LYRICAL POLITICS IN THE SPANISH ÒSTATE OF EXCEPTIONÓ (1955-2009): AN ANALYSIS OF THE WORK OF VALENTE, VçZQUEZ MONTALBç N, PANERO, AND RIVAS By Andrew Joseph Wrobel A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Hispanic Culture Studies - Doctor of Philosophy 2015 ABSTRACT LYRICAL POLITICS IN THE SPANISH ÒSTATE OF EXCEPTIONÓ (1955-2009): AN ANALYSIS OF THE WORK OF VALENTE, VçZQUEZ MONTALBçN, PANERO, AND RIVAS By Andrew Joseph Wrobel This thesis discusses the social, political, and historical panorama of the Spanish Òstate of exc eptionÓ as depicted by the poets Jos” çngel Valente, Manuel V⁄zquez Montalb⁄n, Leo poldo Mar™ a Panero, and Manuel Rivas. The poetic works that have been examined in this thesis were all published between 1955 and 2009 . The works present the horrors of the S panish Civil War and the harsh condit ions during the nearly forty -year dictatorship of Francisco Franco, in addition to the failed transition to democracy that began after his death. Through an incorporation of theories on nostalgia, trauma, Òdocile bodies Ó, and Òempty signifiersÓ, this dissertation will analyze the exceptional literary space created by the minority genre that is Spanish poetry. Due to the censura , overt political discourse could not be carried out, and thus it was poetry, whose verses coul d abscond covert criticisms of the Franco regime, that created the opportunity for political dissidence at a time when it would be punishable by death. The poetic texts studied here expose the existence of SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ and insist on it s con tinuity despite the fact that Spain is now a Constitutional Monarchy . Copyright by ANDREW JOSEPH WROBEL 2015 iv For my father v ACKNO WLEDGEMENTS I am the product of both a public and private education, as I attended a public grade school, a Catholic High school and University, and later finished my current degree at a public University. At each institution I have come to know the most wonderful peo ple without whose support I would not be the person I am today. I am so very grateful for the professors a t Marquette University who stirred the embers of my passion for the Spanish language and its literature. The faculty there, which includes but is not limited to, Eugenia Afinogu” nova, Dinorah Cort ”z-V”lez, Armando Gonz⁄lez -P”rez , and Todd Hernandez, motivated me to be the most engaged student and teacher possible. I have done my best to follow their example, and I striv e to be the phenomenal scholar they have always been . I never expected to have the same good fortune when I began my studies for my doctoral degree, but I found a group of professors at Michigan State University that have fostered both my academic and professional development. From t he very start, Joseba Gabilondo worked tirelessly with me to develop my ideas, cultivate new understandings , and later, employ my knowledge in practical and innovative ways. His breadth of knowledge and his creativity continue to astound me. Also, his famo us ÒcartasÓ have been invaluable. Furthermore, I would be remiss not to mention another person who has given me several opportunities to collaborate with him on curricular design. Miguel CabaŒas has been a wonderful mentor and friend throughout the time I have spent at MSU. Moreover, the other two members of my committee, Scott Boehm and Elvira S⁄ nchez -Blake, have also given so genero usly of their time and support. vi Finally, I must thank the people who are most dear to me: my friends and family. They are tru ly the measure of the blessings I have had in this life. My grandparents , Betty and Stas , make me laugh everyday and remind me to appreciate the wonderful life that I have . My father, who never once told me I was insane for giving my twenties to college , has always been a steadfast example for me to follow and a constant confidant without whom I would never have made it this far. My stepmother Car ol is one of the most compassionate people I have ever met, and her ki nd words have done more for me than I can say. Also, my uncle John has always reminded me that no adversity is insurmountable. Lastly, my dearest friends have always stood by me through thick and thin . Kit, Sly, and the Gonz⁄ lez clan are beacons that I continually rely upon in the best and worst o f times. To say that I am grateful is not enough, but I truly am. vii TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction 1 Poetry of Discovery and los nov™simos 7 Chapter 1: J.A. Valente: The V ictors and Victims of Nostalgia 113 Chapter 2 : Manuel V⁄zquez Montalb⁄n: Trauma -Induced N eurosis 20 Chapter 3 : Leopoldo Mar™a Panero: Dark Thoughts and ÒDocile BodiesÓ 26 Chapter 4 : Manuel Rivas: Poetry and ÒE mpty signifiersÓ in SpainÕs 29 ÒState of ExceptionÓ Conclusion 34 Chapter 1 : J.A. Valente: The V ictors and Victims of Nostalgia 35 Section I: Memory vs. (m)emory 38 Section II : The Persistence of Nostalgic Death in ValenteÕs Poetry 44 Section III : Death and Algi a 46 Section IV : ValenteÕs Poetic C onversion 62 Section V : Nostalgic Conversion and a Reflective Community 69 Conclusion: 85 Chapter 2 : Manuel V⁄zquez Montalb⁄n: Trauma -Induced N eurosis 88 Section I: His City of Ruins: The Barcelona of MVMÕs Youth 91 Section I I: The Trauma of the Civil War and a ÒState of ExceptionÓ 98 Section III : Pop culture: Fueling the Fantasy of Consumerism 115 Conclusion: 133 Chapter 3 : Leopoldo Mar™a Panero: Dark Thoughts and ÒDocile B odiesÓ 134 Section I: Hurdles of the T ransition in SpainÕs ÒState of ExceptionÓ 138 Section II: The Specter of Franco in the ÒDocile BodyÓ 145 Section III: The Transition: Arriving at the Desencanto with a 167 Little Help from His Friends Conclusion : 182 Chapter 4 : Manuel Rivas: Poetry and ÒEmpty signifiersÓ in SpainÕs ÒState of Exception Ó 184 Section I: ÒTransitioningÓ to the Future 189 Section II: Ga licia and Galeguidade 195 Section III : Galeguidade and the ÒEmpty S ignifierÓ 204 Section IV: A Call to Action 216 Conclusion : 233 Final Conclusion s: 235 WORKS CITED 241 1 Introduction 2 In the years under and after the Franco regime, the liberal voices of poetry articulated both the memories and desires felt not only by the literary intelligentsia, but also by the Spanish citizens who found themselves restricted in the arena of cultural expression. The writings of four liberal poets in particular , Jos” çngel Vale nte, Manuel V⁄zquez Montalb⁄n, Leopold o Mar™a Panero, and Manuel Rivas, enumerate the complexities of Spanish life while constantly rejecting the fantasies propagated by the Franco regime in what Carl Schmitt would call a Òstate of exceptionÓ . Through a de tailed analysis of A modo de esperanza (1955) by Jos” çngel Valente, Una educaciŠn sentimental (1967) by Manuel V⁄zquez Montalb⁄n , Last river together (1980) and El que no v e (1980) by Leopoldo Mar™a Panero, and La desapariciŠn de la nieve (2009) by Manuel Rivas, a comprehensive understanding of a poetic articulation can be yielded. Furthermore, the ideas expressed in these texts established the possibility of a critical corpus that opposed the rhetoric of the Franco regime and SpainÕs Òsta te of exceptionÓ. The writings of these four poets are substantial for reasons noted by Jo Labanyi. All written and spoken words, under the Franco regime, were highly regulated by citizens themselves and the censura (censorship) . Labanyi adds, ÒÉpopular r omances and adventure stories were strictly controlled, as were historical and political texts in cheap editions Ó (211). On the other hand however , Ò[p]oetry became a vehicle for social protest in the 1950s because dissidence could be tolerated in a minori ty genreÓ (211). Rosalind Galt expressed concurrent thoughts as well. Galt insists ÒÉthe claim of poetic language as a privileged locus of social heresy is enabling in a situation where more direct activism or speech was impossibleÓ (503). This is made eve n clearer when considering Marisol Morales Ladr ŠnÕs explanation of the censorship protocol. She states: 3 Thus, in Spain, the censorship board distributed the receipt of any material that could be published among readers, most of them priests, although ther e were also lay men, who filled out a questionnaire and reported on any subversive passage either asking for its excision, change into rephrasing or banning, or simply giving their consent for publication. The censors had to answer questions on the moralit y of the text, on religious dogma, and on whether it incurred any offence to the Regime, the Church or any of their institutions. (60) Therefore, by covertly and implicitly exposing the harsh conditions of life in a Òstate of exceptionÓ, the poetry of Vale nte, V⁄zquez Montalb⁄n, and Panero largely alluded the censura and worked to establish an exceptional literary space that would allow for future poets, such as Rivas, to openly create discourse concerning politics in SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ. This Òst ate of exceptionÓ, according to Schmitt, involves a ÒsovereignÓ who is ÒÉassociated with a borderline case and not with routineÓ and who will go on to Òdecide on the exceptionÓ (5). The power of the ÒsovereignÓ figure is made clear when discussing how he o r she rules and creates laws. Schmitt continues: All law is Ôsituational law.Õ The sovereign produces and guarantees the situation in its totality. He has the monopoly over this last decision. Therein resides the essence of the stateÕs sovereignty, which m ust be juristically defined correctly, not as the mono poly to coerce or rule, but as the monopoly to decide. The exception reveals most clearly the essence of the stateÕs authority. The decision parts here from the legal norm, and (to formulate it paradoxi cally) authority proves that to produce laws it need not be based on law. (13) 4 It is FrancoÕs position as Caudillo that elevates him to wield such sovereign power and to create a so -called Òstate of exceptionÓ in Spain. His unique role has been explained b y Robert Moss who comments that FrancoÕs was a ÒÉpersonal dictatorship Ð and that is the whole problem. Personal dictatorships are non transferable. A dictator cannot choose a man who can inherit his authority and charisma, and who can also enjoy the combina tion of historical circumstances that enabled him to come to powerÓ (325). While Franco did have a forceful hand in the transition of power after he died, he could not replac e himself with another dictator. However, he was able to create what Schmitt calls a Òmonopoly of politicsÓ , and in doing so, insure the continuity of SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ long after his death . Schmitt further explains writing: By virtue of its possession of a monopoly of politics, the state is the only entity able to distinguish friend from enemy and thereby demand of its citizens the readiness to die. This claim of physical life of its constituents distinguishes the state from, and elevates it above, all other organizations and associations . To maintain order , peace and stability, the legally constituted sovereign authority is supported by an armed force and a bureaucracy operating according to rules established by legally constituted authorities. ( xxiv) Throughout this introduction, the ramifications of this Òmonopoly of politicsÓ in the Spanish Òstate of exceptionÓ will be evident in the discussions of nostalgia, trauma, Òdocile bodiesÓ , and Òempty signifiersÓ as presented by Valente, V⁄zquez Montalb⁄n, Panero, and Rivas . Therefore , thi s thesis will demonstrate that, from the 1950s and continuing to today, poetry produced an exceptional lyrical discourse on the social, cultural, and political transitions in the Spanish society , during and after the Franco regime , due to the political exc eptionality of 5 the dictatorship, which unknowingly allowed for political discussions in a minority genre. This dissertation builds on the proposals of Labanyi and Galt on the importance of poetry during the censura by stating Valente, V⁄zquez Montalb⁄n, an d Panero, in their limited capacity as participants in a Òminority genreÓ, created a political voice out of the trauma provoked by the violence of the Franco regime. This discourse fostered an alternative to the regimeÕs propaganda, thus enabling a subtle but streamlined dissidence among the Spanish people at a time when harsh laws prevented overt criticism of the Franco regime . Their actions would pave the way for future poets, such as Rivas who would be the last heir to this poetic tradition as he writes poetry and prose in a democracy still darken ed by FrancoÕs ever -looming shadow. Following their example, Rivas employ s his poetic style in multiple genres, among them journalism, in order to further the discussion of the environmental and political catastrophes facing the Spanish Òstate of exceptionÓ in the wake of globalization. Concerning poetic works written during the 1950s through the democratic period, scholars , such as Andrew Peter Debicki, have focused mainly on style and form, especially in the case of Valente, but little research discusses the elements present in an historical and theoretical context. Therefore, there is a necessity for additional study, especially in light of new theoret ical framework , that would further enhance a poetic capacity for comprehending the circuitous writings of poets who found themselves battling not only their own endeavors of expression, but also the censura established in SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ , under which Valente, V⁄zquez Montalb⁄n , and Panero published. For this reason, it is necessary to consider how these poets articulate the following five key elements , which will be defined at length in this introduction and the subsequent chapters of this di ssertation : nostalgia, trauma, docility , anthropomorphism , and Òempty signifiersÓ . My 6 study will include the theories of Svetlana Boym on nostalgia , Cathy Caruth and Slavoj Zizek on trauma, Michel Foucault on Òdocile bodiesÓ, and Enersto Laclau and Andrews , Van Leeuwen , and Van Baaren on Òempty signifiersÓ and anthropomorphism respectively . These particular poets, along with their aforementioned works, have been selected for a multitude of reasons. Firstly, concerning the works themselves, this dissertati on will study the poetsÕ collections, which begin under Franco and end with a failed transition that has allowed for the continuation of a Spanish Òstate of exceptionÓ . In particular, V⁄zquez Montalb⁄n and ValenteÕs poetry focuses on trauma and nostalgia respectively . Also, in the works of V⁄zquez Montalb⁄n and Panero, the poets re-appropriate the literary works of figures such as Jules Verne and J. M. Barrie, in the case of Panero, and F. Scott Fitzgerald, John Keats, and Antonio Machado, in the case of V⁄zquez Montalb⁄n . Overall, the study of these works, with their employment of devices that resurrect SpainÕs past, in the case of Valente, pop culture, in the case of V⁄zquez Montalb⁄n and Panero, and Galician politics in the case of Rivas, will facilitate a more profound comprehension of Spain from the 1950s to the present , as captured by four unique poetic perspectives . In order to successfully achieve such a feat, this dissertation will offer the following structure. The first two chapters will discuss the historical period of the 1950s through the 1970s in Spain. These chapters will include an analysis of two poetic generations, the Generation of 1956-1971 in which Valente was a member, and los nov™simos , in which V⁄zquez Montalb⁄n and Panero were membe rs. Additionally, Chapter 1 and Chapter 2 will provide a cultural context in which this period can be framed. Chapter 1 will focus on Jos” çngel Valente and his work A modo de esperanza . This poetic collection will be studied in light of Svetlana BoymÕs theories on reflective and restorative nostalgia. In the second chapter , Caruth and ZizekÕs theories on trauma 7 will be consulted in order to gain more insight on V⁄zquez Montalb⁄n Õs use of, an d contempt for, con sumerism in Una educaciŠn sentimental. The next two chapters will cover poetry written from the last thirty -five years. The third chapter will study Leopoldo Mar™a Panero and his works Last river together and El que no v e, both published in 1980. This chap ter will relate the theories of Michel Foucault on Òdocile bodiesÓ to PaneroÕs poems. PaneroÕs conscious and unconscious desires, which resulted from confronting his homosexuality and psychosis, under the shadow of the Franco regime and through the ÒmŠvida Ó, will be documented and analyzed. Lastly, R ivasÕ portrayal of politics , both within Galicia and Spain as a whole, will be discussed in order to understand the Òempty signifierÓ he creates concerning environmental awareness and GaliciaÕs precarious status in the Spanish Òstate of exceptionÓ . The final chapter of this dissertation will be the conclusion. Before commenting on each poet specifically , DebkickiÕs Generation of 1956 -1971 and CastelletÕs nov™simos will be discussed in order to demonstrate how a l yrical product was capable of creating political discourse because of its exceptional position as a minority genre in SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ . Poetry of Discovery (1956-1971) and Nueve n ov™simos poetas e spaŒoles Each of these poets will be studied in an individual chapter in order to provide a synthetic view of the changes, both historical and cultural, that unite these four men. Before embarking on said adventure however, an analysis of two poetic generations is warranted. In his work, Poetry of Discovery (1982), Debicki offers a conglomeration of seven poets: Francisco Brines, Claudio Rodr™guez, çngel Gonz⁄lez, Gloria Fuertes, Jos” çngel Valente, Jaime Gil de Biedma, Carlos 8 Sahagœn, and Eladio CabaŒero, along wit h two other poets whose membership in the group has been in contention, çngel Crespo and Manuel Mantero. This work unites a selection of writers whose poetry illuminates the process of private, and later public, contemplation of their existence as Spaniard s and their reflections on SpainÕs trajectory. This groupÕs generation spans the years of 1956 to 1971, and therefore often captures, through its writings, the evolution of the post -war Spanish society culturally, economically, and politically. Moreover, t hese years capture the slight loos ening of restrictions under the Franco regime as aid from the United States and tourism alimented SpainÕs struggling economy following the Civil War. For poets of the Generation of 1956-1971, writing and reflecting on thei r poetry permitted further comprehension of themselves, and later, that comprehension facilitated their participation in the literary and public spectrum. Debicki observes ValenteÕs role in this process when he states, Ò[he] keeps stressing the ways in whi ch poetry is a unique way of finding and inventing reality Ó (7 -8). In her exploration of the poets of the Generation of 1956 -1971, Silvia Sherno has concluded that many of the discoveries achieved during the process of writing their poetry led to intense introspection. She reflects on çngel Gonzal”z, Carlos Sahagœn, and çngel Valente stating, Ò... these younger poets began to conceive their poetry as a form of meditation and introspection, and of language itself as the medium for cognition and awarenessÓ (1 61). Essentially, by recollecting their memories and perceptions, and by reflecting on them through the writing proces s, they sought a meta -awareness. F inally, through a review of their own completed writings, the poets were sometimes capable of enhancing their own contemplations and conclusions. Jos” Ramos has also commented on this process noting Jos” çngel Valente specifically. He writes, Ò Valente propone una ÔinversiŠn de perspectivaÕ: volver a centrar la 9 consideraciŠn del hecho po”tico en la misma natu raleza del proceso creador, y no en los aspectos Ôutilitarios o finalistasÕ del lenguaje (407). Historians and economists alike have observed the vapidity of the 1940s in Spain. In their book, La EspaŒa del s iglo XX , Jos” Luis Garc™a Delgado and Juan Carlos Jim”nez note that after the 1940s, the country had little room to further plummet into economic despair. They write, Òquiz⁄ porque las cosas no pod™an ir a peor mucho m⁄s, comenzaron a mejorar: desde el comienzo de los aŒos cincuenta eso fue percept ible Ó (371). Manuel V⁄zquez Montalb⁄n has shown his inclination to forget the bleak decade that was the 1940s in Spain altogether. In an interview with Jos ” F. Colmeiro he comments , Ò[ t]rasladado a la historia de EspaŒa estoy completamente de acuerdo con l o que dice Salabert; no se puede tener nostalgia de los aŒos cuarenta Ó ( CrŠnica del d esencanto 281). Rather, for the poet, the 1940s were more about survival than anything else. In his CrŠnica s entimental de EspaŒa (1971) V⁄zquez Montalb⁄n insists that dur ing the 1940s ÒÉ por importarle, no le importaban ni los recuerdos. Sobrevivir Ó (35). Much of the Òpoetry of discoveryÓ grapples with the confrontation between what Giles Tremlett and Jo Labanyi would call a ÒhauntedÓ Spanish past, plagued not only with the memories of the Civil W ar itself but the Ò aŒos de hambre Ó that were the 1940s as well. The 1950s, on the other hand, were years in which the struggle for economic survival would be less aggressive, and the rebuilding of Spanish infrastructure brought with it many positive aspects that set the stage for the 1960s, or the ÒaŒos de desarrolloÓ. In his book, Limits of Convergence , Mauro F. Guill”n comments on the economic and political modifications that aided SpainÕs recovery. He writes, Ò[t]he incorporation of the country and its firms into the global economy has proceeded gradually since 1953, when Spain signed a military and economic treaty with the United States, and especially since 1959, when liberal economic reforms 10 substituted steep tariff barriers for nontariff barriers to tradeÓ (52). These economic dealings, along with the tourism boom, contributed greatly to the exposure of Spanish citizens to other cultures and began the process of globalization for Spain, which was not two decades removed from the debilitating Civil W ar. John K. Walton documents the effects of tourism in his chapter in Spain is (Still) Different . He argues: It was not until the last two decades of the Franco regime that the thaw began, led by a retreat from autarchy under the moder nizing influences of the technocrats of the aperture, and marked especially by a sudden spurt in income from foreign tourism from the end of the 1950s, which in turn helped to reinforce the destabilizing new influences, fashions, and media initiatives that were already well under way by the time of FrancoÕs death in 1975. (114) In addition, Labanyi has also noted an augment in the influx of foreign culture, prepackaged for consumption through tourism and trade, in a Spanish Òstate of exceptionÓ where many yearned for access to the rest of the world. She suggests, Ò[t]he pleasures afforded by the new consumerism also encouraged a complex combination of conformism and new demands, the latter exacerbated by the evident contradiction between increased opportuni ties for material satisfaction at a time when intellectual and creative freedom was still deniedÓ (258). The 1950s, as a decade, have been heralded as a most stark departure from the decade that preceded it. Due to the reforms made by the Franco regime dur ing the 1950s, a less restricted Spain, economically speaking, began experiencing a hint of prosperity that had not shown itself since the first decades of the twentieth century. However, intellectual freedom was still stifled, as Labanyi has noted. Similar to the members of the Generation of 1956 -1971, the members of los nov™simos , such as V⁄zquez Montalb⁄n and Panero, also show more consideration to the poetic product than 11 the language they employed. As J. M. Castellet notes in his anthology Nueve nov™simos poetas espaŒoles (1971), automatic writing played a significant role in the creative process of los nov™simos . In the introduction to his anthology, he notes that los nov™simos demonstrate a lack of preo ccupation for traditional forms. Instead th ey heavily relied upon the employment of automatic writing, collage, ellipsis, syncopation, exotic elements, and artificiality (41 -3). The collage, for instance, is prominent in the poetry of Manuel V⁄zquez Montalb⁄n and Leopoldo Mar™a Panero. Furthermore, through the incorporation of Manuel V⁄zquez Montalb⁄n and Leopoldo Mar™a Panero in this thesis, both groups within los nov™simos are represented as V⁄zquez Montalb⁄n falls into what Castellet names Òlos seniorsÓ , and Panero is part of Òla coquelucheÓ. For both groups within the nov™simos however, the mass media plays a significant role in the creative process as it offered a starting point to connect with the masses . Contemplating the 1950s and 1960s, Castellet notes: Ése impone un tipo de cultura basada en unos mass media de muy baja calidad, pero que por lo mismo obtienen un enraizamiento popular de considerable extensiŠn demogr⁄fica (radio, TV, publicidad, prensa, revistas ilustradas, canciones, tebeos, fotonovelas, etc., a un mero nivel de cultura futb ol™stica). (24) The collaboration of the mass media and the consumer society provoked certain changes in Spain Õs Òstate of exceptionÓ . Labanyi observes, ÒÉthe accumulated social and cultural change s of the 1960s would create a complex, plural civil society whose mounting opposition to the anachronistic inflexibility of FrancoismÕs political structures contributed significantly to the pressure which led to their dismantlingÓ (17). Los nov™simos , therefore, exposed those social and 12 cultural changes in their p oetry with the intention of highlighting their positive and negative effects during the initial years of SpainÕs entrance into a global economy . CastelletÕs anthology was especially innovative due to the poems selected for the work. As it can be noted, ma ny of the poems, notably those of Manuel V⁄zquez Montalb⁄n , were previously published in 1967 in his own work, Una educaciŠn sentimental . Labanyi notes the integral role CastelletÕs anthology played in the expansion of creativity in 1970s Spain . She states Ò[t]he paradox of a highly aestheticized form of writing which derives its inspiration from mass culture is the salient feature of the new generation of writers that emerged around 1970: the date of CastelletÕs seminal anthologyÉÓ (297). In the anthology , creativity was fueled by pop culture and consumerism, which the mass culture willingly devoured in order to figuratively escape SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ, even if for the briefest of moments . Ultimately, while the 1950s began the slow process of economic recovery and reconciliation in Spain, the 1980s would foster a time of unbridled expression, though not always positive in the case of Panero, which was inconceivable when the Franco regime took complete control of Spain in 1939. The political , economic, and cultural changes that occurred between the 1950s and the democratic period will be further explored in the following abstracts for each chapter in this introduction, and later more profoundly in the upcoming chapters of this dissertation. Chapter 1: J.A. Valente: The Victors and Victims of Nostalgia 13 Jos” çngel Valente (1929 -2000), being the eldest on the four poets selected for investigation , will be the focus of the first chapter of this dissertation. ValenteÕs work has received a gr eat deal of critical analysis, but there is a significant lack of a theoretical approach in past studies . As ValenteÕs contributions to Spanish literature are vast, not only through his poetry but also through essays on his poetic process and the poetry of others, he has been justly recognized by many critics, among them Debicki. As a member of the Generation of 1956 -1971, ValenteÕs poetry shares several commonalities with his fellow members such as Carlos Sahagœn, Gloria Fuertes, çngel Gonzal”z, and Jaime Gil de Biedma. His first collection, a three section work entitled A modo de esperanza (1955), has been particularly discussed, as it similar to his other highly acclaimed works, such as Poemas a L⁄zaro (1960), that take memory, loss, and introspection as a central theme. This chapter begins with the literary analysis of A modo de esperanza as a departure point and will embark on a more extensive study by incorporating BoymÕs theories on nostalgia. Nostalgia, as explained by Boym, appears in many poems in A modo de esperanza as the poet reflects on a personal a nd collective past. While the poet employs memory in his poetry to further comprehend the intricacies of his own perceptions of the past, he is often bogged down by it and unable to e scape the plaguing thought that his life has been partly spent, and a death looms that can neither be avoided nor bested. One of the most intriguing aspects of this fascination with nostalgia and memory is the fact that it is so prevalent in his contemplat ions, and later his writings, despite the fact that he was twenty five years old when A modo de esperanza was completed. 14 In her work, The Future of Nost algia , Boym explores several historical employments and understandings of nost algia. In defining nostal gia she writes, Ò[n] ost algia (from nostos - return home, and algia - longing) is a longing for a home that no longer exists or has never existed. Nost algia is a sentiment of loss and displacement, but it is also a romance with oneÕs own fantasy Ó (XIII). Fur thermore, she disseminates two categories of nost algia, which will be explored at length in this section : restorative and reflective. She explains restorative nostalgia as one that ÒÉattempts a transhistorical reconstruction of the lost home [and] Édoes no t think of itself as nost algia , but rather as truth and traditionÓ and reflective as one that ÒÉdelays the homecoming Ð wistfully, ironically, desperatelyÉÓ (XVIII). Before embarking on a thorough analysis of restorative nostalgia, reflective nostalgia mus t be further examined. Reflective nost algia was common among poets and intellectuals because the nation state often had no space for it in its repertoire. Boym states, Ò[c] uriously, intellectuals and poets from different national traditions began to claim that they had a special word for homesickness that was radically untranslatableÉSpanish mal de corazŠn has become part of nostalgic esperanto ÉÓ (12). However, Boym is very clear about the governmentÕs use of nostalgia. She claims, Ò[t] he official memory of the nation -state does not tolerate useless nost algia , nost algia for its own sakeÓ (14). Through his exploration of terms, Valente reflects on a past long gone, a present lost, and a future that could never exist in SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ . In doing so, Valente trespasses the abyss that Boym has termed Òreflective nost algia Ó. Of reflective nost algia she insists that Ò...it can present an ethical and creative challenge, not merely a prete xt for the midnight melancholic Ó (XVIII ). Furthermore, she claims that reflective nost algia Ò...dwells in algia , in longing and loss, 15 the imperfect process of remembranceÓ (41). It is precisely within this painful state of memory limbo t hat Valente finds himself confined before his ÒconversionÓ to the poetic ÒyoÓ. For that reason, ValenteÕs poetry weaves the planes of reality with the metaphysical in order to create a place from which a more complete analysis of SpainÕs trajectory could be determined. Reflective nost algia , which is employed by Valente, ÒÉdoes not follow a single plot but explores ways of inhabiting many places at onceÉÓ ( Boym XVIII). She defines the term by stating, Òreflective nostalgia thrives in algia , the longing its elfÉ Reflective nostalgia dwells on the ambivalences of human longing and belongings and does not shy away from the contradictions of modernityÓ (XVIII). For Valente, the present and the future are unattainable until he can, if possible, know his past, and therefore, himself. Debicki observes, ÒValenteÕs first book of poems is centered on the themes of death and loss. Again and again the poemÕs speaker focuses on episodes of death, and in doing so raises questions regarding his place in the scheme of things and regarding the hum an condition in generalÓ (104). Boym comments that reflective nost algia itself ÒÉcherishes shattered fragments of memory and temporalizes spaceÓ (49). These fragments of memory materialize consistently in the form of several themes , such as death and loss, which appear abundantly throughout ValenteÕs first work. Valente demonstrates his ability , as a reflective nostalgic poet , to have contact with the physical reality in which he finds himself, and the metaphysical reality his poetic ÒyoÓ explores by discussing death. The theme of death, as it is abundant throughout A modo de esperanza and will be discussed in Chapter 1, is employed by Valente , by way of reflective nostalgia, in order to expose the erroneous logic exercised by the Franco regime through its use of restorative nost algia . 16 It is clear in A modo de esperanza that Valente was trapped in a state of constant reflection through the process of producing his poetry. His use of reflective n ostalgia also put him at odds with the regime as they worked to return Spain to its imperial past through restorative nostalgia. Boym explains the process by discussing how restorative nostalgia ÒÉmanifests itself in total reconstructions of monuments of t he pastÓ which would involve resurrecting the Spanish Empire and strengthening the Holy Catholic Church (41). Under the Franco regime it was more important to accept whatever ÒhomeÓ they created without reflecting on its merits or shortcomings. This is a c ritical component of restorative nostalgia as it Òis at the core of recent national and religious revivalsÓ in the world (Boym XVIII). The revival of some of the most stringent Catholic missteps, such as creating enemies out of people who did not share the same ideological views , was a genuine focus of the Franco regime. Establishing an enemy, as Franco saw it, was a critical aspect in his maintenance of power and control over Spain and its citizens. As Boym notes, this is built within restorative nostalgi a. Of restorative nostalgia she insists Ò[it] knows two main narrative plots Ð the restoration of origins and the conspiracy theory, characteristic of the most extreme cases of contemporary nationalism fed on right -wing popular cultureÓ (43). Therefore, Fr ancoÕs efforts to restore Spain to its past glories, in addition to the demonization of defeated repub licans, required his ÒnewÓ Spanish Òstate of exceptionÓ to have a visible enemy and a direct connection to the Spanish empire of the 16th century. The cre ation of an imagined enemy is very similar to what Hitler did in Germany. Paul Preston discusses FrancoÕs support of HitlerÕs Nazi agenda at the beginning of his tenure stating, ÒFranco praised the anti -Semitic legislation, declaring that the prosecution o f Jews by the fifteenth -century Catholic monarchs Ferdinand and Isabel had shown the Nazis the wayÓ (471). 17 As the Nazis went on to create an enemy in the Jewish people, Franco would also invent an enemy in any, and every, Spaniard that was not supportive o f him during the Civil War. What Boym calls the Òconspiratorial worldviewÓ goes on to Ò[r]eflect a nostalgia for a transcendental cosmology and a simple pre -modern conception of good and evil. The conspiratorial worldview is based on a single transhistoric al plot, a Manichaean battle of good and evil and the eventual scapegoating of the mythical enemyÓ (43). According to Boym, the use of conspiracy theory is a multifaceted approach that works on various levels simultaneously. Boym insists, Òconspiracy is used pejoratively, to designate a subversive kinship to others, an imagined community based on exclusion more than affection, a union of those who are not with us, but against usÓ (43). She also notes how conspiracy works against the imagined community, as s uggested by Benedict Anderson. Boym explains further, ÒÔTheyÕ conspire against ÔourÕ homecoming, thus ÔweÕ have to conspire against ÔthemÕ in order to restore ÔourÕ imagined community. This way, conspiracy theory can come to substitute for the conspiracy i tselfÓ (43). çngel Palomino and Paul Preston have documented the dichotomy created by Franco after the war. They state, Ò[c]uesta reconciliar la visiŠn de Franco como magn⁄nimo patriota con el lenguaje psicopatolŠgico con que los franquistas describ™an a sus compatriotas izquierdistas: seres infrahumanos, sucia, repugnante degenerada y pestilente escoria depravada, alimaŒas, rameras y criminalesÓ (195). Thus, Franco merely had to create a Òstate of exceptionÓ fueled by conspiracy and driven by the paranoia of the threat of a perceived enemy. This allowed for the self-propulsion of his panoptic state that would turn Spaniards against themselves and each other. Uniting those who did not support his efforts during the Civil War, either by direct support thro ugh participating in the war effort or indirectly by withholding support of either side during the conflict, was another way for Franco to consolidate his power and exercise control 18 over his, and now SpainÕs, enemies. P reston comments, Ò[t] he long -term ins titutionalization of FrancoÕs victory required the perfection of the machinery of state terror to protect and oversee the original investment. For that reason, the martial law declared in July 1936 was not rescinded until 1948Ó (471). This act, along with many other oppressive mechanisms installed by the Franco regime, was sustained by the manipulation of conspiracy theory inherent in restorative nostalgia. Boym postulates that the ÒÉ paranoiac construction of home is predicated on the fantasy of persecution . This is not simply Ôforgetting of realityÕ but a psychotic substitution of actual experiences with a dark conspiratorial vision: the creation of a delusionary homelandÓ (43). FrancoÕs attempt to restore Spain to its glorious imperial and Catholic past by positioning the participants of the defeated republican movement as a viable enemy is the clearest evidence of said Òpsychotic substitutionÓ. The prosecution of SpainÕs enemies was bolstered by this act of substitution and a manipulation of nostalgia. Fir st, as Preston notes, Ò[m]en and women were condemned to death for participation in crimes not on the basis of direct evidence but because the prosecutor extrapolated from their known Republican, Socialist, Communist, or anarchist convictions that Ôthey mu st have taken partÕÓ (475). Furthermore, Boym discusses how distance and displacement, which are caused by the homecoming process restorative nostalgia works to accomplish, can be overlooked through the manipulation of memory. She argues restorative nosta lgia ÒÉtakes care of both of these symptoms. Distance is compensated by intimate experience and the availability of a desired object. Displacement is cured by a return home, preferably a collective one. Never mind if itÕs not your home; by the time you rea ch it, you will have already forgotten the differenceÓ (44). The Franco regime, therefore, would create a caricature of Spain, portraying it as a state that had been drawn away from its noble imperial and Catholic aspirations by the left leaning liberal 19 government of the Second Republic that fostered an environment within which intellectuals could trespass freely. Preston goes on to comment on how Enrique SuŒer OrdŠŒez, the man Franco made president of the Tribunal of Political Responsibilities, dealt with the so -called enemies of Spain. He cites SuŒerÕs unflinching hatred of leftist intellectuals saying: The aim of war, wrote SuŒer, was Ôto strengthen the raceÕ for which Ôit is necessary to bring about the total extirpation of our enemies, of those front -line intellectuals who brought about this catastropheÕ. Determined to eliminate any intellectual who had contributed to the liberal culture of the Republic, SuŒer sent many denunciations to the rebel intelligence service, the Servicio de InformaciŠn Militar. (506) In essence , the Franco regime was attempting to rid its ÒpatriaÓ of many of the social and cultural changes it felt were making Spain too liberal. In his mind, Spain could not return to its former glory while merely one enemy survived to offer an alternate vision of what the Òstate of exceptionÓ could be. Therefore, it is restorative nostalgia, as employed by Franco, that causes the forgetting of a past home in order for a successful Òpsychotic substitutionÓ of a new one to occur. Valente, on the other hand, through an exploration of reflective nostalgia, which deals particularly with memory and loss, would go on to oppose Franco and take on the role of prophetic witness to the violent undertakings the Franco regime employed to secure its lost home. The tendency of po inting out the Òcontradictions of modernityÓ instead of achieving the Òreconstruction of a lost homeÓ is not only present in his is inaugural collection, but also in the works that he spent his life shaping such as Poemas a L⁄zaro (1960), La m emoria y los signos 20 (1966), and Fragmentos de un libro f uturo (2000) . If ValenteÕs intentions are to be comprehended, the theories on memory and nostalgia must be applied to his works because more insight can be obtained about the manner in which he experienced and emp loyed the poetic process. This chapter will employ BoymÕs terms Òreflective nostalgiaÓ and Òrestorative nostalgiaÓ in order to contrast ValenteÕs perspective on Spanish life following the Civil W ar with that of the regimeÕs. While the regime strived to rec reate the lost Spanish empire by forming a Òstate of exceptionÓ , Valente would pine for the yesteryears when free expression and political debate were possible. Chapter 2: Manuel V⁄zquez Montalb⁄n : Trauma -Induced Neurosis Manuel V⁄zquez Montalb⁄n (1939-2003) enjoyed fame as a novelist, essayist, journalist, and poet, among other honors. His novels, which include the Carvalho series, have received a great deal of attention. Along with his essays, his novels have been dissected and consumed by many critic s. His poetry, on the other hand, seems to have received far less attention, despite the fact that it has no less originality nor worth . As a member of Òlos seniorsÓ in CastelletÕs anthology of los nov™simos , V⁄zquez Montalb⁄n Õs poetry contains an innovati ve re -appropriation of both ideas and movements that he supported and despised. In order to promote what he felt was a more desirable Spain, V⁄zquez Montalb⁄n , in opposition to previous poets such as Valente, offered sharp criticism for nostalgic Spaniards and the endless consumerism in his society. By portraying an enhanced caricature of consumerism and trauma in his poetry, V⁄zquez Montalb⁄n was able to offer a collage of his continued suffering as a liberal poet in SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ . Concerni ng his use of collage Castellet writes: 21 V⁄zquez Montalb⁄n es el que hace una utilizaciŠn menos histŠrico -literario y m⁄s pop de sus ÔcollagesÕ: letras de canciŠn, frases publicitarias, fragmentos de discursos, textos de manual de instrucciones, etc., quier en si gnificar exactamente lo que son Ðcomo las etiquetas de botes de conserva pegadas en un cuadro pop cualquiera Ð y su fuerza mayor es, precisamente, la de la imperatividad que les confiere su inmediatez. (42) V⁄zquez Montalb⁄nÕs experiences with trauma caused him to reflect on consumerism, as prepackaged by pop culture and mass media, and he requisitioned consumerism to criticize those who blindly and thoughtlessly pursued the inherent fantasy it perpetuated . In order to further understand the trauma V⁄zquez Montalb⁄n was forced to continuously confront in his life, a trauma that caused him to be a self diagnosed workaholic, this dissertation will discuss Zizek and CaruthÕs theories on the term . First, Zizek arugues Ò[t]he obsessi onal neurotic aims at complete control over what he is for the Other: he wants to prevent, by means of compulsive rituals, the OtherÕs desire from emerging in its radical heterogeneity, as incommensurable with what he thinks he is for himselfÓ ( The Metasta sis of Enjoyment 177). This neurosis fueled by trauma can account for the abundance of literary and culture production carried out by the poet. In her chapter , ÒTrauma and Experience Ó, Caruth discusses various causes of trauma and a brief commentary of t he termÕs conception. She posits, Ò[t]he phenomenon of trauma has seemed to become so all -inclusive, but it has done so precisely because it brings us to the limits of our understanding: if psychoanalysis, psychiatry, sociology, and even literature are beg inning to hear each other anew in the study of trauma, it is because they are listening through the radical disruption and gaps of traumatic experience Ó (Caruth 200). She later notes that the incessantness of trauma envelops the person it plagues. She writ es, Ò[t]he pathology consists, rather, solely in 22 the structure of its experience or reception: the event is not assimilated or experienced fully at the time, but only belatedly, in its repeated possession of the one who experiences itÓ (200). This Òposses sionÓ over the afflicted, along with the Òcompulsive ritualÓ discussed by Zizek, is a recurring torture that can manifest itself through the witnessing of new trauma or the simple act of remembering. Also, while trauma takes possession of the afflicted, th e same cannot be said for the reverse. Caruth argues, Ò[t]rauma, that is, does not simply serve as record of the past but precisely registers the force of an experience that is not yet fully ownedÉThe phenomenon of trauma, as they suggest, both urgently de mands historical awareness and yet denies our usua l modes of access to itÓ (151). The main issue then, is that trauma cannot be remembered in its entirety, which leads to a failure to capture a comprehensive understanding of the traumatic event, and theref ore overcome it. Caruth further explains, Ò[t]o be traumatized is precisely to be possessed by an image or event. And thus the traumatic symptom cannot be interpreted, simply, as a distortion of reality, nor as the lending of unconscious meaning to a reali ty it wishes to ignore, nor as the repression of what once was wishedÓ (200). This ÒpossessionÓ would manifest through the act of writing, an act intrinsically married to memory. Once the mind is employed for the writing process, it leads the traumatized p erson back to the intangible location of the trauma. But, as Caruth states, traumatic events cannot be fully captured in speech or writing. She claims, ÒÉthe most striking feature of traumatic recollection is the fact that it is not a simple memoryÉwhile t he images of traumatic reenactment remain absolutely accurate and precise, they are largely inaccessible to conscious recall and controlÓ (151). The Òcompulsive ritualÓ that is the writing process can lead the writer to the very edge of the traumatic site, but it does not allow for the traumatized person to fully enter into it, as was the case for V⁄zquez Montalb⁄n . 23 Also, as more history is revisited and more art is created, additional fragmented traumas are recalled and relived. Caruth explains further st ating: It is this literality and its insistent return which thus constitutes trauma and points toward its enigmatic core: the delay or incompletion in knowing, or even in seeing, an overwhelming occurrence that then remains, in its insistent return, absol utely true to the event. It is indeed this truth of traumatic experience that forms the center of its pathology or symptoms; it is not a pathology, that is, of falsehood or displacement of meaning, but of history itself. (201) In his obsession to produce more material, V⁄zquez Montalb⁄n was constantly barraged by the traumas he faced first hand and the traumas experienced by others. Put in simple terms, waking up every morning could be somewhat traumatic. Caruth explains how mere survival is related to tra uma. She claims, ÒÉthe fact that, for those who undergo trauma, it is not only the moment of the event, but the passing out of it that is traumatic; that survival itself , in other words, can be a crisisÉÓ (204). This would be a lifelong struggle then, and Dominick Lacapra has substantiated these findings. He writes, Ò[i]ndeed there is a sense in which, while we may work on its symptoms, trauma, once it occurs, is a cause that we cannot directly change or healÓ (207). Zizek has also commented on the predicam ent of trauma. He goes further than Lacapra when he writes: Herein lies the traumaÕs vicious cycle: the trauma is the Cause which perturbs the smooth engine of symbolization and throws it off balance; it gives rise to an indelible inconsistency in the sym bolic field; but for all that, the trauma has no existence of its own prior to symbolization; it remains an anamorphic entity that gains its consistency only in retrospect, viewed from within the symbolic horizon 24 - it acquires its consistency from the str uctural necessity of the inconsistency of the symbolic field. (31) Despite the fact that trauma is constantly confronted, often without solicitation , the afflicted person is forced to face a failure to understand the trauma, properly document it, and heal from the damage it causes. Caruth continues: The trauma thus requires integration, both for the sake of testimony and for the sake of a cure. But on the other hand, the transformation of the trauma into a narrative memory that allows the story to be verbal ized and communicated, to be integrated into oneÕs own, and othersÕ, knowledge of the past, may lose both the precision and the force that characterizes traumatic recall. (153) CaruthÕs last point is significant because Castellet has commented on the autob iog raphical nature of MVMÕs poetry and has concluded that memory, both social and personal, is paramount in V⁄zquez Montalb⁄nÕs writings . Castellet writes that MVMÕs poetry Ò[s]e trata de un encuadre histŠrico , perfectamente delimitado, en el que transcurre la vida del poeta. Por otra parte, nada de lo que es cotidiano le es ajeno. Es m⁄s: porque lo cotidiano es historia personal y colectiva, su mundo de referentes imaginarios surge de la cotidianidad de la historiaÓ ( Nueve nov™simos 52). V⁄zquez M ontalb⁄n has also mentioned the employment of history in his work. In an interview with Ingrid Galster he stated, ÒÉ mi obra es una constante afirmaciŠn del papel de la historia. Aunque, evidentemente, existe el relativismo ante las grandes afirmaciones, an te las grandes creencias puede ser similar, puede ser incompatibleÓ (75). Therefore, V⁄zquez Montalb⁄nÕs Òcompulsive ritualÓ of writing led him to repeatedly face the traumas of his life in an attempt to document a true history that would confront the offi cial History of the Spanish Òstate of exceptionÓ created by the Franco regime. 25 His poems in Una educaciŠn s entimental (1967), which is compiled of three sections including ÒEl libro de los antepasadosÓ, Ò Una educaciŠn sentimental Ó, and ÒArs amandiÓ , will undergo a detailed analysis that considers Caruth and ZizekÕs theories on the impossibility of fully documenting and understanding the traumatic experience. Furthermore, in light of his comments on nostalgia, or more clearly, his disdain for nostalgia, it would be prudent to note how V⁄zquez Montalb⁄n consistently confronted the past against his will, instead of fondly remembering, while becoming mired in an historical traumatic experience in post Civil War Spain. In an interview with Jos” F. Colmeiro, V⁄zquez Montalb⁄n stated: Yo estoy totalmente en contra de la nostalgia. Para m™ la nostalgia no es sŠlo un errorÉ La nostalgia no es lo que era . La nostalgia para m™ es un sentimiento fugaz condicionado sobre todo por una experiencia personal. Puedo sentir nostalgia de un momento de convivencia con alguien que ya no existe. Pero es algo muy distinto sentir nostalgia de una ”poca por el simple hecho de que extraes de tu memoria lo m⁄s favorable de esa ”poca. (280) However, t raumatic undertones can be observed i n some of his poems and novels as Castellet suggests in his introduction to Memoria y d eseo. Castellet notes: Algo y alguien Ðel amor, la responsabilidad ante el pasado, quiz⁄s, o acaso, su solid aridad con otros seres anŠnimos Ð le han empujado hasta donde no hay m⁄s que una profundidad insondable o la vaga ilusiŠn de un horizonte inalcanzable. Ante ellos y desde las nostalgias que he citado anteriormente se plantea la huida, tema recurrente, no sŠlo en la poes™a sino, tambi”n en la obra novel™stica del auto rÓ (26). 26 Having taken CastelletÕs conclusions into account, a rereading of V⁄zquez Montalb⁄n Õs poetry is necessary in order to document the presence of trauma in his poetry and the fantasy he rejected in SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ . While the Spanish masses sought refuge in the whimsical circumstances depicted in pop culture, V⁄zquez Montalb⁄n worked to create an improved Spain that could have a more prosperous, and less restricted, future. Chapter 3: Leopoldo Mar™a Panero: Dark Tho ughts and ÒDocile BodiesÓ Leopoldo Mar™a Panero (1948 -2014) has been one of the most outspoken Spanish poets of the 20 th and 21 st centuries. Last river together (1980) and the four section work, El que no Ve (1980), are examples of his brazen style of expression and include references to such figures as vampires, spies, and criminals, as well as many sexual and violent acts. Although Panero appears in CastelletÕs anthology, besides the monograph Poes™a comple ta: 1970 -2000 (2001) and Visor LibrosÕ collection entitled, Leopoldo Mar™a Panero: Poes™a 1970 -1985 (1986), there is not an abundance of analysis available on his poetry . Because of his history of having a fragile mental state, PaneroÕs work has been besm irched by the blemishes associated with his character. In commenting on the poet, Eugenio Garc™a Fern⁄ndez states, Ò[e]xiste entre ”l y su espejo, la poes™a, una correlaciŠn ™ntima, casi obscenaÓ (23). The obscenity yielded by PaneroÕs mania can be indicat ive of his peripheral status among what Foucault has termed Òdocile bodiesÓ of the Spanish society in which he was born. The psychological problems he experienced led Panero to a lifetime of internments in mental health facilities. His contempt led him to idealize characters such as vampires, spies, and criminals who were free of empathy and thus allowed to pursue all of their desires without 27 hesitation or consideration of social norms. Throughout the poems presented in Last river together and El que no v e, Panero will continue to direct his anger and frustration towards the Òdocile bodiesÓ that allowed the failure of the transition in a unique, and poetically vulgar, fashion. Countless laws and cultural practices were instituted under the Franco regime wit h the goal of creating a population of what Foucault terms a Òdocile bodyÓ. His definition of a Òdocile bodyÓ involves one ÒÉthat may be subjected, used transformed, and improvedÓ (136). It must be noted that FoucaultÕs assertion that the body will be Òimp rovedÓ refers to the manipulatorÕs opinion and not that of the manipulated. A Òdocile bodyÓ can be created through discipline, among other tools. Foucault argues: Édiscipline produces subjected and practiced bodies, ÔdocileÕ bodies. Discipline increases th e forces of the body (in economic terms of utility) and diminishes these same forces (in political terms of obedience). In short, it dissociates power from the body; on the one hand, it turns it into an ÔaptitudeÕ, a ÔcapacityÕ, which it seeks to increase; on the other hand, it reverses the course of the energy, the power that might result from it, and turns it into a relation of strict subjection. (138) The aforementioned maintenance of a conglomeration of Òdocile bodiesÓ is achieved through a multistep a pproach according to Foucault. He argues that first, Ò[t]he individual body becomes an element that may be placed, moved, articulated on othersÓ (164). Here, the body is first ÒsegmentedÓ, then instructed on the various operations it can complete. Through a forced discipline program, such as compulsory military service for young adults and educational 28 services through the Catholic Church for children, the body can be programed to function as the controller desires. Similar to the discipline the Church dema nded of the faithful, Foucault also notes its importance in the creation of Òdocile bodiesÓ. He argues, the Òdocile bodyÓ, now tailor made, can be placed with others like it with the goal of achieving a mechanized union. Foucault writes that Ò[t]he various chronological series that discipline must combine to form a composite time are also pieces of machinery. The time of each must be adjusted to the time of the others in such a way that the maximum quantity of forces may be extracted from each and combined with the optimum resultÓ (164 -5). Upon creating this single, precisely functioning cog, a Òdocile bodyÓ can be (re)introduced to its society, where it can, in total alignment, work to create whatever its operator desires. In this process of creating Òdocil e bodiesÓ Foucault mentions the critical importance of the educational system. He writes: But it was probably in primary education that this adjustment of different chronologies was to be carried out more subtletyÉa complex clockwork of the mutual improvem ent school was built cog by cog: first, the oldest pupils were entrusted with tasks involving supervision, the checking of work, then of teaching; in the end, all the time of all the pupils was occupied with teaching or with being taught. The school became a machine for lea rning, in which each pupil, each level and each moment, if correctly combined, were permanently utilized in the general process of teaching. (165) Foucault finalizes his explanation with a summary of the benefits reaped upon reaching the goals he previously indicated. He concludes ÒÉthat discipline creates out of the bodies it controls four types of individuality, or rather an individual that is endowed four characteristics: it 29 is cellular (by the play of spatial distribution), it is organ ic (by the coding of activities), it is genetic (by the accumulation of time), it is combinatory (by the composition of forces)Ó (167). Panero will use his poetry to continually attack the Spanish society composed of these Òdocile bodiesÓ that surround him and the Òstate of exceptionÓ that manufactured and prolonged their repression . While so many of his countrymen applauded the transition , Panero was outspoken about what he perceived to be a slow paced transition to democracy and a false mŠvida due to the large contingent of FrancoÕs followers in the new Spanish government of the democratic period. In his work, there is little room for the nostalgia discussed by Valente, nor for focusing on collective traumas, as was the case for V⁄zquez Montalb⁄n. Chapter 4: Manuel Rivas: Poetry and ÒEmpty signifiersÓ in SpainÕs State of Exception Manuel Rivas (1957 -) is not only one of th e most promine nt Galician poets but also, one of SpainÕs most exported and translated authors. His latest work, La desapariciŠn de la nieve (2009), was written in Galician and translated into Castilian, Basque, and Catalan. This work, with four unique versions of the s ame original poetic arrangement presented in the same text , is his response to the failure to rectify the political and cultural shortcomings in the Òstate of exceptionÓ that Spain continues to be . This flawed transition has been discussed by Noa Rios Berga ntinhos who has written the following: The term ÔSpanish transitionÕ is conventionally used to refer to the historical period between the end of FrancoÕs dictatorship in November 1975 and the subsequent consolidation of the Spanish state as a parliamentary monarchy. In Galiza, as in the rest of the state territories, the break between the Francoist 30 regime and the new political and administrative structures was not fully achieved, a fact that is today viewed as one of the most debilitating aspects of contemp orary politics in the Spanish state. (195) Moreover, in addition to the political failures of the transition, Guillem Mart™nez has focused on the effects the transition has had on Spanish culture. He writes: La cultura de hecho, est⁄ notoriamente desactiva da como tal en 1977, cuando, ante el silencio de la cultura y sin mecanismos culturales de cr™tica, se producen los Pactos de la Moncloa, primer pacto oficial del franquismo con la oposiciŠn, que supuso la eliminaciŠn de los movimientos sociales y el aband ono de propuestas democr⁄ticas m⁄s amplias Ð como, snif, la democracia econŠmica Ð. El abandono, vamos, de lo que hab™a sido la izquierda del interior en los œltimos aŒos de franquismo. (4 -5) Therefore, it is clear that by removing what small political adva nces the left made immediately after the end of the Franco regime, the transition was stifled in the bog of nostalgic Spaniards who enjoyed the prosperous later years under the Caudillo . Finally, as Joseba Gabilondo argues, Galicia is an exceptional space for analyzing the failures of the transition . He claims: In this context, Galician studies constitute perhaps a privileged space from which to challenge Iberian studies through a postnationalist theory that addresses state violence. The reason is that, d ue to the lack of nationalist hegemonyÉGalicia permits us to study state violence without conflating its history with a nationalist clash between center and periphery. In short, Galicia allows us to study the effects 31 of state violence on a subaltern, non -nationalist, populist organization of culture, also defined by its chronic migrational history. (ÒThe Big OtherÓ) This is due to, in no small way, the time of Fraguismo , or the years 1989 to 2005 in which Manuel Fraga wielded considerable political power within his nacionalidad histŠrica and most certain ly prevented many of the political advances for which Rivas has been advocating by pursuing a nationalist approach to Gal ician politics . The greatest example of this would be the sinking of the Prestige oil tanker off the Galician coastline, which would result in Fraga losing his political power due to political incompetence in the face of an avoidable disaster. Therefore, through his poetry, Rivas continues to examine and criticize Galician and Spanish politics from the transition to today in order to achieve his goal of causing a political transformation from FrancoÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ to a modern Spanish state that give s true political autonomy to its nacionalidades histŠricas . While his narrative and journalistic works outnumber his poetic texts, Rivas has consistently attributed a higher value to poetry. Miguel çngel Villena has quoted Rivas on his stance concerning t he importance of poetry. The poet states, Ò [l] a poes™a se hallar™a en el nœcleo centralÉlos cuentos en el c™rculo siguiente y despu”s ya vendr™an el teatro, la novela y las leyendasÓ ( El Pa™s Villena). It is through poetry therefore, that Rivas works to se cure GaliciaÕs future after a failed transition by uniting Galicians, and later all Spaniards, by propagating environmental awareness through discursive politics based on what Ernesto Laclau has termed an Òempty signifierÓ, which in the case of Rivas mater ializes in the form of an anthropomorphized nature. Later, he inspires political changes by disseminating his own political signifiers to a unified audience capable of breaking from the Spanish Òstate of exceptionÓ . 32 According to Laclau, Ò[a]n empty signif ier can, consequently, only emerge if there is a structural impossibility in signification as such, and only if this impossibility can signify itself as an interruption (subversion, distortion, etcetera) of the structure of the signÓ (37). In discussing the topic of environmental destruction, which is for Rivas is one of the most pressing political proble ms of today, he creates an Òempty signifierÓ through the depiction of a phenomenon that his government is not adequately addressing. Laclau explains furthe r, Ò[t]his emptying of a particular signifier of its particular, differential signified is, as we saw, what makes possible the emergence of ÔemptyÕ signifiers as the signifiers of a lack, of an absent totalityÉThe presence of empty signifiers Ð in the sens e that we have defined them Ð is the very condition of hegemonyÓ (42-3). Rivas continues to challenge the hegemony of the Spanish Òstate of exceptionÓ through the inclusion of Òempty signifiersÓ in his poetry. Laclau explains how this is possible stating, ÒÉin a climate of extreme repression any mobilization for a partial objective will be perceived not only as related to the concrete demand for objectives of that struggle, but also as an act of opposition against the systemÓ (40). In the Spanish Òstate of exceptionÓ , Rivas will continue to advance his arguments in the same manner in which his poetic predecessors had successfully employed. In order to accomplish this, Rivas works first to inspire his readers to align themselves with him in his quest of promo ting the ever -popular environmental awareness movement by anthropomorphizing nature, which he will convert into an Òempty signifierÓ. Then, he presents his own political and social predilections, which are much more divisive, in order to gain his readerÕs support for them as well. In order to explain how Rivas uses an anthropomorphized nature as an Òempty signifierÓ it is important to consider Hidden Persuasion . In their book, Hidden Persuasion , Andrews, Van Leeuwen, and Van Baaren introduce successful techniques on social influence, and among them, 33 anthropomorphism is highly effective. They explain the term stating, Ò[a]nthropomorphism is the tendency to describe and visualize animals or non -living things using human characteristicsÓ (104). By giving the objects human characteristics, it is easier to empathize and relate to them. They continue stating, Ò[a]nthropomorphism makes us bond with objects. When we anthropomorphize, we think that the ob ject, brand, product, or animal is actually more like us. We tend to add thoughts and emotions which stimulates liking and empathy for the objectÓ (108). This process can be done through visual, audio, or textual forms. Regarding textual bodies, which is w hat will be studied here, the authors suggest, ÒÉin text, we can describe an object in a human -like way by providing feelings, thoughts it may have, or an experience it may undergoÓ (108). Rivas therefore, will use anthropomorphism to present nature as a v ictim that needs a unified human consortium to save it. After having united his audience by creating a common goal that can only be met through collaboration and thereby reducing it to be an Òempty signifierÓ, Rivas then adds his political ideas to the tex t, thus inserting the polarizing positions into a broader , more accepted point of departure. The poems in La desapariciŠn de la n ieve (2009) can be divided into two different sections based on the Òempty signifierÓ concerning ecology and RivasÕ own politi cal and social stances . These two sections contain poems that are not in sequential order, but rather a grouping that illuminates the rigors of being a nacionalidad histŠrica in SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ and the poetÕs proposed political solutions on both the local and state levels. 34 Conclusion This dissertation will have the limited focus of analyzing poetic collections written by Jos” çngel Valente, Manuel V⁄zquez Montalb⁄n , Leopoldo Mar™a Panero, and Manuel Rivas. Although it is not possible in this venue to complete an all -encompassing analysis of these four poets, this dissertation can serve as a unadulterated depiction of SpainÕs political and cultural history during the last six decades as portrayed by poets writing in a Òstate of exceptionÓ . By incorporating theory into the study of poetry, which as of this moment has been scarcely done, this dissertation has been written with the intention of making a positive contribu tion to the critical corpus of peninsular Spanish poetry. Further more, by electing said theory on trauma, nostalgia, Òdocile bodiesÓ, and Òempty signifiersÓ in the Spanish Òstate of exceptionÓ , this dissertation establishes, as a principal goal, to demonst rate how poetry, as a n exceptional genre, can create political discourse in a space where it is all but impossible . Therefore, I will argue that the poetry to be studied in this dissertation signals and deconstructs the historical and political contradictions created by the Franco regime and maintained in a Òstate of exceptionÓ after his death . These poets reveal how a globalized Spain pursuing a nationalist agenda has failed to confront the past, vis a vis the pacto del olvido . Even with the ar rival of democracy and globalization in Spain, Valente, V⁄zquez Montalb⁄n , Panero, and Rivas insist on the continuity of SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ while other figures, and even literary genres, consider it resolved. 35 Chapter 1 J.A. Valente: The Victors and Victims of Nostalgia 36 If we open a quarrel between the past and present, we shall find that we have lost the future. Winston Churchill For nearly forty years, Spanish citizens lived under FrancoÕs oppressive regime, which worked tirelessly on innumerable levels to indoctrinate its people with tailored histories and agendas. In this setting, poetry proved invaluable as its verses exposed the changes, often violent, Spain was experiencing at the hands of a fascist government. Jos” çngel Valente (1929 -2000) was one such poet who discussed SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ while living under the Franco regime and through the periphery of exile afte r he fled Spain in 1956. Valente, as will been shown in the cases of V⁄zquez Montalb⁄n and Panero, wrote his poetry, whose true message often escaped the censura , in order to present alternatives to the propaganda of the Franco regime. Their poetic works w ould go on to establish the genre of poetry as a means for highlighting the cultural and political faults in the Spanish Òstate of exceptionÓ and promoting change, even into the democratic period, as will be demonstrated by the four poets studied in this dissertation. Concerning the utility of ValenteÕs poetry, Garc™a Berrio notes how it was a Ò[d] escenso a la memoria de s™ mismo, del propio cuerpo; descenso en la memoria colectiva, la de la especie y el sufrimiento humano ; y descenso mineral hacia la memoria universal del cosmos, de la materia: el centro al f inÓ (26 ). ValenteÕs poetry chronicle s an existence in SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ through the following works: A modo de esperanza (1955), Poemas a L⁄zaro (1960), La memoria y los s ignos (1966), Siete r epresentaciones (1967), Breve s on (1968), PresentaciŠn y memorial para un m onumento (1970), El i nocente (1970), Interior con f iguras (1976), Material memoria (1980), Tres lecciones de t inieblas (1980), Mandorla (1982), El f ulgor (1984), Treinta y sie te f ragmentos (1989), Al dios del l ugar (1989), No amanece el c antor (1992), C⁄ntigas de 37 Al”n (1995) and Fragmentos de un libro f uturo (2000). This chapter will study A modo de esperanza , a three -section work whose titles are Section I, II, and III, which is the commencement of ValenteÕs poetic oeuvre. A modo de esperanza shows the evolution of ValenteÕs poetic ÒyoÓ, a term that will be subsequently discussed in Section I of this chapter. Much of ValenteÕs work has been analyzed and discussed for its themat ic explorations as well as its poetic mechanics. However, by reanalyzing ValenteÕs poetry in light of memory, as discussed by Nietzsche, and nost algia , as discussed by Svetla na Boym, a new understanding of ValenteÕs critical consciousness can be gained. This goal is substantiated by Claudio Rodriguez Fer. He argues , Ò[m] anifestaciŠn de la verdadera vanguardia y conciencia critica de la sociedad contempor⁄nea, la obra literaria y la reflexiŠn intelectual de Jos” çngel Valente constituyen, en suma, una apor taciŠn honesta, radical, completa, y absolutamente ejemplar a la cultura de la bœsqueda y del conocimiento Ó (Jos” çngel Valente 14). First, in order to study A modo de esperanza anew, memory will be discussed following Nietzsche, and later it will be integ rated with BoymÕs theories on nost algia, in order to demonstrate how ValenteÕs particular use of reflective nost algia illumina tes and criticizes the flaws in the Franco regimenÕs employment of restorative nost algia in SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ . In Secti on I of this chapter, entitled ÒMemory vs. (m)emory Ó, NietzscheÕs theories on memory will be discussed as they relate, in the words of the poet, to a ÒconversionÓ to the poetic ÒyoÓ. Following the introduction, Sections II -V will employ the aforementioned theories in the analysis of the three sections of ValenteÕs A modo de esperanza . 38 Section I : Memory vs. (m)emory Throughout his many works, Nietzsche discusses the power of forgetfulness in memory. He observes: Forgetfulness is no t just a vis intertiae , as superficial people believe, but it is rather an active ability to suppress, positive in the strongest sense of the word, to which we owe the fact that what we simply live through, experience, take in, no more enters our consciousness during digestion (one could call it spiritual ingestion) than does the thousand fold process which takes place with our physical consumption of food, our so called ingestion. To shut the doors and windows of consciousness for a while; not to be bothered by the noise and ba ttle with which our underworld of serviceable organs work with and against each other; a little piece, a little tabula rasa of consciousness to make room for something new, above all for the nobler functions and functionaries, for ruling, predicting, pre -determining (our organism runs along oligarchic lines, you see) Ð that, as I said, is the benefit of active forgetfulness, like the doorkeeper or the guardian of mental order, rest and etiquette: from which we can immediately see how there could be no happi ness, cheerfulness, hope, pride, immediacy, without forgetfulness. ( On the Genealogy of Morals 38) The labeled Òspiritual ingestionÓ is akin to the poetic process Valente describes though his texts and speeches on the formation of the poetic ÒyoÓ through m emory. It is precisely his poetic ÒyoÓ that will divulge so many of the Franco regimeÕs offenses against the Spanish people. 39 In an interview with Nuria Fern ⁄ndez Quesada, Valente discusses the complete destruction of the person who is to become a poet. Th is annihilation requires the removal of all of a particular personÕs memories in order for the poet to have a clearer vision of the world being captured. He comments: El creador tiene que ir acostumbr⁄ndose a la aniquilaciŠn del ÒyoÓ que es el proceso de purificaciŠn espiritual. Toda creaciŠn literaria aut”ntica, po”tica, por utilizar la palabra po”tica en su sentido m⁄s amplio, tiene que ir acompaŒada de una experiencia espiritual, si no, no vale nada. Eso lleva a una aniquilaciŠn del ÔyoÕ y probablement e una visiŠn de la nada, aunque positiva. Quiz⁄ nuestro œltimo cometido sea la fusiŠn con el cosmos en el seno de la nada, volver a la nada de donde hemos venido. (Quesada 147) The poet further extrapolates his conceptualization of the ÒyoÓ in his poetry. He claims: Cuando escribo la palabra yo en un texto po”tico o ”ste va, simplemente, regido por la primera persona de singular, s” que, en ese preciso momento, otro ha empezado a existir. Por eso, muchas veces al yo del texto es preferible llamarle tœ. Ese yo Ð que es tœ porque tambi”n me habla - no existe antes de iniciarse el acto de escritura. Es estrictamente contempor⁄neo de ”ste . (Quesada 163) This idea corresponds to Ellen Engelson MarsonÕs assessment of ValenteÕs transition between subject and poet and is essentially mediated by memory and forgetfulness . She writes, ÒValente intuye que la experiencia del poeta, como la del m™stico, tiene que olvidarse y deshacerse, para poder descubrirse po”ticamente Ó (60). Rafeal Morales Barba has also testified to the importance of understanding the use of ÒyoÓ in ValenteÕs poetry. He states, Ò[e]n cualquier caso lo que nos interesa es saber en definitiva dŠnde colocamos el ÔyoÕ po”tico de ValenteÉ Nos 40 interesa saber dŠnde se sitœa el hablante l™ricoÉ y dŠnde el tex to es el medio donde se realiza primordialmente la funciŠn sintom⁄tica, como deixis del autorÓ (91). Before exploring the creation of the poetic ÒyoÓ, it is important to study the years leading up to his poetic endeavors. Several scholars have noted the importance of his childhood in Galicia, a land whose language and culture differed greatly from Madrid, where Valente would pass his first few adult years. Concerning his youth Rodr™guez Fer writes: Nacido en Orense el 25 de abril de 1929, viviŠ su infanci a y su adolescencia en Galicia, en cuya Universidad comenzŠ a estudiar Derecho. En los aŒos cuarenta publicŠ versos en gallego y se relacionŠ con el galleguismo cultural, actitud listica que rebrotar⁄ en los aŒos ochenta con el poemario Sete cantigas d e al”n (1981), luego ampliado en C⁄ntigas de al”n (1989), y con otros escritos en prosa de motivaciŠn galaica. Adem⁄s, Galicia Ð y, particularmente, su ciudad natal Ð tendr⁄ una notoria presencia en su obra en castellano. ( Jos” çngel Valente 11) Galicia and its questionable status in the Spanish Òstate of exceptionÓ , a theme that will be explored at length in the fourth chapter of this disserta tion, was not spared the hardships of the Civil War, and Valente himself would bear witness to the violence and bru tality of the battle. This experience, as will be made evident in this chapter, had a significant effect on the poet. Rodr™guez Fer comments, Ò[a] dem⁄s, para el niŒo Valente la guerra no fue sŠlo un fragor lejano desde el familiar balcŠn de la retaguardia, sino una realidad tr⁄gica vivida en su propia casa, como escribir⁄ refiri”ndose a l a prematura muerte de un vecino en el frente y a los desgarradores llantos de la madreÉÓ ( Valente vital 48). The theme of death so prevalent in his early poetic writings no doubt stems from the tragedies the impressionable Valente was exposed to as a child. 41 It was most likely the horrors of war that led Valente to oppose the regime at an early age. At the commencement of his studies he was greeted by likeminded compatriots. S⁄nchez Robayna explains: El joven Valente se hab™a trasladado en el otoŒo de 1947 a Santiago de Compostela para cursar estudios de Derecho. All™ conociŠ a un sacerdote y abogado gallego, Maximino Romero de Lema, antiguo alumno de Ortega en e l Madrid de los aŒos republicanos, y en ese momento, vinculado a pol™ticos como Fernando Mar™a Castilella, y sobre todo, Joaqu™n Ruiz Jim”nez, que intentaba promover en el pa™s una democracia cristiana capaz de modificar las estructuras del r”gimen franqui sta. (14) Upon completing his studies, Valente moved to Madrid, the heart of the Spanish Òstate of exceptionÓ. In addition to the horrors of the Civil War, which he brought with him to Madrid, Valente would augment his exposure to sufferings resulting from the war in his new city. S⁄nchez Robayna explains, ÒÉlo cierto es que el per™odo madrileŒo de Valente corresponde en efecto a un Ôtiempo sombr™oÕ en la situaciŠn pol™tica, social y cultural espaŒola, que se prologar™a hasta comienzos de la d”cada de 1960, cuando diversos indicios econŠmicos y sociales permiten hablar ya de un cambioÓ (17). His poetry from the 1950s therefore, particularly his first poetic publication, A modo de esperanza , would be rife with imagery of the trials of his fellow Spaniards. As ValenteÕs past will continue to have a significant role in his poetic output, it is important to always keep it at the forefront. This is especially true when evaluating ValenteÕs perceptions as they are presented in his poetry. Debicki discusses ValenteÕs writing process stating , Ò[he] keeps stressing the ways in which poetry is a unique way of finding and inventing 42 reality Ó (7 -8). This theory corresponds with the poetÕs own words given during an interview in 1999. Reflecting on the fortitude of the poetic word, Valente suggests ÒÉo elemento devanceiro ” a palabra po”tica, ” a palabra que descobre, ” a poes™a que doscobre anacos da realidade que est⁄n somerxidos no escuroÓ (424). Here, a conection can be made between Òdiscovering words in the dark nessÓ as Valente states, and securing episodes from memory. As poetry works to create or discover reality, as proposed by Debicki, this reality, found or fashioned, will, without exception, also be rampant with memories mined from the conscious and subcons coious alike. As a poet therefore, Valente is an ideal candidate for expressing memory that is both personal and collective through his honest evaluations of his journey to capture the Spanish Òstate of exceptionÓ, not only as he perceived it, but also ho w de desired it to be during the course of his poetic career . This is further substantiated by Jos” Luis Pardo who states: Éla po”tica de Jos” çngel Valente no sŠlo es relevante por ser plenamente personal y original, sino tambi”n porque, en esa originalid ad, pertenece a un movimiento m⁄s amplio, un movimiento que podemos pensar como histŠrico, diciendo entonces que ha caracterizado a ciertos programas est”ticos de nuestro siglo, pero que tambi”n podemos pensar como, en cierto modo, inmanente a las tradicio nes de las propias artes, y entonces reconocerlo en diversas ”pocas y lugares. (27). By exerting power over memory, Valente was able to embrace a nost algia that could capture the history of Spain that the Franco regime was working to destroy completely. According to Isidro S⁄nchez S⁄nchez , FrancoÕs donning of the title ÒCaudilloÓ was of critical importance. S⁄nchez remarks: 43 La frase, por otra parte, era una m⁄s de la extensa serie de adulaciones, halagos y fidelidades que cosechŠ a lo largo de tantos aŒos el ÔcaudilloÕ victorioso, el totalitario personaje Franco era presentado por la propaganda del R”gimen como providencial salvador de EspaŒa, devoto catŠlico y amoroso padre de familia. (121) By donning the title of Caudillo, Franco awarded himself the powe r necessary to manipulate not only SpainÕs present and future, b ut also to rewrite the past through restorative nostalgia . Restorative nost algia , as employed by Franco , stands in sharp contrast to reflective nost algia because of its focus on the past grandeur of a country, either real or imagined. This type of Francoist nost algia , restorative, Ò Éevokes national past and futureÓ (49). In his attempts to return Spain to the Catholic empire it was in the 16th century, Franco first ensur ed that he had absolute power. Franco constructed his image of a powerful leader connected with God after Felipe II, whose reign in Spain solidified it as one of the strongest empires, in addition to one of the greatest supporters of the Catholic Church th at the world had known thus far. This resurrection of the past corresponds to BoymÕs concept of restorative nost algia . It is no coincidence then that FrancoÕs tomb and the Valle de los C a™dos , both laden with C atholic imagery, are so close in proximity to El Escorial . Through his utilization of the poetic ÒyoÓ Valente will rebut the Caudillo and the falsehoods his regime propagated under his rule. His poetic ÒyoÓ will nostalgically reflect on his lost homeland , which has been converted to a Spanish Òstate of exceptionÓ . It is reflective nost algia therefore, that drives Valente to reject the remanufactured Spain the Franco regime aimed to establish by means of restorative nost algia . 44 Section II : The Persistence of Nostalgic Death in ValenteÕs Poetry Death, as a motif, appears to be a common fixture in ValenteÕs first work. It is explicitly mentioned in 80% of the poems in the work, and if its implicit mentionings are counted as well, death is referenced in 88% of the poems in A modo de esperanza . It is with in these poems that this chapter will find the basis of its argument. This has been noted by Peinado Elliot who states: Estos poemas tienen rasgos en comœn que delinean con claridad algunos de los motivos principales que acompaŒan al tema de la muerte en este primer poemario de Jos” çngel Valente: profunda separaciŠn entre la muerte y la vida; extrema individualizaciŠn que supone la persona; condiciŠn corporal y, po r tanto, mortal, del ser humano. (14) The presence of death in his poetry is significant be cause it will fuel his employment of nostalgia as he focuses on personal and collective losses that resulted from the Civil War and the resulting Òstate of exceptionÓ after the warÕs conclusion. Therefore, historical and figurative death is an essential pa rt of Va lenteÕs conversion to a poet. As Valente himself commented, Ò [e] l creador tiene que ir acostumbr⁄ndose a la aniquilaciŠn del ÔyoÕ ÉÓ (Quesada 147). For that reason, there are various points throughout the three sections of A modo de esperanza in whi ch he documents his conversion, which would be brought on by his own figurative death. Armando LŠpez Castro argues that for Valente, Ò[la] conciencia de la muerte impulsa la bœsqueda de la vidaÉÓ (11). Later, in analyzing A modo de esperanza , it will be cl ear that his exploration of algia would in fact yield surprising results. Antonio Dom™nguez Rey discusses the sorrowful nature of ValenteÕs poetry. He suggests, Ò[c] ada verso, es decir, cada presencia, abre la herida de un hondo reclamo inaudible, 45 sŠlo in tuido: inmensidad de lo ocultoÓ (84). ValenteÕs sharing of personal life experience has been noted by Antonio Gamoneda in his work Valente: Texto y c ontex to. Gamoneda suggests that ÒÉ podremos advertir que es innegable que, en su primer etapa, la poes™a de Valente incluye de una manera muy personal datos reconocibles de alguna forma de realismo histŠrico y social, realismo que la mayor parte de sus coet⁄neos postulaba como œnico compone nte legitimo de la poes™aÉde los aŒos cincuentaÓ (14). According to Gamoneda, this is particularly present in ÒEl espejoÓ , which will be analyzed in this chapter . He comments on the use of the phrase Òmascara de nadieÓ. He writes, Ò [l] a nociŠn de Ômascara de nadieÕ aparece incluida sin reservas en A modo de esperanza . Es una nociŠn que dif™cilmente se compadece con las propuestas sociales y realistas de sus presuntos compaŒeros de grupoÓ (15). By pursuing reflective nostalgia through items such as a ÒmaskÓ, Valente separates himself from the rest of the poets of the 1950s and 1960s who focused more on realism and social issues. This is supported by Debicki who states, ÒÉValente constantly stresses the goal of poetry in seizing and coming to know realityÓ (10 2). In continuation, his first work , A modo de esperanza , more so than any subsequent works, depicts the struggle Valente faces as he confronts his fear of death until he is prepared to accept it. Later, he will share his message of survival , through the poetic ÒyoÓ, with the Spanish people , who are in one of the most agonizing times in their history. In returning to the origins of the loss, Valente can capture as much of an explanation as is possible in his poetry. This idea is supported by Fatiha Benbla bbah. Benblabbah further explores life and death in ValenteÕs poetic process, specifically through the language he employs. She states: Jos” çngel Valente quiere que se quiebre el lenguaje, esas palabras hastiadas de s™ mismas, para que nazca el lenguaje c ero. Visto as™, el proceso po”tico tiene como finalidad œltima una vuelta a origen, para que el lenguaje, vaciado de su carga de 46 significados, signifique distintamente. La escritura po”tica viene a ser, pues, una bœsqueda de la palabra aut” ntica, la palabr a reveladora. Vaciamiento, depuraciŠn, ininteligibilidad, adem⁄s de las met⁄foras del despertar y del amanecer, evocan en nuestra mente, como lectores, otro proceso, otra experiencia: la del m™stico. (134) C”sar Real Ramos has also offered an analysis of V alenteÕs word use in terms of a conversion. He surmises , Ò[l] a palabra en Valente deja entonces de ser transitiva, signo (convencional) que transmite un contenido, para convertirse en encarnaciŠn, s™mbolo que en s™ mismo ÔcontieneÕ el contenido, concepciŠn en la que radica la importancia que el simbolismo en su obra adquiereÓ ( 162). This chapter will illustrate, therefore, how ValenteÕs use of reflective nostalgia, through the poetic ÒyoÓ, creates an alternative to FrancoÕs Spanish Òstate of exceptionÓ forg ed from restorative nostalgia in his pursuit of resurrecting the empire. Section III: Death and algia in ValenteÕs first section of A modo de esperanza Section I of A modo de esperanza discusses multiple examples of the algia or ÒlongingÓ, as Boym describes it, and the occurrence of, or confrontations with, a death that had caused it. Starting in the first poem of A modo de esperanza , Valente pauses and , having reflect ed on the brutal f orce of death, leaves the reader to contemplate it as well. His journey begins with a reflection on death and a return to the origin, which in turn leads to a poetic conversion expressing nostalgia, upon having understood and expressed what has been lost. This journey will be depicted in the poems ÒSer⁄n cenizaÓ, ÒLucila Valente, ÒEl espejoÓ, ÒHoy igual que nuncaÓ, and ÒEl ⁄ngelÓ, all present in Section I of A modo de esperanza . The formation of the 47 poetic ÒyoÓ will begin in the last poems of Section I, ÒDe struccion del solitarioÓ, ÒConsientoÓ, and Ò Misericordia Ó. Understanding the origin and destination of this conversion is paramount. Luis Vicente de Aguinaga has studied the importance of the Ò origen Ó in ValenteÕs work. He contests, Ò[e]n la ingenier™a con ceptual de Valente, origen e interior son palabras afines, lo mismo que los verbos retraer y descender, y ambas parejas nocionales configuran el rumbo y objeto de una perforaciŠn ejecutada por la memoria y operada en ella misma, en sus variantes de memoria personal, memoria colectiva y memoria de la materiaÉÓ (180). These insights will aid in the comprehension of ValenteÕs intentions, which are woven into his poetry. His first stanza of ÒSer ⁄n cenizaÓ mentions a lifeless , barren landscape and a signal that will begin his poetry journey . He writes: Cruzo un desierto y su secreta desolaciŠn sin nombre. El corazŠn tiene la sequedad de la piedra y los estadillos nocturnos de su material o de su nada. Hay una luz remota, sin embargo, y s” que no estoy solo; aunque despu”s de tanto y tanto no haya ni un solo pensamiento capaz contra la muerte, 48 no estoy solo. (69) Referring to Ò Ser⁄n ceniza Ó, LŠpez Castro suggests a central theme: one of self -discovery . LŠ pez Castro has commented on the passage noting the inn er turmoil that Valente faced during his conversion into a poet. Castro states, Ò[e] s en el desierto donde el poeta se ha colocado y es esa oscura traves™a por el interior del ser la que le permite entrever otro modo de existencia Ó (12). In the second stan za on the poem, light signa ls a rupture in the nothingness and helps Valente know that he is not experien cing an entire existence alone. Through these verses, Valente acknowledges the possibility of a poetic ÒyoÓ and begins to pursue it. With the first tw o stanzas of his work, Valente engages the reader by offering hope for the desolate existence following death, which he presents in the first verses . Interestingly however, after receiving the signal of the Òluz remotaÓ , one would think that ValenteÕs stru ggle would be less burdensome. However, by the end of the second stanza he reminds the reader that no individual, nor thought, can defeat death. DeathÕs looming shadow therefore, can darken even the brightest of lights and reinvigorate the solitude that Va lente battles throughout Section I of A modo de esperanza . Critics argue that it is the one memory he retains of a point in time when his poetic self was born which works to cure his solitude . Mar™a Zambrano has discussed this poem in particular, and the existence and purpose of said Òluz remotaÓ. She proposes , Ò[t] odo m”todo depende de la luz, se entiende de la relaciŠn del ser con la luz; relaciŠn del ser consigo mismo. Y as™, si alguien la recibiŠ sŠlo un instante, aunque fuese para perderla, si la vio como siendo siempre, se quedar⁄ ella ya indeleble. Ser⁄ ella su verdadÓ (37). In accepting this idea with the first poem presented, Valente positions death as part of the process to gaining truth, and he works throughout Section I to will himself to embrac e 49 both life and death in order to make the Òconversion Ó into the poetic ÒyoÓ, upon having fully contemplated and documented a nostalgia outlawed by the Franco regime . Scholars have previously documented this contrast of light and darkness in ValenteÕs poetry. In his article, Ò Contrastes de luz y sombra como t”cnica de representaciŠn en la p oes™a de Jos” çngel Valente Ó, Santiago Dayd™ -Tolson suggests, Ò [e] s, por lo tanto, el contraste entre luz y oscuridad lo que define toda experiencia visual y, por extensiŠn, ha venido a representar desde antiguo los opuestos del ser y el no ser, la existencia y la nadaÓ (34). Although Dayd™ -Tolson does not focus on A modo de esperanza specifically in his article, it is relev ant to gather ValenteÕs poetic techniques in order to gain a more thorough understanding of his writing process and poetic conversion . The second poem that appears in his premier work is a dedication to his deceased aunt Lucila. In the poem , he focuses o n her love of life, his memories of her, and his dwelling in mourning; these are key aspect s of the algia inherent in reflective nost algia, as described by Boym. He writes: Estuvo en pie fue risa, l⁄grimas, alegr™a, dolor, pero amaba la vida. CaminŠ entre nosotros. La maŒana era cosa de sus manos alegres, zurcidos, abiertas. 50 Sol™a alimentarnos de p”talos o besos sin cesar desprendidos. DejŠ su nombre puro solo frente a la noche: Lucila o siempremadre. (70) Various lines in the poem, like headstones on graves, serve as testaments to the existence of a n entity that is no longer physically present. The simple statements saying that Òshe walked among usÓ and Òshe left her pure name alone before the nightÓ attempt to create a permanence for her impression on the material world in which Valente finds himself quarantined. Emilio Alarcos Llorach has argued that Ò[e]l obje to del poema es significar la injusticia de la muerteÓ , and one significant way Valente illuminates the Òinjustice of deathÓ is through pauses (163). The poem continues: Ahora yace aqu™ donde la lluvia canta al pie de un montealegre. Bajo la tierra el agua acaricia sus huesos. Ella amaba la vida. (70). 51 Pauses and silences in ValenteÕs poetry have received much critical atte ntion. Jos” Luis Pardo argues that ValenteÕs poetry , ÒÉha sido tan relacionado con el silencio. Hay, por ejemplo, un silencio vergonzante, una manera de callar culpable, ese silencio de otorga y legitima, eso que suele llamarse Ôla conspiraciŠn de silencio Õ. Y hay tambi”n un silencio impuesto como prohibiciŠn, como violencia, como impedimento de decir o de expresar, como censuraÓ (183). His aunt Lucila was most dear to him as explained by Rodr™guez Fer in Valente Vital . He claims that she, not having had any children of her own, took great interest in the care of the poet . Rodr™guez Fer describes how Lucila Òse hiciera cargo del hijo mayor, Jos” çngel, quien cuidaba d™a y noche y con quien dorm™a en la misma camaÓ (29). In the first nine poems of Section I , rather, up until the point in which Ò DestrucciŠn del solitario Ó appears, Valente is cemented in the algia , a condition that Boym describes in her explanation of reflective nost algia, due to the loss of his aunt. It is the death of his aunt, and that of so many others in Spain, which causes Valente to produce a poetry in which his comprehension of life and his own identity are profusely explored . This is especially true for the following poems in which he transitio ns from a focus on others to inward reflection. The poems, ÒEl espejoÓ, ÒHoy igual que nuncaÓ, ÒEl ⁄ngelÓ, and ÒDestucciŠn del solitarioÓ from Section I, will illuminate his journey on the path to self -awareness, which will pave the way for him to find the poetic ÒyoÓ. In the poem following his poetic eulogy to his aunt Lucila, Ò El espejo Ó, Valente offers contemplations on his own image, which in that moment, is unfamiliar to him. He writes: Hoy he visto mi rostro tan ajeno, tan ca™do y sin par en este esp ejo. 52 Est⁄ duro y tan otro con sus aŒos, su palidez, sus pŠmulos agudos, su nariz afilada entre los dientes, sus cristales dom”sticos cansados, su costumbre sin fe, sŠlo costumbre. He tocado sus sienes: aœn lat™a un ser all™. Lat™a. ÁOh vida, vida! ÉPero ahora me mira Ðmudo asombro Ð glacial asombro en este espejo solo Ð y ÀdŠnde estoy Ðme digo Ð y qui”n me mira desde este rostro, m⁄scara de nadie? (71). The astonishment Valente expresses upon gazing at his own unrecognizable countenance demonstrates hi s failure to control his consciousness and know his role in SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ . Mar™a Zambrano has discussed exactly how Valente captured this sensation through language. She argues, ÒÉ se ve que entre lo que se derrama del poema est⁄ la prosa aun usando el signo de exclamaciŠn hoy tan en condena. Y la interrogaciŠn sobre el propio ser y quien lo mira se acuerda con la reflexiŠn d el espejo en el aire de su propia claridadÓ (42). Although he recognizes that his corporal functions continue, as denote d by the beating sensation he feels in his temples, he receives little relief as his quest to find a purpose results in failure . His journey of self-discovery has encounter ed what seems to be an immovable object, and he presents himself as a paralyzed being standing before a mirror. 53 In the poem , ÒHoy igual a nuncaÓ, Valente struggles to find the strength to continue , what he feels is , a spent existence. He transcribes his state of being as the following: Parece que el destino est⁄ en suspenso, que la desgracia pesa sin llegar a caer; parece que el amor se ha vestido de pena. Alguien, prŠximo a m™, llora en mi pecho y me llama por el nombre que escondo. Tengo miedo a morir. Parece que he gastado la vida. Ni una lagrima cae ni una palabra, como si to do hubiese sido consumado. (71-2) Just as he expressed how he felt standing before the mirror, Valente notes in this poem how existence itself seems to have paused before him, leaving him in a state of algia , seeking an understanding of an experience which eludes him. The very first line of the poem addresses his lack of power over himself and his surroundings. When he writes Òlove has dressed itself in sorrowÓ he bemoans the absence of happine ss in all things. Later, he questions whether or not his 54 own life can continue. It is clear that his residence in the algia of reflective nost algia has left him with little desire to act or, possibly, even exist in his current state. He does however, expre ss a fear of death, a fear that he will soon embrace , albeit figuratively, in several of his upcoming poems. In nearly one third of his poems in A modo de esperanza , Valente esteems death to the same extent as he does life. In his next poem, Ò El ⁄ngel Ó, Valente broaches the subject of death from this dewy disposition. Valente indites: Me he levantado, he cubierto mi mesa con su tapete verde y me he sentado cuidadosamente a deshojar esta pequeŒa flor. Todo empezaba as™. Todo menos la muerte, menos la vida, el amor o el odio. Todo empezaba as™, la pasiŠn de morir, de vivir, de amar, de odiar. (72) The phrase ÒpasiŠn de morirÓ is introduced before the passion of living, which would seem to be more critical. In his algia , the losses are so overwhelming , that it costs him dearly to sustain himself in a Spanish Òstate of exceptionÓ rife with death. In this poem, Valente sets the stage for a certain death in his battle with an angel. Instead of finding harmony and peace with this angel, he brings about his own destruction by allowing it to best him. His certain and embraced defeat is made clear in the next lines of the poem. He writes: Oscuro jugador, 55 frente a m™ el ⁄ngel con su terrible luz, su espada, su abrasadora verdad. Yo ten™a solamente una flor. (72) The battle in which Valente enters is sure to result in his death. This death however, will be of significant value, as it will be delivered by a sword burning with truth. Instead of fighting for his life, Valente merely brings a flower, a temporal ob ject whose beauty and permanence cannot be sustained ideologically as truth can. This signals a substantial change from the poet who wrote about his fear of death in previous poems , such as ÒHoy, igual que nuncaÓ , to the prophetic poet who welcomes death. Valente continues the poem: Al s™ y al no jugaba contra El ⁄ngel , jugaba el s™ y al no, al siempre, al todav™a. Pero tu conoc™as, adversario cruel, todas mis suertes. Nada te delataba, separado de m™ por una mesa con su tapete verde, una pequeŒa f lor, toda la muerte. 56 Fue larga la velada. Al fin me diste un nombre. Yo ten™a una flor, tu una espada de fuego. Yo la sola libertad de querer tu victoria. (73) The last lines of the poem solidify ValenteÕs desire to experience death as he envisions it, and thus, begin his Òconversion Ó to the poetic ÒyoÓ . In addition, his desire to die could also be indicative of his nostalgia for times in which life was worth living. In FrancoÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ, the fatigue of existence is so arduous that death is n ot only an escape, but a highly coveted one at that. This theme is also prevalent in the poems ÒDestrucciŠn del solitarioÓ, ÒConsientoÓ, and ÒUna inscripciŠnÓ, which lead up the formation of the poetic ÒyoÓ in the final poems of Section I. In the poem Ò DestrucciŠn del solitario Ó, the ninth poem of Section I , many of the images introduced in previous poems continue to be present. Once again, the presence of an angel heralds symbolism of an incomprehensible truth in the face of ValenteÕs loss of his beloved aunt Lucila. LŠpez Castro claims that this poem ÒÉ nos sitœa en ese punto en que la experiencia rebasa infinitamente a la palabra. El poeta quiso expresar la muerte de Lucila y su muerte personal en esa muerte y no pudoÉÓ (16). However, the idea of what res ulting affect will come of this inability to express himself, more precisely, the inability of a poet to find words to describe a state of being, goes unexplored. Upon commenting on poetic expression and its importance, Valente stated, Ò [l]a palabra po”tic a es una palabra que se levanta contra todo discurso impositivo y lo invalida. Es el œnico asidero de salvaciŠn que nos quedaÓ ( Quesada 135). A rereading of the poem can, in fact, reveal, for the first time, profound insights on 57 ValenteÕs conception of both physical and metaphysical planes , which will be setting the stage for his conversion to the poetic ÒyoÓ . The poem begins: Durante toda la noche, en una vigilia superior a mis fuerzas que, de tarde en tarde, un ⁄ngel descend™a a avivar (a veces lo confund™a con el alba, pero el alba no pod™a venir)É (76) Once more, the poem begins with a darkness that is broken by light. Instead of being dawn, which cannot break in the condition of algia in his state of reflective nostalgia, the light o f an angel causes ValenteÕs thoughts to turn further inward. As he now turns inward, ValenteÕs experiences will garner a new comprehension of his situation. He continues: Épensaba: << La adolescencia tiene un ojo fijo, sometido a la muerte, un ojo suicida y cruel.>> Yo estaba solo, con mi muerte creada que naturalmente no pod™a morir. Estaba releyendo una carta dirigida a m™ mismo, confrontando lo caedizo de mis manos con la primeras lluvias, 58 que cre™a poder adivinar al trasluz. Estaba solo, comiendo un alimento fr™o y desigual, notoriamente amargo, que me retiraba celosamente a digerir. Entonces comenc” a odiar la mœsica, a hacer ruidos estridentes con la uŒas para no entregarme a lo excesivamente halagador. Y aunque nadie lo supo, consegu™ algœn triunfo solitario que ya nunca podr” compartir. (76 -77) In these lines , a bereaved Valente contemplates a death, which he cannot achieve. In his algia , he yearns for a truth that will comfort and inform him. In the last three verses however, Valente presents hope through an unspecified triumph, but unfortunately, he is not yet in a position in which he can it with others. Jos” Cuesta Abad has instisted that in this poem ÒÉ la desintegraciŠn de la identidad por obra del tiempo y de sus falsificaciones y la inminencia Ðpor remota que sea siempre ah™, presente - de la muerte conducen a un deseo de la palabra que podr™a redescubrir las verdades perdidasÓ (53). ValenteÕs frustration is clearly expressed in the next s tanzas. He writes: Y sin embargo, todo era mentira, como el tiempo, la muerte deseada, as™ querida, 59 pero sin instrumento mortal. ÉY busqu” en lo m⁄s hondo la palabra, aquella que da al canto verdadera virtud. Estaba solo. Un cuerpo ante mis ojos: le d i un nombre, lo llam” hasta mis labios. No lo pude decir. (77) Throughout these two stanzas, ValenteÕs struggle to express himself repeatedly appear s. The varied metaphors of a lifeless body, an intangible substance, and an inability to speak all testify to the algia in which Valente was suffering. In his state of mourning, his loss imprisons him in grief , and the poetic word, or Ò aquella que da al canto verdadera virtud Ó, is unattainable. What sets this poem apart from its preceding counterparts is V alent eÕs attempt to do more than merely experience and express his grief. At this point, he uses poetry to understand his algia instead of merely expressing his emotions. Upon moving past the algia , Valente is eventually able to identify his problems through re flective nostalgia. Despite ValenteÕs efforts however, the endeavor he has begun will require much more contemplation before it can be completed. He notes that he still lacks the proper understanding of his nostalgia in the final two stanzas. These signals that appear , without a name in Ò Ser⁄n ceniza Ó, and with a name Òthat cannot be saidÓ in Ò DestrucciŠn del solitario Ó, work as triggers that force Valente to understand his algia . By separating himself from his misery and grief he can, for the first time , work to 60 correct his flawed state of being through his contemplations of reflective nostalgia. He begins the poem by discussing his residence in algia before turning to self -reflection, which will allow him to move on to a more productive reflec tive nostalgia in the final stanzas. He continues ÒDestrucci Šn del solitarioÓ writing : Porque nada pod™a ser dicho aœn. Mis labios eran como un lugar ingrato que se siembra de sal. Pens”: << Un monte, un monte azul, colinas de insondable verdor. Hay nieve, risa y aves en la boca de todos, ciudades de inconfundible claridad. Si regreso vestido de otros pasos nadie lo podr™a prever>>. Examin” mi corazŠn; ten™a un ritmo solapado y circunstancial. All™ la muerte, cuanto am” con un amor demasiado puro, o h sombra m™a 61 de muerte que no pod™a morir. (77-78) The themes in the following verses will draw the reader back to Ò Ser⁄n ceniza Ó. More than an expressed solitude, which appears consistently in the work, Valente speaks of a whispering heart which, like the dry heart mentioned in his first poem, cannot be further exited, a deserted place broken by a signal of someone elseÕs existence, and the inescapable ashes that will replace everything he perceives and encounters . He continues: El corazŠn, el t iempo, la mentira de todo, la ceniza prematura de todo, como un sutil tejido de lianas romp™a al cabo la verdad. As™ entre el mar y el inexplicable taŒido de un tambor en una ciudad desierta, solo de pronto, solo de acometida soledad, vela sobre su pecho, con una zarpa de hambre solitaria, el que ha sido emplazado a vivir. (77-8) 62 For the first time in Section I, with the poem ÒDestrucciŠn del solitarioÓ, Valente is at the cusp of a change that will allow him to reach the goal he has been fighting for : realistic nostalgic expression vis a vis the poetic ÒyoÓ in SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ. Section IV: ValenteÕs poetic conversion In the final poems of Section I of A modo de esperanza , which include ÒNoche primera Ó, ÒConsientoÓ, and ÒMisericordia Ó, Valente begins anew , as if from an awakened consciousness. His inward reflection, which leads him to diagnose and confront his personal algia , soon turns outward so that as someone who has come to know a truth, a prophetic poet, he can fix his gaze on the complications faced by his compatriots in the Spanish Òstate of exceptionÓ . This is of particular importance for the reflective nostalgic because, as previously stated, it often inspires Òan ethical and creative challengeÓ (Boym 41). These poems serve as a starting point to a more prescriptive poetic ÒyoÓ that, after having identified its own issues and experienced death , can now focus on those of its fellow Spaniards. Because he took ownership of himself through his poetic conversion, Valente feels capabl e of advising a generic ÒtœÓ in the poem s to move past differences and treat others with compassion. Other poems employ the ÒtœÓ form , such as Ò El ⁄ngel Ó and Ò Aniversario Ó, but they employ the ÒtœÓ form in different ways. In ÒEl ⁄ngel Ó, Valente finishes th e poem stating Ò Yo ten™a una flor, / tœ una espada de fuego. Yo / la sola libertad de querer tu victoria Ó (73). The ÒtœÓ mentioned in this poem referrers to an angel that Valente has described throughout the poem. This is substantiated by the fourteenth, f ifteenth and sixteenth lines of the poem which read, Òfrente a mi el ⁄ngel / con su terrible luz, / su espada,Ó (72). The other poem that includes the ÒtœÓ form is ÒAniversarioÓ, and this poem, similar to Ò El 63 ⁄ngel Ó, helps the reader understand the ÒtœÓ th at is being addressed. Like the poem, ÒLucila ValenteÓ, ÒAniversarioÓ also focuses on the loss plaguing Valente after the passing of his beloved aunt Lucila. Without the poetic Òconversion Ó depicted in Ò Noche primera Ó and Ò Consiento Ó, this enlightened and engaged Valente present in Ò Misericordia Ó neither would , nor could , exist. This begins with ÒNoche primera Ó in which he connects word with truth. This connection facilitates his transition into a poetic ÒyoÓ who can employ the full force of the poetic word, which, as he previously stated, is the only meaningful expression left. In the third to last poem of Section I, ÒNoche primera Ó, Valente demonstrates that he no longer fears the emptiness he discussed in his previous poems, but rather, he immerses himself in it. Valente writes: Empuja el corazŠn, qui”bralo, ci”galo, hasta que nazca en ”l el poderoso vac™o de lo que nunca podr⁄s nombrar. S”, al menos, su inminencia y quebrantado hueso de su proximidad. Que se haga noche. (Piedra, 64 nocturna piedra sola.) Alza entonces la sœplica: que la palabra sea sŠlo verdad. (79) By crossing through the ÒdarknessÓ and reaching the other side, ValenteÕs conversion into a prophetic poet has occurred. Valente explains himself in an interview saying Ò[e]l compromiso m™o es el compromiso con la palabra po”tica, que te obliga contra tu voluntad a decir lo que tal vez tœ no quieres decir, porque es una palabra profundamente libre. Esa palabra tiene m⁄s fuer za que tœÓ (Quesada 135). His reluctant journey caused by reflective nostalgia resulted in him discovering his poetic ÒyoÓ. In his next poem, ÒConsientoÓ Valente mentions death as an attainable feat for the first time. He writes: Debo morir. Y sin embarg o, nada muere, porque nada tiene fe suficiente para poder morir. No muere el d™a, pasa; ni una rosa, se apaga; resbala el sol, no muere. 65 Solo yo que he tocado el sol, la rosa, el d™a, y he cre™do, soy capaz de morir. (80) This poem is unique among its predecessors for several reasons. For the first time, death is attainable. Also, the language encompassing death has changed as well. Whereas death was formally an object of desire in the poems Ò DestrucciŠn del solitario Ó and ÒEl ⁄ngel Ó, death has become not something the poet wants to do, but rather , a required component of his figurative journey . This is even more critical after Valente goes on to explain that death is not attainable for anything but him because Ònothing has sufficient faith to dieÓ. In this poem, the poet elevates himself higher than ever before in Section I . While he previously saw a light in Ò Ser⁄n ceniza Ó and Ò El ⁄ngel Ó, he now touches the sun. With this metaphor Valente announces his conversion from man t o prophetic poet, the only entity capable of true nostalgic expression through the poetic ÒyoÓ in SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ . He claims to have the faith that all others lack, and this status will allow him to comprehend a reflective nostalgia that rejec ts the Franco regime . Furthermore, when his comments about previous poetic generations are considered, it is clear that Valente saw himself as a truer poet than most others. He is especially critical of the Generation of 1898 , whose members include, among others, the renowned Antonio Machado. In discussing Campos de Castillo Valente insists , ...es el libro que corresponde al canon del 98. Castilla es Castilla, y Galicia es Galicia y no hay por qu” idealizar Castilla, ni vilipendiarla tampoco. En ese sentido, lo que hizo el 98 fue deformar la visiŠn de la historia de EspaŒa, m⁄s de 66 lo que ya estab a deformada y de lo que sobrevino con Franco quien, lŠgicamente, explotŠ el centralismo geogr⁄fico (Quesada 137). Valente , having noted the mistakes committed by his poetic ancestors, strives to ensure that he avoids the same pitfalls that diminis hed the works of poets that had, in his opinion, impressive collections. As a poet, Valente goes on to demonstrate his ability to employ a newfound understanding a nd share it with others. In the last poem of Section I, ÒMisericordia Ó, for instance, the poet confr onts the poetic ÒyoÓ and asks that it be compassionate . He writes: Pero a ti, que no est⁄s ni s” qui”n eres: misericordia. Hasta el sueŒo lucho contra el sueŒo, porque no puede revelarte. (Cuando regresa el d™a est⁄n las cosas en su lugar de siempre m⁄s ocultas.) (80) In confronting his poetic ÒyoÓ Valente is paving the way to employ his reflective nostalgia against FrancoÕs restorative nostalgia. He is no longer mired in memory, as was the case when he was suffering in algia . In previous poem s, he had discussed paralyzing solitude, a yearning for 67 death, and an unyielding sense of loss. Previous to Ò Misericordia Ó, each poem has nostalgic and melancholic undertone s in which Valente struggled to understand either himself or the tragic events in his life , such as the death of his aunt . In this poem however, he notes how his original self contrasts his new poetic self. The poem continues: Con los ojos abiertos como un muerto, ciegos y abiertos, te seŒalo. Dime qui”n eres, desde cu⁄ndo existes, por qu” te niego y creo. Creo. Entre verdad y sueŒo, agudo el filo que separa la vida. ÀDe qu” lado est⁄s tœ? Descubre el brazo que me hierre. Ten misericordia . (80-1) 68 The formation of the poetic ÒyoÓ changed the poet immensely. As he escapes the algia , he creates stronger connections to his fellow Spaniard, and thus share s the burden of their suffering in SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ. The understanding gained about hims elf in the earlier poems helped him achieve the necessary perspective to conceive the poetic ÒyoÓ before his conversion. Later, with his poetic conversion, he will be able to understand his memories and fully express the aforementioned personal sufferings, as well as those of his compatriots. As death represented truth in many of his preceding poems such as Ò El ⁄ngelÓ, ÒDestrucciŠn del solitario Ó and Ò Consiento Ó, his open eyes, like those Òof a dead personÓ illuminate the hollowness of his former self when compared to the poetic ÒyoÓ, who can now see in ÒMisericordiaÓ . The previously introverted Valente, who knew nothing but solitude and mourning, is becoming a prophetic poet that prescribes his ideals onto others. This conversion was made possible by the F ranco regimeÕs use of restorative nostalgia. By creating a Spanish Òstate of exceptionÓ where the dead have no place in memory, ValenteÕs reflective nostalgia puts him in a position to express a new perception of reality as he unifies his community through the shared experience of loss. ÒMisericordia Ó is not the first poem that employs a ÒtœÓ form, but it does depict the first command in this work. In addition, Ò Misericordia Ó also sets the stage for the second of three section s of the collection, one that c ontains only the poem Ò Patria, cuyo nombre no s” Ó, in which the poet recalls the horrors of the Spanish Civil War and condemns SpainÕs present path under the Franco regime. 69 Section V: Nostalgic Conversion and a Reflective C ommunity The following poem, ÒPatria, cuyo nombre no s” Ó, stands alone as the only component of Section II of A modo de esperanza . In ÒPatria, cuyo nombre no s” Ó, Valente chronicles the menagerie of emotions , felt in his reflective nostalgia, while considering Spai n as an object of desire and rejection simultaneously . The reader can surmise his calls and orders in the ÒtœÓ form are directed at Spain because of the ÒPatriaÓ in the title and its various references in the final stanza of the poem. Critical departures i n this poem include both personal and general observations. Not only does he offer critiques of the Franco regime Õs Spanish Òstate of exceptionÓ , but he also reiterates his poetic Òconversion Ó, which gives his insights credence and bolsters his capacity to perceive that which evades the masses . He writes: Yo no s” s i me miro con amor o con odio ni si eres m⁄s que tierra para m™. Pero contigo sŠlo, a muerte, debo levantarme y vivir. (82) The initial questioning of his homeland is not unlike the bewilderment he describes when lookin g at his own reflection in ÒEl espejo Ó. As he found himself unrecognizable in ÒEl espejo Ó, the blood soaked homeland under Franco appears to be stifling any love he once had for Spain. One critical difference however , is the fact that after his poetic conversion, Valente pushes forward so he can Òpick himself up and liveÓ. In Ò El espejo Ó, Valente stood in silent 70 astonishment before his aged face and was not in a position to understand nei ther himself nor his place in Spain. Valente continues with the poem critiquing the regime that has disfigured his homeland by stating: Aqu™ es tu piel tirante sobre el mapa del alma, azotada y cruel; all™ suave, rota en r™os de lluvia, inclinada hacia e l mar. All™ pasa perdido, pie puro que anda el sueŒo; aqu™ cr⁄neo abrasado por el peso de Dios. (82) The personification of the land as a tyrant reflects ValenteÕs festering disenchantment with the Franco regime. He notes the bastardization of a once pure land now polluted with mass graves and monuments to a soulless regime. The Òabrasions from GodÓ also illuminate the connection between the regime and Church as has been previously discussed in this chapter and wi ll be continually discussed throughout this dissertation. The regime and the Church worked hand in hand to preserve each other, thus any crimes committed by the regime were in one way or another accepted by the Church or ignored. Many of the most heinous c rimes somehow escaped the ChurchÕs gaze. For instance, Carlos Jerez -Far⁄n and Samuel Amago have documented the incalculable murders that occurred both during the Civil War and after. They write, Ò[t]hese mass burial sites 71 and the bones they contain are pa rt of the Franco legacy, especially of the years of the Civil War and the dictatorship that followed, when thousands of political detractors were massacred and secretly dispatched to the anonymous graves throughout the Spanish landscapeÓ (1). It is importa nt to note that within a year of completing his first work Valente would abandon Spain for England , and the memories and reminders of the travesties committed by the Franco regime no doubt had a great effect on his decision to leave Spain behind. In the next lines of ÒPatria cuyo nombre no s”Ó , Valente explores his poet ic conversion by citing his newfound ability to truly visualize and comprehend Spain. He writes: Estoy as™ mir⁄ndote con un ojo que apenas ha nacido a mirar. Porque he venido ayer y no s” aœn qui”n eres, aunque tal vez no seas nada m⁄s verdadero que esta ardiente pregunta que clavo sobre ti. Vine cuando la sangre aœn estaba en las puertas y pregunt” por qu”. Yo era hijo de ella y tan sŠlo por eso capaz de ser en ti. (82) 72 Through his poetic ÒyoÓ, Valente documents the unspoken history of Spain under Franco. The Òtraidores Ó, who fo ught against the regime and whose blood covered the land like that of the Ònacionalistas Ó, here, are recognized at a time when their sacrifice cou ld not be mentioned. Unlike other poets of his time, such as Carlos S⁄hagun, Valente goes further than merely documenting the violence and suffering of the Spanish people by assigning blame to the Spanish Òstate of exceptionÓ at his own peril. He recognize s the sacrifice so many made and lays the culpability at the feet of the regime. Valente makes no distinction among those who died for a ÒtruthÓ that the fallen had sacrificed themselves to secure . ÒPatria cuyo nombre no s”Ó continues: Vine cuando los muer tos palpitaban aœn prŠximos al nivel de la vida y pregunt” por qu”. Yac™an bajo tierra: tœ eras su verdad . (83) ValenteÕs introduction of an alternate ÒhistoriaÓ has been discussed by Juan Goytisolo. In his analysis of ValenteÕs poetry he comments , ÒÉ la poes™a impone la evidencia de la otra historia, la creada por palabras imantadas a este polo o centro circunstancial a la esencialidad integral humanaÓ (115). This is of critical importance when one considers DebickiÕs conclusions about ValenteÕs poetry. He argues that because ValenteÕs work Òtranscends it creatorÉa poem could keep evolving over successive readings Ó (103)Ó. Valente challenges SpainÕs official History under Franco by exposing the most terrible crimes the regime was hiding in its countryside Õs mass graves. 73 In addition, the next stanza of ÒPatria cuyo nombre no s”Ó will speak out against two pillars of the regimeÕs plan for SpainÕs sustenance: bread and faith. Valente writes: Ca™a el sol, ca™a inœtilmente el pan, ca™a entre la noche y la sombra de nadie derribada la fe. Y sin embargo supe que tœ estabas all™. (83) In SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ, an important piece of propaganda was his promise that no Spaniard would go without firewood or bread. The regimeÕs famous phrase Ò No hogar sin lumbre y ningœn espaŒol sin pan Ó was merely one example of the regimeÕs shortcomings or blatant lies. In the final lines of ÒPatria cuyo nombre no s”Ó , the reflective nostalgic poet offers insights as to what should have happened in the past, and introduces a dangerous question about the future of Spain. He contemplates : Deb™ais protegerlo. No lo hicisteis. Temblad. Porque debiŠ crecer para la luz, no para la sombra, el odio, para la negaciŠn. La tierra hab™a sido removida y arada con la sangre de todos. 74 Con la sangre. Era dif™cil la alegr™a; necesit⁄bamos primero la verdad. Hemos venido. Estamos solos. Pregunto, Àqui”n tiene tu verdad? Tœ eres esta pregunta. Oh patria y patria y patria en pie de vida, en pie sobre la mutilada blancura de la nieve, Àqui”n tiene tu verdad? (84) ValenteÕs condemnation of SpainÕs people is particularly interesting. He continues employing the ÒvosotrosÓ form , thus calling on all of those who lost Spain to recognize their failure. He does not use the ÒnosotrosÓ form, whic h would indicate that he also shared some of the blame. He expresses his own inability to participate in the conflict, as he was only ten years old when the Civil War ended. This fact is captured in the line , ÒVine cuando los muertos / palpitaban aœn prŠximos / al nivel de la vidaÓ (83). Now, as a man in his mid -twenties , Valente tells his 75 compatriots they should shake before the shell of their eviscerated homeland , now a Òstate of exceptionÓ, manufactured by Franco through restorative nostalgia . Another point Valente makes , in the final lines of the poem , is the correlation between happiness and truth, the latter being a recurrent object of desire in his first work. Contrary to the connection between death and truth, which was presented throughout Section I, death is no longer a means to secure truth in Section III . Truth is sought so that happiness could be achieved and maintained. The poetic ÒyoÓ , one that wants to live, also seeks happiness, and his desires are sharply different than those of a man whos e only yearning was an end to his mo urning via the vehicle of death. Section III of the A modo de esperanza contains twelve poems, many of which mirror previous poems through the continued use of explorations of death, the power and use of words, and the struggle to understand oneself in the surroundings one inhabits. For that reason, only the poems ÒCarta incompletaÓ, ÒEl santoÓ, ÒUna inscripciŠnÓ, ÒEl circo: Cinco fragmentosÓ, and ÒEl crimenÓ will be studied. These poems present ValenteÕs poetic ÒyoÓ as it critiques and challenges the Spanish Òstate of exceptionÓ so that all Spaniards can bear witness to the travesties committed under Franco. Furthermore, as Labanyi has been previously discussed for her comments on poetry as a minor literature that receiv ed the least amount of attention from the censura , these poems are unique literary rarities because they offer a contrasting history for FrancoÕs rule. His dominion over words is crucial in the poem ÒCarta incompleta Ó, in which Valente also chastises those who find comfort and complacency in restorative nostalgia . Valente was very critical of all Spaniards, especially his fellow poets, for supporting the Franco regime, swearing allegiance to it, or even those who did not speak ou t against it. During an interview he 76 stated, Ò[ o]tros fueron m⁄s d”biles. P™o Barajo volviŠ despu”s de estar en Francia. Lo llevaron a una comisar™a y le preguntaron si juraba los principios del MovimientoÉse calŠ la gorra y dijo ÔYo juro todo lo que haya que jurarÕ. El pobre quer™a volver a EspaŒa. Tambi”n volviŠ P”rez de AyalaÉlo metieron en una esquina y no saliŠ de all™Ó (Quesada) 137 . Valente begins his critique in ÒCarta incompletaÓ writing : Y sin embargo, qu” f⁄cil deslizarse por este tenue olvido que parece un destino, una trampa sagaz y bien dispuesta. (86) Valente uses these verses to criticize those who shirked their responsibilities in the Franco regime. He exposes those who would say they were doing what they thought was the best for Spain, o r those who claimed to merely follow orders. In not accepting their culpability in the situation, Valente challenges, and ultimately judges them. The reflective nostalgia he has shared with his fellow citizens suffering under Franco has created a new consc iousness in which reoccurring crimes can be presented and condemned instead of being ignored. In the poem, ÒEl s antoÓ, Valente writes of a man whose actions are blindly directed to a god he obeys without question , until his death, which he is late in ach ieving. While this poem is explicitly directed to the Christian God, as denoted by ValenteÕs use of ÒDiosÓ, this poem serves as an allegory to someone living under the restorative nostalgia in SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ , which required the blind and unfl inching obedience of its citizens , or as Schmitt states, ÒÉthe readiness to dieÓ ( xxiv) . In constructing a poem in which the protagonist dies tardily , Valente is expressing his unwillingness to submit to Franco. This idea is further supported by ValenteÕs decision to leave Spain and live in exile after completing A modo de esperanza . Valente writes: 77 …l no sab™a orar o sŠlo: <>. Ni ella, o sŠlo: <> cuando el hombre part™a del ordenado lecho a la maŒana igual. <> …l iba, como todos, hacia las lentas horas, el sabido papel, el timbre urgente, la decisiŠn de alguien superior que mov™a los hilos de la secreta trama. (93) As previously noted, Franco himself took numerous steps to connect his own image with that of Jesus Christ, who , with ÒDiosÓ , formed two thirds of the Trinity. Valente, therefore, offers a clever condemnation of the dictator whose absolute power likened him to a god. This idea of discussing two separate topics through the same text has been suggeste d by Fernando Garc™a Lara. He believes that it is not uncommon that Ò[e]l texto pretende darse para siempre en dos lugares. De ah™ que sea necesario su interpretaciŠn, se en la forma que sea: glosa, comentario o cr™tica sistem ⁄ticaÓ (33). Several reference s in the poem can be attributed to conditions experienced under Franco. For instance, the common Spaniard, like a faithful Catholic, could not know the Ò secreta trama Ó of Ò alguien superior Ó. Blind faith and obedience were the necessary qualities of the sub servient masses in a Spain of restorative nostalgia . The poem continues: 78 Respond™a correctamente. Estaba firme en su puesto. Si alguien deslizaba en su o™do una palabra, libertad , por ejemplo, sonre™a. É Nada parec™a cambiar. La mesa, el pan, Àqu” era el pan de cada d™a? …l no sab™a orar o sŠlo: É<>. Los papeles, el timbre, la decisiŠn mayor de alguien que mov™a los hilos de la secreta trama. MuriŠ un atardecer. (La voz: <<ÁSeŒor!É>>.) (93) Next, ValenteÕs character smiles coyly at the mention of Ò libertad Ó, an impossibility under the panoptic oppression of the Franco regime. Furthermore, the phrase Òpan de cada d™a Ó, a Francoist 79 propaganda line parroted from the LordÕs Prayer, is questioned, as sustenance was barely achieva ble for many in the decades following the Civil War . The poem continues: Fue el œnico acto impuntual de su existencia, demorado por una largu™sima mirada de amor a todo lo que abandonaba. (93) Finally, the man dies after taking a long look at everything he was leaving behind. ValenteÕs election to employ the word ÒabandonarÓ is indicative of his volition to leave the Spanish Òstate of exceptionÓ. ÒUna inscripciŠn Ó, the next poem in the collection, continues ValenteÕs veiled criticism of the Franco regime through metaphors of Rome , its abusive leaders , and martyred poets. Valente writes how Òsimple men Ó poisoned an Òofficial regimeÓ . It was, in fact, the restorative nostalgia perpetuated by the Franco regime that had caused its people so much suffering. Va lente allows for a connection to be made, by the reader, to both past and present oppressive regimes. This idea is collaborated by Marina Mayoral. She comments ,Ò[m]ediante la utilizaciŠn de expresiones de nuestro mundo contempor⁄neo, el poeta nos hab™a he cho creer que se trataba de la ”poca actual y, repentinamente, los hechos cobran una profundidad histŠrica, y se hace patente la pervivencia o la antidad, segœn prefiramos, de una situaciŠn evidentemente injustaÓ (243). In addition to condemning the regime, Valente also elevates the role of a poet once more. Here, he substitutes Rome for Spain in an effort to escape the censura . He states: Fue en Roma, donde hab™a en aquella ”poca 80 grandes concentraciones de capital y masa s obreras con escasas posibilidades de subsistir. Los poetas no acusaron el problema, porque Roma debiŠ de ser una alegre ciudad en tiempos de NerŠn, Aenobarbo, parricida, poeta de ™nfima calidad. Algunos hombres sencillos envenenaron las fuentes y se opusieron al r”gimen oficial. By stating that the poets did not accuse the Roman leaders of any wrong doing, Valente demonstrates his perception of the role of a poet. He does not lay the blame on the powerful roman upper class, which had sufficient mone y to raise armies and stop a tyrann ical ruler. Nor does he attack R oman politicians for failing to act. In his mind, it is the role of the poet, a role in which he in fact nominates himself, to speak out against those who have great power and abuse it. Thi s occurrence , therefore, supports the claim that the poetry in his collection is far more politically charged than critics have recognized in the past. By insisting in the power and responsibility of a poet, and later working to ensure that he himself is s een as a poet, it is only logical to conclude that ValenteÕs prescription to poets would be self -administered as well. Finally, although he uses Rome in the place of Spain to avoid the censura , Valente is working as 81 an instigator to rile his fellow poets s o they can join him in creating a true history of the Spanish State that would stand in sharp contrast to the propaganda offered by the regime. His engendering of the poetic role is also clear in the poem Ò El Circo: Cinco f ragmentos Ó, in which he calls u pon all spectators to not sit idly by while restorative nostalgia destroys the Spanish state , but to truly witness the event and understand why the continued massacre of the Spanish people persisted in SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ . Throughout the poem he c ites the illusions created by the circus and the publicÕs willing acceptation of its forgeries. Through his writings of the circus, Valente presents the restorative nostalgia perpet uated by the Franco regime as an empty promise of a past and future that we re more imagined than factual. Valente dismisses FrancoÕs ideas and works to help his fellow Spaniards comprehend the reality of their situation. In the first fragment he writes: Nada aqu™, nada del otro lado. Nada. Escamoteo, juego puro de nada. Y de todas las nadas eres capaz al fin de obtener sŠlo nada. De tu bomb™n, de nada, tus naipes o tus p⁄jaros. (95) Valente, instead of celebrating the spectacle, notes the hollowness of its ritual. He surmises that nothing can come from the absence of something . As a poet , Valente builds on the 82 foundation of words. As with reflective nostalgia, he works to create meaningful structures that stand apart and deliver insights to those capable of seeing them, so through the metaphor of petty amusements, Valente inser ts his message of observance first and action later. He calls on his readers to evaluate past perceived miraculous events and find the inanition and falsehoods in them. This is evident in the fourth and fifth fragments of the work. Valente writes: IV El o so, el ursus, tan digno y tan antiguo, que ha estado en Par™s, en Budapest, en Roma, tan serio en apariencia, puede bailar el mambo. La misiŠn del leŠn es ser el feroc™simo leŠn de tres colmillos y tiene un gran bostezo, demasiado grande aun para su boca. El mono es despreciable, insultante e igual a cierto conocido. La foca, 83 el elefante, el oso y el leŠn, el mono, el hombre. El hombre hace sonar un l⁄tigo redondo. V ÀY tœ, qu” haces ah™, fuera del circo, fuera del mundo, contemplando un elef ante de papel pintado, niŒo de nadie, niŒo que jam⁄s ha re™do? (96-7) ValenteÕs analysis of the circus acts culminates in a challenge to the reader. He asks why someone would stand on the periphery and not recognize the utter deception that is the spectac le. His simple question pertains first to the circus , and later to SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ . He questions inaction of his fellow Spaniards in a time when participation is paramount. This is most clear when he challenges the ÒtœÓ at the end of the poem, the Òson of no one and who has never laughedÓ, in the Spanish Òstate of exceptionÓ that murders its own citizens. While he saw his homeland being rebuilt into a false temple to the past, as is common with restorative nostalgia, Valente cried out, through his poetry, for engagement by those beaten down by it. In the final poem to be discussed from Section III of A modo de esperanza , ÒEl c rimenÓ, Valente focuses on murder as a theme. He talks of a faceless ÒnadieÓ who has Ònot perpetuated 84 his assassinationÓ . While the murder of a ÒyoÓ is in the foreground of the poem, Valente craftily weaves the occurrence of political assassinations , common under FrancoÕs restorative nostalgia, into the verses. Slipped in two thirds from the poem Õs commencement , Valente illustrates his true intention by signaling government -sanctioned murders of Spanish citizens. The poem is as follows: Hoy he amanecido como siempre, pero con un cuchillo en el pecho. ÉPor mi parte no tengo nada que declarar. Se busca el asesino; sin embargo, tal vez no hay asesino, aunque se enrede as™ el final de la trama. ÉNo hay pruebas contra nadie. Nadie ha consumado mi homicidio. (97 -8) From the initial lines of the poem, the poetic ÒyoÓ diminishes the relevance of his own homicid e. In the first stanza , the culprit and his or her motives have been discarded. In the second stanza, however, the poetic ÒyoÓ incorporates the suffering that comes with death by noting Òthe coldÓ. This suffering can be transposed to the real victim that t he poetic ÒyoÓ calls attention to in the fourth stanza when mentioning the death of a man with Ò antecedentes 85 pol™ticos Ó. These secret murders are the true item s of interest in the poem. By discussing another murder, in which no one is accused, Valente can casually insert a condemnation of a practice all too common in SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ : government sanctioned murders. Conclusion Many critics have profoundly discussed ValenteÕs poetic collection. There is analysis of his poetic style, employment of pauses, manipulations of light and shadow, and explorations of life and death. What this critical opus lacks, however, is further contemplation of the role of his inaugural work in his entire collection. While his later works provide innumerable exampl es of ValenteÕs poetic prowess, few critics note the poetic conversion in his first work that facilitated his success in future collections. The first section of A modo de esperanza focuses on ValenteÕs expression of personal loss. In Section I of the wo rk, an agonized Valente, dwelling in algia , wanted to cut his life short because he could no longer stand his suffering. It is ValenteÕs decision to embrace a reflective nostalgia that isolated him from the Spanish Òstate of exceptionÓ, which employed rest orative nostalgia. By not denying the existence of suffering, as a restorative nostalgic would, Valente was able to confront his own understanding of his identity. He ventured into the darkness of algia , and having made it to the other side, Valente was ca pable of explaining his success to others. His poetry was prescriptive in that it instructed his fellow Spaniards how to overcome their algia and reject restorative nostalgia in SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ. The multifaceted nature of reflective nostalgia promoted a confrontation of history that restorative nostalgia neither would nor could attempt. Furthermore, the temporalizing of space and time, another 86 critical aspect of reflective nostalgia, allowed for a controlled and continued access to the Òshatter ed fragmentsÓ of the past instead of destroying them, as would be the case with restorative nostalgia. This revealed a Spain perceived more out of reality than the prefabricated product introduced in government -sanctioned propaganda created by implementing restorative nostalgia. By re -presenting an authentic Spain, ValenteÕs poetic ÒyoÓ exposed the Òpsychotic substitutionÓ that the Franco regime was selling to its citizens in the form of a Òstate of exceptionÓ. After conquering memory and escaping algia , Valente becomes a prophetic poet in Section II, a witness whose control over language could convey a truth and reality that the regime was striving to repress . Finally, in Section III, Valente can clearly embrace life and death because, as a prophetic po et, he is not only capable of understanding and experiencing both of them, but he can describe his encounters with them, vis a vis reflective nostalgia, through the poetic word. By the end of A modo de esperanza , Valente abandons his nihilistic dispositio n and employment of xeric scenery and ascends to the poetÕs pulpit. His vision clarifies, and he writes hoping Spain will, in time, benefit from the words that flowed forth from his unique critical consciousness. As Valente won the Premio Adon ⁄is for this poetic collection, it is clear that others recognized the great poetic strides he was able to make in this work. This award was certainly one of the most prestigious accolades he would receive in his career. Aguilar -çlvarez Bay explains: El autor obtiene en 1954 el Premio Adon⁄is por su primer libro: A modo de esperanza , el m⁄ximo reconocimiento po”tico en la EspaŒa de posguerra; al recibirlo, Valente inmediatamente alcanza carta de ciudadan™a en el c™rculo 87 literario madrileŒo, encabezado por Vicente Alei xandre, la gran figura del momento y con quien despu”s entabla estrecha amistad. (16) His future poetic works continued to be as substantial as his premier work. This is evident in him being awarded the Premio de la Cr™tica in 1960 and again in 1980, the Premio de la FundaciŠn Pablo Iglesias in 1984, the Premio Pr™ncipe de Asturias de las Letras in 1988, the Premio Nacional de Poes™a in 1993, the Premio Reina Sof™a de Poes™a Iberoamericano in 1998, and the posthumous Premio Nacional de Poes™a in 2001 . Base d on his recognition through various entities, it is clear that Jos” çngel Valente was one of the most influential Spanish poets in the twentieth -century. 88 Chapter 2 Manuel V⁄zquez Montalb⁄n: Trauma -Induced N eurosis 89 One writes of scars healed, a loose parallel to the pathology of the skin, but there is no such thing in the life of an individual. There are open wounds, shrunk sometimes to the size of a pin -prick but wounds still. The marks of suffering are more compara ble to the loss of a finger, or of the sight of an eye. We may not miss them, either, for one minute in a year, but if we should there is nothing to be done about it. F. Scott Fitzgerald Manuel V⁄zquez Montalb⁄n (1939-2003) has an extensive curriculum v itae that includes a multitude of professions and an almost incalculable production of material. His work as a novelist has no doubt received the most attention, as he has published sixteen novels in the Carva lho series , but he is also renowned for his jou rnalistic work as well, having published Informe Sobre Inform aciŠn in 1963, a journalism textbook that is still used today . In his obituary, Michael Mullan commented on MVMÕs work as a journalist. He writes: His journalistic output was prodigious in quanti ty, and of a consistently high standard. Major European titles such as La Repœb blica , Il Manifesto and Le Monde Diplomatique vied for his byline, along with La Vanguardia and the Catalan newspapers El PeriŠdico and Avui , the risqu” newsweekly Interviœ and the Madrid daily El Pa™s . As a poet, however, the profession with which MVM identified himself, he has received significantly less attention. He was particularly ardent at one conference when he responded to one colleaguesÕ question by stating, Ò[m] ire usted, yo soy un poetaÓ (Castellet 7). His poetic works include: Una educaciŠn sentimental (1967), Movimientos sin ” xito (1969), Coplas a la muerte de mi t™a Daniela (1973), A la sombra de las muchachas sin flor (1973), Praga (1982), Pero el viajero que huye (1990), Ciudad (1997), and Memoria y deseo : 1967-2003 (2008). 90 As an included poet in Josep Mar™a CastelletÕs anthology, Nueve nov™simos poetas espaŒoles (1971, 2006), he received critical attention within a decade of publishing his first book of poet ry, Una educaciŠn sentimental (1967). While Castellet included a brief analysis of MVMÕs work in his summation of the nine nov™simos, it would not be until 1986 when Castellet released Memoria y deseo , a compilation of MVMÕs poetic undertakings, that a mo re meticulous study of theme and technique in his poetry would be completed. In 2008, a new edition was released, along with a few additions to CastelletÕs appraisal of the poetÕs work. Some of CastelletÕs most critical insights concern his focus on the co ntent of the poetry. He insists the first noticeable aspect of MVMÕs poetry is its autobiographical nature. Castellet claims, Ò[l]a poes™a de V⁄zquez Montalb⁄n es, originalmente, autobiogr⁄fica. Se expresa a trav”s de la voz del personaje/poeta que narra a spectos de una existencia individual y colectivaÓ (50). This observation is critical ; when considering the depictions of trauma amply dispersed throughout his first literary work, Una educaciŠn sentimental (1967), it becomes clear that MVM had suffered imm ensely under SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ. This book of his poems is significant because it demonstrates how he began his literary career by documenting his own confrontations with historical trauma, as explained by Cathy Caruth. This chapter will explore the origins of the trauma of loss in MVMÕs initial poetical text, Una educaciŠn sentimental , by discussing how trauma persisted, not only for the poet himself, but also for a significant portion of Spaniards who suffered in the unending loop of subjugation , which was continued by the fantasy smuggled in consumerism that spread in the 1960s or the ÒaŒos de desarrolloÓ. Furthermore, it remained after the death of the Caudillo and through the democratic period as the transition from SpainÕs Òstate of exception Ó has yet to conclude. The results of trauma have been well documented by Cathy Caruth, Dominick 91 Lacapra, and Slavoj Zizek, and it will be made clear that the poetÕs experiences with trauma resulted in not only a great sum of works, but also a representati on of personal and historical traumas that the Franco regime worked to obliterate. Section I: His City of Ruins: The Barcelona of MVMÕs Youth It is his positioning on the margins of his society as an illegitimate s on of a former republican exile that forced him to constantly confront the origin of trauma. Instead of growing up in other parts of Spain less affected by the war, MVM was brought up in the city that was nearly razed entirely. Michael Eaude has discussed the Barcelona that MVM ran through a s a child. He declares: Barcelona era una ciudad derrotada, culpable para los vencedores de tres pecados capitales: el anarquismo, el republicanismo y el separatismo. Ya lo hab™a pagado caro, pues su poblaciŠn civil fue la primera en Europa en ser sometida a bombardeos a”reos masivos, un presagio de los que ocurrir™a de forma generalizada en la Segunda Guerra Mundial. En los aŒos 1937 -38, se destruyeron 1750 bloques de pisos, principalmente en las zonas obreras de la ciudad. El Distrito Quinto, ahora el Rav al, donde se criŠ Montalb⁄n resultŠ particularmente afectado. (27 -8) MVM survived in the ruins of this city thanks to the care of his mother. The government incarcerated his father, whom he would not know for the first years of his life. Jos” V. Saval has commented on the conditions of this imprisonment, which occurred because the poetÕs parents were not yet married at the time of his birth. He claims, Ò [a] dem⁄s no se pod™a registrar a un hijo 92 de padres que no estuvieran unidos por el sacramento del matrimo nio segœn la Iglesia CatŠlica. El padre se hallaba en la c⁄rcel a la espera de un juicio en el que se le pod™a f⁄cilmente condenar a la pena capitalÓ (Saval 29). This abusing act by the government, along with the countless other traumas MVM would witness throughout his life, would lead to the explorations of trauma so prevalent in his poetry. In fact, MVMÕs suffering was so burdensome that it hindered his ability to participate fully in his society. This is also touched on by Castellet in the introduction to Memoria y deseo where he wrote: Se dir™a que el poeta ha elegido voluntariamente el punto de vista del ciudadano no identificado, del paseante que gusta de mezclarse con otros viandantes que van o vienen de su trabajo, que participan del bullicio de la gran ciudad. Ahora bien, este ciudadano anŠnimo es m⁄s que un observador complacido, es un voyeur cŠmplice y cr™tico de su entorno. ÀQu” mira, qu” ve? El discurrir de la cotidianidad, su propia inserciŠn en ella, solidaria pero solitaria, porque de algœn modo se siente marginal a causa de la no voluntariedad de su origenÉ (51) This idea of MVM taking a voyeuristic stance is also discussed by Carmela Ferrad⁄ns. She suggests Ò[l]a mirada que estructura los poemas de V⁄zquez Montalb⁄n analizados aqu™ confirma las posiciones tradicionales del sujeto -masculino, que mira y controla la imagen sin ser visto, y del objeto -femenino, que posa para ser (ad)miradoÓ (19). His documentation of pop culture is also related to his analysis of the social classes. Having come from the periphery of society, MVM already recognized the unique insights he could gain from viewing the traumas of his childhood from a sociological gaze. Jos” Colmeiro has commented on the poetÕs experiences and how they influenced his writings. He clai ms: 93 La escritura de V⁄zquez Montalb⁄n se sitœa en una posiciŠn de marginalidad con respecto a las normas culturales, siempre a contracorriente de los c⁄nones literarios y las hegemon™as ideolŠgicas. La pr⁄ctica de escribir desde los m⁄rgenes (desde los g”n eros y subg”neros literarios, desde el mestizaje cultural, desde la periferia peninsular, desde su posiciŠn de perdedor de la guerra y luchador de la posguerra) conlleve el intento de resituar los propios m⁄rgenes separadores y descentralizar el espacio po r el que se mueve. ( CrŠnica del desencanto 6) The argument can be made however, that a man who produced such a gargantuan amount of text for his society , including eight essays on Spanish society that include CrŠnica s entimental de EspaŒa (1971), must have been an active participant. The poetÕs own words seem to deny this possibility. Lucia Iglesias Kuntz discusses the poetÕs tendencies towards immersing himself in work. She states, ÒMontalb⁄n readily admits that he is a workaholic and that he has written more than he has lived. ÔOne day I shall have to stop writing in order to remember how to live,Õ he once told a reporterÓ (48). Florence Estrade has also cited another instance in which the poet expresses the same sentiment. She quotes, ÒÔ[m]i vid a no tiene mucho inter”s: ha sido m⁄s historia que vida hasta los aŒos sesenta, y desde entonces, es m⁄s literatura que vidaÕÓ (17). He tirelessly studied his culture and society through this voyeurism as a result of what Zizek would diagnose as neurosis. He contends: The obsessional neurotic aims at complete control over what he is for the Other: he wants to prevent, by means of compulsive rituals, the OtherÕs desire from emerging in its radical heterogeneity, as incommensurable with what he thinks he is for himself. The key ingredient of obsessional neurosis is the conviction that the knot of reality is held together only through th e subjectÕs compulsive activity: if 94 the obsessive ritual is not properly performed, reality will disintegrate. ( The Metastasi s of Enjoyment 177) His studies however, were not in vain as Francie Cate -Arries has observed. She states: V⁄zquez Montalb⁄n has repeatedly stated that one of the most successful means of interpreting the national consciousness of a people is by decipheri ng the signs of popular cultureÉ His first book of poems, Una educaciŠn sentimental , constitutes a trajectory Ôa la recherche du temps perduÕ which filters through the codes of mass culture and the experience of the Civil War survivors. (22) Therefore, his literary accomplishments were due in large part to the trauma -fueled obsession to continue working. One of the most traumatic events of his life would be caused by the terrible treatment he received while a prisoner of SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ. This internment resulted in MVM focusing not only on his personal losses, but also on the losses of his fellow Spaniard through his Òcompulsive ritualÓ of writing. Walther L. Bernecker has written about the treatment of the many victims, including intellectuals, of the Franco regime. He writes, Ò[m] iembros de la oposiciŠn pol™tica e intelectuales antifranquistas arrastraban numerosos traumas debidos, por un lado, a la violencia de la guerra civil y al terror de la primera fase de la dictadura, y por otro lado, a su incapacidad para hacer caer la dictadura franquista, habi”ndose visto obligados a ver morir a Franco en la camaÓ (Bernecker 77). These trauma s, witnessing continued violence and failing to defeat Franco during the war, would go on to affect MVM tremend ously, and having had personal horrific experiences with the Franco regime, MVM would attempt to discuss said trauma in detail throughout his numerous and varied projects. In fact, it was only while he himself was imprisoned in 1962 that MVM found the poet ic voice necessary to complete his first work. He writes: 95 Una educaciŠn sentimental , publicado en 1967 estuvo escrito desde 1963 y sŠlo por motivos de represiŠn administrativa y de poquedad econŠmica del heroico editor Jos” BatllŠ, no pudo editarse hasta cuatro aŒos despu”s. Durante mi estancia en la c⁄rcel de L”rida en 1962 y 1963 encontr” mi primera forma po”tica satisfactoria, superada del todo la escasa influencia recibida del mesianismo neorrom⁄ntico de la llamada poes™a social, a la que combat™ exces ivamente en los aŒos posterioresÉ (277) Therefore, it was through these particular traumas, the complete loss of liberty, and the subjugation to the horrific conditions of prison, that MVM developed what he called a Òsatisfactory poetic styleÓ. He would la ter engage his Òpoetic styleÓ to attack cultural issues, such as consumerism, which were , in his opinion, only furthering SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ . Representations of the trauma of loss appear in his work in order to demonstrate how SpainÕs most pressi ng issues originated during the Civil War and persisted during the Franco regime, in part, due to the fantasy inherent in consumerism. In an effort to boost SpainÕs economy, many steps were taken to transform parts of Spain into a tourist destination. Mich ael Richards discusses this stating, Ò[c]apital accumulation, aided by the stateÕs regressive and corrupt tax system, would be invested in new economic opportunities offered by tourism and the construction industry in the 1950s and 1960sÓ (103). One unanti cipated side effect of these efforts was the spreading of pop culture, and later consumerism, throughout SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ. These circumstances led to a continuation of the subjugation of people through the introduction of fantasies, inherent in consumerism, in the 1960s or the ÒaŒos de desarrolloÓ. This process began in the 1950s with several actions taken by the government in an effort to bolster SpainÕs economy. Richards writes, Ò[t]he liberalizing Decree of Economic 96 Stabilization, introduced in 1959, would dismantle autarky as the economic basis of post -war internal colonizationÉThe Stabilization Plan was effectively the much -delayed Spanish equivalent of Marshall Aid which would herald the unprecedented socio -economic change of the 1960sÓ (1 90-1). This economic boost did not, however, overshadow the historical trauma the Spanish government refused to confront, at least for MVM. He, despite the perceived improvement of daily life, fostered by an expanding economy, recognized the fantasy inhere nt in consumerism. The term fantasy, as it will be employed in Section III, ÒPop culture: Fueling the Fantasy of ConsumerismÓ has been explained by Slavoj Zizek. He proposes, Ò[t]he standard notion of the way fantasy works within ideology is that of a fant asy-scenario which obfuscates the true horror of a situation: instead of a full rendering of the antagonisms which traverse our society, we indulge the notion of society as an organic Whole, kept together by forces of solidarity and co -operationÓ (5). MVM was able to see the fantasy created through consumerism, and he employed his poetry to expose and confront it. Unfortunately, as Zizek notes, fantasy is a tough beast to slay. Zizek claims, ÒÉfantasy and the horror of the Real it conceals is much more ambi guous that it may seem: fantasy conceals this horror, yet at the same time it creates what it purports to conceal, its ÔrepressedÕ point of referenceÓ (6). Fantasy continues the process it is meant to obscure, thus allowing it to continue infinitely and wi thout impediments. Consumerism, while creating a fantasy of freedom and equality, was nothing more than another subjugating element installed in the Spanish Òstate of exceptionÓ. Zizek explains fantasy as subjugation when he notes: The need for the phantas mic support of the public symbolic order (materialized in the so -called unwritten rules) thus bears witness to the systemÕs vulnerability: the system is compelled to allow for possibilities of choices which much never have 97 actually taken place, since their occurrence would cause the system to disintegrate, and the function of the unwritten rules is precisely to prevent the actualization of these choices formally allowed by the system. ( The Plague of Fantasies 37) Fantasy thus protects Òthe system Ó and restricts the freedoms of those who buy into it. Zizek continues: Éfantasy works both ways, it simultaneously closes the actual span of choices (fantasy renders and sustains structure of the forced choice, it tells us how we are to choose if we are to maintain the freedom of choice Ð that is, it bridges the gap between the formal symbolic frame of choices and social reality by preventing the choice which, although formally allowed, would, if in fact made, ruin the system) and maintains the false openin g, the idea that the excluded choice might have happened, and does not actually take place only on account of contingent circumstancesÉ (39) Throughout Section III of this chapter, MVMÕs presentation of the fantasy of consumerism as a veil of historical traumas will be explored in his work Una educaciŠn sentimental . In order to discuss the traumatic elements presented in the work Una educaciŠn sentimental , the poems from its three sections, ÒEl libro de los antepasadosÓ, ÒUna educaciŠn sentimentalÓ, and ÒArs amandiÓ, will be arranged and analyzed in two sections in this chapter. The section entitled ÒThe Trauma of the Civil War and an Oppressiv e RegimeÓ will discuss trauma experienced during, and as a result of, the Spanish Civil War. The next section entitled, ÒPop culture: Fueling the Fantasy of ConsumerismÓ, will present the historical trauma the Franco regime attempted to hide by creating an elaborate fantasy through consumerism. This 98 subjugating mechanism exploded in SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ as its economy began to recover in the 195 0s as a result of several international inputs before and during the ÒaŒos de desarrolloÓ. Section II: The Trauma of the Civil War and an Oppressive Regime In Memoria y deseo (2008) Castellet discussed the poetÕs profound need to write and an ÒinjuryÓ he experienced that constantly manifested in his work. He postulates, ÒÉ esa herida fechada permanece abierta a lo largo de tiempo. Infancia, adolescencia, juventud y madurez del poeta son otros tantos per™odos dolorosos que no permiten que se cierre. SŠlo la abdicaciŠn del escritor podr™a, quiz⁄s, eliminarla. Pero dejar de escribir es una renuncia que no puede p lantearse porque es su razŠn de existirÓ (59 -60). Castellet introduced the term ÒheridaÓ as one of the key components in the poetÕs work. He explains writing, Ò[d]e una herida p rofunda que no se cerrar⁄ jam⁄s Ð puesto que ”ste es el sentir del poeta, lœcid a conciencia esclarecida por el fulgor del choque ineluctable entre una muy fina sensibilidad moral y una inteligencia cr™tica abierta al mundo, pero insobornable frente a ”l Ð, de esa herida, digo, surge la poes™a de V⁄zquez Montalb⁄nÓ (59). This theory co rresponds with Caruth, Lacapra, and ZizekÕs conclusions about trauma. What Castellet called a figurative injury can be more clearly explained as trauma, and that conclusion will assist in the understanding of the prevalence of V⁄zquez Montalb⁄nÕs attempts to understant trauma through his poetry. Caruth insists: The attempt to gain access to a traumatic history, then, is also the project of listening beyond the pathology of individual suffering, to the reality of a history that in its crises can only be perc eived in unassimilable forms. This history may 99 speak through the individual or through the community, which in its own suffering, as Kai Erikson makes clear, may not only be the site of its disruption but the locus of a Ôwisdom all its ownÕ. (156) Through the analysis of Una educaciŠn sentimental , traumaÕs influence over V⁄zquez Montalb⁄n will be made abundantly clear. The first poem of the section ÒEl libro de los antepasadosÓ, and the entire collection for that matter, draws the readerÕs attention to the month of April, the precise month in 1936 in which the Spanish Civil War began. ÒNada quedŠ de abrilÉÓ is a poem tha t discusses the trauma of loss, both on personal and societal levels. He discusses the loss of his mother alongside a multitude of various other personal and shared traumas. Several scholars have already noted the poemÕs references to the Civil War. Manuel Rico suggests, Ò[l]o cual quiere decir que el origen de la identidad del sujeto po”tico est⁄ abril. Un abril con una doble capacidad simbŠlica: el abril de la Repœblica y de la luzÓ ( 16). He later states, Ò[ e]se abril adquiere distinto s matices a trav”s de la sucesiŠn de im⁄genes y de pequeŒas historias que hace del libro un recorrido por los escenarios y por las claves culturales de la posguerra y por las distintas fuentes de formaciŠn cultural y sentimental de la generaciŠn del poetaÓ (Rico 16). While h e notes the personal sentimentality injected into the poem, further information can be gained through insights offered by the poet himself in an interview with Jos ” Colmeiro. He comments , ÒMemoria y deseo se ultima con Pero el viajero que huye . El libro co mienza con el poema ÒNada quedŠ de abrilÓ y termina con la muerte del personaje, que es la muerte de mi madre; el primer poema est⁄ dedicado a mi madre y el œltimo tambi”n. Es como se cierre la formaciŠn de la memoriaÓ (Colmeiro 296). 100 The poem begins wi th a tragic reflection of a now absconded Republic, where daily life was far better than the current conditions in the Spanish Òstate of exceptionÓ. MVM writes: Era distinto abril, entonces hab™a alegr™a, y rastro de mejillones en la escollera, canciones a la orilla del crepœsculoÉ (73) The bleak tone of the poem continues throughout ; instead of celebrating his mother or the rejuvenation of life in the spring season, MVM focuses on the terrible conditions under Franco. Under the regime, the flowers do not bloom but rather, turn to dust. MVM continues: nada quedŠ del Puerto, grœas retorcidas, patrulleros hundidos , serones cargados de alcaparras y girasoles, cascotes de bombas misteriosamente humanizadas, se o™an caer despu”s, ya de vuelta a la ciudad, como una noche impuesta que se impone gritando murieron pretendientes y nadie descendiŠ a la calle al paso de los percherones los geranios se agostaron en cenizas amarillas luego volvieron otras tardes de abril, no aqu”llas 101 muertas muertas ya para siempre los gitanos perdieron duende, no cantaban, tos™an de noche bajo el relente, cuando cos™amos tristes arreglos de vestidos viejos para mutilados cuerpos de posguerra incivil inmutables, m⁄s all⁄ de esta ventana, de esta persiana, de estas macetas vac™as como planetas deshabitados, los palos grises para tender la ropa, azoteas de arenisca y ladrillos desportillados, negras chimeneas rotas y amarillos jaramagos sobre tejados en erosiŠn. (75) This excerpt alone is rife with traumatic imagery of death and destruction. He focuses on Òlos gitanosÓ as he empathizes with their peripheral status and historical mistreatment under the Franco regime. Where there was once singing now only a wrenching cough can be heard at night. Also, instead of fertile soil there is erosion. The chimneys, a source of warmth and sustenance for the families, are broken. Perhaps what is most interesting here is the manipulation of the term Civil War. While playing on the other sense of the wo rd ÒcivilÓ, MVM employs its antonym, uncivil. Castellet has noted this literary strategy as well. He writes of the poetÕs style stating, Ò[e] ncontraremos, pues, cambios sœbitos de plano, como en la visualizaciŠn de una pel™cula; una adjetivaciŠn desconcert ante o una yuxtaposiciŠn de palabras aparentemente sin sentido, debido a la abundante utilizaciŠn de la asociaciŠn libreÉÓ (48). By doing so, the poet 102 does not allow for any side to claim victory because the loss was too terribly tremendous for all parties in SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ. It is clear that this initial poem depicts a broken past and present that cannot be mended. The trauma of this existence is so profound that it will continue to resonate throughout the three sections of Una educaciŠn senti mental : ÒEl libro de los antepasadosÓ, ÒUna educaciŠn sentimentalÓ, and ÒArs amandiÓ. Another poem in which Valente approximates trauma in ÒEl libro de los antepasadosÓ is ÒIn memoriamÓ. This poem highlights the trauma of loss through its portrayal of a desire for escape. MVM writes: Aprend™ la interminable lista de reyes godos y el mundo no fue m™o ni tu historiaÉÓ (84) In discussing a history lesson for children, MVM pointedly addresses the fact that the history being presented is not of his own time o r country, but that of others. The regimeÕs efforts to control discussion of the Civil War, and any other topic it deemed a threat, left a stranglehold on the Spanish people who were trying to survive both the losses they suffered as a result of the war and the regimeÕs brutal tactics once it established a Òstate of exceptionÓ . The poem continues: Ésaber o no saber la cuestiŠn era aceptar un blanco destino de burŠcrata o emigrar al mundo de los que nada hab™an perdido 103 nuncaÉ (84) The excerpt ends contemplating an unnamed destination in which the experience of loss is a foreign concept. The desire expressed here not only demonstrates the necessity of escape in Spain under the Franco regime through its reference of emigrating, but it also notes how t here are better places to live than SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ. However, it is his Òcompulsive ritualÓ of exploring the traumatic event through writing that prevents his from escaping the Franco regime even after his imprisonment. The next and second se ction of Una educaciŠn sentimental , carries the same title as the collection. This section, ÒUna educaciŠn sentimentalÓ, also has various examples of MVMÕs confrontations with trauma through the writing process as he tries to recall the horrors of the Span ish Civil War and the abominable tactics employed by the Franco regime following the war. For example, the poem ÒLas masas coralesÓ contrasts Spain before, during, and after the three -year battle that was the Civil War. Of prewar Spain he writes: Amaban de masiado y los domingos como nosotros y tuvieron sonrisa desde niŒos, manos c⁄lidas despu”s palpando vida incierta, libros pocos; mucho martillo o cuerdo de c⁄Œamo amarilla o blanca, tosca para izar casas y ahorcar pequeŒa vida, interiores de hogares, antes de la guerra es posible iluminables por carburo o candiles de aceite. (108) 104 The innocence and happiness of youth were cultivated and maintained in those prewar years. This would be an absolute impossibility after the tr auma brought on by the war. After this depiction of a content existence however, MVM notes the tourists passing over the blood and flesh of SpainÕs fallen. He states: Éhicieron el amor algunos, otros ya no tuvieron tiempo podrida la hombr™a fl⁄ccida de su muerte porque murieron muchos no lejos de las v™as de los trenes junto a fuentes que constan en la gu™as de EspaŒa, para turistas de domingo donde las flores seguramente enrojecen de sangre antigua oculta como r™os subterr⁄neos que ya nadie distingue. (108-9) Here, much in the same manner with which Carlos Sahagœn paint ed the Spanish landscape in his poetic work Profec™as del a gua (1958), MVM draws attention to the unhealed wounds still festering in postwar Spain. The depiction of the casual pedestrian s and the bloated rotten bodies, which cannot make love, hint at a more complete depiction of trauma that is impossible to capture . The final blood reddened flowers also leaves an unsettling freshness to the suffering in order to make it as if it were stil l so very recent. This supports the theories on trauma previously discussed in this dissertation by Caruth that argue trauma is an unhealed wound because it cannot be fully captured in writing nor can its effects be consciously controlled (201). MVMÕs failure to 105 fully document the traumatic event sustains his Òcompulsive ritualÓ as he is forced to confront traumatic events as they appear . In part VII of ÒArs amandiÓ, MVM notes how many of his fellow Spaniards are mired in a traumatic stasis of loss in SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ. He writes, ÒÉ ni siquiera miedo a perder / algo / porque en nuestro fin empieza todo / lo que de gris ayer vestimos ÉÓ (118). Here, he references the destruction of the city and way of life that have left them covered in a literal and figurative dust of destruction. The grey of yesterday refers to the battle lost for the city of Barcelona during the Civil War. MVM indicates that Barcelona is a ruin of a city, and what is left of it will later be destroyed through the vacu um of consumerism. In addition to his poems on the Civil War, several poems in Ò Una educaciŠn sentimental Ó and ÒArs amandiÓ discuss the trauma that was perpetrated by the Franco regime after the war. First, the poems of ÒUna educaciŠn sentimentalÓ will be studied. These poems include: ÒFran“oise HardyÓ, ÒEl buen amorÓ, ÒOtoŒo cuarentaÓ, ÒS™ntesisÓ, and ÒUlisesÓ. First, in ÒFran“oise HardyÓ, MVM comments on the fascist tactic of creating a perfect race, entirely subservient to its leader. He writes: ha estallado en algœn lugar la guerra, dicen de desinfecciŠn, pero canta Fran“oise la canciŠn de una pequeŒa pequeŒo - burguesa, la poca heroica alegr™aÉ penœltimos minutos, algœn lamento, 106 para™sos perdidosÉ (95) Here, the positioning of the Òwar of disinfectionÓ alongside the music positions the trauma of loss as a natural, common occurrence in FrancoÕs Spain. The sadness of the song also relates to the desperation that MVM and his compatriots felt when Spain was lost to the fascists. He no doubt understood that Spain was, in fact, one of the Òpara™sos perdidosÓ. The trauma associated with loss and inequality continues on in the next poems as well. For instance, ÒOtoŒo cuarentaÓ and ÒEl buen amorÓ both discuss the impo ssibility of love under the Franco regime. In ÒEl buen amorÓ he writes: como antes cuando todav™a era posible algœn misterio m⁄s all⁄ de los labios besados, silenciosos ahora como un mundo prohibido sin lluvias, sin fronteras, un vasto mundo de venas heladas, ramajes de bosques horrorosos sin p⁄jaros ni estrellas donde no cabe el miedo ni el valor. (99) Under Franco, Spaniards were inundated with messages that highlighted the valor of the Spa nish state and threats, both physical and psychological, which would be administered to those who did not conform to the representation of FrancoÕs ideal citizen. This is a stark contrast to Spain during the Second Republic where Spaniards were able to liv e their lives free from the 107 restrictions that would be imposed in SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ. MVM continues to write about further impossibilities under the Franco regime. In ÒOtoŒo cuarentaÓ he writes, ÒÉno, / no es posible el amor, / es un sueŒo rom⁄n ticoÉÓ (106). MVM signals what is lacking and or not possible following the Civil War. The Franco regime, despite its inability to provide resources during the ÒaŒos de hambreÓ that were the 1940s, continued to place innumerable restrictions on the Spanish people to the point, in the poetÕs opinion, that love was not even possible. In addition to these aforementioned impossibilities, MVM also discusses how the Franco regime even manipulated its citizensÕ identities. In the poem ÒS™ntesisÓ, MVM alludes to th e changes in laws concerning SpainÕs autonomies and their language use under the Franco regime. He writes: Éy en las aras de la marcha ascendente de la Historia sintetizaron la tesis del olimpo -lirio -ceniciento y la ant™tesis del verbalismo fraudulento para constituir la c”lula social fundamental de la comisiŠn c™vica democr⁄tico - matrimonial de la ambigua zona catalano -mikenico -balear. (104) These restrictions, cultural, linguistic, and political, further marginalized those living in the Catalan, Basqu e, and Galician autonomies of Spain. As will be discussed in Chapter 4 of this dissertation, the future historic nationalities, Galicia, Basque Country, and CataluŒa, suffered 108 exponentially under the Franco regime because of their unique heritages, culture s, and languages. Finally, in Ò UlisesÓ MVM captures the actions, both valiant and mundane, of a man who fought against FrancoÕs forces during and after the war. The maquis were punished by the regime after being captured, and ÒUlisesÓ highlights the traum a one faced at the hands of the dictatorial regime. He writes: El cuerpo de ella se hizo tierra en mil novecientos cuarenta y seis antes ”l hizo la guerra, perdiŠ la guerra, huyŠ por las montaŒas despu”s la c⁄rcel volviŠ al Vall”s y se hizo amigo de un teŠsofo libertario y de un abogado retirado y viejo que le escribe con frecuencia muchos, much™simos ⁄nimos de vez en cuando hace gimnasia en el patio, resuelve complicados problemas de aritm”tica, nos habla de violentos safaris de tomillo y romero, de l agua clara junto al caminoÉ (110) 109 This poem highlights not only the loss of the war, but also the many traumas that followed for those who had opposed Franco. After the war , MVM directs the reader to the loss of the home when escape to the mountains was required. This causes an absence in the family, and the death noted in the poemÕs first lines could have been brought about by said absence. Upon being apprehended by the authorities, there was a loss of freedom through incarceration. The documentation of the trauma of incarceration, with which MVM had first hand experience, is critical because it supports CastelettÕs theory on the autobiographical nature of MVMÕs work and CaruthÕs theory on trauma as stated earlier in this chapter. MVMÕs poetry demonstrat es that trauma is continuous and total. When freedom was finally awarded again, MVM focuses on the quotidian activities of an older man stuck in the cycle of repetition, or perhaps, a Òcompulsive ritualÓ in the Spanish Òstate of exceptionÓ . The poem contin ues: o nos increpa por el turbio asunto -nada claro - del boicot a las comunidades del Bajo AragŠn -hoy se lo han dicho - le han condenado a cinco aŒos y ya no caben m⁄s canas de sus cabellos blancos despu”s ha hecho gimnasia ha resuelto algœn problema de aritm”tica ha contemplado el vuelo de unos p⁄jaros hacia el oeste 110 ha sido entonces ha sonado la trompeta y se ha echado a llorar. (110) After relaying various activities such as solving a math problem or exercising, MVM introduces a boycott taking place in Aragon. Immediately after there is a condemnation of five years in prison for a n aged man whose hair is already quite white. With the trumpet sounding, the man begins to weep, and the poem concludes. This case, not particularly uncommon under Franco, de monstrates the traumatic experiences that not only occurred during the war, but also what terrors came after as well. The final and third section of the poetic text Una educaciŠn sentimental is ÒArs amandiÓ. While the previous sections contained a grouping of independent poems, each with their own title, this section holds an extended poem of eighteen parts, connected through various themes all interacting in the background of a story of two young lovers. Castellet has commented on this final section statin g, Ò[e] n efecto, desde la tercera parte de la obra de Una educaciŠn sentimental (Ars Amandi ), hasta A la sombra de las muchachas sin f lor , pasando por los poemas amorosos de Movimientos sin ” xito, su poes™a tien e como tema recurrente la relaciŠn erŠticaÓ (55). While this section contains many of the same foci such as flowers, inequality, an angst towards consumerism, pop culture and anti -Franco sentiment, it presents them in a new format while incorporating trauma. In particular, Parts II, VII, VIII, and X III of ÒArs amandiÓ also make specific references to trauma that occurred in the aftermath of the Civil War . For instance, part II focuses heavily on cemeteries and darkness to highlight the continuity of trauma of loss in post -war Spain. He writes: Noctur nas aves ciegas, muere 111 algœn jarrŠn con rosas de crespŠn, subes por el grito y desciendo al cementerio de tus ojos cerrados, marfiles diluidos, nenœfares borrachos de r™o antiguo, subes por el grito y desciendo muerto en un burbuja de vino destilado, abiertas torres y una ⁄nfora romana, oleajes de aceite contra el acantilado, prohibido el mundo, prohibida la noche, subes por el grito y desciendo al cementerio de tus ojos cerrados los abres, cuelgas la risa del aire y quedas como un Watteau perdido mitad souvenir hectacrom mitad pecado. In Part II, Spain is converted into one large cemetery where the cries of mourners shatter the silence of those lost. Carlos Jerez -Farr⁄n and Samuel Amago have shed further light on this topic in their book Unearthing Franc oÕs L egacy . They conclude: Owing to the conspiracy of silence imposed by the Franco regime and perpetuated even after his death, the whereabouts of the tens of thousands of the GeneralÕs victims were seldom discussed in private or in public, even th ough their resting 112 places were known by neighboring residents. As is often the case with authoritarian governments, the silence that followed what happened during and after the Spanish Civil War was due mainly to the fear inflicted on the populace by the p revailing ideology. (1 -2) This silence is depicted at the end of the excerpt from Part II when MVM references the image of a cheap smiling souvenir. Like the inanimate object, MVM presents the Spanish people participants in SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ who maintain their silence and pretend the travesties committed by the regime never occurred. The blind birds noted in the first line of the poem further support this point. The Spanish people, like the souvenir and blind birds, see nothing and say the same i n SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ. Furthermore, in part VIII MVM discusses how life under Franco allows for continued traumatization of a vanquished people. He offers: hay una universal campaŒa de desinfecciŠn , patŠgeno el aire y los recuerdos, la fidelidad, las creencias, el roce, la conciencia y si alguien ha muerto canta el jukebox universal un reldo universal no, no, no, hay hechizos ni sonrisas, ni m⁄rmol, sŠlo 113 semanas sin domingos y cantos, despedidos a la orilla de aluminioÉ( 118-9) The campaign meant to cleanse Spain is the well -investigated mass murdering, either through work camps or government sanction assassinations, of those who opposed Franco during and after the Civil War. Francisco Ferr⁄ndiz attempts to quantify the devastation in his article, ÒExhuming the Defeated: Civil War Mass Graves in 21 st-Century SpainÓ. He argues, Ò[c]ontemporary historiography places the numbers of those killed by the Republican rear guard at 55,000; as many as 150, 000 may have died at the hands of the rebellious, or Nationalist, army rear guard - including an estimated 20 thousand who were executed after the war. These figures do not include those who died in prisons and concentration camps during and after the confl ict or reflect the grossly unreported violence against women and childrenÓ (40). The final part that will be discussed in this section, part XIII, also presents the trauma of loss as a result of the Civil War. It comments on the lingering effects of the t rauma while a conflicted Spanish people are ordered to forget about what they lost despite the fact they are constantly haunted by the ghosts of the past in a Òstate of exceptionÓ . He writes: Éya estaba dicho aquello de la pasiŠn inœtil el hombre, la vida , la muerte, la libertad luego 114 los rŠtulos sobre jarritos de loza, tr”boles azules y San Antonintos, las condiciones subjetivas, las objetivas, las relaciones de producciŠn, las culatas cuartearon las sienes de Rosa Luxemburgo, la hierba luisa, el boldo, la manzanilla, una cosa es la contradicciŠn de primer plano, otra cosa es la contradicciŠn fundamental amanece lentamente, a veces es un presagio detenido el mudo dialogo del creer y el hacer, insuficiente la sombra que r espalda, inmenso el mar cuando llega algœn barco de nombre extranjero, brillantes las bocas de los nichos adormecen burlonas siemprevivas, pensamientos, nomeolvidesÉ (122 -3) Perhaps the most interesting occurrences are the calls coming from the fallen pleading not be forgotten. While their wishes were administered to, others were burdened severely by the trauma of their loss. The poem continues: ten, ten la pequeŒa memoria de una vida porque algœn fr™o ha vencido esa rendija oculta 115 por donde se queja Le o Ferre si tu tÕen vas, si tu tÕen vas, un jour, tu mÕoublieras . (122-3) As traumatized individuals in the Spanish Òstate of exceptionÓ, they could not control the flashbacks that resulted from their experiences. Although they may have wanted to forget ab out their losses, as Caruth argues , it is simply an impossibility. Section III: Pop culture: Fueling the Fantasy of Consumerism As the poet has explained in his own words, participation in life was always second to the documenting of societal and cultural occurrences. As his symptoms of trauma were both incited and soothed by his literary endeavors, and because, as stated by Cathy Caruth, trauma can never be eliminated, the poet was driven to continue the Òcompulsive ritualÓ of recall through his writings. Castellet discused this idea as well. He claims that MVM Òsabe que la poes™a es su reducto personal, su habitaciŠn propia, y sŠl o caben en ella sus sentimientos, sus vivencias, sus amores o sueŒos, junto con sus desencantos, sus fantasmas personales o algunos atisbos lejanos de felicidadÓ (53). In the upcoming poems, collected from all three sections of Una educaciŠn sentimental , MVM strives to recall the historical trauma hidden by a rabid consumerism stoked in fantasy . Before highlighting what he believed was a dangerous fantasy in consumerism, MVM wrote about the situation that preceded the ÒaŒos de desarrolloÓ in the poems ÒArgu ellesÓ, ÒEl hombre que sab™a demasiadoÓ, and p arts I and IV of ÒArs amandiÓ. The second section of Una educaciŠn sentimental , entitled ÒUna educaciŠn sentimentalÓ contains many other examples of MVMÕs attempt to discuss the trauma caused by the 116 inequalitie s established by capitalism in a consumer society. Although Castellet has mentioned that what he calls ÒheridaÓ is present throughout the work, what little analysis this section has received focuses more on the aspect of innocence. Florence Estrade suggest s that, ÒUna educaciŠn sentimentalÓ se compone de 13 poemas que abordan el tema de la inocencia durante la adolescenciaÉ y la formaciŠn sentimental del poetaÓ (61). While these two themes are present and significant in this section, more analysis is required to see how MVM characterizes life in SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ prior to the ÒaŒos de desarrolloÓ. The anger he felt concerning the trauma of class inequality is evident in the second poem of the section ÒUna educaciŠn sentimentalÓ entitled ÒAllesÓ. He begins the poem by writing: Sin nadie a quien darle algo, sin nada que darle la Moncloa puede oler a mar sucio estancado, al fr™o atardecer del otoŒoÉ (90) The desperati on and absurdity of conditions in Spain are clear in these opening lines. Later, he notes the futility of life for the poor in Spain. He writes, Ò trabajar pa los ricos, seguir / de pobres / ”sta es EspaŒaÉ Ó (91). His use here of the word ÒpaÓ instead of pa ra, exemplifies his rebellion against the regime. The message expressed concerning the lack of equality between classes, along with this form of speech, clearly places MVM with the working class people instead of with those that have power and resources. M VM drives home the point that in the years leading up to the ÒaŒos de desarrolloÓ, only the rich gained more wealth while the poor found themselves in an ever -worsening situation. Furthermore, the poems ÒEl hombre que sab™a 117 demasiadoÓ and part s I and IV of ÒArs amandiÓ also offer examples of the utter poverty in 1950s Spain. In the poem Ò El hombre que sab™a demasiado Ó, MVM continues lamenting the existence of inequality and the stagnation it has created for many in Spain. After introducing arithmetic and re ason as central focuses of the poem, MVM demonstrates how they are manipulated to create even greater divisions between the social classes, which will be further exacerbated by consumerism in the 1960s. He writes: desŠrdenes misteriosos de una concie ncia enfrentada a la perversiŠn de los est™mulos de la sociedad clasista dominada por financieras oligarqu™as objetivamente condicionadas por la tendencia a la concentraciŠn correspondiente a la etapa fatalmente agŠnica del capitalismo. (101 -2) Here MVM includes his clear and utter disdain for an economic system that allows for a few to prosper economically from the misery of the masses. In discussing the oligarchy, he makes it clear that social mobility has slowed to a crawl in SpainÕs Òstate of e xceptionÓ. This has been discussed by Erik Sweyngedouw in his study of the history of hydro -related technology in Spain under the Franco regime. He claims: The socio -economic and religious alliances that Franco forged generated a maze of power relations th at supported the regime and secured its longevity. After his victory, Franco eliminated through execution, imprisonment or exile the most activist parts of the oppositional movements, while securing the loyalty of many 118 royalist, nationalist, the church hie rarchy, the military and significant parts of the national industrial bourgeoisie. The Falange became the only legal political party and the conduit for FrancoÕs political support. The strong state -economy linkages would cement a corporatist state structur e that could count on an endogenous capitalist sector, whose success and profit was closely tied up with the stateÕs investment flows. (15) Later, MVM ridicules those who take advantage of others through capitalism by sarcastically including a line from a math textbook. He poses, ÒÔ porque la suma de dos ideales tiene una sencilla / interpretaciŠn geom”tricaÕ (çlgebra Moderna -Birkhoff / y Maclane)Ó (102). As he continues the poem, he depicts the tragic diaspora that took place after FrancoÕs victory. He stat es: y un mal d™a mal interpretadas sus palabras, tuvo que marchar a tierras lejanas con la muchacha aleccionada experta ya en dibujar coordinadas exponentes de la tristeza de los borrachos melancŠlicos porque la mala alimentaciŠn y falta de yodo suelen abocar al hombre en la melancol™a y al marchase con el triste amor ahogado en la zozobra volviŠ el rostro como la mujer de Lot y contemplŠ 119 la tierra que dejaba y sus problemas eran el fiel reflejo de un pa™s subdesarrollado que todav™a no hizo la revoluciŠn liberal. (102) This sharp attack leaves little doubt that MVM was completely disappointed by not only the setbacks Spain had faced, but also how they were responded to by the Franco regime. MVM was keenly aware of the large group of intelle ctuals that escaped Spain after the war. It was due to the trauma of this loss of the intelligentsia, along with the great loss of infrastructure, both during the war and the years following, which caused Spain to be underdeveloped in the eyes of the poet . In the poem, the Òman who knew too muchÓ recognizes that his country is underdeveloped and elects to abandon it. Finally, by signaling that a lack of a liberal revolution would leave Spain backward during his time, and with little hope for the immediate future, he solidifies his position against the regime. His condemnation of social inequality, brought on by the lack of economic growth in the 1950s, is prevalent in the third section of Una EducaciŠn Sentiemental entitled, ÒArs amandiÓ. In part I of ÒArs amandiÓ, MVM reintroduces flowers and fruit into the verses, but his language towards them turns sinister. He writes: Queda crepœsculo, rodajas de cielo aŒil anaranjado, brisa de otoŒo, destejo las persianas no hay vecinos en los balcones, y nos protege e l patio con gatos 120 y cacharros, pieles de pl⁄tanos deshabitados, mondas de naranja brutalmente desnudas en la esquina mujeres solas, olor de pan dormido, chocolate a la francesa, niŒas con faldas plisadas, medias de algodŠn y blusas blancas los lirios agonizaban y seis d™as hace en ese jarrŠn con ciŒas y nubes fragancia embalsamada en analg”sico han encendido los primeros faroles, huele a invierno el eczema de luz sobre el asfalto, salen ahora de las puertas de los Bancos paŒuelitos de seda en el bolsillo, huelo a masaje facial y a sudor de abdominales en el Club N⁄uticoÉ (113) In these initial lines, the poet captures the traumatic plight of the lower class. In their houses they have junk, roaming cats, and discarded fruit. This Òbrutally nak edÓ and Òuninhabited skinÓ of the fruit injects harshness into the scene that is only compounded by the fall chill that ÒagonizesÓ the flowers. MVM also notes the particular material of the clothes between two 121 groups mentioned. The little girls have cotton stockings while the men leaving the banks have silk handkerchiefs. MVM awards several verses to these men that seemingly have ample resources in a place where many live in squalor. Their fine clothes, facials, and sweat, induced not by labor but rather ph ysical exercise at their club, elevate them into another stratosphere of society. Once again, the subject of class inequality due to capitalism and the trauma it creates is addressed by MVM. The poet then returns to the flowers and their suffering. He writ es: no, no te han visto el rostro anochecido, anochece y una voz infantil grita lejana no vale Àpor qu” parecen ateridos esos lirios que ve™amos arder en el verano? lentos crepœsculos y algo menos sabios cerr⁄bamos la puerta a doble llave É (113-4) Here, it is not necessary to mention the people suffering explicitly because MVM discusses the flowers that are dying in the cold. By mentioning the acrimonious conditions in the first lines, followed by the cold in the later verses, MVM depict s a scene where desperation can drive peopleÕs actions. Like the flowers that lived during the summer, but which cannot sustain themselves in the winter, the suffering of Spaniards in the cold is meant to expose the inequalities sustained by consumerism in SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ. Part IV of ÒArs amandiÓ continues discussing the trauma of loss on various levels. It sets its vision on what could have been and what has ceased to be in Spain . In writing explicitly about what could be, MVM is implicitly d eclaring what is lacking. He writes: Podr™an ser azules las baldosas del lavabo, 122 algo corinto la alfombra, chimenea roja y libros encuadernados, una foto enorme de la Rambla pero primero habr™amos hecho la revoluciŠn, del pueblo las risas que partimos entre tœ y yo y en el verano ver™amos hundirse en Port Lligat aquel balandro fantasma de un viejo terrateniente exiliado. (115) Several items mentioned in the excerpt require attention. First, he works on improving things on an aesthetic level as well as maintaining necessities. Modifications to the sink would make it look more appealing, and a new rug would also be appreciated. The photo of the Rambla is typical of something that MVM would have due to his deep connection with Barcelona . A new red chimn ey would enhance the presentation of the apartment as well as provide warmth and consistent ventilation. These changes are all driven into the minds of Spaniards through the fantasy inherent in consumerism. MVM highlights the constant need for the best and the brightest trinkets because of consumerismÕs persistent and antagonizing nature. Also, by mentioning the sunken boat and exiled landlord, possible only after the cited ÒrevoluciŠnÓ, MVM, once again, casts negative light on the upper class. While the lo wer class cannot achieve the most basic of improvements, the upper class is still able to maintain its excessive tastes through the exploitation of consumerism. The following poems will show MVMÕs transition from the 1950s to the 1960s, where pop culture a nd consumerism create a fantasy in the hopes of 123 masking the lack of freedom in Spain under the Franco regime. These poems include: ÒConchita PiquerÓ, ÒJamboreeÓ, and parts IX, XI, and XVI from ÒArs amandiÓ. In the poem ÒConchita PiquerÓ MVM introduces the United States of America as an unwelcomed guest that will, in his opinion, only worsen the conditions in SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ. In addition, MVM assimilates the trauma of death and loss into a dedication to the famous singer. Within the first lines MVM discusses Glenn Miller by introducing his song into the background of the poem. He writes: y luego Glenn Miller, recientemente fallecido en la guerra mundial , llenaba de olor a mil novecientos cuarenta y cinco con brisas de fox trot o el l⁄nguidoÉ ( 76) By employing the death of a single person along with the intangible loss of World War II, MVM contrasts the joy of many social practices such as music and dancing with a country and world plagued with violence. Francie Cate -Arries discusses the multifa ceted approach the poet takes in this poem. She suggests that Ò[t]he overall effectiveness of ÔConchita PiquerÕ rests primarily on its structure. A powerful dynamism is achieved through the fluid oscillation between two levels established in the poem: that of the concrete reality of the average Spaniard in 1945, and the more abstract, illusory one created through the mediaÓ (22). MVM ironically discusses the possibility of returning to normalcy with a reference to media again, this time involving Eleanor Ro osevelt. He writes: porque eran las diez de la noche en el reloj de la Puerta del sol -Radio Nacional de EspaŒa -Madrid 124 Eleonora Roosevelt hacia de las suyas: colectas con el fementido pol™tico, algunas noches pederasta fulano de tal, profeta de una prŠ xima vuelta de la normalidad a EspaŒa naturalmenteÉ (77 -78) In these excerpt s, MVM discusses the intrusion of the United States into Spain. He mentions not only the clock tower in Puerta del Sol, but he advances even further by specifying its location in Madrid. Therefore , he goes great lengths to place this encroachment in the very heart of a city, wh ich happens to be SpainÕs capita l. This poem is a reminder to all that the presence of the United States, althoug h unwelcomed, is everywhere in a globalized world dominated by consumerism. Not even a Spanish celebrity can be discussed without American pop culture figures storming in. Furthermore, MVM notes that while Spaniards now have more access to pop culture in t he 1960s, it is merely a fantasy of freedom SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ. His appreciation for the poor and mistreated is also evident in the poem ÒJamboreeÓ through pop culture references. Once again, MVM discusses the American invasion of Spain via pop culture. In ÒJamboreeÓ MVM discusses the plight of an African American both within her own country and in Spain. He begins by depicting a scene at a jazz club. He writes: La muchacha era negra y cantaba una experiencia agridulce, met⁄lica de micrŠfono, met ⁄lico el hielo usado en la penumbra del vaso opacoÉ (93) By specifying that the singer is of African descent, MVM subtly draws attention to a subaltern figure, and thus related her to the marginalized people within his own country. Later he adds: 125 y nadie intentaba decir a los de la Navy: yankee go home, porque los yanquis -tal vez exiliados de algœn Harlem blanco - escalaban el estrado en un salto de tragamillas o de puntero de rugby en el partido cumbre para recuperar el jazz amable en el piano de aq uel pianista poeta sabio como un soltero sin compromisosÉ (93) The use of music to facilitate the transition for social and cultural issues is prevalent his first poetic work. In CrŠnica s entimental de EspaŒa , the poet adds his personal reflections about the music entering Spain from abroad. He states , Òentre 1955 y 1960 hay competencia para apoderarse del mercado nacional del disco. Los m⁄s pujantes de las subastas eran los italianos y los americanosÓ (141). In part IX of the section ÒArs amandiÓ, MVM of fers one of the strongest examples of his stance against consumerism. Here he elects not to go to TiffanyÕs because of the utter fantasy it represents. While toying with references to the story and film, Breakfast at TiffanyÕs , MVM injects a litany of pop culture references with the intent to condemn the store, capitalism, and the consumerism it encourages. He begins the poem with a complete rejection. He writes: Nunca desayunar” en Tiffany ese licor fresa en ese vaso Modigliani como tu garganta nunca 126 aunque sepa los caminos llegar” a ese lugar del que nunca quiera regresarÉ (119) By repudiating this place, MVM denies himself all of the pleasures that it offers through the fantasy in which it is engulfed. He acknowledges the American arrogance, po mp, and glamour it advertises as something that one would never want to lose once they obtain it. This fixation would lead to the sacrifice of others, and having witnessed the suffering of the lower and middle classes in Spain, MVM could not justify the br azen selfishness that neither American life nor TiffanyÕs requires. He continues rebuffing TiffanyÕs up to the end of the poem. He states: y quiz⁄ todo sea mejor as™, esperado porque al llegar no puedes volver a êtaca, lejana y sola, ya no tan sola, ya pa isaje que habitas y usurpas nunca, nunca quiero desayunar en Tiffany, nunca quiero llegar a êtaca aunque sepa los caminos lejana y sola. (119 -20) MVM simply could not stomach the possibility of becoming similar to one of the previously mentioned landlords that would have been exiled if the revolution ever took place. He recognized the resources that TiffanyÕs would require, and because he observed and lived the 127 traumas of a society that took advantage of its own people for personal benefit through consumerism, he steadfastly avoided the slightest chance of elevating himself into one of those positions of corrupt power. In accordance with his rejecting violence and abuses of power in part IX, he once again condemns them in part XI. While noting al luring parts of American culture, such as music, that had penetrated Spain, MVM works to illustrate the darker side of those spectacles. He begins: Rodajas de limŠn zumos de sol, c⁄lido verano, se digieren algas lentas como ahogadas, ya aprendimos el lenguaje del jukebox, del amor fox y sobre todo trot, lento vivoÉ (120) His initial comments towards the United States appear to be that of a gracious person. His references to the dancing and music hint at a possible enjoyment at having obs erved and perhaps even participated in them himself. In the last line of the next excerpt however, MVM will remind the reader of the great cost these invasions have had on the Spanish people and culture. adagio corazŠn caballo loco, triste se desploma el cuerpo 128 como en un poema sentimental o de los otros Àqu” importa ya el lento rodar de las naranjas los senos, los obuses, la bomba las cabezas si canta Paul Anka la antigua historia del Young Alone? tambi”n lo fuimosÉ(120 -1) The trauma he observed in his country is personalized here, and he expresses the pain felt by himself and his community. Through the inclusion of pop culture, he introduces the idea that a celebrated act in the United States is being used to mask the trau matic experiences of people in Spain through fantasy. He notes here how the Spanish people participated in consumerism as a fantastic escape from the trauma they experienced in SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ. Instead of working to understand the past of the Spanish state, and thus improve it, they elected to live the fantasy, which was considerably easier than facing reality. He writes: y tal vez por eso Madre Coraje lleve bikini, cante espuma sobre el ski acu⁄tico frente a la amenazadora verga de fab riles chimeneas y caŒones 129 bajo el œtero atŠmico de un B -27 preferible que nos despierten las sirenas preferible que hœmedamente nos ahoguemos. (121) In the concluding lines of the poem , MVM makes it clear that like TiffanyÕs, the benefits of the fantasy do not outweigh the great cost of unadulterated consumerism and militarism. He opts to be ended instead of willingly accepting one aspect of the United States while turning a blind eye to the other. This poem demonstrates the continuation of MVMÕs Òcompuls ive ritualÓ that forces him to face the historical traumas of the Spanish state rather than buy ing into the fantasy of consumerism. In part XVI of the section, MVM personifies pain by demonstrating the many traumas that had to be faced on a daily basis in a society of consumerism. Here, a vicious cycle keeps him, and other marginalized Spaniards, in a stage of stasis. He states: Tiene cara el dolor y apellidos como tiene Tiro escuadras y cementerios marinos para aver™as del oscuro ciclo de la oferta y la demanda, del tiempo de lucrar y el tiempo de matar y el tiempo de amar hay que ocultarlo a la verdad, a la mentira, 130 al oscuro ciclo del progreso y del regreso porque en amor el que dice s™ y el que no ha deshabitado los jardines y las cloacas nieva niebla de un cielo que no existe y traiciona. (125) Here, he speaks of a time to kill in the same breath as a time to love. In SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ these two acts go hand in hand and thus introduce trauma into somethi ng that once brought joy and comfort. In this existence, MVM writes of the need of bastardizing the truth through fantasy in order to survive day to day. It is an existence, however, that leads nowhere because any progress is met with the return to the pla ce of conception once again: a Spanish Òstate of exceptionÓ. He terminates the poem with an attack on religion by stating that snow and fog comes from a heaven that does not really exists but is merely a betrayal of hope and a fatalistic fantasy. MVM knew this futile and unfulfilling existence sown in consumerism would do nothing to confront the continuation of historical traumas in Spain. The final poem of the work, part XVIII, brings closure to the thoughts of MVM and acts as a solidifying force for the i deas expressed throughout the last section. Speaking once again of the destruction of his city, the fantasy hidden in consumerism, and the true desolate existence Spaniards have been left with, MVM explores the commencement and end of SpainÕs historic trau ma. He writes: Du”rmete corazŠn prohibido, du”rmete 131 antes de la hora fronteriza de las doce en que vuelvas a casa sin haber sido princesa de cuento, amante de novela, ni feliz la ciudad nos olvida, la tripa oscura del cielo cuelga sobre el estanque a la deriva barcos de papel y c⁄scaras de almendra mendigos en los bancos y burgueses con n⁄useaÉ (126) Various references are made in this poem that establish a connection with earlier poems throughout the entire work, and especially in the thir d section ÒArs amandiÓ. The poem begins with an order telling Ò un corazŠn Ó to sleep and feel no more, in order for it to escape the trauma once and for all. He talks of the disappointments that ravage each day. He obscures the fantasies offered through pop culture such as being a princess, a lover, or even truly content. These dreams are not achievable in a Òstate of exceptionÓ that has forsaken , and later forgotten , its citizens. The poem continues: domando Jaguars en las esquinas, domando treinta se xos oscuros como treinta monedas taladradas los serenos 132 protegen el regreso de Ulises a casa, los niŒos han compuesto la estœpida sonrisa de su ensueŒo y en las aceras mataremos despacio el miedo a llegar tarde al algœn lugar del que nunca nadie hay a querido regresar du”rmete lejana du”rmete, demasiado cobardes para morir al œltimo acorde del toque de silencio, cierra los ojos para vivir, cierra los ojos para matar. (126 -7) MVM talks of the litter on the street being run over by expensive imported cars. He also returns to part IX of the section when he references going to a place that one would never choose to return from. He once again states that he has no desire to go there but knows the inevitability of being forced to comply against oneÕs will in Spain Õs Òstate of exceptionÓ . He also criticizes the silence that permeates his country. No one can condemn Franco without being imprisoned or killed, something MVM knew from traumatic first hand experience. This cowardice silence, he argues, lets some go on living the fantasy while their inaction is inherently part of the traumatization of others as they participate in consumerism, which leads to a miserable existence or death. 133 Conclusion In summation, through his poetry MVM deliv ered his evaluation of the Spanish Òstate of exceptionÓ after the Civil War. In the process of writing, MVM was able to approximate more fully, although never completely, the traumatic experience and loss Spaniards were subjected to on a daily basis. In ad dition to the trauma that resulted immediately after the Spanish Civil War, MVM discussed how Spaniards were caught in an unending loop of subjugation through subscribing to the fantasy inherent in consumerism. Consumerism ran rabid in Spanish society afte r the Spanish economy opened to capitalism in the 1950s and witnessed immense growth in the 1960s or the Ò aŒos de desarrollo Ó. In addition to the entrance of the United StatesÕ military industrial complex, many international conglomerates boosted the Spanish economy, and with them, an explosion of pop culture followed. With his poetry, MVM signaled how ignoring historical trauma and buying into fantasy resulted the loss of SpainÕs past, the selling of its present, and the compromise of its future. 134 Chapter 3 Leopoldo Mar™a Panero: Dark Thoughts and ÒDocile B odiesÓ 135 Mi poes™a crucifica a la vida. Mi poes™a les enseŒa lo mal que est⁄ la vida. Leopoldo Mar™a Panero Leopoldo Mar™a Panero (1948 -2014) has been one of the most outspoken members of Josep M. CastelletÕs los nov™simos , and his dramatic lifestyle and mental issues have figured considerably in his poetry. As has been noted with his poetic generation, the use of pop culture, collage, automatic writing, a lack of preoccupation with traditional forms associated with poetry, and the artificial have a prominent position in his poems (Castellet 41 -3). Although Panero appears in CastelletÕs anthology Nueve n ov™simos poetas e spaŒoles , besides Tu⁄ BlesaÕs work Poes™a completa : 1970-2000 (2001), PaneroÕs poetry has received little critical focus. Poes™a completa is a collection of all of PaneroÕs poetic endeavors up to the year 2000, and contains an introductory chapter of analysis on PaneroÕs poetry by Blesa. PaneroÕs list of poetic works includes: As™ se f undŠ Carnaby Street (1970), Teor™a (1973), Narciso en el acorde œltimo de las flautas (1979), Last river together (1980), El que no ve (1980), Dioscuros (1982), El œlitmo hombre (1984), Poes™a: 1970 -1985 (1986), Contra EspaŒa y otros poemas no de a mor (1990), Agujero llamado n evermore (1992), Poemas del m anicomio de MondragŠn (1999), Suplicio en la cruz de la b oca (2000), Teor™a de m iedo (2000), Poes™a completa : 1970-2000 (2001), çguila contra el hombre: Poemas para un s uicidamiento (2001), Esquizofr”nicos o la balada de la l⁄mpara a zul (2004), and Danza de la m uerte (2004). Because of his history of having a fragile mental state, PaneroÕs work has often been oversh adowed by his personality. In commenting on the poet, Tœa Blesa notes that his life Ò Ées la experiencia de los l™mites y el resultado de lo uno y de lo otro un extenso y variopinto anecdotario de incidentes, que incluye detenciones, c⁄rcel, intentos de sui cidio, excesos diversos, etc.Ó (8-9). Furthermore, the fact that he was not heterosexual, a ÒcrimeÓ that would result in 136 imprisonment in SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ, pushed him deeper into the periphery of Spanish society. This was further complicated by the attention he and his family received due to the fact that his father, Leopoldo Panero, was a famous poet who outspokenly supported the Franco regime until his death in 1962. It was also his family that initially had him interned in a mental health faci lity. Frederico Utrera has commented on PaneroÕs sufferings at the hands of several doctors and their medical treatment of his mental conditions as well as his homosexuality. He declares: Y ya no solo por el profesor Arasa, divulgador de las teor™as y pre juicios de su tiempo, sino por las pr⁄cticas que pon™an en circulaciŠn los miembros de la comunidad cient™fica internacional al atender y estudiar los numerosos casos de homosexualidad que ca™an en sus manos. Leopoldo Mar™a Panero debiŠ sufrir mucho, no es ninguna conjetura ni exageraciŠn. Cualquier observador imparcial comprobar⁄ que los experimentos m”dicos llevados a cabo con absoluta normalidad en las carnes de los pacie nte s presuntamente gays eran muy parecidos a los que practicaban los nazi treinta aŒ os antes. (96 -7) This psychosis emanating from Panero can be indicative of his struggles to find his place in a Spanish society soldiering through a delicate transition following the end of FrancoÕs nearly forty -year dominance over Spain. It is his erratic behavior and perspective that led him, in part, to attempt to wield the same power his own father exerted over his family, who faithfully followed his CaudilloÕs example . His sexual and psychotic peripheral view caused his to see his fellow Spaniards as Ò docile bodiesÓ. By an alyzing how PaneroÕs psychosis prevented him from being what Michel Foucault terms a Òdocile bodyÓ , which may be Òsubjected, used, transformed and improvedÓ , in SpainÕs 137 Òstate of exceptionÓ , this chapter will discuss the unique viewpoi nt of a ÒdocileÓ society suffering through the desencanto as portrayed by a homosexual psychotic poet (Foucault 136) . More specifically, PaneroÕs depiction of Spanish society, as seen through a homosexual and psychotic lens, will be analyzed in terms of h ow it manifests in a twofold manner: contempt for his fellow Spaniards and a self detrimental behavior and disposition, primarily through alcohol and drug abuse. Thus, this chapter will demonstrate how, in his works The Last river together (1980) and El qu e no ve (1980), Panero demonstrates the manner in which Spaniards, having been manipulated into being Òdocile bodiesÓ, would suffer two damning blows: the lack of freedom under the dictatorial regime and the inability to fully realize their newfound democr atic freedom in the first years after FrancoÕs death as a new consumerist society continued to mold them into docility. Essentially, Panero presents a more radical view of the transition, arguing that the movida, and later the desencanto , were merely illus ions of the termination of SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ. Furthermore, while the blame for the stifled transition could be placed on the mechanisms left behind by the Franco regime or the lack of unity in political parties in Spain, Panero accuses the Òdoci le bodiesÓ of the Spanish populace whose democratic zeal ignited the mŠvida , but failed to see an end to the transiciŠn . This chapter will first work to illustrate how the Franco regime created a population of Òdocile bodiesÓ, and then it will discuss how, according to Panero, these Òdocile bodiesÓ impeded the transition to democracy following FrancoÕs death by allowing the continuation of the Spanish Òstate of exceptionÓ. 138 Section I: Hurdles of the Transition Recent texts have begun to document SpainÕ s turbulent transition to democracy. Unlike previous studies, they do not celebrate the transition following FrancoÕs death as a complete success. Josep M. Tamarit Sumalla has supported this conclusion. He writes: In contrast to what was the prevailing vie w both inside and outside the country, which saw the Spanish transition as a model example of a peaceful and successful transitional process, several monographs by Spanish authors have analyzed the transition and have recently questioned this assumption fr om a number of different angles. (81) It would appear then, that the transition to democracy in Spain was anything but seamless. After nearly forty years of living under an authoritarian dictatorship, most Spaniards, even if they did not fully support Fran co, resigned themselves to suffer along while no other option was viable. The Franco regime was able to achieve such an unbelievable feat through its authoritarian control over its population and its alliance with the Catholic Church. Through this partner ship , Spaniards underwent a multifaceted training, beginning in the months following the start of the Civil War. Stanley Payne states Ò[t]he first formal depositing in recognition of the new regimeÕs Catholicism came on September 4, when it was ordered tha t school textbooks in the Nationalist zone be revised in accordance with Catholic doctrine and that educational activities be segmented by sexÓ (198). With more than forty years of dominion over the Spanish people thanks to the blessing of the Franco regim e, the Catholic Church would leave an indelible mark on Spanish society of the 20 th century. Rafael D ™az-Salazar Mart™n further explains the ChurchÕs relationship with the Spanish state writing, Ò[l]a estrategia pol™tica del poder imperante consistiŠ 139 en la utilizaciŠn del aparato religio so para la socializaciŠn y la sumisiŠn pol™tica. Por otra parte, la estrategia religiosa se basŠ en la utilizaciŠn del poder pol™tico para la socializaciŠn religiosaÓ (71). This sy mbiotic relationship endured through the 1970s, when although there were rifts between the Church and the government, the peace was kept in order to maintain the docility of the Spanish population while stifling liberty in SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ. Cristina Moreiras Menor has commented on Spa inÕs precarious position in the 1970s and 1980s with the ghost of Franco looming over the transiciŠn . In her work, Cultura herida: Literatura y cine en la EspaŒa d emocr⁄tica , she notes: Éla transiciŠn de la dictadura a la democracia y la instauraciŠn de una democracia plana (1975 hasta el presente), como una experiencia que va desde una temprana exaltaciŠn (mediados de los setenta hasta comienzos de los ochenta), donde se produce la alegr™a de la novedad tanto como del desapego de un pasado doloroso y no deseado, hasta una completa desilusiŠn al enfrentarse a la evidencia de que la democracia no sŠlo ha tra™do la libertad, sino tambi”n un afecto herido cuyo origen se encuentra en la incertidumbre que la propia democracia trae consigoÉ (15) The binding of t he Catholic Church to SpainÕs education system was so strong that it became the law of the land. Payne explains stating the ÒÉLaw of Primary Education went even further to bring every aspect of elementary education in line with Church doctrineÓ (366). It i s here that the political and spiritual anointing of Franco reaches the pinnacle of its importance. On the two most influential fronts, Franco is put in the position of instructor, or perhaps more suitable, the ÒfatherÓ of the Spanish society, who enjoys t he blessing of Holy Mother Church. 140 Said elevation of Franco is epitomized grotesquely through his tomb in the Valle de los Ca™dos , meant to immortalize his life and legacy while positioning himself along side Christ . This action is concurrent with the cre ation of Òdocile bodiesÓ in the Spanish Òstate of exceptionÓ. According to Foucault, Ò[t]his carefully measured combination of forces requires a precise system of command. All the activity of the disciplined individual must be punctuated and sustained by i njunctions whose efficacy rest on brevity and clarity; the order does not need to be explained or formulated; it must trigger off the required behaviorÉÓ (166). Because every societal and religious cue noted FrancoÕs appointment, by force and through GodÕs will, the Òstate of exceptionÓ enjoyed a society mostly compiled of individuals anticipating and reacting to signs delivered from on high. Those who could not or would not be conditioned to behave in such a way were stricken from FrancoÕs society so that the machine would not be corroded by their noncompliance. In fact, his tactics with his own citizens even drew criticism from the Nazi regime. Julius Ruiz notes: It even appears tha t no less a figure than Reichsf hrer SS Heinrich Himmler, on a visit to Sp ain in October 1940, was shocked by the scale of the repression and advised that Franco would be better served incorporating workers rather than punishing t hem. Yet the Spanish dictator was not interested in Nazi dreams of a Volksgemeinschaft. Rather, he w as determined to punish Republicans for resistance during the Civil War . Reconciliation was out of question; as Franco declared in his first postwar New Year speech after the Civil War , punishment was justified É (172) The Franco regime strived to create a society of coercion in which his will could be carried out without question. In fact, his efforts were so successful that eventually he created a 141 self-monitoring, or panoptical society, as Foucault would call it. This idea has also been supported by Paul I lie. He has written that under the Franco regime, Ò[t]he totalitarian regimentation of Spanish life becomes unequivocal, the territorial borders are real, and an encirclement confines all men, whether they are under surveillance or technically freeÉall of Spain is a cell without wallsÓ (Ilie 140). This system, with its collusion of the military and police apparatuses, allowed for very little to transpire without the authorities being made aware. The fact that martial law continued so long into FrancoÕs time in power is damning in and of itself. Ruiz writes, Ò FrancoÕs unconditional victo ry in the Civil War would see not the derogation but the extension of military justice to the remnants of Republican Spain. Martial law would remain in force until April 1948. Military tribunals were therefore the primary mechanism by which Republicans were punished in the period after March 1939Ó (172 -3). Essentially, Franco continued fighting the Civil War even after his enemy had been utterly defeated by creating Òdocile bod iesÓ in the repressive Spanish Òstate of exceptionÓ. The death toll in Spain was enormous during the war, and in the years following, even more Republicans and political dissidents would be assassinated, imprisoned, and or tortured. Ruiz offers various statistics from the regime and from investigators with more concrete data on the death toll during and after the war. He states Ò[t]here is a general consensus that throughout Spain a round 100,000 executions had taken place by April 1939 as well as 50,000 after the end of the Civil WarÓ (176). In addition to the explicit violence experienced in Spain under the Franco regime, there was also implicit violence in the form of denying right s to citizens. This was especially true when it came to the incarceration of citizens even in cases of little of no evidence against them. Payne notes: 142 By the spring of 1940 there were still more than a quarter -million prisoners in Spanish jails. On May 8 the director general of prisons sent a special report to Franco pointing out that only 103,000 of them were serving confirmed sentences. The military court system proceeded rather slowly and the year after the fighting had ended produced only 40,000 confir med convictions. In addition to the latter group, another 9,000 had received death sentences. (226) The floccinaucinihilipilification of its citizens by the Spanish Òstate of exception can be easily ascertained by the manner in which it treated its suppose d enemies. Moreover, undervaluing its labor force in the 1940s and 1950s further demonstrated how misguided the regime was even in the eyes of other oppressive governments. For instance, in the 1960s, there was an economic boom facilitated by Spaniards wh ile they themselves were used as fodder in the combustion. Pablo Mart™n AceŒa and Elena Mart™nez Ruiz discuss the role of industry in SpainÕs economic spurts of that decade. They declare , Ò[c]hanges affected every sector, but they were especially intense i n the industrial one, which grew at an average rate of 9 per cent. Thus industry became the true epicenter of modernizationÓ (31). This industrialization would require a workforce of Òdocile bodiesÓ that could easily be maneuvered to comply with both the w ill of the companies and the governmentÕs as well. Industrialization worked to change the rural and urban landscape in Spain. AceŒa and Ruiz comment further that Ò[t]he rural exodus not only provided industry with cheap manpower, but it also permitted an increase in productivity in the countryside and the advance of agricultural mechanization, which broke down and eventually eliminated the traditional agricultural systemÓ (31-2). Antonio Cazorla -S⁄nchez has also noted this change. He writes, ÒSpanish socie ty changed vastly under Francoism: far more than the regime that ruled it. The mostly agricultural 143 economy of the early 1940s had given way by the early 1970s to one in which the secondary and tertiary sectors were the pillars of the countryÕs booming econ omyÓ (97). These changes did not lack ramifications however, and their sting could be felt in both the urban and rural communities. AceŒa and Ruiz document on how the rising economy affected the distribution of wealth within Spain. They propose: One of th e most striking features of the Spanish developmental process is the interprovincial disparity of wealth, measured in per capita terms. In 1959 the main industrial areas of the Basque Country and Catalonia were at the top of the regional rank, followed by Madrid, the Balearic Islands, Cantabria, Navarre, Valencia, La Rioja, Asturias, and AragŠn. All of these areas enjoyed standards of living above the national average, which for the first three cases (the Basque country, Catalonia, and Madrid) amounted to n early 80 per cent of the European average income. At the other extreme, Andalusia, Castile, and Extremadura fell below 40 per cent of the Western European level. (41 -2) The so -called Òcheap manpowerÓ was an instrument for manipulation for the Spanish corpo rations and the government that regulated them. It was even at work that the Spanish government maintained its firm control over its citizens. By not allowing the workers to unionize, the Spanish Òstate of exceptionÓ prevented the spread of discourse and unity among Spaniards. AceŒa and Ruiz note: Labor relationships were exhaustively regulated. Non -official trade unions and the free association of workers were prohibited. The government intervened in the establishment of wages, salaries, and working condi tionsÉLabor mobility was restricted and in general the labor market was plagued with rigidities that impeded 144 its adaptation to changes in economic activity and to the modifications that were taking place in the economic environment during these years. (38) This regulation did cause a certain amount of angst, and even unrest, for the workers. Knowing they were esteemed very little and not properly compensated for their labor, the workers sometimes discussed, and even rarely executed, a strike, which always resulted in failure and worked to push them further to docility. Cazorla -S⁄nchez has written about unrest in the Spanish workforce. He states: By 1961, the authorities were already aware of the deep discontent among workers in Asturias and how it Ôcould be used by the Communist Party to infiltrate themÕ. The following year, one the first great wave of strikes had been subdued; the governor analyzed what had happened. For him, the workersÕ discontent existed Ôbecause they are ill -treated by the companiesÕ, w hich had suppressed bonuses, incentives and overtime pay, resulting Ôin a considerable reduction of their incomeÕ at a time of high inflation. Furthermore, the official unions not only promised improvements that amounted to nothing but the labour situation actually deteriorated, while companies imposed fined on protesting workers. (112) It is important to remember, as many historians and social commentators have signaled, that the economic growth seen in Spain during the 1960s was on the backs of mistreate d workers. Ace Œa and Ruiz confirm this stating, ÒÉthis remarkable transformation in the standard of living occurred within a non -democratic framework in which political freedom and democratic trade union rights were denied, two features that overshadow the economic conquests of these yearsÓ (45). That is a particularly significant observation because the issue of unions 145 would be one that would continue to haunt Spaniards even after the death of Franco. However, because of FrancoÕs looming ghost in the form of SpainÕs Òdocile bodiesÓ, the transition would be an arduous period filled with pitfalls and stagnation. The persistence of SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ following FrancoÕs death will be discussed in the upcoming sections. Section II: The S pecter of Fran co in the ÒDocile B odyÓ Of all of the poems that Panero published in his works The Last river together (1980) and El que no ve (1980), a majority can be divided and placed into one of two sections: poems showing a contempt for humanity through a celebrati on of the grotesque and self detrimental behavior that often includes the abuse of drugs and or alcohol. Having a father who was a strict Falangist and a mother paralyzed by grief at the death of her husband, Panero often felt like an orphan despite having his own family. The Panero family was sharply divided, and very little attention was paid to Òel locoÓ. While the family accepted the Franco rhetoric and allowed themselves to become docile bodies, Leopoldo Mar™a rebelled with all of his faculties against it. This often caused him to act out as a child, and later as an adult, something the family referred to as his eccentricities. The topics of PaneroÕs poetic works vary from the melancholy of amorous misadventures and drug or alcohol fueled rants to insi ghtful observations on his society and culture. The titles of several of his works illuminate the disdain, to put it lightly, he felt towards various entities, such as the Catholic Church and the Spanish government. One clear example of this would be his poetic work, Contra EspaŒa y otros p oema s de no a mor . His critiques of the Spanish Òstate of exceptionÓ have consistently been quite severe, and his support of the group ETA is one clear 146 example. He writes, Ò [y]o soy un gran defensor de la lucha de ETA. Los de ETA son los hombres m⁄s valientes y honorables de toda EspaŒa. Los de ETA no son asesinos. Los asesinos son los otros. Los de ETA son ateos y por eso est⁄n m⁄s cerca de la verdadÓ (Rodr™guez). Furthermore, Panero has had some very strong words for the Catholic Church. He has been quoted saying, Ò[y] o te dir” que me cago en la Virgen y en DiosÓ (Rodr™guez). In addition, many of his other poetic works focus on his internment in several different mental hospitals. Examples of his works that adamantly criticize them are Poemas del manicomio de MondragŠn (1999), Teor™a del miedo (2000), and Esquizof r”nicas o la balada de la l⁄mpara azul (2004). It is clear that with more time spent in these institutions Panero had much more fodder, whether his claims were true or results of his mental decline, for his critique of their care and practices. The curren t section of this chapter, which studies PaneroÕs documentation of the devaluation of his fellow Spaniards and humanity in general in his work The Last river together (1980) and El que no ve (1980), works to illustrate how the nefarious practices in SpainÕ s Òstate of exceptionÓ continued to cause cultural and political problems through the democratic period. By creating a population of Òdocile bodiesÓ, the regime worked to maintain a cheap citizen workforce in the hopes of bettering SpainÕs battered economy . This pre -transition mentality, bolstered by the violence of the Franco regime towards its true and perceived enemies, played on PaneroÕs troubled psyche, and the resulting selection of poems highlight the violent past that most Spaniards, trained Òdocile bodiesÓ, were programed to ignore. This effort to forget was aided greatly by the pacto del olvido , which was established after FrancoÕs death. This conscious act of forgetting was perhaps one of the greatest hurdles for the transition. Even more problem atic was the incredible number of Spaniards who were in favor of it. VilarŠs writes Ò[ l]a pol™tica de reforma de aquellos aŒos, ratificada en diciembre de 1976 en un refer”ndum pol™tico 147 que recogiŠ el 94.2% de los votos emitidos, fue claramente una pol™tic a de borradura, de no cuestionamiento del pasadoÓ (9). Her stance on the results of the pacto del olvido however, can certainly be debated. She argues that the pacto del olvido : ÉsurgiŠ no como explicitaciŠn de una estrategia sociopol™tica, sino como gesto a la vez visceral y necesario que, y aqu™ est⁄ una de las claves para entender el fascinante proceso espaŒol, permitiŠ a la sociedad espaŒola pasar de una brutal dictadura latera lmente moderna y, por tanto, pol™ticamente aislada y obsoleta, al circuito econŠmico, cultural y pol™tico que caracteriza al paradigma posmoderno que nos ha tocado vivir. (16) While she discusses how the pacto del olvido allowed Spain to move forward, she neglects to mention how it, among other economic, political and social factors, stifled the transition. The repression of the past only let wounds fester so that they could reemerge, unexpectedly and inopportunely, in the future as the Spanish Òstate of exceptionÓ endured. In addition, the pacto del olvido also allowed for more continuity through the transition than most likely should have occurred. Arnold Hottinger has discussed the events that immediately followe d Franco«s death. He writes, of Don Juan Carlos stating , ÒÉlike all his ministers and other officials, on taking office he had to swear an oath of allegiance to SpainÕs Fundamental Laws. These laws had been framed by Franco so as to ensure the continuity o f the regime beyond his death Ð an aim clearly reflected in the provisions for the Council of the Realm enshrined in the Fundamental LawsÓ (443). Martinez -Alier and Roca have also commented on the issue of continuity with the old regime in the fledgling mo ments of the transition. They propose : 148 Compared to the democratization of Western Germany, Italy, or Vichy France after 1945, or even Portugal after 1974, the political transition in Spain after FrancoÕs death in 1975 shows a high degree of continuity. Th is continuity is symbolized by the figure of the King himself, whose appointment as successor by General Franco was sanctioned in the first instance by a fraudulent referendum in 1966. (56) Essentially, the maintaining of SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ inste ad of forging a new democracy following FrancoÕs death prolonged the existence of a population of Òdocile bodiesÓ, which continued to be disengaged during the movida and throughout the transiciŠn . Samuel H. Barnes has commented on the precarious political situation following FrancoÕs death. His comments support the idea that the movida was not only slow going, but also in part, feared by some Spaniards. He writes Ò[s]everal factors inhibit the growth of attachment to parties yet permit and even encourage th e development of stable general orientations to politics. One of these is the nature of the Francoist dictatorship, which destroyed political parties, trade unions, and other associations but sought only halfheartedly to re -socialize the populationÓ (696). While Òdocile bodiesÓ were certainly less restricted without the control of a dictatorial leader, as shown by the unprecedented voter turnout in 1976 and 1977, they were also very careful about not being so radical as to create a state of unrest in which a military intervention would be needed. These are merely a few examples of the obstacles to democracy following FrancoÕs death. Many historians have commented on the hasty composition of the Spanish constitution, a critical document that would further in hibit the progress of the transition. Javier Tussell writes, Ò[t]he final text of the constitution was the result of an extremely laborious process that had had to deal with significant contradictions and no doubt had had a negative impact on the clarity a nd 149 even the grammatical accuracy of the final documentÓ (297). Furthermore, the new leaders in the Spanish government also had to reconcile financial crisis that inhibited their ability to aid SpainÕs progress towards democracy. Tussell writes: The second Su⁄rez government had to deal with numerous difficulties at the same time as embarking on drawing up the Constitution. There was now no alternative but to confront the economic crisis. Indeed, in the summer of 1977 the rate of inflation had reached almost Latin American levels (in the order of 50 percent per annum), unemployment had reached 6 percent, which had been unheard of in the past, and Spain went badly into debt. (294) This economic issue would go on to deflate the movida and lead to a general desen canto among the Spanish people. S. Mangen has further expounded on the economic crises. He sheds light on the indicators of the crises that were masked by the Franco regime. He writes, ÒÉthe precise timing of his death, in 1975, when the full impact of the two oil crises was being appreciated throughout western Europe, forced attention on to the accumulating problems which the old regime had tried to conceal for fear of unleashing further social unrestÓ (54). While the Spanish people favored democracy over a totalitarian regime, it would take the Òdocile bodiesÓ several years to develop viable parties that were capable of representing the population. Omar G. EncarnaciŠn notes that Ò[b]y 1978, polls showed that 77 percent of Spaniards deemed democracy the be st political s ystem for their country; only 15 per cent expressed a preference for an authoritarian regimeÓ (ÒSpain after FrancoÓ 37). The problem however, was that much of the newly created government apparatus was composed of the same components from the regime they were trying to extricate from their lives. This was to be 150 possible, in theory, by moving on from the past by means of forgetting what had happened in the last forty years. As much of the foundation for the transition was concocted behind the s cenes of the Franco regime, leaders were weary of demonstrations and celebrations by the people. Barnes comments that the ÒSpanish elites sought to protect the fragile democracy from possible intervention by the military and the Francoist bunker by eschewi ng demonstrations, rallies, and other instruments of mobilization during the early years of the transition. All the major parties exercised great caution throughout this periodÓ (696). This would certainly account for the UCD having so much support in 1979 , but considerably less in 1982. The UCD or the UniŠn de Centro Democr⁄tico was a political party, headed by newly appointed Adolfo Su⁄rez, formed from a menagerie of somewhat similar minded organizations. Paul Preston explains that the ÒÉUCD , under the le adership of Adolfo Su⁄rez was kaleidoscopic, confusing and involved some seedy wheeling and dealingÉUCD was the result, in broadest the terms, of an electoral alliance of five main groups, each in its turn composed of several othersÓ (382). Perhaps it was this haphazard organization, given power in the fledgling moments of the transition, which had a negative effect on SpainÕs ability to move forward after Franco. Charles Powell has commented on the UCD saying, Ò[c]ontrary to what many had expected, the UCD , a party hastily assembled in early 1977 in an ad hoc fashion, was to remain in power until late 1982. This proved discouraging both to the left, which had made substantial sacrifices for the sake of a widely accepted constitution, and to the right, whose enthusiasm for the latter was initially lukewarmÓ (157). In giving up on many important ideals for the sake of the constitution, the Òdocile bodiesÓ in Spain were forced to limp forward through the transition while Panero, in his psychosis, wanted so desp erately to run. 151 PaneroÕs contempt for the Òdocile bodiesÓ will be made clear in the subsequent analysis of his poetry from Last river together (1980) and El que no ve (1980). One of the first poems presented in The Last river together (1980), entitled ÒEl lamento del vamprioÓ draws attention to the Òdocile bodiesÓ that aided the continuity of the Spanish Òstate of exceptionÓ into the democratic period. The fact that Panero wrote this poem during the desencanto is also indicative of his lack of hope in the Ò docile bodiesÓ that still surrounded him after FrancoÕs death . In his poem, ÒEl lamento del vamprioÓ, Panero toys with a solitary figure that roams the night looking for humans to feed on. In the presented perspective, there is no humanity for the vampire who is undead, nor for the receptacles of sustenance he seeks o ut. The poem begins: Vosotros, todos vosotros, toda esa carne que en la calle se apila, sois para m™ alimento, todos esos ojos cubiertos de legaŒas, como de quien no acaba jam⁄s despertar, como mirando sin ver o bien sŠlo por sed de la absurda sanciŠ n de otra miradaÉ (212) Here, there are many remnants of the Franco machine visible through the eyes of the vampire. First, the bodies are nothing more than meat. They walk without identity or souls in the vampireÕs perception. This is not unlike the Franc o regimeÕs employment of cheap empty vessels in SpainÕs factories, working without any chance for finding new possibilities. The line 152 concerning the unseeing eyes is especially critical of the Spanish Òstate of exceptionÓ. These lifeless eyes passing the v ampire in the street are not aware of his presence, using them for sustenance, nor were they overtly aware of the presence of the regime, which through its manipulation and control of their lives, had done the same. The final verses of the poem note that only the vampire is aware of the situation. Panero writes: Ésois para m™ alimento, y el espanto profundo de tener como espejo œnico esos ojos de vidrio, esa niebla en que se c ruzan los muertos, ese es el precio que pago por mis alimentos. (212) By seeing himself in the eyes of what he calls meat or food, which cannot see, the vampire in the poem is the only being that can evaluate himself and reflect. In the poem, the vampire is the only entity capable of knowing which of his actions are co mpleted through his will or, as would be the case of the Òdocile bodyÓ, through the will of an Other, which previously had been Franco. The people, lifeless and unseeing through their fogged eyes, are unaware of themselves and the world around them. In thi s poem, Panero employs the character of the vampire to express his own feelings and struggles. Panero laments, as does the vampire, the lack of life in a country that continues to have slow progress after being so hopeful for a new democratic future. He co ndemns what he sees is a lackluster approach to the future with a new democratic government whose ideals and practices are still wrought with Francoist ideology. Because his fellows citizens do not adequately act against these forces and participate fully in the creation of what he would claim is a truly democratic society, Panero, through the vampire, reduces the Spanish people to mere sustenance for a hungry predator. In seeking to exert his 153 influence over the Òdocile bodiesÓ, Panero assumes the role of p redator, modeling after his own commanding father who followed the example of the Caudillo, the father of all Òdocile bodiesÓ (Gabilondo). Finally, the mention of a mirror is also significant. In the eyes of the vampire, the Òdocile bodiesÓ are reflected exactly as they are while they drone through their existence. Eugenio Garc™a Fern⁄ndez has commented on PaneroÕs use of mirrors. He states, Ò[e]xiste entre ”l y su espejo, la poes™a, una correlaciŠn ™ntima, casi obscenaÓ (23). The obscenity created in this poem by reducing people to meat and elevating himself to a position of power is clear and collaborates Garc™a Fern⁄ndezÕs conclusions. Similar to ÒEl lamento del vampireÓ, ÒEl d™a en que se acaba la c anciŠn Ó also depicts the failure of the transition in P aneroÕs eyes. Once again, PaneroÕs bleak outlook for the future surfaces in his poetry. He writes: Cuando el sentido, ese anciano que te hablaba en horas de soledad, se muere entonces miras a la mujer amada como a un viejo, y lloras. Y queda hu”rfano el poema, sin padre ni madre, y lo odias É (213) In the first section of the poem , Panero discusses the process of writing, sometimes arduous with his condition, and injects hints of autobiographical information. He talks of losing control of his fac ulties and thus not being able to think nor write. He, like a poem with no author, 154 is an orphan. Something particularly interesting in the next section of the poem supports this idea, as it adds to his antics by introducing brutal imagery after depicting t he loss of faculties in the first section. This portrayed brutality also further illustrates the low esteem Panero had for the Òdocile bodiesÓ surrounding him in Spain. He writes: aborreces al hijo colgando como un hijo aborto entre las piernas, balance⁄n dose all™ como hilo que cuelga o telaraŒa, cuando el sentido muere, como un niŒo castrado por un ciegoÉ (213 -4) The depiction of an aborted fetus and a castrated child are certainly horrific, and Panero caught in his psychosis, flings the images out as if to gauge a reaction or shock for his complacent compatriots. At this point, he engages with the Òdocile bodiesÓ as a child would act out when his mother denies him a desired toy. It is clear here that he feels normal communication is not possible. In his altered mental state, he resorts to barbarisms that would only further isolate him. This is evident in some of th e final verses of the poem. He laments: y las palabras son todas de antaŒo, y de otro pa™s, y caen de la boc a sin dientes como un l™ quido parecido a la bilisÉ (214) These final lines, illustrating the agony of the inability to communicate, once again reso rt to the grotesque to convey their full message. Vomiting bile through a toothless mouth is PaneroÕs reduction of the Òdocile bodyÓ of his fellow Spaniard serving as nothing more than a receptacle 155 of waste. Verses such as this one, along with many others that will be presented throughout this chapter, are the reason that PaneroÕs poetry has been discussed for its vulgarity by scholars like Blesa. Another poem highlighting solitary figures is ÒHimno de la esp™aÓ. Here the spy is the representative of the p anoptic state: an ever -watchful eye over Panero. This spy reminds Panero that he requires constant vigilance in order to protect himself and other s. With this poem, Panero attempts to demonstrate that unlike the Òdocile bodiesÓ that make up a significant p ortion of SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ, at least from his perspective, he will not be controlled. In fact, he uses the final lines of the poem to gain an identity by differentiating himself from his fellow Spaniards. He writes: No hay nadie en el mundo, s e dir™a salvo la Esp™a. ÀQui”n es la Esp™a? Olana, se dir™a. Posada en el techo hay una mosca Olana all™ me esp™a. Miro al cielo, y ”l me mira: Àno ser⁄ Olana que me observa quiz⁄, tal vez, desde una nube en forma de Esp™a? Porque el cielo a nadie mira. Recorro el mar con grandes piernas son las piernas, mas de pronto 156 descubro al lado una tercera: m™a no es, luego es de Olana , que me esp™a, ya no s” qu” hacer sin esos ojos que all™ en el fr™o me vigilan; mi figurŠn tiembla y vacila no s” qui”n soy ya sin la Esp™a. In this poem, the conditioning rendered under the Franco regime, for nearly forty years as a police state, further exacerbated PaneroÕs psychosis. Because he was constantly observed by a multitude of hospital staff and doctors, PaneroÕs p aranoia grew to the point in which he began to see everyone who looked at him as a potential threat or enemy. In the poem, Ò Los misteriosos sobrevivientes Ó, additional remnants of the Franco regime are presented to the poet and cause him further discomfort in his paranoiac state of psychosis. He begins the poem stating: Dime si destruye mi mirada, dime si queman m⁄s mis ojos que la furia del tiempo, y que este espacio vac™o en que los sueŒos prometen suicidio, y qui”nes en la esquina, devoran aœn mi ca beza, y escupen sobre mi cad⁄verÉ (218) Here, Panero Õs writing ventures into his hallucinations and talks of his persecution by those he encounters. Because he is not a Òdocile bodyÓ, Panero considers himself a target for the Òstate of exceptionÓ and the population it controls. His refusal to bend to the norms, mostly likely due to his psychosis, is both a badge of courage as well as a burden. It was not uncommon to see 157 Panero walking through the streets engaged in full discussion with himself, and this po em appears to be one such example of the internal dialogue his psychosis facilitates. What is not clear at the beginning of the poem, but will make itself known in the second stanza, is exactly who is haunting his dreams and destroying any possibility for his future. He writes: Éy r™en cuando cae la noche, y lloran y gritan cuando por desgracia amanece y mienten vistiendo a la vida con el traje del Espectro, dime quienes son É (218) In this section, Panero makes a significant point with the capitalization of the word Espectro . Two clues are important to note here. First, this figure is brought into the poetÕs mind after seeing others in the street. These characters have cued a memory for him that cont inues to torment him. Furthermore, the capitalization refers not just to any specter, but the specter: El Caudillo, the ÒfatherÓ of the Òdocile bodiesÓ with which Panero is forced to live. It is also worth noting that the specter is the second villainous f igure Panero mentions in this collection. Along with the vampire, the specter inspires fear. His use of fear and the macabre is most likely tied to his admiration of Edgar Allen Poe. In an interview with Augusto Rodr™guez, the poet states how significant P oe has been for his own literary endeavors. He writes: En la poes™a existen dos grandes tendencias. Una es la l™nea de Whitman y la otra es la de Edgar Allan Poe. De Whitman nacieron Los Beat , poetas como Kerouac, Ginsberg, William S. Burroughs y otros m⁄ s que van por la po”tica de la experiencia. De Poe podr™a decir que es una poes™a m⁄s apegada a la est”tica y la 158 t”cnica, de esta l™nea nacieron poetas como Pound. Yo soy heredero de esa vertiente. (Rodr™guez) In the years immediately following his death, FrancoÕs presence continued to be sensed in all of Spain, and his Òstate of exceptionÓ, for better or worse, was insured to be sustained through and after the twentieth -century. For Panero, said presence will be felt with his constant confrontations with the Òdocile bodiesÓ Franco created. The poetÕs hate for them is so profound that he depicts the Òdocile bodiesÓ in the most horrendous manners. For example, the poem ÒLa oraciŠnÓ, sets the stage for a new the level of grotesqueness by depicting a mother ta lking to her son about abusing a corpse. While his language here depicts a horrific physical scene, figuratively, Panero could be discussing the rancidness of the indoctrination from parents to their children. As his father was a famous supporter of Franco , and his mother unquestionably obeyed his father, Panero hyperbolizes his reflections on his childhood domestic situation. His father, upon dying, was sanctified by his mother, and in everyway, she wanted her sons to be like him. This would not bold well for his troubled son, Leopoldo Mar ™a. VilarŠs explains the situation for the Panero family. She writes: La saga de la familia, como la saga del franquismo, no tiene ya continuaciŠn: Leopoldo Mar™a, el hermano mediano, no escapŠ de su esquizofrenia y de su adicciŠn y siguiŠ recluido en un sanitario mental: curiosa y coincidentemente, Leopoldo Mar™a Panero no sale del sanatorio de MondragŠn hasta noviembre de 1997, definitivamente liquidada de la transiciŠn y Juan Luis, el mayor de los hermanos poetas, precar ia y solitariamente continœa insistiendo en ocupar el imposible lugar del padre. (51) 159 Despite his familyÕs many attempts, through their own actions and his repeated internments, Leopoldo Maria would not let himself become a Òdocile bodyÓ. This is clear in ÒLa oraciŠnÓ when he writes: Y la madre reprendiŠ al niŒo, y dijo qu” haces que no velas el cad⁄ver y ”l puso su boca en aquel falo, y sorbiŠ lentamente como de un alimento porque el muerto ese era el incienso que purificaba los sabidos hedores del teatro, su turbia agon™a de modo que al crepœsculo la madre repet™a de golpe despertando del sueŒo Hijo m™o ve y mira al fondo para ver si duerme o si nos piensa y no te olvides nunca de velar el cad⁄ver: que nos absuelva, dile, que he mos vivido mucho y tropezamos ya con los muebles, y el alma est⁄ podrida, y huele demasiado, demasiado: ve y mira si nos piensa y el hijo sorb™a de aquel ano abierto. (229-30) Such matters, like Leopoldo MariaÕs mental issues or his sexuality, were writt en off by his family members and almost ignored completely. Their casualness in discussing his behavior is quite perplexing. In a home where little to no attention was given to him, especially after his mother retreated into mourning at the death of his fa ther, Panero took his psychosis to the streets 160 and suffered many consequences when that behavior conflicted with his societyÕs social and cultural norms. In the end, this would leave him to have an underdeveloped sense of empathy. In the second section of El que no ve , ÒUnas gotas de semenÓ, Panero begins with a metaphysical renunciation of the Òdocile bodyÕsÓ value. In the poem, ÒDiario de un seductorÓ, writes: No es tu sexo lo que en tu sexo busco sino ensuciar tu alma: desflorar con todo el barro de la vida lo que aœn no ha vivido. Significant here is PaneroÕs desire to ruin and humiliate any Òdocile bodyÓ. For him, corporal desecration is no longer adequate, and a more heinous degradation is in order. In dirtying a soul the reader is brought back to the Catholic tradition so prevalent in the years under the Franco regime. Because this indoctrination was so abundant and acute in SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ, Panero, in order to make his point, calls for the immaterial, a most significant part of their ent ity for a Catholic, to be stained. Panero not only shows his contempt for Catholic teachings, but he also voices his desire to destroy those believers with which he has contact. This is an extreme rejection of the Catholic Church, the Franco regime, and th e Òdocile bodiesÓ both entities conspired to create. Panero continues toying with the grotesque in the poem ÒBello es el incestoÓ. He writes: Bello es el incesto . Hay torneo de lanzas, y juegos y el vino promete su derrame 161 para alegrar la uniŠn de los esposos. Se decapitar⁄ a dos niŒos para saber si es buena la sangre, y si as™ augura una feliz uniŠn para los siglos. C⁄ndido, hermoso es el incesto. Madre e hijo se ofrecen sus dos ramos de lirios blancos y de orqu™deas, y en la boca llevan ya el beso par a desposarlo. Y en la noche de bodas, invitado viene tambi”n el cielo: lluvia y truenos y los rayos, y el mundo entero convertido en lodo para celebrar la uniŠn de los esposos. (243) Once again Panero begins by pushing a horrifying theme onto his reader . The simple statements that Òincest is beautifulÓ and Òincest is lovelyÓ make light of the taboo act. If he were to have control of the Òdocile bodiesÓ surrounding him, the punishment administered would be degrading and debilitating. This poem is unique i n that it transcribes PaneroÕs desires to an area unseen previously in Spanish literature prior to its publication in 1980. Tœa Blesa has stated, Ò No recuerdo en este momento ninguna otra obra po”tica contempor⁄nea que haya llegado a tanto, a una ruptura c on los l™mites de modo tan flagrante como en este incendio del deseoÉÓ (13). 162 This depiction of the mother and son engaged in sexual intercourse could be indicative of the poetÕs resentment towards his own mother. Of this relationship VilarŠs writes, Ò[ e]n su doble papel de mujer y madre, Felicidad Blanch no podr⁄ darles nunca a sus hijos lo que ”stos en realidad le est⁄n pidiendo al padre ausente: una identidad, un nombre, una herenciaÓ (52). His concentration on the taboo continues with several poems in t he second and third sections, ÒUnas gotas de semenÓ and ÒEn aquella esquina, tan solo, todav™a me acordaba de JarryÓ, of El que no ve. In the poem ÒNecrofiliaÓ, Panero discusses his interpretations of the sexual act. He writes: El acto del amor es lo m⁄s p arecido a un asesinato. En la cama, en su terror gozoso, se trata de borrar el alma del que est⁄, hombre o mujer, debajo. Por eso no miramos. Eyacular es ensuciar el cuerpo y penetrar es humillar con la verga la erecciŠn de otro yo. Borrar o ser borrados, tanto da, pero en un instante, irse, dejarlo una vez m⁄s entre tus labios. (244) 163 The devaluation of the physical and metaphysical continues in this section of poetry. Panero required the elimination, complete and all encompassing, of the Òdocile bodiesÓ. He saw, in his psychosis, threats all around him. Like the poem ÒDiario de seductorÓ he works to ÒdirtyÓ the Òdocile bodyÓ through the act of sex. The violence introduced to the sex act, whose goal is to Òdirty Ó, Òerase Ó, and or Òdestroy Ó the Òdo cile bodiesÓ , solidifies his total disregard for their value. For Panero, the Òdocile bodyÓ is not human, and thus is treated as if it were something that could be destroyed and discarded. Because his psychosis precludes him from being a Òdocile bodyÓ, Panero sees himself, as did Franco, as superior to his fellow Spaniards. The final and fourth section of El que no ve is entitled Ò Orinar sobre la vida (Life studies) Ó and contains several more poems which include , ÒUn asesino en las callesÓ, and ÒEl tesoro de Sierra Madre Ó, which also depict his strong feelings against the Òdocile bodiesÓ of SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ . In ÒUn asesino en las calles Ó he writes: No matar” ya m⁄s , porque los hombres sŠlo son nœmeros o letras de mi agenda, e intervalos sin habla, descarga de los ojos de vez en vez, cuando el sepulcro se abre perdonando otra vez el pecado de la vida. No matar” ya m⁄s las borrosas figuras que esclavas de lo absurdo avanzan por la calle agarradas al tiempo como a oscura certeza sin salida o re spuesta, como para la risa tan sŠlo de los dioses, o la l⁄grima seca de un sentido que no hay, y de unos ojos muertos 164 que el desierto atraviesan sin demandar ya nada sin pedir ya m⁄s muertos ni m⁄s cruces al cielo que aquello, oh Dios lo sabe, aquella sangre era para jugar tan sŠlo. (255) The initial lines of the poem reinforce the idea that for Panero, his fellow Spaniards, which he considers to be Òdocile bodiesÓ, have no worth. Assuming a position similar to that of Franco, Panero depicts the Òdocile bodiesÓ as if they were merely inputs on an agenda, not unlike a factory workforce without rights or means to better or protect itself. As Franco, in the eyes of the poet, has poisoned the Spanish society by creating a populace of Òdocile bodiesÓ, Panero finds himself with no remedy to live with entities that are so willing to forget and move past the atrocities of the regime. He later comments on how the streets are still filled with slaves, ignorant to their bleak existence. For Panero it is a sin to exi st in SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ, and because he does not believe neither in the Church nor the Spanish state, there is no way for the sin to be absolved. He entertains, in this poem, the futility of existence in Spain for those Òdocile bodiesÓ which, in his mind, foolishly continue the Francoist and Catholic tradition. He believed in the end though, they would learn the truth that Òthe blood was only to be played withÓ and nothing more. This further exemplifies the extent to which his psychosis fuels hi s desire to exert power over the Òdocile bodiesÓ by following his fatherÕs, and ultimately FrancoÕs, example. He strived to take their place and even exceed them both. This is particularly clear when considering the writings of VilarŠs. She claims, Ò Leopol do Mar™a se aferrar⁄ a la creencia de que la escritura (la suya y no la de su padre) pueda sacarle adelanteÓ (52). Therefore Panero wishes to gain control 165 over the Òdocile bodiesÓ as his psychotic nature prevents him from being one himself, in order to exe rcise his will as his father and the Caudillo had done before him (Gabilondo). The final poem of these works that illuminates PaneroÕs disdain for his fellow Spaniard is ÒEl tesoro de Sierra MadreÓ. In this poem he talks of breaking from the pack of Òdoc ile bodiesÓ and freethinking as should in his mind, every Spanish citizen. However, as he reflects, his narcissism is always accompanied by his self -deprecation, and he notes the futility of any perceived success or achievement. His jumping between the two poles of self -adulation and self -loathing appears to simultaneously separate him from the Òdocile bodiesÓ while regarding himself to the same station as the ÒfatherÓ that once controlled them. This occurrence will only bolster the disdain he has for himse lf. He writes : ÀQui”nes son los hombres que se separan del resto y andan solos y creen ver en las tinieblas y se r™en como si supieran, y andan solos como si supieran, quemando rostros y con algo de saliva escondida tristemente en las bolsas? Aspirando a s™ mismos y pisando el rojo vivo de los labios. Sin mancha, persiguiendo ciegos la ilusiŠn del espejo. Dime Luna, qui”nes son los que te adoran y creen, y recorren seguros la tela de araŒa que nadie, nadie ha tejido y corren en pos de su imagen, tropezand o en el cieno, 166 acezantes, mordidos en el culo por su sombra camino del abismo con los ojos vendados como el FOU de aquel juego de cartas cuya clave olvid”, oh dime Luna el nombre secreto de tus fieles, y si saben, si saben que al llegar por fin no les espera sin en la muerte su rostro en El espejo. (256) In this poem, Panero blends a disdain for others with his own self -detrimental behavior and disposition. He remarks condescendingly that those claiming to know themselves, something he repeatedly is uns uccessful at according to Tœa Blesa , will only know a death that waits for all. BlesaÕs analysis on this issue can be explained by her statement : Ò [u]no de los modos en que esta muerte se escribe, dir™ase que aminorado, es el de la identidad del individuo puesta en crisis, alterada o directamente perdida, lo que constituye uno de los temas m⁄s persistentes de este conjunto po”tico. Identidad que no es capaz de reconocerseÉÓ (15). The search for inner peace and self -knowledge was a troublesome one for Panero who, upon not finding it in his writings and reflections, turned to drugs and alcohol in his early years. The poetic documentation of his personal journey with substance abuse will be discussed at length in the upcoming section. 167 Section III: The Transition : Arriving at the Desencanto with a Little Help from His Friends In contrast to the Òdocile bodiesÓ who were programmed to consciously repress and even forget the past, Panero chose to delve deeper inward during the desencanto to give greater vo ice to his desires, self -perceptions, and his inexplicable actions caused by his mental condition. The negative self -regard Panero demonstrates is often as strong as the ill -will he expresses for Òdocile bodiesÓ in the previous section. In order to further comprehend his thoughts, his poetry can be consulted. Poems from his works Last river together and El que no ve , both publi shed in 1980, can aid in the understanding of his insights and actions. Several of these poems highlight his rejection of the Òdocil e bodiesÓ that surround him and his harsh condemnation for their lack introspection. While he considers himself a free thinker instead of a Òdocile bodyÓ, he looks inward in order to gain more understanding of himself. The problem that arises however, is t he self-realization about his self -pitying and self -loathing nature. While hating the Òdocile bodiesÓ for who they are and represent, he hates himself for who he is because of them: a marginalized psychotic homosexual interned in a mental institution who s eeks to control them as SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ had done. The following poems will illustrate the self -disdain he has due to his self -appointment to the position of ÒfatherÓ through his poetry. This drove him to desire to exert his power over the doci le bodies, as was the case with his own father and Franco, and by following their example, Panero only augmented the level of disdain he had for himself. It is also important to note that Panero has celebrated his drug and alcohol abuse while condemning hi s treatments in the asylums for their methods with pharmaceuticals. Instead of becoming a Òdocile bodyÓ Panero rejected all norms and standards in his journey of self -awareness. This turned out to be very problematic for the poet as he found these kinds of actions 168 have serious consequences in a population of Òdocile bodiesÓ. In his interview in El Pa ™s, he criticizes the entire institution psychiatry . He states : La psiquiatr™a es una estafa. La psiquiatr™a delira. Eso lo demostrŠ perfectamente Foucault en s u historia de la locura, que es un estudio metodolŠgico de la psiquiatr™a como delirio. Los manicomios, las c⁄rceles y los cuarteles son lugares de privaciŠn de la vida. Los manicomios son el Estado de no -derecho, por eso para m™ salir de aqu™ cada d™a es como el descendimiento de la cruz. Por la noche vuelven a clavarme. (Marcos) The fact that Panero is still attacking the institutions and the government that allowed his torture so many years later is a testament to his loss of faith in, and hatred for, Sp ainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ and its Òdocile bodiesÓ. In his eyes, very little improvement had been made in the years before his death in 2014, and for that reason, he expressed on many occasions his desire to abandon Spain altogether. For instance, in the p oem, ÒEl baccarr⁄ en la nocheÓ, Panero discusses how it is difficult to exert control over himself or his actions because of the strict regulations the institutions place over him with surveillance and pharmaceutical treatment. He writes: ÀQui”n me engaŒa en la noche, y aœlla pidi”ndome que salga, que salga a la calle y camine, y corra, y atraviese las calles como perro rabioso las calles desiertas en que es siempre de noche, buscando locamente el baccarr⁄ en la noche? ÀQui”n me despierta, qu” hembra mortal o p⁄jaro para decirme 169 que aœn vivo, que aœn deseo, que tengo todav™a que imprimir una œltima direcciŠn a mis ojos para buscar el baccarr⁄ en la noche? (211) In his psychotic state, his desires come to him as if willed by others. He cannot come to know the inner voice speaking to him. This is yet another stressor for the poet who is unable to explain why it is he acts in a certain way, nor can he identify the aspect of himself that co mpels the behavior. Here he employs the night as an allusion to uncertainty, most likely referring to the precarious situation Spain was in following FrancoÕs death. His explanations of the hold this unknown entity has over him and the uncertainty it cause s are offered in the next stanzas of the poem. He writes: ÀQu” uŒas escarban mi vejez, y qu” mano que no perdona tortura mi muŒeca, conduci”ndome como a un lugar seguro, al baccarr⁄ en la noche? ÀQu” mano de madre, qu” oraciŠn susurran luna tras luna lo s labios de la luna gritando en medio de la calle a solas descubri”ndome en la acera, denunciando a todos mi testamento secreto, mi pavor y mi miedo sin descanso de encontrarme, no s” si hoy quiz⁄s, tal vez maŒana, jugando ya para siempre al baccarr⁄ en l a noche. (211 -2) In the second half of the poem , Panero discusses the idea of safety and a loving figure that should guide him securely, but instead, falsely brings him to el baccarr⁄ . This misuse of trust, 170 obviously denied to the poet even by those who su pposedly should be closest to him, will have a lasting detrimental effect on Panero. Railing in his psychosis, there is no one to whom he can turn for protection or guidance. His lack of understanding, concerning himself and others, is a theme that is prev alent in many of his poems where he cries out in fear or hatred of what he perceives to be himself. This is evident in the poem ÒPara A., again (Y vuelta a empezar)Ó in Last river together (1980). It can be argued that although he made a conscious choice n ot to be a Òdocile bodyÓ, the consequences he faced for his nonconformance were difficult for him to bear at times. In ÒPara A., again (Y vuelta a empezar)Ó, Panero is dismayed by the image he sees in the mirror. He observes a man ruined, in his opinion, and struggles to comprehend his course and identity. He writes: Digo yo si este espejo vale para que tœ seas frente a mi imagen arruinada, si este espejo vale para los dos y si este cuerpo canta en tu sexo y brilla algo la cŠpula bajo la cœpula del techo, digo yo si tœ quieres que mi vida sea, ahora que mi alma se quiebra entre los dos como por un abrazo. (215) In a work he published in the previous year, Narciso en el acorde œltimo de las f lautas , Panero begins the work with a dedication to Alicia. He wri tes, ÒA Alicia, que recogiŠ el cad⁄verÓ (139). It appears here that he is returning to her as he endeavors to comprehend himself. VilarŠs has commented on the Panero children and mirrors as they relate to all Spaniards of the transiciŠn . She writes, Ò repre sentados todos y todas como Padres e Hijos, formamos con ellos un mismo 171 texto que si es algo es descomposiciŠn y reflejo de un vac™o histŠrico. Los Hijos buscamos en El espejo la figura del padre. Y El espejo nos devuelve, espectral, una figura fantasmaÓ ( 48).This further supports the argument that Panero was acting as the ÒfatherÓ through his poetry, which is one of the central causes for his self -disdain. In contrast to the last poem discussed, ÒEl baccarr⁄ en la nocheÓ, Panero yields his power willingly as if it were his right to do so. In the previous poem, the power exerted over him came from a source not known nor understood by him. Here, it is important to note that Panero will surrender to his insuppressible desire to control. In the poem, ÒEl Loc oÓ, Panero delves deeper into his past to comprehend what has brought him to this point in his life. He consciously chooses to remember despite the pain he feels, and he later reflects on the betrayal, as he sees it, by his family, and ultimately, by the Spanish Òstate of exceptionÓ. He writes: He vivido entre los arrabales, pareciendo un mono, he vivido en la alcantarilla transportando las heces, he vivido dos aŒos en el Pueblo de las Moscas y aprendido a nutrirme de los que suelto. Fui una culebra desliz⁄ndose por la ruina del hombre, gritando aforismos en pie sobre los muertos, atravesando mares de carne desconocida con mis logaritmos. Y sŠlo pude pensar que de niŒo me secuestraron par a una 172 alucinante batalla y que mis padres me sedujeron para ejecutar el sacrilegio, entre ancianos y muertos. He enseŒado a moverse a las larvas sobre los cuerpos, y a las mujeres a o™r cŠmo cantan los ⁄rboles al crepœsculo, y lloran. Y los hombres manchaban mi cara con cieno, al hablar, y dec™an con los ojos Ôfuera de vidaÕ, o bien Ôno hay nada que pueda ser menos todav™a que tu almaÕ o bien ÔcŠmo te llamasÕ y Ôqu” oscuro es tu nombreÕ. (224-5) One aspect of this poem that stands out is the poet speaking on behalf of others. His defending of anyone but himse lf is particularly important because of its rarity in his poetry. The accusations against parental figures appear here and will reappear throughout his many works. He is also noting the fragility and fear of a child, and how this child was mistreated by hi s parents. The most critical ramification of this mistreatment is the continued victimization of new people by a former victim as signaled by the line Òy que mis padres de sedujeron para / ejecutar el sacrilegio Ó (225). This is further evidence of Panero a ssuming the role of the ÒfatherÓ and continuing the travesties he admonished in the previous section of this chapter. However, in seeking this position of power Panero augmented his self -disdain, which he generally tried to sooth with drug and alcohol abus e. There are four poems in his two books published in 1980 that explicitly celebrate the abuse of drugs and alcohol. They include: ÒLa canciŠn del Croupier del MississippiÓ, ÒEl hombre 173 que sŠlo com™a z anahorias Ó, ÒEl suplicioÓ, and ÒThe endÓ. Drawing on th e freedom associated with the lifestyle of a pirate, as evidenced by PaneroÕs citation of the song Ò15 men and a dead manÕs chestÓ, the poet employs ÒLa canciŠn del Croupier del MississippiÓ to celebrate his many vices. He writes: Fumo mucho. Demasiado. Fumo para frotar el tiempo y a veces oigo la radio y oigo pasar la vida como quien pone la radio. Fumo mucho. En el cenicero hay ideas y poemas y voces de amigos que no tengo. Y tengo la boca llena de sangre que sale de las grietas de mi cr⁄neo y toda mi alma sabe a sangre, sangre fresca no s” si de cerdo o de hombre que soy, en toda mi alma acuchillada por mujeres y niŒos que se mueven ingenuos, torpes, en esta vida que ya s”. Me palpo el pecho de pronto, nervioso, y no siento un corazŠn. No hay, no existe en nadie esa cosa que llaman corazŠn sino quiz⁄ en el alcoholÉ (219) It is clear , for Panero , alcohol is one perceived truth that fuels him. Instead of having a heart pump his blood and sustain him, Panero argues that it is alcohol that accomplishes this task. 174 Panero relishes in this self -destructive behavior and basks in its effects. He later goes on to describe his drinking: ÉY es que no hay otra comuniŠn ni otro espasmo que este del vino y ningœn otro sexo ni mujer que el vaso de alcohol bes⁄ndome los labios que este vaso de alcohol que llevo en el cerebro, en los pies, en la sangre. Que este vaso de vino oscuro o blanco, de ginebra o de ron o lo que sea -ginebra y cerveza, por ejemplo - que es como la infancia, y no es huida, ni evasiŠn, ni sueŒ o sino la œnica vida real y todo lo posibleÉ (220) For Panero, inebriation is the only way to feel or experience life. It is not an escape or an avoidance he argues, but rather the true path while sobriety instead is a nightmare for Panero, which removes him from his reality. Even while he notes the negative effects that alcohol has on him, Panero continues to glorify his overindulgences. He writes: ÉY otras veces soy Abel que tiene un plan perfecto para rescatar la vida y restaurar a los hombres y tambi”n a veces lloro por no ser un esclavo negro en el sur, llorando entre las pl antaciones! 175 Es tan bella la ruina, tan profunda S” todos sus colores y es como una sinfon™a la mœsica del acabamiento. Como mœsica que tocan en el m⁄s all⁄, y ya no tengo sangre en las venas, sino alcohol, tengo sangre en los ojos de borracho y el alma invadida de sangre como de una vomitona, y vomito el alma por las maŒanas, despu”s de pasar toda la noche jurando frente a una muŒeca de goma que existe. (221 -2) In this section, PaneroÕs rants give hints to the title of the poem and to the absurd sufferi ng that he would will upon himself if possible. Here, he expresses the desire to be a slave in the southern United States of America or to become physically ill from poisoning himself with alcohol. He would be anything so long as it would differentiate him self from his own father and Franco. Perhaps the most ironic aspect of these statements pertain to seeking enslavement after waiting countless for a democracy in which every Spaniard could enjoy personal, political, and social freedom. Apparently Panero di d not feel this was possible, nor even desirable, in SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ. His continued attacks on Spain repeat throughout the poem. He writes: Escribir en EspaŒa no es llorar, es beber, es beber la rabia del que no se resigna a morir en las esquinas, es beber y mal decir, blasfemar contra EspaŒa contra este pa™s sin dioses pero con 176 estatuas de dioses, es beber en la iglesia con mœsica de Šrgano es caerse borracho en los recitales y manchar de vino tinto y sangreÉ (222) Panero employs one of the strongest arsenals of the Franco regime against Spain in this excerpt. By calling Spain godless, he attacks all of those who so vehemently defended the Catholic Church, principally FrancoÕs supporters. He would disrespect the Church by falling d own in its vestibules after having taken real sustenance, not in the form of the Eucharist, but rather, in the form of alcohol. He uses alcohol to denounce the false aids of prayer or protest in Spain, where even after the death of Franco, very little has changed for the poet. In another poem, ÒEl hombre que sŠlo com™a zanahoriasÓ Panero discusses addiction, and the ensuing mono it brings, in an allegory involving carrots. In the first half of the poem he jokingly discusses the inconveniences suffered by t he addict. He writes: El hombre que sŠlo com™a zanahorias ya no pod™a ni de noche cerrarse los ojos y eran dos faros abiertos para nada y no sab™a sino mirar, mirar el hombre que sŠlo com™a zanahorias. El hombre que sŠlo com™a zanahorias vagaba por los campos, en la lucha de conejos en pos de sus malditas zanahorias. El hombre que sŠlo com™a zanahorias 177 ten™a miedo a tanta luz, a tanto sol que quema, y destapa y desnuda, y acosa en medio de campo de las zanahorias, y viv™a pues en madriguera oscura y breve, saliendo sŠlo de vez en cuando para buscar sus zanahorias. (249) This poem, jesting at addiction by making the subject obsessed with carrots, a vegetable whose phallic shape is not to be dismissed, shows the beginning stages of a person succumbing to the mono . His play on words is particularly comical, having the subjec tÕs eyes as bright and wide as the beams from a lighthouse. In his not so subtle nod to drug addiction and homosexuality, he gives the subject the same qualities of an addict. In the second half of the poem it is clear that like an addict denied his fix, his subject will do absolutely to achieve the desired object. He writes: El hombre que sŠlo com™a zanahorias era capaz de matar, y de robar, y cuentan que se deshizo de su mujer por una sola zanahoria. El hombre que sŠlo com™a zanahorias sal™a a la tarde, que es la hora de las zanahorias y de noche, y de d™a y al crepœsculo o™a gritar llam⁄ndole a las zanahorias. 178 El hombre que sŠlo com™a zanahorias ten™a el polo rojo y largos colmillos para partir mejor las zanahorias y las piernas largas para corr er mejor, porque ten™a miedo de los hombres m⁄s todav™a que del sol y as™ era el hombre que sŠlo com™a zanahorias. (249-50) By the end of the poem PaneroÕs subject changes completely to fulfill his addition. He loses his wife, his mind, and will commit mur der to get more ÒcarrotsÓ. This could signal his own self -disdain for desiring to be as controlling as Franco was or an indication of his own addiction to drugs and alcohol. Furthermore, it is interesting to note the arrival of heroin in Spain, which coin cides with the movida and desencanto , would have a devastating effect on Spaniards in almost no time at all. Juan Gamella has discussed this phenomenon. He states: The popularization of intravenous drugs was not a gradual process but an abrupt transformat ion. As other chronicles of similar phenomena have noted, use of the new pattern went Ôthrough a period of quiet consolidation before it exploded dramaticallyÕ. After a year of less visible changes in the patterns of drug use, a critical point was reached at which, in the words of one participant, the new practice spread Ôlike fire on dry grass.Õ (135) Panero, to his credit, has been very open about his addictions in his later years. He has openly discussed his first suicide attempt with Javier Rodr™guez M arcos in an interview for El Pa™s . He states: 179 Lo malo vino con un intento de suicidio. Estaba en una pensiŠn de Barcelona y entrŠ la seŒora de la casa, me vio con las pastillas al lado y me dijo: ÔÀPero es que va usted a hacer lo mismo que Marilyn Monroe?Õ . Me fui a la calle y en la puerta me encontraron en coma. Luego empezŠ toda esta historia de los manicomios, que me destruyeron m⁄s que la bebida. (Rodr™guez Marcos) Gamella has written about this period and what effect the transition, and its lack of progress, had on the youth in Spain. He suggests, Ò[t]he sustained erosion of the labor market between 1978 and 1986 made access to work networks difficult for many young people, making them more prone to spend more time in the street, to be exposed to the influences of their peers, and to get involved in the illegal drug market (hashish, heroin, cocaine, or pharmaceuticals), which increased considerably in those yearsÓ (1 51). This fresh access to new drugs and friends to share them with led to not only a significant increase in consumption in Spain, but it also would propel the issue of AIDS in the 1980s. Gamella further explains the explosion of drugs. He writes: ÉThe pol itical turmoil and confrontation after FrancoÕs death in 1975 and the hopes of the first democratic elections gave way in 1978, after the establishment of the new constitutional order, to a sense of disillusionment (desencanto) and the demobilization of th e most active social and political groups, especially among the youth. Both processes (political disillusionment and economic slump) helped to produce a large segment of confused, exasperated, and frustrated young people, who in many cases turned their hig h expectations to drugs and delinquency. (151) Panero was among the first, if not the first himself, of the disenchanted Spaniards, however, his psychosis precluded him from feeling as if he was a participant in the movement and thus left 180 him forever in th e periphery of the Spanish Òstate of exceptionÓ. While even the rebellious Spaniards would find docility through drugs, PaneroÕs psychosis would not allow for him to forgo is quest for control. In his poem ÒEl suplicioÓ, Panero tells a poetic tale of suff ering through the mono of his addictions and his time in mental institutions. He writes: La fiebre se parece a Dios. La locura: la œltima oraciŠn. Largo tiempo he bebido de un extraŒo c⁄liz hecho de alcohol y heces y vi en la marea de la copa los peces atrozmente blancos del sueŒo. Y al levantar la copa, digo a Dios, te ofrezco este suplicio y esta hostia nacida de la sangre que de todos los ojos mana como orden⁄ndome beber, como orden⁄ndome morir para que cuando el fin sea nadie sea igual que Dios. The wretched existence depicted h ere, not void of vulgar imagery, is a captivating insight to PaneroÕs evaluation of his experience. Because he is not, arguably by choice, a Òdocile bodyÓ, he finds himself facing constant rejection and criticism. Furthermore , his psychosis leaves him fighting both real and imagined enemies that endlessly persecute him. 181 In a final poem depicting his self -reflections, Panero judges not only his own actions, but those of his fellow Spaniards as well. In the poem ÒThe endÓ, he wr ites: He fumado mi vida y del incendio sorpresivo quedan en mi memoria las rid™culas colillas: seres que no me vieron, mujeres como vaho, humo en las bocas, y silencio para lo que no quise ser, y fue como vapor o estela sobre las olas ociosas, niŒos con m arinera que en la escuela aprendieron el Error. No hab™a nadie en aquel pozo, estaba vac™a la c⁄rcel, pienso cuando abriendo al fin la puerta, y descorriendo por fin el cerrojo que me un™a inœtilmente a las ⁄guilas, y me hac™a amar las islas y adorar la nada, des descubro banal, y sonri”ndome, la luz. What differentiates Panero from the Òdocile bodiesÓ in SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ is his self awareness . The population of Òdocile bodiesÓ was offered the opportunity to drone on and forget the past, and because of their conditioning under the Franco regime, they took it. They, as Gamella suggests, became disillusioned as a result of having very few choices, and they were led to believe that there were in fact genuine solutions to the Spanish transition to democracy, as 182 opposed to Panero who foresaw the continuity of Francoist practices even after the death of the Caudillo . Conclusion In closing, Panero i s taking his poetry and naturalizing the taboo and the grotesque in order to illustrate, although hyperbolically , that the Franco regime was guilty of the same practice. Self-glorification , a sin committed by the regime, is one of the many hypocrisies Pane ro works to illuminate through his poetry. While he often tries this method himself, self -glorification, he generally counteracts his outlandish decrees with self -punishing behavior because the possibility of following the example of his father, or of the Caudillo , only further incites his psychosis . One clear example of this would be remaining in an asylum that he classified as hell on earth when he had the facilityÕs permission to leave anytime he wanted. His poetry, therefore, is the clearest indication that he could have given to illustrate his hatred for a Spanish Òstate of exceptionÓ compiled of Òdocile bodiesÓ created by the Franco regime. Furthermore, his radical view, from both the sexual and psychotic periphery of his society, on the transition as a nonevent seems to be somewhat accurate. The Spanish people were presented with the fantasy of democracy that was built up in the last years of FrancoÕs life. While this was steadfastly anticipated, insufficient groundwork was laid to enable a smooth tran sition. In addition, the economic crisis in the late 1970s, not only felt in Spain but Europe as a whole, further exacerbated the fragile situation. Therefore, the argument can be presented that Panero employed his poetry not only to grotesquely and unique ly demonstrate the sins of the Franco regime, but also to illustrate how the regime continued to thwart attempts at democracy , even 183 after it had been dismantled , by sustaining a populace of Òdocile bodiesÓ in a Òstate of exceptionÓ. 184 Chapter 4: Manuel Rivas: Poetry and ÒEmpty signifiersÓ in SpainÕs ÒState of Exception Ó 185 I know it's crooked, but it's the only game in town. Canada Bill Jones Manuel Rivas (1957 -), a self -identified Galician writing from a national periphery , has come to the forefront of Galician culture and society through his poetic work on Galicia and ecology. Cristina S⁄nchez -Conej ero has written : El escritor se considera gallego al cien por cien, lo cual no significa que pretenda hacer de Galicia el centro del mundo. Como explica en ÔGalicia contada a un extraterrestreÕ, ÔÀhay periferia y centro en el universo?Õ. No se trata de descentrar el centro y colocar en su lugar a la periferia, sino reconocer las distintas variedad es como tales en lugar de soterrarlas al baœl del olvido. (228) His work boasts successful endeavors in journalism, narrative, and poetry. Moreover, studies of his writings reveal there is a consistency present in the style of his work: the use of poetic language. The fact that all of his work, including his prose, has poetic undertones, demonstrates the high esteem Rivas reserves for the genre of poetry. He has even made this explicitly known as he was quoted in 2014 stating that, Ò[e] l poema es la œnica n oticia que permaneceÓ (Rodr™guez 1). Rivas will employ poetry in order to continue the discourse his poetic predecessors began under the Franco regime. Furthermore, the extension of Francoist ideals into Galician politics and culture , in large part by Manuel Fraga who will be discussed at length in this chapter, links Rivas to the poets who engaged the genre to further political discussion in SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ. In his poetry, Manuel Rivas will create an Òempty signifierÓ t hrough the anthropomorphism of nature in order to unite and gain the attention of this audience . After, he can, upon having their full consideration, disseminate his political ideas to a more receptive and 186 attentive group. One of the main tools for achievi ng the anthropomorphism of nature is to reiterate Galeguidade into the hegemony, as did one of the main political figures in GaliciaÕs history Manuel Fraga. Galeguidade has been the focus of Rivas and many Galician intellectuals, but Eugenia R. Romero has concisely explained its more significant aspects. She writes: In my view, to understand GaliciaÕs role within SpainÕs history, politics and culture, and its connections with other places beyond its borders Ðplacing Galicia on the world map Ðwe must consider other elements that also contribute to a contemporary Galeguidade (Galicianness)ÉI do insist, nonetheless, on the need to consider sociological factors like migration, popular traditions, and myths, and even the effects of globalization when analyzing a w ide array of cultural representations of G aleguidade. (xii) Through Galeguidade Rivas gives the land a sorrowful human -like quality that invites pity. Its quiet suffering at the loss of its people who previously lived off the land causes the reader to empa thize with Galicia and remember personal losses. While he uses similar tactics as Fraga, the poetÕs motives are quite different. As Gabilondo has stated , it is important to beware of this kind of Ònationalist normalizationÓ because it ÒÉcreates neurotic en joyment precisely by avoiding the traumatic kernel that defines the Spanish state and its violent historyÓ (ÒThe Big OtherÓ) . Furthermore, in discussing the myths of the land and its secrets, Rivas gives it an intriguing mystique, which will act as a sire n song for the reader. Romero has commented on the necessity to incorporate myths into her comprehensive presentation of Galicia. She argues, ÒI center my analysis on the idea that GaliciaÕs national history is outside representation. In other words, it is not possible to historicize GaliciaÕs past without the creation of myths or mythical 187 spaces to interpret historyÓ (xviii). While on one level the inclusion of myths works to create an allure for Galicia, it has also had debilitating effects politically as it allowed for Fraguismo , which exacerbated GaliciaÕs mythical past from 1989 until 2005. In his poetry, Rivas works to disperse his political ideals, despite the fact that they were never congruent with those of Fraga, by appropriating some of his political tricks. In doing so, he will employ poetic language charged with imagery, which will subtly work to condition the reader to change his or her behavior without the forceful manipulation that was previously seen in chapter 3 with the creation of Òd ocile bodiesÓ. RivasÕ efforts maintain an ultimate goal of sustaining a future for the Galician language, culture, and landscape via political change, thus breaking with the hegemony of the Franco and Fraga eras. He does this by depicting how Galicia has c ontinued to evolve in a globalized Spain , through the use of nature as an Òempty signifierÓ, that quietly suffers under the still dissipating shadow of FrancoÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ . La desapariciŠn de la nieve (2009) is RivasÕ seventh poetic work, and it is preceded by Libro de Entroido (1980), Balada nas Praias do Oeste (1985), Mohicania (1986), Ningœn Cisne (1989), Costa da Morte Blues (1995), and O Pobo da Noite (1996). La desapariciŠn de la nieve (2009) is of critical importance because it offers trans lations of the original Galician in Castilian, Basque, and Catalan. This all -encom passing approach brings Galicia to the forefront for all of those on the Iberian Peninsula and abroad and illuminates the persitance of FrancoÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ so many years after his death . With his work, La desapariciŠn de la nieve , Rivas introduced warnings he still offers today. Upon receiving recognition from La Real Academia Gallega , Rivas discussed the Ô riesgo de autodestrucciŠn por bioperversidad, frente a la biodiversidad que se trata de conservarÕ (Europa Press). He also offered the following solution : 188 Hay que construir entre todos, de izquierdas y derechas, nacionalistas o no, un h⁄bitat en el que la lengua crezca feliz, un espacio de simpat™a para ella y por ello brindo en este lugar de Celanova, que es vivero y para que sea espacio de libertad y solidaridad, brindo por lo local que es universal, por un mundo llamado Celanova, por un nuevo Rexurdiment o. (2) According to AntŠn Figueroa, RivasÕs work should not be taken for granted as he has continually employed his celebrity status to advance political causes he believes in . Figueroa suggests: Writers still play a political role in that they speak in the name of the people; as the peopleÕs representatives, they are often driven to make political positions. We saw this in 2002, after the sinking of the oil tanker Prestige, when the best -known Galician writers, such as Rivas and Toro, organized and led t he popular demonstrations along with other artists, among them Rafa Villar, Luis Tosar, and Ux™a Senlle. This commitment to represent reappears especially when it is perceived that the political powers are not doing their job. (51) It is precisely through La desapariciŠn de la nieve that Rivas brings awareness to GaliciaÕs fragile political state in a globalized Spain Õs Òstate of exceptionÓ . This is further supported by the poetÕs own explanation of the textÕs title as documented by Miguel çngel Villena in an article for El Pa™s . He quotes Rivas stating, ÒÔEl t™tulo del libroÕ, aclara Rivas, Ôsignifica un grito ecolŠgico en contra de la destrucciŠn del planeta, pero quiere reflejar, por otro lado, que debajo de la nieve desaparece la frontera entre los vivos y los muertosÕ Ó (Villena). Throughout La desapariciŠn de la nieve Rivas highlights the precarious ecological and cultural situation in Galicia, while working to create unity by celebrating its past through Galeguidade and cultivating hope for its future a s a stronger nacionalidad histŠrica . 189 Section I: ÒTransitioningÓ to the Future The previous chapter discussed Spain through the year 1980 when Leopoldo Mar™a Panero published Last River Together and El que no ve . While Panero lamented what he perceived to be a failure of a transition to democracy, eventually joined by others in the desencanto , 1981 would prove to be a lightning bolt for Spanish soc iety. This chapter will focus on the first sparks of the democratic period, and later show how Spain has weath ered its political transition. In Spain in the 1980s , Robert Clark and Michael H. Haltzel explain, Ò[b]y 1980 the democratic euphoria in 1977-1978 had been replaced by el desencanto , a generalized disillusionment that the new democracy was incapable of di smantling the relics of Francoism in the police, the administrative bureaucracy, and the judicial systemÓ (6). This would result in aspects of FrancoÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ remaining even decades after the caudilloÕs death. Furthermor e, i n his work After t he Civil War , Michael Richards discusses the two events that would go on to shape the 1980s in Spain. He writes: The latter stages of the political transition, which had seen the conservative UCD heading the government, were accompanied by a widely recogni zed sense of political disenchantment. Two events would partially, and perhaps temporarily, put an end to this feeling of disengagement: the attempted military coup in early 1981, known as the Tejerazo, after Colonel Antonio Tejero, who on 23 February had led a group of civil guards which took armed control of the chamber of parliament, and in October 1982, the election of the first socialist government in Spain since the Civil War . (307) 190 The unsuccessful coup was also indicative of a larger problem in Spai n, which was the lingering presence of Franco through the military apparatus he created in his Òstate of exceptionÓ . çlvaro Soto has commented on the persistent possibility of military intervention that was rarely discussed but always present during the transition. He suggests, ÒÉ la ÔamenazaÕ de una intervenciŠn militar siempre estuvo presente durante toda la transiciŠn, debido a la fidelidad a Franco que hab™a m antenido el Ej”rcito durante la dictadura, y a la ideolog™a reaccionaria de la mayor parte de los generales, jefes y oficiales en activoÓ (166). Following the defeated coup, the military was shown to be divided and beaten. Clark and Haltzel describe the s ituation: In the aftermath of the abortive revolt, both the military and the Spanish political world felt chastened. The tone of Spanish politics, no longer so confident in the consolidation and stability of democracy, swung briefly to the right. This atmosphere helped produce ill -considered legislation to reduce and reorganize aspects of regional autonomy, which aggravated center -periphery relations. (92) Thus, by moving further to the right, the political landscape in Spain became less inclined towards th e freedoms of democracy and more focused on the maintaining of power in a central base. VilarŠs has also commented on the shadow cast by the dictator, which remained long after his death in SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ. She states: Franco y/o franquismo al imentaron el cuerpo del pa™s, fueron fuente œnica, surtidor que de forma inescapable y minuciosa, perversa si se quiere, de aŒo en aŒo, de mes en mes y de d™a a d™a dirigiŠ el fluido vital de la sociedad espaŒola. En cierta forma entonces, Franco y/o franq uismo no fueron œnicamente el 191 r”gimen pol™tico; fueron tambi”n y quiz⁄ sobre todo, para nuestro mal y nuestro bien, una adicciŠn, un enganche simbŠlico y real, una monumental cogida que produjo a su t”rmino encontradas y conflictivas reaccionesÉ (18) On th e other hand, joining the European Union in 1986 would become , for many, the ultimate opportunity for Spain to achieve democracy and finally cease to be a Òstate of exceptionÓ . Juan Carlos Jim”nez Redondo notes its implications stating , ÒÉEuropa no era sŠl o un objetivo econŠmicoÉsino que ten™a una evidente dimensiŠn pol™tica, en cuanto la participaciŠn en el proceso europeo se identificŠ claramente con el cambio pol™tico, con la democracia y la libertad. En definitiva, con el fin de la dictaduraÓ (106-7). In addition to joining the European Union in 1986, a move that would benefit Spain economically in the coming years, the 1980s were full of reforms that aimed to make amends with those who continued to be punished even after the war had ended. In Historical Memory and Criminal Justice in Spain , Josep M. Tamarit Sumalla explains: During the 1980s, further reparations were passed in different context and through different legal instruments. In June 1984, years spent in prison were formally acknowledged in terms of contributions to Social Security. Through an Act of 22 October 1984, pensions were awarded for people who had served in the Republican Army, including those who had not previously been covered as they were not professional soldiers. The Act granted these people the same legal rights as other military personnel had at the ti me. (68 -9) While the economic and political advantages gained by joining the European Union were considerable, hosting the Olympic Games in Barcelona in 1992 propelled Spain into the worldÕs glance. Soto adds, ÒÉ se debe destacar en positivo el aŒo 1992, e n el que EspaŒa se convirtiŠ en 192 centro de atenciŠn mundial al celebrarse cuatro grandes acontecimientos: la ExposiciŠn Universal de Sevilla, los Juegos Ol™mpicos de Barcelona, el Quinto Centenario del Descubrimiento de Am”rica y la capitalidad europea de l a cultura en MadridÓ (279). The transition to democracy itself has received even more debate today. Scholars have raised the idea of multiple transitions, and some even insist that the transitional period for Spain has not yet ended. Tamarit Sumalla comm ents on the Spanish transition(s). He argues: Other observers have suggested that the transition ended when the Socialist Party won the general elections in November 1982, or when Spain entered the European Union in 1986. There have been subsequent discus sions about a Ôsecond transitionÕ, referring to the years in which Spain was governed by a conservative majority (1996 -2004). This second transition would be characterized by a certain ambiguity, since it implies the idea of democratic normalization throug h the right coming to power in a democratic way, which is something that it had not previously achieved in the course of modern Spanish history. (63) These changes would not only result in Spain becoming the focus of attention on the global stage, but woul d also highlight the myriad of existing problems concerning relations between Madrid and Òhistoric nationalitiesÓ , which include Galicia, Basque Country, and Catalonia. Kirsty Hooper and Manuel Puga Moruxa, in their work Contemporary Galician Culture Studi es, discuss how the Òhistoric nationalities Ó came to be following the death of Franco. They state: The subsequent advent of democracy reconstituted Spain as a nation of autonom™as , in which Galicia, along with Catalonia and the Basque Country, has the stat us of a nacionalidade histŠrica . This controversial term was designed to 193 appease both centralist (who sought to maintain the unity of the Spanish nation -state and therefore rejected the existence of other nations within Spain) and the Basque, Catalan, and Galician nationalists who were determined to see their homelands recognized in law. (3) In Spain Õs Òstate of exceptionÓ the nacionalidades histŠricas are often in a precarious state of limbo with regards to their actual power and rights. Kirsty Hooper has written extensively on Galicia in particular, and she notes, ÒGaliciaÕs relationship with the rest of the world is complicated, in that while on the one hand, Galicia operates as a major culture, with its own language and institutions, on the other, it rem ains a part of the Spanish state whose nationhood is disputed and therefore, in the state context, minorÓ (2). This ÒminorÓ role within the Spanish state is further complicated by the damage done by the repressive Franco regime that outlawed all languages but Castilian in his nearly forty year dictatorship . Hooper suggests this was an ongoing issue Galicia writing, Ò[i]n Galicia, the absence of institutions of state throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries meant that with a few rare exceptions, the cultural sphere long functioned as the only Galician public sphereÓ (25). Therefore, given GaliciaÕs history, poetry, especially poetry written in Galician, is of critical importance , not only for Galician society, but all of SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ as well . Historically, poetry has been one of the very few literary genres documenting an entire region. Hooper has acknowledged Rivas as a particularly important poet in her comments on La desapariciŠn de la nieve . She writes, Ò[t]wo presences dominate RivasÕs book, that of the Spanish state that controls the possibilities of contact between the four national cultures and against whose limits the book was conceived, and the presence of the Earth, of Gaia, the 194 wound ed body upon which the scars of history are felt and the words of each poem are inscribedÓ (35). Hooper further explains the postnational situation as it relates to both Spain and Galicia. She writes: The concepts of nation and national culture are themselves clearly changing in response to a number of factors, from the changing geopolitical world situation and the massive population movements that characterized the second half of the twentieth century to the effects of technology on the consumption of literature and culture. In Spain and by extension Galicia (not to mention Catalunya and the Basque Country), these changes must be seen in the context of the shift from dictatorship to democracy that has been taking place since 1975 and the consequent r ising of the tension between the centripetal and centrifugal concepts of culture and identity. Established notions of nation and national identity are becoming increasingly less viable. Nation continues to be a key organizing factor in our experience of cu lture and identity, but its borders are being questioned, redrawn, and even dissolved. ( Contemporary Galician Culture Studies 277) In these ÒpostnationalÓ times, Joseba Gabilondo notes the role globalization has had on what he calls Òminority literatureÓ, a term he deploys against Deleuze and Guattari Õs term Òminor literatureÓ . He proposes, ÒÉonly by incorporating the postnational and postcolonial effects of globalization, can we begin to understand the new historical status of minority literatures (Basque, Spanish, French, etc. )Ó (Remnants of a Nation 28). He further uses Basque society to explain Òminority literaturesÓ in a globalized world by employing W.E.B. DuboisÕ concept of Òdouble consciousnessÓ . He states: 195 In short, the Basques can look at themselv es through the eyes of the other in Obabakoak and yet, the measuring tape of the ÔBasque soulÕ remains ÔothernessÕ: the tape of the world that looks on in amused contempt and pity. The world looks at the Basques as Ômagic and realist othersÕ and forces the m to look at themselves as such ÔothersÕ. This is the definition of what a minority literature constitutes in globalization. (43) Galicians, as they share the status of nacionalidade histŠrica with Catalonia and Basque Country, were forced into the same pe ripheral and postnational situation as their Basque compatriots because they had to also view themselves as the other within the SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ . In coming from a co astal and rural distant corner of Spain, the Galician people have been forced to evaluate themselves in light of their differences to those who live in the central, and perhaps insular, urban environment of Madrid. This also requires modifications for the literary critics as well because as Gabilondo argues, Ò[t]he political, cultur al, and historical formation of Galician literature cannot be approached from a nationalist point of view; the question of the national language cannot decide the location of the literatureÓ (ÒToward a Postnational History of Galician LiteratureÓ 92). This would be more of a pillar than a crutch for Galicians like Rivas who view themselves as the global citizens trapped in a Òstate of exceptionÓ . Section II: Galicia and Galeguidade GaliciaÕs historical past has been documented by many scholars, but no one has captured its more intricate aspect, such as Galeguidade, as thoroughly as RamŠn PiŒeiro. In discussing PiŒeiroÕs insights on Galeguidade in her book, Galicia, a Sentimental Nation: Gender, Culture 196 and Politics , Helena Migu”lez -Carballeira expounds on his contributions to his homeland. She writes: Of primordial importance for the preservation of a Galician discourse of national difference, which the Galixia intellectuals saw as the only way of salvaging GaliciaÕs political survival in a post -dictatorsh ip future, was the theorization of GaliciansÕ differentiated psychological makeup, for which the trope of sentimentality (encapsulated in the concept of Galician saudade) served as a channel. An often unacknowledged aspect of the discourse of piŒeirismo Ð whose legacy is still present today in the cultural institutions created under its auspices Ð is that one of its chief metaphors shared a history with those repeatedly utilized in centralist/colonist depictions of Galician identity, whilst simultaneously s upplying a line of continuity for these metaphorsÕ circulation in present -day discourses about Galicia and Galician nationalism. (26 -7) Rivas will build on PiŒeiroÕs use of Galeguidade , quite adeptly in his work, by anthropomorphizing nature, in the prese nt, in order to create a unified coalition among his readers . Upon gaining the attention of his audience, Rivas will then offer his own political agenda as an add -on to the Òempty signifierÓ that nature will become. By gaining a larger group of supporters through the use of ecological awareness as a point of contact, Rivas can claim a stronger and more diverse base as he seeks the assistance of Galicians all over the world that will be, in turn, a stronger force with which to confront SpainÕs Òstate of exce ptionÓ. Romero has also discussed the dispersion of Galician culture, but through the topic of emigration . She argues: 197 That is, Galician cultural practices highlight the direct connection between the emigrant and the homeland. Most of these representations reconfigure the emigrantÕs absence and wrap it in a halo of nostalgia as the result of detachment and loss. Such nostalgia ( saudade or morriŒa , as it has been called in Galician) mythifies the concept of the nation because as Susan Stewart asserts Ôthe present is denied and the past takes on an authenticity of beingÕÉIn other words, the idea of the nation becomes idealized by the longing for a concrete geographical place left behind. Therefore, absence and loss maintain a connection with a p ast life that does no longer existsÉ (7) This will certainly aid Rivas as he further attracts attention to Galicia by anthropomorphizing nature. The topic of Galician emigration has been investigated by Francisco Seijo in his article ÒÁModernizaciŠn o Emi graciŠn! Ó. He claims, Ò[d]esde 1951 hasta 1991 emigraron 817.382 gallegos a ⁄reas urbanas del Estado EspaŒol, el norte de Europa, y Am”rica Latina (Carabajo, 1996). Se estima que un 40% de la nueva clase trabajadora industrial urbana espaŒola surgida tras los aŒos cincuenta y sesenta estaba formada por individuos provenientes del medio rural (Fusi, 1986)Ó (60). Sharif Gemie has furthered the discussion of emigration adding : This was the period during which many left the land: by 1975, for the first time, the majority of GaliciaÕs population lived in towns and cities. At the same time, this meant a renewed shift westwards, as people left the agricultural areas in Lugo and Ourense for the towns along the coast. A new mixed, peasant culture developed among thos e who remained in the villages. Women became full -time farm managers, taking care of both the animals and fields, and guaranteeing a 198 basic minimum of food for their families. Men tended to travel more widely, looking for work, but they were now more likely to go to Switzerland for construction work than to Argentina or Cuba. (126) Leaving the land not only created a saudade for the Galicians, but it also had a detrimental effect on one of their major economic bolsters: agriculture. Fernando Ojea has noted t he vastness of the emigration from Galicia. He writes, Ò [e]n 1982, el sector primario ocupaba a 459.000 trabajadores, lo que supon™a el 43 por cien de la poblaciŠn activa, pero diez aŒos despu”s sŠlo quedaban 285.000 personas en estas tareas, un 28 por cie n de las activasÓ (129). It must also be noted, the government itself has also caused irreparable damage to the Galician landscape. Francisco Seijo has pointed out the effect of the introduction of a non -indigenous plant to the Galician countryside. He com ments: At™picamente, la crises del ecosistema en cuestiŠn no fue provocada por una de las causas anteriormente citadas, sino por la repoblaciŠn masiva y forzosa por parte del Estado de una gran parte del territorio gallego con especies forestales de creci miento r⁄pido con el eucalyptus globulus o el pinus pinaster . Estas repoblaciones tuvieron como consecuencia ecolŠgica, en parte intencionada, el colapso de la econom™a agr™cola y ganadera tradicional de numerosas comunidades rurales gallegas y contribuyer on a la emigraciŠn de muchos de sus habitantes a zonas urbanas del Estado EspaŒol, Europa y Am”rica Latina. (59) In addition to the agricultural issues caused by emigration and the introduction of non -indigenous plant species, other factors also abated Gal iciaÕs advancement. For example, several argue that some nationalist myths, adopted officially into Galeguidade , have hindered GaliciaÕs impetus. While Galician intellectuals would not have all myths removed from their heritage, they 199 do advocate for a reno vation of the myths to be employed henceforth. So far there has not been any documentation on the prevalence or absence of myths in RivasÕ poetry, but in her article, ÒDe la identidad gallega n acional a la identidad gallega g lobalÓ, Cristina S⁄nchez -Conejero discusses RivasÕ approximation to the cultural myths of Galicia in his narratives. She writes : El concepto de identidad gallega que propone Rivas en su obra se opone a todo tipo de Ôgrandes narrativasÕ, ya sea por parte de l nacionalismo espaŒol o por parte del nacionalismo gallego. Es por esta razŠn que Rivas considera imperativa no sŠlo la desmitificaciŠn de la imagen castellana de Galicia como comunidad de segundo orden, sino tambi”n la revisiŠn de la supuesta identidad c elta gallega. Ambos discursos, tanto el del nacionalismo espaŒol como el del nacionalismo gallego tienen un claro car⁄cter ÔmetanarrativoÕ y, adem⁄s, adolecen de reduccionismo Ðcuando no de falsedad - en su presentaciŠn de la identidad gallega. (227) For Rivas, according to S⁄nchez -Conejero and a textual analysis of his works, it is imperative to capture what Galicians are now and what they were in the not too distant past, without interference from SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ . This is because the relianc e on the Franco regime Õs nationalist agenda for Galicia has been costly according to some researchers. çngel G. Loureiro contends: Another consequence of GaliciaÕs weak past can be seen in the fact that in contrast to the stability of organized nationalist parties in Catalunya and Euskal Herria, which can trace their roots and even their existence to the beginning of the twentieth century, in Galicia, and especially in the post -Franco era, there have 200 proliferated a number of minuscule nationalist parties th at needed the sieve of time in order for the most viable one to impose itself. (167) Where CataluŒa and Pa™s Vasco chose newer parties, Galicia found itself trapped in a watered down version of FrancoÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ under the long political life of Manuel Fraga. Gemie explains FragaÕs rise to power in detail. He states: The process of reform in the mid -1970s was more nebulous and opaque than it had been in 1931. Francoist bureaucrats and politicians publicly issued calls for modernization and apertu rismo- literally opening -up, but the Russian word glasnost probably better captures the resonances of the term. Manuel Fraga played an important part in this process. From 1973 to 1975 he was SpainÕs ambassador to the United Kingdom. In October 1973 he iss ued a call from London for the creation of a vast reform coalition, stretching from the Ômodern rightÕ to Catholic -inspired social democrats. Fraga was rapidly establishing himself as one of the most clear -thinking and forward -looking of the last Francoist s, and his proposal now carried some weight. In March 1977, he led seven political organizations into the formation of a new party, the Alianza Popular. Fraga was elected general secretary of this organization and became its president in 1979. (132) Later, Fraga served as president of the Xunta for Galicia from 1989 -2005. His long tenure in Galician politics has left behind an imperfect record when considering how he nurtured SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ in Galicia . In the end, FragaÕs inaction cause d numerous political problems for him, and it would take one of the greatest environmental crises in world history to have him voted out. Indeed, the 201 crises was met by a grassroots movement called ÒNunca M⁄isÓ, of which Rivas was a cofounder. Kirsty Hooper and Manuel Puga Moruxa explain: Just as FragaÕs rule of Galicia began to look as if it would never end, the wreckage of the Prestige oil tanker in 2002, which covered the whole Galician coast with fuel, provoked an unprecedented mobilization of Galician c ivil society as a reaction to the disastrous management of the ecological crisis by both the Xunta and the central government. It is this mobilization, organized and led mainly by intellectuals and artists under the banner of Nunca M⁄is (Ônever againÕ), that eventually led to the downfall of the Fraga government in the 2005 Galician electionÉ (12) In continuation, Roseman has commented on the Galician governmentÕs lack of action when it comes to preserving its language. She states: Catalan nationalists have traditionally perceived their language as a vital cultural symbol and the vehicle of a celebrated centuries old tradition, while other Spaniards have deemed it a threat to national integrityÉOver the years these conditions generated substantial literary l egacy and more recently have sparked a noteworthy Catalan cultural renaissance. On the other hand, Basque and Gallego - SpainÕs other significant minority languages - have not generated analogous bodies of literature and their linguistic development lags beh ind Catalan. (313) In addition, Earl L. Rees explains how laws in Galicia have also worked against their native dialect stating : In, 1986, a Galician court annulled an article of the Linguistic Normalization Law requiring students to learn that language. The Education Advisory Board could 202 only ÔrecommendÕ that students know the indigenous language. Since that moment, a vaguely defin ed program of Ô bilismo armŠnicoÕ has emerged wherein 90% of the populace now knows Galician. Absence of immersion programs does not satisfy strident nationalist groups seeking to impose Galician as the language of instruction and everyday useÉInteresti ngly enough, many students in rural zones begin their schooling with Galician as their first language. In urban areas, on the other hand, its use is much more limited. (318 -9) Many of GaliciaÕs aforementioned historical and political issues have not escap ed the poet, as they are the focus of various texts he has authored. He has worked tirelessly, both through narratives such as ÀQu” me quieres, mi amor? and El l⁄piz del carpintero , and in the news print to document GaliciaÕs conversion process in a global ized world. In Ò Galicia, sociedad clientelar Ó, he infers: Los factores que explican por qu” la sociedad clientelar ha extendido tan r⁄pida y eficazmente sus tent⁄culos en Galicia son tantos y de tan v ariada ™ndole que no pueden ser abordados aqu™. De todo s modos, habr™a que recordar, primero, que la sociedad gallega ha sido histŠricamente dependiente, y que sus ”lites, b⁄sicamente desempeŒaron funciones de intermediaciŠn con el exterior, sin un proyecto propio apreciable, y segundo, que ese extensiŠn del c lientelismo se produce en un arco temporal en el que coinciden la creaciŠn del Gobierno autŠnomo, las repetidas mayor™as absolutas del PP y la avanzada transformaciŠn de una sociedad rural en una sociedad terciarizada. La diferencia entre el viejo caciquis mo y el clientelismo actual se cifra en ese cambio social y pol™tico que ha vivido el pa™s en los œltimos veinticinco aŒos, importante, pero incapaz de provocar una 203 redefiniciŠn de los objetivos estrat”gicos colectivos que superarse el localismo y la desar ticulaciŠn. Roseman has also commented on the ramifications of maintaining an economic structure that allows for the caciques to continue in Galicia. She writes: The power of cacique families has therefore extended beyond their direct extraction of labour and products from socially subordinate individuals for whom they proffered ÔfavorsÕ; their existence in each local area and their links to the bureaucratic mechanisms that can seal class oppression has also been an effective intervening force in the reinfo rcement of an economically differentiated countryside. (38) The issue of caciquismo is one that will be raised in La desapariciŠn de la nieve . While Rivas will relish in the hard work of the peasant farmers, he will condemn the Spanish Òstate of exceptionÓ that has driven the agricultural workers from rural areas in utter poverty to find themselves being employed as nothing more than cheap labor for Spain and other European nations. Therefore , I will explain how, through La desapariciŠn de la nieve , Rivas will advocate for the preservation of the Galician language , culture , and ecology by uniting his fellow Galicians. Upon creating an Òempty signifierÓ through the anthropomorphism of nature, Rivas will later offer his explicit political agenda to a captive audience with an end goal of finally ridding Galicia of all aspects of FrancoÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ . 204 Section III : Galeguidade and the Òempty signifierÓ The first section that will be analyzed from this work include the poems: Ò La enigm⁄tica organizaciŠn Ó, ÒEntierro campesinoÓ, ÒHierba de ciego Ó, Ò Cantiga de amor Ó, ÒViento TehuelcheÓ, ÒTierra de fuegoÓ, and ÒBohÓ . These poems range from page 79, the beginning of the text in Castilian, to page 124, nearly two -thirds through the entire work. The se poems were chosen for this section based on the prevalence of Galeguidade in the form of an anthropomorphized nature, which Rivas will employ as an Òempty signifierÓ to create an attentive audience to which he can later indoctrinate with his own political agenda. The first poem of the work, Ò La enigm⁄tica organizaciŠn Ó, presents a theme critical to Galeguidade , which is saudade . The po et begins the first poem anthropomorphizing the words. He writes, ÒVienen las palabras a reclamar lo suyo, / lo su bstra™doÓ (79). The strong commencement for the work illustrates the poetÕs confidence in the written word, poetically in this case, to highlight issues that require attention. He then employs a simile to demonstrate how exactly these words can be employed . Instead of using great force, Rivas depends on a persistently non -abrasive subtlety. He writes, ÒFuera de los campos de trabajo, / se mueven cuidadosas como la porcelana / o el primer d™a de abrilÓ (79). He also documents the power of literature by using simile once again. He writes , ÒExiste la boca de la literatura, / la loca que habla sola / como una medusaÓ (79). He mentions the power of words algonside the fields of the Galician countryside. In doing this he demonstrates the true purpose of his words: to help a suffering natural world and cause political change. He wants the reader to know that there is hope for the future, but it must be gently cultivated instead of strewn upon the masses without 205 restraint. Rivas himself has commented on his own hopef ulness for Galicia. In an interview with Mateo Rello he states: Como dijo un marinero en relaciŠn con un naufragio, Ôtengo esperanza, pero una esperanza negativaÕ. Algo as™ siento ahora mismo sobre la perspectiva de una biodiversidad real. En t”rminos de geopol™tica y de poder cultural, en la Pen™nsula no parece una prioridad para nadie, o para casi nadie. Por eso son tan importantes iniciativas individuales como la de vuestra revista. Hay que practicar el contrabando, abrir pasos. Y es una tarea po”tica e xtraer esperanza de la desesperanza. It is well suited then, he begins this work creating hope, which is not unrelated to Galeguidade . As he gives so much weight to poetry, he will use the Òpowerful wordsÓ to anthropomorphize nature in order to create symp athy for it . There is also a reason why his hope is tempered, and this is evident in the final section of the poem . He writes: Existe otra saudade. Existe el tren donde viaja una saudade despose™da. Duermen las palabras bajo el alzheimer de los puentes. En las alcantarillas se desarrolla la historia: los falso testigos torturan a los poemas. (79) The premier poem of this work is indicative of RivasÕ use of manipulation of nature and it works to connect with the reader by presenting a problem, which can be solved through collaboration . Later, he will use it as an Òempty signifierÓ to promote his political agenda. His inclusion of the 206 malady AlzheimerÕs as an anthropomorphism of nature is particularly effective as he refere nces the jaded histories that exist in Spain. With a history created in the ÒsewerÓ as Rivas put it, Galicians will have much reflection and investigation to do before they can move forward. The poem continues: En el tormento de asfixia, pierden el aire, la valiosa informaciŠn. Se salvar⁄n los que simulen la muerte en un esplendor de hierba. O los que recuerden un romance de ciego donde todo se cuenta sin esperanza y sin miedo. O aquellos que re scaten la enigm⁄tica organizaciŠn de las palabras en vilo. (79-80) Loureiro has also discussed the issue of history in Galicia as well. In his article, ÒImperfect pastÓ, he comments, Ò[t]his lack of history and its resulting uncertainty regarding the future points to the absence that underlies Galician nationalism Ó (168). Apart from Spain itself, Rivas knows that Galicia, with the well -documented emigration of its citizens all over the world, can survive the complications created by a figurative ÒAlzheimerÕsÓ because if something is forgotten in one place, it will still remain in the other. The dispersion of its citizens ultimately ensures GaliciaÕs survival , even in a Òstate of exceptionÓ . In the next selection of poems, he continues to explore Galeguidade by reminding the reader of the figurative sentiment held in the land itself. As Galicia has been noted to have so many emigra nts, this is certainly a point that Rivas will stress to show a saudade for a n 207 anthropomorphized nature . Romero further explains t he connection between nostalgia and saudade . He offers: The topic of longing and nostalgia, saudade or morriŒa as it is called in Galicia, as a distinctive trait of practical identity, and its role for understanding the past and constructing GaliciaÕs fut ure is centralÉI argue that despite how Galicians perceive themselves as a nation of emigrants, the desire to return home becomes the inherent characteristic that haunts Galeguidade . (xix) Rivas uses several of his poems to highlight the importance of the land and those who work it. The anthropomorphism of nature works to create a stronger connection between people and a natural world endowed with human characteristics in the poems ÒEntierro campesinoÓ, ÒHierba de ciego Ó, and ÒCantiga de amor Ó. In ÒEntie rro campesino Ó, Rivas portrays the return of the farmer to the soil he spent his life working. He writes: Solo sonaban los cencerros con una alegr™a animal colgada de las nubes, abriendo huecos en la hierba, en el silencio abismal, inhumano, que soltŠ la campana. (101) The inclusion of this event is clearly homage to a profession Rivas esteems. It is important for him to recognize those who retain their connection with the land of Galicia. Here the cows make music, which brings happiness to all those who are positioned to hear it. It is as if nature is 208 rewarding those who take the time to appreciate and care for it. The high value that Rivas places on land is also apparent in another poem i n the collection, ÒHierba de ciegoÓ. Here , Rivas connects the land and its products with Nicol⁄s Poussin, who is challenged to capture the most beautiful gift for a Roman museum. In ÒHierba de ciego Ó he writes: Un puŒado de tierra, una costar de sangre, una pœtrida alma salada con el polvo de m⁄rmol de las estatuas. Un puŒado de tierra, un rescoldo de los inviernos, un mundo antiguo soŒando con la elevaciŠn de la ortiga, de la hierba de ciego, en el molde de una mano. (81) The land, with all of it winte rs and its products , is combined with what man himself has to offer, a putrid soul, to create the gift. Here the anthropomorphized nature is the generous giver while humans have nothing by destruction to offer in the form of rot. In commenting on the aband onment of the land, Rivas anthropomorphizes nature by indicating the suffering that Galicia has had to face in the poem Ò Cantiga de amor Ó. He writes: Se mover⁄n los cuerpos como maquis 209 por los l™mites de la noche. Entrar⁄n nadando uno en el otro, Ma Sen hor, como entraba el hambre en Galicia. (87) RivasÕs simile draws attention to the guerilla fighters, los maquis, who fought against FrancoÕs forces even after the bloody Civil War had ended. As they were forced to hide during the day and carry out their attacks at night, he equates them to those agricultural workers who are forced to leave Galicia, and the farms that may soon rot instead of growing sustenance for a people. With this simile, Rivas illustrates the continuity of FrancoÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ and the suffering of the Galician countryside. In some cases, as i s apparent in the poem ÒViento TehuelcheÓ , the anthropomorphism of nature has a spectral effect. In ÒViento TehuelcheÓ , Rivas also looks to the pain of the past by focusing on the atrocities committed by Spain even hundreds of years before the poet lived. In this poem, he anthropomorphizes the wind and creates and analogy in which it is a vessel of infinite communication of past crimes . He writes: Un par de orejas de tehuelc he val™a una libra esterlina. Hubo cazadores de indios que decidieron ahorrar municiŠn y cobraron por orejas de vivoÉ El viento, el viento sin orejas, 210 el viento de nadie, bramando la palabra infinita. (100) These verses resonate strongly in a poem that depicts the ghoulish practice, carried out by the conquistadors , of cutting the ears from indigenous people and saving them as trophies. This is made clear in the first verses of the poem in which Rivas writes, ÒUn par de orejas de tehuelche / val™a una li bra esterlinaÓ (100). Clearly here the saudade of Galeguidade is bastardized further by SpainÕs unique history. Furthermore, while this may be merely a colonial memo ry for Spaniards, for Galicians who have emigrated throughout South America, Spanish traves ties of the past are evident to them in their new settings. One could argue that in the case of Latin America, the continued defacing of nature through deforestation and overgrazing sustains the Spanish legacy of destruction in the Americas. This is especi ally true for the land formally inhabited by the disfigured subjects of ÒViento de TehuelcheÓ. ConservaciŠn Patagonica states that the land there is facing dire threats. They insist, Ò[s]tocking rates were consistently over 60% above the estimated carrying capacity of the land. Domestic animals, particularly sheep, inflict far more damage on grasses as they graze than do native herbivores. The result: vast areas of remote and undeveloped Patagonia approach irreversible ecological collapseÓ (Overgrazing and Desertification). Another poem in the collection that can be grouped into this section is Ò Tierra de fuego Ó. One of the most interesting aspects of this poem is the manner in which Rivas juxtaposes fire and ice in the body and title of the poem. Rivas docu ments global warming in these verses by anthropomorphizing the glaciers , and he brazenly displays humanityÕs hypocrisy towards impeding doom. He writes: Los turistas se desperezan y excitan 211 cuando la cresta del glaciar se resquebraja. Ese derrumbe de la naturaleza gŠtica provoca exclamaciones de jubiloso espanto. Tal vez retrocede por venza, tal vez por los disparos de los flashes, tal vez por los lamentos de asombro. El ”xito, la extinciŠn. La naturaleza, s™, imita al arte. (13 7) This poem portrays a touristic expedition to a glacial site where the onlookers wait with anticipation for the cracking of ice and the falling of immense sheets into the frigid waters. However, Rivas is quick to note that the frigid waters are no longer frigid enough to maintain the glaciers, which are quickly melting and disappearing from the face of Earth. This presentation of global warming, a phenomenon that is predicted to bring an end to all life on Earth, is celebrated by the tourists who find the mselves in the good fortune of being present at such an incredible event. He offers a depiction of an anthropomorphized natural world that suffers due to humanityÕs callous decisions. He presents the glaciers as victims, and this has a powerful effect tha t is meant to inspire political change and cause readers to reflect on their impact on the environment. This poem has particular importance because all of humanity contribute s to the destruction of the glaciers by contaminating environments all over the wo rld, and all suffer the elements when a steady rise of sea levels and a constant warming of the oceans continues to lead to more devastating natural disasters. Rivas highlights this by speculating about the cause for the collapse. He provides ideas on what could have cause d the crash, avoiding the obvious assertion 212 that the persistent warming of the Earth due to human action has contributed to this catastrophe. Perhaps they retreat to the ocean out of embarrassment, he suggests. Maybe it is the flashes that force the camera shy glaciers to hide themselves. Finally, he speculates they might have been scared off by the touristsÕ jubilant cries. Most intriguing is how Rivas presents the glaciers like natives stalked by anthropologists and tourists . The poet por trays the tourists, who come as indignant intruders, as contributors to the very spectacle they have come to observe, albeit uninvited. RivasÕs comments on the environment and the negative effect humans have on it have been documented in his poetry as we ll as his newspaper articles. As previously mentioned, it is important to note his flair for irony and agility with the written word is not absent in hi s prose. In the article ÒAdeus medio adeus a mbienteÓ he condemns the Galician government for actions he perceives to be harmful to the environment. He writes: No novo organigrama do Goberno galego, a xestiŠn de Medio Ambiente, que tiŒa unha conseller™a de seu, v”n de ser incorporada ⁄ mesma ⁄rea de Infraestruturas e Obras Pœblicas, onde ten ponte de mando o seŒor Agust™n Hern⁄ndez. En rigor, habr™a que informar as™: Medio Ambiente ” engulida polas Forzas da Maquinaria Pesada. The indicated construction project is presented as a positive action by the government, and Rivas is quick to agree sarcastically. His stating that the environment is being Òengulfed by heavy machineryÓ highlights the damage being carried out by humans for a short -term fiscal benefit. He once again moves to anthropomorphize nature as a victim so that action can be taken in order to susta in the guarded hope for the future. 213 In ÒBohÓ, the final poem to be included in this section, Rivas navigates the landscape of Galician culture through the eyes of a man trespassing the streets of a city, taking in the nightlife around him. The second stan za of the poem contains a n example of anthropomorphism that relates directly to points previously made in this section: the altercations between Galician history and Galeguidade . Rivas writes, Ò Tambi”n hac™a esquinas, / justo al ⁄ngulo que necesita un hombre / para que no le dispare la Historia por la espaldaÓ (124). In this depiction, history lurks around each corner ready to pounce on an unsuspecting victim. This port rayal of a dangerous, anthr opomorphized official H istory draws the reader back to FrancoÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ and is meant to create fear and distrust. In doing so, Rivas continues to build more credence for poetry. It also returns the readerÕs attention to the first poem of the c ollection, Ò La enigm⁄tica organizaciŠn Ó, which claims Spanish History was conceived in the sewers. By employing verses from the first stanza, this fear of a false , official, History can be justified as the poet gives an approximate date of the events. He writes: Era de un andar lento, pensativos pies escrutadores de un hombre sorprendido de estar vivo. La œltima obra fue la maquina asombrosa un carro del pa™s extraŒo a nues tros ojos como un aeronave medieval que ”l construyŠ en una covacha urbana. Era el tiempo de ir a la luna, pisarla, herrarla, 214 pero ”l afinŠ el transporte para llevarla por las rutas del esti”rcol y las algas. Dec™a: ÁBoh, boh, boh, boh! (124). The hist orical moment of the moon landing in 1969 gives the reader a firm basis for establishing the exact time period Rivas is focused on in this poem. This particular historic moment falls under the rule of the Franco regime and sheds further light on the first two verses, which hint at a certain apprehension for the subject of the poem. Another point to notice is the careful steps the subject takes on earth, but Rivas, within several verses, discusses the trampling and branding of the moon. Here Rivas anthropomo rphizes the moon and shows how it has been made a victim by humanity. Because the United States of America, a country with a checkered past concerning environmental responsibility, was the nation that first land ed a man on the moon, this could be a subtle critique on that countryÕs less than stellar environmental record. The third stanza of the poem introduces a new analogy that sheds further light on GaliciaÕs, and SpainÕs, uncertainty towards the end of the Fran co regime , and thus reminds the reader that Spain continues to be a Òstate of exceptionÓ . He writes: Hac™a con las manos cada cigarro y el humo leal, pesaroso, era la cordillera que sosten™a un desconocido pa™s encima de las nubes. Un infinito centenal 215 injertado en los œltimos p⁄jaros. Dec™a: ÁBoh, boh, boh, boh! (125) In this analogy, the smoke forms a figurative mountain range that Òsustains an unknown countryÓ . The distribution of aspects of saudade onto this figurative landscape is further evidence of its deep roots in the poetÕs own disposition and in the disposition of his fellow Galician s. Rivas finishes the poem with verses highlighting the solitude of the subject and himself. The anthropomorphi sm of nature here indicates the importance of the creatures that have SpainÕs true identity ÒgraftedÓ on their beings. They are authentic while humanity is not. This inward reflection sets an example for the reader to question his /her own actions and posit ions in a Òstate of exceptionÓ . The penultimate stanza contains the verses, Ò Am” aquella mœsica, / el gorgorear de la soledad Ó, and the final stanza decrees: Nunca nada pidiŠ el carpintero, todo lo hizo ”l con las manos. Incluso la sombra para andar el d™a de la marcha final. Dec™a: ÁBoh, boh, boh, boh! (125) Rivas stresses independence and self -sufficiency in these lines. This independence and self -sufficiency alludes to the necessity to care for oneself and family in an earlier Galicia with limited resour ces. Through the anthropomorphism of nature Rivas stresses high esteem he has for the precious natural resources that are not to be wasted but carefully maintained by all Galicians and Spaniards. Now that Rivas has the readerÕs attention, he will convert n ature into an Òempty signifierÓ so that he can disperse his own political views to a receptive audience. He does 216 this because if he merely started out with politics instead of the generally accepted environmental awareness movement, he would have garnered far less support. Section I V: A Call to Action This final section will focus of RivasÕs use of implicit and explicit political views, which are meant to inspire action on the part of his readers. Here, Rivas offers his own political agenda to his unified audience in the hopes of producing visible change in the world around him. Essentially, the whole purpose of this work is to cause political change, and through these poems, Rivas will indicate exactly what modifications are required to complete th e transition from SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ to a new Spanish state where nacionalidades histŠricas have true political autonomy. The first poem of this selection is Ò Una llamada perdida Ó, and it has a very forceful message: Ò Galicia -Liberdade -Amor Ó. He begins the poem writing: Ah™ est⁄, en un ring interior. Repito posiciŠn: Golf Alfa Lima India Charlie India Alfa Aunque creo que tœ, precisamente tœ, qui”n lo dir™a, tienes algo de esperanza. Hay en tus ojos un letrero de neŠn. El neŠn pertenece a la vanguardia de la esperanza. 217 ÀRecuerdas? (122) The poem begins with an interior ring indicating the emergence of a problem based on the verses offering a military code. This alludes to a need for a rescue. The neon sign also draws at tention as if to warn the reader. It serves as a signal of a failed communication that was meant to avoid some kind of catastrophe. El mensaje era: Lima India Bravo Echo Romeo Delta Alfa Delta Echo Las fotograf™as capturaban el jazz de la luz. Los amantes se mec™an en el acordeŠn de LÕAtalante . El neŠn brillaba con la memoria de un r™o en el traje blanco de Dita Parlo. Los besos eran largos, duraban m⁄s que el fin. Por ellos se perd™an los tranv™as y los barcos. ÀCŠmo era el mensaje? Alfa Mike Oscar Rome o (122) Several other verses in the poem work to indicate a loss that can be folded into saudade . There is the memory of a river and a white dress of Dita Parlo, a German actress who died in 1971. Next there is a long kiss between two people that Òlasts longer than the endÓ which points to a 218 permanent separation after a final farewell; these two peop le have sacrificed transportation for one final kiss that will last for what time they have left. Otra vez: Alfa Mike Oscar Romeo Y los padres vomitaban la factura el”ctrica, boxeadores sin bistec en los pasillos de la noche noche. Desde entonces, noto que tienes algo de esperanza, una araŒa ebria en el trueno que prende en las espinas de las nubes de abril, una brizna de arco iris en el ojo como los pescadores de Fisterra, un pez boca de fuego, un pez que cr™a las huecas entre los dientes. Repito pos iciŠn: en un ring interior, emitiendo para un sistema exterior. ÀCu⁄l es el mensaje? Cambio. ÀCu⁄l es el mensaje? (122-3) Within these verses of the poem, the author paints an almost apocalyptic scene where people suffer to the point of starvation and illness in SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ . In the verses, boxers are deprived of protein, and parents, in their desperation, are vomiting to pay electric bills. This regurgitation seems on par with a bulimic person who overindulges to the point of 219 becoming ill. The parents Rivas depicts are culprits of overindulgence, or at least they allow their children to overindulge . Either way, this verse is an explicit condemnation of those who put themselves under fiscal stress while wasting precious resources. He brings the reader back to the idea of a natural world being consumed and destroyed by greed and gluttony in the Spanish Òstate of exceptionÓ . Beginning with this poem, there appears to be a forceful effort on the part of the poet to communicate directly to the reader. His unmistakable message spelled out from the first letters of the code spell Galicia , Liberdade , and Amor . In this message, Rivas expresses his conceptualization for an ideal future free from the Spanish Òstate of exceptionÓ. He has hope for his homeland and its resources, and he also has faith in his fellow Galicians. The next several poems, instead of imparting knowledge and opinion on the reader, thus implicitly communicating, attempt to alert the reader , so that the most important political ideas from this work can be noticed and understood. He will begin to elevate poetry with the final poems so that his overall message of stepping away from the quotidian and making clear and adequate political changes for the future can be prominently signaled. Where Ò Una llamada perdida Ó worked steadily to explain the problems of the present and express hope for the future , the next sele cted poem is a clear call for hel p. ÒMaydayÓ is an allegory to the precarious , present day situation in SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ . His ominous foreshadowing creates fear meant to inspire the necessary political changes that can sustain GaliciaÕs natural resources . ÒMaydayÓ begins with the italicized stanza signaling alarm. He writes: Mayday, mayday, mayday! Pan -pan, pan-pan, pan-pan! 220 Securit”, securit”, securit”! (126) The exclamation and repetition are clearly denoting the urgency of the situation. Late r in the poem, the poet employs anthropomorphism in his depiction of the sun to indicate a change is occurring. He writes: Ò El sol lame las heridas del crepœsculo. / El sol clava los ojos con hast™o / en el co⁄gulo de su sombra granateÓ (127). His peculiar word choice alludes to a less than seamless change because of the presence of wounds that must be mended. This is not a peaceful transition but a bloody one , once again signaling the Spanish Òstate of exceptionÓ to the reader . He continues with ominous im agery introducing the metaphor: Ò La luna es una candela / en la calabaza del miedoÓ (127). This fantastic imagery will continue to the end of the poem. Rivas stresses the need for political change as he plays on fears from childhood and builds on them with biblical and literary references. The poem continues: Mayday, mayday, mayday! Pan -pan, pan-pan, pan-pan! Securit”, securit”, securit”! Miedo m™o, amigo de la infancia, perro del anochecer vomitando los colores del vac™o, los huesos de Dios, en las esqu inas con filos de navaja. Nubes de los cien mil estorninos de CoruŒa voy a deshacer con vosotros, 221 dijo Pucho Boedo, ese nudo que nos ata. Voy a ponerme en el ojal, como flor delgada, la bala que nos mata. (127) This section of the poem sustains the dire need to leave the Òstate of exceptionÓ as it discusses vomiting profusely, the bones of God, and a bullet in the form of a flower, which kills a collective group . Rivas, in plain language, is discussing how Galicia has been damaged by depicting the carcas s of ÒGodÕs bonesÓ. In noting this, he works to shame the reader into political action. Through the conclusion of the poem, the poet will use the image of bones to create fear on the part of the reader. RivasÕ continued dark premonitions work to change the perceptions about humanityÕs dangerous ecological position and inspire political change in SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ . He concludes: Mayday, mayday, mayday! Pan -pan, pan-pan, pan-pan! Securit”, securit”, securit”! Hay un cet⁄ceo ametrallado en la Zambella, al lado del PortiŒo. Duro es de roer el hueso de la saudade. Voy a limar una llave con el hueso de la saudade, la aguja del vinilo, los dos dedos de Django salvŠ del infierno 222 de las flores de pl⁄stico. (127) Following the third Mayday call, the poet once again employs the image of bones in an analogy. This analogy of chewing or gnawing the bone of saudade highlights what the poet perceives as masochistic tendencies prominent in the Spanish Òstate of exceptionÓ . Rivas acknowledges that Spaniards will bring about its own ecological destruction by not uniting to make the necessary political changes in their state . This is not the first time Rivas has presented this type of behavior, as references to vomiting are present in Ò Una llamada perdida Ó. The behavior portrayed in these two poems can certainly be an indication that the poet calls on his readers to self -evaluate and reflect on the Spanish Òstate of exceptionÓ. Los inviernos ten™an tanta hambre tanta que ro™an las ra™ces de las l⁄mparas, las b rasas que pisaban los faquires, las bandadas de p”sames, el acento de los goznes, el dorso de la aurora en la morera. Y luego el entenebrecer, el rudimento de no ser. (127-128) In the course of the poem, a trifold Mayday cry is sent out four times. There is no one point in which the reader can be at ease because the poet does not permit the dissipation of the tension. In doing so he recreates the quotidian sensation of living in SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ. One of the l ingering points behind this poem would be the source or identity of the security force on which the poet calls. His lack of trust in the ability of the Spanish Òstate of exceptionÓ to properly regulate its citizens, along with his guarded hope in people th emselves, 223 leaves one to wonder in whom so much trust could be placed. While some his fellow ma n pick away at the bones of saudade , there appears to be very limited options of anyone who can care for the natural world Rivas lives in. He brings the reader ba ck to the first grouping of poems studied in this chapter in which the anthropomorphism of nature highlights the victimization of the natural world. This is the point Rivas is making through this poem, as he calls his fellow citizens to action. There is no group or entity that he can rely on. Instead, he calls upon individuals to step forward instead of waiting on organizations. He goes even further in this poem than with ÒUna llamada perdidaÓ, however, as he presents the option to not continue living under the present circumstances and even offers the possibility of Òno serÓ. This establishes a theme that will manifest in the last poem of the work which will be the only means to break the Spanish Òstate of exceptionÓ: free will. Throughout this entire co llection of poems presented by Rivas, the poet offers snapshots of a future in which some people are suffering, as will the rest of his society and global community if all parties fail to act. The anthropomorphism of nature into a victim illuminates his efforts to organize a group of supporters that can cause political change and inspire action. This is es pecially true in the poem, ÒLa bruja en la esquina de la b arraÓ. Rivas writes: Am” en aquella mirada lo que hab™a de sospecha. Y el miedo de la cosas ten™a en aqu el espejo la ilusiŠn de disentir del futuro. (99) In this poem, he presents an old woman in SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ , portrayed as a witch due to her haggard and sickly appearance, and through analogy he uses her as a mirror 224 directed at the reader. Instead of seeing him or herself, the reader is forced to look at this woman as his or her own reflection. As this woman is destitute and without a future, the reader is forced into an empathetic situation upon seeing the reflection. This transiti on is significant because after spending so much time anthropomorphizing nature, Rivas realigns human suffering with that of the natural world and thus creates en Òempty signifierÓ from nature. Now the people he has united in the first group of poems can r ecognize the need to address human suffering as well as ecological problems in the Òstate of exceptionÓ. Once again, Rivas is toying with disconcertion in order to signal an ominous future while calling readers to action. He does everything to maintain hope for the future so it does not become a time of guilt or shame, as is the case with the present. He continues to argue that in a Òstate of exceptionÓ , the suffering of one is indicative of the suffering of all people. Another similar poem is ÒLa mano v ac™aÓ. Here, the poet once again manipulates the prospects of the future, but in this instance, he does so through a journey to the past. He writes: Ahora entiendo por qu” hace miles de aŒos en el cosmos del invierno tœ fuiste hacia el fondo de la cueva y pintaste la mano vac™a con el pigmento en llamas de la onomatopeya m⁄s helada. (117) In this poem, Rivas plays on the wonder of an early humanoid subject while soliciting the same in contemporary humans as well. He takes the reader back into the caves during a moment of unsolicited self -expression outside of the Òstate of exceptionÓ . What exactly called this entity to 225 document its existence is unknown, and only the evidence of its time on Earth remains. In illuminating this momentous occasion, Rivas con nects this brilliant form of expression through its incorporation into his poetry. The poem continues: As™ quedŠ en el vientre de la custodia el tatuaje de tus ojos amputados, el beso de tus labios desollados. En la mano vac™a se abriŠ un pasadizo al c ampo de lo imborrable, a la madre de los ojos. Aquella mano puso fina a la pintura de los bisontes, a las escenas de caza, a la magia, a los sagrado, a la decoraciŠn, al gabinete de curiosidades. Tu mano vac™a era una forma extraŒa. Lo conten™a todo y en ella lloraba, en cuclillas, la nada. (117) 226 Like the cave person, Rivas is trying to illustrate his point through the use of symbols, in his case verses and stanzas compiled of words, so that others can learn from him. The presentation of a hand t hat contains all potential or, the reverse, nothing at all, perhaps indicating complete loss, is also a clear signal from the poet to the reader. Furthermore, Rivas continues to glorify people who lived off the land and sustained it , as he has previously d one in the first section with saudade . Unlike their modern brethren, the humanoids took only what they needed and left nothing to waste. This stands in sharp contrast to the people of today he presents in several poems in this work, whose waste knows no hi storical equal. Rivas continues to offer guarded hope for the future outside of the Spanish Òstate of exceptionÓ , but it is not without warning of the possibility of the continuation of the presentÕs guilt and shame brought on by a lack of political action . In addition to the political shortfalls that have affected Galicia, Rivas also signals another institution that has not always helped Galicians: the Catholic Church. In two poems, Ò EspiritualÓ and ÒResurrecciŠn Ó he employs analogy to show how the Church has taken advantage and even misled its parishioners . Also, through his critique, he elevates himself as an educated poet who works to better both the people and environment around him. Essentially he argues, as a poet his words, unlike the hollow offerin gs of the Church, can have lasting effects. He writes: En lo alto, en el pœlpito, el sacerdote se interroga sobre la forma de la tercera persona, del Esp™ritu Santo. Y flota en el silencio de todos una nostalgia. La del loco de Conxo 227 que mov™a las alas a ras del templo piando: -ÁSoy yo, soy yo! (107) In these verses, he is critical of the Catholic Church for its past actions , and he reminds his readers that those actions had been facilitated by the Spanish Òstate of exceptionÓ . He notes how the priest ass umes a position of authority over the people and how he steers the conversation and can label sins and virtues . While parishioners are meant to be considering his homily , they are drawn into a past where people were alienated and forced into labor camps ag ainst their will. They often died there in the terrible conditions. During this time, the Church did little to help those unfortunates, and for that reason, a saudade envelopes the parishioners as they contemplate their lo sses in SpainÕs Òstate of exceptio nÓ. This contemplation is broken, however, with the flapping of the wings and chirp of a bird, which the poet ironically depicts as an affirmation of the Holy Spirit. In condemning institutions such as the Church, as he will do the same with others through out the work, Rivas lowers the esteem of those with political agendas at odds with his own, w hile at the same time, he elevates poetry to a position of power from which political change can be inspired . The poet continues to use irony to discredit the Chur ch in his next poem, Ò ResurrecciŠn Ó, by alluding that the resurrection of Lazarus by Jesus was a hoax. He writes: ÁLev⁄ntate y anda! Ah™ el Mes™as estuvo magistral y L⁄zaro no tuvo m⁄s remedio que rendirse a la iron™a. 228 ÀResucitar, resucitar, resucitar? Levantarse, andar. Otra vez todo eso. Y, adem⁄s, con publicidad. (108) Having one of the worlds most renowned pilgrimage sites, Galicia falls under the deep shadow cast by the Catholic Church in Spain. In this poem, Rivas takes one of JesusÕ most prominent miracles and reduces it to an orchestrated spectacle of phoniness. The refore, in condemning the Church, Rivas anoints poetry as one of the only contacts for true enlightenment. The topics he discusses are not whimsical but practical. By reminding the reader of the missteps of the Catholic Church he can highlight politica issues that result in human suffering and environmental destruction , which he perceives to be abundant in the Òstate of exceptionÓ . The final two poems in the selection work to further manipulate saudade , which could be shared by all people, not just Ga licians. In doing so, he works to unite all citizens of the Spanish Òstate of exceptionÓ so that they can resolve the environment al and humanitarian issues through political change. In the poems, ÒHuesos y tejas Ó and ÒEl cuervo de No”Ó, the poet exhibits themes of rejection, isolation, and fear. He begins ÒHuesos y tejas Ó stating: Bebe, pardal, las nubes en el bœcaro de las calas. Deja, SeŒor, que gobierne mi soledad. Arboles de las carreteras, sicomoros, pasad de mano en mano 229 este fardo de culpa, lo s huesos de la palabras, hasta llegar a la secciones de los badajos, a la fundiciŠn subterr⁄nea del sino. In this first section, we see an analogy between the Òburden of guiltÓ and the Òbones of wordsÓ. The words, a poetÕs strongest weapon, must go to th e foundry to produce the keys that will impress them on the written page in order to display the sad message the poet offers. It is joyless to share his message, but Rivas feels he has no choice but to do so. Unlike the ÒbadajosÓ that merely discuss the pr oblems of the present, Rivas reminds the reader that one must take political action to prevent further damage. This sharing of information clearly damages the poet , as he too feels the guilt and shame for the actions in the present that continue to damage the environment , and it leads him to seek solitude as indicated in the first verses of the poem. He continues writing: Permite, SeŒor, que sienta el estremecimiento de ese otro metal, la llave del destierro. Bebe pardal, las nubes en el bœcaro donde la nada construye la simetr™a boca abajo. Conc”deme SeŒor, una libra de sal para salar el miedo que atesoro. Deja que gobierne mi soledad. 230 Y hueco a hueco, retejar el destino. Here, it is important to note the salt requested. In requesting enough salt to Òsalt his accumulated fearÓ, the poet wishes to preserve his fear and prevent it from dissipating. This is consistent with his past sentiment expressed in his poems in this work. Rivas continues to cultivate fear, guilt, and sh ame in the present in order to inspire political action that will protect the future. In the final poem of this selection, and in the collection written by Rivas, there is a mixture of ecological and biblical references that highlight some of humanityÕs best and worst features. In ÒEl cuervo de No”Ó, Rivas speculates about the episode of NoahÕs ark, filled with the biblical characterÕs family and animals, which will repopulate Earth after God decided to destroy humanity for its sins. He writes, Ò La paloma cumpliŠ la misiŠn. / VolviŠ al arca / y posŠ el signo en la mano de No”Ó (139). Rivas begins with a celebration of success on the part of the dove, which returns to Noah with signs of earth in its claw indicating that the waters have receded sufficiently to find habitable land. This festive event is cut short though, as Rivas moves from the dove to discuss a raven that was sent out but did not return. He writes: Pero el cuervo se alejŠ en una r⁄faga de viento, saliŠ de la historia del escarmiento divino con un trazo desastrado, pintŠ con alas el autorretrato del volar harapiento, signo ”l mismo 231 del fermento inmortal del despojo, y fue a posarse en la identidad prŠfuga de la nieve. (139) The perplexing consideration offered here is that either the raven flies into the abyss to escape God and Noah, finds land and remains there instead of returning as the dove did with the foliage, or God used wind to blow it off course where it would become lost in the abyss and later killed . In order to decide, the reader must consider the role of the Catholic Church in SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ and the fact that the raven has unique tendencies in this poem. He paints his own self -portrait in the fog through flight and, for unclear reasons, does not return to the ark. All of this information is guarded in the ÒnieveÓ, which holds the history of all. Concha CarrŠn has quoted Rivas in Lainformacion.com where he describes his conceptualization of Òla nieveÓ. She writes, ÒÔ[l]a nieve es un abrigo dŠnde late la primavera, dŠnde est⁄ la memoria adormecidaÕ, asegurŠ el escritor gallego, quien se mostrŠ convencido de que escribir Ôes un deshielo dŠnde vas descri biendo cosas que antes no se ve™an, pero estaban ah™ÕÓ (CarrŠn ). The poem continues: Todo est⁄ en esa voz leal a la soledad. Grajea con humor negro el desertor. Parodia el estilo marcial de Dios. Roncas voces de mando, y una piadosa maldiciŠn injertada e n el viento, esa l⁄pida nŠmada que de todo hombre deber™a decir: MuriŠ porque ”l quiso (139) 232 The anthropomorphism of the raven in this poem can lead the reader to determine the ravenÕs own disposition caused it not to return to the ark and either perish in the sea or live elsewhere. Finally, he also refers to the raven as a desertor , thus implying its own responsibil ity in the succession of events. With t his reference Rivas draws the readerÕs attention to GaliciaÕs history of emigration causing the remembrance of his compatriots who have never returned to their homeland and therefore have possibly escaped the Spanish Òstate of exceptionÓ . Furthermore, the theological debate of this topic is made possible by RivasÕ own tradition of discussing God in his writings. In the past, when Rivas has made references t o God, he has always used capita l letters in the words SeŒor and Dios . Following this logic, if he had meant to say that God wanted the raven to die, Rivas would have written …l instead of ”l in the poemÕs final verse . In fact, by writing of the raven using ”l in the middle of the poem following the design of its o wn self portrait through flight and at the end of the poem where it chooses to die, he elevates the position of the raven for its exercising of free will by choosing to abandon its master and its creator. Moreover , it does not say when or how the raven di es, but merely infers that it does die at some point. In the actual Bible verses the raven flies Òuntil the waters were dried up from off the earthÓ. This could be an indication that the raven stayed where it was, and was able to sustain itself because of its foraging nature. In doing so, the raven rejects Noah and God , and in effect, SpainÕs Òstate of exception . Rivas condemns the Òstate of exceptionÓ that has imposed its will and superiority on its citizens, once again injecting his political views into h is poetry . This subtle nudge, when considering his past messages such as Ò Galicia -Liberdade -Amor Ó in Ò Una llamada perdida Ó, is indicative of RivasÕs sentiment concerning GaliciaÕs relationship with Spain and 233 principally its center, Madrid. His collection o f veiled statements concerning GaliciaÕs independence reflect his desire for Madrid to be less intrusive in Galician politics. Furthermore, based on the evidence in RivasÕ poem, one could make this argument, and his articles in El Pa™s can substantiate suc h a claim. In ÒLa huelga de JobÓ, Rivas offers several insights on the Bible. He writes: Es verdad que en la Biblia est⁄ todo, o casi todo. Tambi”n las primeras piezas del policial de Ôserie negraÕ. El libro de Job es desesperante, un relato donde Ôenloque ciŠ la lŠgicaÕ, con un personaje, Dios, que por veces parece el terrible jefe de Poisonville , la ciudad corrupta de Cosecha roja . Sobre ese Dios que martiriza a Job no se hicieron pesquisas policiales pero s™ acusaciones tremendasÉEn conclusiŠn, Dios tambi”n creŠ las tiniebla s, la desgracia, y el mism™simo mal. Having considered his previous statement, upon returning to the poem i t is not surprising that RivasÕ raven would trust in itself and go forth to forge its own path, independent of authoritative figures that would control its every action. In this poem, Rivas celebrates the entity that abandons the known for the unknown when it chooses independence over subjugation. Like the raven, Galicians, following the writings of the poet, would relish the p rospect of a future of ÒLiberdade Ó and Ò Amor Ó removed from the Spanish Òstate of exceptionÓ. Conclusion Therefore, with his work, La desapariciŠn de la nieve (2009), Rivas brings Galician politics to the forefront. He presents a text, written from a Gal icia, and thus according to 234 Gabilondo, a more privileged vantage, to explain exacerbated environmental issues that effect all citizens in the Spanish Òstate of exceptionÓ. He presents Galicia as a springboard for social, cultural, and political change in S pain though his multilingual text. First, Rivas anthropomorphizes nature to celebrate Galeguidade , and through Galeguidade the past, in order to highlight its dispersion throughout Spain and the world. In doing so, he works to portray the nature world as a victim that must be rescued by humans exercising political change. Upon achieving that goal, Rivas takes his anthropomorphized depiction and turns it into an Òempty signifierÓ so that his true intentions of furthering his own political agenda can manifes t. By first focusing environmental awareness, typically by noting destruction, Rivas worked to unite Spaniards to fight for more action to be taken against the Òstate of exceptionÓ that would harm the environment. Once he has the attention of his fellow citizens in the Spanish Òstate of exceptionÓ he shares his own political views and attaches them to the Òempty signifierÓ so that the necessary political changes can be addressed and supported, and ultimately the transition from the Spanish Òstate of excepti onÓ can be finalized. 235 Final Conclusions 236 The goal of this dissertation has been to illustrate how poetry, as a minority genre, depicts SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ, which continues to be culturally and psychologically problematic in the 21 st century. Valente, V⁄zquez Montalb⁄n, Panero, and Rivas, come from varied poetic generations and offer unique perspectives, but despite these differences, they all employ poetry to address the Spanish Òstate of exceptionÓ through dis course on trauma, nostalgia, docility, and Òempty signifiersÓ. These poets are particularly important when considering the full breadth of their gaze. Valente and V ⁄zquez Montalb⁄n, in discussing nostalgia and trauma , offer a more inclusive snapshot of the past. Unlike the Franco regime, which worked to create a tailor made official History that would incorporate its own political agenda, these poets created a dialogue on what was generally inexpressible in the Spanish Òstate of exceptionÓ: suffering as a r esult of a totalitarian regime. Moreover, Panero continued this tradition during and after the Franco regime by documenting political and cultural repression in his present day Spain. As a psychotic interned in mental institutions, he had an opportunity to voice his opinions to an audience that already assumed he was crazy. Therefore, in his often very caustic poetry laden with grotesque imagery, Panero exposed the continuation of the Francoist ideals in SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ after the death of the Caudillo . He signaled the failures of the transition, and warned the population of the ramifications that would arise due to the enduring docility within the Spanish population. Finally, Rivas, a man heralded as ÒEl SantoÓ for his ability to appease both th e central Spanish government and his compatriots in Galicia, has also employed his poetry to discuss divisive political matters concerning Galicia and SpainÕs future. While the poets have particular techniques that have allowed them to voice their opinions , they have all worked to challenge SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ in very specific ways. 237 This is very apparent in the first poet discussed, Valente, whose reflective nostalgia in A modo de e speranza (1955) put him at odds with the regimeÕs restorative nostalgia. Restorative nostalgia, which led the regime to focus more on regaining an empire and falling back to what were seen as the golden years in Spain, caused resistance to any effort to compile a viable history of the Spanish Civil War and the nearly forty years in which Franco enjoyed complete power in his Òstate of exceptionÓ. As it is more occluded than reflective nostalgia, restorative nostalgia would fail in the age of shared cultures, economi es, and politics. As stated in this dissertation, reflective nostalgia differs from restorative nostalgia because Ò...it can present an ethical and creative challenge, not merely a pretext for the midnight melancholic. Ó and it Ò...dwells in algia , in longi ng and loss, the imperfect proces s of remembranceÓ (41). Valente devoted a significant portion of his life this Òimperfect process of remembranceÓ because he knew that the true events of the past would never appear in the official Spanish History as long a s SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ persisted. By cultivating a Ò yo po”tico Ó, Valente was able to present the conditions in SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ at a time when explicit discussion of political dissidence could result in imprisonment or death. His writin gs, with metaphysical undertones, largely escaped the censura and allowed his message to be relayed to the small group of Spaniards that consumed the minority genre that is poetry. Furthermore, the second poet analyzed, V⁄zquez Montalb⁄n, has been studie d in light of theori es of trauma offered by Caruth and Zizek. His work, Una educaciŠn s entimental (1967), was published fifteen years after ValenteÕs A modo de esperanza during the ÒaŒos de desarrolloÓ . At that time, MVM found himself bombarded by pop cult ure in a society engorged by consumerism. This forced MVM to constantly confront the traumas of the past through the Òcompulsive ritualÓ of writing as they were reintroduced to him over and over by consumerism 238 in the present. His obsessive nature further e xacerbated his exposure to trauma, and while trying to capture and understand trauma through the writing process, he was caught in a web of traumatic self -reflection. As Caruth argues, Ò[t]he pathology consists, rather, solely in the structure of its exper ience or reception: the event is not assimilated or experienced fully at the time, but only belatedly, in its repeated possession of the one who experiences itÓ (200). It is clear then, that the poet would spend much of his life confronting trauma that wou ld never be fully comprehensible because trauma ÒÉdoes not simply serve as record of the past but precisely registers the force of an experience that is not yet fully ownedÉThe phenomenon of trauma, as they suggest, both urgently demands historical awarene ss and yet denies our usual modes of access to itÓ ( Caruth 151). This, according to Castellet and the poet himself, led him to create an almost incalculable corpus of literary production. He not only worked tirelessly to expose SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ , but he shared his own insights on the trauma it created. Similar arguments can be made for Leopoldo Mar™a Panero and his poetry of 1980. Like MVM, Panero felt isolated due to the fact that he found himself surrounded by the Òdocile bodiesÓ that were in capable of acting out against their Òstate of exceptionÓ and thus would facilitate its continuance even after the CaudilloÕs death. This is made clear by reanalyzing FoucaultÕs explanation of the term. He states: Édiscipline produces subjected and practiced bodies, ÔdocileÕ bodies. Discipline increases the forces of the body (in economic terms of utility) and diminishes these same forces (in political terms of obedience). In short, it dissociates power from the bod y; on the one hand, it turns it into an ÔaptitudeÕ, a ÔcapacityÕ, which it seeks to increase; on the other hand, it reverses the course of the energy, the 239 power that might result from it, and turns it into a relation of strict subjection. (138) It is this blind obedience during the Franco regime and lack of introspection in the years leading to and following the death of Franco that led to the stagnation of the mŠvida and later the communal desencanto . Valente, MVM, and Panero foreshadowed the political mis steps in SpainÕs Òstate of exceptionÓ that caused the desencanto . They, unlike the Òdocile bodiesÓ or the Spanish government, constantly confronted the past in order to better understand it. Panero in fact, vehemently signaled the continuity of the Franco regime even after the CaudilloÕs death and condemned all those who would not fight for political change and freedom. For their complacency, PaneroÕs Spanish compatriots would be dealt his poetic wrath for what he perceived as a failure to act. Finally, M anuel Rivas, with his quadrilingual text, continues the tradition of the aforementioned poets by documenting the political missteps that are damaging the Spanish state and its nacionalidades histŠricas in the present and future. By presenting environmental awareness as an Òempty signifierÓ, Rivas garners more support both within his nacionalidad histŠrica and on the Iberian Peninsula as a whole. Concerning Òempty signifiers Ó it is necessary to return to LaclauÕs explanation. He st ates, Ò[t]his emptying of a particular signifier of its particular, differential signified is, as we saw, what makes possible the emergence of ÔemptyÕ signifiers as the signifiers of a lack, of an absent totalityÉThe presence of empty signifiers Ð in the s ense that we have defined them Ð is the very condition of hegemonyÓ (42 -3). In presenting the anthropomorphism of nature as an Òempty signifierÓ Rivas illuminates the lack of political action both in Galicia and in the Spanish state in general. The nationa list agenda perpetuated in Galicia has cost the nacionalidad histŠrica dearly, and Rivas continues to work to reverse that 240 for the future. What is perhaps most intriguing is the action that Rivas takes after winning the support of his audience. Not unlike Franco and Fraga, Rivas employs political tactics of persuasion to inspire Galicians and Spaniards alike to fight for the political changes for which he is advocating. 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