby
neighborhood name was supplied here) and someone were to
ask you 'Where do you live?', what would you say?" (5) "If
you were in Turrialba and someone were to ask you 'Where do
you live?', what would you say?" And finally, (4) "If you
were in Cartago or San José (the provincial and national
capitals, respectively) and someone were to ask you 'Where
do you live?', what would you say then?" There were addi-
tional and supplementary items on the schedule, but these
were not used as bases for delimiting the various locali-
ties. They did, however, act as checks on the other data,
assisted in the matter of establishing rapport with the in-
terviewee, provided information on certain types of inter—
action among peOple of the District, and helped in the gen-
eral orientation of the investigator.4

It should be noted that the investigator always

talked to the reSpondents at, or near, their dwelling

 

4Other items of the basic schedule included: Who is
the head of this family? Where does the head of the family
work? Where do you (plural, referring to the family) go to
church? Where do you send your children to school? Where
do you buy most of your groceries? Where do you buy cloth—
ing? What means of transportation do you most commonly use
to go to Turrialba? How long does it take you to go to
Turrialba? What places do you (plural--the family) visit
more frequently?

Full analyses of all the other items were not made,
however, as such information was not considered essential to
the basic purposes of the present study.

52
places. Thus the first question above was kept in context,
was made meaningful to the respondent, and provided accu—
rate information relative to surrounding localities. It
might also be added that such an opening question appeared
logical to the informants in that the interrogator was ob-
viously a stranger in the land. Prior to asking the next
three basic questions above, other general information was
derived and rapport established.

Rapport was seldom a problem in carrying out this
study. In the first place, the Institute was in good
standing throughout the District. Furthermore, local in-
terviewers who were well known to the peeple of the Dis-
trict most often gathered or assisted in obtaining data for
other studies; these persons were held in high esteem in

5

the various neighborhoods. Mention of their names was
usually sufficient to remove any doubt a prospective in-
formant might have regarding the sincerity of the present
investigator. And again, attempt was always made to avoid
giving the appearance of being in a rush. It was desired
to give the impression that the investigator was sincerely

trying to get acquainted with the peOple in the area. If

someone asked him for information about the Institute, or

 

5The two most active interviewers in other studies
were Antonio Arce M. and Edwin Murillo C. Both of these
men had formerly held high positions in the local school
system.

53

his study, or about himself, he tried to oblige them. He
even went so far as to listen to the peOple's troubles if
they were inclined to be talkative.

The following modes of transportation were used by

the author in traversin the roads and trails of the study

area (in order of extent of use): walking, jeep, horseback,
and by train. The use of a jeep, and even a horse, re-
quired a lot of back-tracking which would have been un-
necessary on foot due to the impassability of the roads and
trails in certain areas. So most of the work was done on
foot. The peOple themselves traveled mostly by foot.

Since the study required talking with people, the investi-
gator felt that he should go wherever the peOple were.

The basic technique, then, involved walking along
the road or trail between two localities and administering
the schedule to occupants of houses along the way. The ob-
ject was to locate the approximate peripheral houses and
then determine precisely the location of an invisible line
which separated the peeple into the two separate spatial
groups. Obviously it was not necessary to administer a
schedule at each house. Many times the approximate, or
even the precise, boundary was obvious even to a stranger.
Even so, the first question ("What is the name of this
place?") served well as an Opener to further conversation

and the establishment of general rapport in the neighbor-

54
hood, although no schedule was needed for a given conver—
sant. It was considered profitable to "pass the time of
day" with anyone encountered who appeared inclined to be
talkative. (Sometimes the investigator knew in advance
that he would have to pass that way again.) For the entire
District, about 150 schedules were completed.

The final results of delineation are shown in Figure
1. There are about forty-five "locality groups" delineated
in this chart by the technique described above. But, as is
to be expected, not all of these constitute significant so-
cial groups. Some are entirely too small, as for example:
La Maravilla, La Jovita, Los Bafios, Poro. These are not
necessarily sub-groups within larger spatial groups. They
are usually peripheral to two or more other groups. Be-
cause they are not essential parts of other groups, they
should not be included in any studies made of the other
groups. And they are hardly worth studying as units in
themselves.6 The only instance in which they should be in-
cluded in a given study is as parts of a larger whole, for
example, along with a study of "rural Turrialba," or of the
whole District.

Some outstanding errors of previous studies at the

Institute, noted upon termination of the present study, in-

 

6Possible exception: study all such groups as one
unit, or as a type of group.

1 .Iulfllfihk... his 0. .tJ..u..u.

N

55

H washers

 

 

 

 

 

11113. ...li.l..u . ,1 9d

1.15.5.5?“ ,.....>
7

56
clude: (1) Those houses (families) along the main highway
to San José which are included with "Colorado" in Figure l
were originally studied as a part of "El Recreo," but not
called El Recreo. (2) "La Sucesién" in the northeast part
of the District was included originally with "Jesus Maria."
And (5) "Las Vueltas," "San Rafael Sur," and part of "Santa
Rosa" were originally included as one unit of study.

On the other hand, even without having been deline-
ated previously, some of the localities were almost per-
fectly determined by the "judgment" technique. PeOple well
acquainted around the District reached a consensus on the
basis of combined judgments regarding the spatial limits of
certain localities. In general, peOple living on the large
plantations agreed, by the technique used in the present
study, that they belonged to the plantation. They "identi-
fied" with the plantation-—by name, and otherwise. This is
to be expected, of course, since most of the people who
live on large plantations also work there; their lives are
tied up more closely with the local area than people who
live in the small land holdings areas. These latter some-
times work elsewhere. Of course, when the original "judg-
ments" were made, it was simple and easy--even logica1--to
consider the large plantations as separate study units.
Thus most errors occurred in the small land holdings areas,

or in peripheral or mixed areas.

57

Some Problems Encountered

It may be worthwhile to point out some of the re-
search problems encountered during delineation. One ques-
tion arises with regard to the psychological self-

identification ability of peOple. Are they really oriented

 

to spatially determinable groups? In Costa Rica it devel—
oped that peOple do identify with spatial areas, and that
this identification is capable of measurement by means of
an interview schedule as described above. When the people
of Turrialba trade—center community are at or near their
homes, they identify with the local neighborhood in which
they live (the smallest determinable locale). When they
are in the trade-center itself, they still identify with
the neighborhood. But, when they are farther away from
home, outside the larger community of Turrialba, they have
a strong tendency to identify with Turrialba City--rarely
with the smaller neighborhoods.7
Transportation is often a problem in a region of
rugged terrain. In such cases the time consumption for a

study is greatly augmented, and other aspects are aggravat-

ed by this additional time consumption.

 

7For this reason, in addition to its utility for de-
termining the neighborhoods within a larger community, cer—
tain items of the present schedule are also useful for 10-
cating the limits of a trade community.

58

Furthermore, the peOple's conception of "time" and
"distance" may aggravate the problem of identification--or
perhaps more properly, the measurement of this identifica-
tion. Whereas a distance of fifty miles or more may be
relatively insignificant for the North American, such dis-
tance is traversed in regions of rugged terrain only to
meet some dire need.

Topography also presented the following problem in
Costa Rica-~that of precision and refinement. Many re-
searchers in the United States use some basic method of de-
lineation (talking with well-informed merchants and offi-
cials in the trade center, for example) and then "refine"
the resultant boundary--often by interviewing people along
the peripheries. But if these peripheries happen to be lo-
cated along virtually inaccessible sections of mountains or
jungle, an obvious problem is recognized. Of course, in
these areas of unusual topography, one definitely could p23
use the rapid technique of locating the boundary between
two communities on the basis of the relative population
sizes of their respective central towns.8

The Turrialba Central District is bounded almost
completely by rivers: the Reventazon, the Aquiares, the

Turrialba, the Chiz, and the Guayaba. But this case is a

 

8This technique is described in the preceding chapter.

59

bit unusual; that is, seldom can one depend on this aid to
delineation. Even so, community and neighborhood bounda-
ries within the political unit offer a problem in this re-
spect. Neighborhoods Spread across rivers and over moun—
tain ranges. And the larger community of Turrialba, as de-
lineated,does not coincide with the political limits of the
County, nor does it coincide with tOpographical features on
all sides (see Figure 5, p. 76). Peeple ignore both polit-
ical and natural boundaries in forming neighborhoods and
communities. It is common knowledge that many indigenous
groups in all parts of the world ignore even national bound-
aries; Costa Rica is no.exception.

The semantic problem was not particularly acute in
Costa Rica as the researcher had dominance over that area
of the Spanish vocabulary related to his work. With the as-
sistance of local bi-lingual aid, the items of the schedule
employed were made meaningful for the region in question.
This problem can become acute in Latin America, however, in
that there is a paucity of adequate concepts in the Spanish
language, which may be further complicated by the regional
lack of agreement of the meaning of the same concepts.

Another problem arose as a result of excellent coop-
eration on the parts of respondents who were not always
correctly informed. Certain errors growing out of this

phenomenon had to be rectified by expanding the sample un-

6O
til agreement on boundaries was obvious. It is known that
in the United States there is a tendency to overextend the
area of influence of a trade center. In Costa Rica it was
found that this was a two-directional error: respondents
both over- and under-extended the boundary lines of their
neighborhoods. Both the priest of the local church and
some of the school officials in Turrialba inaccurately lo-
cated their respective "official" boundaries, as compared
with the actual patterns later determined by the schedule
applied along the peripheries of the community.

A first look at the regional map seemed to offer a
problem due to the tremendous expanse of the region. When
it was noted that much of the out-lying areas were dense
jungle, this constituted further cause for concern. How-
ever, it was subsequently learned that, in this region, man
was pushing the jungle back but not penetrating beyond
where he had pushed--that is, the jungle edge was the com-
munity boundary. (The indigenous Chirripé Indians live so
far into the jungle that they can safely be omitted as mem-

bers of the Turrialba community.)
General Description of Locality Groups in Turrialba

One way to classify locality groups is in terms of
the number of services offered, or the prOportion of needs

which their members can fulfill within the local area.

61
Such a classification will be followed in this section in
describing some of the activities of life in the various
localities.

Those localities which can barely be called "groups"
offer nothing to their members except some small degree of
social interaction based on proximity. These very small
localities were not analyzed following delineation; they
were delineated separately in the first place primarily to
separate them from other localities to which they did not
rightly belong. These are La Maravilla, La Jovita, Los
Bafios, Poro, La Julia, La Ceiba, La Cecilia, and Las Colo—
nias de La Roncha.

The next classification of locality groups consists
of those which are somewhat larger than the first group; but
still offer no services within their local areas. These
localities are more widely known throughout the district
than those in the first category which often are not known
individually far beyond their own confines. This category
includes: La Roncha, La Central, Chiz, Noche Buena, La Vic-
toria, Peet, El Coyol, La Margot, La Doris, La Zoila, Las
Animas, Jesfis Maria, La Sucesién, Alfredo Alfaro, Las Vuel-
tas, San Rafael Sur, El Banco, El Recreo, and Rio Claro.

Then there are those locality groups which offer
limited services. Some localities have a church (though

part-time); others have schools; some have both a church

62
and a school; and various combinations of these may or may
not have a small grocery store or general store (called

either a pulperia or a comisariato).

 

 

Only three localities (outside Turrialba City) have
churches; these are Aquiares, Colorado, and San Juan Norte.
The first has services semi-monthly; the others have serv—
ices only intermittently. In the case of Aquiares religion
plays an important role in the lgpgl lives of the peOple.
It is a highly integrative factor in the locality; it adds
to the degree of solidarity which this group displays. But
in the other two cases the church (actually only a small
building called ermita or "chapel") is more a symbol than
an integrating force on the local level. Most of the people
of these two localities attend church services frequently
in Turrialba. Of course, the City of Turrialba offers com-
plete services as a parish seat (see Figure 2, p. 65).

Host of the rest of the localities of the District
have a local school. And their schools are matters of
pride to them. The schoolhouse is often the very center of
activity in the area. Any meetings held for any purpose
are most likely to be held in the schoolhouse. Thus the
school is a very important institution for the majority of
the localities. Those localities with schools include:
Aquiares, Santa Cruz, Alto de La Varas, La Isabel, La Domi-

nica, Azul, Florencia, Pavas, Murcia, San Juan Sur, San

65

 

N enema

 

«dimly

«lag-coil.
gong-g! a!!! ......
if gilt-8|

 

3". go

I_oa.|

«31......» no 5.5a...
43.58 .auEzaaaoo
x8) 9: .698» .2253

ttttttt

Q
.C

 

 

 

all. Ike’s-n. Huntldnlllqll
. . :1: 1...! .: I
7.-....” it's!
v

64
Juan Norte, Colorado, and La Esmeralda. Most of these
places have schools with three and sometimes four grades;
Aquiares has a five grade school.

Only Aquiares, Colorado, and San Juan Norte have
both churches and schools. But as indicated in the preced-
ing paragraphs this fact of having both of these services is
not considered significant in the cases of Colorado and San
Juan Norte.

Most of those places listed above as having schools
also have at least one pulperia or comisariato. The sig-
nificance of this fact for such places as have this added
trade service is that the people of these localities need
to go less often to Turrialba City for groceries. And, too,
they do not have to be so careful to obtain all their needs
for the coming week on their weekly trip (usually Sunday)
to Turrialba; they can fill in during the week on the small
items. Having a store in the local center provides a con-
venient meeting place for the people in the evenings after
their work is done. Adult males are quite commonly to be
found on the porches of these stores in the evenings ex-
changing the news of the day.

Four of the localities listed above as having schools
do not have stores: Alto de La Varas, Azul, Colorado, and

La Esmeralda.

65

The small barrio (suburb) of Turrialba called E1
Pastor has a pulperia but no other service. For all prac-
tical purposes its people belong to Turrialba proper.

The localities of La Hulera (the Rubber Station) and
the Institute are shown on the charts as having separate
identities. But these are populated largely by foreigners
(mostly North Americans) and are not included in the anal-
yses of the present study. La Hulera is the United States
Department of Agriculture Rubber Experiment Station. The
other case is that of the Inter-American Institute of Agri-
cultural Sciences. These two localities are "X-ed out" in
both Figures 1 and 4 (pp. 55 and 85, respectively).

The City of Turrialba comes at the very top of this
classification schema in that it offers all kinds of goods
and services, so that none of the people of the District
ever have to leave the District to meet any of their needs.
Besides the big Catholic Church, there is also a small mis-
sionary church of one of the Protestant faiths-—the Evan-
gelical. And its school carries pupils through the equiva-
lent of the Tenth Grade. It has a hospital which operates
under the Costa Rican Social Security plan, and a large
dispensary also controlled by the government which provides

certain types of services.9 There are hardware stores, dry

 

9See Antonio M. Arce, Socio-Economic Differentials
Associated with Leadership in Turrialba, Costa Rica. A
thesis: Michigan State College, 1952.

 

 

 

66
goods stores, grocery stores, butcher shops, all kinds of
general stores, barber shOps, drug stores, a club called El
Rancho, restaurants, filling stations and garages, theaters,
a bank, a depot, a soap factory, bakeries, jewelry shops, a
leather shOp, a photographer, a book store, a dental labo-
ratory, a lumber yard, a saw mill, tailor shops, vegetable
stands, bars, and warehouses.

Figure 2 also shows the extent to which peOple earn
their livelihoods in their local areas. It will be-ndted
that in the cases of the large plantations practically all
of the residents work on the plantations themselves; almost
none of them live on the plantations and work elsewhere.
But in the case of the small Operators there will sometimes
be found members who work beyond the spatial limits of their
own localities. These usually work in an adjoining locali-
ty; seldom do such workers travel great distances to their
work. Those indicated in the locality of San Juan Sur as
working outside their own area work at the Inter-American
Institute of Agricultural Sciences in various capacities.
Actually several of the houses included in the locality of
San Juan Sur are on Institute prOperty, which extends up

the side of the mountain to the San Juan Sur road.10

 

10See Figure 7, Paul C. Morrison and Jorge Leon, "Se-
quent Occupance, Turrialba Central District, Costa Rica,"
Turrialba, Vol. I, No. 4, p. 195.

 

67

The outstanding exception to the general rule of
working where they live is the case of Repasto from whence
the peOple move out daily to work in other parts. The big-
gest attraction for these people is the free land of an
abandoned plantation in the northeast corner of the dis-
trict--Jesus Maria. Here these people are attempting to
homestead this abandoned land. When the owner of another
plantation bought the land of Repasto, except the agglomer-
ated settlement of houses itself, the peOple had to look
elsewhere for a livelihood. The new owner did not retain
the services of the peOple of Repasto for work on the plan-
tation. Some of the Repasto peOple are employed in public
works, primarily road construction and repair; others are
employed on the railroad.

It is already apparent from the above that Aquiares
rates high in terms of relative self-sufficiency among the
rural localities in the District. It has the most active
church. Its school offers more grades. Its commissary
store is probably the largest and most used in the District
outside Turrialba City (possible exception: Florencia).

It has the largest pOpulation (1572) in the District, and
covers the largest area (about 2550 acres).

Among all the rural localities, Aquiares is probably
the only one which can be classified as a "community" in

its own right. The others must in general be classed as

68
"neighborhoods." This classification is based upon the
concept of "community" as a relatively self-sufficient and
independent locality group. This fact of high self-suffi-
ciency is further supplemented by Aquiares having the high—
est prOportion of internal choices on a series of nine so-
ciometric questions administered in an earlier study made
by the Institute. Self-sufficiency based on use of local
goods and services is discussed below, and in a subsequent
section it is related to high internal versus external so-
ciometric choice.

Table I shows the relative prOportions of internal
and external social contacts made by the peOple of Aquiares
for purposes of fulfilling service needs in a one year in-
terval.11 The needs included are limited to those for
which data were obtained in the earlier study. It will be
noted that 89.58 per cent of all contacts for all purposes
included were made within the confines of Aquiares itself.
The individual services show high percentages also. With
one exception, the individual prOportions range from 79.77
to 96.00. Only health needs are met outside the local
area. This is understandable in that there is only a small

dispensary available on the plantation itself. The workers

 

11The respondents were asked to reply for the year
immediately preceding the interviewing which took place in
the Summer of 1948.

69
TABLE I

CERTAIN CONTACTS MADE BY THE EOPLE OF AQUIARES WITHIN AND

OUTSIDE THE COMKUNITY FOR A ONE YEAR PERIOD, 1948*

 

 

Place of Contact

 

 

 

T 6 11013818 ,
Conigct . Aquiares Turrialba Other
No. Pct. No. Pct. No. Pct. No. Pct.
Service

Center 56,695 100 52,441 88.42 4,155 11.26 119 .52

Social
Activitiesl9,757 100 18,952 95.92 760 5.85 45 .55

Education 26 100 25 96.00 1 4.00 -- --

Health 615 100 58 9.46 551 89.89 4 .65

Religion 1,770 lOO 1,56O 88.15 195 11.02 15 .85

Public
Service 5,168 100 2,527 79.77 629 19.85 12 .58

 

Total 62,007 100 55,545 89.58 6,269 10.11 195 .51

 

"A twenty-five per cent sample was taken in Aquiares;

a total of 48 families is represented.

1.

Service Centers included: Dry goods, groceries, vege-
tables, and butcher shOps; dairy, bakery, hardware, shoe
and drug stores; and cantinas.

Social Activities included: Formal visits and other vis-
its, meetings with friends, movies, soccer.

Education items included: Primary and secondary schools.
Health items included: Social Security Hospital, Turri-
alba Health Center, dentist, doctor, obstetric nurse, mid-
wife, curandero.

Religion included: Church and Catholic Action Organiza-
tion.

Public service items included: Bank, post office, tele-
graph, train, bus.

 

 

will! I Elna-q .

ol..}."‘.

70
are insured under a plan of Social Security which permits
them to be attended at a rather well equipped hospital in
Turrialba. In case of an emergency an ambulance from the
hospital can be called to pick up patients on the planta-
tion.

The secondary attachment of Aquiares to the larger
trade center of Turrialba is demonstrated by most of the
remaining proportion of contacts being made in that center.
Only 0.51 per cent of the contacts are made in "other"
places.

Table II shows the points where certain generally
high frequency needs are fulfilled. It will be noted that
only such items as are not available in Aquiares are ob-
tained in Turrialba. These include clothing, shoes, and
most hardware articles, not items of very high frequency
use or consumption. All dairy products are obtained local-
1y. Practically all of both fresh vegetables and fresh
meat consumed are bought locally. Most bakery items and
even staple groceries are also purchased in the local area.
Even in the case of drug purchases more than half of the
contacts are locally made. (These are probably primarily
"patent" medicines, since there is no pharmacist in Aqui-
ares.)

The greatest number of contacts made for a single

purpose are those made at the butcher shop. For localities

TABLE II

NUMBER OF CONTACTS MADE BY THE
IN THE USE OF
FOR A ONE YEAR PERIOD, 1948

EOPLE OF

QUIARES
SERVICE CENTER FACILITIES

71

 

 

Place of Contact

 

 

 

 

Total
Service Contacts Aquiares Turrialba Others

NO. Pct. NO. Pct. NO. Pct. No. Pct.
Dry goods 158 100 -- -- 157 87 21 15
Groceries 6,106 100 4,558 71 1,756 29 12 --
Vegetables 1,480 100 1,456 98 -- -- 24 2
Butcher 15,556 100 15,104 98 108 l 52 1
Dairy 6,955 100 6,955 100 -- -- -- --
Bakery 6,518 100 5,506 84 1,012 16 -- --
Hardware 91 100 27 5O 6O 66 4 4
Shoes 71 100 -- -- 65 92 8 8
Drugs 1,964 100 1,055 54 909 46 -- ~-
Totals 56,659 100 52,441 88 4,099 11 119 l

 

 

'1‘.

. BPS... L.

.fi'...
_

 

_

 

72
which have no refrigeration this is understandable. A beef
or pork is butchered every day or two and the peOple, know-
ing in advance when fresh meat is available, come and buy
on the Spot. Obviously, such a point of high frequency
contact and face-to-face interaction is of significant im-
portance in the daily lives of such a people.

Looking at these selected needs as a whole, it is
seen that 88.49 per cent of all contacts made in meeting
such needs are made within the local area of Aquiares. And
again, most of those needs not met locally are met in the
Turrialba center. Only 0.55 per cent are met in "other"

places.

CHAFTER V
THE LARGER COMMUNITY OF TURRIALBA

Douglas Ensminger (whose technique of delineation is
described in a previous section), in addition to determin-
ing the boundaries of neighborhoods in a community, also
located the boundary of the larger community. He did this
by calculating the relative degree of orientation each
neighborhood had toward the community trade centers in its
vicinity. He began delineating neighborhoods at the core
of a selected trade area, that is, the trade center itself,
and continued outward until a delineated neighborhood indi-
cated an orientation toward another Community trade center.
Then alltfluaneighborhoods which were oriented to the select-
ed community center were encircled and this area was desig-
nated as the trade community. The congeries of neighbor-
hoods within its boundaries constituted its principal so?
cio-spatial elements.

The primary unit of investigation for the present
study is a political area--the Central District of Turri-
alba Canton. It was known, on the basis of preliminary
questioning around Turrialba, that the trade community def-
initely extended beyond the political boundaries of the

District, especially to the east. Actually, the precise de-

74
termination of the limits of secondary influence of Turri—
alba was not a basic requirement of the present study. But
the manner in which tOpography affects the Spatial limita-
tions of human activity, as well as the expected general
coincidence of the political boundaries with these limits,
is relevant to the study. It is considered desirable to
show the relationship of the primary study area to the
larger community.

The Central District of Turrialba is located in the
southwest part of Turrialba Canton. It is nearer the more
densely settled Central Plateau of Costa Rica than the
other districts of the Canton. Transportation and communi—
cation between Turrialba and the Plateau is at a relatively
high frequency because of available facilities. To the
east, southeast and south settlement extends into the
jungles but fades out before reaching the Province of Limon.
The paved highway eastward from San José ends at Turrialba.
The railroad goes on to Limén.

Where settlement thins out and then stops altogether
against a jungle background, it is fairly simple to deter-
mine the orientation of the peOple to the only available
trade center. The investigator visited these outposts and
asked the key business peOple and political officials ques-
tions regarding their participation in various types of ac-

tivities. As is to be expected, those settlements with

75

jungles at their backs naturally come out the only avail-
able route to meet their economic and other needs. In the
present case, these people come to Turrialba. Two examples
of this are Pejibaye and Moravia (see Figure 5). The case
of the Santa Cruz area northwest of Turrialba is altered by
the peOple having an outlet to the adjoining trade communi-
ty of Juan Vifias in Jimenez Canton--which they use with de-
cidedly less frequency than they use Turrialba.

It is more difficult to determine the dividing line,
however, along good communication routes. By asking the
people of Peralta and Pascua, to the northeast, questions
regarding their attachments it was estimated that the ad-
joining trade center, in that direction, of Siquirres did
not begin to draw the peOple to itself until the approxi-
mate political boundary of Turrialba Canton was reached.1

To the west, along the main highway to San José, the
political boundary of the District (which is also of the
Canton) follows the crest of a mountain ridge. The small
settlement of La Victoria, located on both sides of the
highway at this crest, can be truly called a peripheral lo-
cality. It offers no facilities to its peOple for meeting

their daily needs--neither goods nor services. 1t is equi-

 

lPrecision in this case was not possible due to the
extremely rugged terrain and the sparse and scattered
settlement.

'76

m was:

 

glhlig . asstlll

i i f 3 g gofiIo'o'
i i i Ei'llll

i g [rt ’25.. llll'

.8.
£35.25... to tiallco g “F

 

 

 

I1 I

77

distant between the town of Turrialba and that of Juan Vi—
fias. It belongs to neither community, but to both. With
this slight margin of error the western limit of the trade
community of Turrialba is thus determined to coincide with
the political boundary.

In addition to the factor of "trade" the officials
of the Catholic Church, the public school system, and the
Inter-American Technical Service for Agricultural GOOpera-
tion (STICA, from the Spanish title) were interviewed to
determine the limits of their respective areas of authority
and influence. Information from these interviews is com-
bined with data on economic activities and presented in
Figure 3.

It will be noted that the Church Parish is confined
to the Districts of Turrialba and Peralta. And a small
section on the southwest corner of the Central District is
also left out of the Turrialba Parish (Chiz and Murcia).
The peOple of Santa Cruz are officially attached to the
Parish of Juan Vifias in Jiménez Canton. (These peOple
have, however, petitioned to be reassigned to Turrialba.)
The District of Tuis constitutes a separate Parish in the
religious system.

The school system of Turrialba includes the entire
Canton. It reaches out and pulls a few pupils from across

the Reventazon River on the south.

78

The extension service of "STICA" includes the entire
Canton also. In addition, and because there is no agency
for this service in that Canton, it includes the Cantén of
Jimenez. The locations of experimental farms and projects
are indicated in Figure 3 by symbol rather than by an en-
circling line.

It is to be noted, then, that the Central District
is truly central to the rest of the Canton in terms of most
types of social activities: economic, religious, educa-
tional, political, and so on.

The economic situation for the Cantén as a whole is
approximately equal to that of the Central District, which

has been described earlier.

CHAPTER VI

A TAXONOMY OF LOCALITY GROUPINGS: DISTANCE FROM

TRADE CENTER AND SIZE OF LAND HOLDING

It is reasonable to assume that proximity favors in-
teraction. Members of localities close to a trade center
can be expected to frequent the center more than members of
other localities farther away from the center. And varia—
tions in the rates of interaction will further affect the
life patterns of the people in the different localities.
Being farther removed from educational facilities, the rel-
atively isolated peOple might be expected to acquire less
education than those who live closer to schools. They
would also be expected to participate in fewer extra-
curricular activities than the peOple of localities with
their own school systems. The same lowered rate of inter-
action would be expected in relation to various other par-
ticipation systems, for example, religious systems.

In the Central District of Turrialba there are sev-
eral localities near the trade center which do not offer
any services. The primary reason for this lack of services
is that all of them are provided within the readily acces-
sible center itself. Some of these are El Coyol, La Margot

and Noche Buena.

80

On the other hand there are small localities in rel-
ative isolation from the Turrialba trade center which also
fail to provide their peOple with goods and services. The
peOple of such localities may require several hours to
reach Turrialba. One example of such a locality is Buena
Vista.1 This little neighborhood is within the trade area
of Turrialba City. There is a smaller trade center, Peral-
ta, near Buena Vista which offers a number of services.
But a river separates the two localities. And although it
is not apparent on any of the maps of the area, this river
is deep, the current is strong, and the absence of a bridge
makes any crossing not only dangerous but virtually impos-
sible. If safe crossing were possible, the peOple of Buena
Vista could reach Peralta in twenty or thirty minutes. But
they must go to distant Turrialba to make necessary pur—
chases, to sell produce, and to attend church. This hap-
pens weekly in Spite of the distance being five or six
times as great and the time required at least two and one-
half hours.

Thus one cannot always predict from a map or other
cursory survey whether the people of a given locality will
utilize the services of a certain trade center. The tOpog-

raphy of the area and the availability of transportation

 

1This small neighborhood is outside the Central Dis-
trict and does not show on any of the maps.

81

facilities will also affect peOple's choice of a service
center. For this reason distance defined in terms of time
required to traverse such distance becomes a variable in the
characteristics and activities of pOpulation groups.2
Rural Turrialba is made up of localities which are
sometimes pOpulated by small independent owner-operators,
who cultivate their farms mostly with the help of other
members of their families. Occasionally there may be a

hired man. Other localities are more or less coincident

with the boundaries of large haciendas, called fincas, and

 

are thus pOpulated predominantly by jornaleros (hired men

 

who earn a daily wage). There are some localities which
are composed of both large and small holdings.

Taking into consideration these two factors of "time-
distance" and land tenure, a taxonomy of "place-groups"
will be described. The seven place-groups, which result
from this cross-classification, are each composed of one or
more locality groups, all of which-~in a given case——have
two characteristics in common. For example, a given place-
group will be composed of locality groups which are equi-
distant from the trade center of Turrialba and, at the same

time, homogeneous with respect to land tenure.

 

2In the present case, the peOple's own estimate (ap-
proximately verified by the present investigator) of the
time required to reach Turrialba by the most commonly used
means of transportation-—on foot--was employed to determine
the time zones.

 

1'!“

82
’By reference to Figure 4, the results of this cross-

classification can be seen. It will be noted that the sol-
id black area represents the city of Turrialba. This urban
zone then becomes the first place-group of the taxonomy.

The remaining place-groups will be considered rural.
Three neighborhoods closest to Turrialba, from which the
town could be reached in fifteen minutes or less, comprise
the next place-group. These three localities are all fin-
ggg. This place-group is thus designated the "rural close-
in" group.

Neighborhoods in the next time zone from which the
people require more than fifteen minutes but not more than
an hour and a half to reach Turrialba are subdivided into
three place-groups according to size of landholdings.

These are called "rural large holdings," in those locali-
ties which coincide with large haciendas; "rural small
holdings," in those localities comprised of owner-operators;
and "rural mixed holdings," in those localities in which
both types of land holding are found.

The remaining neighborhoods, those from which resi-
dents require more than an hour and a half to reach Turri-
alba, are likewise grouped on the basis of land tenure into
"rural-isolated large holdings" and "rural-isolated small

holdings" place-groups.

 

I

 

    

*—

III I
"'6 urulmul
I" ‘ /

II III"
IpIIIé‘

I I

"III

CANTON

RICA
a
‘

COSTA

POPULATION PLACE GROUPS

CENTRAL DISTINCT. TU BRIALBA

 

"I”

“amnion-cau-

 

 

85

Figure 4

84
This taxonomy5 may be outlined as follows:
. Urban Zone . . . . . . . . . . . zero time

. Rural Close-in . . . . . . . . . up to 15 minutes

. Rural Large Holdings . . . . . . from 16 to 90 minutes

1
2
3
4. Rural Small Holdings . . . . . . from 16 to 90 minutes
5. Rural Mixed Holdings . . . . . . from 16 to 90 minutes
6. Rural-isolated Large Holdings . . more than 90 minutes
7. Rural-isolated Small Holdings ....more than 90 minutes
The purpose of this taxonomy is that of facilitation
of comparison of these place-groups which, having two as—
pects in common, will be seen to demonstrate certain social,
economic and demographic characteristics which differ ac-
cording to these two variables. Further, other factors, for
example, migration, length of residence, educational level,
and civil status, will be influenced by these same vari-_
ables. In general, social organization and interaction

patterns will be shown to differ according to the way in

which these variables are combined.

 

3In the presentation of data, the "Rural Close-in"
category is sometimes called "sub-urban," and the other
Rural categories (Nos. 5 through 5) may be combined under
the rubric "medium distance." ,

CHAPTER VII
DEMOGRAPHIC ANALYSIS AND COMPARISON OF LOCALITY GROUPS
Introduction

The purpose of this chapter is to analyze and de-
scribe the pOpulation characteristics of the seven place-
groups which compose the taxonomy outlined in the previous
chapter. The characteristics of a given place-group, as.
set forth in the following pages, can be considered as in-
dices for their future comparison and for any trends which
may be demonstrated later. At the same time given charac-
teristics can be compared between place-groups.

Analyses of the pOpulation characteristics of the
locality and place—groups of the Cehtral District of Turri-
alba were made on the basis of a "Trial Census" taken in
1948. The Bureau of the Census,;taking advantage of the
professional personnel and excellent direction of the Inter—
American Institute of Agricultural Science, used the Turri-
alba District as a testing ground in preparation for the_
forthcoming Census of 1950. As a result of this test many
improvements were made with respect to terminology and the
interview approach.

At the time the present analyses were made the 1950

Census enumeration had been completed but data were not

86
available to this investigator. Therefore, cards were
punched from the 1948 results and machine tabulation was
utilized. There was a small difference between the results
of the 1948 and the 1950 Census enumeration. If both fig-
ures are correct, the pOpulation of the Central District
diminished by 554 people during this two year period. The
"Trial Census" in 1948 gave a total of 14,158 while in 1950
the pOpulation was 15,584. The urban zone lost 910 people
during this period, having registered a total of 6,559 in
1948 and 5,449 in 1950. However, the rural zone gained 556
people, having registered 7,779 earlier and 8,155 in 1950.
These differences, when distributed among the 45 locality
groups delineated in the District, are so minimal that they

may be ignored for comparative purposes.
Age-Sex Composition

Age and sex are two of the most fundamental charac-
teristics of a human population from the demographic point
of view. The joint analysis of these two variables, the
conversion of the quantitative results of this analysis in-
to prOportions, and the subsequent graphic presentation of
these results in a form which has come to be known as the
Age-Sez Pyramid, provides an overall view of the population
unit as regards age and sex. Anyone trained in demographic

principles can easily recognize trends as well as present

87
status with respect to birth rate, migration, and death
rate for the population group in question.

For the purpose of age and sex composition and com-
jparison the population of the District was divided into two

Iinits; rural and urban. The resulusof this analysis are

shown in Figure 5 and Tables III and IV.1

One of the first aspects which comes to attention in
the present case is the broad base of both of the pyramids.
This indicates a high birth rate for both the rural and ur-
ban areas. However, this phenomenon is more outstanding in
the case of the rural zone. The crude birth rate (number of
births per thousand persons) for the urban center was 56.4
and for the rural zone 41.0 in 1940. For Costa Rica as a
'whole the crude birth rate was 42.7.at that time. This is

a.hdgh birth rate as compared with Guatemala which had that

(of 55.4, and Uruguay with a rate of 20.1 while the United

EStates had a rate of only 17.9 in 1940. By 1950 Costa Rica

liad.a crude birth rate of about 46.21? It is assumed to be

scnnewhere near this at the time the present data were col-

leected. By the end of the first half of 1955 the crude

'bithh rate for the nation as a whole had reached 48.5. The

 

 

1The Age-Sex composition for Costa Rica is given in
tables to be found in the Appendix.

2Atlas Estadistico de Costa Rica (San José: Hinis-
teI‘io de Economia y Hacienda, Direccion General de Estadis—

tiCa y Censos, 1953), p. 48.

88

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TABLE III

89

NUMBERS AND PERCENTAGES OF PERSONS CLASSIFIED BY AGE AND

BY SEX, RURAL ZONE, TURRIALBA CENTRAL DISTRICT,
COSTA RICA, 1948

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

RURAL ZONE
Male Female Total
Age

No. Pct. No. Pct. No. Pct.
0 - 4 702 9.1 679 8.8 1,581 17.9
5 - 9 589 7.6 518 6.7 1,107 14.3
10 - 14 545 7.0 506 6.5 1,051 15.5
15 e 19 449 5.8 424 5.5 875 11.5
20 - 24 582 5.0 587 5.0 769 10.0
25 - 29 285 5.7 242 5.1 527 6.8
50 - 54 204 2.6 182 2.4 586 5.0
55 - 59 197 2.6 205 2.7 402 5.5
40 - 44 175 2.2 149 1.9 522 4.1
45 - 49 166 2.1 140 1.8 506 5.9
50 - 54 98 115 98 1.5 196 2.6
55 - 59 100 1.5 46 0.6 146 1.9
60 - 64 72 0.9 51 0.7 125 1.6
65 - 69 55 0.4 25 0.5 56 0.7
70 - 74 19 0.5 20 0.2 59 0.5
75 and over 52 0.4 18 0.2 50 0.6
Total 4,046 52.5 5,688 47.7 7,754 100.0

Age unknown 24 21 45

Grand total 4,070 5,709 7,779

 

90

TABLE IV

NUMBERS AND PERCENTAGES OF PERSONS CLASSIFIED BY AGE AND
BY SEX, URBAN ZONE, TURRIALBA CENTRAL DISTRICT,
COSTA RICA, 1948

 

 

URBAN ZONE

 

 

 

 

Male Female Total
Age

No. Pct. No. Pct. No. Pct.
0 - 4 540 8.5 469 7.4 1,009 15.9
5 - 9 417 6.6 429 6.8 844 15.4
10 - 14 591 6.2 429 6.8 820 15.0
15 - 19 530 5.2 375 5.9 705 11.1
20 - 24 515 5.0 526 5.2 659 10.2
25 - 29 207 5.5 229 5.6 456 6.9
50 - 54 158 2.5 169 2.7 527 5.2
55 - 59 206 5.5 208 5.5 414 6.6
40 - 44 158 2.2 141 2.2 279 4.4
45 - 49 145 2.2 150 2.4 295 4.6
50 — 54 114 1.8 80 1.2 194 5.0
55 - 59 78 1.2 44 0.7 122 1.9
60 - 64 55 0.9 60 0.9 115 1.8
65 - 69 22 0.5 20 0.5 42 0.6
70 - 74 17 0.5 17 0.5 54 0.6
75 and over 26 0.4 25 0.4 49 0.8
Total 5,155 49.9 5,167 50.1 6,522 100.0

Age unknown 25 14 57

 

Grand total 5,178 5,181 6,559

 

91
Province of Cartago had a crude birth rate of 48.5 based on
vital statistics available for the first half of 1954, and
that of 50.5 for the same period of 1955. The Central Dis-
trict of Turrialba (the study unit) had a crude birth rate
of 51.8 in mid—1954.3 It can be noted in Figure 5 that the
sex ratio of the lowest age group is somewhat higher in the
urban zone. The overall sex ratio for the entire district
was 105.2 in 1948. For the urban zone this sex ratio was
99.9 and for the rural zone it was 109.7. Thus the rural
area is seen to have an excess of males, taking all age
groups into account.

The crude death rate (number of deaths per thousand
persons) for Turrialba Cantén was 25.0 in 1920, but had de—
creased to 16.9 in 1940. For the country as a whole the
crude death rate was 22.6 in 1927 and 18.1 in 1940. The
Central District of Turrialba (the study unit) had a crude

death rate of 10.96 in mid-1954.4

It might be said the
health situation is better in Turrialba than for Costa Rica
as a whole. From Figure 5 it can be seen that infant mor—
tality is high, but mortality decreases after the first

five-year period.

 

3Principales Hechos Vitales Ocurridos En Costa Rica
En El Primer Semestre De 1954 (San José: Ministerio de
Economia y Hacienda, DirecciOn General De Estadistica y
Censos, julio de 1954), pp. 5 and 9; idem., for 1955, p. 1.

41bid.,(1954), p. 9.

 

 

92

According to the United Nations Demographic Yearbook
for 1954 the mortality rates for Specified ages (both sexes
combined) for 1949-51 were: 97.1 at birth, 55.4 for age 1,
14.4 for age 2, 7.8 for age 5, 5.8 for age 4, 4.5 for ages
5 to 9, decreasing to as low as 1.5 from ages 10 to 29, in-
creasing thereafter up to 10.7 for ages 50 to 54, and in-
creasing rapidly after age 55 to a high of 166.2 for those
few who reach the age category of 85 to 89. No comparable
figures are available for Turrialba.

Life expectancy at birth for the Costa Rican during
the period 1949-51 was 55.72 years. For those who survive
the first year of life the expectancy is increased to 60.66.
It increases Slightly during the next three years, but
drops again to 60.47 at age 5. Life expectancy decreases
consistently thereafter. At age 50 a Costa Rican has a
life expectancy of 22.42 years, at age 75 one of 7.59
years, and at age 85 he may still expect another 4.50
years. Thus it is seen that mortality rates have decreased
considerably and are relatively low at present. The pyra-
mids also demonstrate the high rate of mortality in Turri-
alba in that the age groups from 65 and above are relative—
ly minute.

In general, both pyramids of Figure 5 demonstrate
relatively stable population groups. This phenomenon is

stronger in the case of the rural population, as indicated

93

by the more or less consistent decreases as age increases.
In the case of the urban pOpulation two hypotheses may be
advanced to explain the irregularity, especially on the
male side, between the 50 to 55 age group and the 55 to 45
age group. It may be that the increased proportion in the
advanced age group is due to an in-migration about 10 to 20
years earlier, when the local economy was undergoing some
changes and tending towards stabilization. The other pos-
sibility, not as likely to hold, is that the people in the
age groups 25 to 50 and 50 to 55 have more recently emi-
grated. The only generalization which can be made with re-
spect to migration in and out of Turrialba is that Turri—
alba is the only cantén of those which comprise the proving;
of Cartago which is enjoying immigration, and at the ex-
pense of nearby cantones. (This phenomenon of short-distance
migration will be emphasized in Chapter VIII in connection
with population stability.) However, Turrialba also suf—
fers a strong emigration toward the cacao plantations to

5

the east in the Province of Limén.

Education and Literacy

Costa Ricans have boasted for years that they have

more school teachers than soldiers. And the facts support

 

5Atlas Estadistico de Costa Rica (San José: Minis—
terio de Economia y Hacienda, DirecciOn General de Estadis—
tica y Censos, 1955), p. 46.

 

III! ‘J

94
them in this contention. They are often said to be among
the most democratic of Latin American nations, and to have
a high degree of political stability. Could it be that po-
litical stability contributes to raising the level of lit—
eracy? However this may be, the high rate of illiteracy in
Costa Rica a hundred years ago has steadily decreased. In
1864 the nation was 89.0 per cent illiterate. In 1892 this
percentage had decreased to 68.6. By 1927 the majority of
the peOple of Costa Rica had become literate, and, at the
same time, the per-unit rate of literacy increase had also
increased. At this time the nation was only 25.6 per cent
illiterate. According to the 1950 Census this percentage
had decreased still further to that of 14.7, although the
per-unit rate of literacy increase had by this time begun to
decrease.6

In general, the younger age groups are more literate
than the older, which indicates an improving Situation with
I‘egard to education as a value and/or educational Opportu-
nities. The rural-urban differential is also notable. For
the country as a whole the urban area was 91.9 per cent
literate, and the rural area was 71.5 per cent literate in

1950. The same phenomenon of decreasing literacy with in-

6lbid., p. 52. Following the recommendation of the
:nternational Committee on Demography, Costa Rica changed
t8 base age year of 9 (nine) years and over to that of 10
ten) years and over for the purpose of calculating lit—
eracy rates.

95
alreasing age was noticeable, to an approximately equivalent
degree, in both areas.’7 The sex differential with respect
tc> literacy and for rural Costa Rica slightly favors the
:mern who, according to the 1950 Census, were 72.2 per cent
ljiterate while the women were 70.8 per cent literate. For
lixfban Costa Rica corresponding percentages Were 95.5 and
‘9C).6, respectively.

Costa Rica rates high among its Latin American
rueighbors with respect to literacy. While Costa Rica was
carily 14.7 per cent illiterate in 1950, El Salvador and Hon-
dniras were 57.7 and 64.8 per cent illiterate respectively.

With respect to the highest grade achieved (both
seaxes, age 7 and above) Costa Rica showed a median of 2.8
g;rades in 1950. Urban Costa Rica was favored with a median
Egrade of 4.5 while the rural area showed a median grade of
OIily 2.2. Women were Shown to cOntinue Slightly longer in
SCfldool than men; women showed a median grade of 2.9 and men
one of 2.8 in 1950.8

Since the purpose of the present study is to make
COmparisons based on the variables, both implicit and ex-

?pldicit, of the previously established taxonomy, the fore—

 

 

7lbid., Table 1 on p. 52.

. 8Censo de Poblacién de Costa Rica (22 de mayo de
lffl§0), (San José: Ministerio de Economia y Hacienda, Direc-
cliln General de Estadistica y Censos, 1955), pp. 40-41.

96
going percentages serve primarily as comparative indices for
the study unit as a whole and will not be taken into ac-
count in the following internal analyses and comparisons.
The relevant hypotheses with respect to literacy and educa-
tion may be stated as follows. In rural Turrialba farmers
who are owner-operators place a higher value on education
and as a group achieve a higher percentage of literacy and
a higher level of education than daily wage workers on
large plantations. Because of the relative scarcity of ed—
ucational facilities away from the urban center, peOple who
live nearer the urban center, whether owner-Operators or
daily wage workers, will be more likely to reflect their
varying interests in education as a value, and will there-
fore demonstrate a higher percentage of literacy and a
higher level of education than peOple who are relatively
isolated from such facilities. The ecolOgical variable of
distance from educational facilities is obviously related
t0 the factor of convenience, for those who live near such
facilities, and inconvenience to the point of impossibility
for those who are physically removed from such facilities.
With regard to tenancy, the author is depending upon the
Sentiment of the more highly motivated owner-operators, the
feeling of belonging to the land, and their personal pride
in being independent Operators. On the other hand, the

daily wage workers have no basis for possessing such senti-

 

'..". 'l.

97
nuants, and the absence of this motivation is not likely to
inipel them toward personal achievement to the same extent
are in the case of the owner—Operators.

Analysis of literacy in relation to the two basic
‘vzariables, tenancy and distance from trade center, gave the
fx>1lowing results. Table V and Figure 6 portray these re-
elllts in terms of percentages of literacy according to se-
lractive age groups. The lower age group 6 to 10 presents
all irregularity in that the children of owner-operators in
"tile isolated distance zone are less literate than the chil-
Clren.of daily wage workers. However, this is not to be
‘taaken as a negation of the foregoing hypotheses.9 A glance
art Table VI will confirm the hypotheses for all ages after
eggs 10. PeOple living on small farms are in all age groups
nuore literate than those living on large plantations.
IRSOple living nearer the trade center, whether living on
snnall farms or large plantations, are more literate than
tfuose who live farther from the trade center. One slight
eXception to the latter proposition is the case for people
EHEe 51 and above who live on large plantations near the

tIfaade center. This may be accounted for on the basis of

 

 

9Previous figures on literacy for Costa Rica were
baaSed on age 10 and above. This analysis into the lower
38KB level was made primarily to Show the extent of literacy
Llir‘ing early school years.

 

hull- ‘J

98

TABLE V

PERCEFTAGE O? LITERATE PERSCNS BY AGE GROUPS, BY RURAL

SUB-ARE 8, AND BY URBAN ZONE, TURRIALBA
CENTRAL DISTRICT, COSTA RICA, 1948

Rural Sub-Areas

 

 

 

.Age ggfign Sub-Urban Medium Distance Isolated
figfge Large Small Mixed Large Small
‘ Hold. Hold. Hold. Hold. Hold.
6-10 55.6 54.5 54.4 25.1 51.5 17.1 55.6
ill-15 84.0 65.2 70.9 85.1 60.9 50.0 65.6
216-20 86.5 65.0 78.5 85.2 75.6 71.4 74.5
221-50 85.5 74.7 75.5 81.9 77.5 68.8 75.8

551 and

over 75.8 65.8 58.6 66.6 61.9 61.8 65.9

99

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TABLE VI

100

I?ERCENTAGE OT ADULTS 21 YEARS OF AGE AND OVER, CLASSIFIED
BY HIGHEST GRADE 0? SCHOOL COEPLLTED ATD BY ZONES,

TURRIALBA CENTRAL DISTRICT,

OSTA RICA, 1948

 

 

 

 

 

 

Grade Zones Total
Completed Rural Urban Area
lione 55 22 28
l 8 8 8
2 25 l5 l9
5 19 20 19
4. 9 ll 10
5 5 8 6
6 2 10 5
CDotal elementary 64 72 67
ESecondary school 1 5 4
Ilniversity 2 l l
Cirand Total 100 100 100

¥

Note: This table constitutes an exception to the

Egeneral rule in that the "foreign group" was included, thus
1;ncreasing the number of university graduates in the Rural

ZZCHKL

101
migration on the part of this group from other parts of the
district or of Costa Rica.

It will also be noted that the upper age groups are
less literate than the younger groups. This is an indica-
tion that the educational quality of the pOpulation of Tur-

10 It will be recalled that, for the

rialba is increasing.
nation as a whole, literacy was also shown to decrease with
increasing age. Turrialba is thus following the national
pattern with respect to educational improvements.

Specific variations with respect to literacy are
shwon in Table V for the different sub-areas of the study
unit. The urban zone and medium-distance small holdings
sub-areas have uniformly higher literacy levels for all age
groups. Below average levels appear in the sub-urban area
for the middle age group (16 to 20), in the isolated large
holdings 11 to 15 age group, and in the isolated small
holdings 6 to 10 age group.

Table VI indicates the level of education broken
down by urban and rural zones. The urban zone includes a

larger preportion of persons who have received fourth,

fifth, and sixth grade educations as well as secondary

 

10With regard to this concept of pOpulation quality
see T. Lynn Smith, Population Analysis, New York: McGraw-
Hill Book Company inc., 1948, p. 155; and with regard to
positive and negative consequences of educational differen—
tials see Warren S. Thompson, Pepulation Problems, New York:
McGraw-Hill Book Company Inc., 1942, p. 120.

 

 

 

102
school educations. In rural areas, however, almost no one
has received education beyond the fourth grade. In the me-
dium distance large holdings the 16 to 20 year age group
had completed an average of 2.4 grades of school while the
older members had completed an average of 1.8 grades.
Likewise, in the medium distance small farm sub—area the 16
to 23 year age group completed 2.4 grades and the older,
1.7 grades. Thus educational level varies more by age

groupings than by rural sub-areas.
Marital Status

Although Costa Rican law requires school attendance
to age 14, few children attend school more than five or six
years. Most boys, especially in the rural area, are work-
ing by age 15. By age 16 most persons are, or have been,
married.

For the 1950 Census, civil or marital status was de-
termined for all persons 15 years of age and above. At
this time 57.16 per cent of Costa Ricans were in this age
category. Considering this category as 100 per cent, civil
status for the country as a whole was determined as follows:
married 45.65 per cent, single 41.21 per cent, free union

(conviviente) 7.51 per cent, widows 5.47 per cent, separat-

 

ed 1.89 per cent, and divorced 0.29 per cent. There were

105
more men than women who were single, and the percentages of
divorcees and widows were higher for the feminine sex.ll

With regard to rural-urban differences in marital
status the men show very little variation. For Costa Rica
as a whole, 44.1 per cent of males age 15 and above were
married. In the rural area 45.0 per cent of the males were
married; and in the urban area 46.5 were married. There is
some variation, however, on the part of the women. For
Costa Rica as a whole 45.1 per cent of females age 15 and
above were married. In the rural area 46.9 per cent of the
women were married; in the urban area only 57.7 per cent of
the women were married. This difference can be attributed
to the lower sex ratio, for the working age groups, which
is normally expected for urban areas.12

Table VII gives marital status for both sexes com-
bined for the Canton of Turrialba. This is the nearest
possible comparison to the basic unit of this study.

Table VIII indicates percentages for the various
marital statuses for the Central District of Turrialba. It

will be noted that there is a difference of one year in the

age category. This resulted from the multi-purpose analyses

 

llCenso de Poblacion de Costa Rica (22 de mayo de
1950), (San Jose: Ministerio de Economia y Hacienda, Di-
reccion General de Estadistica y Censos, 1955), pp. 54, 55.

12

 

lbid., Table 15 on pp. 115 ff.

104
TABLE VII

CIVIL STATUS Fol THE PCIUIATICN 15 YEARS or AGE AND OVER,
. FOR THE CANTON or TURRIALBA, 1950

 

 

Civil Status Number Per Cent
Total . . . . . . . . . . 15.289 . . . . . . . . 100.00

 

Single . . . . . . . . . . 4.907 . . . . . . . . 56.90
Married . . . . . . . . . 6.855 . . . . . . . . 51.60

Separated . . . . . . . . 257 . . . . . . . . 1.95
Free Union . . . . . . . . 548 . . . . . . . . 4.12
Widowed . . . . . . . . . 711 . . . . . . . . 5.55
Divorced . . . . . . . . . ll . . . . . . . . 0.08

 

Source: Censo de Poblacidn de Costa Rica (22 de mayo
de 19505, (San José: Ministerio de Economia y Hacienda,
Direccién General de Estadistica y Censos, 1955), Table 14
on p. 125.

TABLE VIII

PERCENTAGES OF PERSONS SIXTEEN EARS OF GE AND OVER,
CLASSIFIED BY NARITAL STATUS, BY SEX, AND BY ZONES,
TURRIALBA CENTRAL DISTRICT, COSTA RICA, I948

 

 

Zones

 

 

 

 

 

Marital Total Area
Status Rural Urban
Male Female Male Female Male Female
Single 40 54 _ 40 55 40 54
Married 55 56 50 51 52 55
Widowed 4 6 4 ll 4 9
Conviviente‘ 5 5 5 5 4 4
Separated or
divorced - - - - - -
Totals 100 99 99 100 100 100

 

*Living together as man and wife while not legally
married.

105
involved in team research, under which conditions the pres-
ent investigator was Operating in Costa Rica. As for the
nation as a whole, and although marriage occurs at a rela-
tively lower age in Costa Rica, the age group 16 to 20 ac—
counts for most of the single persons. There are prOpor-

tionately fewer widowed women and convivientes in the rural

 

than in the urban zone. Otherwise, rural-urban differences
are minimal. There is a higher proportion of single males

than females in both the rural and urban zones. There is a
slightly higher prOportion of married women than married

men.
Occupational Composition

Costa Rica is following the contemporary trend in
that it is gradually becoming less rural. According to the
1927 Census 61.77 per cent of the economically active (12
years of age and above) population of Costa Rica was engaged
in agricultural pursuits. In 1950 this percentage had been
reduced to 54.72.15 Of these 271,984 persons, 55.96 per
cent were economically active. Rural-urban differences,
with regard to active and unemployed segments of the pOpu-

lation, are hardly significant. Furthermore, differences

 

15lbid., p. 45.

106
between the seven provinces vary but little. Also, the
rural-urban differences within the provinces are slight.

For the Province of Cartago, 64.25 per cent of the
work force was engaged in agricultural pursuits.14 Thus
Cartago can be considered more agricultural than the nation
as a whole.

Turrialba Central District is predominantly agricul-
tural in spite of the fact that 45.0 per cent of its pOpu-
lation lives in the urban center. In the 1948 Trial Census
data were collected and analyzed on two occupational char—
acteristics: occupational "branch" (type of activity); and
occupational "position." The results of this analysis are
shown, according to the taxonomy previously develOped, in
Tables IX, X, and XI.

These data demonstrate the overwhelming importance
of agriculture in the Turrialba Central District. Even in
the urban zone 25.5 per cent of the working pOpulation (11
years of age and over), and 82.2 per cent of paid male em-
ployees are directly engaged in agriculture (Tables IX and
IX). It may be that in an a growing agricultural community
an "urban" center may be less urban as a way of life than
its size would indicate. Even though Turrialba City had a
population of 5,449 in 1950, the data indicate that its
basic orientation is decidedly rural.

14Loc. cit.

 

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108

 

 

 

 

 

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N mqmda

109

 

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110

Comparing the various place-groups it is seen that
the sub-urban area contains relatively fewer domestic work—
ers. This may indicate that females in this place-group
work in other occupational branches. For example, Table X
shows that 20.2 per cent of these females are directly en—
gaged in remunerated agricultural work. Also it will be
noted in Table XI that 80.2 per cent of the women in this
place-group are classified as housewives. It will be noted
in Table IX that very few people are occupied in other than
agricultural and domestic activities in any of the place-
groups.

In Table X agricultural workers are classified ac-
cording to their occupational position. For the entire
District, it will be noted that only 15.4 per cent of males
classified as agricultural workers are owners. As is to be
expected, the highest percentages of owners are found in
the small holdings place-groups (both medium distance and
isolated place-groupings). 0n the other hand, paid employ-
ees predominate in the large holdings place-groups and in
the urban zone.

In all the large holdings areas (including the sub-
urban area) there are relatively more paid female employ-
ees. This is due to the existence of beneficios (coffee
jprocessing plants) and other evidences of agricultural in-

ciustrialization in such areas. Also with respect to domes—

111
tic workers (see Table X1) the employed females are rela-
tively more prevalent in large holdings areas than in small
holdings areas. Non-paid domestic workers are more preva-
lent in the rural than in the urban zone. They are also
more numerous in the small holdings place-groups of the
rural zone than in the large holdings place-groups. This
is to be expected in that the small owner-operators depend,
to a much greater extent, on the members of their families
for economic assistance of various types. In general, the
data indicate that the peOple of the Turrialba District,
oriented as they are by agricultural pursuits, constitute a

rural population.
Place of Birth and Migration

Data on the birthplaces of residents in the Turri-
alba community were obtained from national census bulletins.
Other data on recent migrations were available from the
Community Study of 1948 already mentioned.-

For the Cantén of Turrialba 64.15 per cent of the
24,466 inhabitants were born within the cantén itself.15
As has been pointed out earlier, the Turrialba Cantén grad-

ually loses some of its population to the eastern province

of Limén. It was also pointed out, however, that this can-

15Ibid., p. 24.

112
tén receives migrants from that of Jiménez, which joins it
on the west. Actually, the inhabitants of these two can-
tones are less "native" than other cantones of the Province
of Cartago.

Table XII and Figure 7 provide information on place
of birth for the inhabitants of the various place-groups.
It will be noted that about half of the peOple in all of
the rural sub-areas were born in the Turrialba'Central Dis-
trict and very few were foreign bron. The sub-area with
the smallest proportion of locally born residents was the
isolated, large holdings place-group. None of these local-
ity groups was included in the Community Study, so that no
data are available for them on length of residence, but it
is known that settlement is of comparatively recent date.

It will be noted that relatively few peOple of the
various areas were born in other districts of the Turrialba
Cantén. This is due to the fact that (l) the part of the
Cantén other than the Central District is relatively
Sparsely settled, and (2) lines of communication and trans-
portation influence migration from areas outside the Can-
tén.

The small holdings place-groups in both the medium
distance and isolated zones demonstrate higher percentages
of "native" inhabitants than the other place—groups. This

finding was originally hypothesized because of factors re-

113

TABLE XII

PERCENTASES OF PERSONS RESIDING N THE RURAL SUB—AREAS
AND URBAN ZONE, CLASSIFIED BY PLACE OF BIRTH,
TURRIALBA CENTRAL DISTRICT, COSTA RICA, 1948

 

RURAL SUB—AREAS

 

 

 

 

Place of Sub- Medium Distance Isolated Urban
Birth‘ Urban Zone
large Large Small Mixed Large Small
hold. hold. hold. hold. hold. hold.
Central
District 41.0 52.5 64.1 46.6 32.0 52.4 48.2
Turrialba
Canton 5.5 3.9 5.6 15.4 6.4 4.1 3.7
Cartago
Province 27.0 26.6 18.0 28.9 53.6 30.5 24.8
Costa Rica 26.5 16.4 11.9 9.1 8.0 12.6 21.3
Foreign - 0.6 0.1 - - 0.4 2.0
Total 100.0 100.0 99.7 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0

 

‘Each successive place of birth excludes the preceding

one -

114

 

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115
lated to the inheritance of land, and because of character—
istics hinging on the concept of belongedness (elaborated

in other parts of this work).
Nationality

Costa Rica has never attracted large numbers of for-
eigners, especially from faraway places. About 1890, when
the railroad was built from Limon on the east coast to the
capital of San Jose in the Central Plateau,16 some colored
workers were brought in from the Antilles, mostly from Ja-
maica, because they were more resistant to the bad climate
and the unhealthy conditions of the area. Some of these
may figure in the percentage given in Table XIII for North
African origin.

It will be noted that most foreign-born in Costa
Rica come from neighboring Nicaragua (57.25%). While prox-
imity seems to be influential in this case, it does not
seem to function on Costa Rica's southern border, since
only 5.27 per cent of foreign-born are shown to come from
Panama. Both North Africa and Europe exceed Panama in terms
of number of foreign-born in Costa Rica.

More than 90 per cent of the foreign-born of North

African origin are to be found in the Province of Limon.

 

16

See pp. 20 f. of this work.

 

PLACE OF BIRTH OF THE FOREIGN-BORN POPULATION OF

TABLE XIII

COSTA RICA IN 1950

116

 

 

 

 

Place of Birth Number Per Cent
Total 33.251’ 100.00
Africa 19 0.05
North Africa 5.437 16.19
Central America 22.571 66.67
El Salvador 574 1.56
Guatemala 276 0.70
Honduras 753 1.89
Nicaragua 18.904 57.25
Panama 2.064 5.27
South America 1.032 2.88
Asia 783 3.32
EurOpe 3.408 10.88
Oceanus 1 0.01
Source: Censo de Poblacion de Costa Rica (22 de

mayo de 1950), (San José:

 

Ministerio de EconomIa y Hacien-

da, Direccion General de Estadistica y Censos, 1953), Table

24 on p. 33.

‘Cf this total, 14,261 (42.89%) were men, and 18,990
This surplus of women was more or

(57.11%) were women.
less evenly distributed in terms of place and foreign

birth.

I mffii'ffi

117
This is due to several causes. About the end of the 19th
century a discriminatory law was passed forbidding peOple
of color to live west of Turrialba. This meant that no '
colored peOple were to be found on the Central Plateau.
Since the railroad was built on the eastern slopes of the
continental divide, this offered no great problem at the
time. The banana plantations on the east coast (Limon)
subsequently absorbed many of the ex-railroad workers.

Later, when disease attacked the banana trees, and much of l

 

the United Fruit Company's Operations were moved to the
west coast, the trained workers were forbidden to migrate.

By the time this law was repealed in 1948 (because
it was against the "spirit of our Republic") others had es-
tablished themselves in the new Operation. The cacao in—
dustry in Limon has saved the peOple there from ruin.

According to the 1950 Census 4.15 per cent of the
Costa Rican population was foreign-born. Table XII (page
113) offers comparative figures for the place-groups ana-
lyzed in the present study.

At the time of the Trial Census in Turrialba in
1948, there were very few foreign-born persons in the Dis—
trict, and most of these were in the urban area (see Table
XII and Figure 7). It will be recalled that the population
of Turrialba derives from early white settlement (see Chap—
ter II, pp. 19-24). The foreign-born element in Turrialba

is not significant enough to merit further analysis.

CHAPTER VIII

POPULATION STABILITY AND SOCIAL SOLIDARITY f

Introduction

The extent of the feeling of group identification

and belongedness, or esprit de corps as some may prefer to

 

conceptualize, is suggested as a variable directly related

 

to the social solidarity of a given group and to the degree
of cooperation which may be expected of such a group. So-
cial change occurs at a slower pace in such groups than in
those groups which demonstrate lesser degrees of stability
(amount of population movement) or solidarity (level of
group identification). Knowledge of the degree to which
social groups express these characteristics should be a
part of the goal of sociological research, and is especial-
ly helpful to the leaders of any practical program of so-
cial welfare.

One important fact worth knowing about any community
is the relative stability of the people, that is, the per-
manency of their relationship to the localities in which
they reside. This stability may be measured through the
use of data on place of birth, length of residence, and mi-

gration-—the amount of movement from one place to another.

119

Questions on length of residence in the present
place and place of last previous residence were asked and
the data analyzed with three interrelated assumptions in
mind--that the pOpulation of a community is more integrated
or stable: (1) the greater the average length of residence
of its inhabitants, (2) the greater the homogeneity of
place of last previous residence of the in-migrants, (3) the
shorter the distances moved by such migrants.

In some of the tables presented in this chapter, it
will be noted that information for San Juan Sur is given
separately from that for other neighborhoods in the small
holdings place-group. This is because all San Juan Sur
family heads were interviewed, whereas fifty per cent were
contacted elsewhere in the place-group. Data concerning
Aquiares are separated from those for other parts of the
large holdings place-group, since these data were found to

be distinctly different from those for the remainder of

that place—group.
Stability of the Central District as a Whole

Tables XIV and XV summarize data available for the

Central District as a whole.1 As just indicated, one basis

IThese tables are based on information obtained from

schedules administered to 387 family heads. This informa-
tion was adjusted to represent all 1,082 families in the
neighborhoods sampled, by multiplying interview results in

 

‘. 4v. mus! I‘lir _._

 

 

120

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IImoqo wnfiooomnm Ham moddaoxo monocflwop m50a>onm mo momam 0>Hmmooodm nowm.

 

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©.NH m.nm o.mH ®.NH N.BH m.®H #.H HIO

 

 

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AmmoTuzv A315 89.15 Rmmunzv 8:15 83:5 33:5 83m

 

 

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pm
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mdmaIwémH

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>HN mam4a

121

.poanpmflm Happnmo map odfiapuo scam pun .qprdo mama map Bonn mama =nopqmo= nouns
omomp ..m.mIImmco msflvmoonm Ham mopsHoxo mommvflmmm mSOflbong mo woman o>ammooofim mama.

 

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HApoa 0m omIo¢ oeI Om OmI om omI oH oHI m HI 0 .m:oa>anm

 

oowam unmmon pm mnwmw Ho mowam

 

 

mémalméma .momfim Bkflmmmm 84 WOZHQHmmm mo mm¢m¥ ZO Qmm4m
meH%bomo mom .MDZMQmem mDOH>mmm Emdg mo mo<fim Mm mm<mm MHHE<® mo ZOHBDmHmBmHQ

>N mgmde

122
for judging stability is the length of time peOple have
lived in their local neighborhoods. The largest single
group of family heads, 20.8 per cent of the total, had re-
sided in their present place between 20 and 30 years, and
another 11.1 per cent for over 30 years (Table XIV). The
fact that 12.9 per cent had been there but one year or less
and another 20.4 per cent for only one to five years would
seem to indicate considerable instability, however.

Most stable, of course, were those classed as "na-
tive," that is, those family heads born in their present
place of residence or whose last previous living place was
elsewhere in the same neighborhood. Among the natives, the
modal group were those had resided at their present place
for 20 to 30 years. This group included 43.3 per cent of
the natives. The least stable group appears to be those
whose last previous home was outside the Central District
but in Turrialba Canton, for 30.2 per cent of these persons
had lived only one to five years in their present location,
and another 17.2 per cent one year or less.

As indicated in Table XV, the smallest proportion of
family heads, 10.7 per cent, were in this least stable

group, however. This might be expected, since the other

 

each neighborhood according to the percentage of family
heads contacted in each. If the sample was 20 per cent, for
example, answers obtained were multiplied by five.

 

123
districts of Turrialba CantOn--namely, Santa Cruz, La
Suiza, and Peralta~—are farther from the original core of
expanding settlement and are also much less densely popu- I
lated than is the Central District. Thus, relatively few
families appear to have migrated back to the Central Dis-
trict from areas of the canton closer to the frontier of
settlement. Investigation showed that of those who did,

nearly half did so during the last five years before the

' . l'n...’ “F'__.,

study was made.

 

This relative lack of movement from sparsely peOpled
areas is also evident if the place of last residence for
those coming from parts of the nation other than within
Cartago Province is analyzed. host of the 17.7 per cent of
family heads who were in this category (Table XV) came from
densely settled San José Province. Only a few were from
nearby LimOn and none at all from distant Puntarenas, both
thinly settled frontier provinces.

Turrialba CantOn is the most eastern cantOn of Car—
tago Province. it is on the Opposite side of the province
from the city of Cartago, the original population core from
which national settlement has expanded. lt seems natural,
therefore, that the largest prOportion of Central District
family heads interviewed (30.1 per cent) gave the province
as the place last moved from (Table XV). Among those who

had lived in their present location ten to forty years, the

124
province was the most common place of last previous resi-
dence; it was second only to the district among those who
‘had resided where they are now for less than ten years.

About 27 per cent of all family heads last moved
from within the district. It is particularly significant
that, of the least stable groups on the basis of years of
residence, those who had been in their present location one
year or less, one year to five years, and five years to ten .

years--33.5 per cent, 30.8 per cent, and 46.5 per cent, re-

 

spectively-—came from within the district. This being
true, it can be concluded that the stability of the Central
District's population as a whole is somewhat greater than
first seemed apparent, Moves within the district were short
ones, as were also many moves from adjoining areas of the
cantOn or province. The shorter the move the less diffi—
cult, presumably, is the adjustment in the new home--or, by
inference, the greater is the overall stability.
Stability As It Varies between Types of
Locality Groups

Not only is a considerable part of the instability
of the Central District's population due to internal move-
ment, but also there is a very noticeable variation in sta-
bility within the district, according to type of land ten-

ure. The longest average length of residence at the pres—

125
ent place, 22.53 years, was that of the 66 family heads
sampled in the small holdings place-group. The average was
lowest (8.01 years) for the 22 family heads contacted in
the close-in group, and almost as low (9.64 years) for the
103 family heads contacted in the large holdings place-
group. The land in the latter two cases is in the hands of
a few owners, and most of the family heads are day-wage
workers. In the mixed holdings place-group, where both
large and small farms are to be found, the average for the
73 family heads interviewed was 13.01 years of residence.

That the average years lived in the present place is
a valid indicator of stability seems to be substantiated by

Tables XVI and XVII.2

The greater stability in the small
holdings place-group is evidenced by the smaller proportion
of residents who had lived in their present place one year
or less (Table XVI). Only 10.1 per cent of the family
heads in the small holdings group were in this class, as
compared with 15.5 per cent for the large holdings group,
21.9 per cent for the mixed holdings group, and 22.7 per
cent for the close-in group. Another 19.8 per cent of the

small holdings group were in the one-to-five-year class,

making a total of 29.9 per cent who had resided in their

 

2Attention is again called to the fact that statis—
tics given for the small holdings place-group exclude those
for the neighborhood of San Juan Sur, and those for the
large holdings place-group do not include Aquiares.

126

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127

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HH>N mHm<B

128
present location five years or less. Comparable percent-
ages for the other place-groups were larger: mixed hold—
ings, 39.7; close—in, 45.4; large holdings, 46.6. The fact
that the small holdings group was the only one of the four
place-groups studied which had had any of its family heads
as residents for more than forty years is additional evi-
dence of the greater stability in this group.

If, as assumed, greater homogeneity of place of ori-
gin and shorter distances migrated are valid indicators of
greater pOpulation stability, the data on place of last
previous residence (Table XVII) also lead to the conclusion
that stability is greatest in the small holdings place-
group. Some 36.4 per cent of the small holdings family
heads were native, and 24.2 per cent had last lived else-
where in the Central District. Conversely, there were no
natives in either the close-in or large holdings place-
groups, although they did have 45.5 and 33.0 per cent, re-
spectively, of their family heads from within the district.
The classification of 8.2 per cent of the family heads of
the mixed-holdings group as native, places that group second
to the small holdings group in pOpulation stability. An-
other 24.7 per cent of its members came from within the dis-
trict, while 16 of the 21 individuals making up the unusual-
ly high percentage (31.5) who migrated in from other parts

of the cantén had last lived in the nearby neighborhoods of

 

.I urn

129
Santa Cruz and San Antonio, and so had moved only a short
distance. Least stable, based on the data for place of
last previous residence, is the large holdings place-group.
In each group except the mixed holdings, fewest
people had had their last previous residence in the cantén,

and the next-to-smallest number were from elsewhere in the

x~ «In I,"

AH l" .' II

nation.

San Juan Sur. This neighborhood illustrates espe-

 

cially well the high population stability in an area of L

 

small farms. Composed in 1948 of seventy-five families, all
of whom were interviewed, San Juan Sur is said to have had
only about eight families in 1890.3 The high average of
22.86 years of residence of present family heads, plus the
facts that one-third were native (Table XVII), only 1.3 per
cent had been in the neighborhood one year or less, and but
6.7 per cent had been there one to five years (Table XVI),
all attest to the high stability of these peasant proprie-
tors. It was found that none of the natives had lived at
their present site less than 10 years; 20 per cent had been
there over 50 years. Twenty-one per cent of all family

heads, including three of the six who had been in San Juan

 

3Reed M. Powell, A Comparative Sociological Analysis
of San Juan Suri_a Peasant CommunityL and Atirro, an Hacien-
da Community Located in Costa Rica, Central America. A
thesis, Michigan State College, 1951, p. 36.

 

 

 

130
Sur five years or less, had migrated from elsewhere in the
Central District (Table XVII).
Aguiares. The high stability indicated for the
large fipgg Aquiares, greater even than in San Juan Sur,
was exceptional, and for this reason Aquiares was excluded
from the large holdings place-group and analyzed separate-
ly. The average years of residence of 48 family heads in-
terviewed was 23.88. None of these family heads had been i

in Aquiares as little as a year, and only 6.2 per cent,

 

five years or less (Table XVI). Although 22.9 per cent of
the family heads were native, only another 8.3 per cent had
made their last move from within the district, while 37.5
came from the province and an unusually high percentage,
27.1,from the nation (Table XVII). All of the natives had
lived in their present place more than ten years.

Why is the pOpulation stability so much higher on
Aquiares-—the largest landholding in the Central District—-
than it is on the other large fincas? For one reason,
Aquiares has been under the same ownership for a longer

period than has any of the haciendas in the Central Dis-

 

trict. It was established in 1908 by Stanley Lindo, who has
paternalistically directed its activities ever since.

For another reason, Aquiares is unusual among the
large fincas of the district because--in additiOn to hiring

the usual force of laborers who are paid a daily wage--the

131
owner has established colonos on the flppg. A colono con-
tracts to care for and harvest, under the supervision of
one of the owner's foremen, a plot of coffee for a fixed
payment per fanega (11.35 bushels) of coffee produced.
About 60 per cent of the family heads on Aquiares are 9919-
ppg; the remainder are day—wage workers, or pgépg. Since
the colono has more independence and usually makes more
money, he is much more stable than the pépp.

Finally, both the colonos and the pgépg on Aquiares
have been very carefully selected. The colono system was
established in 1915 with 25 to 30 families. The plan fol-
lowed was to bring groups of families from the same local—
ity in the Meseta Central so that adjustment in their new
home would be facilitated. In many cases descendants of
the first colonos still tend the same land their parents
did. Any replacements or additions have been recruited
from the best workers available, often from other proper-
ties of the same owner. The same has been true of the pgép
labor force.

Graphic Representation. A method of graphically

 

representing the data of this study for determining popula-

tion stability is presented in Figure 8.4 On the circular

 

41h this graph, Aquiares is included in the rural
large holdings place-group, and San Juan Sur is included in
the rural small holdings place-group.

 

132

 

 

LEIK?H4 CX’ PRESEhfl' RESHDENCE
an
PLACE OF LAST PREVKIhS REEHDENCE

GOURM.DB“HGTOF'HRMAUM

I940

 

glib}!

 

5
, 3321359!

Iigiéiii‘

OOOOOOOO

I II
Izziigil

IBM:

--------

0‘le
Figure 8

it
I
£11112!

.é!!!

”7,”?

gym!

JJJJJ
9:22:

 

5111333

 

 

153
graphs each dot stands for the head of a sampled family.
The length of residence in the present place is shown by
the position of the dot along a radius in relation to the
circles which represent time. The closer the dot is to the
center of the graph, the longer the family head represented
has lived in his present location.

The place of last previous residence of the family
head is indicated by the radius the dot is on. If the ra-
dius is in the upper—left quadrant of the graph, the place
was in the Central District; if in the upper—right quadrant,
it was outside the Central District, but inside Turrialba
CantOn; if in the lower-right quadrant, it was outside
Turrialba CantOn, but inside Cartago Province; if in the
lower-left quadrant, it was outside Cartago Province, but
in another province of Costa Rica. Radii in each quadrant
are numbered at their ends. The name of the place of last
previous residence represented by any particular radius can
be determined by looking up its number in the section of the
legend which is for the quadrant of the graph the radius is
in. Thus, the six dots on the radius numbered 12 in the
upper-left quadrant of the graph, titled "Rural Small Hold-
ings," symbolize six family heads whose place of last pre-
vious residence was within the Central District at La Esme—
ralda. Or again, on the same graph, the three dots on the

radius numbered 1 in the lower-left quadrant denote three

134

family heads whose last previous residence was in Alajuela
Province.

In terms of the definitions and assumptions used I
here, population stability can be deduced from the graph as
follows: (1) The closer to the center of the graph the dots
are grouped, the greater is the indicated population sta-
bility. Such a grouping denotes a higher average length of g
residence of family heads at this place. (2) The greater

the number of radii in relation to the total number of dots

 

on a graph, the greater the heterogeneity of place of last
previous residence and the less stable the pOpulation can
be inferred to be. This is all the more true if a large
percentage of the family heads have lived in their present
place only a short time. (3) The greater the proportion of
family heads who are classed as native and are shown on the
radius marked "N" in the upper-left quadrant of the graph,
the greater the population stability. (4) Since, of the
family heads who are not native, those contributing most to
pOpulation stability are the ones whose last previous resi—
dense was elsewhere in the district, the greater the pro-
portion of dots that appear in the upper-left quadrant of
the graph, the greater is the pOpulation stability. This
conclusion is based on the assumption that the shorter the
move the easier will be integration into the new community.

Generally speaking, moving distance was shortest for those

135

who came from elsewhere in the district, next shortest for
those who came from somewhere in the cantOn, next for those
from somewhere in the province, and longest for those from
elsewhere in the nation. The first years of residence in
the new home are most important in the integration process,
however, so the length of move has most significance in the
case of recent arrivals.
It is evident that the conclusions arrived at already

from analysis of the tables could be obtained visually from

the study of the graph.
Conclusion

The foregoing analysis indicates that the place-
groups rank in order of pOpulation stability from greatest
to least as follows: (1) small holdings, (2) mixed hold—
ings, (3) close-in, and (4) large holdings. The medium
distance small holdings place-group demonstrates the high-
est degree of population stability when the proportion of
local births is used as the criterion. Assuming that the
factor "length of residence" contributes to community sta—
bility, it may be said on the basis of the present study
that the peOple of the small land holding localities have
greater stability than those living on the haciendas. The
greater stability in the small holdings place-group is to
be expected, of course, in view of the attachment of these

peOple to the land through ownership and sentiment.

 

*-1x~‘ -.—_

136
The lesser stability in the large holdings place-
group can be accounted for by the fact that the majority of
the family heads are landless day-wage Workers and thus
more subject to the effect of fluctuations in economic con-
ditions, dismissal, attraction of supposed greater opportu-
nities elsewhere, changing fgppg management, and other fac-
tors affecting mobility of peOple with weak attachments.
That instability in the case of large holdings is

not universal, however, is illustrated by the exceptional

 

case of the fippg Aquiares. lts population stability was
shown to be even greater than that for small holdings in
the Central District, with an average length of residence
of more than 24 years. This case was explained by the
careful pre—migration selection of tenants and workers, the
comparatively long period of single ownership of the fgpgg,
and the semi-attachment to the land which at least a pore
tion of these peOple have in the form of the sharecropping

system of tenancy.

CHAPTER IX
CONCLUSION

The two basic purposes of this study, that of delin-
eation of locality groups within the Central District of
Turrialba and that of making demographic comparisons be-
tween combination of these groups,have been fulfilled. In
addition to these, the ecological and socio-cultural struc-
ture of the community of Turrialba and its delineated
neighborhoods has been elaborated. Also, the interaction
patterns, both within the locality groups and between lo—
calities, have been described--mostly in terms of the daily
life patterns of the people, sometimes utilizing the insti-
tutional approach.

Since, in the presentation of the basic material of
this work, each chapter and section contains its own con-
clusions, which are directly related to the variables
treated in these chapters, and since the multiplicity of
factors related to these variables requires more extensive
treatment than is possible in a Conclusion, it is desired
at this time only to point Out certain implications and
general contributions in connection with the field work and

the procedures of analysis.

 

F 12' '. IWA'LG-’ILYL "—

138
A history of the origin and development of delinea-
tion techniques has permitted the author to point out the
advantages and disadvantages of the various techniques em—
ployed, and to develOp and recommend his own technique--
where time permits the precision which it offers. The con-
cept of identification was utilized as a determinant of lo-

cality groups. This concept was elaborated and clarified

' A __ -iI-IJ

with respect to the cohesion and solidarity of social

groups. 3

 

A taxonomy was developed which consisted of the
inter—relatedness of two basic variables--type of land ten-
ancy, and time-distance—-which permitted the establishment
and definition of the concept of place-groups. These place-
groups were described and presented as a method of combin-
ing locality groups into meaningful social units which pos-
sess homogeneous characteristics. This process permitted
the author subsequently to arrive at generalizations rela-
tive to meaningful universes. The precise definition of
these groupings and those studied by such investigators.

The transition from the delineation of locality
groups to the analysis of the social characteristics of
such groups is not always easy or smooth. The variables
which influence these characteristics may be related in
such a way as to make analysis difficult.- In the present

instance, this problem was handled by the development of

139
the cross-classification system just described. This tax-
onomy permitted the develOpment of relevant and significant
hypotheses. Subsequent analytical comparisons permitted
the derivation of certain conclusions which are capable of
being tested in other universes in which the science of so—
ciology may be interested in so testing them, and, at the 5

same time, these comparisons provide orientations for ex-

_ 9'm1'rs'. h. a

tension and change agents and other social welfare workers

who are Operating in a similar milieu.

 

The demOgraphic data analyzed for the study unit and
its congeries of locality groups were those of the Trial
Census of'l948 which resulted from the choosing of the Cen-
tral District of Turrialba as the test area. The adequacy
and relation of this Trial Census to the national census of
1950 was described. Differences in the pOpulation charac-
teristics of Turrialba were shown to be minimal for this
brief period of two years. .

One advantage which the present study offers over
other studies is that the ultimate analysis (in this case,
demographic analysis) and comparison of the sub—groups
studied could lean comfortably on the assurance that the
taxonomic groups were "real" groups from the sociological
point of view. Too often an investigator has to depend up-
on a quick judgment or rapid technique of delineation of

the groups studied and compared, thereby prejudicing his

140 ,
conclusions. In the present case, any weaknesses which
might be inherent in the conclusions of a given section
could not derive from this source; the sub-groups are accu- l
rately defined.

Another advantage enjoyed by the present research
was the fact of full coverage of the unit of study with re-
spect to both delineation procedures and to the demOgraphic
characteristics analyzed. For this reason no statistical

manipulation was necessary in drawing conclusions based on

 

I momma...”—

the percentage differences between sub-units with regard to
the factors studied.

The present study has established certain demographic
bench-marks for the universe investigated. For examples,
birth and death rates, the age-sex composition, internal
migration and inmigration and emigration, marital status,
literacy and educational level, occupational composition,
and the multi-factor characteristic of social solidarity
and population stability, among others. Future comparisons
are thus made possible, with respect to these demographic
bench-marks, and subsequent studies of the same universe
will be able to establish trends beyond the capabilities of
the present research. The only trends that were possible
for the present study had to depend upon the often inade-

quate data of earlier censuses.

141

The internal comparisons of the various locality
groups within the Central District of Turrialba, and the
conclusions based on these comparisons, are necessarily
limited to the universe studied. However, it may be said
that when other groups are encountered which possess the
same or similar socio-cultural characteristics, it may be
hypothesized that the variables analyzed herein will affect
these other groups in the same or similar manner as the
conclusions of the present study indicate.

The foregoing are the general contributions which

the study is believed to have made. For specific conclu-

sions the reader is referred to Chapter III if interested in

those related to delineation, to Chapter VI if interested in

the taxonomy developed for the study, to Chapter VII if
conclusions related to the demographic characteristics an—
alyzed are of interest, and to Chapter VIII if interested
in the question of social solidarity and pOpulation stabil-

ity.

 

AE‘PEND IX

 

TOTAL POPULATION

TABLE 1

145

OF COSTA RICA BY AGE GROUPS AND SEX,

 

 

 

 

 

WITH PERCENTAGES: 1950
Number Per Cent
Age
Male Female Male Female
Total 599,859 401,016 49.95 50.05
0-4 67,481 65,154 8.45 8.15
5-9 56,789 55,567 7.09 6-91
10-14 49,754 48,555 6.21 6.06
15-19 40,418 45,826 5.05 5.47
20-24 57,671 59,586 4.70 4.92
25-29 28,647 50,491 5.58 5.81
50-54 25,581 25,705 2.98 2.96
35-59 22,908 25,950 2.86 2.99
40-44 18,510 18,074 2.29 2.26
45-49 14,140 15,966 1.77 1.74
50—54 12,515 11,855 1.54 1.48
55-59 7,889 7,827 0.99 0.98
60-64 7,667 7,248 0.96 0.90
65-69 4,716 4,420 0.59 0.55
70-74 5,551 5,227 0.42 0.40
75-79 1,860 1,768 0.25 0.22
80-84 1,075 1,147 0.15 0.14
85 and more 1,559 719 0.09 0.10
Unknown 574 542 0.04 0.05
Source: Atlas Estadistico de Costa Rica (San José:

 

ministerio de Economia y Hacienda, Direccion General de Es-
tadistica y Censos, 1955), p. 42.

4.... o; .

 

TABLE 2

144

RURAL POPULATION OF COSTA RICA BY AGE GROUPS AND SEX,

 

 

 

 

 

WITH PERCENTAGES: 1950
Number Per Cent
Age
Male Female Male Female
Total 275,252 257,552 51.20 48.50
0-4 48,148 46,515 9.04 8.70
5-9 40.656 59.572 7.65 7.39
10-14 35,504 55,472 6.65 6.28
15—19 28,114 27,796 5.28 5.22
20-24 25,549 25,698 4.80 4.45
25-29 19,275 18,334 5.62 5.44
50-54 15,976 14,544 5.00 2.69
55-59 14,976 14,067 2.81 2.64
40-44 12,201 10,860 2.29 2.04
45-49 9,299 8.119 1-75 1.52
50-54 8,112 6,786 1.52 1.27
55-59 5,047 4,292 0.95 0.80
60-64 4,979 4,016 0.95 0.75
65-69 2,971 2,217 0.56 0.42
70-74 2,075 1,676 0.59 0.51
75-79 1,155 854 0.22 0.16
80-84 669 571 0.15 0.11
85 and more 468 425 0.09 0.08
Unknown 260 145 0.05 0.05
Source: Atlas Estadistico de Costa Rica (San José:

 

Ministerio de Economia y Hacienda, Direccion General de Es—
tadistica y Censos, 1955), p. 42.

 

 

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' .
. u .
- O 4
o .
U I n :
' . / ‘
. .
v Q a - '
- ' D
I Q
. I
o ' '
I ' t
\
a I ~
0 a .
‘7 .
O .
D I
o o
\ \

 

145

 

 

 

 

 

TABLE 5
URBAN POPULATION OF COSTA RICA BY AGE GROUPS AND SEX,
WITH PERCENTAGES: 1950
Number Per Cent
Age
Male Female Male Female
Total 124,627 145,659 46.46 55.54
0-4 19,353 18,839 7.21 7.02
5-9 16.155 15,995 6.01 5.96
10-14 14,450 15,085 5.58 5.62
15-19 12,504 16,050 4.59 5.97
20-24 12,122 15,688 4.52 5.85
25-29 9.572 12,157 3.49 4.55
50-54 7.875 9.361 2.94 5.49
35-59 7,952 9,865 2.96 5.68
40-44 6,109 7,214 2.28 2.69
45-49 4,841 5,847 1.80 2.18
50-54 4,201 5,067 1.57 1.89
55-59 2,842 5.555 1.06 1.52
60-64 2,688 5,252 1.00 1.20
65-69 1,745 2,205 0.65 0.82
70-74 1,256 1,551 0.47 0.58
75-79 707 914 0.26 0.54
80-84 404 576 0.15 0.21
85 and more 251 417 0.09 0.16
Unknown 82 87 0.05 0.05
Source: Atlas Estadistico de Costa Rica (San José:

 

Ministerio de Economia y Hacienda, Direccion General de Es-
tadistica y Censos, 1955), p. 42.

71'. ‘1‘“; 11:?ng
., i
;

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147

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1.!!! d 1.1"

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,. g.“

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United Nations Demographic Yearbook.

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