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THE IMAGE OF HUTTEN IN GERMAN FICTIONAL LITERATURE

By

Karl Eberhard Krueger

A DISSERTATION

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

Department of German and Russian

1980

7

'I'.

67/6 s,

 

C) COpyright by

KARL EBERHARD KRUEGER
1980

ABSTRACT
THE IMAGE OF HUTTEN IN GERMAN FICTIONAL LITERATURE
By
Karl Eberhard Krueger

Ulrich von Hutton has been portrayed in German fictional
literature intermittently by a number of authors starting
with his contemporaries in the 16th century to our own time
in the 20th century.

As an activist humanist Hutten had found both admirers
and detractors. So it is interesting to follow the picture
that emerged by the various interpretations of that man, one
who advocated changes and called for freedom, a man accepting
hardship and persecution for his beliefs.

Through the years there were times when Hutten's legacy
was stronger, when he became a symbol for a national cause.
This became especially evident with his re-discovery during
the "Storm and Stress" era and other subsequent periods of
national activity. It indicated that his popularity varied,
but it showed too that it was not restricted to any group in
particular. Thus the many presentations show a man with a
unique appeal.

Georg Voigt had made a study of Hutten in 1905 in his
dissertation ”Ulrich von Hutten in der deutschen Litteratur".
After seventy five years it is time to re-examine his findings
as he had evaluated the works in the era of Wilhelmenian

naturalism. Also there are some works which Voigt either was

Karl Eberhard Krueger

unable to attain or did not include in his study. Special
emphasis is placed on the time which has passed since.

This study's aim is to trace Hutten's image in poetry,
drama, and prose; only those literary works will be investi-
gated in which Hutten is either the main character or at least
a strong supporting character. The main idea is to trace
Hutten's appeal through the different eras with their differ-
ent interests and philosophies.

The first chapter tries to show how Hutten was seen by
his contemporaries in song, dramatic attempts, and dialogues,
also in some reactions shortly after his death.

The second chapter begins with Hutten's re—emergence and
appeal with the "Stﬁrmer und Dranger", his inspiration to the
bourgeois and revolutionary elements. It is, however, mostly
a section supplementing Voigt's study.

In chapter three, covering the final years of Imperial
Germany, Hutten is perceived as a national hero, as a man
against hypocrisy and also as an iconoclast.

The fourth chapter presents how Hutten was used as a
medium during the Weimar Republic years. It sees him in the
light of biased nationalism, but also as a herald of the
nation's conscience.

The fifth chapter refers to Hutten as a medium with a
message of national ideas, the advocate of national unity as
understood by National Socialism. Hutten's views are molded
so that they reflect the trend of the time.

The sixth and last chapter views Hutten from

Karl Eberhard Krueger

Switzerland's perspective as well as from voices in the two
German States.

There is no consistent interpretation of Hutten. The
study will point out that opposing philOSOphies used Hutten
as their hero to enhance their ideologies.

Scarce historical data and the marginal quality of the
writers doomed much of the literary works, especially the
dramatic ones. Yet in spite of it, Hutten emerges from.many
of them as one of the most eloquent spokesmen for Germany,
as a link between the old and the new.

The various exponents show Hutten in a remarkable diver-
sity. Some c0pied the stereotype of former writers without
analyzing the facts or motives. Others managed to retain a
relatively detached objectivity.

Hutten continues to exert his influence on each succeed-
ing generation, though in the present political climate he
has no longer the strong appeal of the past. He has shown
the world that his intense desire to arouse his nation was
not limited to a specific period of time.

Of the two appendices, appendix A gives a sampling of
well-known authors reflecting on Hutten, and appendix B

lists the works which Voigt with dealt with or referred to.

Dedicated to
my wife Gracene,
my children Karlene and Keith,
and my parents.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

To Professor Mark O. Kistler and Professor Raimund
Belgardt I wish to express my deep appreciation for their
continued interest and the guidance they have given me
throughout the preparation of this study. I would also
like to thank Professor Kurt Schild and Professor Heinz

Dill for their help and encouragement.

ii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Introduction

\I O‘U'IDUJNH

Chapter

Chapter

Chapter

Chapter

Chapter

Chapter

Hutten's life
Hutten's poetic achievements

. Hutten's personality
. Hutten and his critics
. Hutten's influence on others

Difficulties with Hutten's character
in literature

. Method and scope of this investigation,

including status of research done in
this area

I: The Reformation Time: First Poetic Attempts
by Hutten's Contemporaries

II: Rediscovery of Hutten: Image of the
Knight between 1700 and 1900

III: Demise of Imperial Germany: Decline
and End of an Era

IV: The Weimar Republic Years: Toleration
and Polarization

V: The Nazi Era: Hutten as the Ideological
Hero

VI: The Post-War Years: A Transitional Time

Conclusion

Footnotes

iii

16

19

44

84

105

126

172

198

202

Appendices 256

Bibliography 263

iv

INTRODUCTION

This dissertation attempts to trace the portrayal of
Ulrich von Hutten has received in German poetry and prose
from some of his contemporaries in the 16th century to our
present time with a special emphasis on the 20th century.

As a humanist Hutten found already during his lifetime
many admirers and detractors. It is fascinating to observe
Hutten's wide acceptability as indicated by the picture that
emerges from the various interpretations by generations of
writers. Hutten's portrayal, however, has undergone several
changes throughout the years. As a man of strong convictions,
he was used symbolically as an advocate for desired changes,
as a champion for freedom and national unity, and as a man
who had suffered unjustly and experienced many hardships for
his principles and beliefs.

Hutten lived in a time of great turbulence and change.
He became actively involved in it and thrust himself into
the midst of it, believing he could help to bring about some
of the required reforms. He was forced to choose sides.

As a consequence of this he attracted people who cheered
him and those who deplored his actions and oppressed him.

Some of Hutten's portrayals are uncritical of his actions
and his life. But there are those which point out not only

the positive impact he had, but they also refer to his mistakes,

1

 

failures and weaknesses. Some writers see him as a catalyst
for change. The reader will discover that opposing philo-
SOphies, conservatism as well as liberalism, found encourage-
ment and inspiration in his thoughts. Moderates and radi—
cals, even authoritarians, have tried to declare Hutten as
one of their own. His great and popular appeal to a vast

spectrum of people is indeed astonishing.

1. Hutten's life.

Ulrich von Hutten was born into an old-established
family at Steckelberg Castle, near Fulda in Hesse, Germany,
April 21, 1488. Through his family he became a member of
the knighthood in the Holy Roman Empire. But as a child he
was sickly, and his disappointing physical appearance made
his father decide that Ulrich, though being the first-born,
was unfit to carry on with the family tradition. Thus, he
sent him to the old historical Benedictine Abbey of Fulda,
where the boy was to be educated for a position in the Church
hierarchy, as had been the case with other Hutten relatives.
Ulrich, however, escaped' from the monastery before he took
his final vows. His restless temperament had rebelled
against the regimentation of monastic life.

What followed was the life of an aspiring scholar, a
vagabond. It took him to a humber of German and Italian
universities, permitting him to strike up friendships with
different members of the humanistic circles. In time he

had even to enter temporarily as a soldier into the services

3
of the German emperor in Italy.

Ulrich von Hutten's fury was aroused greatly, and he
took an uncompromising stand against the duke of Wﬁrttemberg,
who had murdered his cousin Hans von Hutten. By pouring out
dialogues, which were compared to the Philippics, a series
of speeches by Demosthenes, full of vitriolic personal invec-
tive, Hutten had indeed taken an active part. In time he
participated in the duke's expulsion from his domain in
Germany.

In 1517, upon his return from Italy, Emperor Maximilian
I crowned him poet laureate in Augsburg. Then he entered the
service of Reuchlin's defense after the latter had been mal-
igned and threatened. Hutten had also a tremendous impact
through the re-issuing of Lorenzo Valla's Treatise on the

Donation g: Constantine. In time he issued through his acti-

 

vity a passionate declaration of opposition against Rome and
the pope. This was coupled with national demands and pleas
for greater unity. He advocated in addition, possibly only
as a matter of convenience, a union between Luther and Sick-
ingen, allowing the latter to embrace and start a program of
national reforms with the exclusion of the princes. He had
in mind a strong imperial nation, supported by the traditions
of the established knighthood. By then, however, this class
had lost its significance. And Hutten's hopes in the new
emperor did not materialize. As time progressed Luther him-
self began to dissociate himself from Hutten. After Sicking-

en's death in 1522, Hutten's last venture was the ill-conceived

4
'Pfaffenkrieg' in the middle Rhine river region.

Due to his various activities, Hutten was banned by the
pOpe, as well as by imperial edict, and forced to leave
Germany in 1522. He went to Basel, where he had hoped to
find sympathy and assistance from Erasmus. But this former
friend was a man who abhorred violence, and he was repelled
by Hutten's excesses and actions. Thus, in the end, Hutten
was rebuffed by Erasmus, who even refused to see or aid him
after he had entered into exile as a hounded transgressor
of German law.

Then Hutten befriended the Swiss reformer Huldreich
Zwingli, who granted him asylum on the island Ufenau. It
was there that Hutten succumbed in 1523 to an illness which

had plagued him since his late adolescent life.

2. Hutten's poetic achievements.

What did Ulrich von Hutten write that was and still is
of interest? Comparing the literary output of this man to
some of our better-known contemporary prolific writers, one
might conclude that it was not all that much. But upon a
second look one will notice the impact and the quality, not
the quantity, of which he wrote.

Hutten appeared on the literary scene with the Querelae
(1510), two volumes of elegies in which he expressed his pro-
found aversion to the treatment he had received from a family
in Greifswald.

De arte versificandi (1511) was next, a poetic work

 

explaining and recommending to students, followers and

5
supporters alike the elements of acceptable versification.

In his poem Exhortatio (1512), he turned to the nation

 

exhorting it to rid itself of foreign influences.

Phalarismus (1517) is his first work which had an impact

 

on the whole nation. The will to fight for an idea, for
something believed to be right and just, is expressed vividly.
Satire, often in the form of scorn and mockery, is used to
Checkmate opponents. Hutten saw an analogy for a tragedy in
the vein of Lucian when Duke Ulrich of Wﬁrttemberg had mur-

dered Hutten's cousin. Consequently, the dialogue Phalarismus

 

was conceived about the ducal "tyrant."

During the time that Hutten was studying in Italy, he
became embroiled in a heated defense of Reuchlin. This in-
volvement led to the issuance of the Epistolae obscurorum
virorum (1515-1517), a witty humanistic satire against late
scholasticism as exemplified in both science and theology.
Hutten is credited with a large portion of the second part.
This is a collection of a total of 110 fictitious letters,
which are composed in Latin, full of Germanisms, thus altoge-
ther barbaric. These letters attack ignorance, the moral
depravity of the Cologne theologians, and Church dogma.

His Ngmg (1518), written in distichs, shows him.as the
"lost son" whom the relatives would have preferred rather to
live with the pigs, away from home. It expresses his feelings
of not having lived up to the expectations of his family, of
being a relative nobody.

Aula (1518) followed in the Lucian dialogue form. He

6
takes to task the deceptive promises of the real courtiers,
who practice endless salutations, conduct insidious conversa-
tions, and he expresses his profound disgust with the preten-
tions of the court life. It is a moralistic study framed in
an allegory, a court satire from a courtier who had the cour-
age to write about this. It is, however, not one of his
better works.

Exhortatio ad principes Germanos up bellum Turcis inferent

 

 

 

(Speech against the Turks) (1518) contains practical politics
in regard to the Turkish danger. Here, for the first time,
Hutten talks to the peOple and points out that the core of
misfortune is disunity, for without unity the nation would be
lost completely. This speech is full of drive and exhorts
the cardinals of the Church to wish success rather for the
emperor than for the Turks.

The following collection of dialogues, Fortuna (1519),

Febris prima (1519), Febris second (1520), Vadiscus, Trias

 

 

Romana (1520), and Inspicientes (1520) demonstrate the exact-

 

ness and totality of Hutten's decisive ideas. While Febris
REEEE is directed against Cardinal Cajetan, the papal legate
to the diet in Germany, the whole dialogue is seen as a sa-
tire against mendicant friars. (Since Sikkingen could not
read Latin, Hutten had this work translated into German
vernacular the same year.)

Febris second is another lively, witty dialogue in which

 

Hutten describes concubinage exercised by the ecclesiastics,

as being disadvantageous in regard to the benefits of

matrimony.
The most important work of his leisurely time - if one
could call it this - are the dialogues Fortuna and Vadiscus

or Trias Romana and Inspicientes. In the first one, Hutten

 

 

has a conversation with the goddess of fortune in which he
expresses his desire for domestic peace, security, and the
regular necessities. He reflects on how the fate of the indi-
vidual and predestination, freedom and law relate to each other.

Vadiscus or Trias Romana has a double title, relating the

 

observations of a traveler in Rome. It is constructed in
triads which show his criticism known already from some of
his earlier charges. Hutten says everything he had wanted

to say against Rome. It is a dialogue that became quite popu—
lar after its translation.

Inspicientes describes the bustling flurry of activity

 

at the Augsburg Diet. There Cardinal Cajetan experienced
difficulties with Germans. These are portrayed as being
harmless, more honest than the pale, eternally intriguing
Italians. Challenged is also that approximately half of the
German land is under Church control, and in addition, that
the merchants are the advocates of luxury. In contrast to
this, Hutten heaps praise on the Germany of ancient times,
the Germany Tacitus had described.

These dialogues, with the exception of Fortuna, which
seemed too personal, were translated from Latin to German
and published in 1521 in the Gesprach bﬁchlin.

The next of Hutten's works is Bulla decimi Leonis contra

8

errones Martin Lutheri gt sequacium (1520). With irony,

 

Hutten comments on the papal bull. It is an amusing and
rather elegant composition, full of dramatic emotion. The
bull represents every possible vice, such as perfidity,
reckless ambition, avarice, and perjury.

His stand against Rome, the pope and the Church hierarchy
grew stronger. This became quite evident when he published

Die Klag und Vermahnung gegen die Gewalt des Bapstes (1521).

 

 

The title already suggests what Hutten implores.

Finally, Expostulatio cum Erasmo (1523) is a discourse
pertaining to Erasmus' stand in Luther's cause. Hutten asks
questions as to why Erasmus did not take an authoritative
position; whether fear, envy, or even bribery had anything to
do with this. For Hutten, humanism and Lutheranism are equal
because both attack the same opponents. Never in the discourse
does Hutten resort to personal invective or malicious insinu—
ations, though he felt very strongly that he was correct in
his stand. (It has to be said, however, that Hutten had
viewed Erasmus only from his perspective.)

Posthumously, his dialogue Arminius (1529) was published,
a dramatic piece in.which Hutten points out the greatness of
the Teutonic liberator from the Roman yoke. At the same time
he describes the parallel situation to his own time in Ger-
many. This work shows a romantic vision of Hutten in regard
to Arminius. The dialogue lets Arminius appear before the
tribunal of Minos and asks where his standing is in respect

to his military accomplishments. Tacitus is quoted as

9
supporting Arminius. Though he is not ranked among the
outstanding generals, Arminius is eventually declared the
first among the national liberators.

In 1520 Hutten began writing almost exclusively in the
vernacular. It was he who helped to establish German as a
language which could express ideological concepts and intel-
lectual sentiments.1 Hutten, as a poet, surprises, as he did
make an impact on the language by using the vernacular with
its vigorous straightforward form. Still, his best writings
are written in Latin, though he wrote also German verse in
the style of the "Volkslied." Eventually, Hutten made a I
point of his preference of the vernacular by substituting his

former Latin motto with a German one.

3. Hutten's personality.

Already during his lifetime Hutten had been a very con-
troversial figure on the German literary scene. Now, as then,
his complex character defies understanding. To start with,
the question arises: How can he be both, noble knight and
humanist, how can these roles be reconciled in one person?
How could he be at the same time one of the respected and
dedicated humanists as he was seen by his contemporaries,

2, the "prince

his colleagues, including the great Erasmus
of the humanists," and,on the other hand,be a fierce and
proud patriot? Did he, the hothead, use his humanistic train-
ing only as a starting point for his career, or did he never

really become a humanist?3

Ulrich von Hutten came from a class which was very proud

 

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of its illustrious past, but it had outlived its usefulness
and had fallen on hard times, Physically, Hutten was not
fit for his class, and so he was sent to a monastery where
he was exposed to some of the humanistic ideas, those that
had been saved from drifting into everlasting obscurity. In
the setting of the cloister he began to learn the essentials
which permitted him to perfect his poetic talents. In time
he was to become "der sprachgewaltige und leidenschaftliche
Kampfer gegen das Papsttum.”4 He threw in his lot with the
adherents of humanism. He became very vocal and demanded
changes, as the people were ready to break with past tradi-
tions and had become receptive for new ideas and opportuni-
ties. A clue for understanding his attitude is found in his

' or, as he expressed it later in Ger-

motto: "Jacta est alea,‘
man, "Die Wﬁrfel sind gefallen!” It expresses exactly his
total conviction for his chosen cause. An appropriate charac-
terization, a dictum ascribed to MOliere, shows Hutten's
disposition: "Das Fechten ist eine Kunst, ohne selbst getrof—

"5 Hutten tried hard to abide by this, using

fen zu werden.
the pen as his most potent weapon. This he did effectively
to his very end. It is, however, debatable whether he had
been successful in fending off the attacks of his enemies.
Hutten remained a fighter throughout his life.6 Some
people look at him with mixed feelings, and they regard him
and his personality with varying results. Many agree that

he must be seen as a "unruhige Natur."7 He was one who was

enraged by any form of tyranny, injustice, and deception,

11

and he used his imaginative pen to expose abuses.8 This
man was convinced that even what the sword - in his opinion
the sword in the service of the established church - had
won, the pen could destroy. The polemical rhetorical-pathe-
tic style9 became his weapon and trademark. He was willing
to risk fortune and life for the cause he believed in.10
His polemic was exciting, he had become a tireless activist,
and as such a predominantly literary fighter.11 When he
failed to reach the privileged classes, he turned to the
"difficult to keep in check masses.”12 This might be one
factor why some of his critics disapprove of his methods and

associations.13

4. Hutten and his critics.

t14 and honest,

Some of Hutten's critics see him as uprigh
a man who was and still is the most eloquent and gifted spokes-
man that Germany ever had.15 He made a lasting impression on

Goethe.16

With Hutten as a proponent of the humanistic view
came a new, creative force into Germany. A German-national
movement came into being, due in part to his influence.
Hutten's strongest achievement was his ability to call atten-
tion to a cause with his appeal for action.17 Robert H. Fife
states that "he was the only German humanist who, without
turning on the classical world, implemented his training in
the ancients for the service in the struggle for a completely

realistic objective."18 He was a "pioneer and ally of the

Reformation,"19 a "propagandist and romantic, an Imperialist,

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but not a rationalistic liberal humanist.”20
Since Hutten sided with the movement of reform and

protest, some of his detractors and critics view him differ-
ently. Some were willing to give him recognition for his
ability, but they emphasize his negative impact or his unde-
sirable characteristics. Thus, Josef Lortz writes: "Er ist
schwer erschapfend zu fassen. In seinem Werk und Leben ist
viel Unzulangliches, Zwiespaltiges, Zerfahrenes, sittlich
Minderwertiges, Lﬁgenhaftiges...."21 Fife sees something in

his character as ....obstinate and intolerant of opposition,
unfair and vindictive in controversy... he had the savage
impetuosity of the Frankish knight of his day; and we cannot
help suspecting that personal ambition played a considerable
role in shaping his course...."22 Lewis W. Spitz is convinced

that Hutten was no 'scholar,"23 but his "literary efforts are
better than commonly conceded."24 Paul Kalkoff, an eccentric
type of historian, an iconoclast who would not tolerate any
ideal beside Luther, who did everything in his power to gener-
ate a universal acceptance of Martin Luther's accomplishments,
saw Hutten as his "pet abomination."25 Bruno Wilhelm, who
wrote about Hutten's changed assessment by later critics,
states that he was a "publizistischer GernegroB.... nur auf
seinen eigenen Vorteil aus...."26 Wilhelm is convinced that
Hutten's rhetoric was mainly negative, implying that the
"romantic Hutten" had never existed and was merely a figment

of the imagination.27

13
5. Hutten's influence on others.
Hutten was a complex and involved nature, "...(der)
bei dem manigfaltigen Ursprunge seiner Ideen eine zwiespal-

28 .
” He exerc1sed a cer-

tige Beurteilung nahe legen muBte.
tain influence on not only some of his contemporaries, but
also in later generations, because he symbolized political

humanism, "studia humanora,‘ which included the conviction,
"...wer sich ihnen ergab, glaubte, Zaubermittel zu besitzen,
durch die Wissenschaft zur Freiheit zu gelangen."29 It
could be said that some of his writings represent, as Jost

Hermand calls it, "Unbequeme Literatur,‘ not only having
"eine historische Relevanz,”30 but serving the poetic enlight-
enment, and pointing also the way to reform.

Even though Hutten's feelings of identity had their
roots in the Middle Ages, he still had an impact on succeeding
generations. Due to his discovery in the Age of Enlighten—
ment and the consequent re-issuing of his works, he became
to an increasing extent an idol of those student groups which
originated during the 19th century Wartburgtreffen (1817),
the pre-March time, and as such was a symbol for all of those
who were of the liberal persuasion, those who stood for free-
dom and the unification of all of Germany.

The humanist Hutten's most important function was on
the literary level. He alone with Luther understood how to
address the German people effectively in their native tongue.31

He demonstrated a courtly elegance of speech. But he never

attained quite the command of the "Volkssprache" as Luther

14

did. One sees him as an orator much more than as a poet.32
Yet, his influence was very immediate, "he had the impact
like a bolt of lightening, immediately destructive."33
His pet mode of operation was the attack which he used with
the greatest mastery. His impulsive "fighter nature" turned
with rousing dialogues to the people. These dialogues ad—
dressed themselves to the thinking of the common man.34 His
pamphlets had a drastic impact on his time, and his manner
on later years.35 Some critics accuse him of being unre-
strained in writing his lampoon which is full of biting sa-

tire,36

as evidenced in the Vadiscus, that his split persona-
lity revealed something morally inferior, full of falsehoods,
though in spite of it all a tremendous creative strength
showed through.37

Herder wrote enthusiastically about Hutten: "Alles
lebt in seinen Schriften, und nichts steht geschrieben, das
nur so dastehe. Seine Bﬁcher sind Stimmen aus seinem Leben,
einzelne Laute seines Wortes, Handlung."38 The effect of his
literary works intensifies, and they display his committment
to the cause.39 It was the spirit of his honest conviction
against distortion, his zest for the truth as he understood
it. And never did he resort to the all too common "grobianis-
chen Stil."40

In due time Hutten's influence upon posterity was mainly

41 though his appeal was even

42

a result of his German writings,
great during his "Latin" period among some of his coévals.

Buchwald says that Hutten is the precurser of Schiller and

15

Goethe.43 Francke states that "with Lessing he shares the
restless striving for truth and the indomitable courage of
truth. He is akin to Heinrich von Kleist in his contempt
and in his unconditional surrender to a cause."44 Above
all, Hutten states his committment to the cause of freedom
and his opposition to oppression. This he expresses in a
slogan, recurring with Schiller, ”In tyrannos."45

Hutten appealed to the best talents of the German
nation, and he succeeded so well that many were swept along
in the current of change as it was gaining force. Hutten
did not permit his invective to become base. On the contra-
ry, he elevated it to a higher niveau. He personified those
forces of humanism which displayed a rejuvenating strength,
something which was formed anew even though a German robust
bluntness showed through. He worked incessantly and managed
to sway a great number of people, though not of his own
class.46

Regardless of the acceptance Hutten has received, his
great influence on his fellow writers is reflected in their

works and comments.47

He became a rallying point, a symbol,
and consequently the subject of hero-adulation. He was a
man who wanted to live for the present, one who wanted to
enjoy life to the fullest, as it was exemplified by Protes-

tantism.

6. Difficulties with Hutten's character in literature.
Hutten will always be a polemical figure, especially

in respect to his literary achievements. To some he is only

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"49 to others he was then

known as a "notorious pamphleteer,
and still is the conscience of the nation. The historian
Thomas G. Baily states: "Historical myths and legends are
needful in establishing national identity and stimulating
However, Thomas Carlyle believed that history is
no more than "the distillation of rumor."51 And while

Baily makes his point for needing myths and legends, Carlyle
appraises them realistically. Thus, Hutten's difficulty

for the writers could be explained since very little of his
life was ever known to other people. Those who knew more of

his experiences either did not reveal them or were not able

to do so.

7. Method and scope of this investigation, including
status of research done in this area.

This study's aim from the outset is to deal with Hutten
as he appears in poetry, drama, or fictional prose. Only
literary works will be treated in which Hutten is the central
figure or at least an important supporting character.

This study is meant to be fairly exhaustive. I was able
to locate and secure almost all of the primary works through
archives, institutes, and libraries of American and the Ger-
man republics. Since the national archives of the German
Federal Republic do not have a central location, enlisting
their aid was often frustrating and time consuming. The only
works I was not able to locate and read are the following:

1. Karl Fr. Lang. Ulrich von Hutten. Gedicht in drei
Gesangen, Erlangen, 1787.

 

3r;

l7

2. G. Logau. Ulrich von Hutten. Drama, 1848.

§g§§s4work is listed only in Meyers Konversationslexikon,

 

 

3. Gotthold Lange. Ulrich von Hutten. Trauerspiel,

 

1848.

4. Hans Harnier. Kampf gm Huttens deutsche Sendung.
Drama, 1936.

 

5. Otto Cierski. Ulrich von Hutten. Drama, 1949.

 

By far the most important literary study on Hutten is

the dissertation by Georg Voigt, Ulrich von Hutten in der

 

deutschen Literatur, which was published at the University

 

of Leipzig in 1905. Voigt arranges the primary works accord-
ing to genres and concludes that, artistically, the area of
the lyric is most satisfying. As seen by Voigt, Hutten is
not a dramatic character and consequently a play in which he
is cast as the hero had little chance of being successful.
Hutten appears little in the epic genre as well, that is in

the area of the novel and novella. Here too, Voigt sees
”52

Hutten portrayed as 'ein monotoner, farbloser Charakter.
Because seventy-five years have passed since Voigt's
study was completed, it is useful to reinterpret his findings.
Especially since Voigt wrote in the era of Wilhelmenian natu-
ralism and evaluated literary works in the spirit of his age,
it is interesting and rewarding to reexamine his findings
from the perspectives of our time. Other than in the work
by Voigt, Hutten was treated briefly in a half dozen articles
in journals.53 A major thrust of this dissertation will be

directed toward literature written since 1905. The post

World War I period, the National Socialist era, and the post

18
World War II time, are eSpecially fruitful.

The first chapter will be devoted to Hutten as a liter-
ary figure among his contemporaries. Then chapter II will
concern itself with the image of Hutten in German literature
between 1700 and 1900. Since this period was treated exten-
sively by Voigt, a concerted effort was made to include works
which were omitted in this earlier study. There follow then
in logical sequence chapters on Wilhelmenian Germany, the Post
World War I period, the National Socialist era, and the peri-
od after World War II, where the literature is necessarily
divided between that appearing in the Federal Republic of

Germany and the German Democratic Republic.

Chapter 1

First Poetic Attempts by Hutten's Contemporaries

Hutten's appeal during his lifetime was widespread
once he had decided to use the German vernacular. The use
of Latin had obstructed his appeal to the common man. Ini-
tially, there were difficulties to bring German in "schbp-
ferischen Einklang von Gedanken und Ausdruck."1 Hutten had
been able to circulate numerous pamphlets which had brought
him both admiration and derision.

During Hutten's lifetime and shortly thereafter, a
variety of literary works were written that dealt with him
or mentioned him prominently.

At the beginning, the Volkslied became a viable vehicle

through which Hutten was able to appeal to the people direct-

ly. The one in question was Ein new lied Herr Ulrich von

 

Hutten with the now famous line "Ich habs gewagt mit Sinnen
." There appears the Hutten "...mit dem zornigen Herz,

der den robusten Laut des geliebten Deutsch wieder fand, der

2

Hutten des deutschen Liedes.” Ein new lied became popular

 

and.was sung by the people after it had been circulated as
an anonymous tract.
Consequently, a number of poems appeared that praised

Hutten and his friend Sickingen.3 Already during his life

19

C.

20
Hutten experienced "...den GruB der Dichtung....Kein totge-
borener Humanistenschnorkel, die energische Dichterkraft des
16. Jahrhunderts, das unpersonliche Volkslied singt begeis-

"4 Contz Leffel5 apparently had sensed the feelings of

tert .
the people. Quickly he came up with an answer to the Hutten

Lied with Ein schon new Lied von dem Hutten (1520). In it,

 

he talks of Hutten as the champion of freedom and national
unity and shows him as a defender of true Christianity.
Leffel's poetic song expresses a deep concern for

Hutten:

Ach edler Hut auB Francken,

Nun sich dich weiBlich fur,

Got soltu loben vnnd dancken,

Der wirt noch helfen dir,

Die gerechtigkait vorfechtn!

Du solt beystan dem rechten,

Mit andern ritteren vnd knechten,
Mit frummen kriegsleuten guot,
Beschirmen das Christen bluot.

DiB liedle thue ich singen
Zuo ainem Doctor werd;
Ich.hoff, jm werd gelingen,
Er ist grosB eren werdt.
Vlrich von Hutten, ich sagen,
Thut leib vnd leben wagen
Vnd thut gantz not verzagen.
Got geb jm glﬁck vnd sick
Das er all sach wol schick!

In this song, Leffel refers to the faith and also to Luther's
cause, but this was something not very crucial to Hutten.6
The author expresses his admiration for Hutten's struggle,

as he is championing the peOple's cause. The love and the

FD
aAu

vC

ll"

L.

p
A
a

e

a“

21
appreciation of the people blend together in word and in
song.7
This poem is followed by another tract of Leffel which
contained the song, "Im thon sie man singt Franz sickinger,
das edel bluot, Der hat gar vil der LandBknecht guot." The

author starts to show Hutten as being upright and well—known.

The title is a simple Ein new Lied:

 

Vlrich von Hutten, das edel bluot,
Macht so kostlich buocher guot,
Die lasBen sich wol sehen,
Die gfallen den geystlichen gleanern nit wol,
Die warheyt muoB ich jehen,
ja jehen.

And, toward the end, the author continues:

Herr Vlrich ist ein redlich mann,
Wolt got, des ich solt bey im stan
Gegen allen seinen feinden!
Ich hoff zuo got, die warhayt werd
Die falschen ﬁberwinden,

ja winden.

Vlrich von Hutten, biB wolgemuot!
Ich bit, das got dich halt in huot
Yetzt und zuo allen zeytten.
Got behﬁt all Christlich leerer guot,
Wo sie gen oder reytten,

ija reytten!

The poem shows that Hutten's and Luther's cause are
one. It also appeals to the people to unify behind their
leaders in the struggle for a change from falsehood and in-
justice. The imagination of their leaders had caught on.

Shortly afterwards another poem was published. It is

one that has survived only as a written c0py among the Pala-

tinate Papers. A printed copy of it from the time of its

22
publication could not be found. The author is supposedly
Hans Breuning,8 one of the mercenaries who was either one
of Hutten's or Sickingen's group. He wrote the song E32

Lied Huttens auf seinen Pfaffenkrieg during the winter of

1521/22.

 

 

Frisch uf mit reichem Schalle,
Ihr werten Reuter gut,

Darzu ihr Kriegsleut alle

Und habt ein' freien Mut!

Ich hoff, es hab' nit not:

Der Hutten ist lebend worden;

Das schafft ahn' Zweifel Gott.

Man meint', er war' entschloffen.
Ich sprach: er ist nit weit,

Hat noch die Augen offen

Und wartet seiner Ziet,

Die wir erlebet han:

Das weiB Karthuser-Orden,

Den hat er gegriffen an.

Sie wollten ihn verachten,
Die Gugelbuben frech,

Ein Arswisch ausm machen -
Seht nun, was ihn gebrech'.
Ich meint', sie waren gut;
So scheint in dieser Sachen,
DaB s' treiben Ubermut.

Gott frist' den werden Hutten,
Geb' ihm die Hilfe sein,

DaB er den Bettelkutten

Mit ihrem falschen Schein
Treib' von der Christenheit,
Die sie bisher betrogen,
Verfuhret weit und breit.

23
Wem dann nit ist zu raten,
Dem ist zu helfen nit.
Man sollt' die Ketzer braten
Umb ihr'n verkehrten Sitt.
Es muB zu Boten gan;
Hans Breuning hat's gesungen;
Wills selbs mit Handen dran.

This poem displays the insolent cockiness of a rough
horseman who sets out to rectify an intolerable situation,
supposedly caused by the parsons and monks. In it one feels
again that the lines echo the answer of somebody else to
Hutten's initial song which was directed to the likes of him.
The tone is very sincere. Thus, this song could be seen as
one of the more effective tools in the feud with the friars
and the clergy in general.

Still, it was not only the "Volkslied” that took hold
of the enigmatic Hutten-phenomenon. Other genres were put
to use simply because writers had been inspired and felt com-
pelled to make Hutten a or the central part of their works.
Quite early Hutten seems to have had a certain attraction to
those around him, as they were the admirers who had embraced
his cause and ideas, and then there were those who had learn-
ed to respect him and then were willing to fight for the
drastic changes advocated by him.

It is with some interest that one must read how one of
those admirers who can not be identified with certainty, in-
fluenced by Hutten, went about addressing the public with a
number of dialogues in the style of the Lucian satire towards

the end of 1520.

These dialogues are of a particular importance to this

24

study. By all indications, the author must have been a theo-
logian and a humanist who had been to Bologna and Rome. He
was both a friend of Hutten and an admirer of Luther. While
he was witty, he was not sarcastic, though his satire was al-
most too much.9 He was a dialectic poet, who was capable

to create a dramatic effect. He understood "...sowohl die
verhohnten Personlichkeiten satirisch keck zu karikieren,
ohne in Ubertreibungen zu verfallen, als auch mit dramatis-

cher Spannung die Gesprache zu steigern und wieder abfallen
10

zu lassen...."

The author calls on Vadiscus, a Hutten-creation, who
meets with Pasquillus, a sharp-tongued critic. Eventually
Hutten alights, "...(er) selbst (ist) lebensvoll und wird
von der Wahrheit mit Waffen des Geistes und des Christen-
tums fﬁr das Vaterland gerﬁstet.”

In this work it is not the religious thinker who has
caught the ear of the people, it is the man of action who is
speaking. Backing, Hutten's foremost editor and Brecht,12

known for his studies with the Epistolae obscurorum virorum

 

(Die Dunkelmannerbriefe), ascribes the abovementioned dia-
logues, due to their contents and tone, to Crotus Rubeabus
(approx. l480-approx. 1540).13

We are interested here mainly in Huttenus captivus and

and Huttenus illustris, the two dialogues with which the col-

 

lection of dialogues Dialggi Septem (1520/21) concludes. The

 

book appeared anonymously under the assumed pseudonym of S.

Abedenus Corallus.14 While Hutten is seen as a captive in

25
the first work, the second one shows him honored and cele—
brated. Hutten is the knight of the Reformation, the cen-
tral figure on the stage. The author clearly demonstrates
through him his basic agreement with the hero's campaign,
and then presents his reflections on some of the events of
this historic time.

The initial cause for the first dialogue was the breve
(papal brief)15 which had asserted that Hutten was to be
brought to Rome as a captive. In the text, Decimus (Pope
Leo X) instigates curtisans and mendicant friars to elimi-
nate Hutten and Luther. They are to start with Hutten, as
he is the more dangerous one of the two. At the start, it
had been determined to have him poisoned.

The action opens when Hutten, the "slight one," appears
(§§l-8) and his adversaries attempt to overpower him, while
at the same time exhorting him to give up and be bound. But
he pushes them away without any difficulty (§§ 9-11) .16
Attracted by the ensuing noise, Sickingen appears, only to
find out from Hutten what had happened. As a result of this,
Sickingen wants to report to the emperor these actions of
the chief culprits. Hutten agrees with that, though he is
afraid of further intrigues. For this reason, Sickingen
recommends to Hutten to withdraw to the safety of his castle,
the Steckelburg.

Hutten suggests a general assembly, a gathering of the

Germans, but Sickingen disagrees with this idea, though he

does not rule out a suggestion for a priests‘ war. The

26

conclusion of this dialogue is apparently influenced by

17

Hutten's Missaulus sive aula. In the final part, a trum-

 

pet calls Sickingen to the imperial court. Before he leaves
he promises to be active on Hutten's behalf (§§12-l6).

The dialogue relates to some extent the real situation
that existed during the time of the Diet of 1520 and of the
things that occurred between Sickingen and Hutten. It is a
report from one who had first-hand knowledge of the ongoing
events.

In the Huttenus illustris, the author deals with the

 

plot of Rome against Hutten at a later stage. Hutten asks
rhetorically the goddess of truth, Veritas, whether being
outlawed by the tyrants in Rome was to be his only compensa-
tion. Her unexpected reply states that poison, the cross,
stocks, and the tools of torture have been her greatest
awards. Upon Hutten's incensed refusal to accept this, she
queries him whether he wants to reject immortal fame. She
is certain that he does not want to do this, in spite of his
assertions to the contrary. Thus, she feels that he should
bear some earthly anguish. Reluctantly, Hutten agrees to
this, if it would bring freedom to his country. After she
assures him of that, he bursts into laments over his country's
misfortune caused by Rome, adding to this his own adversity
with the Romanists (§§l-7). At this instant she opens her
garments, showing the shocked Hutten that she herself has
been wounded by the Romanists, having wounds that included

her finger, eyes, breasts, and hands, all caused by Aleander,

27

18 and others. These wounds

Murner, Eck, Emser, Hochstraten,
she is keeping untreated, as this would make her more power-
ful. And she adds that a loss of strength would be impos-
sible, because she is immortal. Eventually, she will appear
with these wounds before the judgement seat of Christ,19
accusing the malefactors of their wrongdoings. Hutten inter-
jects that the opponents do not believe any longer in the
immortality of the soul, and that they only profess to do
so because of their ulterior motives, namely to be able to
hold any legal claim over the secular powers to deal with
justice. Then he requests that Veritas would bestow on him
the ability to bear these deadly wounds (§§7-l3).
Veritas equips Hutten with the armor of justice, the
helmet of Christ's salvation, the shield of truth, and the
sword of the word of God which must be used rather differ-
ently than the sword of eloquence. She initiates him into
the role of "miles Christianus" with the following words:
Du wirst nicht nach Frau und Kindern und nicht
nach Gold fragen, sondern wirst all das als Nich-
tigkeiten erachten. Dein Vaterland wirst Du lie-
ben und ihm die Freiheit schenken, wirst Du Dein
Vaterland verlassen und in irgendeiner thle oder
einem verlassenen Turm hausen. Du wirst Dir so
viele Bﬁcher wie moglich erwerben und nur die bes-
ten, vor allem aber das Evangelium Christi. Und
wenn Dich einer noch dazu bannt oder vsrdammt, so
wirst Du es ohne Bitterkeit hinnehmen. 0

Thus, he will be well-equipped for his most difficult mission.

He will be hard as steel against all impending attacks, he

will fight with spiritual arms rather than with his previous

28
material ones. His enemies will fear him, and they will
not be able to overpower him, as Veritas would assist him
with wisdom, courage, and strength. It will be a bloodless
struggle against the Church of Rome, and though he should
fall eventually, he will have acquired great fame. Just
being killed in the struggle will be evidence of his tri-
umph, and thus he will become immortal as Veritas herself
(§§l4-23). At that moment Veritas gets pierced by another
attack from Murner. Right away Hutten craves for vengeance,
but Veritas refuses to allow him to seek revenge. Repeated-
ly Hutten must promise not to seek an "eye for an eye."
Only a fair atonement will do. He is dismissed from Veritas
as a well-equipped knight with this consolation: "Fﬁrchte
Dich nicht vor dem Angesicht der Pharisaer; denn Dich habe
ich zum Richer gesetzt ﬁber ihre Ungerechtigkeit." (6523-26)21
Reading this dialogue, one feels that it is full of
alive peOple in spite of its allegorical elements. But the
latter were an almost essential part in the works of the hu-
manists.22
The dialogue clearly indicates that its author was a

Hutten sympathizer,23

though he does not condone the contem-

plated "Priests' War." Hutten is criticized for being too

rash. This was clearly an attempt to channel Hutten's energy

to more productive means. It could have been an attempt

from Wittenberg to get him into a more religious direction.24
The dialogues are alive, even though they contain a mix-

ture of Christian and ancient pagan allusions, something that

29
was in accordance with humanist thinking. One feels the in-
volvement of the writer who demonstrates his feelings with
the expressed criticism. His outspoken sincerity make these
works convincing documents of their time.

The impact of these works - along with Hutten's - con-
vinced Konneker that they had a considerable influence on
"die dramatische Gerstaltung der deutschsprachigen Dialoge
der Reformationszeit,"25 on those writers who were convinced
that in the fight against the Church of Rome the interests
of the nation were at stake.26

In addition to the lyrical and the dramatic works -
if one considers the above dialogues to be part of this
genre - Hutten became also the subject of didactic works.
Johann Eberlin von Gﬁnzburg (1468-1533), a former naive27
Franciscan monk from Ulm, had attracted a tremendous group
of loyal followers. Next to Luther, he was one of the most
impressive speakers in Germany, an orator of powerful expres-
sion during the fledgling years of the Reformation. He knew
how to fascinate his audience with captivating oratory, point-
ing out the need for the pureness of conviction while at the
same time he himself was showing a fearless frankness. Even
though he felt drawn to the teachings of Luther, he retained
his independent outlook, stating that it was the right of a
Protestant to criticize: "Gottens Wort gilt bei mir mehr,
als Petrus, Paulus, Luther, ja alle Menschen und Engel."28

As a prolific writer, he published a number of pamphlets,

always very imaginative and full of improvisations. In quick

30

succession he issued his Fﬁnfzehn Bundsgenossen (1521),

 

a series of short dialogues, generally only a few pages in
length. He deals in them with relevant topics. They are
spirited in their tone and praise God for bringing Luther,
Erasmus, and Hutten, all considered to be spiritual leaders
of the Reformation, together. And in this "Klagliche Klag"
he considers Luther and Hutten to be equals in their appeal.29
In "Der erst bundsgenosz" Eberlin complains through the
pamphlet, which has become his mouthpiece. As such, it be-
comes the chief spokesman, talking to the emperor about the
odious conditions in Germany which are caused by Rome. It
suggests that this could be rectified through the enlighten-
ment of the people and through the leadership of capable men,
namely Luther and Hutten. Both of these men had started to
bring back the gospel for the benefit of all the people,
having it made available to them in the vernacular. This
action would allow these misled ones to see for themselves
and recognize all the wrongdoings committed against them.
They, Luther and Hutten, are the spokesmen of Christ:
"...christus, der durch den Luter vnd Hutten redt, .."3O
Eberlin suggests that the emperor also should take Hutten and
his friend Sickingen as his advisors and then start to reform
the Church. "Du werdest sunderlich die waltlichen Churfﬁr-
sten vnd dine redlichen vetter, die frummen Pairischen her-
ren, vnd den edlen Frantz von Sickingen, Vlrichen von Hutten,
Hertzog Friderich Pfaltzgraf vnd deren glichen die nachsten

nach dir lassen sein."31

 

C01

59]

er:

...
2"?

31
Eberlin deals persuasively with the problems of his
country, something he believes could be remedied through the
services of reform-minded people. He appeals to his listen-
ers- through his sermon-like dialogue approach.

One year later, a peculiar poem appeared, the Koegelspil

 

(1522), a short rhymed dialogue, full of ingenious and pro-
found irony. It is, however, uncertain whether this work's
unknown author belonged either to the Protestant or the Catho-
lic camp,32 or if he was a neutral bystander who had observed
the arguments that were tossed back and forth by the antago-
nists of their 'respective beliefs.33
As the play opens, Hutten appears in the company of
such notables as Luther, Erasmus, and Melanchthon, who are
bowling before the emperor and the pope. As a bowling ball
they use the Holy Scriptures, and the prize they are trying
to attain is the truth. But, since none of them is an accom-
plished bowler, and because the alley is not level, their
attempts must fail. Hutten is pictured as one who is contem-
plating day and night how he could shove the bowling ball
all over, "Tag vnnd nacht will ich mich besynnen/ wie ich die
Kugel well dahinnen/ Schyeben ﬁber die letze hand/ ich wirff
sy durch alle land/ Teﬁtsch vnnd.welsch dem bapst zuo laid/
die Kugel laufft heer auff weyter haid/ Jnn dem lufft gleich

wie der staub/ auff den Hussen setz ich den besten glaub."34

35 is of the opinion that this work was direc-

Ernst Voss
ted against Eberlin von Gﬁnzburg and his Bundsgenossen.

Hutten and Erasmus are depicted as Luther's sympathizers. It

32
is also evident that the author has little use for the huma-
nists whom he blames for the troubles within the Church.

Obviously, the S23136 cannot rank as an equal to those
works that were written in Latin by the humanists. But it
is the blunt and naive tone that allows one to enjoy this
work and to overlook whatever weaknesses one might find.

Many pamphlets,37 Hutten's favorite literary vehicle,
were circulating throughout the nation, exhorting the people
to follow faithfully their righteous cause. Among them was
one which stated: "Freue dich, edler von Hutten, der Schrei-
ner hobelt den SpieB, damit ich dir zu Hilfe kommen will,
und ich will nicht saumen.”38

This example demonstrates Hutten's popularity and also
the support promised by one of his admirers. He is willing
to take an active part in the expected conflict.

Erasmus of Rotterdam (1466 or 1468-1536) holds a special
position in the literature of the humanists. Many might not
identify him with the German scene, since he had his origin
in the Netherlands. He was a man who represents humanism at
its best, one who was not tied down by national loyalty, but
one who was striving for universal understanding and learning.
He attempted to initiate reforms without violence, advocating
gradual changes through mediation, tolerance, and reason. He
was alienated by the violent events and by Hutten's insis-
tence to take a firm and unmistakeable position. At one time
he had been befriended with Hutten, and they had admired each-

39

other. However, as Hutten had become more involved in the

33
cause for change and at the same time was observed to be in
sympathy with the Reformation, their relations not only cool-
ed off, but they led to definite animosity.
Some critics have speculated to what an extent Erasmus
had used Hutten as a model in some of his writings where the
humanist-knight comes through in a somewhat less than commend-

able way. In The Soldier and the Cartusian, Erasmus could

 

have thought of Hutten, for it is here that he tells the sto-
ry of a debauched soldier and his quarrels with the Cartusian
order.40

In the dialogue Marriage that Is No Marriage, Erasmus

 

pleads to bar the diseased from marrying. "Narrated is the
story of a young girl married to an old rake with vile di-
sease and abominable habits."41 The author draws here on his
memory of real people and events; though this case might be
a "compound portrait owing something to Hutten, something to
Eppendorf42 and perhaps to Thomas Brun."43 StrauB adds:
"...hier finden sich allerdings Zﬁge, welche an die Art wie
Erasmus sonst von Hutten spricht, erinnern und Gedanken einer
Anspielung auf ihn fast unabweisbar nahelegen."44
The most damaging and direct publication in which Eras-
mus dealt with Hutten was his answer to Hutten's rebuke, the
Expostulatio cum Erasmo (1523), namely his Spongia Erasmae

45
adversus adspergines Hutteni (1523). In this initial work

 

 

 

Hutten had written a blunt reckoning with the "ehemals so
verehrten Erasmus."46 Erasmus' answer is a literary piece

of art. It reveals both his masterly sarcasm and his deep

34
hurt. He had intended initially to make it laconically
short, but this defense turned out to be pernicious and ver-
bose. Schubart comments: "Die ganze Fﬁlle seines Unmuths
aber ergoB der Roterdamer in seinem berﬁchtigten Schwamm."4
He considers it a "Schméihschrift."48 Huizinga says of it:
"In der Hand des Erasmus traf die Waffe des Hasses unter den
Gﬁrtel."49 It was the reaction to an ongoing difference of
opinion, a settling of an account. Huizinga continues:

”...nowhere does he (Erasmus) show himself so undignified

and puny as in that Spongia against Hutten's Mire."50 Grimm

 

states that "Die von verhaltener Furcht nicht frei Spongia

bewirkte ebensowenig eine Selbsteinigung des Erasmus wie

"51

Huttens GroBe Abrechnung. In this Spongia Erasmus attacks

 

mercilessly the character and conduct of Hutten, and as

Jenssen relates: ...enthielt sich sogar nicht des Spottes
ﬁber dessen Unglﬁck."52 He continues then: "Mit vollem Recht
stellt er Hutten als ein warnendes Beispiel fﬁr die Jugend
hin."53 This treatment of Hutten was the culmination of an
ever increasing resentment.

Right from the start one detects a note of retaliation
and loathing coming from the pen of Erasmus, a man who is
gloating over the ill conduct and the political ineptitude
of his opponent. Possibly the best example to demonstrate
their differences is the section where Erasmus tries "Hut-
tens Kampfeshaltung, die sich selbst gegen die Ubermacht des

Schicksals wandte, als lacherlich abzutun, indem er ihm vor-

schlug, nach Rom.oder ins franzﬁsische Deutschland (die

35

Niederlande) zu gehen, um sich die Krone eines Martyrers zu
erwerben."5

While Hutten had provoked Erasmus with his angry and
embittered as well as passionate writing, the latter clearly
seems to have been guided by indignation, ekaed by his pent-
up fears. Why did he have to resort to ridicule and degra-
dation? Why did he have to overemphasize his own straight-
forwardness and his own success? Was this an attempt to mas-
ter his inner anxieties? His defense appears to be to dis-
credit his opponents publically. In this respect he uses
sarcasm, the same as Heinrich Heine did later on with great
skill.55

Hutten had died before Erasmus' writing was published.
Some of the knight's friends tried to carry on with his mis-
sion. They defended their friend against Erasmus' accusa-
tions. Foremost among them was Otto Brunfels, who countered
with facts, as well as the passionate defense of Erasmus A1-
berus.56

Hutten and Eobanus Hessus (1488-1540)57 had become good
friends as members of the Erfurt Humanist group. Hutten had
once bestowed praise on his friend, calling him the "greatest

"58

of all living poets. Hessus returned this compliment with

a heroid which claimed that only Hutten among the poets
should be mentioned with praise:
Inspice Posteritas Hutteni carmina vatis,
Hunc recto poteris jure tuum.

Hac igitur, forte atque alia rationeSBoetae
Nullius in nosta carmine nomen erit.

36

The occasion of Luther's appearance before the Imperial
Diet of Worms in 1521 caused Hessus to express his support
for an alliance between humanism and the Reformation. It
inspired him to write some spirited elegies.6O While these
are mainly addressed to Luther, he concludes the last one
with an appeal to Hutten to take up arms:

Auf, tapferer Ritter, verteidige jetzt, ein
deutscher Jﬁngling, den deutschen Luther,

rette unsere Freiheit, die von den papistischen
Vampyren unterdrﬁckt ist! Deine Klagen

waren bisher vergeblich. Ergreife dasGSChwert!
Bucher und Gedichte nutzen nicht mehr.

Hutten would not be alone, as many compatriots, inclu-
ding Sickingen, would fight alongside him in this just feud.
The most dangerous enemy was Rome. Hutten would be in a po-
sition to frighten them, just as Hannibal had been able to
do a long time ago. Hutten had been especially endowed, as
he was capable of using both the sword and the pen. He,
Eobanus, would like to join the fight too, if only he could
do more than just blow the trumpet for battle.62 In their
opposition to foreign domination by the Church hierarchy,
some of the humanists felt drawn to the movement of the Re-
formation.

Hutten's death brought a response from a number of poets.
Schubart even implies that this was not only restricted to
Germany: "In- und auslandische Barden griffen zur Harfe, und
beweinten den Tod dieses Lieblings der Musen."63 This was
generally done among the humanists when one of their respec-

ted members had expired, praise and sadness found ample

37
expression. Moving is the epilogue from Peter Lotichius

(1528-1560):64

Huttens Schatten erscheine! Due Asche
des strafenden Dichters,

Welch mitten im See ein Klein Eiland
verbirgt;

Geist, o sey mir gegrﬁBt! Vollendet
sind deine Qualen.

Sﬁsse Ruhe sey dein, die Erde drﬁckt
dich nicht!

Veilchen bringen wir dir, und Tranen
der Urne des Helden.

Glﬁcklich, daB du vollendet, glﬁcklich
tapferer Ritten,

Denn nun siehst du nicht mehr die
Schmach des sinkenden Landes,

Dessen Racher du warst - ein besseres
Vaterland ward dir!

Stets wird wachsen dein Ruhm, die
Enkel werden dich segnen!

Sey auf immer gggrﬁst - leb wohl auf
ewig Geliebter.

Lotichius expresses his great admiration for Hutten and
a deep sense of loss, mixed with sadness, dressed in the ap-
propriate rhetoric of their ancient models. What does he
mean by his first entreaty to "Hutten's shadow" and then by
the "eternal farewell?" He meant that Hutten will continue
to have an impact through his writings and other accomplish-
ments, but that for Hutten, the man, the final goodbye has
been said.

Eobanus Hessus also felt compelled to set his friend a

final literary memorial:

38

Verlangt dich, Enkel, jener Heldenthaten

Zu kennen, so gedenk an unsern Hutten,

Den Vaterlandsverfechter - der sie aufgrub
Und neues Licht in seinen Schriften gab.

Er zog sie aus der Dunkelheit, und lieB

Die Ehre Deutschlands leuchten weit umher.
Von seinen schﬁnsten Frﬁchten sieh hier eine
Die uns der Frﬁhentschlafene hinterlieB.

. . 6 . .

Mauritius, 6 der Hutten einer hat Sle
Fﬁr dich nur der Vergangenheit entrissen.
Hier steht Armin, der Helden GrﬁBter vor dir,
Der Romas Trotz und seine Ketten brach;
Der, war er nicht im Jugendglanz ein Opfer
Der Seinen worden, dich, o Rhein, zum Herrscher
Der Tiber machen konnte.

Hutten is compared with a past martyr and a national
hero. Hessus shows his true feelings, his conviction, after
the irreplaceable loss of his friend and fellow humanist.

He appeals to look up with pride and dignity at a time when
events were so discouraging. It is also an appeal to re-
evaluate the past and to become conscious of its accomplish-
ments.

It was customary among the humanists to compose a post-
humous address, generally in the poetic genre, the empicedi-
um, a kind of dirge. Again, it is Hessus who left one which
is imposing due to its form and content. The author selected
a tone of defiance, given in the form of a dialogue, a genre
Hutten had used with mastery. In addition, he chose the

n68

medieval motif of the "danse macabre, very appropriate to

Hutten's constant precarious existence. In this work death

39
tries sneeringly to drag Hutten away. But the knight re-
torts proudly: "Sind auch die andern dahin, die gefallt zu
haben du stolz bist,/ Bleibe doch ich unbesiegt aufrecht fﬁr
immer trotz dir!"69

Hutten declares that he had dedicated his life for the
liberation of Germany from the yoke of the Church hierarchy.
He dampens death's triumph over him.with a list of his accom-
plishments. Since he was to die he is not unduly worried,
for his fame and his deeds would continue to live on forever
while his soul would go to a better life.

As has been pointed out already, the personality of
Hutten evoked many reactions from his contemporaries, not
always a very favorable one. He had incurred not only admi-
ration, but also harsh condemnation. The latter could have
been a reaction to his vagrant conduct of life and his callow
demands. This became especially evident when, after his
death, Othmar Nachtigal (1478-1537), also known as Luscinius,
denounced him publicly in an epigram:

Rhetor, eques vixi et Germanus, - nomine? nescis?
Dicax, sacrilegus, dein temulentus eram.

Jamque silens factusque pedes furo denique Gallus:
Fatum, pauperiem, hinc tetra ferens.

At male cum dixi, non strenuus, integer et non
Cum fuerim, fustra haec nomina pulchra gero.

Kalkoff stresses Lucinius' point that, aside from the
cynical reference to the patriot Hutten, he has become a

"71 due to his incurable sickness.

"raving mad Frenchman,
He shows that the contradiction between Hutten's expressed

class-consciousness and his material and his moral depravity

40
was hardly exaggerated. Melanchthon, the gentle and toler-
ant man, however, could hardly accept this sarcastic verdict.
He countered with unusual severity in a number of epigrams.72
One play should be mentioned which is rather different
from the previous discussed works, in that its author is most

likely an unknown foreigner.73 In question is here Das

Pariser Reformationsspiel (1524), also referred to at a later

 

time as the Stumme Komﬁdie. As such, it has been performed

 

in various versions, some of them plainly in pantomime,
others acted it out making it look like a comedy, and then
even some suggesting it to be a tragedy.74
This play characterizes Ulrich von Hutten in a short
and clever presentation. Before an imaginary assembly of
churchmen, including cardinals and bishOps under the leader-
ship of the pOpe, in a royal hall, a fire is covered with
ashes. A man steps forward, identified as Johannes Reuchlin,
Who is admonishing the assembly about the sad state of af-
fairs in the Church. He advocates changes. To make his
point, he pokes with a stick in the fire so that it would
flame up. Erasmus appears then, saluting the assembly ami-
ably. As he intends to continue his friendship with the
Church dignitaries, he is not offering advice, then glances
over the fire without doing anything about it. He walks
over to the cardinals, accepts their respect and then sits
down with them” But right after him Hutten enters the stage,

accusing the pope to be the Antichrist, then charging the

assembly with great abuse. He steps to the fire and under

41

great exertion kindles it into a big blaze. But the strain
is too much, for right away he falls over dead. This pleases
the assembly. Upon their order his body is taken out and
dumped without allowing him to be buried honorably. For the
final appearance Luther enters, knowing beforehand of the
fire. Being prepared, he has with him.more firewood, which
he throws into the blaze, doing this with angry utterances.
The fire flares up so much that all those present have to
leave in a hurry, as they are afraid of the consuming force.

Hutten was the one who had fanned the fire, but due to
his tremendous effort he had to die. In a few packed words,
biased as they might be, the typical Hutten is projected.
His life was short. Though his actions were not always well
received, he did act and exhausted himself quickly, never
settling down and always on the move. This contributed to
his loss of being effective and being in a position to ex-
press his views with moderation. He was unwilling to make
concessions, forever in a hurry to get things done, never
fully analyzing his goal and its implications. Thus, he was
heading toward and causing his own eventual destruction. He
was essentially alone in his fruitless struggle.75 Initially
he had kept his distance from the religious storms, but after
his involvement he had managed to alienate himself from those
who had felt compromised by his reckless firebrand polemics.

In conclusion to this section, I want to mention a
fleeting reference to Hutten in a poem ascribed to Sabinus

(1508-1560).76 In this poem "Frankfurt a.0." he describes

42

the city where Hutten, along with Eobanus Hessus, had come
to the newly established university, which had been at its
inception a refuge for those who had gotten away from the
intolerance of scholasticism. It was then a place of learn—
ing, beckoning those who wanted to avoid obscure and stif-
ling ideas. Here the scholars could do as Hutten and Hessus
had done, calling out: "Hier lﬁschte einst den Durst Eobanus
der Hesse, auch Hutten/ (Wer war mutig wie er?) stérkte hier
Seele und Leib."77

In a typical panegyric in humanistic style, Sabinus
shows in the poem the city of Frankfurt with all the impor-

78 to which the visits of the abovementioned

tant happenings
men belonged.

Time passed and Hutten was almost relegated to obscuri-
ty. But a few years after Hutten's death, an unknown Fran-
conian knight79 set upon the poets grave a memorial with the
following epitaph: "Hic equus laureatus iacet, oratorque di-
sertus/ Huttenus vates, carmine ense potens."80

Through these works from the past it becomes evident
that not all of them deal exclusively with Hutten. But it
is my contention that, at this beginning, some peripheral
works should be included in order to establish the procedure
which led to the ongoing process of authors selecting Hutten
as a man of inspiration and dispute.

Maybe one wonders sometimes why some works that were

once acceptable had become forgotten. Some of the works,

written in German, are not up to the accepted standards of

43

81

our literature. Paul Merker writes:

...ihre Nichtachtung kann ein Grund sein,
daB man...die innere Struktur eines Zeit-
alters vollig verkennt. Besonders gilt
dies auch fur das l6. Jahrhundert, wo

die lateinische Literatur bis zu einem
gewissen Grade die fast fehlende deutsch-
sprachliche Kunstliteratur vertritt.
GewiB wird jeder deutschfﬁhlende Geist

an der in deutscher Sprache geschriebenen,
vollsaftigen und naiv-grobianischen
Literatur dieser Jahrzehnte trotz ihrer
formalen Mangel viefach mehr Freude
haben als an den Dichterwerken der
humanistischen Zeitvertreter.

In addition, subsequent events cast them into a different
perspective. Not every historic figure lends itself to an
imaginative work, something created to become an inspiring
myth. Some historic personalities were rejected because
they began to show flaws which were unacceptable to later
generations. Their once so important significance had been

judged no longer to be relevant.

Chapter 2

The Image of Hutten in German Literature

between 1700 and 1900

This section covers a period which had been treated
extensively by Georg Voigt. However, some works were either
inaccessible or were overlooked by Voigt. So these works
help to give a more complete assessment of Hutten from this
time span. My aim is to fill in the gaps.

Basically in this period Hutten appears as a champion
of freedom in general, of political freedom, of individual
rights, and finally of social rights. As time progressed
one can observe a development which was initially subtle,
but it became stronger, following a two-pronged course:
one advocating the interest of the people, the other promul-
gating and advocating the interest of the state.

The previous chapter closed with those authors who had
been Hutten's contemporaries, those who had either been ac—
quainted with him or those who had learned or heard about
him during his life or shortly thereafter.

At about 1760, during the last generation of the German

1 Hutten was rediscovered in an era that

"Ancient Regime,"
had experienced despotic absolutism. Along with Sickingen,

Florian Geyer, Thomas Mﬁntzer, and Martin Luther, Hutten

44

45
had to be ranked among the great, as "Herold der deutschen
Nation, als Kampfer fﬁr deutsche Freiheit, als Streiter fﬁr
ein einiges deutsches Reich."2

Hutten began to exert an influence which affected Wie-
land, Herder, and Goethe with enthusiasm. Later on we find
among his admirers Herwegh, Freiligrath, and C.F. Meyer as
well as representatives from the German working men's move-
ment.

It was, perhaps, Hutten's tempestuous impulse, his rush
into things for a cause, that had a tremendous appeal to the
”Stﬁrmer und Dranger" who had looked at the 16th century as
"eine herrliche Zeit? the last one in German history. To
them it was a century which had "in der Dichtung zwei groBe

' das 'histo-

Sinnbilder: Das eine ist das 'freie Rittertum,
risch' in Gestalten wie Hutten und Sickingen, 'poetisch'
aber in der historisch vollig abseitigen Gestalt des Gﬁtz
von Berlichingen vor uns steht. Das andere aber sind die
freien...'St'aidte'...."3
Johann Gottfried Herder (1744-1803) wrote an essay about
Hutten along with an appeal for his recognition. This arti-

cle was published in the Teutsche Merkur in 1776. It reminds

 

one "...auf den kraftgenialen und altertﬁmmelden Ton...und

4 In his essay Herder

schlagt in die Kerbe von Goethes Gﬁtz."
wrote a little poem, "Huttens Bild im T.M." (February, 1776)
This sounds almost like an aphorism, and in it he chides

Hutten:

46

Du steckst die Nase weidlich vor;

das wird dir schlect bekommen, Thor!

Wer stets will ha'n das Schwert zur Hand,

der wird bald Ritter ohne Land.
This is an admonition against Hutten's foolhardy way of get-
ting into things too eagerly without checking out the pros
and cons.

ChristOph Martin Wieland (1733-1813) contributed a lit-

'

tle monograph to Hutten's memory, "Ulrich von Hutten,‘ possibly
stimulated by Goethe.5 In it, he gives a short account of
Hutten's life, along with its interpretation. It is not hero
worship. Hutten is described as one being able to deal with

any situation, ...so zog unser Hutten auch den Degen, den
er eben so muthig und fertig zu fﬁhren wuBte als die Feder,
und half ritterliche Thaten thun,...."6 yet a little while
later, Wieland states: ”Von dieser Zeit an ﬁberlieB sich Hut-
ten ganzlich seiner Leidenschaft gegen alle diejenigen, die
er als Feinde der literaischen, bﬁrgerlichen und geistigen
Freiheit...und ewige Gegner der Aufklarung, gesunden Ver-
nunft und richtigen Empfindung ansah."7 At the end Wieland
concludes: "Durch den ewigen Streit mit Unglﬁck, Mangel,
Elend und Krankheit auf einer Seite, und den unzahligen
Feinden, die ihn seine Freiheits - und Wahrheitsliebe auf
der anderen machte, wurde er endlich in eine Bitterkeit und
innere Wuth der Seele gesetzt, die zuweilen in Anstésse von
"8

Grausamkeiten ausbrachen,....

Korrodi mentions: "Wieland, der sich vor Huttens

47
Schatten verbindlich verbeugte, hatte im aalglatten Merkur
schnell neben Herders Fortissimo ein dreifaches Piano gesetzt,

9

indem er den klugen Leisetreter Erasmus vorschob.” This

is in reference to his Fragment ﬁber den Charakter des Erasmus

 

von Rotterdam in which Wieland compares one with the other:

 

 

"...der hatte nicht das kochende Blut und den feurigen Geist
eines Hutten, war nicht wie dieser durch Bosheit der Menschen
und unablassige Streiche des widrigsten Schicksals aufgereizt,
erbittert, und zum Verzweiflungsspiel, alles gegen Alles zu
setzen, gebracht worden. Es ist nicht alles Tugend, was uns
an Hutten groB erscheint!"10

One year later, in 1787, according to C.T. Wagenseil,
Friedrich Karl Lang (1766-1822) wrote a poem ”Ulrich von
Hutten, der Knabe, der Jﬂngling, und der Mann."11 Voigt as-
sumes that this poem must have been influenced by Herder.
But as this poem cannot be found anywhere, this must be con—
sidered pure conjecture.

The foremost German writers were not primarily concerned

with Hutten.12

Schiller had at one time plans to write a
Hutten-history,13 but nothing came of it.

Goethe, too, found Hutten to be inspiring. Perhaps it
was Hutten's letter to Willibald Pirkheimer14 that resembles

closest Goethe's sentiments, as he makes mention of it in

Dichtung und Wahrheit.15 William A. Cooper suspects even

 

in Faust I influences of Hutten's writing. Other than that,

Goethe makes a few references to Hutten in his poems "Mummen-

schanz," Zahme Xenien,‘ and "Buch des Unmuts."

48

Adolf Wagner (1774-1835), an uncle of Richard Wagner,
appeals to his nation with a poem "Huttens Mahnen" (1802).
Napoleon had just consolidated his hold on the revolutionary
government in France after his military victories. Wagner
calls on his country through Hutten. It is a persuasive as
well as a sentimental address.

The poem begins with a pilgrimage to Hutten's grave on
the island of Ufenau in Lake ZUrich. The author praises the

poet and then comments:

Er, der Teutsche, der Mann, der in gestahlter Brust
Seiner Brﬁder Geschick vest, wie das eigne trug,
Sah die schmahlichen Fesseln -

Da zerging ihm das Heldenherz;

"Sterben kann ich - es sey! aber ich diene nicht;
Auch mein Volk wird es nicht," rief er den Herr-
schern zu, 18

Und Thuiskons Erzeugte

Flammen, GOttin, entgegen dir,

Harren Manner in Kraft. Ach, es verhallet schon
Unterm Jubel des Danks klirrender Ketten Schall,
Freiheit woget des Madchens,
Freiheit pochet des Junglings Brust.

19

Weh! Aus Erebus Nacht sturmet Verfolgung an,
Grinsend hamischen Blicks tobet sie geifernd her,
Und in baumenden Wirbeln

Schnellet Schlangengezucht ihr nach.

Wie den glﬁhenden Dolch zﬁcket die Morderfaust!
Armer Hutten! - Er fallt....

Ich weine dir still, Retter der Freineit, nach,
Dess bezauberndem Mund lieblich ihr Lob entquoll,
Der ein rachender Donner

Uber freche Tyrannen schritt.

Ja, ich schwﬁre dir jezt bei der Unsterblichen,
Die den schmerzlichen Blick auf den Geliebten senkt:
Freiheit ruf' ich hienieden,
Jauchz' ich dir in Walhalla zu.
The author changes from admiration to concern, and then he
finished with a promise to work for freedom"

A while later, in 1821, Ernst Mﬁnch (1798-1841) made
an attempt to publish Hutten's entire works, those which he
had been able to collect. In his introductory dedication
the romantically inclined editor inserted his poem "An U1-
rich von Hutten." He had written this sonnet in 1819,
praising Hutten as one who had given his life for the cause
of freedom. Though Hutten had died early, lonely, and for-
gotten, he should have received fame and recognition. And
then Mﬁnch concludes:

Ein Kampfer auf den Tod tratst du in's Leben;
Frﬁh schlang der Lampe Fleiss die Jugendgluten,
Zum Hﬁchsten mochte Freiheit dich ermuthen.

Ein Sicking konnte nur Ersatz dir geben,

Doch raubte dir das Schicksal auch den Guten,
Und einsam starbst du fﬁr dein kﬁhnes Streben.

This was an echo to the existing climate in Germany
where the "Karlsbader Beschlﬁsse" had brought an end to the
aspirations of the "Burschenschaften" who had.worked for a
unified Germany. The decrees had done away with political
and intellectual freedom. Perhaps the tone of this poem is

too sentimental, but when one considers the upheavals of that

time with the desire for normalization, then it will be

50
understood as an appeal to rally those who wanted to change
the inequities in their country.

Not much later, Mﬁnch in a courageous apostrophe empha-
sizes dramatically Hutten's political mission which had again
become relevant. Hutten's spirit is evoked, like Hamlet's
by the great bard. The following lines suggest a provoca-
tive image of Hutten:

So gehe denn, erhabene Gestalt, wie Hamlets Geist
Mit gezﬁcktem Schwert ﬁber die Bﬁhne, wo sie der-
mal ein noch bunteres Wesen zu treiben beginnen,
als da du Hochstratens Gesellen und die ganze un-
lautere Schaar der Feinde Teutschlands bekampftest:
gehe hin, versuche dein Glﬁck noch einmal bei dei-
nen Teutschen, und zﬁrne nicht, wenn du eitel Kna-
benspiel und den Hohn der Unreinen ﬁber den Grabern
groser Jahrhunderte erblickst. Doch, wenn sie dich
auch jetzt nicht aufnehmen, wies deinem hohen Wesen
gebﬁhrt; dann kehre auf immer nach deiner Uffnau
zurﬁck. Ihr Undank wird dann statt des Denkmals 20
sein, das deiner unbezeichneten Grabstatte fehlt.

The industrial revolution had initiated great changes in
the structure of society, causing upheavals among the working
classes, as their conditions deteriorated drastically. Libe-
ral ideas too had taken hold in Germany. They were advanced
by the proponents of the ”Junges Deutschland" who advocated
a progressive and enlightened order which was to search and
deal with the problems caused by the loss of economic inde-
pendence (impoverishment), industrial exploitation, and poli-
tical tutelage.

August Graf von Platen-Hallermﬁnde (1796-1835) took

issue with the occurrences during the Polish uprisings, casti-

gating those who had been unreceptive to the need for

51
political change from the established and timeworn order,
the supporters of extreme conservatism. Rhetorically he puts
this question in his poem "An einen Ultra" (1831):
Und ist es neu, was einst der Weltgemeinde
Freiheit verliehn und Glanz,

Vor jenem fﬁnften Karl und seinem Feinde,
Dem schnoden Unterdrucker Franz? 1

He concludes:

Und sollt' ich sterben einst wie Ulrich Hutten,
Verlassen und allein,

Abziehn den Heuchlern will ich ihre Kutten:
Nicht lohnt's der Mﬁhe, schlecht zu sein!

In this last stanza Platen expresses clearly his admira-
tion for Hutten, for the one who had fought so valiantly,
even when his support had dwindled away. Coupled with this
is his anger which had been stirred up witnessing the bloody
suppression of freedom in Poland by the reactionary forces.
Thus, this attack of Platen is directed against any form of
despotism.22

Anastasius Grﬁn23 (1806-1876) had been one of those
who had revived political poetry. His opposition was among
others against clericalism and the stifling reactionary mea-
sures of Metternich. He endorsed the idea of establishing
complete freedom, including the freedom of expression.

Grﬁn addressed the emperor directly in his epic Der

letzte Ritter (1830) in which he expressed his admiration

 

and acceptance of the former "Last Knight, the Emperor

Maximilian I (1459-1519) to whom this poetic biography in

52
Alexandrine verse had been dedicated.

2 .
" 4 contains one

The epic, also called a "Romanzyklus,
part entitled "Ulrich von Hutten," treating the poet-knight.
It deals with the episode in Augsburg when Hutten was crowned
poet-laureate by the emperor. The emperor expressed that
awarding the laurel wreath to the poet, who was equally
adept with the sword and the pen, was the nicest duty that
he could have exercised.

Hutten had finally found recognition through the empe-
ror's action, he had found joy by being crowned by Peutinger's
daughter Konstanze. Now a ray of peacefulness shone upon
the restless one, and he dared to look ahead to moments of
domestic tranquility. Yet even at that time he thanked the
emperor and reiterated his total committment to his fight for
national unity and freedom.

Grﬁn was here the first one "der Hutten um seiner selbst
willen in einer Episode, der Dichter Kronung durch Maximilian,
Dank abstattet.”25 Grﬁn did identify originally with Hutten.
Later, though, he must have had second thoughts about the
topic which led him to drop this episode.26

Nikolaus Lenau27 (1802-1850) had at one time plans to
deal with Hutten in an epic poem,28 as he had expressed in
a letter to Emilie Reinbeck (Wien, March 14, 1838): "Ich
habe zwei grosere epische Gedichte in der Arbeit: Hue und
Hutten. Bis zum Herbst mﬁssen sie fertig sein, wenn meine

Gesundheit ausreicht." But he did not get past the original

research. However, in his lyrical epic "Die Albigenser"

53
(1842) he depicts the resistance of the heretics in southern
France during the 13th century against papal despotism.

There he states:

Das Licht vom Himmel laBt sich nicht versprengen,
Noch last der Sonnenaufnan sich verhangen

mit Purpurmanteln oder au len Kutten:

den Albigensern folgen die Hussiten

und zahlen blutig heim, was sie litten;
nach HuB und Ziska kommen Luther, Hutten,
die dreiBig Jahre, die Cevennenstreiter,
die Stﬁrmer der Bastille, und so weiter.29

Lenau views Hutten as a spokesman for freedom, as one
who would not sing the praises of authority. His plan of
the epic trilogy did not materialize.

Heinrich Hoffmann von Fallersleben (1798-1874) was con-
vinced that the reactionary attitude of the government had to
be Opposed. In this he was not alone. Yet one cannot help
to notice the great difference in regard to political involve-
ment and interpretation for action between him and Herwegh,
Freiligrath, and Heine. All of the latter were considered
progressive and liberal. This is not to say that Hoffmann
was not one of them, but traditional concepts were dealt with
by each of them from a different perspective. Hoffmann de-
cried the lack of political interest. He felt that a writer
had to become engaged. This he did with Goethe in his poem

"Goethischer Farbwechsel" (1841) in which he compares him

with Hutten.

54

Der Goethe war fﬁrs Vaterland

Und deutsche Freiheit einst entbrannt:
Er schrieb den Egmont, Gﬁtz und Faust,
DaB manchem Fﬁrsten jetzt noch graust.
Doch Herr von Goethe ward er bald,

Fﬁr Vaterland und Freiheit kalt;

Ei, wie es wunderlich doch geht!

Der Goethe ward ein Hofpoet.

Der Goethe lobte Hutten sehr,

Bewies ihm eine groBe Ehr'.

Und meint', es stﬁnd' um Deutschland fein,
Wenn jeder wollt' ein Hutten sein.
Doch Herr von Goethe sah nicht an

Den weiland hochgepriesnen Mann;

Ei, wie es wunderlich doch geht!

Der Hutten war kein Hofpoet.

Goethe, though once having paid homage to the knight,
is chided for his siding with the privileged class, even for
becoming a courtier.

Hoffmann was interested in the exposure and condemnation
of the defects and weaknesses of the state as well as of soci-
ety. He appeals for freedom and individual rights.

Robert Prutz (1816-1872) was better known as a literary
critic, but he had also tried his hand in poetry and drama.31
Politically, he had been very active and adhered to liberal
and socialistic ideas. He had shown little patience with the
traditional veneration of antiquated heroes. Consequently,
he gives only sparing recognition to those who warrant it,
but this not without caustic comments. This becomes apparent

in his poem "Hutten" (1843):

55

Was Hutten hin! was Hutten her!

Ich mag von ihm nichts hﬁren.

LaB, deutsche Jugend, nimmermehr

Von Hutten dich betﬁren.

Ich geb' es zu, er meint' es gut,
Doch hatt' er viel zu rasches Blut:
Schon heut', vor drei Jahrhunderten
Rief er zu den Standarten,

Schon heut', vor drei Jahrhunderten -
O Hutten, lerne warten!

Und wo er einen Schurken fand,

Und ging er auch in Seide,

Gleich war am Degen seine Hand

Der Degen aus der Scheide!

Was nﬁtzt' es ihm? was bracht' es ein?
Auf Ufnau ruht sein mﬁd Gebein:

Noch heut', nach drei Jahrhunderten,
Gibt's Schurken aller Arten,

Noch heut', nach drei Jahrhunderten -

O Hutten, lerne warten!

D'rum sollst du, Jugend nimmermehr
Dir ihn zum Beispiel nehmen:

Sey gut, sey groB - nur nicht zu sehr!
Auch Jugend lerne zéhmenl

Die Ungeduld, die Ungeduld,

Die ist an allem Uebel schuld:
Vielleicht nach drei Jahrhunderten,
Vielleicht, wir konnen warten, -
Vielleicht nach drei Jahrhunderten
Weh'n vorwarts die Standarten!

In ten stanzas Prutz gives a short commentary-like
assessment of Hutten. He criticizes him for his impatience
and his lack of judgement, but also for his deplorable record
of achievement as a consequence of this. Then he turns to
the youth of Germany and implores them not to look at Hutten
for inspiration or to permit him to mislead them by his impe-

tuous activity.

56

Prutz had seen Hutten in his historical perspective,
and he had concluded that he had not been effective and even
detrimental, as he had been unable to control his stormy
temper. If the unquestionable faith in the virtue of the
cause he served was to be sustained, then he had to prove
that he could face up to any adversity prudently and.without
hesitation.

"32 one of

Korrodi calls this "ein galliges Gedicht,
disapproval in a time of great hOpe and expectation.
While much had been said and written about Hutten,
it was Heinrich Heine (1797-1856) with his acid humor who
draws a line from Hutten's "Dunkelmanner" to those of his
own generation. In no unmistaken terms Heine declares that
those, whom Hutten had once described, were still around.
In "Deutschland, ein Wintermarchen" (1844) he writes:
Ja, hier hat einst die Klerisei
Ihr frommes Wesen getrieben,

Hier haben die Dunkelmanner geherrscht,
Die Ulrich von Hutten beschrieben.

Dummheit und Bosheit buhlten hier
Gleich Hunden auf freier Gasse;

Die Enkelbrut erkennt man noch heut
An ihrem Glaubenshasse. -

And again he strikes out against intolerance and censor-

ship in "Der Ex-Nachtwachter" (1844):

Wie du33 zuckst beim Namen Hutten!
Ex-Nachtwéchter, wache auf!

Hier die Pritsche, dort die Kutten,
Und.wie ehemals schlage drauf.

57

GeiBle ihren Rﬁcken blutig,
Wie einst that der Ullerich;
Dieser schlug so rittermutig,
Jene heulten fﬁrchterlich.

Heine presses for action. Hutten's role becomes now
that of the advocate for the oppressed. This sounds radical
and revolutionary. But it had its appeal to the like-minded.

The Swiss Gottfried Keller (1819-1890) dedicated his
poem "Lied eines Zerrissenen” (1844) to the political acti-
vists, reminding them that they could look back to a long
line of people, people who had experienced rejection and
obscurity. Keller begins with the ”old future," an allusion
to a goal not yet achieved. As he continues, he cites the
fate of a number of other authors, the ancestors of those
who are persecuted. He begins:

Der Hutten schlaft im Zﬁrichsee,
Der Platen am blauen Meer;

Und beiden war das groBe Herz
Zerrissen und gar schwer!

He ends with a reference to his contemporaries:

Da humpelt noch der Freiligrath
Mit seinem klaffenden RiB!
Willkommen...
In unsre FinsterniB!
The tone is depressing, showing the conflict between
those who failed to gain recognition for their valiant

attempts, and those who had made their peace with the autho-

rities.

58

Emil Bucher dedicated his epic Ritter, Ulrich von

 

Hutten (1840) to the humanist poet-knight. In the preface
he states that not all the words spoken by Hutten coincide
with his principles. But he declares Hutten as "der ritter-
lichste Gelehrte und der gelehrteste Ritter."34 He por-
trays Hutten as a firebrand with a message, which is still
resounding, though not with a pleasant voice, but with one
in patriotic unpretentious German. The writer continues to
explain that for this reason and to achieve the maximum im-

"35 a stan-

pact he has chosen to use the "Nibelungenstrophe,
za used before to describe heroic events.

The author also states that Hutten should have received
a literary monument by a gifted and famous writer and not by
a poetically inclined admirer. But since there had been no-
body around doing this, Bucher felt compelled to honor the
man who had sacrificed so much for his people.

Bucher's Hutten-story is a semi-fictionalized version
of the poet's life. He begins with putting Hutten, Emperor
Maximilian and Franz von Sickingen into the same distinguish-
ed group, the last of the true knights, a triumvirate only
overshadowed by Charlemagne. And from there Hutten's motto
"Ich hab's gewagt!" originated.

The epic starts on a negative note: a curse and an
escape which precipitate revenge. This is counterbalanced
by the reunion with a long-lost friend. The climax occurs

with Hutten's coronation by the emperor as poet-laureate.

The last high point in Hutten's life is his active

59
participation in the fight against Duke Ulrich von Wﬁrttem-
berg. Before Hutten passes away he sees again his friend.
He has also a vision in which Germania, the mother of his
country, appears in various future historical stages: first
in the upcoming religious disturbances, the Peasant's War;
then, during the French domination along with Napoleon's
warfare and absolute rule; and, finally, amid the eventual
breaking of the imperial crown which is taken away, only to
be returned later. Thus, three centuries, the time between
Hutten's demise and the author's writing, are represented by
the episodes of Hutten's vision.

The epic is really too much of a fictionalized account
of the poet's life. It is a rather chauvanistic presenta-
tion, better suited for propaganda purposes. The chapters
are contrived and do not fit into a continuing sequence.
Perhaps the author was aware of this and did this intention-
ally, as many parts of Hutten's life have never been fully
disclosed, and these blank spaces in time had to be covered
somehow.

Poetically the work drags, it borrows unsuccessfully
from well-known epics from the Middle Ages. The application
of the "NibelungenstrOphe" was not the best choice, because
Hutten could never be the hero of the action. His life does
not report anything that could be considered in the knightly
tradition. .

On balance, the unexiting elements are dominating. The

author tried to rectify this with the prophetic vision in

60

the last scene. But the concluding lines

Entseelt liegt die Stirne,

Die manchem Sturm gedraut,
Geschlossen sind die Blicke,

Die schauten scharf und weit. -
Er starb, der's Schwert gefﬁhret
Als Ritter unverzagt,

Er starb, der schwang die Fagkel,
Rufend: "Ich hab's gewagt!"

sound as if something had to be added. They sound artifi-
cial and forced.

Shortly afterwards, Robert Weber (1824-1896) tried

his hand with the dramatic poem Huttens Abschied (1849).

 

It is in stark contrast to all of those works that had advo-
cated justice and freedom. At the start there is one of
Ossian's Songs which shows the bard following the warrior,
thus preserving the heroic accomplishments for succeeding
generations. Obviously this is an attempt to do likewise
for Hutten.

Weber dedicated this work to the legendary Hohenstau-
fen Kaiser who had brought prestige and might to Germany
far beyond her borders.

Hutten is introduced moralizing about his impending fight
for freedom. He resolves his inner conflict with his sense
for honor and duty, and all the arguments of his mother are
to no avail. He feels that he must keep the oath he took
after he had left the monastery, a promise to fight and des-
troy those untruths which were ruining his nation.

Hutten enters action whenever freedom is at stake.

Yet, even on his way to become involved, he is compelled to

61

rationalize about the whys and hows for his decision, con-
vincing himself that sacrifices are required so that the
chances for a better future will come about. And he con-
cludes: "Das Streben nach dem Leben/ Wiegt wohl ein Leben
auf voll Ruh' und Schlummer./ Die Wﬁrfel sind geworfen,
dunkle Saat,/ Die sich entfaltet nach des Himmels Rath!”37

The author admits that he had treated the material
with poetic license. Hutten was for him the bravest and
strongest man who had fought for the dissemination of know-
ledge and for the independence of Germany: "Als Redner und
Dichter strahlte er seiner Zeit ein Stern erster GroBe, in

seinem kleinen Korper wohnte ein hoher freier Geist, der

fﬁr alles GroBe und Edle glﬁhte, und eine warme, von jedem
n38

Eigennutze ungetrﬁbte Vaterlandsliebe.
Hermann Kurtz (1813-1873) is a representative of the
movement "Vormarz" that dealt with pressing problems of his
time. I refer to his ballad ”Ostern 1525" (1846) which
deals with the peasants' war which is seen in this poem as
a struggle for freedom and justice against the unlawful ty-
ranny of the feudal overlords. It accuses them: "Ihr aber
habt vom Licht der Sonnen/ Stricke der Knechtschaft schnod
gesponnen,/ Die ihr das Mark des Landes freBt,/ Herab von

Aar- und Habichtsnest!"39

The peasants had lacked leader-
ship, they had wanted to be lords themselves. But utterly
defeated, they lived a dog-like existence. Jorg (Frunds-
berg) had been called upon to avenge the excesses of the

peasants even with the endorsement of the Wittenberg pope.

62
Rhetorically, the question is asked: "Volksritter, bist denn
du so fern,/ Hort wider Kronen, wider Kutten,/ St. Georg der

41 Hutten had been dead for two

deutschen Freiheit, Hutten?"
years, yet he was still admired by some as a meritorious
man, especially at the time when parts of Germany despaired
in the cause of freedom.

The editor Volkmann42

characterizes the poem as an
”unter dem Alpdruck der letzten Vormérzzeit in den Misernten
stﬁhnende Zeitballade.”

The restless spirit of nationalism touched many of those
from the academic ranks who wanted to help their country.
Among them was a liberal-minded man who had toyed with the

idea of writing a Hutten-tragedy, Carl Schurz (1829-1906).

In his Lebenserinnerungen he explains what eventually came
43

 

of his plans.

After the 1848 revolution, a period of transition took
place. One can detect a confrontation between the adherents
of democracy and absolutism. The socialist movement was
drifting away from the alliance it had formed before with the
liberal bourgeoisie, the third estate. The workers began to
organize themselves and to exhort others to unify in their
struggle.

Ferdinand Lassalle (1825-1864) proclaimed his call for
social justice. At a time when the theater reflected a trend
where shallowness and "hollow phrases"44 were all too common,
while at the same time "the belief in the exclusive rights of

4
the ideolizing form is strenuously upheld." 5 Lassalle

63

demonstrated with his play Franz von Sickingen (1859) that

 

the drama should be utilized to advance visionary ideas that
were meant to help to correct prevailing iniquities. This
play still reflects very definitely the pre-revolutionary
ideology, as it attempts to bring out a mood of national and
revolutionary sentiments. Lassalle had thought once that he
had written the ”tragedy of the revolution,"46 the vehicle
through which he could address the people with his ideas.
The stage characters become the speakers for political
thoughts, and through this they become less realistic in the
eyes of the public.

Initially, one would think that Sickingen is the hero
of this play. But upon closer examination of it, we find
that Hutten ”wird ...zum eigentlichen Trager der Handlung."47
Lassalle uses Hutten as a spokesman for his own sentiments,
stating that he had made him as "den Spiegel seiner Seele,"
and he added ”Ich konnte das, da sein Schicksal und das mei-
nige einander vollkommen gleich und von ﬁberraschender Ahn-
lichkeit sind."4

The play deals with the national calamity in Germany:
a foreign ruler, the emperor, the grab for power and privi-
leges by the princes, and increased Church interference;
this all contributed to more suppression of the peasants.
Into this situation steps Sickingen with his passionate
comrade-in-arms, Ulrich von Hutten. Sickingen, encouraged
by Hutten, takes action to establish national unity. But

great hOpes were dashed when Hutten returns from an

64
unsuccessful mission to the royal court. He expresses that:
"Ihr wiBt es, welche Hoffnungen wir alle,/ Das ganze Deutsch-
land und Ihr selbst zumeist,/ Auf dieses Jﬁnglings Haupt ge-

49

setzt." Hutten had been unable to receive an audience at

the court; in addition, he had to flee, as the "Romanisten
HaB" had tried to eliminate him "durch Gift und Schwert."50
Sickingen still wants to convince the emperor that the na-
tional interest of Germany should come first, yet he, too,
fails in his attempts.

When Martin Luther is put into the "Reichsacht," Hutten's
involvement accelerates. From here on the action revolves
around Hutten. He now lends force to the idea that Sickingen
must go through with his plans to establish a national state,
united by Lutheran ideas and supported by the knights. He
suggests the usurpation of the emperorship if that was neces-
sary for the creation of stability in the country.

Hutten is determined to make it possible that Sickingen

will become the "Auferwecker der Nation,‘ and he declares:

Entzﬁnde dich, entflamme deinen Willen

Am stolzen Anblick deiner eignen Kraft.

Sieh, Franz, wer steht wie du in Deutschlands Gauen?
Auf dich hofft jeder Freund der neuen Lehre,

Auf dich blickt jeder Stand im weiten Reich!

Die Fﬁrsten scheuen dich. Es scheltet dich
Den "Gegenkaiser" selbst der Feinde Menge,
Im Schimpf noch ehrend und erkennend deine Macht!51

But Sickingen is not the man who would or could carry

through with such a mission. He is a prisoner of his caste.

65

When he conducts his fight with the princes, notably Richard
Greifenklau, the bishop of Trier, he does this in the custo-
mary manner of the knightly feuds, stratagems and honor.
However, this seals the uprising's success and his own fate,
as he has not the ruthlessness nor the craftiness as well

as the farsightedness to pursue such an immense undertaking.
In the end, he must pay for his cause with his own life.
Before he dies, Hutten appears and brings him encouraging

news 2

...Ich bringe beBre Kunde noch

Mach dich bereit, Franz, GroBes zu vernehmen.
Die Zeit ist da! Der Bauer greift zum Schwert!
Dich heischt zum Fﬁhrer er. In seinem Auftrag
Steh ich vor dir. Sprich aus ein Wort - und dir
Ersteh ein Heer von underttausend Bauern.

Das Land steht auf!

When Hutten realizes that Sickingen is a dying man,

he laments:

Zusammenbricht mit diesem einen Mann

Das deutsche Vaterland - in Scherben liegen

Die Hoffnungen, fﬁr welche wir gelebt.

Machtlos mit deinem Tod, weicht bang zurﬁck

Der Adel, wirft ans Fﬁrstentum sich hin,

Das um sich greifend unser Reich zerreist;

Zu seinem Schranzen sinkt er schnell herab!

Des Halts beraubt, sich selbst miBtrauend, spinnt
In seines Weichbilds Sondervorteil sich

Der Stadter ein und stirbt dem Ganzen ab.

- Der Bauer nur bleibt treu dem grosen Zweck,

Er greift zum Schwert - doch auf siCh selbst
beschrankt,

Schleppt er zur Metzgerbank nur seinen Leib,

Zur blutigen, bedeckt mit seinem graBlich
Gevierteilten Gebein die weite, deutsche Erde, -
Die schaudernde!

66

— Du stirbst und nimmst in deine Grube mit

was dieses Leben lebenswert gemacht.

Mich tragt mein flucht'ger FuB jetzt ins Exil,

Doch nicht auf lange: wen'ge Wochen, und -

Es eint sich meine Asche deinem Staub. 53
Kunft'gen Jahrhunderten vermach' lCh unsre Rache!

Hutten expresses his conviction that, due to the lack of
leadership, the peasants' struggle was doomed.

Throughout the play, Hutten prods Sickingen and calls
for action. He was the man who puts his confidence into a
man who was not up to the responsibility thrust upon him by
events and his friends.

Lasalle's problem becomes evident in this work, for he
could not decide who of the two men should lead the revolu-
tion. He was also torn between the "Reichsritterschaft,"
the obsolete and influential elite, and the socially depri-
ved peasantry, the proletariat of its time. In addition,
Lassalle had unwittingly shifted his total emphasis to Hut-
ten, as he becomes the pivotal character of the play, from
whom the initiative for action is generated.

Some of Lassalle's difficulties can be traced to his
dependency on Schiller's style of dialogue. The play is
too rhetorical and shallow, due to its speeches which carry
politically motivated ideas. The work loses its strength.
The protagonists appear as lackluster characters who are
not involved with the ideas they discuss.

Sickingen was to personify the failure of the revolu-

tion. But he lacked the needed leadership qualification

67
for a situation so different from his former successful ex-
ploits. In addition, he had not learned to cope with reality.
So, he was the wrong person to represent the cause of the
people. Here Hutten takes over from his friend.
Originally, Lassalle had hoped to have his tragedy per-

54 But its length and the need for the

formed professionally.
huge cast made this impractical. It took some time before
it was performed on a laymen's stage, initiated by the All-
gemeine Deutsche Arbeiterverein. But there difficulties de-
veloped because of the iambic rhythm which Lassalle had not
always been able to place in an acceptable and correct pat-
tern.

While Lassalle had still hopes to convey his ideas via
the regular theater, the socialist worker's movement through
its leadership was convinced that it had to form its own
system for the expressed purpose to inform their people.
Thus, the "Fortbildungsvereine" were established. It was
their task to exhort, encourage, and to demonstrate. A
prime part of this was the laymen's theater, which was
drafted into political mass service. This theater brought
an independent cultural stimulus tailored to the taste and
needs of its class. "Vordringlich geht es in den Gespra-
chen (recited plays) um die Berechtigung des Kampfes der
Arbeiterbewegung und um ihre Ziele,..."55

This idea had its predecessor in the ”Liebhaberbﬁhnen"

of the upper classes, the courts of the princes and later

on the bourgeoisie. At first the workers c0pied these,

68
showing no more than only live pictures.56

"Festspiele" were another form to catch the fancy of the
audience. These could be traced to the tradition of the
"Mysterienspiele" of the Middle Ages or the plays specifi-
cally performed for the holidays. In time, these plays al-
lowed in disguise to communicate encoded ideas to the work-
ing class audience. As some leaders could not freely add-
ress their people, they employed this mode. Among them was
Manfred Wittich (1851-1904), a man who worked incessantly
through his writings for the working man. It was his aim
to free this class from industrial dependency, to see it in
time emancipated.

Some of his writings do not appeal to us aesthetically,
but they were meant for the people of his time. Once Lieb-
knecht told him: "Sie sollen fﬁr Arbeiter schreiben, und die
sollen Sie doch verstehen?"

Hutten's upcoming anniversary gave Wittich an opportu-

nity to write his "Reformationsfestspiel" Ulrich von Hutten

 

(1886). The play is chosen to portray the events of the six-
teenth century when Hutten had challenged the tyranny of the
Catholic Church and the increasing power grab of the crafty
princes. Just like Lassalle, Wittich sees Sickingen's rebel-
lion as a revolutionary action. Hutten had allied himself
with this cause that culminated with the unsuccessful Pea-
sants' War.

Throughout the play, Hutten appears as the champion of

the oppressed, always honorable and ready to oppose the

69
abusive overlordship of the princes and foreign lords who
were so dominant. At the beginning Hutten sides with the op-
pressed when he assists a farm couple against the arbitrary
acts, the robbery of some "Landsknechte," reprimanding them
afterwards: "Wer Friede halt, soll auch Friede haben./

e?"58 And he ex-

Wo bleiben wir, wenn der Bauer nicht war
claims a little later: ”Die Wahrheit ist fﬁr alle wahr,/
Und nicht nur das Eigentum der AuserwahltenI/ Das eben wird
der Segen unserer Zeit,/ DaB ihre Quellen reicher, lautrer

flieBen."59

Hutten advocated equality.

When some students begin to sing in Latin, he corrects
them, reminding them that the language in Germany is German.
He wants to make it clear that thoughts should be expressed
without bombast, in simple terms, so that even the uneduca-
ted mind could understand them.

The burning of Luther's writings causes another of Hut-
ten's challenges. Again this is a reminder of the political
climate encountered by the workers who were stifled by the
authoritarian censorship of the government. Luther's appear-
ance before the Diet of Worms causes Hutten to reflect:

Wollt sich der Reichstag doch einmal befassen
Mit dem gemeinen Volk und seinem.Wohl!

Da streiten sich Herzﬁge, Fﬁrsten, Aebte,
Bischﬁfe, Kardinale, Stadteherrn

Um ihren eignen Vorteil hin und her; -

Doch an den armen Handwerkzgann, den Bauern
Denkt keiner dieser Herrn!

In an ensuing argument between students and travelling

journeymen, Hutten chides the former: "Was muB ich hﬁren?

7O

Warum schmaht Ihr mir/ Die fleiBgen Leute vom Handwerksstand!/
Ist das H U M A N I T A S, Ihr Herren Gelehrten?"61 Shortly

afterwards, he realizes sadly that the gulf between the

classes would remain:

Mir ahnt es schon, noch lange leider wﬁhrts,
Eh, alles sich zu Einem Zwecke fﬁgt,

Wo allen Thuns und Handelns Mittelpunkt

Und Angel ist der allgemeine Nutz.

Jetzt rafft und raubt ein Jeder nur fﬁr sich,
Wenns hoch kommt etwa noch fﬁr seine Gleichen.
Zerrissen ist in Kasten und in Gilden,

Die nur das Ihre suchen, heut die Welt!

Wo glﬁht die allgemeine Liebesfla e,

Die einst der Nazarener predigte?

Whenever and wherever Hutten sees a wrong committed,
he castigates it. Thus, Tetzel63 draws a hard rebuke from
him, since his selling of indulgences clearly demonstrates
the exploitation of the people by the Church:
Was ist das fﬁr ein Unfug? Hat kein Ende
Das Zehnten und das Schinden unsres Volks?
Mein Reich ist nicht von dieser Welt! So sprach
Dereinst der Herr! Gieb, was Du hast den Armen.
Und Rom? - Es nimmt von aller Welt, was ngz
Zu holen ist und dient dem Gotten Mammon.
Again this must be understood as a direct reference to the
exploitive measures against the people by those who benefit-
ted from the growth of industrialization.
Hutten continues his fight, convinced that truth cannot
be kept suppressed. He is not afraid to die, and he is not
willing to submit to foreign bondage. Yet it does not mean

that he would act foolishly:

71

Ich bleibe frei, weil ich den Tod nicht fﬁrchte.
Auch wird man nimmermehr von Hutten h5ren,
DaB einem fremden Konig er gedient!

Sich gar dem Papst dienbar gemacht!

Und weil ich die Wahrheit nicht lassen kann,
Meid ich die Stadte, bleibe frei verborgen,

Wenn frei bei Menschen ich nicht wohnen kann.65

And these lines express Hutten's position and avocation.66

He turns to all of Germany and pleads with her people:
"LaBt doch nicht streitn mich allein,/ Erbarmt Euch ﬁbers
Vaterland!/ Ihr werthen Deutschen regt die Hand.”67 He con-
cludes: "SchlieBt alle einmﬁthig Euch zusammen,/ Der Lehr-
stand, Wehrstand und der Nahrstand auch/ Und sucht allein
gemeinen Nutz zu f6rdern,...."68 This is followed by this
exhortation:

Des Einen Lust sei nicht des Andern Leid,

Des Einen Engel nicht des Andern Teufel,

Des Einen Brod sei nicht des Andern Hunger,

Des Einen Leben nicht des Andern Tod!

Nun wohlan Ihr Freunde, auf nach....

The conclusion is a plea for action so that all the
people can struggle jointly for the common goal.

The tone of the play is "Volkstﬁmlich." By having cho-
sen the time of the Reformation, the author could point out
the similarities with his own time. The man Hutten is por-
trayed arguing for a just cause, and always being there when
needed. This might be plausible even though it appears too
contrived.

The choice of words is sometimes puzzling, and a certain

72

cynicism shows through when Wittich, for example, refers to
the sales of indulgences as "Glaubenslotterie"70 and to the
pope as the "groBen und schlauen Handelsmann im Sﬁden."71

This is not a work which can be seen as an outstanding
achievement in literature. But it reflects an era of genuine
concern for people in torment and trouble. Wittich was one
of their most gifted spokesmen, pleading their cause elo-
quently. V

Wittich's mentor, Friedrich Bosse (1848-1909), was a
well-known leader of the worker's movement. He felt strongly
that the proletariat should be informed and entertained in

its own cultural setting. It was Bosse's desire that the

people's concerns should be presented on the stage of the
['72

"Fortbildungsverein, an outgrowth of the "Arbeitervereine.'
To accomplish this, he took great care to develop works for
the stage that would serve this purpose.

Initially, Bosse wrote under the assumed name of Hein-

rich Friedrich, mostly pieces that served propaganda purposes.

Among these was Die Alten und die Jungen (1888). In it, he

 

expresses his hope and conviction that the future will bring
a time when harassment and any infringement will be elimina-
ted.

In this first literary attempt, Bosse places with the
representatives of the modern worker's movement Ulrich von
Hutten and Hans Sachs, along with two medieval mercenaries
and two travelling journeymen. Thus, the progressive ele-;

ments of the past and the present are represented.

73

The choice of Hutten as a leading character in this
play could be due to Wittich's play, which still must have
been on Bosse's mind.73 The combination of the new, the
good, and the rightful demands for freedom and justice are
the underlying themes of this play. It was performed on the
occasion of the anniversary celebration of the "Verein."

The prologue explains the reason for the play, pointing
to those who had lived up to the ideals,and for this reason
should be emulated. Hutten introduces himself as a champion
of freedom. Hans Sachs explains their mission, for after
having watched the situation on earth from heaven for 300
years, they had to conclude that the nations kept on wrecking
any chance for progress because they were too busy fighting
each other:

Doch, der Hochmutsteufel ist in sie gefahren,

Das sieht man an ihren ganzen Gebaren:

Elemente haben sie in Dienst gezwangt,

Aber immer fuhlen sie sich noch beengt.

Statt zu fordern ihr eigenes Glﬁck,

Brechen sie einander das Genick,

So lange man ngch hat rohe Gewalt, 74

Bekommt das Gluck keine rechte Gestalt.
But the ”heavenly” delegates want to find out what the condi-
tions on earth really are. So they accept an invitation to
partake in the celebration of the club. It is through this
organization that they are made aware that their works -
Hutten's and Sachs' - have given the new generation encourage-
ment and inspiration. And Hutten agrees with the observation

of the club's manager: "Mit dem Schwert da ist es vorbei;/

Wir werden auch ohne das frei / Uns kann das nur durch

74

Arbeit gelingen,/ Hier gilt allein ein kraftig Ringen. - "75
and he remarks: "Uberall auch in der ganzen Welt/ Geschieht
ja alles nur um das Geld,/ Nur immer ist das Geld die trei-
bende Kraft,/ und dabei es so manches Unheil schafft."76
One of the journeymen, who while unemployed went through the
experience of starvation, adds sarcastically: "Denn ich fand
da drauBen manchen frei,/ Das heiBt, frei von Arbeit und
Brot,/ Hatte gar viel Hunger und Not,/ .."77

While the stage manager/director concurs with these
findings of shortcomings, he points confidently to the future.
He is convinced that the peOple have suffered enough and that
they must and will strive jointly for a new era. Through
vigorous actions, they must proclaim their ideas and goals.

In the ensuing interval gymnasts perform, accompanied
by music, a reminder of the tradition of Turnvater Jahn,
who had believed that all things must live in harmony for
the good of spirit and body.

When the "heavenly" delegates get ready for their depar-
ture, Hans Sachs is satisfied to know that the peOple have
chosen the proper direction in achieving their goal: "Nun
wollen wir wieder zum Himmel gahn/ Der Fortbildungsverein
ist auf guter Bahn."78 Hutten adds this admonition:

Mﬁge es gelingen in kﬁnftigen Tagen
Wie ihr es konnt die Wahrheit sagen.

Wenn ihr auf alles wohl habet Acht,
Dann kann euch schaden keine Macht!
Den Geist man auch nicht tﬁten kann,

75
So oft man ihn auch greifet an.
Das hat euch Ulrich von Hutten gesagt
Der fur sein Lehr' sein Leben gewagt!79

The play was intended as an exhortation for the members
not to lose faith for the establishment of their socialist
goals. The use of historic figures along with their involve-
ment and struggle for freedom was an attempt to establish
the continuation of the former aims and a linkage to their
legitimate cause.

Bosse tried to follow in the tradition of the "Meister-
singer," the artisan-poets of the Middle Ages. And for this
reason, he chose to write in verse. Yet he mastered neither
the diction nor the elements of the cultured language. When
he uses the "Knittelvers mit paarweisem Reim ... verstﬁBt
er laufend gegen das VersmaB. Manchmal kommt es durch die
unbeholfene Reim - und Verskonstruktion zu schwerwiegen -
den Unklarheiten, .."80

Since the actors were amateurs, they were not really
expected to act out their roles in the scenes. They had
been instructed to recite their roles, adding to the impres-
sion of rigid formality. To counteract this, singers and
gymnasts were interjected at certain intervals, activities
performed with which the majority of the audience could
identify.

The play lacks artistic elegance. It is simple, uncom-
plicated and direct. It is an example for the people.

Little is known about Gustav Adolphi, who wrote the

dramatic poem Ulrich von Hutten (1872). Germany had just

 

76
experienced the rebirth as a powerful nation. People were
still emotional about this event, happy, but at the same time
trying to cope with the new situation.

The play recalls episodes from the patriot who had lived
through tempestuous times. Hutten had just found recogni-
tion and is now ready to settle down to a domestic life.

But the election of Emperor Charles I disappoints him and all
those who had hoped for changes.

At the Ebernburg plans are discussed for the implemen-
tation for a new order in Germany. This happens after Hutten
was forced to leave the court of Archbishop Albrecht of
Mainz. But the events at Trier prove to be the unfortunate
turning point for the plotters who must admit that their
vision for a better Germany will not be realized. Their
movement had taken such an irreversible direction that a com-
plete catastrophe had become inevitable. Eventually Hutten
ends up on the island of Ufenau in Lake Zﬁrich where he was
to die.

The language of the drama is often lofty, perhaps a
grand attempt in the style of Schiller. But due to the un-
yielding character of the material, the author was unable to
create a suspenseful plot. And the sequence of events in
the story makes the outcome predictable.

The choice of words include at various occasions out-
moded words (e.g. Huldin, Eidam, Bﬁttel), and, in addition,
the writer employed a great deal of syncopes which prove to

be very distracting (wiederseh'n, verlieh'n, heil'ge).

77
The tone of the play is super-nationalistic, very pro-

German. It lacks imagination and reads haltingly. One is
left with a feeling that this has become an unintentional
farce. Hutten comes across as a crass fabrication, unreal,
who can come up, even before his impending death, with a
strong prophetic vision:

Da geht ein milder Lichtstrahl auf - Jetzt wird

Er hell, - er steigt hoch - (jubelnd) die Freiheit

ist's,
Deutschland's Erleuchtung, welch' ein reizvoll Bild!

Die Fremden flieh'n, - die Romer sind gefesselt
Und hoch zum Himmel ragt der Kaiserthron! 81
Ich komme, groBes Deutschland, nimm mich auf!

Perhaps the least enjoyable work on Hutten is F. Erich

Helf's (1872-1924)82 tragedy Ulrich von Hutten (1893). At

 

most it could be considered as a work of youthful extrava-
gance by one who had been caught up with the Kaiserreich's
emphasis on greatness, by one who had neither an understanding
of the material nor its historical implications.

Here in the play one can detect the author's uncompromi-
sing and biased attitude when he refers to foreigners as
"gallisches Pack," and "walsche Spitzbuben."83 Germany by
contrast is perpetually held up as a country for greatness:
"Unser Volk hat das Weltschicksal zu der groBen Aufgabe auser-
1esen. Wir sollen sie erfﬁllen gegen eine Holle von Feinden.
Durch Erfﬁllung werden wir stark."84 This is in line with
the arrogance of later generations.

In this so-called tragedy, the clergy is pictured as

78
completely lecherous. Hutten's love is fictitious, yet one
of the episodes is followed by a series of related events.
They run through the whole play, sometimes bordering on the
sensational. In addition, these happenings are utilized to
explain why Hutten's life had to end tragically, for as it
turns out, it was a case of rejected love that had craved
for revenge and destruction which brought Hutten's demise.
Hutten also proves that the crusade against Trier was

wholly justified. The new teachings of the Reformation had
made the pope in Rome obsolete. Germany required a German
primate for her church. Yet when the campaign against Trier
ends in disaster for Sickingen, when the worst fears become
a reality, Hutten resigns stoically to his fate:

Wir sind alle Faden an dem GroBen Webstuhl,

die sich bewegen und drum lebendig

dunken; alle tanzen wir in einer Hand und folgen

einem.Willen. Kein Mensch thut, was er will, nur

was er mus; und prahlend nennt er sein Mﬁssen
seinen Willen.

And Nassau states his thoughts in the same vein:

Hiebe kﬁnnen wir schlagen, aber den Schlag leiten
unsichtbare Machte. Wir haben keine Gewalt ﬁber die
Folgen unseres Thuns, und wir erkennen sie nicht
eher, als bis sie uns unabwendlich geworden.
By this time Hutten feels cursed. The debacle of Trier
followed by Sickingen's death has caused him to give up hope
for the pe0p1e's betterment. Disenchanted, he declares rhe-

torically: "Nur der ist fahig frei zu sein, der sich die

Freiheit erringt. Willst Du das Gesindel zur Freiheit

79
zwingen?"87
In one of his final requests he includes a plea which
expresses hope for a better fate than his own for those who
had become victims of his delusive designs. He is then tor-
mented with suicidal thoughts. But in the end Hutten learns
to love and trust God. He makes peace with his creator. It
has become clear to him that it was not his time:
Ich bin zu frﬁh geboren. -- Wie ich all' meine
Plane vernichtet sah, da zweifelte ich an der
Wahrheit und Gﬁttlichkeit meiner Ideale. - Das
war Sﬁnde! - Was ich gewollt, werden Jahrhunderte
nach mir erreichen. Ich bin nicht umsonst gefal-
len. Einer muB zuerst an's Land springen, Prote-

silars88 fallt.
Doch sein Tod verbﬁrgt den Sieg --

Ich grolle dem Schicksal nicht.89

The play is neither skillful nor entertaining. It
drags along for 135 pages. The plot is crudely constructed
and contains some contradictions. The author uses charac-
ters that are hollow and quite unconvincing in their actions
and speeches.

Helf had tried to mold Hutten into a shape as he had
conceived him in his time, a character out of place, a per-
sonality that is unreal and unbelievable.

Concluding this chapter, I would like to refer to some
poems which display a similar interpretation as was demon-
strated by the last few plays.

A new awareness of national pride had come fully to the
surface. Germany was engaged in an effort to catch up. Com-

petition was fierce and the idea of sharing power with other

80
countries was unacceptable. The "Kulturkampf" became a
struggle between the German government and the Roman Catho-
lic Church.

A.T. Brﬁck in 1872 wrote a poem "Die Ménner zu Fulda" in
which he decried the submission of the German Conference of
Bishops to Vatican pressure. These princes of the Church had
assembled in Fulda, ostensibly behind closed windows and
locked doors. In this setting they obeyed Rome's demands.
Some were ashamed, others were spiteful. While this took
place, Hutten's ghost appeared, the very image of the poet-
knight:

Durch die verschlossne Pforte herein mit Geistes-
Miftlichtem Siegesblicke ein Mann in Harnisch
schritt.
Sein Haupt umkranzt mit Lorbeer, in seiner Hand
das Schwert:
gﬁﬁmggézgtvga Ulrich von Hutten, dem Ritter
He greets the assembly, hails the new empire for being now
free from Rome. The churchmen detect scorn in his address,
detect his derision and thus counter his arguments. They
confess their conviction that the truth resides in Rome.

Hutten retorts that if this was the case they should refer

to the Epistolae obscurorum virorum and read there what he

 

had observed. Immediately after this he opens the locked
doors so that they have an opportunity to view reality where
things do not stand still.

Brﬁck sketched a partial scene only from his perspec-

tive, trying to incorporate Hutten's legacy. He appeals to

81
patriotism, pride, and the emotions, rather than to poetic
and historic integrity.
Ernst von Wildenbruch (1845-1909) represents the group
of those who held on to the traditions of the establishment.
Yet, his was a group that tried hard to find a balance be-

tween the extremes.91

He echoed strongly the Protestant
point of view though, which at his time not only bordered
on the prevalent chauvenism, but surpassed it. Wildenbruch
was carried away by his passionate temperament. He lacked
insight and dedication to look for causes and then solve
them. Thus, he appears to some just as a ”rﬁckwartsgewand-
ter Prophet."92 Other critics contend, however, that he had
never left his position of "the rosy glimmer of a simple
youthful belief in ideals which had not been dimmed by ex-
perience."93
Wildenbruch was a prolific writer.94 But his characters
are not alive, even though he presented them in passionate
and lofty terms; they are supposed to represent historical
happenings. He expresses his admiration and gratitude for
the deeds and accomplishments of his historical heroes.
Wildenbruch's poem ”Huttens letztes Lied" (1887)95 was
written to publicize a campaign for a Hutten monument on
Ufenau. The poem is delivered as Hutten's testament when he
was dying on foreign soil. He directs it to his beloved
country and asks for heaven's blessing upon the people. He

is confident because the truth from Wittenberg is spreading,

carried by young people who are asserting their claim to

82

their ancient rights. But the nation should not forget Hut-
ten's motto: "Ich hab' es gewagt!" and the Germans should
follow it:

So wende dereinst, wenn die Zeit sich erfﬁllt,

Zum vertriebenen Sohne dein Angesicht,

DaB mein ruheloses Herz entschlummre im Trost:

Deutschland vergiBt seinen Hutten nicht.

Eight years later, Wildenbruch alludes again to Hutten
in his poem "Ihr habt es gewagt!" (1895). It is a political
poem addressed to a certain segment in the Reichstag.97 In
it he contrasts the representatives of this parliament with
the daring of Hutten:

"Ich hab' es gewagt" - eine schlafende Welt
Fuhr taumelnd empor als das Wort erscholl,

Als Ulrich von Hutten die Nacht zerriB,

Als der Frﬁhlingssturm durch die Lande schwoll.98

Mit allem, was Deutschland euch gab und verlieh,
Mit seiner Sprache, mit seinem Geist,
Kampft ihr fﬁr alles, was Deutschlands Feind, 99
Was den Leib ihn zerfleischt und das Herz zerreist.
In this poem Wildenbruch clearly demonstrates the chau-
venistic Protestant sentiments, of one who expresses his
disappointment with the lack of appreciation for past accom-
plishments. It is no more than a politically motivated out-
burst.
In concluding this chapter, I do not want to overlook
a little poem from Wilhelm Bennecke (1846-1906), entitled
"Hutten Buchdrucker" (1905).100 It is a memorial from an

ardent admirer, showing Hutten in his total dedication to

83

the cause he embraced, never shrinking even from manual work
when this helps to accomplish the goal. In this case he
operates the printing press:

Ritter Ulrich, der Gelehrte,

Eine Druckerpresse fﬁhrt,

Die er neben seinem Schwerte
Sich zur Waffe hat erklart.

Wie ein Brandmal den Verbrecher
Auf die Stirne wird gepragt,
Also mancher arme Schacher

Ulrich Huttens Zeichen tr'agt.101

In a few stanzas, the poem presents Hutten as one who
was involved and influential. Its simplicity is reminiscent
of the Volkslied. It could not fail to impress the faithful,

those who cherished the memory of the poet-knight.

Chapter 3

The Decline and End of Imperial Germany

In the climate of chauvenism and imperialism of the late
Wilhelmenian period lies a special appeal to writers. The
feverish economic and industrial growth of the resurgent na-
tion contributed to materialistic progress, but at the expense
of eroding moral and spiritual values. And here again Hutten
appears in literature to warn and admonish his countrymen.

The first author in this period who dealt with the nati-
onal hero in Germany is Johanna Presler-Flohr (1862-1925).

It was her aim to inspire the people through the example of
the humanist-knight Ulrich von Huttenl in her play Ulrich

von Hutten (1905).

 

The play is somewhat cumbersome, lengthy - 205 pages -
consisting of five acts, each divided into numerous scenes
(15, 15, 14, 24, 12), and a long list of participating charac-
ters (53), plus many extras. Hutten is introduced as the

2

editor of Valla's treatise and a man who opposes "mﬁnchische

3 He is still the "Nemo," unknown and.without

Verdummung."
respect. His brothers invite him to participate in a hold-
up of a merchant's caravan in the typical "robber-knight"

style. Ulrich rejects this idea, for he is quite different,

as his interest is in humanist learning.

84

85
Through his writings Hutten has caught the Church's
wrath. In a dispute over indulgences, he is rescued by the
followers of the”Bundschuh."
During his stay with Sickingen Hutten advises against

Glapion's suggestion for a meeting with Luther away from
4

Worms, because he sees Glapion as "fﬁchsisch und schlau,"
a man not to be trusted.

Hutten tries to make Sickingen see that the new emperor

5

is only "Kaiser der Deutschen nebenbei." He also advocates

., daB uns das Gute oft
H6

fighting for freedom, explaining:
nur durch schlimme Mittel gewonnen werden mus.
Sickingen is driven into his feud with Trier trying to
implement Hutten's program of reform. However, Hutten's
hopes are unrealistic because he believes that together with
Luther they would be able to establish a semblance of order
for spiritual and temporal needs. But they fail. Before
dying, aware of his failure, Sickingen turns to his daughter:
"Ich hab' euch, liebe Kinder, in groB Unheil gestﬁrzt mit

"7 He continues to Frowin Hut-

meinen allzu kﬁhnen Planen.
ten: "Wir beide haben fehl gespielt....Wir hatten uns das
Ziel zu hoch gesteckt. Die Saat, die erst Jahrhunderte
gebraucht zum stillen Keimen und allmahlichen‘Wachstumywir
glaubten sie schon reif zum Ernteschnitt."

Hutten has to go into Swiss exile. There he finds out
about the events in Germany and exclaims:

Die Blﬁte unsrer Ritterschaft sank hin,

Mit Franz, dem ehrenfesten, kﬁhnen Mann.
Mir starb mit ihm der beste, treuste Freund.

86
Wie vogelfrei fﬁhl ich mich in der Welt, 9
Se1t seine starke Hand mich schutzlos laBt.

In spite of the outcome of his fight, Hutten can still
declare at his end: ”Ich lebte gern auf dieser/ Streitvollen
ird'schen; hab mein redlich Teil/ An ihren Kampfen mutig
mitgefochten,/ Trotz aller Fehd' war's eine Lust zu leben."10

Hutten, though, is bitter over the ingratitude of the
nation. He sees his end as a fruit of his youthful trans-
gressions. He is sad that he will not be around to see Ger-
many mature. Defiantly he leaves behind his intellectual
legacy, a work entitled In tyrannos, and dies.

The author tried here to use many details from Hutten's
life. Many sections of the play lack dramatic action and
contain unnecessary details. A case in point is Aleander's
objection to Hutten being on Albrecht's court. In some cases
it is evident that gthgr characters (Hartmut, Sickingen) act
while Hutten is occupied with his daydreams and unrealistic
programs. Yet Hutten is at those moments depicted as a sym-
pathetic fighter whose aim is national unity and freedom for
his peOple. To support this idea the writer tried to conjure
up a man of action. His subsequent failure is explained by
the misunderstanding of the others and by their inability to
grasp Hutten's vision. But this argument is not very convin-
cing.

The play is too sentimental, especially in those parts
where the supporting characters deal with their personal

problems; for example, the reader is introduced to Elsa,

87

Sickingen's eighteen year old daughter, shown in her conflict
between love and duty, in her joys and her despair. Franz
Konrad, Sickingen's son, wants to be a man when he is just a
child. He is an avid Hutten-admirer and demonstrates to him
a faithfulness even after his escape from a traumatic cap-
ture and the knowledge of the collapse of his father's plans.
Hartmut, the fiance of Elsa, is a hothead who admires Hutten,
but he resents the attention Hutten gets, though his dedica-’
tion to the Hutten-Sickingen cause is total.

Often one is left with the impression that the writer
sees the life of Hutten through the enthusiastic eyes of
his mother, as one who is deeply involved and not as one who
is an objective witness.

There are some words interjected throughout the play
which were intended to give a flavor of authenticity, like

"Atzung," ”bag," "schwant, and more. The choice of other
words seem contrived, especially when we read "Lasterglat-
zenkopf" and "Hausschein" as the German equivalent for
Oekolampus.

Karl Kelber (1862-1954) wrote a long epic, Der deutsche
Hutten, Einzelbilder geschichtlicher Dichtung (1910). Kelber
himself was born in Franconia as the son of a Lutheran cler-
gyman who had an interest in literature. For this reason
he was closely exposed to many ideas associated or having
originated with Hutten. He produced a very nationalistic
work, heralding the deeds of one who loves his nation, "der

echteste Deutsche (der)...am Idealismus zu Grunde (geht)."11

88

The author retells Hutten's life in four divisions,
clearly letting the reader know that he is an ardent admirer
of his hero. In a heroic setting many episodes are molded
into a joint whole recounting Hutten's accomplishments.
Hutten is portrayed as a man who fervently struggles against
tremendous adversities, trying to rectify the appalling con-
ditions in his country. Though he is not successful in his
attempts, he is instrumental in getting others involved.

At the outset, Hutten is shown just having gained his
freedom after having left the monastery. He is trying to
become a "German man,"12 and with the help of Krotus he
starts out for the university of Cologne. On the way there
they meet Luther who, in contrast to Hutten, had just entered
the monastery to become a mendicant friar. Hutten, though,
senses that this man will become some day in the future an
opposing force to the established Church.

Not much later, Hutten is on his way to Italy to further
his studies. Soon, however, he finds out that his expecta-
tions had been different from what he encountered. He wit-
nesses corruption and even sees the pope as "Kriegsanstif-
ter,"13 and he also gets a taste of the Romans who look at
the Germans as a nation "das lebt wie Vieh, das brﬁllt in
seinem Urwald bestialisch."14

Hutten yearns for his country and returns home without
having reached his objective. His father is disappointed,
even ashamed of Hutten's lack of accomplishment and calls
him derisively a "Knochenritter,"15 While he disowns his

son, his mother blesses him before he leaves his home.

89

For a second time, Hutten has gone to Italy to complete
his studies. Here the author interjects a section in which
he addresses Hutten directly, commenting on his exploits
and then making references to the three hundred years passed
since, comparing Hutten to Theodor Korner and Ernst Moritz
Arndt, along with references to the victorious Franco-
Prussian War which seemingly realized Hutten's imperial
dreams. Hutten, at that time, is also reminded of Canossa,
understood by him as a sinister event16 where the “Pseudo-
Petrus"17 had humiliated the German emperor.

Upon his return to Germany, Hutten is crowned poet
laureate by Emperor Maximilian I. Even then, Hutten is not
an imposing figure, as a bystander remarks, although his
appearance demands respect:

Ganz Leben, schmﬁchtige Gestalt,

Doch groBen Geistes in allen Blicken.

Kﬁhn, herb, wild alle Regung schmal l8
Und scharf das Antlitz, treu und trotzog.

In the meantime, the "virorum obscurorum" direct their
activities from Cologne. The writer's objective is to dis-
play the corruptive life in the monasteries where pleasures
of opulence were enjoyed while at the same time the resi-

dents' ignorance and their lack of learning is all too evi-

dent. Kelber makes use of the Epistolae obscurorum virorum

 

 

indirectly, trying to satirize the clergy, as had been done
once by their humanist authors, among them Hutten. The
author fails totally to give an objective account, as he

includes in this scene personal bias and ridicule.

90

Hutten is informed of the papal orders for his arrest.
He is also a loser in his quest and courtship of his girl,
who is getting engaged to the Advocatus Adam Knoblauch, for
as the mother of the girl puts it: "Hutten war nichts, ist
nichts, wird nichts."19

Back in Nﬁrnberg, Hutten reports to Pirkheimer about
his observations in and about Italy, her people's arrogance
which was particularly pronounced in respect to Germany:
"...in Venedig geht das Sprichwort: alle Stadte Deutschlands
sind blinde Kﬁhe, nur allein Alt-Nﬁrnberg sieht auf einem
Auge!"20 And then he continues about the war-loving pope's
cravings: "Leo, du machst an einem Tag einunddreiBig Kardi-
nale, und jeder stiehlt uns, was er kann. Du bist der
Deutschen schlimmstes Raubtier."21

Luther and Hutten have made contact with each other, as
both have become upset and angry by the abuses of Rome.

But things do not progress as successfully as Hutten had
hoped for. He receives encouragement. In the solitude of
the forest, he discusses the situation with the "alten
Kaiser Karl" (Charlemagne).

Yearning for action, Hutten takes off on his "Pfaffen-
krieg." This venture contrasts dramatically the difference
between the god-fearing monk Luther who trusts alone in the
power of the word, stating: "Ich will nit, daB mit Gewalt
und BlutvergieBen die Wahrheit man verficht,"22 and the im-

patient knight Hutten who believes that he has to take things

into his own hands: "Die Waffe heilt, das Schwert versﬁhnt...

91
Krieg ist lauternd Feuer."23

As a final phase of attempt to free his nation, Hutten
calls the people to action with an articulate summons. But
the tone of this is abusive, reflecting the author's poor
taste along with his blind dislike for anything "un"-German.
The time for change has not yet come, the members of the
establishment and the Church remain firmly entrenched and in
power.

Hutten is told that Luther's teaching will not be
suppressed. Even though Hutten is ashamed and depressed by
the ongoings in his country, he feels "re-charged" by an ima-
ginary meeting that he has suddenly in the Teutoburger Wald,
the forest where at one time the expansion of the Roman
Imperium had been brought to an abrupt halt. He is assured
that there will come a "zukﬁnftiger protestantischer Kaiser
des Luthervolkes!"24

Since the feud with Trier had ended catastrophically,
Hutten must flee and ends up eventually with Zwingli in

25) The refuge

Switzerland. (Ein Ulrich hilft dem anderen.
there becomes also his final resting place, far away from
his beloved country.

In a long overdue testimonial to Hutten, the author
praises him, reminding the reader that Hutten is still with
them“ With an obvious allusion to Hutten's dreams, he
writes: "Erst nach Jahrhunderten erfﬁllt/ in spater Zeit
sich die wilde Sehnsucht,/ Ist Glaube, Glut all deines

Seins/ GroB aufgewacht zur Tat der Toten."26 He concludes

92
with the promise: "Und weil er lebt, so sei der Kampf/
Allem, was undeutsch ist, verkﬁndetII Wir wollen schlicht und
wahr und deutsch/ Wir wollen zornig sein wie Hutten!"27
Germany should be grateful to Hutten, who had proven that
adversity makes a man, and that sadness creates courage.

This epic is very nationalistic with a strongly biased
tone, which offends our sensibilities in an age after two
world wars.

Hutten is clearly the central character of the epic,
but since a minimum of action revolves around him, various
other characters, some real, others fictitious, were brought
into the picture, so that the events would retain a certain
continuity. To present an aura of historical authenticity,
the author coined words, some of them sounding quite artifi-
cial: Schnarchschlaf, Liedritter, Klotzwerfer, Feuerhutten,
Rittereisenkleid and more. Also his use of the Cologne
dialect serves to give the impression that the epic is a
very artificial concoction of a Hutten-admirer.

Not much is known about the next author, Alfred Joeckel

(*1882) who wrote the play Ulrich von Hutten (1911), ein

 

Schauspiel fﬁr die Deutschen. Joeckel was a liberal writer
who used his pen to unmask the obscurists, the bigots and
the hypocrites, all those who opposed the free expression of
thought and objected to dissent. He was championing a state
that would allow the propagation of ideas,28 without censor-
ship or any other interference. He conceived this play as

well as his satirical Briefe moderner Dunkelmanner.29

 

93

The Opening scene of the play shows some of Hutten's
antagonists deriding Hutten and at the same time justifying
the brazen changes of the Church which allow a conception
that life sould be savored by the clergy, including amorous
adventures. They make this concluding remark: "Die Beichte
endet erst im Schlafgemach."30

Hutten appears, and without further ado he discusses
his ideas, while others had expected him to be the one who
would entertain them. He is tired and finds out that some
of his supporters had been intimidated, among them the one
who had published his works and who had been stopped doing
this. At first, this news makes Hutten angry, but he
realizes his rude behavior and apologizes for it.

Even though Hutten wants to settle down, he feels com-
pelled to seek revenge of the Duke Ulrich von Wﬁrttemberg
for the murder of his cousin Hans von Hutten.

Hutten has to be involved, always discussing his ideas
and expressing his thoughts. In an argument with a priest31
he remarks, in regard to the Church, sarcastically: ”Ver-
nunft ist Ketzerei. Der Stumpfsinn Glauben."32

Hutten had gone to the Netherlands to see the emperor,
but without success. Meanwhile back home rumors have it
that Hutten had been kidnapped by Rome's myrmidons. It was
Angst,33 who informs a group of sympathizers of Hutten's
return. Immediately Hutten appeals to his people to act.

And he is the one who could guide them, "ein Dichter von

echter Kampflust strotzend",34 one who is convinced that

94

”das ist kein Spiel mehr, nein auf Leben und Tod kampft,
wer so schreibt."35

Positions become more pronounced. Opponents of the
Church face adversity. Luther is dismissed by a prelate as
a "...giftig-wildes Tier, herrschsﬁchtig und in Sﬁnden hart
gesotten. Vielleicht auch toll."36 Scheffer, the printer
of Hutten's tracts, is getting frightened: ”Hort denn kein
Gott, wenn unser Angstschrei gellt, wenn Priester morden,
was uns gegeben? 0 die Schurken in dem frommen Kleid."37
A while later he surrenders to his oppressors so that his
family would be spared. Stromer, Hutten's physician, com-
ments: "Im Anfang war das Wort, das Wort war's, das die

"38 Mean-

Welt erschuf. Die Theologen wollen es ermorden.
while, the books condemned by the Church burn.

Hutten has now become aware of Luther's significance
in the struggle and is willing to make common cause with him,
saying: "Ich biet ihm Schwert und Arm."39 He is convinced
the "Wittenberger" had found a way to alert the people so
that they would listen and follow.

Events force Hutten to withdraw to the Ebernburg for
protection. He is described as someone without any assets:
"Er ist nicht schbn, nicht reich, kein guter Christ."40
While Hutten wants to rush into action, Sickingen cautions
to wait. But Hutten does not relent, and relates to him
a dream in which Sickingen had become the emperor.

Luther had to come to Worms and justify his teachings.

Hutten, after recognizing this significant appearance,

95

exclaims: "Die Weltgeschichte steht vor einer Wende."
It is at that time that he becomes disappointed with Eras-
mus, a man lacking the desire for action. Also the Trier
affair turns into a catastrophe for Sickingen and his allies.
Thus, Hutten is disheartened by the state of affairs in Ger-
many and also becomes confused by Luther's position in regard
to physical involvement. His only hope lies now with the
peasants, provided they could find a capable leader, as the
knights have not kept their promises.

In a last desperate attempt to save their cause,
Sickingen sends Hutten away so that he could rally others
to follow them, exhorting him: "Ihr kampft mit Waffen, die
kein Feind besiegt, schlagt Wunden, die Jahrhunderte noch

42

bluten." He reminds him: "Es ist die Zukunft, Freund,

fﬁr die ihr fechtet.”43
New troubles confront Hutten in quick succession.
After having made it to Basel, he is told that Erasmus has
no time for him. He is told too that Sickingen has died
and that he must leave town. But he is advised now to
look for asylum with Zwingli. It is at that time that
he promises to write a treatise against Erasmus, a step
showing his complete disassociation from his former mentor.
"Sagt dem Erasmus, der sein Fahnlein dreht, ich war vor
lauter Ekel vollig satt.... Er soll sich rﬁsten zur Ent-
scheidungsschlacht."44

In the end, the feverish Hutten hallucinates on the

island of Ufenau, referring to his writing against the

96
tyrants while seeing a number of his former friends and ac-
quaintances.

The drama is an attempt to present Hutten as a tragic
hero who, though he had lost, had fought valiantly. The
author, however, could not hold back his bias against the
Catholic clergy and Hutten's antagonists, thus weakening any
convincing argumentation. This opinionated presentation
makes the play contrived. It is, though, an appeal for
the correction of the abuses and practices.

A transitional period sets in. Some of the writers
saw a need for a rejuvenation. Soon the fight for freedom
took on a new urgency, as there was the call for action to
prevent the encroachment from any foreign domination.

The Great War caused the German populace to view the
future with uncertainty and apprehension. Literary writers
became concerned, and some of them felt compelled to close
ranks for the good of their country. Of course, among them
were many nationalists whose efforts sound shrill and dis-
torted to us.

The original enthusiasm had subsided, and it was felt
that some genuine inspiration had to be instilled. Some-
body had to show that the needs of the nation must come
first. Such a person was Adalbert Luntowski (*1883), who
wrote the compact drama Hutten (1916).

The play opens with the final chapter of Hutten's
life, his sojourn and impending demise on Ufenau. A messen-

ger has arrived with the objective of collecting a debt

97
when it is apparent that Hutten is hopelessly ill. This
man is full of disdain for the knight's predicament. Hutten
feels very annoyed by the messenger's presence and requests
him to be removed so that he can spend his remaining hours
undisturbed.

Hutten is certain that his enemies are trying hard not
to let him die in peace. A monk insists on arguing with
him about the benefits of the Church, asking inquisitively:
"Kam nicht der Deutschen Wahrheit aus Rom?"45 following this
up with a rebuke against the humanist's attempts: "Ihr
Deutschen macht ungebﬁhrlich Ernst mit den griechischen
Dingen, die wir Euch ans Licht gefordert...und was haben
die griechischen Dinge mit dem Volk zu tun? Die Kreatur
soll beten und dem verordneten Priester gehorchen."46 It
is clearly an admonition that demands blind obedience to
the instructions of the established institution. Hutten is
irate at this suggestion and retorts: "Ihr treibt es arger
mit dem Schacher als es leibhaftig Satan kann. Ihr Werk-
meister allen Trugs. Ihr Urheber, daB meines Volkes Seele

in Knechtschaft liegt."47

It is a pointed remark to the
obvious deceit of a nation by the perpetrators of false
promises. And true to his character, as a man who wants
to initiate actions against abuses, Hutten promises: "Dies
Feuer, so ich anzﬁnden kam, nicht stﬁrzen und sticken kann
kein Papst und kein Pfaff. Zum Verderben lodern wird es

dermaleinst."48 And reminiscent of Christ's last moments

is Hutten's gesture, aware that his life soon would be

98

concluded, when he addresses Mrs. Schnegg and her son:
"Das ist dein Sohn, das ist deine Mutter."49

Before passing on, Hutten.expresses his conviction that
a rejuvenation will come to Germany and that the Roman corpse
shall be buried. He is happy that he has finally found a
place of rest after all the turbulent years of his life,
during which he had been breathing hatred and ire, fighting
for a German church and the nation. Yet, he also feels

so and aware that

disappointed, having failed like Phaeton
his desire to live a regular life had never materialized.
Looking back, he confesses: "Einmal schien es, als sollte
ich in einen Hafen laufen und ein menschliches Dasein leben
in den Schranken des Friedens."51 But circumstances had
left him to fend with the pen and the sword.

Confident that almighty God had sent adversity so that
he would learn patience, he believes now that everything
will work for the best and that the German church will grow
eventually, as did the German forest: "Alle Schranken stﬁr-
zen. Alle Fesseln brechen. Bis deutsche Seel um Seel
schreit Bruder."52

When lansquenets inform him of Sickingen's death, he
is ready to join his friend in the other world, but not
without urging all those present not to quit the fight for
freedom which is God's will.

The author exhorts his nation to look back in history,

to events that had occurred in Germany which had cast a sha-

dow over the country. It was when he had become more aware

99
of reality, yet without having lost the will to fight.
He is telling them to break with the past and to fight for
freedom, the freedom from foreign domination and tyrannical
rule.

The play should be understood as an attempt to rally
the people to a cause. This is not done with the shrill
voice which one observes so frequently in nationalistic pro-
paganda tirades. It is a short play, not patterned after
the traditional dramatic concepts. Its only action comes
from the very last moments in Hutten's life, a time when he
had become more aware of reality, yet without having lost
his will to believe in his cause. The tone of the play
reflects clearly the author's respect for Hutten. Yet it
is not at all an uncritical endorsement of the humanist-
knight. He is portrayed as a man who admits his hastiness,
as one who had to learn and recognize his limitations. In
the process he became a new person, one who had undergone a
change: "Auf Ufenau ist, als ob dieser Hutten schon gestor-
ben ist, und nun der andere wirkliche Leib lebending wird."

The author used language which is easily understood
by the common reader: rote Wut, Jammertal,einen Pfiffer-
ling angehen, Lumpenritter, Wﬁrstler. The theme throughout
the play says that one must learn from the mistakes of the
youthful past, but at the same time one must try to remain
true to oneself and committed to one's chosen cause. In
addition, the play emphasizes the unsuccessful striving of

a man who had the best intentions, but he was one who had

100
neither the temper nor the talent to channel them into the
proper directions.

Georg-Robert Kerl dared to modernize the historic
Hutten in his "Thesendrama"54 Hutten (1918). In didactic
fashion, the author appeals for an understanding and re-
assessment of beliefs and traditions which had not been
changed with the progress of time.

Hutten and his father represent the bourgeois class,

55 He is

and Ulrich is the youngest member of the family.
a student, who is remaining at the university much longer
than is customary. But he has achieved one thing that the
historical counterpart had not: bourgeois Hutten has re-
ceived his doctorate.

Young Hutten is somebody who wants to be himself.

His father, however, insists that he should obey him, regard-
less what he, the son, wants or feels like doing, as he is
still dependent on his father's support. The opening dia-
logue projects the father as being impatient and not at all
impressed with any of his son's accomplishments.

Ulrich, though, wants to live. And so he asks rheto-
rically: "Sollen die Fremden sagen: Es ist ein schﬁnes und
groBes Land, aber man gahnt so viel in Deutschland?...Mensch
sein, Vater, Mensch sein, das will ich einmal."56

The younger Hutten is chided for his carelessness,
and the father complains that his son has not fulfilled the

expectations of his family, something that would eventually

have a negative effect, insinuating that the military could

101

possibly straighten him out. He characterizes him with the
following remarks in reference to his readings: ”Augerlich
bist du ein Kraftmeier, und innerlich eine Sauce von Philo-
sophie und Religion, ein Ragout von einem ﬁsthetisierenden
Salonphilosophen und einer Betvettel,"57 and Hutten receives
this advice: "Der Kampf ums Leben ist hart. Mit Fausten
und Ellenbogen mus man sehen, daB man zum Ziele kommt. Denn
alles ist ja nur ein Ringen des Egoismus."58

The father holds on to old cherished beliefs and empha-
tically declares that children are raised to assist the pa-
rents in their old age and should not ungratefully pursue
their own desires. To this Ulrich replies: "Helft ihnen
selbstandig und frei zu werden, und ihr werdet sie durch
Liebe fester als durch Gehorsamsketten an euch schmieden,

.."59 He declares: "Ich gehﬁre zu denen, die erst in

"60 It is his desire to be like the

Freiheit gedeihen.
spring, to be eternally young and full of life, always in
motion, but at the same time solid as a rock.

During his stay at a resort, Ulrich meets a young teach-
er who, though not understanding his poetic writings, likes
some of it. They discuss the effects of imagination, of love
and fear in life. Hutten then states:

Wir Manner fﬁhren den Kampf ums Dasein mit den
Natur Gesetzen, die wir erkennen und befolgen
mﬁssen, den Streit um Zeit und Platz fﬁr Haus und
Grﬁndung der Familie. Wenn wir heiB gearbeitet

haben und die Leidenschaft in uns brgpnt, dann
kommen wir zu ihnen (den Frauen)....

His remarks must be understood in the light of the time

102
when chauvenism was rampant,and the role of the woman was to
be subservient, as one who would hold herself ready for her
man.

Shortly afterwards, Hutten has been put in jail. During
his stay there he exchanges his life story with the other
prisoners. In great detail they relate their misfortunes,
upsetting Hutten with this apparent miscarriage of justice,
causing him to ask: "Wann kommt der Tag, wo jeder rechtschaf-
fene Mensch, selbst wenn er Pech hat und Feinde, doch unge-
hindert seinen Weg finden kann?"62 To this a prisoner rep-

lies: "Der Staat muB total umgeéndert werden."63

Hutten,
however, disagrees and believes that the citizens rather
must be changed. Criticism is expressed against the privi-
leged few.

Feeling that he does not belong in jail as a free citi-
zen, Hutten objects to being kept there. His attempts with
the jailer to alleviate his situation prove to be fruitless,
and he now becomes utterly disillusioned with the state:

Staat, bist du wirklich weiter nichts als ein
Moloch, der seine Kinder friet? Ist es wirk-

lich so, daB alle Ehrsamkeit eine Maske ist...?

Wie viele schmachten unschuldig in deinen Ge-
fangnissen dahin, bloB weil sie das allzukunst- 64
liche Gefuge einen kleinen Augenblick belastigten.

Hutten advocates changes, but he knows that for this
purpose certain procedures have to be initiated. He is at
a loss when his concern is not shared by the majority of the

inmates. Sadly, he comments: "Die Ideale und der Geist,

den der Mensch mitbringt, sie mﬁssen langsam unter Hohn und

103
brutaler Schweinerei ersterben.”65 Still, he does not give
up. In a manifesto he advocates "Gewissensfreiheit," ex-
plaining: ”Wie einst der Papst, so hat sich heute der Staat
zu einem Tyrannen aufgeschwungen und last zu, daB das Gute
und Heilige, das Geheimnis unserer Brust, das nur Gott ken-
nen soll, durch unberufene und dreckige Finger vor die Augen
der Menschen gezerrt wird."66 This is followed by his decla-
ration: "Die Freiheit ist ein gewaltiger Hauch...Freiheit ist
ein sﬁBes Wort...Aber es schallt fﬁrchterlich in den Ohren
derer, die es nicht hﬁren wollen! ...Freiheit ist Menschheit!
...Wir wollen bis zum Tode freie Bﬁrger sein!”67

This declaration is followed by a debate pointing out
the pros and cons for a change in government along with a
discussion of the various possibilities. But to the end,
Hutten rejects the idea of using force in order to bring
that change. He is convinced that it should be accomplished
within the framework of the existing order.

A new situation arises that allows Hutten to leave jail
unexpectedly. It is then that he uses his persuasive skills
with his jailmates beseeching them not to take any actions
against their captors. As he is fleeing, he reminds those
who accompany him in this breakout:

Wem keine Schuld nach dem Gesetzbuch und nach
dem Rechtsempfinden des Volkes nachgewiesen ist,
der soll frei sein. Leben, menschenwﬁrdig leben,
das wollen wir und arbeiten im SchweiBe unseres
Angesichts fﬁr das tagliche Brot!...Wenn wir ar-
beiten kﬁnnen, dann sind wir alle froh....Gib uns

Arbeit, Staat, gas wir deine dankbaren freien
Bﬁrger werden.6

104

The play is obviously a social comment on the injustices
and the inadequacy experienced by some members of society
as evidenced in the closing years of Imperial Germany.
Change, however, must be accomplished in an orderly fashion.
Changes have to be initiated either by those who recognized
the necessity for them or by others predestined by fate to
take an active part in the process.

One might agree with the premise advocated by the author
in the play. Yet in his desire to address himself to the
grievances of his time, he wrote a work that is limited in
its scope and appeals only to his contemporaries. Hoping
to reach a wide spectrum of the society, the author used
earthy and colloquial expressions as well as some forms de-
rived from dialects: herumbotten, Duselei, Hundepolakei,
Flohkiste, and more. But their use does not enhance the play.
In addition, the frequent use of proverbial sayings does not
add to the understanding

The works about Hutten covered in this chapter show di-
versity in their approach and interpretation. They are part
of the ongoing changes that were in the making or which had
already occurred. Hutten was still the hero, though no lon-

ger the unselfish humanist-knight or the idealistic patriot.

Chapter 4

The Weimar Republic Years - Toleration and Polarization

The literature of the post World War I years experienced
a new freedom that allowed for the change from agonizing des-
pair to utopian optimism.1 The problem of finding a new iden-
tity found its expression through many authors. Hutten had
not outlived his appeal as the standard bearer who could ral-
ly the people to the needs of his nation.

In 1921 appeared Hans Freiherr von Hammerstein's (1881-

1947) novel Ritter, Tod und Teufel, subtitled ”Ein Bilder-

 

buch aus dem l6. Jahrhundert." In this ambitious attempt to
picture the times of change, Hutten appears only in a rela-
tive minor role in this semi-documentary account of this
stormy time, full of peace making and unbridled lust for
fighting, honesty and conniving, loving and quarrelsomeness.
Some of the most important chapters from his life are inter-
woven into the story, thus making it seemingly a more authen-
tic account of this historical period. Hutten's role bor-
ders sometimes on the pathetic, when, after he had expressed
the idea of the election of a German emperor by all of the
country's people, he states: "Heil dem Romischen Reich! Auf
einen gesegneten Untergang!"2 and a little later:"Was ragt
muB stﬁrzen, was liegt aufstehn. Zerstﬁrung und Untergang.

105

106
Nur so wird das neue, deutsche Reich."3 Here one finds
thoughts expressed that sound very much like an analysis for
the conditions prevalent in the years following the Great War
(World War I). Hutten continues: "Was ist der Teufel? Un-
sere Schwéche. Was ist Gott? Unsere Kraft."4 Accompanied
with this prediction and warning we read: ”Der neue Tag
bricht an. Seht euch vor, daB er euch wach finde."5 These
are apparently watchwords which mix biblical with nationalis-
tic exhortations.

Hutten's inability to gather support for his cause is
explained by his mother, who states: "Es versteht ihn keiner,
hat ihn nie verstanden."6 To Hutten, the Germans are a vigo-
rous, but particularistic ethnic group who lack the necessary
self-sacrifice of devotion to make them a nation:

Was ist dies Volk? Eine Herde der widersprechend-
sten Wesen: Junker, Bﬁrger, Bauern. Keiner will
den anderen wahr haben, jeder lebt, will leben,
rennt den andern nieder, weil der auch leben macht.
Jeder verbort und vertraut in das, was ihn zunachst
fﬁr der Nas steht, tﬁricht und rechthaberisch, und
doch ein jeder ein Deutscher, ein Kerl, wie's sonst
keinen gibt auf der Welt, stark, echt, gut in sich,
wann man sie zusammenkriegte, aus tausend Richtun-
gen und Sonderweglein in einem hineinbrachte, ein
groser, machtiger Strom.wie der alte Rhein, welch
ein Volk!

A little while later Hutten appeals for a spirit of na-
tional unity which will bring freedom for all in its wake:
"Frei mﬁssen alle werden, die Bﬁrger, die Ritter, die Bauern.
Aber nicht mit dem Schwert allein zerschlagst du die Bande.

Der Geist mus auferstehen wie ein Sturm, und das Eis brechen,

das den deutschen Frﬁhling bannt."8 But then he laments:

107

"Immer erfind't der Deutsche, was ihn selber zersto'rt,”9
So he concludes in the end with this advice: ”Nicht funkeln
soll, was ihr schreibt und redet, leuchten, flammen soll es
in der Nacht aus eigener Glut. Das ist der Genius, der ins
Tagen fﬁhrt....Nicht welscher Schliff - deutsche Einfalt,
Grobheit und Kraft!"10

The tone of the whole novel is nationalistic. Through
the figure of Hutten the author tries to kindle sparks of
fervent patriotism in the German people which will inflame in

them a sense of mission and destiny.

This novel was followed by its sequel Mangold von Eber-

 

sggin (1922). In this part, the author attempts to supply
a note of authenticity by using elements of folklore in the
form of folksongs and proverbs.

Mangold's fateful demise precedes Hutten's, but both
represent a segment of society which is unable to deal with
the changes of their time; while the older man is looking
to the past for guidance, he must fail. The younger one
looks ahead, yet it is too advanced for his generation and
time. By doing this, he projects ideas which his society
is not ready to accept yet; so he, too, must end in failure.

There are several references to Hutten's activities in
his feud with Rome. Hutten says at one point:

Mutter...es ist ein Unglﬁck, an der Wende der Zeit
geboren zu haben. Dein Bruder, den du liebst, ein
leuchtender Ritter der alten Zeit, geht am Trotz
wider die neue zugrund, weil Trotz gegen sie ver-

gebens ist; dein Sohn ist der Herold dieser neuen
Zeit...ein Dichter - ein Streiter im Geist - ich

108
habs gewagt! Nun geht er zugrund, verfolgt, ge-
schmaht, ausgestoBen, innen zerfressen.1
and then he continues: ”Wir gehen zugrund. Aber die nach uns
kommen, die werden leben davon, daB wir scheiterten und zer-
brachen."13
The new era's description sounds almost like a confes-
sion of the author when we hear Hutten say: "Die neue Zeit
ist angebrochen, blutig ist ihr Morgenrot im Schlachtgewﬁlk.
Noch viele mﬁssen fallen, bis die Sonne strahlt ﬁber Deutsch-
lands Einheit und Freiheit. Last uns vom deutschen Adel un-
ter den ersten sein."14
Sickingen's response to that sounds confused, as if it
came from one who wants to but does not comprehend: "Vor-
warts dann,...zum Kampf fﬁr ein heiliges deutsches Reich,
einen deutschen Kaiser und ein deutsches Evangelium."15
His reply is supposed to underline the need for togetherness
which alone would accomplish their idealistic goal.
In the epilogue, the author cannot suppress a certain
biased pride when he writes:
SchlieBlich hat doch der deutsche Edelmann ein
wesentliches Teil und nicht das ruhmloseste der
deutschen Geschichte gemacht und war mit allen
seinen Fehlern auch heute noch der Kern jenes
Deutschland, das sich fﬁnf Jahre lang gegen die
ganze Welt sieghaft gewehrt hat. Und die Faulnis,
die schlieslich den Zerfall brachte, kam nicht
aus diesem Kern.16

That is, the noble has always been his country's con-

stant and stout defense against an alien world.

In the same year (1922) Will Vesper (1882-1962)

109

published his Tagebuch-Roman (novel) Die Wanderung des Herrn

 

Ulrich von Hutten. This diary-type account of Hutten reads

 

easily enough, but it becomes obvious that it is the life of
Hutten as seen through the tinted glasses of Will Vesper.
It is an almost step by step history of Hutten's life from
the time he had escaped from the monastery to his last days
on the Swiss island of Ufenau. There he expressed the con—
viction that he will live and even fight for justice in the
hereafter.

The tone of this book is very opinionated, speculative,

17 In the beginning, Hutten wants out of

and apologetic.
the confines of the cloister, he wants to taste life, stating:
”Ich will in die Welt."18 and ”...die Welt 5011 mein Raub
sein und die Freiheit meine Fahne."19
Hutten relates his impressions and feelings through
soliloquies, giving the reader supposedly insights into his
thinking and into his soul. All too aften these appear too
brash and impulsive, prejudiced and exaggerated, i.e. when
we read what he has to say about Cologne: "Ein Kﬁlner, das
ist ein Sack voll Torheit und ein volles WeinfaB.... Ich
will glauben, daB sie viel BuBe tun mﬁssen, weil sie viel
sﬁndigen."20
Religious references are normally described in demeaning
terms: the monastery is a "Froschsumpf" or "Karpfenteich,"
the university in Cologne, under the leadership of the Domi-

nicans, is "das fromme Hurenhaus,‘ and a clergyman is pic-

tured as "...er sah mich mit seinen kleinen, fetten Augen

110

an.”21

Hutten is presented as being full of self-pity. After
contracting syphilis he says: NUnd warum ich? Tausende le-

ben in Wollust Tag und Nacht. Und ich? Ein Tier, ﬁber das

ein Rad geht, sinnlos, Zufall, unentrinnbares Schicksal."22

He continues then: "Ich wollte erfahren, was aus mir werden
sollte: ein Poet? ein Gekronter? ein Ritter im Geist? -

ein armer verseachter Leichnam, voll ekelhafter Wunden, ein

,..23

zertretener Wurm und Kot der StraBe He considers himself

...ein Nichtsnutz, Wortemacher, Vielleicht sogar ein gott-

"24

loser Mensch.... Time and again he feels sorry for him-

self and his condition: "Ich hinke weiter, denn in meinem

n25

linken Gebein sitzt der Teufel und zwickt mich .. and

again: "Lange halte ich nicht mehr (aus). Ich werde vom

26
Turm springen und ein Ende machen."

Prophetic, though not truly in Hutten's spirit, come

his words:

Die Deutschen fangen an, Kunst und Wissenschaft
zu treiben. Welche vortrefflichen Geister, wel-
che Maler, Menschen und Gelehrte! Einstmals hies-
sen sie Vielleicht mit Recht Barbaren, aber da-
mals hatten sie Kraft, Rom von der StraBe zu wer-
fen. Heute, da sie dEe Barbarei ablegten, furch-
tet sie niemand mehr. 7

He goes on: "Unsere vater haben einst die Rﬁmer, die Waffen
trugen, vernichtet und die Welt erobert. Und wir, die En-
kel sind Sklaven...."28

Hutten comes through rather as a peculiar hybrid charac-

ter, as one who looks for self-esteem at one moment, and

111

then as one who holds out for the honor of the nation, as

one who looks with concern at his people, but not really

certain whether they deserve it. So he is heard to say:
Was suche ich denn? Nein, nicht das Meine! Ich
trachte nach Ehren, die ich verachte, nicht um
der Ehren willen. Ich meine Deutschland und dies
allein. An eins mus der Mensch sein Herz hangen.
Andere haben Weib und Kind, Haus und Hof, Gold
und was weiB ich. Ich habe nichts als ein Herz
voll Liebe fﬁr dieses Land und diese Nation, die

sich yahrhaftig nicht Mﬁhe gibt, liebenswert zu
sein.

Hutten advocates the use of force, as otherwise the exis-
ting conditions would not change. Thus, the enemies "
sollten (sie) unsere Schwerter fﬁrchten."3O But then one

detects a note of despondency when he states: ...ich traume
einen Traum von Deutschlands GrﬁBe, Freiheit, Einigkeit und
Macht. Aber ich traume nur. Niemand will helfen, den Traum
wahr zu machen.”31

Towards the end Hutten appears as one who is schiZOphre-
nic, as one who is misunderstood and very suspicious: "Ich
bin unsinnig. Alles tobt in mir. Ein dunkler Damon um-
krallt mein Gehirn. Ich bedenke das Menschliche nicht mehr,
und kann es nicht lassen, Narren Narren und Schurken Schurken
zu nennen."32 And then he resigns himself to his fate:
”Untergehen ist das schlimmste nicht. Und siegreich leben
ist oft schimpflicher als besiegt zu sterben."33 This is
followed by this stoic comment:

Dahin! Und dennoch, dennOch! Zwar vom Schick-

sal erwarte ich nichts. Es ist furchtbar und
bleibt uber unseren Hauptern, und mag es gehen,

112

wie es will, zuletzt sind wir alle in seiner
Hand wie Spreu, und es bleibt uni der Wind, nach-
dem er uns genugsam geplagt hat. 4

This work ends with an assertion: "Dies Stﬁck wird
nicht zu Ende gespielt, ehe nicht der groBe Spielleiter alle
miteinander in den Kasten wirft."35

The author's prejudice manifests itself in a number of
passages that lead one to believe that he was convinced in
the superiority of an ethnic group which looked with con-
tempt upon its neighbors. A sampling should make this

...zum Trotz den Bohmen, die ein fremdes Kauder-

welsch sprechen."36; "Ich kann die Schweizer nicht leiden,

point:

die Treu und Glauben, Blut und Tapferkeit und ihr Gewissen

H37 . H

fﬁr Geld verkaufen. We zahlt, der hat sie. .des

Kaisers Beichtiger, ein glatter spanischer, schleichender
n38

Marder...

Trﬁmmer"39; while France has a

, and about Italy has ...Flﬁhe genug und viel

. anmaBend und stolzie-
rend Volk!"40

Vesper's Hutten is an ambivalent man. On the one hand,
he is the swashbucking Renaissance man, living life to the
full, fighting fearlessly for freedom, and asking no quarter;
on the other hand he despairs of his miserable lot and that
of his nation. Vesper no doubt vents his own frustrations
as he watches helplessly the collapse of Germany after the
first World War.

Hansfritz Sohns wrote a narrative Trutz, Bruder Tod!

 

Blatter um Ulrich Hutten (1927). It depicts Hutten as a

fearless and brave scholarly knight who exemplifies the

113
uncorruptable nationalist, able to enthuse others and to
convince them of a course of action.

After having frustrated an ambush on his life, insti-
gated by his former employer, the cardinal-elector of Mainz,
Hutten is on his way to his friend Sickingen so that both of
them can consolidate their efforts. He feels that he has
to warn his nation and call attention to the prevailing con-
ditions that require the immediate implementation of strin-
gent action.

Hutten's eager willingness to plunge himself into action
is stunted by Sickingen when the latter declines his friend's
services in the campaign against Trier because he is convin-
ced that Hutten is physically too weak.

The conflict with Trier is portrayed as an ill-under-
stood and badly planned adventure by Sickingen's co-leaders
and allies. It is bound to end in disaster. When Hutten
consequently is informed of this inglorious affair, it does
not bring despair but defiance to him, which he expresses in
his song ”Ich hab's gewagt mit Sinnen...."41

Hutten's lonely feelings are reflected in the comments
to Riedinger, a soldier serving with him: "Nun Max, steht
ihr allein, verlasses und ohne Liebe da, fast so wie ich.
Doch wenn das Leben euch Freude weigert, es bietet doppelt
dafﬁr die Pflicht...."42 Sacrifices have to be made for the
good of the country, for the good cause. And to underline

this, the author permits Riedinger to break out of the be-

sieged castle in the face of insurmountable odds, showing

114
that he is not willing to capitulate and to stop fighting
for the cause he believes in and which he has embraced.
But at last Riedinger is discouraged, he feels that
everything sacred is gone, that he is a rider without a

"43

cause, without a master, and without direction. To this

Hutten gives him his last reply:
...wo Mannerblut flieBt in ehrlicher Fehde, da
gibts kein: Umsonst! Das Blut unser Toten wogt
fort in den Enkeln als heimliche Sehnsucht nach
dem, was die vater zum Sterben getrieben. Und
wenn unsre Schwerter der Rost zu Erde gefressen,
dann weckt wohl der Urenkel einer im Volk den
Gedanken ans Reich und vollbringt, was wir schmﬁh-
lich versucht.44
He continues with a bit of advice: "Nimm Fﬁrstendienst, Max!
Der Ritter ist tot und das rbmische Reich mus sterben. Drum
such einen Herrn und diene dem Starksten, damit er mit Macht
die Schwachlichen zwinge: So dienst du am Reich."45
This argument does not leave any room for the will of
the individual. It was trumpeted out so that the adherents
of nationalism could get the attention of the masses. This
appeal to duty and action and the exhortation to dedication
are meant to influence people to put away their individualism
and to strenthen them in their conviction that sacrifice for

the fatherland is a sacred duty.

Hermann Walser (*1891) wrote the novel Ulrich von Hutten,

 

"Der Roman seines Lebens" (1930). Again we read an interpre-
tive account of Hutten's life. Conflict, which is so much
part of Hutten's existence, is brought into focus when his

father decides on the boy's future over the objections of the

115

close family members. Prophetically, Lorenz Hutten, Ulrich's
grandfather, exclaims: "Wenn einst deine Sohne wo wenig auf
ihren Vater hﬁren, wie du auf mich, so wirst du noch einiges
erleben."46 (He was referring to Ulrich's father.)

This conflict can be traced throughout Hutten's life.
It appears at his introduction into the monastery where fric-
tion between those from knightly and those from bourgeois
background is evident, since monks from the nobility are
seen as drones.

Hutten gets into a fight caused by his desire to learn.
This shows an indication that his scholarly interest is genu-
ine and thus sets him apart from his noble peers. It also
leads to his acquaintance with Crotus Rubianus, who is instru-
mental in convincing Hutten that the real world is beyond
the confines of the Fulda Abbey. Hutten begins to think
about his destiny; he wants to be his own master, and he
asks himself: "Doch wer bin ich eigentlich, da man mich ver-
schachert wie ein Stﬁck Vieh? - Ohne mich zu fragen!"47

Hutten's attempt to find an answer sounds like a contra-
diction when he, with his interest in science and knowledge,
goes to a fortuneteller. He is convinced that he must leave,
for "mit allen Fasern strebte er in die Welt hinaus."48

Once out, after having taken the fateful step away from
the monastery, Hutten's uncle supports him, though it is not
quite clear how he had managed to find out about Hutten's

whereabouts. In Erfurt Hutten makes a number of friends,

among them Mutianus, who is capable of kindling Hutten's

116

enthusiasm for Church reform. But Mutianus declares: "Gegen
die Kirche, die mit der Dummheit im Bunde steht, werden so-
gar Gﬁtter vergeblich kampfen._ Trotzdem treten wir auf die
Walstatt.... In diesem Kampf um wahre Bildung und Freiheit
des Geistes ist ein unsterblicher Ruhm zu ernten."49

Opposites come through again when Hutten leaves on foot
for Cologne, while Crotus rides by coach with money given to
him by Hutten's father. After his arrival in Cologne, Hutten
is described as follows: ”Er war leicht einzunehmen und zu
erwarmen fﬁr eine Sache und schnell bereit zur Tat, ohne ihre
Folgen lange zu bedenken, fﬁhrte aus, was der schlaue und
vorsichtige Crotus ausgeheckt, und stellte seinen Lehrmeister
schon aus angeborenem Anstand niemals bloB."50 But later, on
his way to Italy, his honorable side seems to have gotten into
some disrepute: "Ulrich von Hutten hatte ﬁppig gelebt, ge-
zecht und Wﬁrfel gespielt bis in alle Nacht hinein, war sogar

."51 Yet he also

des Wirtes Hausehre zu nahe getreten,...
shows that he has some sense of responsibility: "Wenn er in-
folge seiner Gebresten und seines schwachen Leibes nicht in
den vordersten Reihen, so tat er wenigstens untergeordnete
Sﬁldnerdienste.”52 And again: "Der Ritter spielte, wenn er
Geld besaB oder zu solchem kommen wollte; oftmals striegelte
er als RoBknecht den Maulesel eines Kirchenfﬁrsten."53 Thus,
he was showing that he did not only depend on the support
from.others.

Hutten received some recognition with his writings

against the Duke of Wﬁrttemberg. It is proof that the power

117
of the word has to be reckoned with. But, as a man of action,
he also rises single-handedly and defends the honor of the
German emperor against the insulting remarks of a group of
Frenchmen.

After the crowning as 'poet laureate” by the emperor,
Hutten finds himself at the zenith of his career. "Nun be-
saB er wirklich das hochste irdische Gut, gleich den besten
Menschen des Altertums, den Ruhm. Nun hatte er die ersten
Stufen der Unsterblichkeit bestiegen. Sein Name konnte
nicht mehr auslﬁschen, sondern muBte in alle Zeiten hinaus-
leuchten."54
But soon his mood swings again:
...dann und wann verlieBen ihn alle Lebensgeister,
die ihn an dﬁnnen, zitternden Fadelein ans irdische
Leben geknﬁpft hielten, dann wieder schwollen die
Krafte an und tﬁrmten sich auf zu himmelanstﬁrmen-
den Kampfesﬁbermut, zu Spottsucht und Angriffslust,
die selbst dem Teufel Schrecken einjagen wollte.55
Hutten even changes his opinion about Luther and then is ta-
ken in by an offer from the new emperor. But when he recog-

nizes that he had been duped, he declares: ...jetzt, wo das

Eisen infolge der Wormser Ereignisse zum Glﬁhen gebracht wor-
den, mus man's auch schmieden."56
The Trier affair must fail from the onset. Sickingen,
too, had consulted a horoscope, and according to its predic-
tion, the impending feud could not succeed. And Slbr, Sik-
kingen's scribe, also counsels against this undertaking. It

is with the unsuccessful conclusion of this event that Hutten

has to leave Germany.

118
The next station relates Hutten's flight and his disap-
pointing encounter with Erasmus. Hutten's position on the
issues, his "being different,” keeps him apart from the world
of other men, the world of Martin Luther, Johannes Okolampad,
Martin Butzer, and Caspar Aquila, all dissidents of the
Church. Realizing this, he fights self doubts, telling his

conscience: "Du kennst und machst viele Worte, bist zum

57

Sieghaften und Ewigen nicht vorgedrungen." He is now "ge-

mieden als ein blindwﬁtiger widerwartiger von MiBerfolg ge-

"58

krﬁnter Kampfer. and "Sein Empfinden kannte kein dank-

bares Hinhorchen und Empfangen, sondern hieB in seinen the-

punkten tatenheischenden Zorn und Kampfeswille, Erregen und

Bewegen von Menschenleidenschaft,...."59

Hutten knows soon that the end is coming, and he refuses

Schneeg's spiritual support, stating: ...auf den Weg, den er

spater einmal gehe, brauche er keine geistlichen Stﬁtzen,
auBer es ware ein kraftig Wort aus Meister Zwinglis Mund.

Cato und Sokrates seien auch ohne Pfaffen rﬁhmenswert aus dem

Leben gegangen."6O

The author concludes Hutten's life with a metaphorical
description, echoing the knight's humanistic beliefs, based

partially on Greek mythology:

Nicht lange darnach stieB ein unsichtbarer Kahn
vom Ufer: ein fremder Schiffer fuhr eine seltene
Fracht ﬁber die Flut. Der Seelenfahrmann der A1-
ten war's, Charon. Er hatte des Sterbenden Wunsch
gehﬁrt und geleitete nun dessen Secle hinﬁber in
die Gefilde der grifchischen und rﬁmischen Helden,
Gﬁtter und Sanger.6

119

The writer goes a little too far in his speculations
throughout the book, when he mentions:
a. Hutten could have been fathered by a priest;62
b. Hutten's father had a concubine, and their offspring
was his favorite son;63
c. Hutten's father had once raped a peasant girl and,
consequently, was bothered by his conscience;64
d. the account given of how Hutten had contracted sy-

philis, including Crotus' symbolic reference to it,

as "Fliegenpils;”65
e. Hutten's explanation of his disease along with his

contention that even Pope Julius and Erasmus were
victims of this dreaded malady.66

Flashbacks recall times that had to be bypassed by the
story, but these fill in effectively those episodes that are
pertinent. Proverbial references make the work at times
folksy, though the term "Hauflein Mensch"67 used by Hutten's
father appears to be uncalled for.

The bias against Rome's representative is quite obvious,

as indicated in remarks like the following: ...zu dem ihn
(Luther) die Papstlichen verleiten wollten, einen Strick zu
drehen."68 And "... (er) versah sein Amt als Verhorrichter
(Luther's) mit viel Geschick und Heimtﬁcke."69

Walser used Hutten as an example of a man who meant
well, but as one who had not taken responsible or legitimate

roads to accomplish his objectives.

The dramatic output for this period, the Weimar years,

120

was very meager. Only one play, Hastro's (Hans Strobel)
Hutten, "ein dramatisches Lebensbild" (1923) was published.
The play, a rather lengthy one, opens with Hutten having es-
tablished himself as a recognized antagonist of Rome. A1-
brecht of Brandenburg, the elector-cardinal of Mainz and his
master, is pressured to keep Hutten under close control.
He likes Hutten, but is aware that Hutten's enthusiasm must
be managed. He is convinced that Hutten's eagerness will
soon have run its course if he is kept under the direction
of his court, stating: "Sein UbermaB beschneidet ihn bei-
zeiten der Dienst an meinem Hof,...."70

The opposition against Hutten comes from several cir-
cles among the clergy. They object to his appeal for free-
dom and independence from Church guardianship. The bishop

from Wﬁrzburg expresses this: ...was Geist und Witz uns
schenken, finde Freiheit ﬁberall, wo unsre Heilige Kirche
siedelt, doch sie habe Macht den Brunnen zu besiegeln,
denn flieBt er zu frei, trinke mancher sich den Tod."71
However, then Peutinger's daughter speaks up for Hutten,
for she is convinced that the representatives of the Church
are mistaken: "...in Hutten irrt Ihr Euch, denn der Ritter
Hutten ist echt!"72

When Albrecht meets with Hutten, he accuses him of being
too captious. Hutten, of course, disregards this admonition:
"Herr, ich sehe mein deutsches Land in welschen Herrenketten!
Sie pressen seinen Saft zur Neige aus. Und ist es ausge-

preBt, dann wird's zertreten, wie ekler Abfall,,...u73

121

Hence, he feels compelled to do something drastic: "Entflam-
men will ich! Siehst du nicht: sie schlafen, die blﬁden
Deutschen!”74

Albrecht sympathizes with Hutten, but he counsels to use
moderation. In addition, he wants Hutten to remain in his
service rather than to go to Sickingen, who was politically
in agreement with the poet-knight.

Hutten feels that he had squandered his time in utter
idleness, and he wants action. He has grown tired being
just a spectator, watching the hurt Germany is experiencing.

H

Germany's destiny should be more that of a ...geweihtes

Land, erhﬁhter Kﬁste Ragen, der Freiheit Burg und Gottes

reiner Dom!"75

Convinced of his mission, Hutten feels that his fight
must mean the reduction of Rome's domination, which infrin-
ged so strongly upon his country's freedom. So he offers

...Hiebe gegen Rom in HaB gehartet, mit der
I,76

as his weapon:
Kraft der Treue gescharft,...

Many of his friends are not sure that he is doing the
correct thing. His father even finds his conduct dishonor-
able. Still, Hutten pursues his objective with fierce de-
termination. The opposition expresses its contempt and
animosity for him. Hochstraten, the inquisition zealot and
one of the chief antagonists of any reform movement, ob-
serves:

Doch hohnen schon die Buben auf den Gassen den

frommen Mannern nach, was dieser Hutten in ekler
Frechheit lﬁgt und léstert. Galle sein Geblﬁt,

122

sein Denken ist Morast und jedes Wort, das seine
Feder kratzt ist giftgedﬁngt. Die Holle spie ihn
aus, und nun speit er H511e.77
But the waiting and the lack of action are against his
hopes, he does not want "tatenlos verhocken und verfaulen,...
er muB sich austoben, erst ﬁbertaumeln, eh es (his heart)
Ruhe findet."78
Sickingen still counsels not to overreact, yet he goes
through with his campaign against Trier upon Hutten's prod-
ding. After its inglorious failure Sickingen breaks down
and sobs, while Hutten remarks ironically: ”Zwei groBe Prah-

."79 Soon afterwards,

ker tragen ihren Plan zu Grabe,...
however, he feels "entehrt, entmannt, entheiligt,”80 for it
is the time when he had been declared an outlaw. When A1-
brecht tries to help him, Hutten refuses, utterly depressed,
feeling like "...ein Stﬁck verfaultes Vieh zum letzten Elend
ab."81 He is about to kill himself when singing st0ps him.
This scene is reminiscent of the incident in Goethe's
Faggg 1,82 though the tone here is very different, defiant:
"Und schﬁttelt der Alte im.Himmel den Kopf, wir tollen ihn
aus allen Launen! Wir krempeln ihn um noch, den alten Papa,
daB Engel und Teufel erstaunen!"83

Before Hutten's life ends on Ufenau he declines to be-
come the leader of the peasants in their struggle against
their oppressive lords. Then, just before his demise, he
rejects a priest's plea to recant from all those ideas he

had advocated. But he denounces instead the Church and

dies recalcitrantly.

123

The play is very partial and strongly anti-Church, as
well as anti-foreign. Hutten is portrayed as a hot-headed
man, though never in doubt about his mission. The tone is
too often exaggerated, unrestrained and lends itself to ri-
dicule. Some scenes, intended to generate a feeling for
Hutten's time, actually detract. The whole play is a sensa-
tional attempt to show a hero, an attempt that failed due
to the author's amateurism.

The lyrical genre provides us with a curious poem:
Wolauff Wolumb Woldran (1921), a work which appeared anony-
mously. It is an appeal for a better future during the
bleak post-war years. It pledges that this could materia-
lize if the people would unite. Honor and respectability
would return if everybody could get together, if the upper
class would stOp fighting those of the lower one: "Vnd wir
teﬁtschen vﬁllen in gewalt han Romisch reich vnd alle nation
wenn wir vnsern kunig erkennen Vnd vnns nit mer von in tren-
nen."84

Even though this poem is allegedly from Hutten, this is
not the case. It is a clever fabrication of a twentieth cen-
tury author who composed it in a style similar to the six-
teenth century.85 This poem appeared when the nation felt
dejected after the traumatic experience of a catastrophic
war. It is holding out for the possibility of a glorious
future, and it compares the present time to the past when
the country had experienced disunity and disarray.

The last lyrical author to be treated is Heinrich

124

Rogge (*1887), who wrote a poetic cycle Drei deutsche Dichter

 

(1932), which includes, besides Hutten, also Heinrich von
Kleist and Walther von der Vogelweide, three vocal champions,
advocating German unity and also trying to persuade their
countrymen not to accept any longer outside interference and
domination.

This cycle celebrates Hutten in a series of publicistic
poems, each stating one of the most important stations in
the knight's career as the writer perceived them.

At the start, Hutten is on his way to Vienna and Italy.
From there he returns in disgust. He feels compelled to
shake up his people, to point out how much they were misled
in the past. It is his idea that the sword and the spirit
(the pen) must complement each other. The double standards
of the Church are deplored in bitter terms. He takes even
Martin Luther to task for the rejection of his offer of
assistance, asking rhetorically: ”Du sagst, ich sei im Wahn?
Die Zukunft wird es lehren, ob du hast wohl getan, Schwert -
Feder abzuwehren."86

Throughout these poems Hutten is a fighter, yet he must
die on foreign soil. Still, Hutten has no regrets; his only
wish is not being hampered before his end by his disease.

He feels victorious since his spirit will carry on while
others would soon be forgotten. In "Der letzte Gang" he is
all alone, and even then he radiates confidence:

Doch weiB ich, wenn die Nacht vollbracht,
Ein neuer Tag anbricht.

125
WeiB nur, daB von dem groBen Licht
Ein Pﬁnklein fﬁr mich leucht'.
Ich streich es wie ein lieb esicht,
Das mir zur Seiten fleucht.

Rogge's presentation is a brief account of different
important episodes from Hutten's life. It is short and des-
criptive, reflecting the author's admiration and agreement
with Hutten. There is a distinct note of biased sarcasm in
the poems which is directed against Hutten's adversaries.
The writer's partiality comes over too freely, thus hamper-
ing his artistic creativity.

Looking back at these examples from the twenties and
thirties, one feels that these works do not reach beyond a
limited group of people, as the authors did not attain any
status of recognition. Chauvinism and a strong appeal for
nationalism are dominant tones. Hutten appears as a man
who sought to lead Germany to her destiny through an appeal
to unity and self-dedication. He is depicted as a beacon

who lighted the way in a dark period of history, similar to

the one that contemporary Germany was experiencing.

Chapter 5

The Nazi Era: Hutten as the Ideological Hero

It must be understood that years before the "Machtﬁber-
nahme" there were those who had paved the way for this momen-
tous event and its consequences which in "Bestand und
'Stimmung' der deutschen Literatur tief eingriffen."1 In
this fateful era, literature was forced to become a tool of
the propaganda machine, utilized for the "Politisierung des
Volkes."2 So it should be recognized that the bulk of the
so-called "'echtes deutsches Schrifttum' ist provinziell und

"3

von geringer Qualitat, something which gave at best the

"appearance of ordinariness."4
However, even though the government had attempted to
subjugate and to manipulate, to imprison the creativity of
the writers, not all of them had given in to its demands.
There were those who did neither promote nor endorse the of-
ficial ideology. The system did not succeed in suppressing
completely human dignity or cause a cultural paralysis.5
The seizure of power by the Nazis was accomplished
through their orchestrated utilization of the existing poli-
tical machinery and other available channels as well as
through their exploitation of the concept of German superi-

ority and fanatical patriotism. Exemplary historic heroes

126

127
were highly esteemed. "Kein Volk hat soviel groBe Manner
und Frauen hervorgebracht wie das deutsche, das will man
nachweisen. Und alle diese GroBen sind bewuBt deutsche Men-
schen gewesen, das heiBt Sucher nach Gott und Reich. MUB
man erwahnen, daB es in all diesen Darstellungen nicht auf
historische Treue, sondern auf weltanschauliche Wirksamkeit
und das Geschichtliche sich auf Zeitkolorit beschrankt?”6
"Den Beweis fﬁr die Sonderstellung des deutschen Menschen,
fﬁr die einzigartige Schwere seines Schicksals, erbrachten
die Volkstumsdichter aber vor allem aus der Geschichte....
DaB Luther...als deutscher Mann in Roman, Lyrik und Drama
eingeht, ist selbstverstandlich, ebenso daB Ulrich von
Hutten die gleiche Ehre widerf'ahrt."7 Since literature had
become a tool of propaganda, Hutten was utilized as a rep-
resentative of a violent time, as one who could become in-
spirational as a rallying point. It appeared as if Hutten
had been rediscovered: "Es wird niemanden verwundern, zu er-
fahren, daB Hutten im Dritten Reich chauvenistischen Macht-
streben eine historische Rechtfertigung verleihen sollte."8
Joseph Goebbels, the Nazi Propaganda minister, even after
the burning of undesirable books, declares, quoting Hutten:
"O Jahrhundert, o Wissenschaften! Es ist eine Lust zu 1e-

ben!"9 But it was the time when "hohle, ﬁble Radaubrﬁder"lo

11 and "die Haupt-

3'12

were in charge of the Dichterakademie
stadt zerbrach, Refugien gab es nicht mehr,...
The heroic novel promised to have immense appeal.

Bortenschlager observes: "Prosaformen treten wieder in den

128
Vordergrund: der Roman, der Tatsachenbericht,...die Sprache
wird unterkﬁhlt, distanziert sich und zeigt betonte Nﬁchtern-
heit."13 Relegated to the backseat was the lyric genre, as
this form of literature could mainly be utilized for the
screaming hordes of marchers who had to be intoxicated by
song.

Some of the to be discussed works14 had been in the ma-
king prior to this particular period and can thus not be
equated with the spirit of Nazism. Yet they seem to radiate
a spirit, a belief, which could easily be manipulated by the
new rulers. Other works were not available and perhaps
lost.15 This could be due in part to a lack of exposure.
Works that did not meet the approval of the authorities
would not be published, thus they failed to receive an ade—
quate readership.

The first work of this new epoch is the novel Der KoloB

 

(1933), "Das Schicksal eines Volkes" by Heinz Lorenz-Lamp-
recht (*1888). It is possibly the best output of an author
from this era which deals with Hutten and his friend Sickin-
gen, men who had some impact on the fate of the whole na-
tion. Their inability to lead their cause to a successful
conclusion might have had in part its source in the immense
clumsiness and the unyielding structure of their nation.

In a sense, the happenings of these men demonstrate that
they are true surrogates of their people. Yet at the same
time they are handicapped in their behavior and in their

actions by their limitations and their failure to generate

129
enthusiasm for decisive action among the general population.
Hutten is introduced riding along with his mute servant.
As the servant is unable to hear, Hutten can only converse
with himself; thus, the reader is introduced to past events
when bits of Hutten's thoughts, ”Gedankenfetzen," reveal oc-

currences from the past.

The reader gets at once the feeling that the final chap-
ter in Hutten's life is about to take its course. His face
is contorted from "innerer Krankheit und Leidenschaft."l6

Yet when he arrives in Heidelberg he is greeted with enthusi-

n17

asm by the students as the "adlige Feuergeist when he ad-

dresses them:

Merkwﬁrdigerweise sind es die Satten, die mit
Gott und der Welt und vor allem sich selber zu-
frieden sind, weil sie Schaflein geschoren und
Geld in festen Kasten haben. Was kﬁmmert sie
die neue Zeit? Hatten sie es in der alten nicht
ganz gut und vergnﬁglich? Kﬁnpge es ihnen in
einer neuen noch besser gehen?

He follows this up with a declaration: "Ich gehﬁr mir nit
selbst. Wenn meine Feinde mich nicht hetzen, so tun das
meine Freunde.”19 He now suggests that they should not
wait for help from.somewhere else, they must do it alone

whatever is to be done:

Betet nit die fremden Gﬁtzen an, die man als
echte Gﬁtter aufputzt! Ihr habt euren starken
einzigen Gott in euch selbst! Ihr mﬁBt wieder
die Liebe zu eurer Heimat lernen, ihr mﬁBt wie-
der lernen, in erster Linie Deutsche zu sein,
bevor ihr Kramer, Priester, Ritter oder Bauern
seid, bevor ihr Hessen, Pfélzer, Schwaben, Fran-
ken seid! Wenn auch im letzten und armsten

130
Deutschen wieder soviel ehrliche Kraft ist, daB
er mehr Geltung hat als ein rﬁmischer Kardinal,
ein franzosischer Legat, ein Mailander Jud und
ein spanischer Herzog, dann haben wir festen
Boden unter uns.2
To underline the deplorable conditions in Germany the
author describes them as follows: "Man lebte und lieB leben.
Das deutsche Reich aber lebte ﬁber seine Verhaltnisse, und
die wenigsten Wichtigkeiten gingen unter im gehauften Klein-
kram."21
In the ensuing struggle, Hutten, the man of action, is

shown as the antithesis to Luther, ...der pedantisch am

Bibelbuchstaben klebende Mann, (der) kann nicht begreifen,
was Hutten durchglﬁht."22

The author gives an indication of the eventual unsuc-
cessful outcome when he warns: "PaB auf, Hutten, der Sickin-
gen 1aBt sich von den Fﬁrsten an der Nas herumfﬁhren und
einwickeln."23

As Hutten presses on he passes one day on his travels
a mighty cathedral, which stands there like ”ein gewaltiger
finsterer KoloB, (der) ragt...in die Nacht."24 It stands
symbolically for Germany, majestic, but her fate enshrouded
in dark and uncertain times.

At the Ebernburg, where Hutten has joined up with Sik-
kingen, he exhorts those who are striving to bring the need-
ed change. He counsels them to act swiftly and not to hope

for a solution through talk: ...wenn ihr nur wﬁBtet, wie
viel besser, klarer, ehrlicher die Sprache eines gut gefﬁhr-

ten Schwertes als die eines ﬁblen Schwatzers ist!"25

131

Meanwhile, the rebellion of the united knights draws
closer to a climax. Their antagonists, the Elector Richard
Greifenklau of Trier, the Pfalzgraf Ludwig, and the Land-
graf Philipp of Hesse unite and sign a mutual treaty against
Sickingen and his allied knights. Even though Sickingen is
faced with the threat of the princes he feels compelled to
show Luther his moral support. For this reason he travels
with some of his men to Worms where he is enthusiastically

welcomed:

Er entflammt die Begeisterung, die in jedem
Deutschen seit jeher ununterdrﬁckbar wurzelt,
die Begeisterung fﬁr das Kriegerische, Kﬁhne,
Starke. Fﬁr den Deutschen kann es keinen grﬁ-
Beren Volksliebling geben als den mit Ruhm ge-
krﬁnten Truppenfﬁhrer.26

Hutten uses this occasion to assail the Roman clergy. Sik-

kingen comments ...wie rﬁcklingslos und zugleich unzurech-

nungsfahig Hutten werden kann, wenn es um sein Ziel geht."27
But Hutten desires to change the dependent status of his
nation. He tries to convince Sickingen that he requires the
broadest support in his upcoming fight, arguing: "Zum.brei-
ten Volk mﬁsse sich jetzt die Ritterschaft zahlen, fﬁr die
soviel wie nichts geschehen sei."28 And then he goes on:

Es gibt nur eine Partei fﬁr dich, nicht wahr?

Das andere sind Kramer. Die Partei, die du

meinst, meine ich auch: das Volk, die Nation.

Wer es ehrlich mit der Nation meint, gehﬁrt

dazu, heist er sonst nun Ritter oder Bauer,

Bﬁrger oder Fﬁrst. Diese Partei muB siegen,

Franz, und du bist der einzige, der sie zum
Sieg fﬁhren kann.

132

But then he points out the involved risks:

Es gibt zwei Mbglichkeiten fﬁr einen Menschen,
der so GroBes...unternehmen will: Entweder sein
Vorhaben gelingt, oder es gelingt nicht. In dem
Fall nennt ihn das Volk Gott, in dem andern Ver-
brecher. Dabei fragt das Volk nicht viel nach
seiner ehrlichen Absicht. Es urteilt kurz und
bﬁndig - Gott oder Verbrecher.3O

Sickingen is eventually persuaded to become actively
involved, believing: "Ich denke, ich erwage, ich handle,

denn ich trage Verantwortung,..."31 adding: ”Auch das wi-

derwartig Erscheinende kann sich gut aufkléiren."32

While Hutten follows his conscience, Sickingen feels
that fate determines his course of action. He feels disil-

lusioned when he returns after his inglorious campaign from

France.

Mit rechtschaffenen Zielen ist unser Lebensweg
gepflastert und wir kampfen fﬁr sie mit ernst-
hafter Wichtigkeit, mit Erbitterung und Wut, mit
HaB und Hinterlist. Zu was? Um uns am Ende un-
seres Lebens sagen zu mﬁssen, daB wir die Recht-
schaffenen zu bﬁswilligen Schurken gemacht haben,
indem wir mit HaB unsere Schwerter unter sie tru-
gen und ihnen den Frieden nahmen.

But he holds firmly that he is the champion of the oppressed,
that he is their defender. Hutten assures him of his sup-

port:

Manner...haben sich zusammengetan, um dem Volk
in friedlicher Arbeit das zu geben, wonach es
sich sehnt - Wahrheit, ZusammenschluB, Ruhe.
Deswegen, weil es eine reine Volksbewegung ist,
muB es durchkampft werden gegen das, was sich
ihm entgegenstellt. Und entgegenstehen ihm in
erster Linie die GroBen, die in schamlosiger
Weise die Volksbewegung zur VergrﬁBerung der

133
eigenen Macht ausbeuten wollen. - Dafﬁr Ramp-
fen wir, und da fallt jedes Klﬁgeln und Erwa-
gen und Rﬁcksichtnehmen, und jedes Wenn und
3231:2315... 32:13:23.3???» d... “ah‘haftigen
In pamphlets Hutten now accuses the opponents "mit er-
barmungsloses GeiBelhieben,"35 revealing the "Laster und
MiBstande imReich."36
While Hutten believes that Luther should ally himself
with their cause, he admits: "Wir wollen offen zugeben: Wir
kampfen nit fﬁr Luthers Lehre, aber wir kampfen fﬁr das, was
zugleich mit ihr und durch ihr ins Volk gedrungen ist; fﬁr
die Erfﬁllung der Sehnsucht nach Freiheit in jeder Bezie-
hung."37
Sickingen, though, interjects some cautious second
thoughts, for he sees a conflict in their fight with the
trend of their time. He has a feeling that their fight

could become doomed:

Kampfen wir nach der Meinung vieler nicht viel-
1eicht doch fﬁr etwas, was sich nit in die neue
Zeit fﬁgen will? Was reif ist fﬁr den Untergang?
...Ich versuch, das, was absterben will, weil es
nit mehr in die neu Zeit paBt zu retten. Werd
ich nit dabei zugrund gehen?38
Luther's rejection of their offer disappoints Sickin-

gen. Hutten is bitterly disenchanted, complaining much over

the tepidity with which the masses remain uninvolved, watch-

ing the ensuing struggle for freedom. This leads to this

observation:

134

Nirgends auf der ganzen Welt verstehen es Freunde
und sonst ganz vernﬁnftige Stammesgenossen so glan-
zend gegeneinander zu kampfen wie in Deutschland.
...Das ist mal so, das bringt so...diese gottswi-
derliche neunmal vernagelte deutsche Sturheit, der
Eigensinn oder die Eigensucht, die Eiggabrﬁdelei,
diese verblﬁdete Radelsfﬁhrersucht.... '

Yet, in spite of all their setbacks, Hutten and his
friend Sickingen remain faithful to their cause, believing
defiantly: "Hilft uns kein Gott, so haben wir Schwerter und

40 But Hutten sees the end

Mauern und einen festen Sinn!"
approach, and he predicts that not all their efforts would
have been done in vain:
Es ist unser Ende, nicht das der Sache, fﬁr die
wir gekampft haben. Es ist Vielleicht das Ende
der Ritterschaft. Die drﬁben sind stérker ge-
blieben - diesmal. Nach uns werden andere die

Sache weiterfﬁhren - die Bauern, die Bﬁzger -
immer werden es die Unterdrﬁckten sein.

On a note of great confidence he concludes:

Schamlos sind nur die paar, die das Volk fﬁhren -
die es bewuBt irre fﬁhren. Aber deswegen bleibt
das Volk noch dasselbe. Es ist gutmﬁtig, schwer-
fallig, toricht, aBEr es schléft auch eine unbﬁn-
dige Kraft in ihm.

The novel is readable, but it drags in several parts
and does not quite make its point. It sounds like an accu-
sation of a time when the lack of support for a just cause
and the unwillingness for committment doomed a promising
movement.

Hutten and his friend Sickingen are portrayed as stead-

fast men who held on to their convictions, no matter what

135
the consequences might be. Even though they had become ut-
terly disenchanted and disillusioned, they still continued
to believe that their cause would be victorious in the days
to come.

Throughout his narrative the author disseminates hap-
penings which are about to come. Thus, the writer is either
weakening or destroying some of the inherent elements of
suspense. At other occasions, when he tries hard to empha-
size a point, he is "kitschig" or inappropriate in his
choice. Some statements are either very biased or quite
exaggerated, while others are pointless or too general.

In order to create an authentic flavor for his story
the author introduced historic figures that distract from
it. In some instances they even fail to make their intended
impact. There is for instance a love episode that does
more to confuse the reader than to help to inject a note of
reality into the plot. The author has also taken certain
historical liberties which are not acceptable to those who
are acquainted with Hutten's time. So this adds to a weaken-
ing of the story.

In this novel Hutten reflects National Socialist spirit.
He is the fighter for the German people, for unity, and
freedom. Although there are enemies inside and outside the
country, a nation with proper leadership and dedication to
a cause will prevail.

Kurt Eggers (1905-1943) turned out to be one of the

most prolific writers and one who had completely accepted

136

Nazi ideology and thought. In this capacity he had also
discovered the value of Ulrich von Hutten. He utilized him
more than anybody else in his many writings.43 Hutten had
become for him the messenger who represented the beginnings
of a new era, which to Eggers paralleled the years after the
Great War and the advent of Nazism. In his novel Hutten
(1934) "Roman eines Deutschen," Eggers treats the reader
with the typical interpretation of this man as conceived
and accepted by Nazi propaganda. The story covers the whole
of Hutten's life span, and it even presents his parents prior
to his birth. The book concludes with Hutten's death in
exile where he felt utterly alone, deserted and betrayed.

Ulrich von Hutten was the first-born of an imperial
knight, was one "der geboren ist zum Kampf um Ehre und
Macht."44 But soon after his birth it becomes apparent that
the initial hOpes of the parents for a worthy son and heir
had been misplaced and that a prophecy was about to come
true. Even the boy could not help to notice that "...an ihm

"45 As a result of this,

ein Fluch in Erfﬁllung gehen mﬁsse.
he becomes a loner. He is taking up formal learning so that
he "gerade bei denen AnschluB fand, die von der Umwelt bearg-
wﬁhnt und gehaBt wurden."46
Early in life Hutten had to taste the loss of freedom
when he had to enter the monastery in Fulda. It was there
that he learned to hate pretense and misrepresentation. It
spawned his almost fanatical compulsion to fight falsehoods

and for the truth. To Eitelwolf von Stein, who had become

137
almost a surrogate father to him, he confessed once that he
would rather be a knight and a learned man, fighting with
the sword and the pen for freedom than to spend the rest of
his life behind enclosed walls.

Crotus, his later friend, was one of those who had cal-
led his attention to the fact that his career, his future in
Fulda, whould be arranged, but it would never be useful,
informing him: "Betrug ist alles, Ulrich. Lﬁge ist das, was
sie seit Jahrhunderten lehrten...."47

After Hutten's successful escape from Fulda, he ex-
claims: "Heimat, Heimat, ich hab dich wieder. Heimat, ich

halte dich und lasse dich nicht mehr!"48

He goes to the
university in the city of Cologne, only to find out that
things he had objected to were there as well. Hutten had
not been very tactful and consequently had to realize that
he was disliked, "weil er just das aussprach, was der andere
nicht hﬁren wollte."49
Restlessness makes Hutten leave Cologne. Again he is
on the road. Open-eyed, he is willing to learn from every-
thing around him, experiencing the ups and downs of a travel-
ling itinerant scholar. All of this forms and shapes his
character, leading him to observe: "Ohne Schmach ware meine
Leidenschaft nicht zum Glﬁhen gekommen."SO He feels that he
is getting ready for something. He has the inner urge to do
something big, "nach einem Kampf fﬁr GrﬁBeres, fﬁr Edleres."51

He is not a man who does worry about the consequences.

In Italy Hutten experiences utter despair and loneliness.

138
He signs up with the German imperial forces, even though he
is physically unfit to serve. He feels now that he belongs
to something, that he is part of a group where the only sin
known is "die Sﬁnde wieder den heiligen Geist des Krieges.
Das war die Feigheit."52

Meanwhile, Hutten's poetic talent had progressed to the
point of becoming the voice that expresses the "Aufschrei
des ewigen Deutschlands."53

Again Ulrich von Hutten is in the forefront in the Hut-
ten-family dispute with Duke Ulrich of Wﬁrttemberg, who had
treacherously murdered a member of the clan. This affair
led in time to the ouster and exile of the duke.

The Italian experience had caused Hutten to become an
active opponent of the Church of Rome. He is convinced that
he must oppose the church as adamantly as possible, with vio-
lence if needed. In addition, he had concluded that Martin
Luther should be approached. The author describes Hutten
as follows:

Der Hutten war eben Politiker, und ein Politiker
mus, wenn es darauf ankommt, auch die Bibel ge-
brauchen kﬁnnen. Wer da anfangt, an jeder Sache
zu makeln, der kommt zu nichts in der Politik.
Da gilt zunachst die Idee, und da hat sich alles
zu beugen....Wer vﬁlkisch denkt, sieht in sich
selber nur ein Sprachrohr der Idee, dessen Ehre
ist das Schicksal der Nation. Die richtet ihn
und spricht ihn frei!5

Having switched to the vernacular in his writings,

Hutten had been able to address the common people more ef-

fectively. He has become ”ein so unbedingter Revolutionar,

139

daB er auch seinen eigenen Stand jederzeit fﬁr Deutschland
zu Opfern bereit war."55

His friend Sickingen had failed against Trier. His end
became apparent. Still, the cause for which he had dared
so much could not be given up. One had to carry on, and Sik-
kingen wanted Hutten to be the man, one who had the ability
to bring new forces and new life into the movement. Before
Hutten departs, Sickingen tells him: "Ich danke dir fﬁr
jedes Wort der Freiheit, Ulrich. Du erst hast aus mir einen
Deutschen gemacht. Und falle ich jetzt, so liegt mein Leich-
nam am Tore, das zur Freiheit fﬁhrt."56

Up to the very end, Hutten's faith remains strong and
pure, and he is certain that the prevailing situation in Ger-
many could not last forever. Thus, he can state: "Der Tag
wird kommen, ob in hundert oder in tausend Jahren, da Deut-
schland deutsch sein wﬁrde."57

Eggers got carried away when he molded Hutten into a
form that conformed with Nazi concepts. He made him into a
stereotype hero so that he could be utilized for propaganda
purposes. Throughout the novel it becomes clear that the
author attacks everything which is disapproved by his mas-
ters. At no time does he consider it presumptuous when he
ridicules all that is sacred to others. Some of the happe-
nings in the story appear contrived, as evidenced in the epi-
sode when Hutten received a good luck charm with the swastika
58

on one side and a victory rune on the other.

The author represents Nazi philosophy.59 This includes

140
also an anti-religious, arrogant disrespect for anything
French and Italian, something very chauvenistic. Some de-
tails are overdone, in fact so much that they are perplex-
ing.60 The pathetic conclusion is very deplorable: "Wer
als Deutscher begonnen und als Deutscher geendet, den ruft
61

die Freiheit zum ewigen Sein.”

Arno ReiBenweber (*1904) in his narrative Dem Vaterland

 

 

will gedient sein (1938) tries to offer Hutten to the youth.

 

Hutten is an unselfish man who puts himself into the ser-
vice for his people. His example should be followed by all
citizens.

The author starts from the premise that the conditions
in Germany during Hutten's time were in dire need of reform.
Law had collapsed, and the people were exploited by those
who were in power. There was no centralized power struc-
ture, and robbers, robber barons, preyed on the land. It
was a time when "das Reich keinen Herren (hat), der ihm
seinen Willen aufzwingt. und der die Herren, die sich nicht
beugen wollen und weder Recht und Gesetz achten, zur Ord-
nung bringt.”62

Ulrich von Hutten was born into tumultuous times, early
destined to follow the ecclesiastical career. It was very
hard for him to leave his home and family, seemingly forever.
In his new surroundings, he recognized soon that "manches in
Wirklichkeit anders ist, als es scheint und als man ihm
versprochen hat. Weder der Kramergeist noch der Dﬁnkel

macht vor der Klosterpforte halt, und auch die GenuBsucht

141

und andere Freuden des Lebens haben eine willkommene Heim-
statt hinter den Mauern."6

Hutten realizes quickly that he can not remain in the
confines of the monastery, as his attitude and his disposi-
tion felt drawn away from that restrictive environment.

After his escape from Fulda, Hutten gladly puts up with
whatever shortcomings the outside world offers. He meets
the humanists and discovers that the "veredeltere, erhabene
Lebensauffassung des Humanismus bringt seine dichterische
Ader, die im Kloster versiegt war, zum Aufbrechen."64 He
also becomes convinced: ”Wissenschaft verpflichtet und darf

nur Mittel zur Tat sein."65

But his unregulated life brings
doubts that he often has ”keinen Glauben an sich selbst und
an seine Bestimmung. Er fﬁhlt sich als ein Nichts, als ein
Nemo, ein Niemand."66

In Wittenberg Hutten meets Luther and is very impressed
by him. From there his way leads him to Vienna, where his
friends sense his mission. But his restlessness never per-
mits him to remain at a place for any time. He is driven by
a feeling that he has "eine groBe Aufgabe zu erfﬁllen.”67
His conviction leads him to observe and to learn so that in
time he would be able to stir up the "ehrlich deutsche
Volk."68

In spite of the heavy odds against him, Hutten undaun-
tedly continues his mission. He knows that "Deutschland

braucht jeden Menschen, der die Kraft und Vielleicht den Mut

hat es aufzurﬁtteln,...(denn) Deutschland ist ..ein heiliges

142

Land, fﬁr das wir kampfen mﬁssen zu jeder Stunde und, wenn
es sein soll, auch sterben."69

Any attempt to buy him off is rejected by Hutten, as
he does not want to sell "seine lautere und aufrichtige Ge-
sinnung."7O Yet all his committment does not yield the re-
sults he had hoped for.

The final stage in Hutten's life is concluded in Swit-
zerland where Zwingli had come to assist the man who had
"ganz Deutschland aufgewﬁhlt und die R6mischen in Zorn und

"71 Though everything Hutten had fought

Schrecken versetzt.
for seemed to be in shambles, he still does not despair,
and he is able to exclaim: "Im Glauben daran will ich ster-
ben, daB Deutschland wﬁrdig werde seines Platzes an der
Sonne!"72

The author explains in his epilogue that he had felt

'

'wahrhaften, echten Kamp-
"73

compelled to write the book for the
fer...(fﬁr den) geschichtliche Treue oberstes Gebot war.
This he underlined with his opinion that Hutten's struggle
was very much like the difficulties of his own time. Thus,
Hutten's legacy should be a guide in the ongoing fight for
freedom in Germany.74
The book's intent was to impress the children. The

illustrations and its easily understood tone appeal to them.
Hutten is portrayed as an idealistic hero who would not wa-
ver in his mission. He can convey his purpose to all with

whom he comes in contact. This is expressed when he declares

before his father:

143

Ich habe stets nach einem Ziel gestrebt und im-
mer fﬁr eine Idee gekampft, die hﬁher liegt als
der Gesichtskreis der meisten Adligen, die heu-
te Deutschland unsicher machen oder ihm gleich-
gultig gegenﬁberstehen. Gleichgﬁltig ist auch,
was man von mir und denen halt, die meines Glau-
bens sind,....Ich lege keinen Wert auf die Mei-
nung derjenigen, deren Kraft sich in Engherzig-
keit, Eigensﬁchtelei, Stumpfsinn oder Gemeinheit
erschﬁpft....75

This is further explained by the need for a change:

Das Reich aber ist ein Kﬁrper, die Fﬁrsten sind
das Haupt, und wir sind die G1ieder,....Doch das
Haupt ist krank. Es lebt aber in Deutschland ei-
ne gesunde Jugend, allen groBen Taten geﬁffnet
und begierig nach wahrem Ruhm - niemand leitet
sie, niemand fﬁhrt sie. Darum geht die Kraft zu-
grunde, erschlafft die Mannlichkeit, versiegt die
Tatkraft....76

The book's main character is built up to heroic propor-
tions. The author makes sure that the anticipation for
things to come does not wane. He tries to keep up the sus-
pense. But the hero is too idealized. Hutten's support by
his friends sounds mawkish, especially when they strengthen
him in his belief for the "hehre Sache”77 and when he is ad-
dressed as "Ulrich von Hutten, lorbeergekrﬁntes Haupt!”78
Hutten's thinking characterizes nationalistic thought when
he states:

Entscheidend ist ganz allein der Gedanke an
das Wohl des Vaterlandes und seines von Gott
und der Vorsehung bestimmten Fﬁhrers. Wer
andere Grﬁnde hegt, ist kein Soldat sondern
ein Sklave, der nur arbeitet, weil er dazu
getrieben wird. Aber denkt ihr keinen Au-
genblick daran, daB auch der Soldat eine Ehre

hat, die ihn an das Vaterland und dessen Frei-
heit und Unsterblichkeit bindet?79

144
The theme shows that one's own considerations are not
to be taken into account when the nation's future is at
stake. Dissent is objectionable. Yet this contradicts the
historical Hutten, the man who had been in rebellion with the
Church and the emperor.
ReiBenweber, however, writes about this book:
Nun zu meinem Buch "Dem Vaterland will gedient
sein.” Mir ging es zunachst darum, dem Staats-
gedanken der Nationalsozialisten den des Huma-
nisten Hutten gegenﬁberzustellen und zum anderen
reizte mich der schillernde Lebensweg dieses im

Grunde g§80mmenen 'Einzelkampfers' der Reformati-
onszeit.

and then he adds:

Ich habe seinerzeits genaues Quellenstudium ge-

trieben und nehme daher in Anspruch, ein authen-
tisches Werk geschrieben zu haben - ob zu Recht,
mﬁgen meine Kritiker beurteilen.

Bernd Holger Bonsels (*1907) wrote the novel Hutten,
published in 1938. Right from the beginning he makes it
clear that it is his intention to discredit Christianity,
which he sees as corrupt, parasitic, and against life. He
seeks support from Friedrich Nietzsche, who once mocked
"das unaufhﬁrliche Plappern und Lallen hoffnungsloser Ge-
bete."82 But later Bonsels comments in a letter:

Ich schrieb meinen Huttenroman als junge§3Mann,
fasziniert durch Nietzsches Anti-Christ. Ich
war nie ein Christ gewesen...jedenfalls kam mir
Huttens Leben und Kampf gegen Rom gelegen, um
ihn nach meinem Dafﬁrhalton einzuférben. Hut-
ten war anders - war nicht der Mann des Anti—

Christentums. Aber was macht man als junger
Bursch nicht fﬁr Fehler? Heute...wﬁrde ich das

 

145
Buch ganz aggers schreiben - vielleicht auch gar
nicht mehr.

The novel deals with Hutten, who is subjected at the
very beginning to the whims of the established church.
Stein, Hutten's mentor who saw his potential, argues against
narrowmindedness of the Church, an institution that opposes
progress and any investigation into knowledge. Thus, he
confesses before the abbot of Fulda: "Die Menschenopferung,
Gewissensfolter und Versklavung des braven Willens unter
das Joch der Kirche hat mich vor Jahren hinausgescheucht aus
dem Vaterland."85 Here, then, is a man whose sentiments
clearly sympathize with young Hutten, the "Klﬁsterling"
who feels imprisoned. However, the churchman maintains:
”...es ist nicht gut, daB der Mensch erkennend sei, weil er
allbereits im paradiesischen Stande durch sein Erkennen ver-
dorben ward."86

In the monastery school Hutten is drawn into a contro-
versy which convinces him that he must act. "Da ist es Hut-
ten, als ergehe ein Ruf an ihn: Weihe Dein Leben dem schwer-
sten Kampf! Ergreife das Schwert der Widervergeltung und
wirf den Drachen nieder, der im.Namen des Himmels die Erde
der Heimat verwﬁstet."87

Hutten leaves the restrictive confines of the monastery.
He is certain that he is ”einem Schicksal unterstellt,...
dem er gehorchen mﬁsse,...bestimmt zu entbehren und zu dul-

den."88 It is now his aim "das Zerrbild der als Barbaren

berschrieenen Deutschen zurechtzurﬁcken."89 He plans to

146
do this by praising the greatness of the Germanic ancestors
and at the same time by voicing his objections to the years
of enslavement and humiliation of his nation.

Even through his sickness, Hutten puts the needs of his
country before his own. It seems that his unselfish efforts
enable him to overcome the restrictions imposed on him by
his dreadful and torturous disease. He also finds the ad-
versary who overshadows the world with his power, the one
who had enslaved the people and desecrated the heavens:
the pope who makes possible the "geistige Freibeutertum der
Kurie.”90

Hutten is aware that he must act fast: "Er lebt, als
solle er morgen sterben. Das Tagewerk, die Tat, - das Ziel,
die Freiheit, sollen nicht versaumt sein. In solcher Be-
reitschaft fﬁhlt er mit zaghafter und selbstloser Freunde,
daB ihm Werk und Wirken gelingen."91

In the meantime his writings have had a profound im-
pact. There is no sign of weakness that betrays his sick
body. Hutten's insatiable disgust for all the wrongs, his
loathing of bondage expresses his independence. It also
allows his unbounded hate: "seine inbrﬁnstige Hoffnung
heiBt Totschlag der Feinde des Vaterlandes, - ....In ihm

I!92

erhebt sich der Erbfeind des Priesters: der Soldat. It

sounds heretical when he admits: "Ich liebe ihn ja nicht,
den bleichen, verlbschenden Gott....Er fragt mich ja nicht,
- er ruft ja nicht, ob ich ihn liebe! - Und tate er's, -

meine Liebe ware auf ewig dahin. -"93

147
In the end Hutten arrives alone, disease-ridden on
Ufenau, the author laments: ”Sie haben ihn alle verlassen.
Die Welt, die Heimat ist hinter ihm verschollen wie die Erin-
nerung an eine Sage. Die guten Freunde haben sich von ihm
gewandt, zweiflerisch entfremdet vor seinem Blick und Wort.
Nur der Bruder seines bitteren Heldentums, Herr Franz von

"94

Sickingen, blieb treu bis zum Tode. Only one thought

keeps Hutten going, ”die Liebes-Sorge um das deutsche

Volk."95

He justifies all his actions and concludes that he
is free from any wrongdoings. So he has no regrets and parts
with his famous ”Ich hab's gewagt mit Sinnen."
Bonsels wrote a lamentable interpretation of Hutten.

He is used as a mouthpiece for a decisive objection to Chris-
tian doctrine. Anti-Semitism is strongly interjected. Thus,
this is regrettable and makes a mockery of any sincere com-
mentary. The glorification of the superiority of the "Nor-

dic People, the myth of the super race, are held up to the
reader.

The book has been written very clumsily, It contains
exaggerations, and some of the episodes indicate that they
are clearly a fabrication of the author's imagination. Ac-
companying commentaries are frequently too long, often pro-
vocative and employed only for the purpose of putting down
the other side.

The book represents some of the most distorted propa-

ganda. It is really not fit to be submitted to any reader-

ship. Only because it deals with Hutten did I feel that I

148
should mention it in this context.
Leni Wﬁst (*1907) is the last of those authors who used
the narrative during this period of time. In her collection

Sturmvogel und Taube "Unsterbliche Liebesgeschichten" (1940),

 

she relates a small episode from Hutten's younger years, en—
titled "Hutten und die Glauburgerin." In this short story
Hutten is the falcon, while the girl is the dove. This
anecdote relates Hutten's infatuation, perhaps even his love,
with a patrician girl from Frankfut a.M. Through flashbacks
in his mind, previous encounters with the girl are transmit-
ted.

In his second meeting with the girl Hutten has the best
intentions and wants their love to grow. But time and duty
tear them apart, never allowing them to see each other again.

With only a few strokes the author sketched Hutten as a
human with deep, gentle, and sincere feelings. Not much had
to be said to make the reader understand that life does not
offer everyone happiness, that fate will not favor everybo-
dy's wishes and hopes.

For the Nazi propaganda the historic drama was a wel-
come vehicle, employed for spreading their evil philosophy.

The first one who presented us with a play is Heinrich
96

Rogge (*1887), a writer who has been introduced before.

In his Der Pfaffenkrieg des Ritters Ulrich von Hutten (1933)

 

 

 

Rogge tries to leave his mark as a dramatist.
In a highly nationalistic tone the work relates the

story which is by now very familiar. At the outset Cajetan

149
has arrived in Germany with the order to proclaim the papal
ban on Hutten and to have him taken to Rome as a prisoner.
Hutten had become quite vocal while he had been serving at
the court of the archbishop of Mainz. He showed that he
was convinced that the required changes in the country could
only be accomplished if an influential man would help the na-
tion's cause. This action would sway others and help to
avoid civil strife.

Hutten soon knows that the forces of the opposition
were not inactive. "Mit List und geheimen Planen sind die
Romer nit so leicht zu fassen. Darin sind die Meister.”97
Now his prince-bishop has given in partially to Rome's de-
‘mands, though he is not willing to have his man turned over
to Roman justice. Before Hutten departs from Mainz he warns
his sovereign that his, Hutten's, fate might possibly be the
bishop's in the future. Hutten concludes that the governing
factions will suppress the best people, that they will per-
secute them whenever they dare to show their opposition.

Later at a meeting with Erasmus at Sickingen's Ebern-
burg the contrast between the famous two men becomes very
apparent. While Hutten wants that truth should prevail,
requiring that those involved will have to take an active
part, Erasmus is of the opinion that knowledge and its pre-
servation would guarantee peace. And this would not involve
force.

Erasmus is sketched as a selfish, smug, and arbitrary

man, as one who pokes fun at others, and as a fearful and

150
. . u . "98
conniv1ng alter Schleicher.
When Sickingen is deeply disappointed over Luther's an-
swer to his offer of assistance, Hutten urges on:
Jetzt geht's um die heilige Sach der ganzen deut-
schen Nation, es geht um Leben und Sterben deut-
schen Geistes, deutscher Tugend und Ehr. Wer jet-
zo die Wahrheit in tiefster Seele spﬁret, der ge-
het seinen Weg trotz Luther und die ganze Pfaffen-
welt!99
He continues discarding Sickingen's objections, remarking
about the lack of support of the princes and nobles: "Und
sind's nit die Fﬁrsten, nit die Ritter, -/so sind's die
Bﬁrger und die Bauern."100 concluding with this estimate:
"Es will mir scheinen, als gehe durch deutsche Stadt/ und
deutsches Land ein Rucken und Zucken, als wollt/ ein Riese
erwachen, der undeutsches Wesen vertilget/ und alle Dinge
zur Besserung bringet.”101
Hutten confronts a seller of indulgences, chases him
away and then addresses the people:
Deutsche, ob Ritter, Bﬁrger oder Bauersmann. Es
brennt/ ein Feuer in deutschen Landen. Der Bau-
er will nit mehr/ ein Tier sein, so man qualet
und schindet./...Ein finsteres Netz hat welsche
List und Tﬁcke um unseren/ guten deutschen Sinn
gewebet, auf das er heimlich sollt/ ersticken.
ZerreiBt das Netz!6 Die Freiheit fallet nit ohne
Kampf vom Himmel.1 2
He tries to make them understand the situation, and at the
same time he appeals to them to rise and act. But Hutten's

exhortations meet with little success. As a consequence of

his involvement he must flee. He feels compelled to send

151
away his few remaining faithful followers. All alone he now
reflects:
MuB um mein Vaterland zu verlassen, landflﬁchtig
in's Elend gehn. - WﬁBt noch einen andern Weg.
(Zicht sein Schwert, legt es ﬁber die Kniee.) -

Hab den Tod in der Hand. Das Schwert tut, was
ich will, und ich bin frei.

Luther wider uns, Sickingen tot, - alles fallt
auseinander. Herrgott, warum hast du dein deut-
sches Volk mit Blindheit geschlagen, daB es sei-
ne edelsten Fﬁhrer mordet und mit allem FleiBe
dem welschen Hasse dienet, der es immer mehr in
Zerrissenheit und Verderbnis fﬁhret?

War meine Sehnsucht eine falsihe Sehnsucht? Mein
Kampfen ein falsches Kampfen? 03

After having arrived in Basel Hutten is refused help
from Erasmus, who does not want to jeopardize his position.
He does, however, not want to have any part in the elimina-
tion of his former friend, as he makes this quite clear
when he is approached by a conniving priest.

Hutten's end comes when he dies after being poisoned
by one of Rome's agents. Now, during his last moments in
life, he is confident that he is returning home and becoming
an inspiration to his peOple.

Rogge presents a picture of many of the parties which
had managed to keep Germany fragmented and exploited the na-
tion. Hutten's enemies had become concerned because they
had become aware of his impact on the people. So he must be
silenced. His erstwhile benefactor, the Archbishop-Cardinal

Albrecht of Mainz, succumbs to the pressure. Sickingen, his

152
only powerful friend and independent power in the land, able
to oppose the unholy alliance of the princes, dies in defeat.
And Hutten is hounded down unmercifully.
Too much emphasis is put on Hutten's downhill fight and
on his end. One gets the impression that he did not have any
success in his life. Hutten is presented as honest, but as

one who would not compromise. He is the "white hero,‘ while

his opponents are the ”black villains,’ indeed not a realis-
tic situation. No attempt has been made to explain or under-
stand the opposition of the Hutten-Sickingen party. They

are frequently ridiculed and mocked. Thus, the author per-
mitted his partiality to influence the action.

Hutten's buildup does not show enough action. The rea-
der is left with a negative impression in spite of the at-
tempt to offset this by pointing to the powerful forces over
which Hutten had no control.

It is not an inspiring play, as it puts the blame alone
on the powerful, self-interested factions in the country.

No attempt has been made to analyze the situation with any
degree of thoroughness. Implications and exhonorations are
made without any supportive evidence.

104 Before he

Kurt Eggers has been introduced before.
was the author of a novel, but now he is the writer of the

"Freiheitsdrama" Ulrich von Hutten (1933). In an introduc-

 

tory short summary, the author relates what to expect, in-
forming the reader that Hutten gave outwardly the appearance

of the perpetual scholar and of a wild fighter, yet in

153

spite of this he was a pure and tender human being. It was
Hutten's mission to make the German knights, townsfolk, and
peasants aware of the entrapments of their enemies who were
out to destroy their spirit. Hutten had caught a dreadful
disease during his travels. This prevented him from leading
the fight in the forefront of action. But he got Sickingen
interested as a leader Of an army of concerned knights.

The ensuing uprising fails,. demonstrating that the
united knights had been too weak to Oppose both the Church
and the effective alliance of the princes. Hutten's appeal
to get revolutionary peasants involved is rejected by Sickin-
gen, thus dooming the cause.

The writer claims in the introduction that his version
of the events is based only on verifiable facts. Hutten is
pictured as a down-to-earth type Of a man who is aware of
his limitations. He is one who can joke about his predica-
ments, always displaying wit and want. But at the same time
he appears as one who is more than anxious to defend the na-
tional honor and integrity. Thus, he comes across as an in-
credible figure.

In one scene, when Hutten and his father clash, it bor-
ders on the preposterous when he expresses his conviction
that he must be instrumental in the needed movement for
change. And it sounds fanatical when he declares:

Ich will sein der Prophet der grossen Kriege
und der lodernden Brande ﬁber Deutschland....

weil Deutschland allein aus dem Kriege Kraft
und Leben erhalt, weil allein im Kampf die

154

deutschen Geister erwachen und die deutschen
Menschen sich einig werden.105

A while later his father comments on the death of Empe-

ror Maximilian, sounding like a commentary on World War I:

Und wenn sich, wie du sagst, die ganze Welt gegen
Deutschland kehrte, so glaube ich doch letztlich
an den deutschen Sieg. Wer hat denn auf dem gan—
zen Erdenrund jemals einen ﬁber die deutsche Nati-
on davongetragen! Auch wenn wir Deutschen blu-
tend am Boden lagen, waren wir unter den Wunden
starker als die Sieger!106

And then comes a part which evokes the totalitarian ex-
pansionary reality of later Nazi rule: ”Deutschland mus um
seine Zukunft kampfen, will es nicht auf ewig in Knecht-

"107 This is followed with

schaft und Barbarei verfallen.
this suggestion for a remedy with an Obvious reference of
that which was to come: "Nur an einem mangelts: es mangelt
an den groBen Fﬁhrern, die ihren Blick von dem Heute mit
seinen vielerlei Sorgen und Nﬁten zu lOsen vermOgen und ihn
richten kﬁnnen auf das Morgen, das empor leuchtet wie der
Frﬁhrotschein eines herrlichen Tages aus dem kalten Grau

'I108

der Dammerung. And Nazi ideology speaks clearly from

these lines:

Es kﬁnnte wohl ein Mensch der beste Christ sein
und dabei der schlechteste Deutsche, und umge-
kehrt kOnnte der schlechteste Christ der beste
Deutsche sein. Die Nation wird sich den besten
Deutschen wahlen,....Den ersten Platz im Denken
eines Mannes hat das Volk.

This is followed with a denunciation and a national appeal:

"Es ist feige, sich dem Schicksal durch jahe Flucht zu

155

entziehen. Nicht um das Einzelschicksal geht es, sondern um
die Nation."110

In the conclusion Eggers manages to mix Hutten's wish
with the pastor's appeal for action. This scene could only
be directed to an uncritical, conditioned type of people,
for it turns out to be pathetic and unbelievable. One gets
the feeling that this was written by an irreverent hypocrite
for a chauvinistic zealot who would accept anything without

fail.

In his Feuer ﬁber Deutschland (1939) Eggers continues

 

the Hutten theme. At the beginning Hutten rescues a young
woman through the threat of force from a fiery death at the
stake. He is identified then as the champion of the oppres-
sed. It sounds quite ironic when a priest asks him: "Im
Namen Gottes, wer erdreistet sich so freventlich den Frieden
des Gerichts zu brechen?"111 To this Hutten responds: "Im
Auftrag der Menschlichkeit und des gesunden Denkens rufe ich
mein Halt! Im.Namen der Nation wehre ich eurem gemeinen und
aberglaubischen Mord!”112 He appeals to the conscience of
the German people, telling them not to listen to strange pro-
mises, and to start a fire that will burn away "alle Lﬁge,

alle Gemeinheit, alles Halbe, alles Schwache,"113

creating
the condition for the new man whose god is freedom.

Later on Hutten returns with disgust from Rome. A
phantom-like man exhorts him to go ahead and proclaim the

German empire for which the best people have died. This

entrusted mission does not allow him to live for himself.

156
His talk and actions must solely be dedicated to help his
nation.

Emperor Maximilian recognizes Hutten's meritorious ser-
vices for the country. When Hutten is in the presence of his
sovereign, receiving the honor, he promises: "Und jeder
Satz, den ich mit heisem Willen schmiedete, soll wie ein Ge-
schﬁtz der Knechtschaft Mauern brechen."114

In Wittenberg the difference of Hutten's struggle for
freedom becomes quite evident when contrasted with Luther's.
When protagonists of the two meet, it is the people's cause
versus the idea Of a reformed church free from any outside
control. By now Hutten has declared war on the whole world,
"weil eine ganze Welt die Freiheit morden will, hab ich der
ganzen Welt die Feindschaft angesagt,"115 he simply explains.
Luther wants freedom so that the gospel can be disseminated,
but Hutten desires temporal justice. Thus, they go clearly
their separate ways.

At the siege of Trier Hutten becomes more skeptical:
"Ich glaube an das Volk als an die Einigkeit der Nation und
an ihr Reich von dieser Welt. Doch die Gegenwart der Idee
von Volk ist die BevOlkerung, der allerdings vermag ich

. ”11
nicht zu trauen. 6

It sounds almost disrespectful when

he adds: "Die Freiheit nimmt nur Wohnung in den Herzen derer,
die weinen kﬁnnen in der Nacht und rufen nach Rache, Tat und
Recht! Dort erst wird einer frei, wo das Leben allein wird

117

neben der Forderung der Ehre." He continues: "Die Reli-

gion der Manner ist der Kampf! Und Krieger sind die Priester

157
dieser Welt! Was sonst ein Mannerherz bestimmen will, ist

Tand!"118

Sickingen, his friend, concurs with this: "Nation
heiBt unser Glaube, und sein Gott der heist die Ehre. Die-
sem Gott hingeben aber heiBt eher sterben, als vom'Wege, der
zu Recht und Wahrheit fﬁhrt, um einer Rﬁcksicht willen einen
FuB abzuweichen."119 In true Germanic tradition, he tries
to encourage his men: ”Wer das Schwert fﬁhrt, ist dem Schick-
sal ﬁberlegen."120 He orders Hutten to fight on even when
it appears hopeless. But Hutten finds it difficult to deal
with this situation when he replies: "Du forderst Ubermena
schliches von mir. So muB ich mir die Kraft der alten GOt-
ter nehmen!"121
The phantom-like sage appears again, promising to as-

sist Hutten. In the fashion Of the ancient scalds he as-

serts:

Ich werde dich geleiten, Hutten!

In das Reich der Freiheit,...von
dem die Helden kﬁndend ewig wieder-
kehren! Ich will dich fﬁhren zur 122

wahren Heimat aller Starken, zur Idee.

In this narrative poem the author shows Hutten on a
collision course. While he has some success initially, it
is only downhill after the climax, the installation as poet
laureate. At first his separation with Luther signals the
end, and later the failure at Trier leaves no doubt about
it. A softening of the impact has been attempted in the

final chapter through a questionable ruse: a reach into the

158
mythological realms.

In this drama Hutten is apparently a character who is
too much of a troublemaker. He is a man who collides with
almost everyone. Thus, he is a stereotype. Promises and
beliefs attributed to him are in reality those of the author
and not Hutten. They reflect the author's political and
philosophical convictions. But one gets the impression
that Hutten espouses ideas that are in agreement with Nazi
creeds and ideology.

Hans Herman Wilhelm (1892-1975) wrestles with the prob-
lem in Germany that had been allowed to come into existence
by a lack of cooperation between Ulrich von Hutten and Mar-

tin Luther. He attempts to explain in his drama Ulrich von

 

Hutten, "Die Tragedie der Reformation" (1934) why the two
men had failed to reach an amicable agreement, one that
would have been beneficial for the final outcome in the up-
coming struggle and would have allowed the nation to rid it-
self from the destructive, self-serving elements of its soci-
ety.

Wilhelm believes that the Lutheran Reformation succeeded
only half way. As a consequence of the failure of the Rhe-
nish knights' uprising, the peasants' revolt was doomed. The
"Zerrissenheit" that plagued Germany did not allow a solution
which would bring harmony and cooperation to the land.

The writer tries to show that the "HOhepunkt...ist die
Auseinandersetzung zwischen Hutten, dem politischen Genie,

der von einem Volksstaat und einer Nationalkirche traumt,

159
und Luther, dem religiOsen Genie, der den politischen.Weg

123 The author continues: "Es

Huttens nicht gehen kann."
gibt kein Jahrhundert der deutschen Geschichte, das dem un-
srigen so verwandt ist wie das 16. Die Reformation des
Reiches an Haupt und Gliedern, die die Hutten-Sickingsche
Freiheitsbewegung will, ist von unmittelbar zeitgemaser Be-
deutung.”124
The play introduces at once the problematic conditions
that faced the nation when the election of the new emperor
became necessary. Indications are that Sickingen with Hut-
ten's prodding and enthusiastic endorsement becomes the
”heimliche Kaiser." Hutten has learned from experiences,
and he tries now to use his learning for the best Of the
nation. He knows that a different ruler is needed, one who
puts the requirements of the country before his own. He
explains: ”Der Kaiser Max,...war nicht der Kaiser, den wir
brauchen. Zu sehr hat er an seines eigenen Hauses Wohl ge-

125

dacht...." and he comments further:

Freunde! Sind wir eine kranke Nation? Ich glaub
es nicht und will es nicht glauben. Blﬁhen unsere
Reiche nicht von Stadt - und LandfleiB?...Nur die
Zwietracht und der heimliche Krieg der Deutschen

untereinander wollen kein Ende nehmen. Es ist Nie-

mand, der Deutschland unter einen Hut bringt. Es
ist Niemand1 ger das allgemeine Beste vor das ei-
gene setzt. 2
The assembled knights feel strongly encouraged to unite
and to make common cause with Luther. Hutten goes even so

far as to declare that he would gladly be Luther's shield

bearer and exclaims wistfully: "Ach, wenn die Deutschen

160

begriffen, das sie eine Nation sind, dann wﬁrden sie das

127 But in order to achieve this

erste Volk der Welt sein!"
state, the people would have to make sacrifices and bear los-
ses graciously.

Hutten believes in the future. So he tells Sickingen's
wife that the day will arrive when Germany will be "ein
glﬁcklicher Staat..., wenn einer alle Macht des Geldes und
der Gesinnung hat, einer, dem Ritter und Volk, Bauer und
Stadter, Geistliche und Laien aus Vorteil und Pflicht glei-
chermaBen verbunden sind."128

Apparently Hutten foresees that his mission will not
be concluded successfully during his lifetime. He feels
driven by an inner force to go on in spite of his knowledge
that he will not witness the full realization of his dreams.
He willingly accepts anyone who rallies sincerely to his
cause. For this reason it is not surprising that he would
not reject those peasants who would gladly fight for freedom.
He sees them as soldiers without a leader, explaining: "Wir
sind Fﬁhrer Ohne Soldaten. Wir kﬁnnen sic in unserem Kampf
um die Freiheit gut gebrauchen."129

After Sickingen becomes secretly the "Volkskaiser,"
Hutten is named the chancellor. He unrolls immediately an
eight point program which spells out the reforms he deems
needed. At the same time he urges on for action because he
is convinced that any delay could jeopardize any possible

SUCCESS .

The action moves then to Worms, where Luther had been

l6l
ordered by Emperor Charles V, who wants to get the situation
in his realm under control. His advisor gives him an assess-
ment of the affairs in Germany;
Die Deutschen sind ein Volk mit geringer poli—
tischer Einsicht, aber mit einem starken Gefﬂhl
fﬁr die Freiheit. Sie vermogen sich einem ihres
Volkes schwer unterordnen und befehden sich un-
tereinander bis zur gegenseitigen Ausrottung....

Hat man sie erst so weit, daB sie gehorchen, so

sind sie willfahig und charakterlos wie Sklaven.130

He thus echoes Hutten's distressed awareness of his
people. While the Diet of Worms is conducted, Sickingen de-
cides to take up arms in his simmering feud with the archbi-
shop of Trier. But this meets with the strongest objections
of Hutten. He is sure that it would be of greater importance
of they could ally themselves with Luther, as their causes
coincide with each other. So he meets Luther, arguing for
a united front: "Was fehlt denn ihnen allein, daB die Deut-
schen aus ihrem Zwiespalt herausfinden? Ein gemeinsames Wol-
len, eine allgemeine Erhebung, die sie einig und stark ma-
chen!"131

But Luther rejects this course, feeling he is commissi-
oned to fight for the unadulterated gospel alone. He must
not mix the gospel's cause with worldly quarrels. He is
certain of the direction he has to follow and that he must
not waver from it. Hutten is upset about Luther's unwilling-
ness, he even goes so far to call him "Verfﬁhrer der Deut-

schen"132 because too many had pinned their hopes on the

reformer. Luther is determined to keep his movement pure:

162
"Um rein zu erhalten, was mir armen blinden Knecht durch
Gnade des hochsten Herrn fur die Sache der Freiheit war
vergonnt zu tun, mus ich mich von falschen Versuchern auf
beiden Seiten abkehren."133

Hutten turns away scornfully from Luther, but not with-
out telling him that he has betrayed the cause of freedom.
When he leaves, it is forever.

It is now only a matter of time before the Hutten-
Sickingen movement will collapse. Hutten is of the opinion
that he has lost through Luther's unwillingness and lack of
cooperation. Sickingen too returns from his fateful cam-
paign, knowing that everything is lost. In a moment of
despair he expresses his sentiments: "Ich glaub, das Lied
von Deutschlands Freiheit ist ausgesungen. Es gehen zu vie-
le ihrer eigenen Freiheit nach. Darum ist die deutsche

stets die unfreieste von allen Nationen geblieben."134 And

he is convinced that it was Luther "der uns verriet.”135
Hutten is utterly depressed.

The conquest of Sickingen's last castle is soon accomp—
lished. While the dying Sickingen surrenders, Hutten es-
capes upon his friend's urging. Followed by the bloodhounds
of the Church, Hutten is on his way to leave his beloved
country. Meanwhile, the peasants prepare to rise up in re-
volt. And so it happens that Hutten is attacked by one of
their mobs. But when they find out who he is, the only
champion of freedom left after Sickingen's death, they let

him go. He tells them that he regrets that he did not

163
succeed in establishing a nation where farmers, knights,
and townspeOple could live together peacefully. But he
knows that despite the apparent failures "Deutschland ist

reich genug, daB wir untergehen! Die nach uns kommen, wer-

den das Reich errichten, das wir schauten!"136 He parts
from.them exhorting them not to lose faith.
Wilhelm made an attempt in his work137 to sketch a

chapter of the heroic struggle in Germany's fight for free-
dom. He comments on the tragic character of the people
whose conflict has been going on for centuries. Central to
the conflict is the scene where Hutten tries in vain to win
over Luther for the common cause, hoping that the religious
reformer could join with the political revolution of the
assembled knights at Sickingen's behest. This united force
then could have possibly led to a joining up with the impen-
ding forces of the rebellious peasants.

Hutten was to be a messenger of peace, one who tried
to consolidate the various elements of his country into a
united front. He was attempting to help them through their
struggle to a successful, just and stable conclusion, name-
ly, the establishment of a free and unified nation. In this
he failed. Forces over which he had no control counteracted
his moves. Time and again Frowen Hutten "Euer verschlagener
und wankelmﬁtiger Vetter"138 counteracted frequently the de-
signs and plans of Hutten and Sickingen, symbolizing the
disruptive and disarrayed elements within the nation, the

elements of self-interest, or as seen by the cynic, those

164
of "self-preservation.”

Wilhelm tried to point out the tragic outcome of this
time was only possible because two great men, whose views
and goals were so different, could not come together. Lu-
ther is too monkish, and Hutten is too much of a firebrand,
one who is unwilling or unable to be a realist. Neither of
them is willing to listen to the other's arguments. Per-
haps these stereotypes are the biggest flaw of the play,
making its outcome disputable.

A relatively new genre appeared shortly before this

time period, the radio play.139

It incorporated initially
many different components140 before it reached the form
that is accepted today.

Quirin Engasser (*1907) wrote the "radio play" Ulrich

von Hutten (1935). It is rather a listening sequence in

 

141
which the author put together adaptations and translations

from other authors in addition to some of his own. The work
combines elements of hope with appeals for action, presen—
ted by two speakers. This is ended with a recital of selec-
ted passages from Conrad Ferdinand Mayer's powerful Hutten
epic "Huttens letzte Tage."

Stringed together are summonses that are meant to
inspire. But they lack balance, objectivity, and originali—
ty. This should not surprise when one keeps in mind that
they were meant to reach people at a time when propaganda
was the overriding issue.

Erich Bauer contributed to the cause of the new creed

165
in Nazi Germany with his festival play142 Last Hutten nicht

verderben! (1938). It is introduced under the motto: "Das

 

Gebot der Stunde lautet wie in Huttens Tagen nicht das Mit-
telalter, nicht Wort Gottes, auch nicht Humanismus, sondern
Deutschland."143

The author asserts that Hutten's appeal was never bet-
ter understood than during the 1930's, for it was then that
his dream had been realized as the "Reich (war) geeint und
im Erwachen und Aufbau,...im Glauben an den Fuhrer gegrﬁn-
det."144 Hutten was forever a part of Germany's history.
The unification of the nation had proven that the "Rufer

, 145 "
ins Reich" was "kein Traumer, kein Phantast, er ist...

ein Deutscher der Tat.”146

The play informs the audience that Hutten had experi-
enced a cruel youth, culminating with his deliverance into
a monastery so that a dark prophecy would not come true.
But the youth did not remain there. "Er ward ein Fahrender
...heimat - und ruhelos."147 He now attests to the correct-
ness of the prediction that he had to be ”gepeitscht, ge-
hetzt, von einer Welt von Feinden, fliehen durch ein Land,
dem er die Freiheit schenken wollte."148
Hutten is driven by his compassion, by his desire to
help. He wants to act:
Ich will die Tat!
Allein entscheidend ist die Tat, und nur die Tat
(allein,

nicht der Erfolg, den sie vollbringt!

Die Tat als flammender Protest, gleich einem
(Fanfaren-

166
stoB, der alle Schlafer schreckt und weckt, der
(Nacht
zum Tag macht, Traum zur Wirklichkeit.149
He is addressing the best in the nation, accusing the Church

of disseminating dishonest teachings: "Doch sagt ihr Gott

und meint Macht damit, wo immer euer Kreuz erscheint, stirbt

alles Leben ab."150

Hutten exclaims: "Ich bin Deutschland, - das Sinnbild
eines Reiches aller Deutschen....Deutschland erwacht!
Deutschland steht auf!....Der Tag, der die Entscheidung

bringen wird, steigt aus tiefester Schmach herauf - Gott

will den Kampf."151

He challenges the knights, asking them:
"Nennt ihr das Freiheit, ist das der alten Deutschen hochbe-
rﬁhmter Freiheitssinn, wenn Rbmer, Spanier, Welsche mehr
bei uns zu sagen haben, als selbst in ihrem eig'nen
In his final appeal Hutten addresses the peOple of his
nation, exhorting them to come forward and do their duty,
to fulfill their destiny:
Deutschland kann und wird nur da zu finden sein,
wo starke, reine, heldenhafte Herzen mutvoll
schlagen, wo man den Marschtritt machtvoll hbrt,
mit dem entschlossene Manner unverdrossen, nie .
verzagend, den Weg der Pflicht beschreiten. Ihr
durft den Glauben nicht verlieren an des Reiches
Sendung, Macht und GrbBe.153
The play contains very little action. Throughout it,
the hero harangues the people in a very anticipatory manner.

But this is alien to the Hutten character. Only during this

era for distortion, hate, and bigotry it could possibly

167
have had an impact on its listeners. Only people who either
did not want to think or were unable to do so, peOple who
were not critical, could alone accept such an arrangement
of a play.

Friedrich Franz von Unruh (*1893) made his name as a
novelist after the horrifying Great War. He wanted the re-
newal of man. He looked into the past for those who could
point the way, those who were able to inspire their fellow
man. At the same time he opposed those who represented the
"force of disintegration."154

In his essay Hutten, "Der Vorkampfer eines deutschen
Aufbruchs” (1935), Unruh deals eloquently with the man who
had struggled so passionately for justice and freedom in
Germany.

Hutten had always his admirers and detractors, those
who either had elevated him, or those who had tried to ex-
plain his actions and motives as selfish ambitions. Unruh
takes issue with some of them, especially Paul Kalkoff.155

After having dealt with them, Unruh relates Hutten's
life, explaining the conflicts Hutten had to put up with.
Early in his life, Hutten was confronted with scholasticism
and humanism. Studying the pros and cons of those two
schools made him decide for transconfessional ethics rather
than for immoral paganism, as has been claimed by his det-
ractors.

When Hutten had recognized the need for reform, he

tried to implement this by stirring up the people, by

168
inciting them to seek revenge. Others, meanwhile, took the
situation and the events as inevitable. In his attacks,
Hutten shifted from hatred to satire, often mixed with bit-
terness. These spirited attacks sometimes evoke a feeling
of exaggeration and seem to contain too much rhetoric.

Hutten had been involved all along in some minor skir—
mishes with the Church. Eventually, he turned his full ener-
gy against the abuse, the luxury, the waste, and the base-
ness of the clergy; this included its leadership in Rome. He
launched his formidable attack in his fight with the Church
with the re-issuing of Valla's "Donation of Constantine."
Hutten's goal was nothing less than the independence from
Rome. "Immer klarer bricht Huttens Wesen hervor. Der Grund-
zug ist Zorn. Zorn auf das Unrecht."156

At the same time Unruh shows that Hutten remained very
carnal, "er spielte und trank, er verkehrte mit Dirnen...
(er) schoB oft ﬁbers Ziel, larmte, wo es besser war, still-
zuschweigen oder klug zu verhandeln, dies ist die Tragik

157 Still ”Er kgmpfte, ob die anderen

auch wichen. Seinen Willen brach nur der Tod."158 Hutten

seiner Bereitschaft."

always followed an inner drive; his bearing demonstrated a

combination of knowledge and wit. His strong will carried

him for a time over the dreadful consequences of his terri-
ble disease. Hutten did what he felt compelled to do. So

he was looking for Luther's friendship, believing that with
this man's strength, events of the future could be dealt

with. Hutten admitted that his plans and his position were

169
still too faulty, that they were not approaching those of
the more divinely inspired goals of Luther.
Later, Hutten secured the friendship and protection of

Sickingen. This man was "ein gewiegter, handfester Banden-

fﬁhrer....Ein Realist, der sich Protestantismus und Nationa-
. 159 . .

lismus zunutze machte." At Sickingen's Ebernburg Hutten

immersed himself into his work. ”Was er nun schreibt,

scheint dem Inhalt nach wenig zu sagen, aber fﬁr das Wort,
60

die Wucht des Wortes alles." He started to write in

German. And Unruh sees it like this:
Es ist nicht die brausende Sprache Luthers, die
orgelgleich stﬁrmt und drohnt. Es ist nur die
stete, fast heisere Stimme des Mahners. Gegen-
uber der Kunst, der geschliffenen Form der la-
teinischen Schriften wirkt diese arm, unbeholfen,
fast kindlich. Dafﬁr tritt sein Herz unverhullt,
von Reim zu Reim, wie in Bluttakten pulsend, zu-
tag. Er sagt, wie er'g denkt und fuhlt, schlicht,
fast ohne Gestaltung.1 1

But it must not be understood as a political smear cam-
paign. Not being able to speak with the same authority as
Luther, he worked within his limitations. Still his courage
and sincerity were never in doubt.

Generally Hutten was a positive force, for he exempli-
fied resolute determination in his fight against injustice.
He believed that he could help by initiating those efforts
which were required to bring about the necessary changes.

He had recognized the urgency for these changes. Doing this
162

he not only wrote history, "er machte Geschichte." In

Unruh's assessment, he sees the positives of Hutten outnumber

170

the negatives. "Sein Verdienst um die Reformation war groB.
Wichtiger aber, bleibender noch sein Vorbild...er half einem
kommenden Deutschland hoch."163

Unruh portrays Hutten with his weaknesses and his
strengths. What comes through is a very human man who had
lived as one who was compelled to follow his destined course.
It is a forceful portrait of a man, reflecting the author's
admiration for Hutten.

The lyrical treatment of Hutten for this period is very

limited. Herman Hﬁniche164

wrote ESE lungs Hutten, "Gedichte
aus Huttens Vagantenjahren" (1938), a cycle of poems. These
start with Hutten's escape. This incident is interpreted

as the stage where Hutten was given the opportunity to find
himself and his calling. He becomes the champion for the
strong and unified Germany. It is he who vocalizes the sec-
ret yearnings of his people.

The cycle touches on various episodes from Hutten's life
that end with his Italian experiences, the "Vagantenjahre."
Some of these actually are not based on historical facts, but
they very likely could have been part of his life. They show
a man who is possessed with determination, pursuing his goals
in the face of great odds. But he is a down-to-earth type,
one who can get along with people from all walks of life.

After his Italian experience, Hutten is more than ever
ready to risk his life for his country. In so doing, he

trusts God. He is certain that he must kill "dragons" in

order to bring liberty to his nation.

171

The tone of these poems is light, mixed with words that
are humorous165 in their overtones. Sometimes the characteri-
zation is a bit overdone.166 The whole cycle is written in
a lighthearted vein, relating Hutten's formative years. The
implanted ideological tenor, which is normally so much in evi-
dence during this era, has been kept at a low key.

The works of this period have not generated great enthu—
siasm. The reason for this is that they are generally very
opinionated and propagandistic. They have been conceived
mainly to arouse the emotions and to share messages not nor-
mally acceptable to other generations in society. These
works do not stimulate the aesthetic appreciation, as they
do not encourage the constructive discussion of ideas.

Generally, with the exception of Unruh's essay, these
works cannot be classified as anything but nationalistic-
inspired literature. This includes even those authors who
did not embrace Nazism officially.

The literary output of this time is very dreadful with
its shrillness and loudness. It contains little moral or
artistic value, thus revealing the bankrupt state of affairs
during these years.167 Yet, as far as the Nazi literature is
concerned, one can and should not assign it completely to ob-
scurity. Its impact on some of the succeeding writers cannot
be denied, for it must be acknowledged that "Der Ungeist wur—
de weder mit der Machtﬁbernahme der Nationalsozialisten ge-
boren, noch verschwand er mit dem unseligen Ende des 'Tausend-

jéhrigen Reiches.'"168

Chapter 6

The Post-War Years: A Transitional Time

The end of World War II had brought a "politisch-histo-

rische Zéisur"1

to the repressive rule of totalitarianism.
Attempts had to be made to deal with the unpleasant past. It
was a search, a reflection for an understanding of what real-
1y took place. These included observations which pointed out
the discrepancy between the language and the world around,
leading to efforts to find ”eine neue Sprache, die der neuen
Wirklichkeit gerecht wird."2

During the reign of Nazism Switzerland had become a
stronghold of the German exile community, thus a patron coun-
try for their literary endowment. So the writers there were
able to assert themselves in a free and unruffled way.

In East Germany there was an attempt to demonstrate that
the aims of the Liberal Revolution of 1848 were again pursued.
"Socialist Realism" from the Soviet Union mixed with "zeitge-
maBe" writings set the tone. The individual was pushed into
the background in this society which wanted to equalize its
people.

In West Germany there was a concerted effort to overcome
the past.

While confusion and searching reigned in the two German

172

173
parts, the situation in Switzerland was more stable. It was

here that a work dealing with Hutten appeared on stage, Hel-

mut Schilling's (*1906) play Die Wﬁrfel sind ggfallen (1949).

 

The author presents his ideas in a rather interesting fashion.
He is following the Greek theater tradition mixed with an
anti-conventional open dramatic form. It turns out as a
dramatic creation which is full of energy. It echoes noble
sentiments, and it is as such an honest attempt away from
the previous rationality and heroic egotism. It is a search
for honesty.

All of this is accomplished by creating a scene devoid
of petty irrelevancies, a condition beyond time. This state
is achieved by a representative from the past, by one who
has seen what had happened, and by one representing the new
untested age, one who wants to be guided and who is searching
for better ways. The characters are complemented by a team
of speakers whose purpose is to comment on the events after
they have occurred. This group is reminiscent of the anci-
ent Greek chorus. The location is somewhere in contemporary
times.

Both the young and the old rearrange the stage between
the scenes without the benefit of the curtain, elucidating
on the just completed events and leading with their comments
into the upcoming scene. Thus, the spectator is never al-
lowed to drift into the realms of historic or sentimental
fantasy.

The author took pains to keep out anything that could

174
possibly interfere with his ideas. The stage is therefore
described at the very beginning. It is allowed only to con-
tain the barest essentials.

The play is divided into seven scenes, each relating
one of the main chapters of Hutten's life. At the start it
does not appear that Hutten could possibly realize his goals,
but after the initial setbacks he reaches a time of recogni-
tion. Yet, after having accomplished this, it is all the
way down to his final demise.

The stage has been supplied by the old one with a

”gate of peace,’ and he feels that the "gate of war" could
be torn down. A young lad appears, demanding impatiently
freedom and independence, believing that he can achieve this
alone. He wants to be his own master. Everything should be
very simple and without obstructive formalities. The old
man is reminded of Hutten.

And then scenes of Hutten's life unfurl. In a flash-
back, Hutten is back at Greifswald, ready to leave, for he
knows that the world awaits him. He searches for truth, for
absolutes. Konstanze Lotz, his local love, can no longer
keep him. Henning, her father and the mayor of the town,
enters, demanding from Hutten to pay right then his debts.
Noticing Hutten's readiness to move on, he mocks him cruel-
ly: "Ei seht! Die Grashﬁpfer wollen gleich den/ Himmel. -
Last ihr nicht bald die Hande? - Fetzen/ am Leib und Freier

gespielt! Vergesst ihr/ wer den Schiffbrﬁchigen aufgenom-

men, den Aermsten/ der Armen bekleidet?"3

175
Konstanze feels, though, that if they would get married,
everything would normalize. At this point Eppendorf, recog-

nized by Hutten as a "Mietling,' an agent of Albrecht of Bran-
dendurg, appears. This appearance more than anything streng-
thens Hutten's urge to get away from the narrowminded petty
bourgeoisie where hypocrisy and deception are an essential
part of life.

Hutten goes through with his plans to leave the city.
Lotze sends Eppendorf, Hutten's opportunistic antagonist,
after the knight, promising a considerable reward if he would
strip him of all his belongings yet leaving him.alive.

Pavia in Italy is Hutten's next station. The time is
just prior to the victorious entrance of the imperial troops.
Cronberg and Crotus, two of Hutten's closest friends, are
introduced before his arrival. The two underline Hutten's
duality, his knightly descent and bearing as well as his un-
relenting drive for knowledge. One, Cronberg, is willing
to commit himself recklessly, full of contempt for the va-
cillating companion, while Crotus holds back in fear, yet
full of scorn for those who differ from.him.with their lack
of learning. Cronberg accuses Crotus: "Ihr zerschlagt keine
Brust,/ doch spritzt ihr Gift ins Herz...."4 To this Crotus

retorts that "raufen und saufen"5

was only his opponent's
aim.

When Hutten appears he sees the situation as utterly
hopeless. He had been in Rome and feels now that he is pur-

sued by his unrelenting enemies. Pessimistically, he

176
deplores his situation, concluding: "Ich halte Augenblicke
fest und verliere die Ewigkeit."6 Explaining his goal, but
without being radical, he declares: "Die Kbpfe will ich shu-
bern, nicht vom Helm,/ sondern vom schimmligen Hirn."7 Yet
right afterwards, in a moment of depression, apparently dis-
heartened, he caves in and composes his own epitaph.

Again, Hutten is seen at a time of a rather inglorious
chapter of his life. But this is as it was, the truth. The
old one states between the scene that he only shows what
really happened.

Hutten has gone to the Steckelburg, his parental home.
There his mother agonizes over his condition, particularly
his sickness. She is worried and suggests that he join the
powerful and strong people, the princes. Thus, he would be
under their protection and would not have to continue en;
countering the uncertainties of his former vagrant life-
style.

The downcast Hutten, the nobody, meets again the slip-
pery Eppendorf, this time as the go-between of Hans von Hut-
ten and his bride. Again Hutten and he spar and display
their disdain for each other. But Crotus comes and draws
Hutten's attention to Reuchlin's predicament, challenging
him to stand up and write in Reuchlin's defense against the
Church which has caused so much hardship. This suggestion
is a new challenge for Hutten. He accepts it and prays:
"Gib mir Kraft, dein (meaning God) Gegner zu sein."8 Know-

ledge of his impending excommunication only strengthens his

177

intent, and he exclaims: ”Die Wﬁrfel sind gefallen!"9 Hut-
ten grows in adversity. And the old commentator states:
"Nicht die Freunde, nur die Feinde machen groB."10

The next station is Augsburg. Here Hutten receives his
greatest triumph, being honored by the emperor. Eppendorf
sours this occasion, as he, the emperor's assistant, is rea-
ding the scroll conferring the honor upon Hutten. Shortly
after the ceremonies in an ensuing discussion with the em-

peror, Hutten cries out, with an obvious reference to the

Epistolae obscurorum virorum: ”Ich wﬁnschte, jedes Wort war

 

ein Trommelschlag fﬁr/ des Reiches Einheit, Freiheit, Red-
lichkeit und/ Kraft!"11

Now Hutten has reached his zenith of recognition. It
is then that the news of his cousin's murder rips the solem-
nity of the assembled guests. Hutten breaks out right then
in angry diatribes against the murderer, the duke of Wﬁrt—
temberg, influencing the emperor to endorse the impending
fight of the Hutten clan against this lawless prince.

The old fellow concludes this scene with his impor-
tant comment regarding Hutten's life: "Des Lebens Mittag -
nicht des Lebens End!"12

The campaign against the duke of Wﬁrttemberg had been
successful. In Stuttgart, at Reuchlin's place, Hutten is
described with disdain by Crotus, trying to impress Kons—
tanze. Thus, he declares: "Er liebt das Eisen mehr/ als
das Wort, grﬁBt mit der Brandfackel, betet mit/ dem Folter-

gerat."13

178

When all are assembled, even Reuchlin admonished Hutten
about his participation in the fight, referring to Crotus as
having served the cause better than those who had done so
with the sword: "Fluch dem, der das Innere des Menschen mit
Pech und/ Schwefel reinigen will! Fluch dem, der dem Kurz-
sichtigen die Augen aushackt! Fluch dem, der dem/ Fehlbaren
das Schwert entreiBt, um ihn mit demselben/ Schwert zu rich-
ten!"14 He finishes his condemnation with "Verflucht der
Sieger, der zum Mord-lknecht wird!"15

Crotus has now revealed himself for what he really is.
He is one who works only for his own good behind the scene,
even if this means to turn against his trusting friend, re-
sorting to blackmail, and not being restrained by anything.
Hutten, confronted by that treachery, realizing then the
full implications of his friend's action, feeling that he
has lost big, exclaims: "So stﬁrzt alles zusammen. Kraft,
Freundschaft./ Liebe. Das himmlische Heil."16 The young

one comments afterwards:
"17

...spat betrachtet war's ein Spiel
um nichts.

Hedwig, Sickingen's wife, berates her husband for still
keeping his faith with Hutten who had advised him so badly.
Sickingen, she feels, should think of himself and his family.
This Sickingen refuses to do.

Hutten's attempts to build a new nation, hoping also to
enlist Luther to their cause, do not materialize. The conni-
ving opposition wants Hutten surrendered to the authorities,

a demand Sickingen refuses. But the end is at hand. Before

179
Sickingen dies he instructs Hutten to go to Basel and to car-
ry on with the fight.

In Basel Eppendorf and Lotz await Hutten. While the
first of these men wants to cash in on Hutten's mission, the
second had come to collect his debts. Eppendorf apparently
had come to the conclusion that "wo Hutten geht, da ist der
neue Weg."18 Lotz, in the meantime, had been able to advise
the city to expel Hutten, who is now at the end and aware
of Eppendorf's dubious role: "Der sich mir/ anklammert und
mein Blut saugt. Spiegel meiner eigenen/ Schmach!"19

thz suggests to Hutten that all of them should throw
the dice and see who gets what is left of Hutten's belong-
ings, his money and his writings. Hutten loses everything,
unaware that Eppendorf had used loaded dice. Even after
this abominable affair Lotz is convinced that he is on the
winning side. Still, when Hutten has gone, he proposes a
toast to the knight's demise: "Ein Trunk auf/ seinen Tod!/
Solche Menschen brauchen wir nicht!"20

It is all over, and as the old man states, the game is
up. The chorus adds: "Zuerst den Kampf in uns - dann erst
den/ Kampf der Welt."21 And then turning to the audience:
"Den Menschen gilt es zu befrein -/ und REDLICH OHNE PRUNK
soll uns're Losung sein."22

The play projects Hutten as a man who had an ambitious
goal. The author leads his man through several stages be-
fore he reaches his climax, the coronation as poet laureate

by the emperor. Yet right then he must bear the news of his

180
cousin's murder. From thereon Hutten's path comes down stea-
dily, from the lofty heights to utter despair. Hutten is hu-
man with all the foibles and faults, but they impaired his
mission too much. Though he had to deal with tremendous
bouts of depression he was a man who was able to live his
life.

Taking all these facts into account Hutten could never
develop into that force which could bring the intended.chan-
ges. He had been unable to be successful with the fight wi-
thin himself. Proud and true to his nature he could not with-
draw when he had to realize that the impending outcome would
not match his expectations. Neither able or willing to lie
he was destined to fail through his undiplomatic and uncom-
promising zealousness which proved to be too much of a handi-
cap against his ruthless and powerful opponents.

Hutten was unselfish in his pursuit for truth. Others
had shown clearly that they were crass egotists. The author
arranged for the effective appearance of Eppendorf in all
the important chapters of Hutten's life. As the protagonist
of this trusting man he projects the seamy side of an oppor-
tunist, doing this even when he feigns loyalty. Lotz, on the
other hand, is no more than a selfish predator, filching from
his victims. Reuchlin appears as one who is self-assured,
possibly too much, as he either does not or can not under-
stand the sentiments of others. As a judge he feels that he
must not condone actions incompatible with his reasoning.

Out of touch with reality, he comes close to being a

181

hypocrite. Crotus is projected as a totally indecent person.
It had been his prodding which had awakened Hutten's curiosi-
ty along with his desire for an alternate lifestyle away from
the cloister. Later it was he who worked both sides and.who
gave his friend the final push into despair. If his actions
were those of a realist, he still displayed a very selfish
attitude. Sickingen alone appears faithful to his friend,
never considering the consequences for himself. He is the
"Ritter ohne Furcht und Tadel," one who would not waver in
the face of death and destruction.

The author succeeded in injecting an element of sus-
pense into the action. His commentaries, given by the old

and the young "stage workers,‘ allow the audience not to be
carried away by the action on the stage. They allow, too,
for a time of reflection on the action. The speaker-chorus
underlines this at the appropriate occasions. The language
is kept very simple, yet very effective.

The play shows a man in his attempt to accomplish the
nearly impossible. But the absurdity of reality does not
allow him to be successful. In this existential world he con-
tinually hopes for change, facing harsh reality with truth
and honesty.

The next work originated in the German Democratic Re-
public, where - as previously in Nazi Germany before - the
literary output has been under the control of the state for

some time. Published material must pass the scrutiny of the

authorities and receive their mark of approval. Many of the

182
writings have to be understood in this light, fulfilling the
explicit purpose of educating, guiding, and influencing the
readership.

Often, in their attempts to deal with the contemporary
scene, authors utilized history. Rosemarie Schuder (*1928)
belongs to this group of writers. Through her historical
writings she attempts to draw attention to the problems of
her time, problems which have their origin in the past. It
is her desire to demonstrate the relevancy of history and
its connection to the present time:

...jene Verschmelzung der geschichtlichen Vor-
gange mit dem heutigen Geschehen zu erreichen,
daB der Konsumer betroffen wird, daB er sich
getroffen fﬁhlt, daB er weiB: Ich bin gemeint,
meine Sache wird hier abgehandelt. Das ist

das Schwerste und gleichzeitig der schwerwie-
gende Unterschied zwischen Forscher und Schrei-
ber, mit denselben Fakten nicht das Vergangene,
sondern das Gegenwartige zu erklaren, anhand
des historischen Geschehens ermitteln, welche
Triebkrafte heute wirksam sind.

Schuder puts the emphasis "an den Versuch, die Verge-
genwartigung zu erreichen,...bestimmte Probleme darzustel-

."24 To accomplish this she feels that she must

len,...
"Unbekannte revolutionare Traditionen erschlieBen, die die
reaktionare Geschichtsschreibung gehassig entstellt ﬁber-
liefert hat."25 She wants to explore the "progressive

”26 and to show the "prazise Erfas-

christliche Traditionen
sung der Klassenkrafte und -kampfe der dargestellten
Epoche."27 In this the "poetische Element stellt eine Zu-

gabe dar. In historischer Dichtung durchdringen sich

183
wissenschaftliches und kﬁnstlerisches Denken besonders
eng."28 A writer must also find out what the concerns of the
people were during the bygone times so that the work bears
a mark of authenticity. Schuder tries to present real people.
In the series "GroBe Patrioten" Schuder wrote the histo-

ric-biographic narration about Ulrich von Hutten Ich hab's

 

gewagt (1954). In this work the life and the effect of a
great man is given so it could be of some inspiration to the
young. Franz Mehring, a prominent Socialist, is quoted at
the start, stating that Hutten had earned immortality through
his undying hatred for Rome. Thus, the tone is set.

Hutten enters the action at the height of his glory,
the crowning as poet laureate by the emperor. But even there
he is seen as being slight and ugly, perhaps even as obnoxi-

"29

ous, as the "liederliche Ritter. Hutten had lived his

life, joys and hardships had been part of it, including a

"30 the lues that haunted him for the rest of his

"souvenir,
life.
Hutten's mind flashes back to earlier days, those at
Fulda and at the Baltic Sea. As the emperor honors him in
appreciation of his poetic accomplishments for Germany, Hut-
ten is aware "Maximilian sah allerdings die Sache der Deut-
schen weniger dringlich an als die Sache seines Hauses."31
When Hutten discusses with the emperor the affairs of
the Church, he takes issue with the pope's actions, "ﬁber

das kriegslﬁsterne Gebaren des Mannes, der eigentlich sei-

nem Berufe nach der Friedlichste unter der Sonne sein

184
sollte."32 He is reminded in a flashback of Reuchlin's
struggle with Pfefferkorn and his subsequent co-authorship

of the Epistolae obscurorum virorum (1509). Hutten admits

 

that he is an advocate of change, stating that the privi-
leged classes must modify their positions for the sake of
their people and justice.

Another side of this energetic man becomes apparent in
a later meeting with Erasmus. Hutten, the forceful, optimis-
tic activist, declares: "Alles, was wir uns zutrauen, mit
unserem Geist zu erfassen und mit unseren Handen zu greifen,
alles das konnen wir zur Tat werden lassen."33 He meant by
that the inclusion of force, something Erasmus abhorred.

The unsuccessful trip to Brussels, where Hutten had
planned to plead his cause before the new emperor, completed
Hutten's change in becoming an ardent adherent of revoluti-
onary thought. His opposition to the establishment had made
it impossible for him to move around freely. Yet he feels
compelled to talk to the pe0ple. So he changes from the
polished Latin of his humanist training to German and add-
resses the common man in his own tongue, the vernacular:
"Die Sache aber, fﬁr die er lateinisch schrieb, ging jetzt
nicht mehr nur die gelehrten Leute an, sie horte auf, ein
Gesprach der Studierstuben zu sein, sie gehorte auf die
StraBe, unter die Leute, sie muBte den Menschen aller Stande
in die Ohren geschrieben werden. Dafﬁr genﬁgte Latein nicht.
- ...Und er schrieb deutsch."34 Hutten had realized that he

had to call on all, the townspeople as well as the knights

185
so that they would unite and fight together.

In his dialogues Hutten portrays Sickingen as one stan-
ding for truth and honesty, as the defender of the good cause.
Both of them had come to the realization that "Es kann zuwei-
len geschehen, daB Ungehorsam der beste Gehorsam ist."35
Now Hutten puts himself fully into his role as a fighter for
his ideas. Yet success seems to evade them. And some ex-
press their disappointment. Hermann von dem Busche puts it
this way: ”Warum, Hutten, hast Du nur geschrieben, nur ge-
droht - und nichts getan? Jetzt lachen die Leute ﬁber Dich,

besonders die Romlinge. 'Er bellt nur', sagen sie, und

beiBt nicht.'"36

But Hutten's pleading and writings have not been in
vain. Some of the knights unite in opposition to the oppres-
sive princes. It is their desire to restore the glory of
the nation. Sickingen even agrees to organize peasants into
a fighting group. He thus prepares them in the art of fight-
ing, useful for the later Peasants' Revolt.

However, Hutten's calculations do not materialize. Most
of the nobility and the cities do not rise and join the fight.
The federation of the knights falls apart, and the princes
remain in power, while Hutten is forced to leave the country.
Still, he is not ready to give in, he continues to hold on
to his ardent wish to create a world,

...in der die Deutschen aus allen Standen und in
allen Landen sich zusammenfinden zum brﬁderlichen
Verbundnis gegen alle Gewalt der romhbrigen Fﬁr-

sten und Geistlichen; eine Welt, in der jeder, er
sei, wer er wolle, die Wahrheit sagen und

186

schreiben kann, ohne verfolgt zu werden.37

Yet when the situation does no longer hold any promising
hOpe, he remarks: "So lange es Menschen gibt, die diesseits
stehen, hier, und dabei nicht verzagt sind, nicht angstlich

"38 But

und zweifelnd, so lange ist noch nichts verloren.
in spite of his unbroken spirit he soon succumbs. Zwingli
gives him this ardent testimony: "Er hat sich selbst sein
Werk hingestellt als Denkmal. Und dieses sein Werk wird le-
ben, auch wenn es sonst nichts gibt, was von ihm zeugt, wenn
kein Stein dort steht, wo sein Leib in die Erde gebracht
wurde."39 I

Hutten's own restlessness had consumed him. He had put
his own needs behind those of his nation. In this process
he had become more than a poet, he had become a revolutionary,
siding with the oppressed who yearned for change, the change
that would do away with the abusive old order. Hutten had
pointed the way, though he did not see the new order arrive.
He had realized that his class alone could do nothing. His
plan did not succeed, but he had managed to wake up the
people.

Later, looking back at her work, the author states:
"...jetzt, noch einmal hineinschauend...finde ich, daB der
Ton der ironischen Betrachtungsweise, eine Art der Vergegen-
wartigung, schon damals angeschlagen war...der ﬁberlegung
ﬁber die ordentlichen Leute, die nie einen Revolutionar
n40

verstehen werden,...lese ich mit Genugtuung,...

The writer was influenced by the Marxist interpretation

187
in her historical approach. She herself states about her
aims :
Die Verantwortung des Menschen fur sein Tun und
Handeln, fur das, was er aus seinem Leben macht,
und fur das, was er unterlaBt, wird klargestellt.
Gemessen wird der Wert eines jeden daran, wie er
an der Veranderung der Welt tzilnimmt und dadurch
seinem Leben einen Sinn gibt.
She portrayed a man who stuck by his conviction even when
surrounding events did not warrant any further committment.
This is an interesting book, it is holding one's attention,
especially the young reader's. It is well researched. The
author succeeds to revise a calculated interpretation of a

man and his time in a credible fashion without distortion of

the historical facts.

Ernst Sommer (1888-1955) was one of the authors who had
gone into exile during the Hitler years. In the post-war

years his book Das Leben ist die Fﬁlle, nicht die Zeit,

 

"Eine Portraitstudie Ulrichs von Hutten" (1954) was published
in East Germany by the Aufbau-Verlag, indicating an endorse-
ment by the officials of the German Democratic Republic.
Sommer had himself established as a prose writer with a li-
king for history. His work inserts the experiences of Hutten
in a framework story. It begins with him being at Ufenau,
his final station, looking back on his life. He awakens

from a dream in which Erasmus had haunted him. Schnegg, his
protective physician-priest, is with him. He reminds Hutten

that not everybody is either willing or able to adopt new

188
concepts and then would be willing to die for them.
Hutten is conscious that his life will come to an end
very soon. He goes back in his thoughts and must think of

"42 the man who

his father, the ”wenig barmherzige Burgherr,
had sent his son to the monastery in Fulda so that he would
"nicht nur den Ruhm des Hauses mehre, sondern auch bei der
groBen Familie der Hutten den Weg zu Gott erleichtere."43
But Ulrich could not remain there, his immense drive for
freedom and independence made him make his escape.

Hutten had the ambition to become a humanist, one of
those who "lebte in einer unwirklichen Welt, in der Dies—

II

seits und Jenseits einander begegneten. Soon, however,
just twenty years old, Hutten was struck unmercifully by
fate, he contracted syphilis, and so his existence was per-
manently poisoned, also having a steady reminder of death

as his companion. But his spirits remained unbroken, er

wuchs an Schwung und Starke, allen Symptomen zum Trotz."45

Soon afterwards Hutten was in Pavia, the best known
German student at the university. The French who controlled
the city looked at him with suspicion. This was due to his
loyalty to the emperor and his German feelings, which he
professed unashamedly. He was filled with a great lust for
life. He wanted to be everywhere, always where the struggle
for truth was fought, as he believed that to remain impar-
tial was to become a tool of evil.

Ironically with the reign of the new young emperor, who

had been seen initially as a leader to welcome reforms, the

189
decay of the empire accelerated. War and social unrest were
among the contributing factors.

The tragic murder of Hutten's cousin propelled Ulrich
into a leading position, because he had proven himself in-
dispensable in the family struggle for honor and vengeance.
Hutten had found his true vocation when he had flung his ti-
rades against the perpetrator of the crime. It was then
that Hutten's total lack of "Respekt vor der Autoritéit"46
revealed itself. He had pointed out to the subjects that

even rulers could act unfairly and be indeed inhuman.

After Hutten had reissued Valla's 22 Donatione Constan—

 

tine he won the respect of those who recognized his courage,
though some disagreed with his vehement attack on the pope.
He collaborated with some fellow humanists on the satire

Epistolae Obscurorum Virorum. In it the authors demonstra-

 

ted clearly that they intended to give scholasticism, already
in its death throes, the coup de grace.

Hutten had lived his life, finding happiness whenever
possible. He had found beauty and appreciated it. Freedom
was for him always the overriding issue. He had also been
keen enough to recognize that his support for Luther could
give his mission a chance for success. With his addresses
he did not only try to appeal to the bourgeoisie, but also
to the peasants. He sympathized with them, for "Die Armut
der fronenden Bauern erregte sein Mitleid."47 He was con-

vinced that reforms had become necessary, observing too that

the peasants had lost their patience and were beginning to

190
speak openly of insurrection.

If Hutten was unequivocal it must be added that he was
true to his conviction, never hesitating to make any sacri-
fice. Erasmus, on the other hand, deplored conflicts. Sik-
kingen sought only to extend his power. Luther's appeals
combined with those of Hutten ostensibly had been success-
ful, for "...schon damals dachten die Aufgeklarten, ...daB
die religiose Freiheit der Anfang der politischen sei."48

Hutten had undergone a remarkable transition about which
the author comments: "Es ist seltsam, wie die Empbrung den
Polemiker zum Dichter machte."49 He adds: ”...(so) hat sich
...der internationale Humanist in einen deutschen Volksdich-

."50 He had become someone who felt that

ter verwandelt...
he could speak for his people. Hutten had become the ”Evan-
gelist des neuen Evangeliums, er war der Vorkampfer der noch
im werden begriffenen Weltanschauung."51
Hutten had become convinced that real reforms could on-
ly be accomplished through armed uprisings. This Luther re-
jected. So Hutten had to wait for others to start the acti-
on, as he was unable to do so himself. Through his gift of
persuasion he had been able to win Sickingen. But as it
turned out, it had been too late. With Sickingen defeated
and dead, Hutten was forced to leave Germany and go into ba-
nishment, something that turned out to be "eine Einbahn-

n52

straBe. He was then alone, blaming himself for all the

failures. ”Am meisten qualte ihn seine moralische Urheber-

n53

schaft an Sickingens Krieg. By this time death had

191
become more than ever his constant companion. One last task
he had to settle yet with Erasmus, "der ehemalig Abgott, der

zum Todfeind (wurde)."54 In Expostulatio (1523) he dealt

 

with him as a man who would not show his true conviction.
This was his last literary effort.

Sickingen's defeat had encouraged Hutten's enemies to
give up any restraint, and they were showing then brazenly
their intentions, hoping to liquidate Hutten. Hutten had to
fight for his life, and this he did as best as he knew. He
was unaccompanied, deserted by his former friends, when
Zwingli granted him for his final days his friendship and
protection. He instructed Schnegg to care for Hutten on the
tranquil island of Ufenau.

Hutten finished his life without any regrets. He could
say: "Ich habe nur meine Pflicht getan. Ich sterbe, weil

"55 And then he continued: "Ich

meine Aufgabe erfﬁllt ist.
habe nichts zu beichten. Denn ich fﬁhle keine Schuld."56
Those that were present during his last moments were aware
of his serenity, noticing that he had expired peacefully.
Erasmus' response did not come in time. No longer

could the "prince of the humanists" antagonize Hutten, the
one he had envied, for this "Feuerbrand hatte seine Aufgabe,
die Aufgabe seines Lebens in wenigen Jahren vollendet. Ihm,
Erasmus, hatte die Vorsehung die doppelte Zeitspanne gegeben,

n57

und er hatte die Jahre vertan. The narrator asked rheto-

rically: "Wem wﬁrde Gott eher vergeben: dem ehrlichen Hare-

tiker oder dem unaufrichtigen Orthodoxen?"58

192

In his portrait of Hutten, the author attempted to
sketch the man in his historical greatness, but also the man
with his limitations. As a humanist he had opposed clerical
regimentation, and as a nationalist he had striven for the
unification of his country. Thus, he had paved the way for
those later generations who were able to embrace progressive
ideas. They had become his heirs.

Sommer's presentation of Hutten is both interesting and
realistic. He mentions as an example Hutten's blind loyalty

as an official of the archbishop of Mainz when he condoned

judicial murder.59 Also Hutten's character is shown so
that: "...oft genug war der adlige Stolz starker als seine
n60

adlige Vernunft.

Hutten's physical exploits were limited. His only deed
of valor was with the French who had been mocking the German
emperor; as the narrator says; "Es war Huttens einziges rit-
terliches Abenteuer."61 Neither was he Camelot, the white
knight in shining armor: "Der lahme Ritter auf seinem aus-
rangierten Ros bot einen grotesken Anblick."62

Throughout his narrative the narrator makes numerous
references to Hutten's impending death. It is his way to
emphasize the achievements, for the constant threat of death
did not stop him from action. Undaunted he continued with
his mission, always inspiring others.

The book takes also issue with Hutten's acquaintances.
Some of the comments are not in line with their usual image.

Sickingen expressed his prejudice against the peasants,63

193
and Luther was apparently successful in his attempts to ap-
pease the upper stratum of society.
The author's descriptive style is quite vivid, perhaps
in some cases a little overdone.65 He gets carried away
when he calls the archbishop of Trier "ein halber Franzose."66
In spite of this the book succeeds to picture Hutten realisti-

cally, as an articulate man.who had a vision, though he had

been only very limited in his effectiveness.

The last work that deals with Hutten is Heinrich Rogge's
play Huttgg, ”Ritter, Tod und Teufel” (1970). This will
serve as an example of an interpretation from.West Germany.
In previous works67 Rogge has already shown his admiration
for the knightly humanist. Now he depicts Hutten as the he-
rald of an upcoming time, a man remaining faithful to his
cause, a man unbroken to his tragic end.

The subtitle clearly recalls Albrecht Durer's engraving
by the same name, evoking the idea of the artist: the noble
courageous knight going his way even when death and the devil
flank him as his constant companions.

Hutten is depicted through three stages:

1. Hutten becomes aware of his country's plight; he

accepts his mission.

2. Hutten breaks with the establishment.

3. Hutten fights without interruption to the very end.

The time span of Hutten's life is relatively short. It
is set during the reformation of 1523. At the beginning

there is a discussion about one of Hutten's polemical

194
treatises which he had written after he had become conscious
of his nation's predicament. Some of those present reject
his argumentation. The fear of denunciation to the Church
authorities becomes apparent, and the sale of indulgences is
interjected into the discussion.

Soon afterwards, Erasmus arrives for a visit with the
Archbishop Albrecht of Mainz. Erasmus has found Albrecht's
admiration because he opposes the narrowmindedness of schola-
sticism. Yet in spite of this rejection Erasmus counsels
caution. He praises Hutten while at the same time he is cri-
tical of his rashness.

Not long after this, Hutten is told that Albrecht is
giving in to the pressure of his superiors and that he would
withdraw his support for Hutten. The suggestion that he,
Hutten, should leave the court and accept Sickingen's pro-
tection, Hutten sees as an escape, as an impossibility, be-
cause he feels that he must remain as long as possible at
the bishop's residence, trying to convince Albrecht of the
urgency and relevancy of reform. Albrecht in turn could
then persuade the influential German princes.

The archbishop is then visited by Aleander and Glabio,
the representatives of the Church and the Empire, who want
Hutten's deliverance to Rome. At first Albrecht tries to
side with his man and cautions that the implications of
such an arrest could be too much as Hutten is "ein Gelehr-
ter, dessen Ruf schon jetzt weit ﬁber die Grenzen des

n68

Reiches hinausgeht. Aleander's reaction is that he

195
threatens Albrecht with the power of the Church, reprimanding
him also for having been so lax.

The action shifts to a minor incident, showing the pre-
dicament of the peasants, their exploitation. They plead
their cause before Sickingen who listens and promises to help.
He realizes that their need is great and that they could only
succeed under experienced leadership, which he is willing to
give them. And for this he wants Hutten's able pen.

When Hutten is called before Albrecht he had been warned
about the impending dismissal and danger. His last appeal
to Albrecht is unsuccessful, for Albrecht is too much a man
of the privileged class, unable to sympathize with the ex-
ploited people, Surprised at Hutten's suggestion he asks:
"Wahrheit und Freiheit fﬁr die Masse, fﬁr das einfaltige
Volk? - Was wird daraus? Unglauben, Unfreiheit, Unwahrheit,
Unruh und Gewalt. Die Kirche dienet dem Volk besser, die
ihm seine Ruhe bewahrt und ein festes Regiment ﬁber seine

Seele fiihrt.”69

Though he disagrees with Hutten, Albrecht
respects him and permits him to leave, convinced later that
he has lost his best man.

Sickingen has not given up his attempts to convince the
emperor that changes were necessary. But this turns out to
be in vain. He is also informed of Luther's rejection of
the offer to combine forces with him and Hutten. Luther
explains: "Sein Werk sei nicht ein Werk des Schwertes und
"70

der Gewalt, sondern allein des Geistes und des Glaubens.

When the emperor names Sickingen "Feldhauptmann" in

196
a campaign in France, Hutten sees this as a trap, as an at-
tempt to split and weaken the opposition. He explains his
position against it: "Ein Kaiser, der weder deutsch sprechen

noch denken kann, ist kein deutscher Kaiser."71

He implies
that this man has not Germany's interest in mind, thus he
should not be obeyed. He implores Sickingen to take advan-
tage of the prevailing situation and act as a real German
emperor, especially since the people call him already the
”Afterkaiser."72 Franz replies that he needs time to think.
Hutten resigns himself to the inevitable, convinced that the
opportunity will not present itself again, that Sickingen's
inactivity will doom their plans.

Shortly after this, Hutten is a hounded man, banned by
the emperor and excommunicated by the Church. He escapes to
Switzerland. In Basel Erasmus refuses to see him, for he is
afraid that any contact with his former friend, now an out-
law, could have negative repercussions for him. Yet when a
priest requests his cooperation in a plot to do away with
Hutten he refuses to participate.

Finally, Hutten finds a refuge on Ufenau where he is
cared for during his remaining days. Although the end is
quickly approaching, Hutten stays active with his pen. Upon
being informed of Sickingen's death he exclaims: "Wo Tyran-
nen herrschen, herrscht Unrecht, ja das Unrecht selbst ist
der groBte Tyrann."73 Hutten does not lose his courage and
is certain that he would not have done anything differently

if he had to do it all over again. He declares:

197
Das Leben halt manchen zum Narren, aber glaube mir,
sollte ich mein Leben noch einmal leben, es wﬁrde
nicht viel anders sein. Dieses Jahrhundert voller
Wissenschaften und sch6ner Kﬁnste, voll Kampf fﬁr
Wahrheit, Freiheit und Gerechtigkeit! Is ist eine
Lust zu leben!
Up to the moment when his life comes to an end, Hutten
still feels that his mission had not been in vain. Rogge's
work employs "earthy" language to inject a note of interest.

He uses "Saukerle," "Mordbuben," "GeschmeiB," "Schergen,"

"Schranzen," and more of this kind.75 Some of the main cha-

racters are identified by a "Leitmotiv." For Hutten's hot-
tempered personality fire is used: "Feuerkopf," "an seinem
Feuer Verbrennen," "der ist nur noch Feuer," "Euer Eifer wird

euch verbrennen," and more.76 The cautious Erasmus on the
other hand repeats a phrase "nicht zu scharf"77 several times.

The author's bias against the Church of the Reformation
time shows when he sketches the opponents too harshly, ren-
dering a very partial treatment. This holds especially true
when he comments on events in which they were involved.78

On some occasions Rogge uses proverbial sayings which
fit well into the text. His admiration for Hutten goes so
far that he declares his hero a symbol for Germany, the con-
science of the nation.

As these last works of our own time show Hutten's ap-
peal is timeless. His sincere concern for freedom and jus-

tice for all men appeals to succeeding generations and tran-

scends all ideologies.

Conclusion

In this study Hutten as a literary subject has been
treated in every literary genre: poetry, drama, and prose.
Yet what stands out so much is that the various exponents
Show a remarkable diversity in their interpretations. Some
authors looked only for that side of Hutten that fit their
philosophical or political concepts, thus neglecting to
present the complete man. It is interesting to observe how
Hutten is claimed as the champion of opposing philosophies
and orientations.

The authors' approaches to the topic are quite differ—
ent. While some presented Hutten thoughtlessly, uncritical-
ly, perhaps even c0pied partially from the stereotype of
former authors, others showed his foibles and limitations.
Some analyzed critically the material and the facts, others
investigated Hutten's actions and motives from a psycholo-
gical point of view. Only those authors who had kept a cer-
tain detachment from the subject succeeded in creating a more
credible character, rather than a mouthpiece for their own
ideologies. All works throw an interesting light upon the
authors and their times.

First attempts to use Hutten as a literary subject were

made by his contemporaries. Yet even then during his short

198

199
life Hutten had to experience how fleeting glory and admira-
tion could be, succeeded by envy and defamation. "Lorbeer
ist ein bittres B1att<hxn,der's sucht und dem, der's hat."
Due to the political and religious events in Germany,
the effect of Hutten-and of like minded men - subsided.2
Some of their ideas were allowed to continue in Switzerland,
because this country was willing to grant asylum to the flee-
ing emigrees. Switzerland was less restrictive and demon-
strated greater tolerance to those who advocated new ideas.
Thus, ”wird die Schweiz im 16. Jahrhundert der Treffpunkt
und Tummelplatz von Fﬁhrern der geistigen Bewegung,...."
Hutten's legacy is preserved.
A revival of interest in Hutten occurred with the arri-
val of the "Storm and Stress" period, a time which brought
a new awareness of the problems of the people and called
attention to the abuses of absolute and arbitrary rule.
From this point on the interest and pre-occupation with this
man was never again completely neglected. Schiller would
have agreed with Hutten's function as the pamphleteer rather
than the man of the sword when he expressed:
Das ist nicht des Deutschen Grose
Obzusiegen mit dem Schwert,
Vorurteile zu besiegen,
Mannlich mit dem Wahn zu kriegen
Das ist seines Eifers wert.
The expression against sedition or revolutionary ideas

had to be tempered with a respect for tradition and order.

The educated classes, the intelligentsia, was to aim for

200
ethical greatness. Yet shortly afterwards Ernst Moritz
Arndt stated the national consciousness and desire for unity
when he exclaimed: "Ein Volk zu sein, ist die Religion unse-
rer Zeit."

Hutten's spirit continued to exert its influence on each
succeeding generation. As the times became repressive some
were impressed by his courage and conviction. Hutten, too,
had once become "unbequem" and was forced into exile.

There were also times when Hutten was completely misun-
derstood and even exploited. While the ideas of the so-called
"degenerated arts” were banished, Hutten, as a national hero,
was manipulated in any conceivable way by the propagandists
of the "Third Reich."7 Still, the crisis brought about by
the totalitarianism rendered also a humanist reaction. When
the negative, destructive changes in society became all too
apparent, the call for freedom.was heard again. The opposi-
tion addressed the people through "Huttenbriefe,"8 pamphlets
informing them of the deception of their government.

In our own time Hutten's appeal has diminished. Nation-
alism has no longer the strong appeal as in the past. Per-
haps only through the cynic's eyes do we read a cryptic men-
tioning of Hutten.

The political and literary climate undergoes changes.
But we also know that "Wer lebt, erzahlt. Und wer erzahlt,
zahlt auf: was er erlebt hat oder was er glaubt, erlebt zu
haben; er laBt erkennen, was er erleben mochte oder was er

befﬁrchtet, erleben zu mﬁssen. Ein Bekenntnis und ein

201
Gestandnis steckt also insgeheim in jeder Erzahlung - aber
zugleich ein Element des Kampfes."10 Thus, we can confident-
ly say that others will again find inspiration in the works
and the person of Hutten.

Hutten showed the world that he had a tremendous power
to arouse an interest for change. It was not for him to see
truth and freedom triumph, yet he demonstrated that one must
continue to fight for it. As a brilliant writer he was con-
vinced that worlds could be opened through the power of the
word, proving that "Those for whom words have lost their
value are likely to find that ideas have also lost their

1'11

value. Great ideas of thought as in literature will en-

dure. Their memory will be strong and hard to efface, and
this knowledge alone will guarantee Hutten's future influence.

A quote from Muschg seems an appropriate conclusion:

Das Wort ist unendlich machtiger als das Schwert,
und wer es zu fuhren weiB in starker, weiser Hand
ist viel machtiger als der machtigste der Konige.1
Wenn die Hand erstirbt, welche das Schwert gefﬁhrt,
wird das Schwert mit der Hand begraben, und.wie die
Hand in Staub zerfallt, so wird das Schwert ver-
zehrt. Aber wenn im Tode der Mund sich schlieBt,
aus dem das Wort gegangen, bleibt frei und leben-
dig das Wort. Uber dasselbe hat der Tod keine
Macht, {gs Grab kann es nicht verschlossen wer-
den....

FOOTNOTES

202

Footnotes: Introduction

 

1Otto Flake, Ulrich von Hutten, (Berlin: S. Fischer
Verlag, 1930), p. 239. There he states: "...wenn einer, so
brachte Hutten alle Voraussetzungen mit, um eine gebrauchs-
fahige Bildungssprache zu schaffen, die zur Darstellung geis-
tiger, intellektueller Themen geeignet gewesen ware."

2Max Spindler, ed., Handbuch der Bayerischen Geschichte,
Vol. 3, (Mﬁnchen: C.H. Beck‘sche Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1971),
p. 588. Here we read: "Cochlaus hielt Pirkheimer, Erasmus
und Reuchlin fur die 'drei Sterne am Himmel des deutschen
Humanismus.'"

 

3Carl Krause, Helius Eobanus Hessus, Sein Leben und
seine Werke, Vol. 1, p. 154i r'Die Humanisten waren von je-
her das Stiefkind der Universitaten, das fﬁnfte Rad am Wa-
gen...”

 

4Rudolf Endres, "Die Ausbreitung der Reformation,"
Handbuch der Bayerischen Geschichte, p. 199. "...(Hutten)
der sprachgewaltige Humanist und leidenschaftliche Kampfer
gegen das Papsttum..."

 

5A motto attributed to Moliere, found in DER SPIEGEL,
26, (29.Vol), p. 82. It is found in Moliére, Le Bourgeois
Gentilhomme, Act II, Scene II, p. 39, (Paris: Libraire La-
rousse, 1970)., There it reads: Maitre D'Armes:
Je vous l'ai deja dit; tout le secret de armes
ne consiste qu'en deux choses: a donner et a ne
point recevoir.

 

 

 

6Josef Lortz, Die Reformation in Deutschland, Vol. I,
(Freiburg: Verlag Herder, 1949), p.—319. Lortz writes that
Hutten remained a "literarischer Streiter," but his goal
"die Ritter zu bewegen, blieb aus." He achieved, though,
one success, a "propagandistischen Erfolg fur das Reich der
Realitat."

 

 

7Karl Borinski, Geschichte der deutschen Literatur,
Vol. II, Seit dem Ausgang des Mittelalters, (Stuttgart:
Union Deutsche Verlagsgesellschaft, 1893), p. 49.

8All emeine deutsche Real-Encyclopedie, (Leipzig: F.A.
Brockhaus, 1824)

, p. 904. "Tyrannei, Unrecht und Betrug
empbrte ihn (Hutten) und er entlarvte mit aller Kraft der
Feder..."

203

9Arnold Berger, ed., Die Sturmtruppen der Reformation,
(Leipzig: Verlag von Philipp Reclam.Jun., 1931), p.719.
About Hutten: "...kampferisch...der rhetorisch-pathetische
Stil lag ihm.”

 

10Fr. Chr. Schlosser's Weltgeschichte fﬁr das deutsche
Volk. (Oberhausen & Leipzig: A. Spaarmann'sche Verlagsbuch:
Hzﬁdlung, 18722), Vol. 9, p. 327. See also: Harald Drewinc.
Vier Gestalten aus dem Zeitalter des Humanismus. (St. Gallen:
Verlag Zollikofer & Co., 1946), p. 28 He writes: "Im Feuer
der Empbrung und des Aufruhrs gab er die Wissenschaft preis
und kampft fur ein freies Vaterland, fﬁr sein Recht, das ihm
verweigert wurde, und schlieBlich um das nackte Dasein." He
adds on p. 226: "Die rein humanistische Beschaftigung mit
der Dichtung war fﬁr ihn ein Durchgangsstadium."

 

llLortz, p. 319.

12Schlosser, p. 331. See also Fritz Martini. Deutsche

 

Literaturgeschichte. (Stuttgart: Alfred Kroner Verlag, 1965),
p. 11f. There he writes: "Neben Luther tritt ... Ulrich von

Hutten als unbandiger Anwalt eines nationalen Humanismus von
revolutionarer Tendenz."

13Ludwig Schubart. Leben und Charakter Ulrichs von
Hutten. (Leipzig: Jacobaersche Buchhandlung, 1817), pT—48.
Schubart writes: ”So viel scheint gewiB: ware Hutten nach dem
Rath seiner Freunde minder gewalthatig gegen das Papstthum
zu Werk gegangen, hatte er sich durch sein Feuer nicht zu
oft zu persﬁnlichen Krankungen hinreissen lassen, er wﬁrde
nicht nur mehr ausgerichtet, sondern gewiB auch eine blei-
bende Statte, und Ruhe unter seinen Mitkampfern gefunden
haben."

 

14Wolfgang Panzer. Ulrich von Hutten in litterarischer
Hinsicht. (Nﬁrnberg: J.C. Monath & J.F. KuBIer, 1798), p.71.

 

 

15According to Josef Nadler. Literatur-Geschichte des
deutschen Volkes. Dichtung und Scﬁfifttum.der deutschen
Stamme und Landschaften. Vol. 1. (Berlin: Propylaen Verlag,
1939). P. 367.

 

 

 

16Robert Herndon Fife. "Ulrich von Hutten as a literary
Problem," Germanic Review, XXIII (1948), p. 25. He states
there: "The Pirkheimer letter of 1518... made such an impres-

sion on Goethe and found a place, in partial translation, in
the seventeenth book of Dichtund und Wahrheit.”

 

204

17Lortz, p. 51: "Humanismus besaB wirklich eine neubil-
dende Kraft in Deutschland, ... wird zu einer nationalen Be-
wegung, zeigt dabei eine deutsche Derbheit, hartere Linien

Hutten mit seinen Kampfrufen, ...das ist die starkste
Leistung."

18Fife, p. 29.

19Lewis W. Spitz. "Hutten - Militant Critic," The
Religious Renaissance of the German Humanists. (Cambridge,
Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1963), p. 128.

 

 

 

20Spitz, p. 128.
21Lortz, p. 67f.
22Fife, p. 20.

238pitz, p. 111.
24Spitz, p. 111.
25

Fife, p. 19.

26Bruno Wilhelm. "Der Wandel des Urteils ﬁber Hutten,"
Schweizerische Rundschau, 29 (1929/30), p. 461.

 

27Wilhelm, pp. 460-461.

28Wilhelm Kaufmann-Bﬁhler. Ulrich von Huttens humanis-
tisch-politische Gedankenwelt. Diss. HeidElBerg 19221
(Heidelberg: Universitatsbibliothek, 1923), p. 7.

29Harald Drewinc. Vier Gestalten aus dem Zeitalter des
Humanismus. (St. Gallen: Verlag Zolligﬁofer & Co., 1946),
p. 18.

 

 

30Jost Hermand. Unbequeme Literatur. Literatur und
Geschichte. (Heidelberg: Lothar—Stiehm Verlag, 1971), p. 15.

205
31Schlosser, p. 329.

2Siegfried Szamatolski. Ulrich von Huttens deutsche
Schriften. (StraBburg: Karl J. Trﬁbner, 1891), p. 14. See
also: Wolfgang Stammler. Von der Mystik zum Barock. (Stutt-
gart: J.B. Metzler, 1950),—ET I20.

 

 

 

33Schlosser, p. 326: "...Hutten hatte nicht, wie die
anderen Schriftsteller, einen langsamen mittelbaren EinfluB,
sondern er wirkte wie der Blitz augenscheinlich vernichtend.”

34Drewinc, p. 276.
35Schlosser, p. 327.
36Lortz, p. 67.

37Lortz, pp. 67-68.

38Johann Gottfried Herder. Der Teutsche Merkur. (Wei—
mar: 3H, 1776), p. 3.

 

39Georg Ellinger. "Das Huttenbild in Vergangenheit und
Gegenwart," Westermanns Monatshefte, 141 (Oktober 1926/27),
p. 166. He writes: "2..in machtiger Steigerung baut sich
sein schriftstellerisches Werk auf... ganz entfaltet sich
sein Wesen erst, wenn er seiner Lebensaufgabe bewuBt zum Ver-
treter des nationalen Gedankens wird....In der Form des Epi-
gramms, der Invektive, der Satire, des Dialogs kleidet er

seine Angriffe...."

 

40Szamatolski, p. 10.
AlEllinger, p. 161.

42Julius Schall. Ulrich von Hutten. (Halle a.d.
Saale: Max Niemeyer Verlag, 1890), p. 23. ”He writes:
"Beatus Rhenanus nennt..., zwar mit etwas Ubertriebung in
einem Schreiben an Zwingli, Hutten den kﬁhnsten aller Ster-
blichen."

206

43Reinhard Buchwald. Schiller, Leben und Werk.
(Wiesbaden: Insel Verlag, 1959), p. 688.

 

44Kuno Francke. Personali_y in German Literature before

Luther. (Cambridge, Mass. : Harvard_Un1versity Press, 1916),

f.: ”With Lessing he shares the restless striving for
truth and the indomitable courage of truth. He is akin to
Heinrich von Kleist in his contempt of compromise and his
unconditional surrender to a cause. Something of Ernst Mo-
ritz Arndt one seems to feel in his romantic enthusiasm for
German nationality and his defiance of foreign fashion."

 

 

45Friedrich Franz von Unruh. Hutten. (Stuttgart:
Karl Gutbrod Verlag, 1935), p. 42.

46Schubart, p. 29: "Und wie viele Kopfe und Herzen hat
hinwiederum das Beispiel Huttens befruchtet?" This is typical
for Schubart's opinion of Hutten.

47See some examples in Appendix A.

48Herbert Wolf. ”Humanistische Einflﬁsse in der frﬁh-
protestantischen Literatur," Wirkendes Wort, 3, Vol. 20 (1970),
p. 145.

 

49This is from a comment I overheard during a conversa-
tion dealing with authors from the past as well as from the
present.

50Thomas A. Bailey. "The Mythmakers of American Histo-
ry,” Journal of American History, 60 (June, 1968), p. 5.
The statement to wh1ch I refer was part of the presidential
address during the 1968 convention of the Organization of
American Historians.

 

51Thomas Carlyle. The French Revolution. Vol. 1.
(London: 1898), p. 256.

 

52Georg Voigt. "Ulrich von Hutten in der deutschen
Litteratur." Diss. University of Leipzig, 1905, p. 7.

53Other materials which deal in part with Ulrich von
Hutten in literature are as follows:
1. Eduard Korrodi. "Ulrich von Hutten in deutscher Dichtung."

207

Wissen und Leben, 5 (1911), 27-41.

2. Wilhelm Kaufmann-Bﬁhler. Ulrich von Huttens humanistisch-
politische Gedankenwelt. Diss. University of Heidelberg,
1922. (Heidelberg: Universitatsbibliothek, 1923).

3. Eduard Korrodi. "Deutsche Huttendichtung vor C.F. Meyer,"
Neue Zﬁrcher Zeitung, (26 Aug. 1923), Sec. 2, 1-2.

4. Georg Ellinger. "Das Huttenbild in Vergangenheit und
Gegenwart," Westermanns Monatshefte, 141 (Oct., 1926),

59-167.
5. Bruno Wilhelm. "Der Wandel des Urteils ﬁber Hutten,”
Schweizerische Rundschau, 29 (1929/30), 457-464.

6. Albert Becker. “Hutten-Sickingen im Zeitenwandel," B31-
traoe zur Heimatkunde der Pfalz, l6 (Heidelberg, 1936).

7. Robert H. Fife. "Ulrich von Hutten as a Literary Problem,‘
Germanic Review, XXIII (1948), 18-29.

8. Hans Joachim Wulscher. "Erasmus von Rotterdam im 19.
Jahrhundert.” Diss. Freie University Berlin, 1954.

9. Elisabeth Frenzel. "Hutten, Ulrich von," Stoffe dgr Welt-
literatur. (Stuttgart: Alfred Kroner Verlag, 1970), pp. 329-
331.

 

 

 

 

 

 

208
Footnotes: Chapter 1
1Arnold Berger, ed. Satirische Feldzﬁge wider die Re-

formation. Thomas Murner/Daﬁiel von Soest. (Darmstadt:_‘
Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1967), p. 6.

 

 

2Eduard Korrode. "Ulrich von Hutten in deutscher Dich-
tung,” Neue Schweizer Rundschau. 5, Vol. 9 (1911/12), 27.

 

3F.O.H. Schulz. Hutten. Ein Kampf ums Reich. (Berlin:
Theodor Fritsch Verlag, 1939). On p. 75 he writes the follow-
ing: "Manigfaltig war das Echo aus dem Lande. Von allen Sei-
ten kamen Briefe. Auch Gedichte auf Hutten und Sickingen ka-
men in groBer Zahl.”

4Korrodi, p. 27.

5Otto Flake. Ulrich von Hutten. (Berlin: 8. Fischer
Verlag, 1929). Flake states: "In Eberlin hat man neuerdings
den Verfasser des Liedes 'Ach edler Hutt aus Franken' und
'Ulrich von Hutten das edel Blut,‘ mit anderen Worten den
Kunz Loffel sehn wollen. Die Hypothese hat viel fur sich.
An jenen Liedern fallt sofort auf, daB sie von einem theolo-
gisch gebildeten Mann geschrieben sein mussen." p. 319.

 

6Johannes Klein. Geschichte der Deutschen. (Wiesba-
den: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1960), p. 35.

 

7F.F.v. Unruh. Hutten. (Stuttgart: Karl Gutbrod Ver-
lag, 1935). p. 37.

8Paul Kalkoff. Ulrich von Hutten und die Reformation.
(Leipzig: Rudolf Haupt Kommisionsverlag, 1920), p. 431:
"Das Gedicht entspricht Huttens Absichten und Anschauungen
dabei in so korrekter sprachlicher und metrischer Form aus,
daB man ernstlich vermuten darf, dieser Hans Breuning sei
Hutten selbst gewesen." He adds on p. 420, note 1: ”...das
Lied des Hans Breuning 'Frisch uf mit reichem Schalle,‘ das
in der Stimmung und Sprache diesem anerkannten Gedicht Hut-
tens (Ich habs gewagt mit Sinnen) ﬁberraschend ahnlich ist.
Die kaum abzuweisende Annahme seiner (Huttens) Autorschaft
an dem Reiterliede muB die gleichzeitige Entstehung des an-
dern Gedichts bestatigen."

 

 

209

9Walter Brecht. Die Verfasser der Epistolae Obscurorum
Virorum. (StraBburg: Karl J. Trﬁbner, 1904), p. 187.

10Wolfgang Stammler. Von der Mystik zum Barock. (Stutt-
gart: J.B. Metzlersche Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1950), p. 123.

 

11Stammler, p. 123.

12David Friedrich StrauB. Ulrich von Hutten. (Meers-
burg & Leipzig: F.W. Hendel Verlag, 1930), p. 334.

13Crotus Rubeanus (1480-1539), his real name was Johan-
nes Jager from DornheimeArnstadt; he was a member of the Er-
furt humanist circle.

14StrauB on p. 334: "...alle Kennzeichen deuten auf
Crotus als Verfasser dieser Schriften...." And Brecht on p.
188, note 1: "Das Pseudonym erklart Backing wohl zutreffend:
'Corallus' verdeckt den Namen 'Rubeanus,' wie wenn er von
'rubere' und nicht von 'rubus' abgeleitet ware: 'Abydenus'
ist eine antike Bezeichnung eines die Gebrechen der Mensch-
heit witzig durchhechelnden Spdtters." He adds on p. 188:
"Die Untersuchung gelangt zu demselben Ergebnis, wie das ab-
schatzende Urteil.” Hans Rupprich. Vom spaten Mittelalter
bis zum Barock. (Mﬁnchen: C.H. Beck'sche Verlagsbuchhandlung,
I97OTT—p. 719, seemingly agrees: "Eduard B6kking und.Walther
Brecht schrieben aus inhaltlichen und formalen Grﬁnden dem
Crotus eine ganze Reihe in die Nahe der Epistolae obscurorum
virorum gehﬁrigen anonym und pseudonym erschienenden Satiren
zu." Hajo Holborn. Ulrich von Hutten. (Gdttingen: Vanden-
hoek & Ruprecht, 1968), p. 179 supports Crotus as the author
of the abovementioned dialogues. Stammler, p. 123 refers to
Nikolaus Gerbel as the possible author of these dialogues.
He writes: "Die vielen Dialoge, die Nikolaus Gerbel (um
1485-1560) Ende 1520 erscheinen lieB, sind in Motiven und Ten-
denzen von Hutten abhangig,...sch1ieelich erscheint Hutten
selbst lebensvoll und wird von der Wahrheit mit Waffen des
Geistes und des Christentums zum Kampf fur das Vaterland ge-
rﬁstet.” Paul Merker. Der Verfasser des Eccius Dedolatus
und anderer Reformationsdialoge. (Haale/Saale: Verlag von
Max Niemeyer, 1923), p. 288, writes: "Resultat des sechsten
Kapitels: Nicolaus Gerbelius ist der Verfasser der drei Mur-
nersatirren, der drei Ecksatiren und der acht unter dem Pseu-
donym Abydenus Corallus Germ. gehenden Schriften."

 

 

SBreve submitted to the elector of Mainz (October 25,
1520). See: Siegfried Szamatolski. Ulrich von Huttens
deutsche Schriften. (StraBburg: Karl J. Trﬁbner, 1891),

p. 60, note 2.

 

 

210

16Brecht, p. 218 states that this incident could be an
allusion to the Viterbo affair when Hutten encountered some
Frenchmen in a fight.

17Brecht, p. 219, note 1.

18All of these mentioned men had been active in the fight
against the forces of the Reformation.

19Brecht, p. 221, note 1, states that this humanistic
naive mixture of Christianity with ancient-pagan elements was
typical, as evidenced in the peculiar compilation of Christi
Tribunal with Plutonis carnifina and Tartarus.

 

20Holborn, p. 179, where he follows the translation from
Hutten 0 us IV, p. 598. Hutten is here taking the role of a
crusader 1ke those of the "Deutschordensritter.'

21Brecht, p. 222.

22Friedrich Gaede. Humanismus, Barock,Aufk1arung.
(Bern, Munchen: Francke Verlag, 1977), p. 36, says: "In Li-
teraturwerken der Humanisten: dominierende Rolle allegoris-
cher Personifikation ist unubersehbar."

 

 

23Arnold Berger, ed. "Anmerkungen, ” Sturmtrupoen der
Reformation. (Leipzig: Verlag von Philipp Reclam Jun. ,—193l),
p. 29, states: "Es ist die Sprache eines gluhenden Huttenver-
ehrers, der aber den bewunderten Helden zugleich bruderlich
warnt, sein christliches Rittertum nicht mit unrecht vergos-
senem Blut zu beflecken."

 

 

24StrauB, p. 94.

25Barbara K6nneker. Die deutsche Literatur der Refor-
mationszeit. (Mﬁnchen: Winkler Verlag, 1975), p. 90.

 

 

26K'onneker, p. 90.
27Flake, p. 319.

28Berger, p. 52.

211
29F1ake, p. 319.

OBerger, p. 133. ”I. Bundesgenosse."

3lBerger, p. 133.

32Alfred G6tze, ed. "Das Kegelspiel" 1522), Flugschrif-
ten aus den ersten Jahren der Reformation. 3rd Vol., 6th
Pamphlet, (Leipzig, 1909), p. 16. Th. Schiess. "Das Kegel-
spiel," Zwingliana. Vol. V, Nr. 4 (1930, Nr. 2), p. l43f.
Schiess states that he is one "der aufmerksam, aber mit ge-
ringem Gefallen den bisherigen Verlauf der Bewegung (Refor-
mation) verfolgt hat, am liebsten alles rﬁckgangig machte
und, besorgt um den Ausgang des Streites warnend seine
Stimme erhebt:...." p. 145.

 

 

 

 

33Konneker, p. 30.

34Ernst Voss. ”Koegelspil," Modern Phililogy. 2 (1904/
05), 3.

 

35Voss, pp. 17ff.

36Also known as Das Pariser Reformationsspiel von 1524.
See: Karl Voretsch, ed. Das Pariser Reformationsspiel.
(Halle a.S.: Max Niemeyer Verlag, 1913).

 

37Pamphlets and polemical dialogues were the preferred
forms of circulation for the dissemination of ideas. The
handling of the dialogue and Hutten's vividness had made them
important teaching documents; this was followed by numerous
people who wanted to circulate their views.

38Helmut Rohr. Ulrich von Hutten und das Werden des
deutschen NationalbewuBtseins. (Hamburg: Paul Evert Verlag,
193678 P. 38, note 76.

 

39Carl Krause. Helio Eobanus Hessus. Sein Leben und
seine Werke. Vol. I. (Nieukopp: B. de Graaf, 1963), P. 294.
The author refers to a letter from Erasmus to Eoban from Octo-
ber 19, 1518: "...erfreute mich der Lieblichkeit Huttens...."

 

212

40Preserved Smith. A Ke to the Colloquies of Erasmus.
(Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Un1vers1Ey Press, 1927): p. 18:
"Whereas some features of the picture in the present dialogue
recall Hutten, others are taken from the typical landsknecht.
And StrauB, p. 501, has this to say: ”...auch auf Hutten soll
Erasmus (in)...hamischer Weise in einigen seiner Dialoge an—
gespielt haben....”

41Smith, 47.

42Eppendorf was an ambiguous, perhaps shady acquaintance
of Hutten.

43Smith, pp. 47-48. He writes: "Thomas Brun, a Carthu-
sian of Basel who had recently left the cloister, married
and contracted syphilis.”

44Straue, p. 501.

45Also known as Schwamm des Erasmus zur Abwischung von
Huttens Anspritzungen.

 

 

 

46Berger, p. 28.

47Ludwig Schubart. Leben und Charakter Ulrichs von
Hutten. (Leipzig: JacobaersEhe Buchhandlung, 1817), p. 150.

 

48Schubart, p. 150.

49Huizinga as quoted in: Heinrich Grimm. Ulrich von
Hutten. Wille und Schicksal. (Gottingen: Musterschmidt,
19715, p. 131.

 

 

50Johann Huizinga. Erasmus and the A e g: the Reforma-
tion. (New York: Harper & Row, Publ., 1957), p. 159.

SlGrimm, p. 131.

52Johannes Hanssen. Geschichte des deutschen Volkes
seit dem Ende des Mittelalters. Vol. 2. (Freiburg im Breis-
gau: HerderTsche VerlagsbuEhhandlung, 1897), p. 271.

 

 

213

53Janssen, p. 271. He writes: "In seinem 'Schwamm' rech-

nete er (Erasmus) Hutten zu den Menschen, welche 'unter dem
Vorwande des Evangeliums lediglich auf Beute und Plﬁnderung
ausgehen, berechtigt zu sein glauben, einen Wanderer auf of—
fener StraBe zu berauben, und nachdem sie ihr Geld bei Wein,
Dirnen und Spiel durchgebracht, einem Jeden von dem Etwas zu
gewinnen, Fehde anzukﬁndigen.'" (Janssen was a Roman Catho-
lic clergyman.)

54H61born, p. 177.

55Karl Hagen. Deutschlands literarische und religidse
Verhaltnisse 1m Reformationszeitalter. Vol 2. (Frahkfurt
a.M.: Verlag von Karl Theodor Volker, 1868), p. 75, "...na-
tﬁrlich kommt es ihm nicht immer auf die strenge wahrheit an,
sondern er verdreht die Thatsachen und Aeusserungen auf die
perfideste Weise."

 

 

 

56Hagen, p. 77; quotes Backing, Hutten Opera. Vol. IV.

 

57Eobanus Hessus was Eoban Koch from Hesse before he
Latinized his name. He was one of the humanists and a co-
author of the Epistolae obscurorum virorum.

 

58Krause, p. 113, writes: "In der SchluBelegie der
Querelen an die deutschen Dichter nannte er (Hutten) ihn
(Hessus) den grbBten aller lebenden Dichter."

59Krause, p. 113.

6OKrause, p. 322, states: "Das fﬁr die Erfurter Schule
so folgenschwere Ereignis surde von Eoban zum Gegenstande
einer Reihe schwungvoller Elegien gemacht, welche den Titel
fﬁhren: Zum Lobe und Verteidi un des evangelischen Doctors
Martin Luther. (Mai 1521) Es sind—deren sechs;...." One
of those is entitled Ad Vldaricum.Huttenum.Equitem Germanu
a2 Poeta noblissimu. 22 causa Lutheriana. Elegam I.

 

 

 

 

 

61Krause, p. 326.

62Grimm, p. 119, states: "Eobanus Hessus, der zugleich
im Namen anderer Erfurter Freunde ihn (Hutten) mit einem Ge-
dicht gemahnt hatte, zu den Waffen zu greifen,...ist ein Be-
leg gﬁr die Anteilnahme der Erfurter Akademiker an Huttens
Kamp ."

214

63Schubart, p. 152.

64According to Georg Ellinger. "Das Huttenbild in Ver-
gangenheit und Gegenwart," Westermanns Mbnatshefte. 141
(Okt. 1926), p. 162, was LotiChius the greatest of the new-
Latin poets and a friend of Melanchthon. The original was in
Latin and appears here in the author's translation. See
also: Alois Schreiber, ed. Gedichte von Ulrich von Hutten

und eini en seiner Zeitgenossen. (Heidelberg: Joseph Engel-
mann, IBlO), p. XXV. Therelis the following translation:

 

 

Huttens Schatte, sey mir gegrﬂBt! Du Asche des
Dichters,

Dem eine Insel im See endlich die Ruhe gewahrt,
Sey mir gegrﬁst, o Freund. Du hast dir mﬁhend
errungen,

Ruh' im Grabe. Wohlan! gib sie dem Todten, 0
Grab.

Nimm dir Veilchen, die hier ich streue, nimm auch
die Thranen,

Tapferer Ritter! Der Tod, Er nur gewarte dir
Gluck.

Glﬁcklich im.Tode bist du; du siehst die gr68eren
Uebel

Deines Landes nicht mehr, (dem du, ein Racher er-
schienest;)

Seit ein hoheres Vaterland, der Himmel, dich auf-

nahm.

Doch auf Erden erwachst, Jahre nach Jahren, dein
Ruhm.

Enkel werden dich einst, dich, glﬁckliche Asche,
verehren;

Und so leb' wohl, ewig, o Redlicher, wohl.
Petr. Lotich.

65Schubart, p. 153.

66Reference is made to the leader Mauritius of the The-
bean Legion which had been ordered by Cassar Maximian (286-
305) to persecute Christians. Since this legion, including
its leader, were Christians, they refused to follow orders
and were consequently executed.

67Schubart, pp. 180-181; it is his translation.

68Stammler, p. 129.

215

69Stammler, p. 129. He mentions that above poem, found

in Huttens Schriften. Vol II. pp. 355-357.

 

70Ka1koff, p. 586.

71Kalkoff, p. 586.

72Kalkoff, p. 586. He relates Melanchthon's thought:
"Der du zerfleischst den beklagenswerten Gestorbenen, nenne
dich Nachtigall nicht, nenne dich Geier vielmehrl" See also:
p. 585, and Ellinger, p. 162. Camerius. Vita Melanchthon.
(Leipzig, 1566), p. 94. It contains the reply in LusEinium
proscindetum mortum Huttenum:

 

 

 

Cum laceres miseror crudeli carmine manes,
Nomen erit vultur, non Philomela, tibi.

73Schubart claims that this play originated in Paris
and was performed before the French king. It was Burckhard
who had drawn public attention to this play. See: p. 161.
Voretsch states, p. 3f.,: "Zuletzt hat Ludwig Geiger eine
eingehende Untersuchung des Stﬁckes vorgenommen: Das Spiel
zu Paris, (Schnorrs Archiv fﬁr Literaturgeschichte V, 1876,
543-54). Er gibt neue Belege fﬁr die Abhangigkeit des deut-
schen Textes von dem lateinischen, sucht den Verfasser, we-
gen der Einfﬁhrung Huttens, in Basel und erklart schlieBlich
Guilaume Farel, den Reformator der Westschweiz, fﬁr den Ver-
fasser des lateinischen Originals." The author, however,
doubts this and thinks that the play might have originated
in France, though there is no proof for that. (Pp. 5-7).

74Ludwig Geiger. Zwei Abhandlungen ﬁber reformations-
geschichtliche Schriften. (Leipzig: Archiv fﬁr Literaturge-
schichte, 5 (18757755. PP. 543-67). The author describes his
investigation regarding the Spiel. Voretsch also goes into
some detail in his "Introductlon about the Spiel.

 

 

 

75Ludwig Geiger. "Ulrich von Hutten," Vortra e und
Versuche. (Dresden: Verlag von Ehlermann, 1890), p. 56.
This account follows closely Geiger's narration.

76He was Melanchthon's son-in-law, also a friend of
Hessus.

77Gustav Schafer, ed. Die Mark Brandenbur und Berlin
im Spiegel der Dichtung. (Berlin, 1926), p. 70.

 

216

8The original version shows Sabinus as a representa-
tive and prominent expert of the new-Latin poetry, having its
beginning with the ideas of the humanists. See also: Herbert
Wolf. "Humanistische Einflﬁsse in der Frﬁhprotestantischen
Literatur," Wirkendes Wort. 3 (1970), 150f.

 

79Hermann.Walser. Ulrich von Hutten. (Zﬁrich und Leip-
zig: Grethlein, & Co., nd.) p. 351, thinks that it could have
been Moritz von Hutten.

8OHans Gustav Keller. Hutten und Zwingli. (Aarau:
Verlag H.R. Sauerlander & Co., 1952)} p. 69, note 34, states:
"Gessners Bibliotheca vniversalis (1545) 342 a-b. H II 353
al 1-5 wenn StrauB erzahlt (S. 469-470), ein frankischer
Ritter habe auf dem Grab einen Stein mit einer lateinischen
Inschrift errichten lassen, so stimmt das mit Gessners Be-
richt nicht ﬁberein. Die Stelle bei Gessner lautet (342 a-b)
"...in lacus Tigurini insula, ubi nuper epitaphium, nobili
quodam Franco procurante, lapidi sepulchrali incisum ab ami-
cis ei positum est...." Heller states further, p. 69, that
the grave marker had come from a Zﬁrich admirer in 1545.
Julious Schall. Ulrich von Hutten. (Halle a.d. Saale: Max
Niemeyer Verlag, 1890), p. 55, gives the following transla-
tion:

 

 

Hier ruht ein edler Ritter, ein Redner beredt vor
andern,

Hutten der Sanger und Held, machtig im.Lied und
durchs Schwert.

81Merker, p. v11 (Vorwort).

217

Footnotes: Chapter 2.

1Heinrich Grimm. Ulrich von Hutten. (GOttingen: Mus-
terschmidt, 1971), p. 135.

 

2Helmut Scheuer. "Ulrich von Hutten: Kaisertum und
deutsche Nation," Daphnis 2 (1972), 152.

3H.A. Korff. Geist der Goethezeit. (Leipzig: Koehler
& Amelang, 1966), p. 105.

 

4Franz Schulz. Klassik und Romantik der Deutschen.
Vol. 1, 3rd Ed., (Stuttgart: J.B. Metzlersche VErlagsbuch-
handlung, 1959), p. 208.

 

5Richard Newald, Von Klopstock bis g3 Goethes Tod.
1750-1832. (Mﬁnchen: C.H. Beck‘sche Verlagshuchhandlung,
1964), P. 94.

 

 

6C.M. Wieland. Shmtliche Werke. (Leipzig: G.M. Gbs-
chen'sche Verlagsbuchhandlung, 18387, p. 256.

 

7Wieland, p. 259.
8 .
W1eland, p. 260.

9Eduard Korrodi. "Ulrich von Hutten in der deutschen
Dichtung,” Neue Schweizer Rundschau," 5, Bd. 9 (1911/12),
p. 28.

 

10Christoph Martin Wieland. werke. Vol. 3. (Mﬁnchen:
Carl Hanser Verlag, 1967), p. 257.

11C.T. Wagenseil. Ulrich von Hutten. (Nﬁrnberg:
Friedrich Campe, 1823), p. 257

 

12Schulz, p. 41f. There: "...das von der Zensur bean-
standete Gedicht "Gelﬁbte" mit dem Schluss:

So spotte jeder der Gefahr,
Die Freiheit ruft uns allen;

218

So wills das Recht und es bleibt wahr,
Wie auch die Lose fallen

Ja, sinken wir der Ubermacht,

So woll'n wir doch zur Todesnacht
Glorreich hinﬁber wallen.

Dies vielberufene Kampflied (von Friedrich Schlegel) ist -
wer will es aus dem Ganzen ﬁberh6ren? - mit gewissen Tdnen
der volkstﬁmlichen Markigkeit von Huttens Trutzgesang 'Ich
habs gewagt' von 1521 verpflichtet,...."

So one can see that Hutten was known and had inspired
some. But to set him a memorial in literature was another
thing, something left to be done by later writers who unfor-
tunately did not have the gift to do justice to his memory.

13Letter from Schiller to Christian Gottfried K6rner,
Volkstadt, July 27, 1788, in: Bodo Lecke, ed. Friedrich von
Schiller. Von den Anfangen bis 1795. Vol. I. (Mﬁnchen:
Ernst Heimerau Verlag, 1969), p. 295.

 

14
Ulrich von Hutten. Deutsche Schriften. Ed. by
Peter Ukena. (Mﬁnchen" Winkler Verlag, 1970), p. 332. Hut-

ten writes: ...Weh ﬁber mich, Wilibald, wenn ich mich als
adlig erachten wollte, ohne diesen Namen durch meine eigene
Leistung zu verdienen.” Augsburg, den 25. Okt. 1518. Des
Ritters Ulrich von Hutten Brief an den Nﬁrnberger Patrizier
Willibald Pirkheimer, in dem er ﬁber sein Leben Rechenschaft
ablegt.

15Goethes Werke. Vol. X. (Hamburg: Christian Wegner
Verlag, 1964), p. 631. There in Faust I, ”Nacht,” 682/683:
"Was du ererbt von deinen vatern hast,/ erwirb es, um es zu
besitzen!"

16William A. Cooper. Goethe Jahrbuch 1911. Vol. 32.
(Frankfurt a.M.: Rﬁtten & Loening, 1911), p. 182. Korrodi
says of it ironically: ”...das (the book) leider froh ist,
wenn es Regenwﬁrmer findet." Korrodi, p. 28, commenting on
the reference to Faust 1, lines 682f.

17Wagner had himself acquainted with Hutten,as he had
come out in 1801 with a German edition of Ulrich von Hut-
tens fﬁnf Reden wider den Herzog Ulrich von Wﬁrttemberg.

"Thuiskonz" Tuisto, Tuisco, -s: der erdentsprossene
Gott, nach Tacitus der Stammvater der Germanen. Der Sprach-
Brockhaus. 7. Erneuerte Auflage. (Wiesbaden: F.A.

 

 

219
Brockhaus, 1968), p. 707.

19"Erebus:” this name signifies darkness, given to the
gloomy section of the underworld which was transversed by
mortal souls on their way either to the beatitude of Elysium
or to the torments of Tartarus. Encyclopedia Americana.
Volalg. (New York, N.Y.: Americana Corporation, 1969),
p. .

 

20Korrodi, p. 30.

21Meant is here the Austrian Emperor Francis II (1768-
1835), under whose rule Metternich had helped Russia to
squelch the Polish uprising.

22Lonely, away from Germany, Platen died in Italy, his

hopes utterly dashed, reminding the reader of a similar fate,

that of Hutten on Ufenau, Switzerland.

23Pseudonym for Anton Alexander Graf Auersberg. Having
been born into nobility had caused him an inner conflict,
which he "solved" by adopting a bourgeois name.

24According to Der Tagesspiegel. In "Spiegel der Woche,

 

Sept. 5, 1976.
25Korrodi, p. 33.

26Originally written in 1830, this work reappeared in a
shortened version in 1838, which had not this Hutten episode
included. Perhaps this was due to a feeling of ineffective-
ness of both, the poet and the episode of this epic, thus
having led Grﬁn to drop this part.

27Pseudonym for Nikolaus Niembsch von Strehlenau.

28Lenau had planned an epic trilogy in which Hus was to
be the first hero, Savonarola the second, and Hutten the .
last one. See: Lenaus Werke. Ed. by Carl Schaeffer. Vol I.
(Leipzig: Bibliographisches Institut, n.d.), p. 60.

 

29Helmut Lamprecht, ed. Deutschland, Deutschland.
(Bremen: Carl Schﬁnemann Verlag, 1969), p.

 

I

220

30Other names for Goethe: Stabilitatsnarr, Fﬁrstendiener,
seniler Hofrat (B6rne), Weiberheld, egoistischer Aristokrat,
Verachter der republikanischen Literaturverfassung. See: Jost
Hermand. "Nachwort," Das Junge Deutschland. (Stuttgart:
Philipp Reclam Jun., 1966), p. 372.

 

31Korrodi calls him a "Halbdichter," p. 32.

32Korrodi, p. 33.

33Referred is here to the reader of tyrants, Hofrat
Dingelstadt, who was quite active with his satires.

34Emil Bucher. Ritter Ulrich von Hutten. (Worms:
A. Kranzbﬁhler, 1840), p. 3.

 

35Bucher, p. 4.

36Bucher, p. 120.

37Robert Weber. Huttens Abschied. Stimme aus der Re-
formation. (Zﬁrich: Mahler unleeber, 1849). P. 30.

 

38Weber, "Anmerkungen," p. 32.

39Herman Kurtz. "Ostern 1525," Deutschland, Deutschland.
Ed. by Helmut Lamprecht. (Bremen” Carl Schurmann Verlag,
1969), p. 77.

40Meant is here Martin Luther, the German reformator.

41Kurtz, p. 79.

42Lamprecht, p. 582.

43Schurz had begun to work out some scenes for his tra-
gedy "Ulrich von Hutten," and he had received enthusiastic
support from his friend Althans. However, he explains then
in his Lebenserinnerungen: "Eines Morgens gegen Ende Februar
1848 - wennlich mich’recht erinnere, war es ein Sonntagmorgen -
saB ich ruhig in meinem Dachzimmer am Ulrich arbeitend, als

 

221

pldtzlich einer meiner Freunde atemlos zu mir hereinstﬁrzte
und rief: 'Da sitzt Du! WeiBt Du es denn noch nicht?‘ 'Nun
was denn?‘ 'Die Franzosen haben Louis Phillippe fortgejagt
und die Republik proklamiert!’ Ich warf die Feder hin - und
der Ulrich ist seitdem nie wieder berﬁhrt worden." Carl
Schurz. Lebenserinnerungen Vol. 1. (Berlin: Verlag Georg
Reimer, 1906): p. 116.

Schurz had been acquainted with the political literature
of the likes of Freiligrath, Herwegh, and Heine. His youth-
ful enthusiasm made him decide to support the fight for the
elimination of social injustice. And Spael writes in this
context: "...die groBen Charaktere der Geschichte...ziehen
ihn magisch an....Kﬁhn faBt er den Ritter Ulrich von Hutten
beim SchOpf, der mit seiner Losung 'Ich hab's gewagt!‘ ihn
machtig imponiert. Aber es ist ein verfehltes Bemﬁhen, nach-
zumachen, was Shakespeare vorgemacht hat. 0ft genug ent-
fallt die Feder seinen Handen...es will nimmer gelingen."
Wilhelm Spael. Karl Schurz. Vol. I. (Essen: Verlag Friede-
beul & Koenen, K.G., 1948), p. 80.

 

44Georg Wittkowski. The German Drama of the Nineteenth
Century. (New York: Henry Holt & Co., 1909)) p. 45.

 

 

45Wittkowski, p. 45.

46Helmut Schanze. Drama im bﬁrgerlichen Realismus.
(1850-1890), (Frankfurt a.M.: Vittorio Klostermann,'l973),
p. 72.

 

47Georg Ellinger. "Huttenbild in der Vergangenheit und
Gegenwart," Westermanns Monatshefte, Nr. 141 (Oct., 926/27),
164.

 

48Ellinger, p. 164.

49Ferdinand Lassalle. "Franz von Sickingen," Gesammelte
Reden und Schriften. Vol. I. Ed. by Eduard Bernstein.
(Berlin: Paul Cassirer, 1919). PP. 169-170.

 

 

SOLassalle, p. 171.
51Lassalle, p. 229-230.

52Lassalle, p. 343.

222
53Lassa11e, p. 345.

54Since this is a rather lengthy play, incorporating in
addition a great number of actors, this proved to be imprac-
tical and could only be considered after extensive changes
had been made.

55Gustav Schrdder. Frﬁhes Leipziger Arbeitertheater.
Friedrich Bosse. (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 1972), p. XXI.

 

 

 

56Peter von Rﬁden. Sozialdemokratisches Arbeitertheater.
(1848-1914). (Frankfurt a.M.: Athenaum Verlag, 1973), p. 12.

 

57A.R. Manfred Wittich. (Leipzig: Richard Lipinski,
1902), p. 12.

 

58Manfred Wittich. Ulrich von Hutten. Ein Reformati-
onsspiel. (Leipzig: Commissions-Verlag von E. Thiele,
1886). P. 9.

59Wittich, p. 13.
6OWittich, p. 18.
61Wittich, p. 20.
62Wittich, p. 20.

63Johann Te(t)ze1, the German monk had caught Luther's
ire for his preaching of indulgences to raise money for the
construction of St. Peter's Church in Rome.

64Wittich, p. 21.

65Wittich, p. 25.

66von Rﬁden, p. 66. This author mentions the infamous
"Sozialistengesetze." These allowed the authorities to ex-
pell dissenters from the city, in this case from Leipzig.

223

67Wittich, p. 27.

68Wittich, p. 27.

69Wittich, p. 27.

7OWittich, p. 24.

71Wittich, p. 24.

72Schrc’ider, p. XV.

73Schro'der, p. XIX.

74Friedrich Bosse. "Die Alten und die Jungen," in
Schroder, p. 9.

75Bosse, p. 11.

76Bosse, p. 12.

77Bosse, p. 12.

78Bosse, p. 18.

79Bosse, pp. 18-19.

8OSchr6der, p. 109.

81Gustav Adolphi. Ulrich von Hutten. (Berlin Fried-
landische Buchdruckerei, 1872), p. 72.

 

82Pseudonym for Karl Helfferich who became later for a
while deputy chancellor and also a leader of the right wing
opposition in the German Reichstag.

83F. Erich Helf. Ulrich von Hutten. (Dresden & Leip-
zig: E. Pierson's Verlag, 1893). P. 3.

 

224

84He1f, p. 20.

85Helf, p. 77.
86Helf, p. 81.
87Helf, p. 107.

88Protesilar, also Protesilaus, was the first Greek
killed during the landing of the Greek forces in the Trojan
war.

89Helf, p. 134.

90Helene Adolf, ed. Im neuen Reich. (Leipzig: Verlag
von Philipp Reclan Jun., 1932), p. 32.

 

91Meant is here the representation of the two schools:
the classical and the naturalistic.

92Adolf, p. 14.

93Wittkowski, p. 134.

94Wildenbruch wrote also a play, Die Tochter des Erasmus
(1899). Hutten plays a major role in it.

The author contrasts Hutten, a man dedicated to the ine-
vitable changes of progress, but at the same time with feel-
ings and compassion, a man believing that good will triumph,
an optimist who strives for the just cause even when circum-
stances do not warrant this any longer, with Erasmus, the
non-committal, calculating, self-seeking character, who is
full of malicious joy, over-ambitious.insidious, and lurking,
one who does not take a stand, afraid to compromise and one
who would deny his association with others if that denial
would benefit him; he is scornful of those upon whom bad
times have fallen.

95Ernst von Wildenbruch. Gesammelte Werke. Ed. by
Bertold Litzmann. Vol. 15. (Berlin: G. Grotesche Verlags-
buchhandlung, 1924), p. 551.

225

96von Wildenbruch, p. 551.

97Adolf, p. 185. There in "Anmerkungen:” "1 April 1895
- Die Mehrheit des Reichstages hatte sich geweigert, dem Fﬁr-
sten Bismarck Zu seinem 80. Geburtstag Glﬁckwﬁnsche zu schik-
ken. Das Présidium kam danals durch Verzicht der Konserva-
tiven und Nationalen an das Zentrum." (This party was the
Catholic party which had previously been involved in the
"Kulturkampf," instigated by Bismarck.)

98Adolf, p. 184.
99Adolf, p. 185.

100Wilhelm Bennicke. ”Hutten Buchdrucker," Hessenland.
19 (105). 226.

 

101Bennicke, p. 226.

226

Footnotes: Chapter 3.

1Johanna Presler-Flohr had spent some time in the
Schlﬁchtern district, Hutten's home county, where she had
lived in her younger years. This permitted her to become
thoroughly acquainted with Hutten's history and his ideas.

2The reference is to The Treatise of Lorenzo Valla on
the Donation 9f Constantine. Text add translation By ChEIS-
topher B. Coleman. (NewlYork: Russell & Russell, 1922).

 

 

 

 

3Johanna Presler-Flohr. Ulrich von Hutten. (Berlin:
Marquardt & Co., n.d.), p. 3.

 

4
Presler-Flohr, p. 98.

5Presler-Flohr, p. 106.

6Presler-Flohr, p. 121.

7Presler-Flohr, p. 171.
8Presler-Flohr, pp. 171-172.
9Presler-Flohr, p. 190.

10Presler-Flohr, p. 195.

11This statement is on the title page of Karl Kelber.
Der deutsche Hutten. (Dresden: Kommissionsverlag von C.
Ludwig Ungelenk, 1910).

 

12Kelber, p. 10.
13Kelber, p. 26.
14Kelber, p. 28.

lsKelber, p. 32.

227

16POpe Gregor VII had forced the German Emperor Henry IV
in 1077 to come to Canossa and beg for forgiveness. This the
emperor did, barefoot in the snow and in a beggar's habit.
Hutten is also reminded of Pope Leo X, the waring pope, who
was engaged in preserving and extending his secular powers
and his secular state.

17Kelber, p.
18Kelber, p.
19Kelber, p.
20Kelber, p.
21Kelber, p.
22Kelber, p.

23Kelber, p.

45.

53.

97.

102.

107.

159.

162.

193. A reference to the establishment of

the Prusso-German Empire and the rule of the Hohenzollern.

24Kelber, p.
25Kelber, p.
26Kelber, p.
27Kelber, p.
28

207.

212.

213.

Konrad BeiBwanger, ed. Stimmen der Freiheit. (Nﬁrn-

berg: Verlag von Konrad BeiBwanger, 1914), p. 758.

29BeiBwanger, p. 758. This is an obvious reference to
the Epistolae obscurorum virorum, to which Hutten had contri-

 

buted.

3OAlfred Joeckel. Ulrich von Hutten. (Frankfurt a.M.:
Verlag Kritik, 1911), p. 6.

 

228

31Named in the text is the historical figure of Barthlo-
maus Zehender, a cleric from Mainz and an opponent of Hutten.
See: David Friedrich StrauB. Ulrich von Hutten. (Meers-
burg & Leipzig: F.W. Hendel Verlag, 1939), p. 216.

32Joecke1, p. 16.

33Reference is made to Wolfgang Angst, a friend of Hut-
ten in 1510, a humanist and factor of the Schdffersche
Druckerei. StrauB, p. 249.

34Joeckel, p. 19.
35Joeckel, p. 19.
36Joeckel, p. 20.
37Joeckel, p. 22.
38Joeckel, p. 23.
39Joeckel, p. 26.
40Joeckel, p. 32.
41Joeckel, p. 48.
42Joeckel, p. 53.

43Joeckel, p. 53.

44Joeckel, p. 60.

45Adalbert Luntowski. Hutten. (Leipzig: Erich Matthes,
1916). p. 10.

46Luntowski, p. 10.

229

47Luntowski, p. 10.

48Luntowski, p. 11.
49Luntowski, p. 11.

50Phaeton was, according to Greek mythology, a name
given to the son of Helios, the sun god. He had received
permission from his father to drive the sun wagon. However,
he came too close to earth, causing an immense fire. Thus,
Zeus hurled him then through a bolt of lightening into the
Eridanus River.

51Luntowski, p. 12.

52Luntowski, p. 15.

53Luntowski, p. 15.

54Thesis play: a play that advances, illustrates, or
defends a thesis. The thesis could be in this case a propo-
sition to be proved or advanced without proof, esp. in con-
trast with a negation as the proposition or point of view
by an argument. See: Webster's Third New International Dic-

tionary 9f the En lish Lan ua e. (Springfield, Mass.: G. &
C. Merriam, Publ., 1968 , p. 374.

 

 

55This is not in line with historical facts, for the
real Ulrich von Hutten was the first-born son.

56Georg-Robert Kerl. Hutten. (Jenna: Dr. Kerls Ver-
lag, 1918), p. 8.

57Kerl, p. 10.

58Kerl, p. 10.

59Kerl, p. 15.

6OKerl, p. 15.

230
61Ker1, p. 24f.

62Kerl, p. 42.

63Kerl, p. 42.

64Kerl, pp. 47-48.

65Kerl, p. 49.

66Kerl, p. 54.

67Kerl, p. 55.

68Kerl, p. 68.

231

Footnotes: Chapter 4.

 

" 1K.A. Horst. Die deutsche Literatur der Ge enwart.
(Munchen: Nyphenburger Verlagsbuchhandlung, 195777‘5“9

2Hans Freiherr von Hammerstein. Ritter, Tod und Teufel.
(Leipzig: C.F. Amelang Verlag, n.d.), p

 

3Hammerstein, p. 133.

4Hammerstein, p. 133.

5Hammerstein, p. 133.

6Hammerstein, p. 204.

7Hammerstein, p. 206.
8Hammerstein, p. 372.

9Hammerstein, p. 204.

10Hammerstein, p. 397.

11Hans Freiherr von Hammerstein. Mangold von Eberstein.
(Leipzig: C. F. Amelang Verlag, n. d. ), e. g. pp.
68, etc. These were taken in part from: Uhland' s Volkslieder
and Simrock' s Sammlung deutscher Sprichworter. From hereon
Mangold will be reférred to as Hammerstein (I).

 

12Hammerstein (I), p. 390.
13 .
Hammersteln (I), p. 390.

14Hammerstein (I), p. 472.

15Hammerstein (I), p. 472.

232

l6Hammerstein (I), p. 486.

17Will Vesper. Die Wanderung des Herrn Ulrich von Hut-
ten. Tagebuch-Roman. ‘(GﬁterSIth Verlag C. Bertelsmann,
hfd.); on p. 13 the author mentions that Hutten had been
sent to the monastery to make up for the sins committed by
his father.

 

18Vesper, p. 14.
19Vesper, p. 15.
20Vesper, p. 25.

21Martin Luther. "Ein feste Burg ist unser Gott.”
3rd stanza, lines 2-4.

22Vesper, p. 38.
23Vesper, p. 39f.
24Vesper, p. 43.
25Vesper, p. 53f.
26Vesper, o. 56.
27Vesper, p. 51.
28Vesper, p. 51.
29Vesper, p. 103.
3OVesper, p. 149.

31Vesper, p. 158.

32Vesper, p. 173.

233

33Vesper, p. 174.

34Vesper, p. 177.

35Vesper, p. 183.

36Vesper, p. 50.
37Vesper, p. 112.
38Vesper, p. 154.
39Vesper, p. 54.

40Vesper, p. 55.

41Hansfritz Sohns. Trutz, Bruder Tod! (Leipzig: Hein-
rich Bldmer's Verlagsbuchhandlung, n.d.)j p. 42.

 

42Sohns, p. 46.
43Sohns, p. 53.
44Sohns, p. 54.

45Sohns, p. 54.

46Hermann Walser. Ulrich von Hutten. (Zﬁrich & Leip-
zig: Grethlein & Co., n.d.), p. 27.

47Walser, p. 77.
48Walser, p. 85.
49

Walser, p. 108.

50Walser, p. 121.

234

51walser, p. 141.

52Walser, p. 145.
53Walser, p. 161.
54Walser, p. 174.

55Walser, p. l84f.

56Walser, p. 227.

57Walser, p. 242.

58Walser, p. 243.

59Walser, p. 244.

6OWalser, p. 262.

61Walser, p. 263.

62Walser, p. 30.

63Walser, p. 39.
64Walser, p. 39.
65Walser, p. 131.
66Walser, p. 147.
67Walser, p. 36.

68Walser, p. 220.

 

235

69Walser, p. 226.

7OHastro (Hans Strobel). Hutten. (Rﬁsum i. Holstein:
Dithmarschen Verlag, n.d.), p.

71Hastro, p. 17.

72Hastro, p. 29.

73Hastro, p. 31.

74Hastro, p. 32.

7SHastro, p. 49.

76Hastro, p. 54.

77Hastro, p. 71.

78Hastro, p. 105.

79Hastro, p. 135.

80Hastro, p. 138.

81Hastro, p. 148.

82Johann Wolfgang von Goethe. Faust I. Lines 736-741.

83Hastro, p. 151.

8l'Wolauff Wolumb Woldran. ({Offenbach a.M.}: P{ischer
&} S{tein}, 119211, p.—13.

 

85See also letter from Dr. Peter Ukena, a Hutten-autho-
rity, dated December 12, 1977.

236

86Heinrich Rogge. Drei deutsche Dichter. Ulrich von
Hutten, Heinrich von Kleist, Walther von der Vogelweide.
(Lﬁbeck: Pfeiler-Verlag, 1932), p. 25.

 

87Rogge, p. 32.

237

Footnotes: Chapter 5.

1Kindlers Literatur Lexikon. Vol. VII. (Zﬁrich: Kind-
ler Verlag, 1965), p. 265.

2Guido K. Brand. Werden und Wandlun . Eine Geschichte
der deutschen Literatur von 1880 bis heute. (Berlin: Kurt

Wolff AG., 1933), p. 70.

3Franz Schonauer. Deutsche Literatur im Dritten Reich.
(Olten & Freiburg i. Br.: Walter Veflag, 1961), p. 15.

4Ronald Gray. The German Tradition in Literature.
(Cambridge: University Press, 1965), p. 801

 

 

5 . . . . .
Joseph Wulf. L1teratur und D1chtun 1m Dr1tten Re1ch.
19637“—a

(Gﬁtersloh: Sigbert Mohn Verlag, , p. 12. There the
author refers to Ernst Jﬁnger, Werner Bergengrﬁn as represen-
tatives of the "Innere Emigration.” Though not allowed to

express themselves publicly, these men never lost their faith
nor their conviction. See also: Gray, p. 88.

Schonauer, p. 99.

Schonauer, p. 98.

8Helmut Scheuer. "Ulrich von Hutten: Kaisertum und
deutsche Nation," Daphnis 2 (1972), 141.

9Walter A. Berendson. Die humanistische Front. Einfﬁh-
rung in die deutsche Emigranten-Literatur. Vol. 1. Von 1933
bis zum Kriegsausbruch 1939. (Zﬁrich: Europa Verlag, 1946),

p. 16.

10According to Oskar Loerke as quoted in: Walter Jens.
Deutsche Literatur der Gggenwart. Themen, Stile, Tendenzen.
(Mﬁnchen: R. Piper & Co. Verlag, 1961), p. 51.

11Jens, p. 51.

12Jens, p. 52.

238

l3Wilhelm Bortenschlager. Deutsche Dichtung im 20.
Jahrhundert. Strdmungen - Dichter - Werke. Eine Edsfdndauf-
nahme. (Wunsidel, Wels, Zﬁrich: Verlagsbuchhandlung Leitner
& Co., 1966). p. 177.

 

 

1"Hans Hermann Wilhelm states that he had written his
play Ulrich von Hutten at the 400th anniversary of Hutten's
death, Kugust 1523, yet this work was not published until
1934.

15Quirin Engasser wrote a letter (May 5, 1978): "Auch
ein abermaliges Durchsuchen aller in Frage kommenden Stellen
hat das Manuskript des Hutten-Hdrspiels nidht zutage gefdr-
dert. Wahrscheinlich habe ich noch vor dem Krieg (W W II)
das Manuskript einem Sender angeboten, von dem ich es dann
im Trubel der Ereignisse nicht mehr zurﬁckerhielt." However,
he found it later, allowing me to deal with it at the approp-
riate time.

l6Heinz Lorenz-Lamprecht. Der KoloB. (Ludwigshafen
a.R.: Verlag Julius Waldkirch, 1933), p. 13.

 

17Lorenz-Lamprecht, p. 19.

18Lorenz-Lamprecht, p. 19f.

19Lorenz-Lamprecht, p. 24.

OLorenz-Lamprecht, 28.

"d

21Lorenz-Lamprecht, p. 36.
2
Lorenz-Lamprecht, p. 37.
23Lorenz-Lamprecht, p. 38.
4
Lorenz-Lamprecht, p. 40.

25Lorenz-Lamprecht, p. 57.

26Lorenz-Lamprecht, p. 77.

239

27Lorenz-Lamprecht, p. 87.

28Lorenz-Lamprecht, p. 155.

29Lorenz-Lamprecht, p. 157.

30Lorenz-Lamprecht, p. 157.

31Lorenz-Lamprecht, p. 166.

32Lorenz-Lamprecht, p. 169.

33Lorenz-Lamprecht, p. 216.

34Lorenz-Lamprecht, pp. 226-227.

35Lorenz-Lamprecht, p. 229.

36Lorenz-Lamprecht, p. 229.

37Lorenz-Lamprecht, p. 292.

38Lorenz-Lamprecht, p. 292.

39Lorenz-Lamprecht, p. 337.

40Lorenz-Lamprecht, p. 343.
41
Lorenz-Lamprecht, p. 407.

2Lorenz-Lamprecht, p. 409.

43In addition to his own writings Eggers also edited and
translated some of Hutten's works.

44Kurt Eggers. Hutten. (Dortmund: Volkshaft-Verlag,
1934), p. 11.

240

45Eggers, p. 23.

46Eggers, p. 30.

47Eggers, p. 52.

48Eggers, p. 62.

49Eggers, p. 78.

50Eggers, p. 150.

51Eggers, p. 167.

52Eggers, p. 200.

53Eggers, p. 203.

54Eggers, p. 287.
55Eggers, p. 324f.

56Eggers, p. 333.

57Eggers, p. 346.

58Eggers, p. 33.

59Eggers, pp. 88, 181, 218, etc.

6OEggers, p. 294. The author goes into a detailed
account of what Hutten could expect if he was taken to Rome
as a prisoner.

61Eggers, p. 347.

241

62Arno ReiBenweber. Dem Vaterland will ggdient sein!
Dem Leben Ulrichs von Hutten nacherzahlt. 2(Stuttgart: Herold
Verlag, 1938), p. 12.

 

 

63ReiBenweber, p. 31.

64ReiBenweber, p. 49.

65ReiBenweber, p. 59.

66ReiBenweber, p. 63.

67ReiBenweber, p. 94.

68ReiBenweber, p. 95.

69ReiBenweber, p. 130.

7OReiBenweber, p. 156.

71ReiBenweber, p. 187.

72ReiBenweber, p. 188.
73 -

Re18enweber, p. 190.
74ReiBenweber, p. 191.
75 .

Reieenweber, p. 112.
76 .

Re18enweber, p. 140.

77Reieenweber, p. 83.

78Reisenweber, p. 165.

242

79ReiBenweber, p. 104. It reminds the writer of Hit-
ler's declaration: "Du bist nichts, dein Volk ist alles!"

80Quoted from a letter (Nov. 2, 1978) the writer re-
ceived from Arno ReiBenweber.

81Same as above.

82Quotation taken from the introduction of Bernd Holger
Bonsels. Hutten. (Mﬁnchen" Ludendorffs Verlag, 1938), p.
12.

83Friedrich Nietzsche. Der Antichrist. (1888).

 

8Z'Quoted from a letter (Oct. 29, 1978) the writer re-
ceived from Bernd Holger Bonsels.

85Bonsels, p. 21.

86Bonsels, p. 25.

87Bonsels, p. 41.
88Bonsels, p. 93.

89Bonsels, p. 98.

90Bonsels, p. 131.

91Bonsels, p. 141.
92Bonsels, p. 201.

93Bonsels, p. 224.

94Bonse1s, p. 250.

95Bonsels, p. 250.

243

96See chapter 4: Heinrich Rogge. Drei deutsche Dichter.
(1932).

 

97Heinrich Rogge. Der Pfaffenkrieg des Herrn Ulrich von
Hutten. (Bremen: Pfeiler Verlag, n.dL 11933)). p. 12.

 

98Rogge, p. 20.

99Rogge, p. 22.

100Rogge, p. 23.

101Rogge, p. 23.

102Rogge, p. 31.

103Rogge, p. 34.

104Kurt Eggers is also the author of the novel Hutten
(see chapter 4, pp. 137-141) and of another play Feuer uEer
Deutschland (which will be dealt with at a later section).
He was active as an editor of selected Hutten works. He
had them especially selected and explained; some he transla-
ted from Hutten's Latin writings. In addition, he wrote also
several articles about Hutten. But all of Egger's output had
to be understood in the light of Nationalsocialism, since he
was in complete agreement with this doctrine, also being known
as the ”revolutionarste Dichter der Hitler Bewegung." {Seez
Wilhelm Kosch. Deutsches Literatur Lexikon. Vol. III.
(Bern & Mﬁnchen: Frandke Verlag, 1971), p. 952.}

 

 

 

10S'Kurt Eggers. Ulrich von Hutten. (Berlin: Drei
Masken Verlag, 1933), p. 42} From hereon any reference to
this play will be as Eggers (I).

 

106Eggers (I), p. 60.
107Eggers (I), p. 46.

108Eggers (I), p. 47.

244

109Eggers (I), p. 55.

110Eggers (I), p. 68.

111Kurt Eggers. Feuer ﬁber Deutschland. (Oldenburg
i.0., Berlin: Verlagsbuchhdndlung Gerhard Stalling, n d.),
p. 13. This work will be referred to as Eggers (II).

 

112Eggers (II), p. 13.

113Eggers (11), p. 20.

114Eggers (II), p. 46.

115Eggers (II), p. 84.

116Eggers (II). P. 91.

117Eggers (II), p. 93.

118Eggers (II), p. 94.

119Eggers (II). P. 99.

120Eggers (II), p. 104.

121Eggers (II). p. 108.

22Eggers (II), p. 110.

123Hans Hermann Wilhelm. "Introduction,” Ulrich von Hut-

ten. (Berlin: Deutscher Bﬁhnenvertrieb, 1934), p. 3.

 

124Wilheim, p. 3.

125Wilhelm, p. 15.

245

126Wilhe1m, p. 15.

127Wilhelm, p. 20.

128w11he1m, p. 23.

129Wi1he1m, p. 26.

130Wilhelm, p. 61.

131Wilhelm, p. 81.

132Wilhelm, p. 90.

133Wilhelm, p. 90.

134w11he1m, p. 99.

l35Wi1he1m, p. 105.
136Wilhelm, p. 114.

n 137This is #3 in a tetralogy. The other works are:
Stortebecker, Till Eulenspiegel, (followed by Ulrich von Hut-
ten), Gustav Adolf. It is interesting to note the choice of
characters. They seem to indicate an upward climb. They
were all rebels in their own way, starting with a pirate,
then a rascal, a man who attacked arrogance and false self-
assertion, the patriotic humanist, and finally the meddling,
perhaps well-meaning king of Sweden, ”protector” of the Pro-
testants.

138Wilhelm, p. 25.

139The radio play was still in an experimental stage
where the air waves were utilized to tell something ”mit
Hilfe modulierter elektrischer Wellen auf drahtlosem Wege
einer unbegrenzten Anzahl von H6rern ﬁber Tausende von Kilo-
metern hinweg....” Eugen Kurt Fischer. Das Hﬁrspiel.
(Stuttgart: Alfred Krﬁner Verlag, 1964), p. 7.

 

246

140Hermann Pongs believes that the word had become a
sound and in its "nach innen fﬁhrenden geistigen Bewegtheit,
die auf ein den ganzen Menschen erfassenden Miterleben zielt,
nicht nur auf das Aktivieren der Bildphantasie." Quoted in
Fischer, p. 26. And Arno Schirokauer explains: "Der Begriff
H6rspiel gestattet jedem, alles, was er will oder kann, da-
runter zu verstehen....Man sendet unter Stimmen aufgeteilte
Aufsatze, hynmische Selbstgesprache, ﬁberlegte und festge-
legte Streitgesprache, Anrufungen der Elemente, Balldaden,
Fragegesprache, Auftritte, Hﬁrberichte, Lyriken, Urkunden,
Zeugnisse, Belehrungen und Traumdichtungen...das alles gibt
es, und es gibt niemanden, der behaupten kann, ein einziger
dieser Bestandteile sei fﬁr das Hﬁrspiel verboten.” Quoted
in Fischer, p. 29.

141These include David Freidrich StrauB, Kurt Eggers,
and C.F. Meyer, in addition translated renditions from Hut-
ten's Latin texts.

142The author initiated the festival plays on the Ste-
ckelburg in 1937. This is Hutten's birthplace. The commemo-
ration for Hutten was done with the full endorsement of the
authorities, as it allowed them to utilize the stage for the
propagation of the official ideology.

143Erich Bauer. LaBt Hutten nicht verderben! (GieBen:
Julius Christ, n.d.), p. 4. This was quoted hy2Wilhelm Bach—
mann.

 

144Bauer, p. 5.

145Bauer, p. 6.

146Bauer, p. 7.

147Bauer, p. 14.

148Bauer, p. 19.

149Bauer, p. 21.

150Bauer, p. 29.

247
151Bauer, p. 30.

152Bauer, p. 41.

153Bauer, p. 42.

154Franz Lennartz. Deutsche Dichter und Schriftsteller

unserer Zeit. (Stuttgart: Klfred Krdner Veflag, 1969), p.
704, ”Machte der Auflbsung."

 

155Paul Kalkoff was an ardent Luther defender, but at
the same time he saw Hutten only as a scoundrel.

156Friedrich Franz von Unruh. Hutten. (Stuttgart:
Karl Gutbrod Verlag, 1935), p. 18.

157von Unruh, p. 19.

158von Unruh, p. p. 19.

159von Unruh, p. 29.

160von Unruh, p. 31.

161von Unruh, p. 33.

162von Unruh, p. 49.

163von Unruh, p. 60.

1641 could not find anything on this writer. Hﬁniche's
work is apparently the only one in the lyrical genre. I
found, however, one poem entitled "Sickingens Tod" by Eduard
Koelwel (*1882) in which he made a short reference to Hutten,
the man who had been Sickingen's inspiring friend. But at
the final moments, when Sickingen wanted his friend most,
Hutten was unable to appear. This poem appears in an antho-
logy of ballads: Wilhelm von Scholz. Die Ballade. Menschen
und Machte, Schicksale und Taten. (Berl1n: Th. Knaur Ver-
lag, 1944). P. 503.

248

165A sampling of words used by the author: Hinausgewor-
fensein, Sausebrauseblut, Fieberschleppetritt, Heckenschenken-
possenreiBer, Hurenlotterbett, Himmelschockschwernot, Wendel-
treppenochsentour.

166See the description of the scholastic university at
Cologne: "...Die hochgelobte Wissenschaft/ vermﬁncht, verpa-
tert, verpfafft,/ zum Narrengeschwatze herabgezogen." Her-
mann Hﬁniche. Der un e) Hutten6 (Frankfurt a.M.: Bromers
Druckerei & Verldg,

167By contrast one cannot help to notice the marked
difference in the quality from those works written by the
authors who had gone into exile.

168Ernst Loewy. Literatur unter dem Hakenkreuz.
(Frankfurt a.M.: Europdische Verlagsanstalt, 1963), p. 12.

249

Footnotes: Chapter 6.

lDietrich Weber, ed. Deutsche Literatur seit 1945.
(Stuttgart: Alfred Krdner Verlag, 1968), p. 2.

 

2Weber, p. 9.

3Helmut Schilling. Die Wﬁrfel sind gefallen. (Unpub-
lished stage manuscript, 1948): p. 4.

 

ASchilling, p. 9.
5Schilling, p. 9.

6Schilling, p. 13.

7Schilling, p. 14.

8Schilling, p. 24.

98chilling, 25.

'U

lOSchilling, p. 26.

11Schilling, p. 29.

12Schilling, p. 32.

l3Schilling, p. 34.
14Schilling, p. 36.
15Schilling, p. 36.

16Schilling, p. 39.

17Schilling, p. 40.

250
l8Schilling, p. 49.

19Schilling, p. 51.

ZOSchilling, p. 54.

21Schilling, p. 54.

22Schilling, p. 54.

23Rosemarie Schuder. ”Das Erbe Mﬁnsters," Sinn und
Form (1/1970). p. 7.

24Helga Herting. "Vom Wert historischer "Dichtung,"
Interview mit Rosemarie Schuder, Auskﬁnfte. Werkstattges-
prache mit DDR-Autoren. Ed. by Anneliese Ldffler. (Wei-
mar & Berlin: Aufbau Verlag, 1974), p. 379.

 

25Helga Herting. "Geschichte und Gegenwart im Werk
Rosemarie Schuders." We oenossen. Fﬁnfzehn Schriftsteller
der DDR. (Leipzig: Verlag Phil1pp Reclam jun., 1975),
p. 234. From hereon referred to as Herting (I).

26Herting (I), p. 236.
27Herting (I), p. 242.
28Herting (I), p. 244.

29Rosemarie Schuder. Ich hab's ewaot. (Berlin:
Rﬁtten & Loening, 1954), p.—9. The author has Konstanze
reflect on Hutten as she sees him. This term is used seven
times in this book. From hereon referred to as Schuder. (I).

 

30The author calls it "Andenken," meaning here the
venereal disease, known in Germany as "Lustseuche."

31Schuder (I), p. 24.

32Schuder (I), p. 35.

33Schuder
34Schuder
35Schuder
36Schuder
37Schuder
38Schuder

39Schuder

(I).

(I).

(I).

(I).

(I).

(I).

(I).

p.

251
74.

93.

102.

112.

123.

125.

132.

40Thoughts from a letter from Rosemarie Schuder (Janu-

ary 2, 1979).

41Herting (I), p.

42Ernst Sommer.
(Berlin: Aufbau Verlag, 1955), p. 8.

43Sommer, p. 9.

44Sommer,
45Sommer,
46Sommer,
47Sommer,
48$ommer,

49Sommer,

50Sommer,

p. 10

p. 11.

p. 13.

p. 30.

p. 80.

6.

106.

108.

262.

Das Leben ist die Fﬁlle, nicht die Zeit.

 

 

252

51Sommer, p. 111.

52Sommer, p. 147.
53Sommer, p. 152.
54Sommer, p. 162.
55Sommer, p. 173.
56Sommer, p. 174.
57Sommer, p. 178.
58Sommer, p. 178.
59Sommer, p. 19.
6OSommer, p. 25.
61Sommer, p. 37.
62

Sommer, p. 17.

63Sommer, p. 90.

64Sommer, p. 102.
65Sommer, p. 106. He states: "Die Glut seines Herzens
versengte beinage das beschriebene Papier." And on p. 126:

”Hutten hatte gedonnert, aber ihm fehlten die Blitze."
66Sommer, p. 90.

67See: Drei deutsche Dichter, Ulrich von Hutten, Hein-
rich von Kleist, Walther von der Vogelweide. , an
Der Pfaffenkrieg des Ritters Ulridh von Hutten. (1933).

 

 

 

253

68Heinrich Rogge. Hutten. (Hannover: Hans Pfeiffer
Verlag, 1970), p. 24.

69Rogge, p. 38.

7ORogge, p. 43.

71Rogge, p. 48.
72Rogge, p. 49.

73Rogge, p. 72.

74Rogge, p. 75.

75Rogge, p. 7, 8, 27, 35, 22, 42.

76Rogge, p. 15, 18, 26, 38.
77Rogge, p. 13, 14, 15, 65, 69.

781t sounds somewhat contrived when the author uses the
following dialOgue: "Man sollte ihnen die Kasten um die Ohren
schlagen, daB ihre eigenen Seelen in den Himmel springen."
(p. 6) This is apparently a reference to the old saying:
"Sobald das Geld im Kasten klingt, die Seele in den Himmel
springt."

254

Footnotes: Conclusion.

1Emmanuel Geibel (1815-1884) in Klemens Altmann, ed.

Deutsche E i ramme aus fﬁnf Jahrhunderten. (Kempten: Heime-
ran, 1966) 37.

 

 

2An indication of Hutten's decline is demonstrated by an
almost total interest in his works. By 1756 Johann Christoph
Gottsched (1700-1766) included Hutten's book De arte versifi-
candi, published in Leipzig 1511, in his prosddy. "(It) held
long a place in humanistic schools, also of Catholic Germany,
as is attestgg by the numerous reprints until the eighteenth
century,.. " See: Robert Herndon Fife. "Ulrich von Hut-
ten as a Literary Problem," Germanic Review, XXIII (1948),
p. 29.

 

 

3Emil Ermatinger. Dichtung und Geistesleben der deut-
schen Schweiz. (Mﬁnchen: Verlag C. H. Beck, 1933), p. 108:
"NaEh dem l5. Jahrhundert wird die Schweiz im 16. Jahrhun-
dert der Treffpunkt und Tummelplatz von Fﬁhrern der geisti-
gen Bewegung,...."

 

 

4Rosemarie Wildermuth, ed. Als das Gestern heute war.
(Mﬁnchen: Ellermann Verlag, 1977), p. 9.

 

5Wildermuth, p. 9.

6This is according to the idea of Jost Hermand. He
writes: ”Wenn ein Mann wie Ulrich von Hutten von allen katho-
lischen Hunden gehetzt - 1523 krank und verlassen auf der
Ufenau stirbt, so nimmt das schon exilartige Zﬁge an." See:
Jost Hermand. "Schreiben in der Fremde," Exil und Immi ra-
tion. 3rd Wisconsin Workshop. Ed. by Reinhold-Gfimm E Jost
Hermand. (Frankfurt a. M. Athenaum Verlag, 1972), p. 11.

7Alfred Rosenberg. Der M thus des 20. Jahrhunderts.
(Mﬁnchen: Hoheneichen Ver1§_, , p. 568. He states:
"Ulrich von Hutten deutet seinerseits (Im Gesprach "Die
Rauber") auf die Niedersachsen, die sich in ihrem Recht ohne
die neuen Doktoren behalfen. Deutschland sei besser dran
gewesen, als das Recht noch in Waffen, nicht in Bﬁchern ge-
legen hatte."

 

8Huttenbriefe. See: Exilliteratur. 1933-1945. Ausstel-
lung der Deutschen Bibliothek Frankfurt a.M. Mai-Aug. 1965,
p. 145.

 

 

255

3Klaus M. Rarisch writes in his "Das gerettete Abend-
land:'

Kalte Krieger tragen Kutten,
alte Nutten tragen Krieger,
uberm Bett balzen Putten
ﬁberall bleibt Amor Sieger,
Syphilis friBt Linksabbieger,
liquidiert wird Ulrich Hutten.

From: Wolfgang Weyrauch & Johann Peuthen, rik aus die-
ser Zeit. 1967/68. 4th Sequence. (Mﬁnchen &L Ess ingen:
Becht 1e Verlag in Verbindung mit dem Sﬁddeutschen Rundfunk
Stuttgart, 1967), p. 113.

10Marcel Reich-Ranicki. "Nachwort," Erfundene Wahrheit.
Deutsche Geschichten seit 1945. (Mﬁnchen: R. Piper & Co.
Verlag, 1965), p. 507.

ll . ’ o
Edw1n Newman. Strictl S eakin Will Amer1ca be
the Death of English? (New Yo rE: Wam mer Books, 1975),

p. 17.

 

12Recent events in Iran make this point. There the
monarchy has come to an abrupt end after centuries. (1978/
79)

13

Walter Muschg. Die Zerst6rung der deutschen Literatur.

 

(Bern: Francke Verlag, 1956), p. 46.

APPENDI CES

256

Appendix A

It is not the sc0pe of this sampling to exhaust all the
references or passages made to Hutten. There are just too
many. Hutten is too well known as a humanist. He has left
his mark and influenced many who have become acquainted with
his thoughts. However, in some cases this reference is no
more than a casual mentioning of his name.

It follows now a sampling from some of the better known
authors:

1. G.M. Wieland. Sémtliche Werke. (Leipzig: G.J.

Gdschen'sche Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1858); there from ”Hutten"
(Essay), p. 260:

 

Ulrich von Hutten war klein von Person, wiewohl
von starkem Bau; abgehartet zur Ertragung alles
Ungemachs; ein Verachter aller Vorteile und.Woll-
lﬁste, die er mit der geringsten Beugung seiner
freien Seele, der mindesten Gefalligkeit auf Un-
kosten seines Charakters hatte erkaufen mﬁssen;
von einem unternehmenden kﬁhnen Geist, der allem
Widerstand trotzte, und durch nichts zu bandigen
war; heftig in Taten und Worten, unveranderlich
hatte, treu in seinen Verbindungen....

2. ChristOph Martin Wieland. Werke. Vol. 3. (Mﬁn-
chen: Carl Hanser Verlag, 1967); from: ”Uber Erasmus von
Rotterdam," p. 353:

...das kochende Blut und den feurigen Geist eines
Hutten, er war nicht wie dieser, durch Bosheit der
Menschen und unablassige Streiche des widrigsten
Schicksals aufgereizt, erbittert und zum Verzweif-
lungs-Spiel, Alles gegen Alles zu setzen, gebracht
worden. Es ist nicht alles Tugend, was Hutten
groB scheint....

3. Friedrich von Schiller. Von den Anfﬁngen bis 1795.
Dichter ﬁber ihre Dichtungen. Vol. 1. (Mﬁhchen: Ernst Hei-
merau Verlag, 1969). From: Schiller an Christian Gottfried
Kﬁrner, p. 295:

 

I|

257

Huttens Geschichte ist noch nicht ganz im Reinen;
aber der erste Plan hat wichtige Veranderungen er-
litten.

4. Johann Wolfgang Goethe. Schriften zur Literatur.
(Stuttgart: Artemis Verlag, 1964). From: "Entwurf zu einem
Volksbuch historischen Inhalts" (1808), p. 470:

 

Kriege beider Parteien
GroBe Manner beider Teile
Frunsberg)

Schart11n) sich selbst darstellend
Hutten )

Gdtz )

Pershnlichkeit der Anarchie

Staaten insofern sie Staaten sind
Monarchische Verfassung

Plicht des Regenten

5. Novalis. Schriften. Vol. 4. (Leipzig: Biblio-
graphisches Institut A.G., n.d.{l929}). From: ”Briefe I,"
p. 25:

 

...welcher Edle stimmt mir nicht bei, wenn ich
Franklin, Linné, Haller, Newton, Bacon, Luther,
Hutten, Galilei, Lessing, Leibnitz, Spinoza,

Michelangelo, d'Alembert und Machiavelli nenne?

6. Heinrich von Kleist. Sﬁmtliche Werke und Briefe.
Vol. 2. (Mﬁnchen: Carl Hanser Verlag, 1965). From: "Was
gilt es in diesem Kriege?", p. 379:

 

 

Eine Gemeinschaft gilt es,...die groBe Namen, wie
der Lenz Blumen aufzuweisen hat, die den Hutten und
Sickingen, Luther und Melanchthon, Joseph und Fried-
rich aufzog;....

7. Joseph Freiherr von Eichendorf. Geschichte der
poetischen Literatur Deutschlands. Vol. 1. (Paderhorn:
Verlag von Ferdinand Schdningh, 1857). From: "Die Poesie
der Reformation,” p. 190:

 

 

Ulrich von Hutten (1488-1523) ist ein Vorbild un-
serer heutigen jugendlichen Weltverbesserer, denen
mur seine Kraft und sein Talent fehlen, um es
gleichzuthun. Hutten stand vollkommen auf der

258

Hdhe der Bildung seiner Zeit; und doch blieb er,
weil dieser Bildung trotz christlichen Phrasen das
Christentum mangelte, sein ganzes Leben hindurch
ruhe-und rastlos, ein verlorener Schiffer, ohne
Steuer und CompaB in's Ungewisse treibend....

8. Wilhelm Hauff. Lichtenstein. (Munchen: Winkler
Verlag, 1970). From: "Vorwort," p._8:

 

.. ob man nicht in Beurteilung dieses Fﬁrsten
(Ulrich von Wﬁrttemberg) nur seinem erbittersten
Feinde, Ulrich von Hutten, nachbetet, der, um
wenig zu sagen, hier allzusehr Partei ist, um
als leidenschaftlicher Zeuge gelten zu kﬁnnen.

9. Uhlands Schriften zur Geschichte der Dichtung und
Sa e. Vol. 2. (Stuttgart: Verldg der Cotta‘sdhen Buchhand-
lung, 1866). From: "Schrift II," p. 456:

 

 

Huttens ganzes Leben war Polemik, aber diese Po-
lemik war nicht auf das Innere der Glaubenslehre
gerichtet, sie gieng einerseits gegen die mﬁnchi-
schen Finsterlinge, welche der freieren Geistes-
bildung, wie sie durch das Aufleben der classis-
chen Studien angeregt worden war...(Hutten) war
mehr Humanist als Theolog....

lO. Gutzkows Werke. (Leipzig: Bibliographisches Insti-
tut, n.d.{l911}). From: "11 Ersatz und Aufschwung,” p. 427:

...Willibald Pirkheimer und Erasmus von Rotterdam

waren...'korrekte Denker' der Reformationszeit,
wahrend Hutten und Luther mit der Tur ins Haus
fielen.

11. Friedrich Engels. Der deutsche Bauernkrieg. (Ber-
lin: Verlag Neuer Weg GmbH, 1946), p. 70:

Die Forderungen des Adels...diese Zusammenfassung
ﬁbernahm Ulrich von Hutten, der theoretische Rep-
rasentant des deutschen Adels....

12. Thomas Mann. Gesammelte Werke. Vol. X. (Frank-
furt a.M.: S. Fischer Verlag, 1960). From: "Reden und
Aufsatze" (2), p. 341:

 

259

...wir haben ferner das Bﬁndnis zwischen dem jun-
gen Protestantismus und dem Humanismus, die Verei-
nigung beider in Mannern wie Melanchthon und Hut-
ten....

13. Gerhard Hauptmann. Samtliche Werke. Vol. VI.
(Frankfurt a.M.: Propylaen Verlag, 1962). From: "Autobio-
graphisches," p. 1062:

...'Die Geister erwachen,‘ hieB es mit Hutten,....

14. Ernst Barlach. Die Briefe I. 1888-1924. (Mﬁn-
chen: R. Piper & Co. Verlag, 1968). From: "#73 An Fried-
rich Dﬁsel (1894),” p. 209f.:

 

Kurz 'es ist eine Lust zu leben' wie einst Ulrich
von Hutten,....

15. Ricarda Huch. Gesammelte Werke. Geschichte 2.
(Kﬁln & Berlin: Kiepenheuer & Witsch, 1970). From: "Reuch-
lin und die Dunkelmannerbriefe," p. 950:

 

...Zwingli und Hutten haben betont, daB die Liebe
zu ihrem Vaterlande und Volk ihr Leben bestimmt

habe....

From: Same, p. 525:

...Hutten gehﬁrte zu den wenigen Rittern, die sich
den Wissenschaften widmeten und sich dessen rﬁhm-
ten,....Hutten selbst liebte die Freiheit ﬁber al-
les, darum setzte er von allen Menschen, besonders
von allen Deutschen voraus, daB sie freiwillig
nicht Knechte sein wollten, deshalb haBte er die-
jenigen, die andere knechteten....

260

Appendix B

Hutten Works Referred to by Georg Voigt:

1. David Friedrich StrauB (1808-1874). Ulrich von Hutten
{1858}, Bibliography, p. 10.

 

2. Eduard B6cking. Ulrichs von Hutten Schriften {1858-
1862}, p. 10.

 

3. Johann Gottfried Herder (1744-1803). "Huttens Bild im
T.M.” {1776}, pp. 10, 12.

4. Chr. Jakob Wagenseil (1756-1839). "Auf Ulrich von Hut-
ten.” {1783}, pp. 10, 13.

5. Ludwig Schubart. Leben und Charakter Ulrichs von Hutten
{1817}. P. 14.

 

 

 

6. Meiners. Hutten Biography, p. 14.

7. Fr. Karl Lang (1766-1822) Hutten Poem, lost {1787},
p. 15.
8 G. Schoder. "An Hutten.” {1803}, Sonnett, p. 15.

9. Karl Ph. Conz (1762-1827). "Blumen auf das Grab Ulrichs
von Hutten" {1806}, Elegy, p. 15.

10. Leonhard wachter (1762-1837). "Deutschen Knaben Ulrich
von Hutten" {1817}, Poem, p. 16.

11. Christian Ernst K. Graf von Benzel—Sternau (1767-1849).

Ulrich von Hutten EB Fulda oder was eine Nessel werden will,
Brennt Eei Zeiten. {1828), Playlet, p. 17.

12. Nikolaus Lenau (1802-1850). Hutten Epos remained only
an idea in the 1830's, p. 18.

 

 

 

13. Ad. Pichler (1819-1900). Ulrich von Hutten {1839},
Drama Fragment, p. 18.

 

14. Georg Herwegh (1817-1875). "Ufenau und St Helena"
{1841}, Poem, p. 21.

15. Wilhelm Ruckmich. Ulrich von Hutten {1844}, Poetic
Cycle, p. 22.

 

16. Ferdinand Freiligrath (1810-1876). "Ein Denkmal”
{1844}, Poem, p. 24.

17. Rudolf von Gottschall (1823-1909). Ulrich von Hutten
{1843}, Play, p. 25.

 

261

18. Ernst Georg von Brunnow (1796-1845). Ulrich von Hutten,
der Streiter fﬁr deutsche Freiheit {1842}, Novel {3—Vol.},
p. 27.

 

 

19. Eduard Duller (1809- 1853). Franz von Sickingen {1833},
Dramatic Poem, contains Hutten epilogue, p. 29.

20. A.E. Frdhlich (1796-1865). Ulrich von Hutten {1845},
Epos, p. 30.

 

21. Eduard Hobein (1817-1882). Ulrich von Hutten {1846},
Tragedy, p. 31.

 

22. Hans Kaster (1818-1900). Ulrich von Hutten {1846}, Tra-
gedy, p. 32.

 

23. Adalbert Schrdder/Fr. Schmezer. Hutten {1849}, Opera-
Libretto, p. 39.

24. Ernst Ulrich. Ulrich von Hutten {1851}, Tragedy, p. 43.

 

25. Gottfried Keller (1819-1890). "Ufenau" {1858}, Poem,
p. 46. .

26. Friedrich Julius Krais (1807-1878). "Ulrich von Hut-
ten” {1860?}, Poem, p. 46.

27. Theodor Creizenach (1818-1877). ”Ulrich von Huttens
Lied" {1860}, Poem, p. 46.

28. Carl Nissels (1817-1900). Ulrich von Hutten {1861},
Tragedy, p. 48.

29. Arnold Schloenbach (1817-1900). Ulrich von Hutten
{1862}, Poetic Cycle, p. 48.

30. Carl Berger. Ulrich von Hutten {1864}, Tragedy, p. 49.

 

31. Karl Albert Tﬁrcke (1824-1886). Ulrich von Hutten
{1864}, Tragedy, p. 49.

 

32. Hermann Ethé (*1844). Ulrich von Hutten {1870}, Natio-
nal Drama, p. 50.

 

33. Conrad Ferdinand Meyer (1825-1898). Huttens letzte
Tage {1871}, Epos, p. 51.

34. Karl Oskar Teuber (*1852). Ulrich von Hutten {1873},
Drama, p. 55.

35. David Freidrich StrauB (1808-1874). Poetisches Gedenk-
buch {1877}; it contains: "Hutten," "Huttens Gesprache,"
p. 56.

262

36. Heinrich Leuthold (1827-1879). "Ufenau” {1878}, Poem,
p. 57.

37. Wilhelm Henzen (*1850). Ulrich von Hutten {1884}, Re-
formation Play, p. 58.

 

38. Johannes Otto (1838-1897). Ulrich von Hutten {1887},
Play, p. 60.

 

39. August Bungert (1846-1915). Hutten und Sickingen {1888},
Festival Play, p. 61.

 

40. Seeger an der Lutz (1831-1893). Ulrich von Hutten
{1888}, Play, p. 61.

 

41. Max Hobrecht (1827-1899). Hutten 13 Rostock {1886},
Narrative, p. 62.

42. Carl Preser (*1829). Ulrich von Hutten {1889}, Heroic
Poem, p. 62.

 

43. Michael Alberts (1836-1893). Ulrich von Hutten {1893},
Drama, p. 63.

 

44. Carl Wilhelm Marschner (*1864). Igh_hab'§ gewagt
{1893}, Drama, p. 67.

45. Julius Riffert (*1854). Huttens erste Tage {1905}, Play,
p. 67.

46. Karl Weiser (1840). Hutten {1900}, Drama, p. 68.

 

47. Paul Fleischer. Ulrich von Hutten {1900}, Tragedy,
p. 71.

48. Johann Streckenbach. Hutten {1904}, Tragic Play, p. 72.

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