LITHUANIAN CULTURE IN THE moss WORKS OF
HERMANN SUDERMANN. ERNST WIECHERT. AND
AGNES MlEGEL

Thai: for 9h. 001m at POI. D.
MICHIGAN STATE UNNERS‘TY
Anatole C. Mm”: _ >
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This is to certify that the

thesis entitled

LITHUANIAN CULTURE IN THE PROSE WORKS 0F
HERMANN SUDERMANN, ERNST WIECHERT, AND
AGNES MIEGEL

presented by
Anatole C. Matulis

has been accepted towards fulfillment

of the requirements for

Ph. D. degree in German

£910; ///./T€<O/777/5é2,¢ ;Z{

Major profeésor ,

Date July 2"", I963

 

 

 

ABSTRACT

LITHUANIAN CULTURE IN THE PROSE WORKS OF
HERMANN SUDERMANN, ERNST WIECHERT, AND
AGNES MIEGEL

by Anatole C, Matulis

An intensive study of the history of German Litera-
ture reveals that in its body of monumental writings
elements prevail which may not be deduced as German in
their nature or their origin, This literary phenomenon
becomes even more conspicuous in the modern German prose
literature, A merely superficial reading of the prose
creations of such modern German authors as Hermann Suder-
mann, Ernst Wiechert, and Agnes Miegel unveils the fact
that these authors commonly included in their works one
particular element ioreign to Germany, that being the
Lithuanian people and their national-cultural character—
istics, A research was undertaken in order to penetrate
critically these portraitures to analyse their physical
and spiritual profile; to indicate irregularities regard-
ing their historical, cultural, and social authenticity;
and to disclose any propitious or detrimental attitudes

toward the Lithuanian nation, if such were entertained

 

Anatole C, Matulis

by these German authors, This research concludes that

the national-cultural Lithuanian profile as created
through the presentation of the Lithuanian people, their
language, their ancient customs, their religion and mythol-
ogy,their villages and farmsteads, is executed without
any notable deviations from the veracious picture of the
Lithuanian population, dwelling upon the characteristic
lands, and its pattern of life, These German writers, with
but few variations, in most respects delineated.Lithuani-
an people in a similar manner, They did not introduce any
characters who could be exposed to the accusation of being
egregiously distorted or appearing in a disturbing contra—
diction to the national Lithuanian character traits. Their
portrayal of the Lithuanians is accomplished with proper
understanding and sincerity, Positive and negative traits
are well balanced in their characterizations, If one as-
pect, whether negative or positive, is emphasized more
intensively than the other, it is principally because the
authors seek to direct the reader's attention to a partic-
ular trend of their own philosophy pertaining to human
existence or to display more perceivably a significant
character element of a chosen Lithuanian personage. The
noticeable difference between these German authors in their
treatment of the national Lithuanian profile is to be dis-

covered not so much in the selection of a particular as-

 

fl ’ a 'r- 7.." ~34 v.9. Giza-f“ ‘ "' aux-r": ’

 

Anatole C, Matulis

pect of the profile nor in the mode of its expression,
but in the degree of their apparent personal affinity to
the Lithuanian nation, Ernst Wiechert and Agnes Miegel
become an essential part of their Lithuanian characters
while Hermann Sudermann, standing beside his personages,
evinces a more objective attitude, In noteworthy accord,
however, they all display sincere love and admiration for
the Lithuanian people and their unique mosaic of life,

so colorfully formed from the fragments of ancient tra-
ditions which, because of the literary attention given
them by these German authors, continue to share the lau-
rels of universality and immortality in the turbulent flow

of time,

 

LITHUANIAN CULTURE IN THE PROSE WORKS CF
HERMANN SUDERMANN, ERNST WIECHERT, AND

AGNES MIEGEL

BY

Anatole C. Matulis

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

Department of Foreign Languages

1963

 

 

ACKNOWLEDGENENTS

The author wishes to express his deep gratitude to
Dr. George W. Radimersky for his gracious understanding
and patient guidance in the preparation of this manuscript.
It is to him that this research is dedicated. The author
furthermore acknowledges his appreciation to the following
members of his Guidance Committee: Dr. Stuart A. Gallacher,
Dr. Mark O. Kistler and Dr. Stanley R. Townsend for their
continuous encouragement and invaluable advice. He is
also greatly indebted to the Lithuanian scholars Dr. Jonas
Balys and Mr. Martin Nauburas for their assistance in the
gathering of the appropriate information. Without the
aid of the above mentioned scholars, the realization of

this work would have been an impossibility.

ii

 

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page
INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . 1
THE HISTORY OF THE LITHUANIAN ELENENT
IN GERMAN LITERATURE . . . . . . . . . 11

THE LITHUANIAN PEOPLE .. . . . . . . . . . . . . 46
A. Farming Population . . . . .
B. Fishermen and Ferrymen . . .
O. Servitors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9l

D. Other Segments of the Lithuanian Populace .
THE LANGUAGE . . . .

. . . 121

. 140
LITHUANIAN CUSTOMS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 152

A. Lithuanian National Costume . . . . . . . . . 152

B. The Lithuanian Folk Song . . . . . . . . . . 160

C. Lithuanian Wedding and Burial Ceremonies . . . . 171
D. "Talka," "auf Prob',“ and the Midsummer Feast . . . 191
RELIGION AND MYTHOLOGY . . . . . . . . . . . . . 203
THE LITHUANIAN VILLAGE AND HOMESTEAD . . . . . . . . 265
THE GERMAN AND LITHUANIAN RELATIONSHIP . .

CONCLUSION .

. . . . . . 281
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 308

BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 314

iii

 

INTRODUCTION

In the course of the last two centuries or more, the
pages of German literature reflect a sizeable number of
writers who, in one respect or another, utilized the Lithu-
anian national element in their literary contributions. An
extensive list of these authors includes such monumental
names as: Immanuel Kant (1724-1804), Gotthold Ephraim
Leasing (1729-1781), Johann Georg Hamann (1730-1788), Jo-
hann Gottfried Herder (1744-1803), Johann Wolfgang von
Goethe (1749-1832), Zacharias Werner (1768-1823), Ernst
Theodor Amadeus Hoffmann (1776-1822), Adalbert von Chamisso
(1781-1838), Heinrich Laube (1806-1884), Ernst Wichert
(1831-1902), Graf Eduard von Keyserling (1855-1918), Her-
mann Sudermann (1857-1928), Ernst Wiechert (1887-1950)
and Agnes Miegel (1879- ).

German and Lithuanian literary scholars have dedicated
themselves to the examination of the eighteenth, nineteenth
and very superficially to the early twentieth century Ger-
man writers. Their attention was directed mainly to the
Lithuanian folklore reflected in the German literature and
not to the analysis of the Lithuanian national character
profile in its entirety. Modern German authors embody-

ing this above mentioned aspect in their works were not

4‘

c‘l

touched by any literary interest or investigation on the
Lithuanian or German side. It is possible that they were
reluctant to believe that this noteworthy interest could
prevail in the German literature for more than one century.
The reader might find it remarkable that suddenly
this diminutive and seemingly insignificant country of
Northern Europe, hardly known outside the limits of conti-
nental Europe, captivated the minds of the past and present
German literary peers. Walter Harich, Phanthecn (Berlin,
1925), p. 358, who crossed the river Pregel soon realized
the magic attraction exercised by this land. He witnessed:

... das Wunder der weissen nordischen Nachte, die
hier schonubeginnen under dem Glanz des Jupiter.

Die Steilkuste des Samlands, dgr meilenlange Land-
graben mit seinen Nachtigallchoren, die Palwen und
Haiden am Meer, die Wanderdunen der Nehrung...
ringsum liegen die schweigenden Welder bis zum Meer,
we die Eiszeit die Sand- und Lehmgebirge schuttete.
Und bis dicht an unsere Tore brandet auf der Nehrung
der Osten mit byzantinisch blauen Litauerkreuzen auf
verwunschenen Kirchhofen und fast ostasiatischen
Buchten, liegen die weiten Moore, die einst subtro-
pische Vegetation trugen. Wie vertraut ist uns hier
deg vorsintflutliche Kopf des Elchs, wenn er zur
Tranke schreitet aus dem Dickicht lugt, sind uns die
sagenhaften Reiherhorste bei Schwarzbrot... der Hei-
matberechtigte liebt diese Landschaft, aus der sich
alle hundert Jahre ein grosser Gesang hebt.

This nordio land is known to the Western world as Lithuania.
It is a country to which EurOpe is indebted for her pre-
servation from the conquering hordes of Tamerlane. Lithu-
ania, once the largest European state, is currently situated

to the east of the Baltic Sea, to the south of Latvia, to

 

r.

the west of the Soviet Union, and to the north of Germany.
It lies on a great plain, occasionally broken by a caravan
of verdant hills and the dark waters of rivers and lakes.
In the winter, deep snow lies upon its dormant face. In
the spring, it is decorated by Jocund, colorful crown of
wild-flowers. The yellow fields of ripe grain and the
richly green meadows are symbolically reflected in the
colors of the Lithuanian national flag.

The area of ethnic Lithuania during the final year
of independence (1939), consisted of 35,312 square miles,
with about 4,200,000 inhabitants; approximately two and
a half million of whom regard themselves as Lithuanian-
nationals. During the years of the Second World War and
in the succeeding years, Lithuania lost approximately one
half a million of its people. Its population included the
following religious denominations: Roman Catholic - 80.3
percent, Protestant - 9.5 percent, Jewish - 7.3 percent,
Greek Orthodox - 2.6 percent. 77 percent of the entire
population was engaged in agricultural activities, and
only 9 percent in commerce and industry. 84 percent of
the inhabitants of Lithuania resided in villages and small
towns; 16 percent in towns and cities.

AnthropOIOgically, the Lithuanian peeple are to be
classed as members of the dolichocephalic group; not assumed

to be of Teutonic, Scandinavian, or Slavic origin. Their

 

I.

pre-historical existence is still surrounded by a veil of
mystery; one periodically evoking numerous scholarly specu-
lations. A typical Lithuanian is fair-haired, blue-eyed,
tall of stature and of strong athletic appearance.

The uniqueness of the Lithuanian language attracted the
early attention of Immanuel Kant, who was born in Prussian
Lithuania and enjoyed a thorough knowledge of the Lithuanian
tongue. In his introductory remarks to C. Mielke's Deutsch-
Igjfiauisches Egg Littauisch-Deutsches Worterbuch (Konigsberg,
1800), he urged the preservation of the Lithuanian language,
as the key to the secrets of philology and history. The
linguistic treasures of the Lithuanian tongue since Kent's
observations have continued to impress the corps of eminent
philologists of the Western world. Isaac Taylor, in his
noted book Egg Origin gf’thg Aryans (New York, n.d.), p. 15,
commented "if we confine our attention to contemporary forms
of speech, and compare, for instance, modern Lithuanian with
any of the vernacular dialects of India which have descended
from Sanskrit, we find that the Lithuanian is immeasureably
the more archaic in its character... It may be surmised
that if we possessed a Lithuanian literature of a date con-
temporary with the oldest literature in India, it might be
contended with greater reason that the cradle of the Aryan
language must have been in the Lithuanian region." Ben-

jamin W. Dwight in his work the Modern Philology (New York,

 

1860), I, p. 113, considered the Lithuanian language
"... of very great value to the philologist. It is the
most antique in its forms of all living languages of the
world, the most akin in its substance and spirit to the
primeval Sanskrit." Theodore S. Thurston, in the Preface
taken from the manuscript of his book The Outline'gg the
Lithuanian Grammar, which was included in the Lithuanian
Magazine, Lietuviu Dienos (January 1962), p. 22, states
that:

The richest cultural heritage of the Lithuanian

people is their language, which represents one of

the highest achievements of all mankind. It

surpasses all other European languages in its

wonderful grammatical structure. It can clear-

ly be seen, by a study of the highest developed

grammar and the natural and beautiful sounds

of their language, that the Lithuanians indeed

possessed a creative genius in a very early era

of our civilization. The vowel system of the

Lithuanian language is the most ancient in its

style. It antedates Sanskrit, Latvian, Greek

and Latin, in that order... Lithuanian language

is very important in the field of comparative

philology, and it is regarded by renowned

philologists as the key to the civilization

of mankind.

These prominent English philologists did not stand
alone in emphasizing the significance of the Lithuanian
language. The French philologist Elisee Reclus in Nouvelle
Geographic Universelle (Paris, 1880), V, p. 431, concluded
that if the value of a nation in the sum total of humanity
were to be measured by the beauty of its language, the

Lithuanian language most certainly would place Lithuania

 

ll|||‘{||
1““

 

first among the nations of EurOpe. It is, therefore, not
surprising that the discovery of the Lithuanian nation was
achieved through the generous interest in the uniqueness
of its language.

The writer of this manuscript instigated by the evi-
dence of such generous preoccupation with the Lithuanian
language and encouraged by Professor George W. Radimersky
and by the Guidance Committee, began a search in the pages
of modern German Literature in order to ascertain to what
extent, if to any at all, the interest in the Lithuanian
nation has continued to the present day. The research
evoked the realization that an outstanding number of twen-
tieth century German writers embraced the Lithuanian people
and their national characteristics in their prose. This
discovery led directly to the writing of this thesis. The
aim and purpose of it shall be to penetrate critically
these portraits of the Lithuanian people; to analyse the
physical and spiritual profile; to inquire into the pre-
sentation of the Lithuanian national character and its
historical, ethnic, sociological authenticity; and to dis-
close any negative or positive attitudes toward the Lithu-
anian nation, if such are displayed by the German authors.

This writer does not intend to include the entire
corpus of the works dealing with the Lithuanian people,
but limits himself to a particular selection. In his

 

 

 

"l!

 

selections he hopes to capture the characteristic literary
trend, which without great difficulty may be regarded as
one not standing in an obvious contradiction but analo-
gous to the approach and treatment of the entire body of
literary material dealing with the Lithuanian people; thus
achieving a greater and a more intense literary effect
without danger of overgeneralization or superficiality.
After intense research and careful consideration, he se-
lected Hermann Sudermann, Ernst Wiechert (Not to be con-
fused with Ernst Wichert, also an East Prussian writer)
and Agnes Miegel, all exhibiting the national Lithuanian
character in their works, to serve as representative
authors of modern German prose.

Hermann Sudermann was born in 1857 in the little vil-
lage of Matziken on the edge of a great forest in Memel-
land, East Prussia, and died in Berlin in 1928. A noted
-dramatist and novelist whose literary career was marked
with great success and disappointments. His preoccupation
with the Lithuanian people was responsible for his un-
fortunately late literary comeback. The prediction of
waldemar Oehlke in his Die deutsche Literatur gait Goethes
ngg (Halls a.d.S., 1921), p. 607, regarding Sudermann's
turbulent literary path is currently in the process of
realization: "Einst fiberschatzt, wird er heute zum grossen

Teil weit unter seinem Werk beurteilt. Aber niemand, auch

die Kritik nicht, vermag der Poesie einen Wert zu geben
oder zu nehmen. Sie hat ihn oder hat ihn nicht und erst
die Nachwelt spricht das letzte Wort."

Ernst Wiechert, born in 1887 in the Forsthaus Klein-
ort near Sensburg, East Prussia, died in Rutihof, Switzer—
land, in 1950. He is considered by the literary critics
as one of the highly gifted writers of post-war Germany.
Furthermore, to the end of his life he possessed a deep
and reverent feeling for the Lithuanian nation, which he
expressed so eloquently in his prose creations. In these
writings one notices another characteristic of Wiechert's
literary activities-~the continuous presence of the East
Prussian landscape and especially the mysterious, nordic
forest. Its influence upon the development of his creative
personality is pointed out by Walter Berger in Germgg Life
Egg Letters (1950-1951), p. 11, where he states that: "No

 

understanding of Wiechert is possible without taking full-
est account of the regional aspect. Vast, primeval forest,
teeming with silence, ever growing life; endless plains
interspersed with lakes and moors; unlimited vistas with
sky-wide sunsets; all enwrapped in the grandeur of a mystic
silence...."

Agnes Miegel, also an East Prussian writer, was born

in the year 1879 in KSnigsberg. At the end of the second

World War she was forced to leave her homeland and suffered

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the tragic fate of a displaced person. Her literary
achievements are indicated by the fact that she received
the "Kleist-Preis”, "Herder-Preis" and "Goethe-Preis".
Following her flight from her homeland she established
her residence in Bad Nenndorf in Hannover. In Stimmen
g3; Presse ("Anlage" to Gesammelte figggg, 1955), Alma Rogge
evaluates the prose of the poetess in the following manner:
"Die Erzahlungen Agnes Miegels sind Gedichte von einer sel-
tenen Pulls und Eindringlichkeit, sind Balladen in Prosa,
sind von einer sprachlichen Meisterschaft, die nie ver-
sagt. So schreiben kann man nur aus einem reifen, gutigen
Herzen heraus, das die Welt fiberwunden hat, sie dennoch
mit einer unuberwindlichen Liebe liebt..."; Christ End 33;;
further dedicates these words of praise to Agnes Miegel:
"Da 1ebt in Deutschland eine Frau, in deren Herz die Gnade
eine ungeheure bunte Fulle von Bildern und Klangen ausge-
gossen hat, und dies zugleich mit der Begabung, den Bil-
dern und Klangen ihres Herzens Gestalt zu geben. Sie
schenkt aus dem innersten reichen Kern ihres Wesens Er-
zahlungen von hoher Kraft und Sprache, von unbeschreibli-
cher Anschaulichkeit der Bilder und von verehrungswurdiger
Iebensweisheit."

These three German writers stand unchallenged in
their unique treatment of the national Lithuanian character

profile in our modern era. The unforgettable beauty of

.4

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I.

10

their narratives and their respectable literary position
in the pages of the history of German literature, not

only justify my selection of their writings as the material
for this manuscript but also my acknowledgement that they

deserve a much greater literary recognition than as a

writer I am able to create.

 

THE HISTORY OF THE LITHUANIAN ELEMENT IN GERMAN LITERATURE

German writers turned their attention toward the Lithu-
anian nation and its folk poetry already at the end of the
seventeenth century. In the year of 1673, Johann Arnold
von Brand included, in his Reysen durch die Merck Brandeg-
burg, ggeussen, Churland, Liefland... (Wesel, 1702), his
observations of the Lithuanian folk customs (marriage,
burial), a fragment of "der Littauen gewShnliches Trink-
1ied," a "Klagelied an die ungetreue Braut," numerous
Lithuanian folk proverbs and religious songs. Approximate-
1y twenty years later, Theodor Lepner wrote the memorable
Preussische Litauer (Danzig, 1744), containing information
regarding Lithuanian folklore and music. Because of the
peculiarity in the presented description of the Lithuanian
folk art, this work deserves special attention. Lepner
did not display either the kindness or the necessary under-
standing when he wrote:

Sie[Litauer]haben eine sonderliche Art Trompeten

oder Posaunen, welchefisie Truba nennen. Diese ist
von Dannenholz ausgehohlet, am Ende ziemlich breit
und rund wie eine Posagne, auswendig mit Birken-
rinde dicht umwunden, uber eine Klafter lang. Zwei
Kerdels blasen auf solchen ihren Posaunen gleich,

was einen ziemlichen Schall giebt. Sonst haben sie
den von den Deutschen sogenannten SchweinskOpf
(kanklis - eine Art Zither), mit 9 oder 12 messingen
Saiten bezogen, die Trummel, Quer- und andere Pfeifen,

eine Fiddel und ein Brummeisen; dieses kaufen sie
nur aus dem Kram, die anderen benannten Stficke

11

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I.

I‘

l2

machen sie alle selbsten. Solche Kunstler sind

siel Sie sind auch alle Komponisten, die ihren

Liedern selbsten die Weise geben, wiewohl sie

einige auch von den Deutschen erlernen. Sie

sind von Natur zum Singen geneigt... dann...

entsteht von den Weibern und Magden in ihren

Gelagen so ein Geheule und Gesumme, dass man sich

die Ohren davon zustopfen muss. Die Materie ihres

Gesanges sind Buhlenlieder, sie handelg aber auch

von solchen SacheE, was ihnen nur einfallt und

vor Augen stehet.
The lack of adequate philological research and the appro-
priate gathering of folkloristic information might be
acceptable as one of the possible explanations for this
crude depiction of Lithuanian folk life. The merit, however,
lies, not in the methods of presentation, but in the grow-
ing attention given to the Lithuanian nation by a German
writer.

Beginning with the year 1723, the founding date of
the Lithuanian Seminar at the University of Kcnigsberg,
the German intellectual elite1hmensified their "gewisses
freundschaftliches Interesse"2 in the Lithuanian folk art

and especially in the field of the Lithuanian "Volkslied.":5

 

l

V. Jungfer, Litauen, Antlitz eines Volkes(Tubingen, 1948),
Pp. 68— 69. Hereafter cited as Jungfer, Litauen, followed
by the page number.

2P.Fechter, "Der astliche Verschmelzungsraum," Dichtung
2e2.121ke232. xxxv (1934). 318.

3For the historical summary of the Lithuanian folk song in
German Literature, the writer is indebted to A. Domeikaite' s,
_1_ litauischen Volkslieder in der deutschen Literatur (dies.
Munchen, 1926)? Hereafter cited as Domeikaite, Volkslieder,
plus the page number.

.3

13

It must be kept in mind, however, that the reason for the
initial attraction to the Lithuanian folk song rested not
in its pure literary-lyrical qualities, but in its lingu-
istic (morphological, phonemic, phonetic) constructive,
which reflects beautifully the characteristics of the
antique-mother tongue. An additional reason for the
interest in the Lithuanian nation was contributed by Pro-
testant missionary activities in East Prussia where Lithu-
anian was spoken. The success of these activities depended
entirely upon the missionaries having an adequate knowledge
of the Lithuanian language. Thus these German missionaries,
in their preoccupation with the Lithuanian language, took
unknowingly the first significant step in stimulating the
German interest, which was to flourish in the future, in
the Lithuanian nation.

Philip Ruhig, a Kanigsberg University educated Pro-
testant clergyman, published in the years of l745-‘47,
Qig,Betrachtung ggg'Litauischen Sprache4 and the Littau-
isches Wsrterbuch. These publications included three

 

4Some inconsistencies appear regarding the date of this
publication: P. Jungfer, Litauen, p. 70, states it as being
1745; A. Domeikaite, Volkslieder, p. 2, and J. Balys
"Tautosaka Mazojoj Lietuvoj;“—§idai, Nr..18 (1948), p. 346,
assume the date 1747. Prabociu Anukas, in Meiosios Lietuvos
Buvusieji Rasytojai indicates the following publication
dates of the two works (Betrachtung-l745, and Worterbuch-
1747). It would seem that the confusion was caused by_the
fact that not one but both of the publications included the
identical Lithuanian folk songs.

 

v.

14

Lithuanian folk songs: "Eine Tochter hat ihren Geliebten
begleitet," "Auf eine die nicht fein spinnen kann" and
"Abschied einer heiratenden Tochter." The presentation
of the texts of these folk songs was undertaken in order
to show the linguistic phenomenon of the Lithuanian lang-
uage5 and evoked an apology from the author, because of
such an audacious inclusion. This attitude is not sur-
prising because "...damals, als die ferne Welt, besonders
die Geistlichkeit gewghnt war, die Dainos6 als ein Wolf-
geheule oder dergleichen zu betrachten, konnte auch Ruhig
keine grosse Zuneigung zu ihnen erwarten."7

Ruhig's presentation of the three Lithuanian folk
songs did not escape Gotthold Ephraim Lessing's attention.
In his "Dreiunddreissigster Litteraturbrief," dated the
19th of April,8 he displayed a feeling of enthusiasm and
admiration for these Lithuanian folk songs. He viewed
them as being an outstanding product of genuine and pure
emotions. Their designation as having "eine reizende Ein-

falt" indicated Lessing's complete approval of their form

 

5the formation of diminutives in the Lithuanian language.

6"Dainos," P1. of "Daina" - a worldly song; in opposition
to "giesme" - a song of religious nature.

7A. Domeikaite, Volkslieder, p. 22.

8G. E. Lessing, "Briefs die neueste Litteratur betreffend,"
Deutsche Natigpal-Litteratug, LXIV, 229ff.

h

I,

IV

15

and thought, which in a simplified manner, satisfied the
classical requirements of "edle Einfalt und stille Gras-
se."9

This praise by such a significant literary personali-
ty as Lessing and the dawn of the "Sturm und Drang" move-
ment provided Lithuanian folk songs with a favorable at-
mosphere for a prosperous future. The "Volksliedbewegung"
in England, initiated by James Macpherson with the 3228‘
g§§£§_g£ Ancient Poetry, and supported by Thomas Percy's
Religues'gf gncient Engligh Poetrz, influenced the literary
attitudes of Johann Georg Hamann, Johann Gottfried Herder
and consequently those of the youthful Goethe to such an
extent that the rational "Chanson" or "Chansonette" was
compelled to recognize the superiority of the naive "Volks-
lied.” Under these positive literary conditions, the
world's folk songs in general and the Lithuanian folk song
in particular were prepared to assume a well respected
position in the German literature.

Johann Georg Hamann, while encountering the linguistic

treasures possessed by the Lithuanian language, also took

 

9This aspect can be detected in Lessing's Laokoon (1766),
which indicates distingtly the influence of J. J. Winckel-
menu and his Gedanken ubeg gig Nachahmung der griechischen
Werke... (1755). Both of these works are dedicated to the
d §cussion of the designation - "edle Einfalt und stille
Grosse,“ which was already introduced by Adam Freiherr
Oesen (1717-1799).

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notice of the Lithuanian national customs.lo In his
Kreuzzugg des Philologen (1762), we find the following
comment: "Heine Bewunderung oder Unwissenheit von der Ur-
sache eines durchgangigen Sylbenmaasses in dem griechi-
schen Dichter ist bey einer Reise durch Curland und Lief-
land gemassigt worden. Es giebt in angefuhrten Gegenden
gewisse Striche wo man das lettische oder undeutsche Volk
bey aller ihrer Arbeit singen hgrt, aber nichts als eine
Cadenz und von wenig Tonen, die mit einem Metro viel Ann-
lichkeit hat. Sollte ein Dichter unter ihnen aufstehen:
so ware es ganz naturlich, dass alle seine Verse nach die-
sem eingefuhrten Maasstab ihrer Stimmen zugeschnitten seyn
warden."ll Disregarding the fact that Hamann regarded his
observation as "dieser kleiner Umstand," or even the in-
accurate ethnographic designations of "das lettische oder
undeutsche Volk;" it does not obscure the evidence of the
continuous growth of interest in the life of the Lithu-
anian nation. It is of interest to know that Hamann's
prediction made above came true in the Lithuanian poet

D. Donalitius' (1719-1780) unforgettable literary master-

 

10P. Pechter, "Der gstliche Verschmelzungsraum," Diohtung
und Volkstum, XXXV (1934), 318; J. Nadler, Literatur-
geschichte des deutschen Volkes (Berlin, 1914-1940), II, 98.

11 ~
J. G. Hamann, Kreuzzu a des Philologen, Hamanns Werke
(Wien, 1950), II, 215-6.

I.

17

piece Qgg‘gghg‘ig‘gig; Gesanre, the form of which remains
reminiscent of the classical Homeric era.

The more decisive step for the popularization of the
Lithuanian national element was taken by Johann Gottfried
Herder, who unquestionably deserves to be regarded as "Der
Vater und Entdecker der Volker des Ostens."l2 In his
monumental collection, Sggmmen der Volke;__:i_gLiedern,l3
he presented nine Lithuanian folk songs: "Brautlied," "Der
Morgenspaziergang,” "Die kranke Brant," "Abschiedslied eines
Madchens," "Der versunkene Brautring," "Lied des Madchens
um ihren Garten,” "Lied des Jungen Reuters," "Der ungluck-
liche Weidenbaum," and "Die erste Bekanntschaft." The
song "Abschiedslied eines Madchens" was further mentioned
in the,Igggg.gg;_Philosophigygg£ Geschichte der Menschhgit,

VIII, 4.14

The popular ”Brautlied", however, which pre-
viously was discovered by Ruhig and used by Lessing, now
charmed Herder with its melancholic beauty to such a de-
gree that he reproduced it not only in his main text of

Stimmen der Valker ip.Liedern but, with a few unimportant

 

12

131t wag writteg in the years 1778-1779 and republished by

J. v. Muller (Tubingen, 1807); its continuation was known
simply as Volkslieder (Leipzig, 1825, 1840) and in the

modern era - as Stimmen der Volker (Stuttgart: E. Klett,
1938) orJ'Volkslieder,w appearing in Johann Gottfried ngders
Werke (Munchen, 1953).

14J.

W. Harich, ”Ksnigsberg," Pantheon (Berlin, 1925), p. 355.

 

G. Herders Werke, Deutsche National-Literatur, LXXVII,

(I

C

’l

changes, in the "Anhang" (to the Stimmen...) and in the
"Briefwechsel fiber Ossian und die Lieder alter volker."15
In his essay "Von Ahnlichkeit der mittlern englischen und
deutschen Dichtung," Herder admired the beauty of the
Lithuanian folksong as being equal to the true and noble
spirit of antiquity: "Venn nur Frau Sappho und ein
litthauisches Madchen die Liebe auf gleiche Art singen,
wahrlich so mussen die Eegeln ihres Gesanges wahr sein,
sie sind Natur der Liebe und reichen bis ans Ende der
Erde."l6 It is regretful and disappointing to detect
Herder's carelessness in the discussion of the Lithuanian
folk songs. In one instance he remarked: "...Lessing hat
uber zwei litthauische Lieder seine Stimme gegeben..."l7
and in the other he spoke about "...die lettischen Lie-
derchen, die Lessing in den Literaturbriefen aus Ruhig

anZOg..."18

 

307ff. Hereafter cited as DEL, plus the volume and the
page number.

15212. LXXIV. 65. 517-519; Lxxv1, 190.

l .0
6J. G. Herder, "Von Ahnlichkeit der mittlerg englischen
und deutschen Dichtkunst," in Herders Auegewahlte Herkg,

hrsg. v. A. Stern (Leipzig, n.d.), II, 130 also in DEL,
LXXVI’ 272.

17J. G. Herder, "Von Khnliohkeit der mittlern anglischen und
deutschen Dichtkunst," Herders Auggewahlte Werke, hrsg. v.
A. Stern (Leipzig, n.d.), II, 129 or in 222: LXXVI, 271.

18J.G. Herder, "fiber Ossian und die Lieder alter V31ker,"
DNL, Lxxrv, 94.

f3

0

(I

(’0

I‘

'I

19

One is, however, tempted to regard this inconsistency as
a matter of inadvertence and not a condition of indiffer-
ence.19

The German translations for the songs in Herder's
collection were provided by Johann Gottlieb Kreutzfeld,
a professor of Art at the University of Kgnigsberg (174?-
84), but the veracity of this contribution from Konigsberg
is questioned by A. Dcmeikaite in her dissertation gig
litauischen Volksliede£,ip.der deutschgg Literatur (Mun-
chen, 1926). Herder's letters to Hamann dated 18th of
June and 25th of August 1775, however, erase any doubt
about Herder's indebtness to Professor Kreutzfeld. In
the first letter, Herder wrote very significantly: "Gras-
sen Sie Kreutzfeld von mir, von dem ich vier sch3ne
Litthauische Lieder in der Preussischen Sammlung gelesen
babe: sie sollen in meine Volkslieder gewiss. 0 hatt er

mehr!" and in the second letter: “Gruesen Sie Kreutzfeld,

und danken Sie ihm rfir die drei2o Volkslieder bestens.

 

19The usage of the Lithuanian folk songs by Herder is treat-
ed moge intensively in: A. Domeikaite, Volkslieder, pp. 23-
24; Muller-Blattau, Hggann und Herder ig.ih;gg Begiehungen
gg£,Musik (Konigsberg, 1931). P. 21; Jungfer, ELEHBEE:

. 71; A. Sesplaukis Herder Egg gig Baltischen Volker

diss. Innsbruck, 1949); R. T. Clark, Herder (Los-Angeles,
1955), p. 258.

20

In actuality six Lithuanian folk songs must have been sent
by Pgofessor Kreutzfeld (2gp, LXXIV, 64). The songs: "Der
ungluckliche Weidenbaum" originated in L. Rhesa‘s collection

I.

20

Da ich noch immer den Plan, Volkslieder zu sammeln, nicht
aufgegeben habe, so erfreut er mich sehr mit jedem neuen
Beitrage."21

In the year 1770 the city of Strassburg Was the
historical meeting place of the ailing Herder and the young,
promising poet Goethe. It was here that Goethe "...nicht
dem Westen, sondern dem Osten begegnet...."22 Behind the
intellectually imposing figure of Herder rose the contours
of the majestic city of Konigsberg, which slowly dissolved
in the "primitive" land of the Lithuanian people. It was
Herder, who led the youthful Goethe, not exclusively to the
Parnassus of Greek classical spirit, but also unveiled to
the young poet "...das Verstandnis far die schgpferische
Kraft der Sprache und far das fiberpersonliche Wirken von
Sprache und Musik im Vulkslied."23

Goethe's acquaintance with the Eastern EurOpean area

while in Strassburg became a new and stimulating experience

 

(DNL, LXXIV, 73) and "Brautlied" derived fgom P. Ruhig's
Betrachtungen der Litthauischen Sprache (Konigsberg, 1747),

21mm, mm, 63.

22J. Nadler, "Goethe undnder deutsche Osten ” Deutscher
Geist-Deutscher Osten (Munchen-Berlin, 1937), p. I51. Here-
after cited as Nadler, Goethe, plus the page number.

233. Hedslob, figgthes Lebeg (Stuttgart, 1956). P. 18.

O I 0
l
I
U
- I I, ‘
. C
b. '
l I . '
‘ V
. I .0 ‘
Cl
,-
, . , .
1 I ‘ u I
. ii
.. i
V t
A
O t n I n . -'
. q. . 1? ( v
|
- 7 9
. -
l I.
e . n . b no t . - o O -.

21

for his young creative mind, "...aber je alter er wurde,

desto kraftiger scheint es durchzuschlagen in dem, das

daran wesentlich war. Er hat litauische Lieder nachge-

bildet und sich sogar eine lettische Grammatik verzeich-

net, wie Hamann und Herder Lettisch getrieben hatten."24

Thus the capital of Alsace, the city on the banks of the
river Pregel, and Weimar, formed a chain of development,
which displayed the presence of the Lithuanian element,

although not of commanding significance still, deserving

not to be completely disregarded.
Wilhelm Scherer, in his Geschichte der Deutschen

Literatur discussing the Herder - Goethe literary rela-
tionship, recognized the significant influence of the for-
mer upon the latter and in turn, of the Lithuanian folk

song, as reflected in the Strassburg period of Goethe‘s

lyrical activity. Referring to the Sesenheimer cycle of

poems, especially to "Willkommen und Abschied," Scherer

commented:

...we1cher Aufbruch zur Geliebten, welcher Empfang
und welcher Abschiedl “In vier Strophen eine Reihe
von Szenen, nicht Zustande, sondern Handlungen; in
wenig Worten die rascheste Aktion; das Ganze durch-
vom heissen Atem der Leidenschaft ... Ale Reiter
flog er zur Geliebten durch Nacht und Wald, WIE DIE
LITAUISCHEN GESANGE in Herders 'Volksliedern' GERNE
BEGINNEN ... Goethe hatte gelernt, die Natur wie ein

 

24
Nadler, Goethe, p. 156.

I.

WilQer anzuschauen. Er hatte Herders Forderung

erfullt und dadurch einen unermesslichen Fort-

schritt gemacht.25
This comment may be applied, not only to the beginning
stanzas, however characteristic of the Lithuanian "Volks-
lieder,"26 but also to the entire imagery in this poem
which radiates the themes present in the Lithuanian folk
songs. A Lithuanian well remembers such folk songs as
"Subatos vakareli, balnojau juodbereli," "Tarne, tarneli,
zabok zirgeli,"27 or in Herder's collection presented:
"Durchs Birkenwaldchen, durch Fichten Waldchen" and "Tief
in der Nacht, im Dunkel," which displays a string of
moods similar to that of Goethe's lyrical creation "Will-

kommen und Abschied."28

 

25W. Scherer, Geschichte der Deutschen literatur (Berlin,
n.d.). p. 530.

26The writer is quite aware of the fact that English poetry
also possesses examples portraying similar motives, to
mention only Robert Browning's (1812-1889) "Boot, saddle,
to horse away!" or for that matter the Old Nordig folk
songs: "Du steig nun zu Ross..." (Jung Hillerstrom), Ger-
man, French and Spanish-Portuguese "Tagelieder," as dis-
played in Tausendmund, hrsg. v. G. v. d. vring u. Gurghart
(Munchen, 1962), p. 200, p. 185, etc.

27Because of the presence of Lithuanian characteristic,
diminutive forms any translation to English or German would
appear comical or grammatically incorrect. The meaning, if
such is needed, of the former sons: "Am Abend am Sonnabend-
chen sattelteuich mein Pferdchen;' the later: "0 knecht, o
Knechtlein, zaume mein Pferdlein" (The free translation by
the Writer of this manuscript).

28A. Sesplaukis in his dissertation Herder und die baltisohon

23

The well known Lithuanian folk song "Ich hab's ge-
sagt schon meiner Mutter," with minor orthographic changes,
was chanted by Dortchen in Goethe's Singspiel Die Fischer-
;a.29 For the sake of literary curiosity and enlighten-
ment I offer One strophe of the famous song as it appeared
with its modifications by Ruhig, Lessing, Herder and Goethe;
I also included the original Lithuanian version for pur-
poses of comparison:

Ruhig:
Ich hgb aufgesagt meinem Matterlein,
Schon von der Halfte des Sommerleins:
Such, Mutterlein, dir ein Spinnerlein,
Ein Spinnerlein und Weberin... (possibly misprint in
the collection for "Weberlein"0
Lessing:
LIch habe aufgesagt meinem Matterlein schon vor
der Halfte deg Sommerleins.’
'Such, Hutterlein, dir ein Spinnerlein, ein
Spinnerlein und Weberin!‘
Herder:
Ich habs gesaget schon meiner Mutter
Schon aufgesaget vor Sommers Mitte. “

Such, liebe Mutter, dir ngr ein Madchen,
Ein Spinnermadchen, ein Webermadchen.

 

Volker (Innsbruck, 1949), p. 74, agreed that "In seiner
Sesenheimer Lyrik finden wir auch Motive des litauischen
Volksliedes, 2.3. in Gedicht 'Mir schlug das Herz...,'
gossen Eingangsmotiv mit dem folgenden litauischen Lieder
uhereinstimmt: 'Mit fruhem Morgen sei schon mein Pferd ge-
futtert‘ oder 'Ei mein Pferd, mein Pferdchen, du mein
lieber Brauner.'"

2 a u
9Goethes Samtliche Herke (Cotta'sche, Jubilaums Ausgabe),
VIII, 69ff. ‘

 

O I ‘

Q

a.

I.

24

Goethe:
Ich habs gesagt schon meiner Mutter,
Schon auf esagt vor Sommers Mitte. “
Such , liebe Mutter, dir gur ein Madohen,
Ein Spinnermadchen, ein Webermadchen.30
, The original Lithuanian folk song:
As atsisakiau savo mociutei,
O as nuo puses jau vasareles.
Jieskok, mociute, sauzyerpejate,
Sau verpejate ir audejate.’
Concerning the grammatical and phonetic composition
of the Lithuanian folk songs, which are characteristic
and applicable to this particular song, Lessing in his
"Dreiunddreissigsten Litteraturbrief," recorded the follow-
ing observation: "Die haufigen Diminutiva und die vielen
Selbstlauter, mit den Buchstaben l, r und t untermengt...
machen die in diesen Liedern ungemein lieblich." Almost
two hundred years later, Alfred Senn in his modern char-
acterization of the Lithuanian language states in perfect
agreement with Lessing:_"Lithuanian is extremely rich in
diminutives and endearing forms which are derived from
nouns and adjectives alike. Diminutive nouns may express

either smallness or affection or even contempt, while di-

minutive adjectives are used to denote a high degree of

 

30Goethes Samtliche Werke (Cotta'sche, Jubilaums AuSgabe),
VIII, 89.

Sleiiai. Nr. 18 (1948). p. 350.

 

r‘

J

25

a quality (intensification). The strong emotional appeal
of the diminutives supplies the language with effective
poetic expressions and gives the Lithuanian folk songs
their highly lyrical character."32 It may be added that
a diminutive word in the Lithuanian language may be further
"deminuiert" thus arriving at a triple diminutive form,
e.g. dukr-yt-uz-ele - "T3chterchen."33 The reading and
'not necessarily the singing, of any of the above presented
versions, reveals to the listener the musical intonation
of lines, which is so characteristic of the Lithuanian
language. The addition of melody leads to a song long to
be remembered.

In the literary journal fiber Kunst und Altertum
Goethe, while commenting upon the contemporary Lithu-
anian folk-song collection of Ludwig Rhesa, continued to
evince his hearty approval for the Lithuanian folk song:
"Durch diese Sammlung ist abermals einer meiner Wfinsche
erfullt. Schon Herder liebte die lettischen (?) Volks-
lieder gar sehr; in mein kleines Drama Die Fischerig sind
einige von seinen fibersetzungen geflossen. Ausserdem
liegt bereits seit mehreren Jahren eine starke Sammlung

wohlverdeutschter Gedichte bei mir, die ich, wie so

 

2 .
3 A. Senn, The Lithuanian Language (Chicago, 1942), p, 14,

33$. Schleicher, Litauische Grammatik (Prag, 1856), 56.

26

manches andere, in Hoffnung dessen, was gegenwartig ge-
schieht, im Stillen ruhen liess. Die fibersetzungen sowie
die beigeffigten Anmerkungen und Betrachtungen sind schatz-
bar... Und so sind diese Lieder anzusehen als unmittelbar
vom Volke ausgegangen, welches der Natur, und also der
Poesie viel naher ist als die gebildete Welt."34 Once
again, as in the case of Herder, the misconception of what
is "lettisch" and "litauisch" disturbs the complimentary
tone of the passage. Solely, Ludwig Rhesa’s Dainos oder
pitheuieehe Volkslieder (KSnigsberg, 1825) clarified for
Goethe the true designation of "litheuisch."35

In a conversation during the late years of his life,
with Eckermann and Ottilie von Goethe, regarding Friedrich
Fouque's "Sangerkrieg auf der Wartburg,“ Goethe stated:
"Es ist in der altdeutschen dustern Zeit ebensowenig far
uns zu holen, als wir aus den serbischen und ahnlichen
barbarischen Volkspoesien gewonnen haben. Man liest es
und interessiert sich wohl eine Zeitlang dafar, aber bloss
um es abzutun und sodann hinter sich liegen zu lessen."36

Josef Nadler, in his "Goethe und der deutsche Osten,"37

 

4..
3 Uber Kunst und Altertum, hrsg. v. Goethe und H. Meyer,

VI'TB'I 16-_18327:—He ft 2.

35A. Seaplaukis Herder und die baltischen Volker (diss.
Innsbruck, 1949). P. 75.

36 °°
Goethes Gesprache, hrsg. v. F. W. v. Biedermann (Leipzig,
1890), VI, 330.

37Nadler, Goethe, p. 170.

\/

27

attempts to present a diplomatic explanation and, possibly,
an excuse for the indifferent comment of the aged Patri-
arch. Goethe's words, however, remain to indicate that
his horizon now encompassed the world in its entirety and
not its national fragmentations.

The honor which Lessing, Herder and Goethe bestowed
upon the Lithuanian nation and its folk song became un-
expectedly an award of their literary immortality; and the
classical simplicity of the Lithuanian "Volkslieder" con-
tinued to conquer the hearts and the pens of the German
writers.

Ludwig Rhesa, a Professor of Theology in Konigsberg
and the author of Prutenia I, II (1809, 1824), was the
scholar and poet to contribute to German literature the
first collection of Lithuanian folk songs, Dainos oder
Idtthauische Volkslieder (Konigsberg, 1825). It was com—
posed of eighty-five songs, Accompanied by the original
Lithuanian texts; an additional one hundred songs could
not be given proper space in the collection and thus re-

mained unprinted.

The age of Romanticism in Germany received the

 

38The propitious reviews ofuthis monumental collection were
written by Jakob Grimm in Gottingsche Gelehrte Anzeigen,
Nr. 104 (1826), II, 1026. See also discussion of Goethe

pp. 12-130

28

Lithuanian folk song very auspiciously. The tradition,
initiated by Herder with his Stimmen der v61ker and the
demand for the literary recognition of the folk literature
with "Briefwechsel fiber Ossian und die Lieder alter v31-
ker," began to eXperience a new vitality. The publications
of 22g Knaben wunderhorn,39 a significant collection of
German folk songs, by Achim von Arnim and Clemens Brentano
as well as Johann Joseph von Gorres' Altdeutsche Volks-
und Meisterlieder (Frankfurt am Main, 1817), indicated
the growing emphasis upon the literary creations conceived
in "dem Geist des Volkes."40 The tone of "Volkslieder"
continued to find expression in the lyricism of Clemens
Brentano (1778-1842), Ludwig Uhland (1787-1862) and Joseph
von Eichendorff (1788-1857).

It was--ironically--in Berlin, the temple of ration-
alism, that the romantic "Berliner Dichterkreis" and espe-
cially Adalbert von Chamisso (1781-1838) gave the Lithu-

anian folk songs the necessary stimulus for its further

existence.

 

39Des gnaben Wunderhorn originated in the year 1804. First
volume appeared in Heidelberg, 1805; the second and third
in Kassel, 1807.

40The comparison of Stimmen der Vblker and.23§ Knaben
Wunderhorn reveals a notable difference in the structure,
but not in essence. The former being a product of universal
humanism, while the latter exhibiting the restriction
created by the national boundaries.

 

It

'0

29

Chamisso's poems betray the author's spiritual quali-
ties which are also present in the Lithuanian folk charac-
ter. His preoccupation with simple Joys or sorrows, de-
picted with gracefulness, gentleness, and sentimental
naivite, eXplain his receptiveness to the adaption of the
Lithuanian folk song as the basis for his lyrical creations.
Franz Tetzner in his Dainos, litauische Volksgesange richt-
fully noted that "Er Chamisso dichtete um, oder behandelte
litauische Stoffe im Gedicht. So hat Chamisso vier Dainos

"#1 These four poems origi-

in deutsches Gewand gekleidet.
nate during the years of 1825-1828 and are well known to
German readers. The Lithuanian folk song: "Der Jungling
reitet in die Schlacht" reappears as a "Nachdichtung" in
Chamisso's "Der Sohn der Witwe" the song "Der Vater ging
auf die Jagd in den Wald" finds its amusing expression in
Chamisso's "Familienfest." The songs "Die Waise" and
"Treue Liebe" were properly identified by Chamisso as
"Litauisch."42 A historical analysis, void of any liter-
ary or psychological interpretations, of Chamisso's bor-

rowings is presented by A. Domeikaite in her dissertation,

Die litauischen Volkslieder‘gg der deutschen Literatur,

 

4 00
1F. Tetzner, Dainos, litauische Volksgesange (Leipzig, 1903),
p0 350

4
2A. v. Chamisso, Werke, hrsg. v. H. Tardel (Leipzig, Wien,
1907-8), I, 103, 119-122.

I.

30

(Munchen, 1929), and is concluded with the following
statement: "Es sind wohl freie Nachahmungen und Verar-
beitungen des litauischen Stoffes; die Lieder haben nicht
mehr den Charakter der reinen Daina (folk song) aber ihr
Hauch ist doch geblieben."43 Professor Jungfer, however,
in his "Litauen im Spiegel seiner Volksliteratur," a
modern literary work with a more penetrating, interpre-
tative view into the essence of the Lithuanian folk song,
regards Chamisso's "Nachdichtung" as little more than a
"Hauch" of the Lithuanian folk spirit. Speaking of
Chamisso's "Der Sohn der Witwe," he remarks: "Ich gebe
den Schluss in der Nachdichtung von Adalbert von Chamisso,
da sie WIRKLICH litauische Stimmung atmet...."44
Franz Freiherr von Gaudy (1800-1840), a contemporary
and colleague of Chamisso (Berangers Lieder), in his trans-
lations from the Polish language, showed an early interest
in the literature of Eastern Europe. Through friendship
with Chamisso, he turned his attention to Lithuanian folk
ballads which he reproduced in the German language as "Die

Pestjungfrau" and "Die drei Budrios Sohne." The latter

 

4
3A. Domeikaite, Volkslieder, p. 45.

44V. Jungfer, "Litauen im Spiegel seiner Volksliteratur,"
in_Litauen-deutsche Studien (Wurzburg, 1958), p. 40, The
relationship between the German and Lithuanian folksongs

is treated more extensively by H. Engert in Aus litauischer
Eiggiggg; deutsche Nachdichtungen (Kaunas-Leipzig, 1935-97;
and by E. Seemann inflwbeutsch-litauische Volksliedbeziehun-
Sen," Jahrbuch fur Volksliedforschung, VII (1951), 142-211.

 

030‘.

I‘D

#M’
.Jfl’“

31

ballad indicates a notable influence of the Polish element,

and A. Domeikaite sees but a little that has a Lithuanian
character: "In dieser Ballade finde ich sehr wenig Litau-
isches; nur das Historische, die Namen der Fursten und
Orte, die Kriege zeigen, dass as sin litauischer Stoff

sein kann."45

Other less known poets such as Georg Friedrich Daumer
(1800-1875), J. F. Soldat, (n.d.) and Felix Dahn (1834-
1912), were also attracted to the Lithuanian folk element.
Daumer's poems in his Liederbluten des Hafis (Hamburg,
1846), Soldat‘s "Heldengedicht" - "Sareka," and Dahn's
poem "Die Litauer in Frankreich" are pregnant with the
Lithuanian folk spirit, be it in the form of a folk song
or a folk tale.

German interest in Lithuanian national character
traits during the latter part of the nineteenth century,
experienced growth in intensity and acuteness. J. Schultz
wrote Einige gemerkungen fiber die Nationalitat der Littau-
g§.;§,Preussen (1833), with an "Anhang, enthaltend einige
Dainos." This manuscript in later years served as the
basic material for A. Kuntz's, Bilder aus dem Preussischen

Littauen (Rostock, 1884), but the author failed to ac-
knowledge the source. In the year 1844 Wilhelm Jordan

 

45A. Domeikaite, Volkslieder, p. 46.

it

l
C
In
\. . I . . l
3" {\ v
I.
" ... ‘ 2. I
) .
{
.
I
u )
‘ ‘ .- o
. . t o
t F ‘ t
O
. < L

32

(1819-1904), a writer known for his recreation of the
"Nibelungensage," published in Berlin the corpus of
Litauische Volkslieder und Sagan. T. Lepner continued
his second edition of Der Preussische Litauer (Danzig,
1848), which was followed by the collections of Georg
Nesselmann's Litauische Volkslieder (Berlin, 1853) and
August Schleicher's Litauische Marchen, Sprichworter,
Ratsel Egg Lieder (Weimar, 1857). In the year 1882, two
significant treatier in the area of Lithuanian folklore
appeared: Adalbert Bezzenberger's Litauische Forschungen
und August Leskien's and Karl Brugmann's "Sammlung" of
Litauische Volkslieder und Marchen aus dem preussischen

46 In the latter part of 1884

und russischen Litauen.
A. Lobell, in Beilage zum Programm der Grossherz-Real-

schule g3 Oppenheim, published his notable observations

 

"fiber litauische VolkSpoesie.” The following years saw
Chrisitan Bartsch's editions of Dainu Balsai (Heidelberg,
1886-89), I, II which contained 392 Lithuanian-Germanized
songs, the greater part of which was accompanied by their
prOper musical score, thus making a significant contri-
bution to Lithuanian literature. J. Sauerwein, a great

admirer and supporter of the Lithuanian people, with his

 

46Litauische Forschungen werg published in Gottingen,
Litauische Volkslieder und Marchen aus dem preussischen
und russischen Litauen in Strassburg.

)i

33

fibgg‘ligauisches Volkstum... (1890 ca.); Louis Nat's
presentation of his notable Die Volkslieder der Litauer
(Tilsit, 1893); the periodical publication of the "Litau-
ische Literarische Gesellschaft" (1879-1912) which dealt
very intensively with the literary life of Lithuania, are
regarded even today by the Lithuanian literary scholars in
exile, with great esteem and gratitude.47

During the twentieth century the German literary
community continued to pay its tribute to the Lithuanian
nation. It took the forms of collections of Lithuanian
folksongs, its "Nachdichtungen" or was crystalized in
literary publications dealing with cultural and philo-
logical aspects of the Lithuanian nation.

Karl Plentzat published his 233 Liederschrein
(Leipzig, 1918), which included, among the corpus of the
hundred and ten Germanic "Volkslieder," a Lithuanian
selection of twenty-one songs. An exclusively Lithu-
anian Liederschrein (Kaunas, 1939) containing German

texts and German imitations, was dedicated to the Lithu-

 

47The list, which retains only the more significant works,
was selected from: A. Bartels, Handbuch £3; Geschichte

g3; deutschen Literatur (Leipzig, 1909); Proboéiu Anukas,
Mazosios Igetuvos Buvusieii Rasytgjai (1920); M. Szameitat,
Biblio raphie des Nemellandes (WMurzburg, 1957); J. Balys,
'Tautosaka Mazojoj Lietuvoj;"—Aidai, Nr. 18 (1948), p. 347;
A. Domeikaite, Volksliedgg, pp. 61-69; v. Birziska,
"Meioslos Lietuvos rasytojai ir raétal,“ Aidai, Nr..18
(1948), Pp. 354'3560

II

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34

48 In more recent years

anian nation by Victor Jungfer.
a modern version of Stimmen ggg'vglker appeared carrying
the title of Tausendmund (Ebenhausen bei Mfinchen, 1954),
edited by Georg von der vring and Burghart Wachinger.
It is, since the monumental collection of Herder, an out-
standing achievement in "Lieder-Sammlung," which encom-
passes a generous number of the folkloristic and liter-
ary treasures of the nations, located in the Eastern and
Western European cultural sphere. Among folk songs, the
five Lithuanian ”Volkslieder/Dainos" occupy a respectable
position. The folk song "Simonene" was taken from G. H.
FR Nesselmann‘s Iéttauische Volkslieder (Berlin, 1853),
the other came from Karl Plentzat (see above) and Helene
Tetzner's Dainos, litauische velksgesango (Leipzig, 1903).
In the progression of time the German writers were no
longer content with solely gathering the Lithuanian "Volks-

lieder,” but they began to observe its form, content and

its literary value. This led them to the realization

 

48V. Jungfer deserves much greater attention than this foot-
note. With his works regarding the Lithuanian nation, such
as: Kulturbilder aus Litauen. Ein Beitra zur1 Erkenntnis
des litauischen Volkstm slBerliE: Leipzig,T Alt-
Litauen.” Eine Darstellun von Land und Leuten, Sitten

und Gebrauche. (Berlin und Leipzig, 1926? Hinter‘_gg Seen,
hinter den Waldern. Bilder litauischen Volkst (Konigs-
berg, 1932); his nove Der We der Skarin a munchen:
Langen-Muller, 1940-42)_ andw th the numerous publications

already cited he erected a monument for which every Lithu-
anian ought to bow his head in gratitude and reverence.

 

.I‘

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35

that there existed an affluent field of Lithuanian liter-
ature. The literary content of the Lithuanian folk song
received adequate attention from Reinder von der Meulenh9
and Victor Jungfer.50 Alfred Brust turned his interest

to Lithuanian literature's position in regard to the age

of expressionism.51 The authors W. W. Ulmeried and Naujeck
moved away from the attitudes of generalizations and en-
gaged in an intensive literary analysis of Lithuanian
literature.52 The results of their findings proved to be
more than what they eXpeoted to find in such a simple,
nordic land. The uniqueness of the Lithuanian nation and
its literature now became a well known and established
fact.

The influence of Lithuania and the Lithuanian folk
song continues to be detectable in the pages of German
lyrical writings of the twentieth century. A. K. T. Tie-
1o's verses in Thonatos (Stuttgart, 1905), Klange aus
Litauen (1907) and Agg 33; Jugendzeit (1911) manifest the

Lithuanian folk spirit. Tielo's residence in Berlin,

 

4
9R. v. der Meulen, Qie Naturverglgighg_in ggn Liedern
Egg Totenklagen der Litauer (Leiden, 1907).

50
V. Jungfer, "Die Raubehe im litauischen Volkliede,"
Das neue Litauen, Nr. 15/16 (1918)-

51A. Brust, ”Die litauische Kultur und der EXpressionis—
mus," Das neue Litauen, I (1918), 50-51.

52W. W. Ulmenried-Naujeck, "Zur litauischen Literatur,"
2§§ £239 Litaue , Nr. 18/19 (1918).

\

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I.

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36

referred to by him as "die zweite Heimat" did not diminish
the longing and devotion for his homeland in Lithuania
Minor, "...die eigene Heimat... am Memelstrom, zog ihn
unablassig wieder zuruck. Und aus jedem Gruss, der von
dort in die Ferne flatterte, sprach das Gluck der Einkehr
und Heimkehr, wie es aus dem Werk spricht, das als Klange
ggg Litauen (1907) hervortrat...“53 In his poem the writer
very effectively captures the moody landscape of the Baltic
coast near the outlet of the Memel river and the unruly,
destructive forces of nature, constantly demanding sur-
render from the humble Lithuanian folk.

Unfortunately it was the First World War which served
as a significant factor in bringing the German writers,
at the moment in uniform, nearer to Lithuania, consequent-
ly causing a renaissance of the Lithuanian folk song among
the German speaking people. Oskar Wghrle published the
German translations of the Lithuanian "Volkslieder" in
Egg'gitauenbuch, Eine Auslese aus der geitung £33.37ggggg
(1918); and in the year 1917 Richard Dehmel (1863-1920)
exhibited his "Nachdichtungen" of the Lithuanian folk songs
inQigggggRundschau.54 Herbert Eulenberg with Hermann

Struck continued to comment on the "litauische Volkslieder"

 

53H. Spiero, Deutsche Kapfe (Darmstadt und Leipzig, 1927),
pp. 356’3570

542E2_gggg Rundschau, XXVIII (January, 1917). Heft 1.

1‘

 

37

in their Skizzen aus Litauen, Weissrusslan. und Kurland
(Berlin, 1916).

With a touch of disappointment, Victor Jungfer
comments about the fate of the major part of these and
other publications appearing in the German press: "Leider
ist das meiste von dem, was damals der Tag gebracht hat,
auch vom Tage verweht worden" and continues with more
optimistic tone: "Erst in allerjungster Zeit lasst sich
eine leichte Belebung des gesunkenen Interesse feststel-
len."55 Jungfer's hope for the revival of interest in the
Lithuanian folk element and the Lithuanian nation during
the second half of the twentieth century came into its
fulfillment no longer as "eine leichte Belebung," but
rather in numerous scholarly publications contributed
mostly by the Gottinger Arbeitskreis, founded in the year
1946, ("Schriftenreihe," "Ostdeutsche Beitrage"); Litauen-
deutsche Studien, Beitrage zur Ostfrage (1958); Marburger
0stforschungen im Auftrage des Johann Gottfried Herder-
Forschungsrates e.V. (1954-1962), and pg; Zeitschrift pg;
Ostforschung (Marburg a.d. Lahn), containing in each issue

a rewarding bibliOgraphy.56

The Lithuanian folk fairy—tales and "VolkSgeschichten"

55Jungfer, Litauen, p. 75.

6

5 The commanding part of publications pertaining to
Lithuania (political, social and cultural aspects) are
managed by the publishing house Holzner in Wurzburg.

I]

 

38

gained some favor during the twentieth century, in compe-
tition with the popularity of the Lithuanian folk song.
Alexander Kurschat and Hugo Scheu edited the Low-Lithu-
anian Zemaitische Tierfabeln (Heidelberg, 1913). Karl
Plentzat included the Lithuanian fairy-tales in his
collections QEE‘Wundergarten (Berlin, 1922) and 213 goldene
Brucke (Leipzig, n.d.). Carl Capeller published in Berlin
the Litauigche Marchen up; Geschichten (1924), in the same
year appeared Maximilian Boehm's and I. Specht's collection
of Lettisch-litauische Volksmarchen published by E. Diede-
richs Verlag in Jena.

The presence of the Lithuanian national element in
the field of the German drama is not so outstanding as in
the German publications regarding “litauische Volks-
literatur." However, its limited existence in the German
drama of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries can not
be ignored or underestimated.

In the previous discussion about the Lithuanian folk
song it was pointed out that the influence of the Lithu-
anian "Volkslied" penetrated even into Goethe's theatri-
cal production Die Fischerin (1782). Thus Goethe, quite

inadvertently, extended the first authoritative accept-
ance and recognition of the Lithuanian element as worthy

of dramatic treatment.

39

Zacharias Werner (1768-1823), whose "Schicksalstra-
ngie" Der Vierundzwanzigste Februar (1810) impressed
Goethe in Weimar, used the Lithuanian characters as the
foundation for his drama: Das Kreuz an der Ostsee, Part
I: Die Brautnacht (1806).57 In the "Historischen Vorbe-
richt"58 to his drama, whose historical, mythological,
and philological assumptions lack authenticity,59
Zacharias Werner wrote a questionable comparison of his
drama's historical characters with the Lithuanian peOple

living in the nineteenth century: "...In Kleidung und

Sitten ist noch der jetzige litauische Bauer ein getreues

 

57The second part of the drama, the basic outline cfuwhich
was reported by E. T. A. Hoffmann in his Serapionsbruder
(1819-21), was not realized. The coloring of the histori—
cal background of Pig Brautnacht, however, echoed later in
G. Freytag's "Die Bruder vom deutschen Hause," Die Ahnen
(Leipzig, n.d.).

582. Werner, Des Kreuz 3g.der 0stsee, in Deutsche Literatur,
Reihe Romantik (Leipzig, 1937). XX: 55ff.

59"It is a historic fallacy to attribute a distinct nation-
ality or language to 'Old-Prussians' or the 'Pruzzi-
Prutheni-Prussi-Borussi' ... with the inhabitants of the
penninsula of "Zemija-Sembia-Samland." C. R. Jurgela,
History 2; the Lithuanian Nation (New Ygrk, 1948), p. l8ff.;
further, Z. Werner stated: "Ihre religiosen mythen ver-
rieten skandinavischenuUrsprung. Ihre Hauptgotter: Per-
cunos... etc., waren hochst wahrscheinlich nur eine be-
groberte Nachbildung des Cdins... etc.;" the comparison of
the major gods, taken from H. S. Robinson's and K. Wilson's
M the and Legends Q; fill Nations (New York, 1950), pp. 56,
208, shows, that "Berkunas was the god of thunder and
lightning in Baltic mythology..." - Odin, the greatest of
the gods was the god of war, wisdom, poetry, prophecy,
andvmagic;" S. Daukantas in Edda senoves lietuviu kalnenug
$5 zemaici , rewritten and edmed by J. Laukys and J. Tal:
mantas (Chicago, 1954), pp. 109-119, 132-136, further in-
dicates Werner's inadequacies in the discussion of Lithu-
anian mythology.

I,

O

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40

Nachbild der Urpreussen, und seine festlichen Gebrauche
tragen fast noch ganz ihr altheidnisches Geprage...,"
and "...Ihre Sitten waren so einfach wie ihre Sprache.
Fur Magen und Seele hatten sie — wie noch die heutigen
Litauer... - ein und dasselbe, fur Tugend und Laster gar
kein Wort. Auch fur Stunde und Minute hatten sie, wie
noch der Litauer, keine besondere Namen.6O Jedoch scheint
die Einteilung der Zeit in Jahre und Monate ihnen nicht
unbekannt gewesen zu sein; die Benennung der letzteren,
die sich noch bei den heutigen Litauern erhalten haben..."61
The portraiture of the Lithuanian profile in the
drama is accomplished with a surprising dramatic under-
standing not only of its historically significant back-
ground, but a noteworthy ability to capture the fine con-

tours of the people's soul in the tragic struggle with

 

60The Lithuanian language possesses four different designa-
tions for "Megan" and "Seele," the former being "skilvis"
or "pilvas," the latter "dusia" or "dvasia;" a distinction
between the "Tugend" and "Laster" is exhibited in Lithu-
anian by an extensive list of synonyms: "Dorbe, dora,
verte, gerumas, tvirtybe, galia etc." (die Tugend), in
opposition to 'yda, prazanga, nedorybe, istvirkimas,
piktybe, biaurus, paprotys etc." (das Laster). The divi-
sion of time into hours and minutes existed also in Lithu-
anian: "valanda" and "minute," the latter as in German
probably derived from the lat; "minuere" - "to diminish;"
the participle of which is "minutus." "Pars minuta prime"-
being the smallest unit divisable by 60 in Ptolemeus (2nd
cent. A.D.) sexagesima system. (The writer of this manu-
script).

612. Werner, Deutsche Literatur, Reihe 33g§§3$£,(L81P218.
1937). xx, 56-57.

-l

I‘

41

the Teutonic knights. The Lithuanian people stand as a
symbol of the Old-Pagan-World in the stage of destruction
at the hands of the approaching new Era of Christianity.62

Eduard Graf von Keyserling (1855-1918), a native of
Courland, dedicated two of his dramas: Fruhlingsopfer
(1899) and Dummer Hans (1901) to the Lithuanian folk.
Both of these dramas were viewed by Albert Soergel in his
Dichtung Egg Dichter der _z_e_1_t, as the "schwermutige Idyl-
len aus dem litauischen Volksleben," which shows the rich-
ness of thought and uniqueness of form. They do not comply
to a uniform style but fluctuate between lyricism and
drama; between naturalism and romanticism.63 The pre-
sentation of the Fruhlingsopfer on the Berlin stage was
received by the critics and the spectators with noteworthy
approval.64 It is noteworthy that even the warmly glit-
tering sun in the Italian sky did not close Keyserling's
eyes to the magic of the northern European lands - one
of them being Lithuania.

In the dramatic works of Rolf Lauckner (1887-1954)

the Lithuanian element constitutes a commanding part.

 

6

2Reminiscent of Friedrich Hebbel's (1813-1863) interpreta-
tion of tragedy as reflected in Herodes und Marianne (1850)
and G. W. F. Hegel's (1770-1831) theory of dialecticism.

6
3A5 Soergel, Dichtung und Dichter der Zeit (Leipzig, 1911),
p0 930

64
Freiherr v. Taube, "Daten zur Biographie Eduards von
Keyserling," Euphorion, XLVIII (1954), 96-97.

I,

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42

The action of his dramas Prediet in litauen (1918),

Der letzte Preusse (1936—37), Herkus Monte und der Bitter
Hirzhals (1938), Gedichte und Melodramen (1953), not only
takes place in the Lithuanian or Lithuanian-Minor areas,
but the dramatist also places Lithuanian characters among
his "dramatic Personae."

The German prose of the nineteenth and twentieth
centuries exhibits a similar interest in Lithuania and
its people. The prose works dealing with the Lithuanian
nation, however, increase substantially as compared to
the number of dramatic productions on the subject and
their publications.

Ernst Theodor Amadeus Hoffmann (1776-1822), born in
KSnigsberg, East Prussia, and associated with Adalbert
Chamisso in Berlin, was so impressed by the Lithuanian
"Kurische Nehrung" that he delineated the beauty of this
land in his "Novelle" Egg Majorat.65 One of the outstand-
ing representatives of the movement "Das Junge Deutsch-
land," Heinrich Laube (1806-1884), displayed the Lithu-
anian historical personages in his narrative Dig

Bandcmire,66 but the most significant contribution was

 

6
5E, 2. A. Hoffmanns Werke, hrsg. v. Georg Ellinger
(Beriin—LeipalgifiTEE-stuttgart, n.d.), p. 166.

66H. Laube, Die Bandomire, Gesammelte Schriften (Wien,
1877), Ix.

I.

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t.

43

made by the gifted Ernst Wichert (1831-1902) with his
Littauische Geschichten (1881). Louis and Hugo Bieber67
highly appraised the literary quality of Wichert's
"litauischen Novellen." Louis Lasser wrote that:
"Littauen ist durch Ernst Wichert in die Literatur ein-
gefuhrt worden. Seine Littauischen Geschichten (1881)
sind das Beste, was er geschrieben hat. Es wird uns darin
der Kampf des littauischen Bauernstandes um die nationals
Existenz in ergreifender Weise vor die Augen gefuhrt."68
Heinrich Spiero, in agreement with Lasser, further com-
mented about the Littauische Geschichten: "Sie sind

nicht etwa nur volkskundlich wertvoll--dazu brauchten sie
keine Dichtung zu sein-~sondern die Littauischen 9g-
schichten bedeuten auch als Kunstwerk etwas, sind das
chhste, was Ernst Wichert dichterisch geleistet hat.

Die Feinheit seiner Arbeit erkennt man gerade an der
liebevollen Durchfuhrung jedes einzelnen dieser so oft
verwandten Vorwurfe; jeder dieser littauischen Menschen

erscheint nicht nur als typischer Littauer, sondern als

Persanlichkeit ganz r3: sich..."69 This artistically

 

67
H.Bieber, Der Kampf gm die Tradition (Stuttgart, 1928),
pp. 600-601.

68L. Lasser, Die deutsche Dorfdichtun~ von_ihren Anfangen
bis gpr Gegenwart (Salzburg, 1907 , p. 77.

69H. Spiero, Deutsche Kapfe (Darmstadt und Leipzig, 1927),
pp. 165‘1660

44

effective creation of the Lithuanian women characters
in this cycle of "Novellen" is considered by the German
literary historians as a memorable contribution to the
treasures of German literature.7O Wichert's historical
novels Heinrich von Plauen (1881), Der grosse Kurfurst
in Preussen (1887), and Tileman'zgm’figgg (1890) reach
into the pages of East Prussian history where the ex-
istence of the Lithuanian element is "facile princeps."
A list of German prose publications, exceeding two
hundred in number, appearing during the latter part of
the nineteenth and the present century, involve directly
the Lithuanian element, namely in the form of an his-
torical event, the Lithuanian populated area, the

Lithuanian nation, or its "Volksdichtung."71 These

 

7OW. Oehlke, Dig deutsche Literatur seit Goethes Tode
(Halls, 1921), p, 289; M. Maack, Die Novella, ggg_g£;-
tisches Lexikon uber die bekanntesten deutschen Dichter
Lubeck, 1896), pp. 68:69; E. Engel, Geschichte der
deutschen Literatur (Wien, Leipzig, 1908), p. 281. Its
artistic value may also be indicated by the inclusion of
Wichert's "Novella" Ansas und Grits in P. Heyse's and H.
Kurz, Deutscher Novellenschatz'TMunchen, n.d.), XIV,
195-3000

71The catalog of publications includes the names of such
German writers as Dgra Elenore Behrend, Werner Bergengruen,
Elisabeth Bronner—Hopfner, Alfred Brust, Hansgeorg Buch-
holtz, Paul Burg, Endrus Endrulat, Georg Engel, Graf
Ottfried Finckenstein, Dora Hohlfeld, Charlotte Keyser,
Graf Eduard Keyserling, Wilhelm Kotzde, Erich von Lojewski,
Walther Mittasch, Clara Nast, Wilhelm Naujock, Erna
Cbgartel-Alisch, Heinrich Wolfgang Seidel, Heinrich Spiero,

I.

45

German writers, with their treatment of the Lithuania
Minor, which they viewed as a mysteriously strange,
primitive magic surrounded land, and their fascination
for its people, opened for the lithuanian nation the

portals to the modern world of literature.

 

Ewald Swars, Hans Waldenburg, August Winning, Kax Worgilzki
and Walther Ziesemer. Mention of all the authors and their
Works in this manuscript would be too space consuming.

THE LITHUANIAN PEOPLE

In Frau Serge (1887), Litauische Geschichten (1917),
and Das Bilderhuch meiner Jugend (1922 , Hermann Sudermann
presents a great variety of Lithuanian people. The simple,
diligent, hard working farmers,l farmhands, fishermen and
servants occupy a significant place in these three prosaic
achievements.2

Frau Serge, the first successful novel of Sudermann~-

 

a view shared by almost all literary criticsj--is written

 

1The term "farmer" signifies individuals of the European
peasant class. The title "prosperous farmer" shall stand
for a progressive, well-to—do peasant who has attained
socially respectable position among his fellow villagers.

2The usage of humble country folk in the German literature
during the early part of the twentieth century served as

a reaction against urban decaying civilization in Germany.
It must also be recognized, that the novelists and writers
of Novellen such as Jeremias Gotthelf (1797-1854), Gott-
fried Keller (1819-1890), Conrad Ferdinand Meyer (1825-
1898) with regional tendencies prepared the way for the
revival of the country life.

3K. Heinemann, Die deutschngichtung (Leipzig, 1927), p.

283; H. Spiero, Deutsche Kopfe (Darmstadt und Leipzig,

1927), p. 254;)A. Soergel, Lichtung und Dichter der Zeit
Leipzig, 1911 , pp. 350-351; W. Kahrholz, Deutsche

Literatur der Gegenwart (Berlin, 1931), p. 81; W. Oehlke,

Dig deutsche Literapgg seit Goethes Tode (Halle a.d.S.,
1921), p. 604; W. Kawerau, Hermann Sudermann (Leipzig, n.d.),
p. 81; H. Jung, Hermann Sudermadn (Minden i. Westfh, 1902),
P. 5' M. Schian, Der deutsche Roman seit Goethe (Gorlitz,
19045, p. 206.

46

I,

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47

with a warmth and sincerity of feeling. It is an elaborate
character study of Paul Meyhofer, a young German farmer,
who lived in the gray shadow of Frau Sorge (Dame Care).
Frau Sorge, a mysterious figure born in Sudermann's poetic
imagination and reminiscent of Sorge in Goethe's EEEEE:
gives the unity to the chain of tragic events and at the
same instance shows Sudermann's tendency to symbolism.4

The Lithuanian in this novel is farmhand Michael Raudszus
who deserves a notable attention in order to comprehend

the tragic development of the story.

Litauische Geschichten,5 written possibly in remem-
brance of Ernst Wichert from Kgnigsberg, is a collection
of four Novellen: "Die Reise nach Tilsit," "Mike Bum-
bullis," "Jons und Erdme," and "Die Magd." These narra-
tives are dedicated exclusively by the author to the
humble lives of Lithuanian villagers. This collection

displays “...an der Stirne den Stempel der vollen

 

4This was one of the main reasons for the sharp criticism
of Sudermann by the representatives of naturalistic liter-
ary theory: A. Kerr, Herr Sudermann, der 2...Q...Dichter
(garlin, 1902), M. Harden, Kampfgenosse Sudermann (Berlin,
2 .

5The popularity of this book is clearly detectable in the
sales made during the year of 1922, which reached over
61000 copies. (These figures are based on the Cottas
Publishing Company's annual report-1922).

l.'..
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48

Meisterschaft des reifen Mannes..."6

and brings him once
again the poet's laureate.

In the pages of the autobiOgraphical Das Bilderhuch

 

meiner Jugend, the Lithuanian people reappear constantly;
may it be in a figure of an intoxicated and much feared
farmer or a local police official.

Throughout Litauische Geschichten, Frau Sorgg, and

 

Das Bilderbuoh meiner Jugend, Sudermann creates his

characters authentically by the application of Lithuanian
names, such as Ansas Balczus, Ploksties, Marinke Tamoszus,
Wilkene and Alute Lampsatis. Some of the Lithuanian names
are Germanized, but through etymological analysis, one can

easily establish their Lithuanian origin.7

 

6K. Busse, Hermann Sudermann (Stuttgart und Berlin, 1927),
p. 184. Hereafter cited as Busse, Sudermann, plus the page
number.

 

 

7The Lithuanian spelling is not strictly observed in
Sudermann's narrations. The names are frequently mis-
spelled or Germanized possibly to facilitate the pronun-
ciation. The diminutive ending "-aitis" (Lampsa(i)tis)
has its origin in the formation of patronymics, e.g.,
Lampsaitis : the son of Lampsas. In the present day, the
masculine forms in "aitis have become permanent as heredi-
tary surnames. Sudermann makes the mistake not only in
the spelling of the suffix "-aitis," but fails to attach
the proper feminine ending, in order to indicate the mari-
tal status, "~iene" (for unmarried women: "-aite," "-yte,"
"~ute," "ute"). The suffixes of men-surnames do not
change because of their marital status, but remain con-
stant. A few examples of the Germanized Lithuanian names
are: Jozup Wilkat, which is derived from the Lithuanian

49

Sudermann's Lithuanian people are not... "aus dem
Fenster einer Glaskutsche gesehen, in der ein reicher
Mann ausfuhr, um seine arme Heimat wiederzusehen..."8
as claimed by Ernst Wiechert, but are portrayed by a
writer who loves and understands them, who stands beside
them during the happy and tragic moments of their lives.
Sudermann‘s Lithuanians are "...alle hineingetaucht in
Blut und Geist des litauischen Volkes."9 They are figures
"von hinreissender Echtheit,"lo who walked the country
roads of the Lithuanian-German p0pulated area of Memel
during the peaceful pre-World War I days.

Ernst Wiechert, in similarity to Sudermann, selects
the Lithuanian farmers, peasants, ferrymen, and the

housekeeping personnel as the bearers of his philosophy

of human existence. Their simple occupations are regarded

 

name Juozas Vilkaitis (this surname embodies the meaning
of "wolf"); Jons Baltruschat is the Germanized version of
Jonas Baltrusaitis; the name of Indre JaksztatzIndre
Jakstaite (-yte, -ute, ~ute).

8E. Wiechert, "Von der Sendung," Samtliche Werke (Wien,
Munchen, Basel, 1957). X. 594.

9

Busse, Sudermann, p. 184.

loBusse, Sudermann, p. 13. Reminiscent of the witches
scene in Shakespeare's Macbeth, IV. 1.

 

50

by the author as the noblest among the "...ersten natur-

lichen, adligen Berufe, die der einfache Mensch sich noch

bewahrt hat..."ll

Ernst Wiechert's novels: Der Knecht Gottes Andreas

Nyland (1925-26), Die rage des Jdrgen Doskocil (1932),
.213 Majorin (1934), Die Jeromin-Kinder I (1940-41), II
(1946), Missa sine nomine (1949-50); the Novellen: Der
Todeskandidat (1933), and Joneleit (1934) clearly betray

the presence of the Lithuanian people. It is character-

istic that Wiechert's Lithuanians are given only first

names, of which Jons (or Jonas) and Grita seem to be the

most preferred.12

 

1EB. Wiechert, Welder und Hensohen, Samtliche Werke (Wien-

Mpnchen-Basel, 1957), IX, 107. Hereafter cited as Wiechert,

Welder und Menschen, g. fl., IX, plus the page number.

12These two names appear in all the major prose works of
Wiechert. The author's love for these two names influenced
him to such extent, that he retained them in the names of
his two most beloved animals. G. Kamin's article "Ernst

Wigchert, Der Weg des Menschen und Dichters," Ernst Wiechert
(Munchen, 1951), p. 35. illustrates this fact:

Mitunter fallen ihm beim Lesen die Augen zu,"aber

wenn er wieder aufsieht, kann er lange und zartlich
sich mit den Hunden unterhalten, und ich erinnere mich
an einenuAbend, als er dem kleinen Jan, der sich zu
seinen Fussen in seine Decke eingewickelt hatte, sagte:
"Nun, Janchen, hast du dich da ganz eingewickelt?
Kleiner, guter Jan! Was habt ihr es gut. Viel besser
geht es euch doch als uns, viel besser..." Und zu
Gpita, Jane Schwester: "Gritachen, nun komm nur, mein
Hundchen, liebes kleines Gritachen." Hit einer Zart-
lichkeit, wie sie nur einfache und gute Menschen haben
und wie er sie Fremden gegenuber damals kaum noch zeigte.

I)

51

Following Sudermann's attitude toward the Lithuanian

people, Wiechert delineates them with great admiration,

love and compassion. His Lithuanians are essentially

people of sentiment, to whom reasoned thinking and humor
mean very little. They are:
...durch Krieg und Nachkriegszeit (World War I and II)
entwurgelte Menschen und damit das Leid des Mensch-
seins uberhaupt, an dem Jeder auf seine Art leidet.
Es liegt eine unendliche Traurigkeit uber den meisten
seiner Gestalten, dass sogar ein ungeahntes Gluck
sich 'schwer' uber die Herzen legt.A11es Gluck ist
beschattet und alle Lebensfreude gedampft durch eine
I

unbewusste Ahnung von Traurigkeit' Der dunkle

Strom des Leidens rauscht aus abgrundigen Tiefen
durch das Herz.13

The sombre landscape of the north eastern region of

East Prussia is also greatly responsible for the state of

their character: "Es ist ein dunkles Land, und die Bienschen

sind sehr still, und die Vogel singen trauriger als andere-
wo."14 It should be noted that these characters as dis-
played by Wiechert's Lithuanians differ notably from their

counterparts livir ng across the river Nemunas, to which

Wiechert constantly refers to as "einen der dunklen Strame

mit dem seltsamen traurigen Namen."l5 The Lithuanians on

 

13H. Ollesch, Ernst Wiechert (Wuppertal-Barmen. 1949). p.44

_ylsnd, Samtliche

14E.Wiechert,uDer Knecht Gottes Andreas
9 255. Hereafter

Werke (Wien-thchen-Basel, 1957), II
cited as Wiechert, ilyland, S. W., II.
15

E. Wiechert, Die Jeromin-Kinder, Samtliche herke (Wien-

Hunchen-Basel, 7957), V ‘431. Hereafter cited as Wiechert,
Die Jeromin, §. E., V.

to

no"

 

the northern bank of hemunas have a much happier disco-
sition. The smile is always ready to break upon their
lips.

In comparison to Sudermann and Wiechert, Agnes Miegel
stands as an opposite literary pole in her presentation
of the Lithuanian people. While Sudermann and Wiechert
describe Lithuanians living in the modern, twentieth
century era, Miegel reaches as far as the period preceding
East Prussian history. Her portrait of the Lithuanian
people indicates a similarity to the figures of Lithuanian
mythology or the Germanic warriors living in the pages of
the ancient Nordic sagas.

The string of short stories entitled Stirme des Schick—
gglg (1926 ff.), consciously or unconsciously, attempt to
depict the four cultural development steps, which were
taken by the East Prussian population. It includes: the
historic period of the fifth century A. D. which embodies
the patterns of life of the early Lithuanian tribes and
the influence of the Byzantine culture which penetrated
through the amber-routes ("Die Jungfrau," "Landsleute");
the collapse of "pruzzischen" paganism during the latter
part of the thirteenth century in favor of German brought
Christianity ("Die Fahrt der sieben Ordensbruder"); the
effects of the Tartar invasion of the seventeenth century

("Das Lasegeld"), and the nineteenth century cultural life

53

in East Prussia ("Die Blume der Gotter"). The first two
steps exhibit the presence of the Lithuanian people while
the other show the authoress' preoccupation with the Ger-
man immigrants from southern and western Germany. In
this historical treatment Agnes Miegel does not emphasize
the sociological division of the Lithuanians, as in the
case of Sudermann and Wiechert, but we must assume them
to belong to the two general classes of rulers and sub—
jects.

16

The narratives: Der Ceburtstag, Die schone Malone
(1926), in; Schlangenberg (1937), Tine Sudaus Erzahlung
(1930), Maine alte Lina (1934), display the Lithuanian
characters who belong to the household staff. The nurse-
maid, however, occupies an outstanding and honorable place
in the pages of Miegel's prosaic works, as in private
life.

Agnes Miegel shows a peculiar attitude in designating
her Lithuanian characters with ancient, historical or

mythological names, such as: Ita, Perkun, Gedimin, Skurdas,

Poburs, Lusche.17 The first aspect of this attitude,

 

16Found in the collection Truso (Dusseldorf/Koln, 1958),
PD 0 161-2440

17The symbolic interpretations and linguistic analysis of
the Lithuanian ("Old Prussian") names is presented by Lnge
Meidinger-Geise in her Agnes Miegel und Cstpreussen (Wurz-
burg, 1955), in an admirable fashion, but unfortunately not
quite satisfying the scholarly appetite of a linguist.

54

reminiscent of Thomas Mann's "Namengebung,"18 did not

escape the eyes of the literary critic Inge Meidinger-

Geise, who very properly states:

Erwahnt sei ferner die sehr absichtsvolle Namen-
gebung fur die dichterischen Gestalten. Agnes Miegel
sagt von ihrem eigenen Namen, dass er ihr ebenso
selbstverstandlich, so untrennbar' mit ihr verbun-
den schien, 'wie Hand und Auge' -'wie das eigene Herz.'
'Auch bei anderen konnte ich mir die einen neuen
Namen denken' ('Die Patin' in dem Band 'Unter hellem
Himmel', S. 16). Diese ganz bestimmte Vorstellung
von Eigenschaften bei einem Namen bewirkt ihr gleiches
Auftreten in verschiedenen Dichtungen.19

The second attitude stands in a polar opposition to

the author's careful selection of names. In numerous

instances, Miegel simply refers to Lithuanians as: "die
undeutschen Frauen,"20 "die undeutschen Milchschwestern"21
or "die undeutschen Magda und Knechte."22 I was unable

to discover any philological or linguistic reasons for

these two conflicting approaches. One may only speculate

 

Elsterjohn in Tristan, Peeperkorn in Zauberberg, Tonic
Kroger etc.

191. Meidinger-Geise, Agnes Miegel und Ostpreussen (Wurz-
burg, 1955), p. 215.

”A. Miegel, "Die schone Malone, " Gesammelte Werke
(Dusseldorf/Koln, 1955), IV, 26. Hereafter cited as
Malone, g. E" IV.

ellfiiegel, Malone, g. 111., IV, 25.

Miegel,

22
Bliegel, Malone, E. E0, IV, 24.

U1
L“!

that by the usage of the designation "deutsch" and
"undeutsch," Miegel intendes to decrease gradually, the
awareness that a segment of the Lithuanian population
is a significant part of East Prussia. Thus developing
what Paul Fechter designated as "die Verschmelzung der
preussischen Stamme und Volker"23 into one contingent of
inhabitants to be known in the future solely as East
Prussians. In her prose works the Lithuanians continue
to remain easily recognized by their unique physical

appearance and the traits of their personality.

A. Farming Population

A comparison in the presentations of the Lithuanian
farming population by the three German authors reveals
numerous similarities and differences. In order to gain
a better understanding of these diversified attitudes it
would be appropriate and valuable to examine the portrai-
tures'of the Lithuanians as standing "a cote d'autre."

Hermann Sudermann in depicting the Lithuanian farmers
does not emphasize solely their positive or negative
aspects of their character, but indicates a mixture of

both. Thus a criminal type does not necessarily display

 

23?. Fechter, "Der astliche Verschmelzungsraum," Dichtuna
und Volkstum, V (1934), 321.

56

exclusively a criminal mind or an inclination to unlawful
activities, but he incorporates also many admirable and
commendable character traits. He tends to regard them
not as the Nietzschean "fibermensch," who towers above the
masses of humanity, but as a "Vollmensch," who, being a
part of the human race, retains their well cherished
individuality.

In "Jons and Erdme," Sudermann describes a Lithuanian
peasant couple, who settled on unfertile swampland in
order to achieve an independent economic existence, as
Donelaitis and Erdmuthe in Ernst Wiechert's Missa sine
nomine. In the question, which hardly requires an answer:
"Wozu sind sie jung und ubervoll von unverbrauchten Kraf-
ten, die sich sonst fur Fremde erschopfen mussen?" the
author approves their significant but perilous step.

The path to the status of an independent and wealthy
farmer may be characterized, very appropriately, by a
philosophic inscription entertained by Heinrich von

"24

Kleist: "Per aSpera ad astra. The flood, which brought
complete destruction to their farmstead, the loss of their
accumulated monetary life saving, failed to break their
strong spirit and belief in a brighter future. As U11

and Vreneli in Jeremias Gotthelf‘s Uli der Knecht,

 

24H. v. Kleist, Prinz Friedrich von Hombur , Act II, 10.

II

57

£13.923 Pachter, so Jons and Erdme fall in order to rise,
work in order to build a prosperous future, and share
mutual love in order to survive the tragic turbulences
of life. An artificial pathos, which penetrates the
German "Bauern— und Armeleutegeschichten" is here com—
pletely absent. However "...keineswegs...ist damit Ver-
zicht geleistet auf die Erschutterung unseres Gefuhls in
Mitfreude und Mitleid mit diesen... ganz aus ihrem Kern
herauslebenden Existenzen."25
Following Ivan Turgeniev's attitude toward the peasant
folk,26 Sudermann depicts Jons and Erdme as true to life
characters, who actually lived in the poverty stricken
areas of the Lithuanian Minor.
Industriousness and diligence are their most out-
standing characteristics, which also may be said about
the entire Lithuanian farming papulation. Kurt Busse
correctly states: "Jons and Erdme sind tuchtige Menschen
ihrer Art, ihres Volkes. Alles wird vermieden, sie zu
Helden ihrer Geschichte zu machen. Es sind ein paar
unter vielen, gewohnliche Leute, merkwurdig weniger durch
ihren Eigenswert, alsweil die Urkraft, die ungebrochene

ihres naturhaften Volkes noch in ihnen lebt."27

 

25Busse, Sudermann, pp. 187-188.

26Repecially in Sportsmann's Sketches (1852).

27Busse, Sudermann, p. 187.

I.

Q

58

Jons, who is forced, because of financial obligations,
to work not only on his own farm but also in a saw mill,
is well supported in the hard farmlabor by his industrious
wife:

Der Entwasserungsgraben ist das erste. Ohe den geht

nic hts. Erdme htt ihn fast allein gezogjen. Denn

wenn Jons auch um drei aufs teht, um funf muss er 3a

auf dem Weg zur Sagemuhle sein, und a ends is t sein

Helfen auch nicht viel wert. Dann hangen ihm die

Arms immer wie ea cke am Leibe. Aber Erdme - die ‘

schafft es. Sie steht bis zu den gnien im eiskalten

Wasser und sticht und grabt und grabt und sticht -

quer durch das widerspenstige' durzelwerk, das manch-

mal durch keine Menschenkraft bezwingbar scheint. 28

It is not surprising, that even a friendly competition
between Jons and Erdme develops, in meeting the self im-
posed quota of daily work: "Bin jeder sorgt auf seine
Art, und keiner will hinter dem andern zuruckstehn. Von
einem, dessen Tagwerk um drei Uhr fruh beginnt und um
acht Uhr Abends endet, kann niemand auf Erden sagen, er
habe sich zu knapp bemess en ."29
Sudermann, projecting himself, compliments in this

manner the diligent attitude of Jons and Erdme and em-
phasizes the good outcome as the most probable end result:

"So tuchtig ist der Jons und so gescheit. Es musste wirk-

lich mit unrechtcn Dingen zugehen, wenn zwei solche

 

2 a . a

83. Sudermann, "Jone und ardme," Litauische Geschichten
(Stuttgart und Berlin, 1928), p. 155. Hereafter cited as
Sudermann, Jons.

2.
9Sudermann, Jons, pp. 162-153.

fl

.0 0‘ O
Eheleute nicht vorwarts kamen."3 To assure the constant

striving and prevent any stagnate inclination of this

Li
fa

thuanian farm couple, Sudermann in typically Faustian

shion, surrounds Jone and Erdme with the hostile and

constantly treating forces of nature.

of

Und der Jons denkt beim Singen und Beten an das

was hsende Haus, dessen glatt behobelte wands schon
uber das Moor hinleuchten. Wer hatte vor jenen Jah-
ren an so viel Praght zu denken gewagt? Und alles
durch fleissiger Hands Arbeit aus dem goerschlamm
herausgeholt, der zah und unfruchtbar uber dem schwar—
zen Grundwasser lagegp, bereit zu verschlingen was
sich ihm anvertraut.

The character of Jens and Erdme is not completely void

a negative flaw:

Die Arbeits gelegenheit (for Jens] in der Sagemuhle
hat sich ubri gens als ein Glucksfall erwiesei. Denn
aus den Gesprachen mit den Fuhrleuten kann man auf
unauffallige Weiss tagtaglich erfahren, in welchem
Walde und an welcher stelle geeignetes Holz zu
NACHTLICHER ABHCLUNG bereit liegt.

Aber gons ist nicht der Mann dazu, sich mit gebunde-
nen Handen irgend einem Aufseher auszuliefern, dem
es beliebt, ihn gnzuhalten.

Die erste der kraftigen vier Kieferstangen, die als
Eckpfeiler eines zu erbauenden Hauses nun einmal
unentbehrlich sind, kauft er sich fur blankes Geld
von einem Besitzer... Dabei bekommt er einen regel-
rechten Kaufschein, den er fortan als Schirm und
Schutz in seiner Tasche mit sich fuhrt. Und als er
mit Erdme in der ubernachsten Nacht einen zweiten ”
Stamm nach Hause bringt, DE R NI SHT GANZ SO RECHTSGUL-
TIG ERWORBEN Isr...32

 

3O
31

Sudermann, Jons, p. 197.

Sudermann, Jons, p. 286.

32Sudermann, Jons, pp. 156-157.

(1

"I

6

1‘

I.

 

60

A convenient excuse as: "Wenn man so arm ist wie wir,
dann kann das unmoglich eine Sunde sein;" or the inten-
tion to compensate for the damages in the future "...Aber
wenn wir es nicht mehr notig haben, dann wollen wir alles
wieder gutmachen, worin wir uns Jetzt vergehen mussen.

I
"’3 does not relieve them

Und das geloben sie einander...
from the burden of guilt, but expose them to serious con-
sequences for the committed larceny.3£+ Sudermann, how-
ever, attempts to eXplain and consequently excuse their
"nicht ganz so rechtsgultigen“ action, reminding us of
Charles Dickens in his all pervading humanity, in his
sympathy for the indigent ones, his acute understanding
of those who transgress against man-made laws.

A Lithuanian farmer with a more obvious criminal

disposition is presented by Sudermann in his narrative

"Miks Bumbullis."35 The central figure of the story,

 

33Sudermann, Jons, p. 160.

31"The definition of larceny in the Anglo—Saxon, Modern
American or the EurOpean Codified Laws, beyond any doubt,
substantiates the writer's opinion. (William E. hikell,
Criminal L23.(Chicago, 1960), XV, 143-175 .

35The reason for incorporating the criminal types in the
modern novels or "Novellen" is analysed by Alexander
Kurschat in the series Mitteilungen der Litauischen
Literarischgg.Gesellschaft, V (Heidelberg. 1907), 558 ff.,

.{\

61

carrying the name identical with the title, is a peculiar
mixture of murderer, hero, poacher and saint. His criminal
activities, which in instances echo in Annette von Droste-
Hulshoff's Die Judenbuche, seem to have originated in the
search of dangerous excitement. As an attractive rogue,
he is the most feared and beloved person in the region:

...mit dem Miks Bumpullis war nicht zu spassen. W0

man nachts beladen uber die Grenze ging, wo dem

Zamaiten das Fuhrwerk ausgespannt wurde, wo man dem

{uden den Schnaps auf die Strasse goss, - der Mike war
uberall dabei. Nun gar das verdammte Wilddieben!

 

and repeatedly emphasized by Jonas Balys in :cholap, Nr. 1
(Heidelberg, 1947), 45ff:

Die Sacha ist klar. Im allgemeinen ist bekannt,

dass die Novellisten sehrnhaufig gerade die verbreche-
rischnveranlagten Typen fur ihre Sohildgrungen wahlen,
weil uber die tugendhaften oder mittelmassigen Per-
sonen weniger zu sagen ist, und weil sich keine ver-
wickelten Intrigen darbieten, um eine spannende Ge-
schichte aufzubauen. Wollen wir 2.5. uber den Charak-
ter der Norweger aus Knut Jamsuns Werken schliessen,
so wurden wir auch kein erfreulicheres Bild gewinnen,
als wir es von den Novellen Niecherts oder Sudermanns
uber die Literatur erhalten.

This aspect is further discussed in a more general manner,
by: K. H. Strobl, "Der Verbrecher in der Literatur,"

res literarische Echo, XIV (1911), 1-9; G. Brandes,
T"iiichterische ”fiehan--;‘Llun'r des Verbrechens und Strafe,"
Gestalten und Gedanken (1903). 51-56; J. Stern, “Ubgr den
Wert der dichterischen Behandlung des Vgrbrechens fur die
Strafrechtswissenschaft," Zeitschrift fur die ggggmte_
Strafrechtswissenschaft, XXV (1905-190677'Tngf., It is of
interest to note that the literary preoccupation with
criminal characters dates back to 1734,’the date of publi-
cation of Fr. F. de Pitaval's, Causes celebres £2
interessantes in twenty volumes.

62

Und er hatte es so gut haben konnenl Die Wirts-
tochter weit uni breit waren nach ihm aus. Auch
eine junge Witfrau sogar! Und was fur einel Mit
einem Hof von hundertzwanzig Morgen. - Die hatpe
schon zweimal den Vermittler zu ihm geschickt.5

Miks Bumbullis' apprehension in the act of poaching by
the cruel and openly disliked German forester Wickelbart
prompts him to the latter’s murder. Thus he satisfies
his personal revenge and at the same time ride the Lithu-
anian Farming population of an unreasonable and unjust
German government official. Freed from the murder charge,
because of Alute Lampsatis' false testimony, he atones
for the crime by dedicating his life to the care of the
murdered forester's adopted child. Beginning at this

significant psychological turn of Mike Bumbullis' existence,

Sudermann achieves:

...das unvergesslich Einzigartige seiner Geschichte
erst durch den einen Zug, durch den sie gleichsam
einen zweiten Hintergrund bekommt,ueine neue Dimen—
sion, Tiefe, wo vorher nur eine Flache war. Die
aussere Geschichte hat nun eine neben, hinter oder
daruber laufende innere seelische, wodurch das
aussere Geschehen zur selben Zeit unwesentlicher

und bedeutender wird, verankert in jenem tieferen,
seelischen Bereich. Das ist dig unausdeutbare Be-
ziehunguzwischen Mike und dem Forsterkinde, dem er
den Ernahrer und Vater erschoss. In jenem Augenblick
knupft sich das unzerbrechliche Band einer neuen
seglischen Veterschaft an §telle derngewaltsam zer-
storten, und dieses Bandufuhrt den Herder langsam
unentrinnbar zu seinem suhnenden Tode, aber zugleich

 

36H. Sudermann. "Miks Bumbullis," Litauische Geschichten
(Stuttgart und Berlin, 1928), p. 73. Hereafter cited as
Sudermann, Bumbullis.

63

auch zu einem neuen hoheren Nenschentum. Aus dem

Quell dieser Vaterschaft fliesst von nun an alles,
was Mike tut...37

After the marriage to Alute Lampsatis and experiencing
the happiness of reciprocated love from his adopted child,

Mike Bumbullis becomes the opposite to his previous in-

dividuality. He leads his life as:

...ein umsichtiger flirt und gin treuer Verwalter.

Er arbeitete von fruh bis spat und dachte an alles.

Die Kartoffeln gediehen, das Heu kam trocken in Kapsen,
und als die Rgggenaust begann, wurde beim Kahen sein
Kreuz nicht mude. In seinem Wesen war eine grosse
Veranderung vor sich gegangen. Er trieb sich nicht
mehr inuden Krugen herum und kam selbst vom Wochen-
markt nuchtern nach Hause. Auch das Wilddieben hatte
er aufgegeben, und wenn die Versuchung an ihn heran-

trat, nachts uber die Grenze zu gehen, so sagte er,
er wunsche es nicht.

Thus Sudermann elicits intensively the thesis, which pre-

occupied Feodor Dostoievski in Crime and Punishment, that

no matter how deep into an abyss of crime an individual
falls, he always is given a possibility to atone for the

crime in practiCing goodness and selflessness. A more

complete regeneration of the individual, however, can be

achieved solely through an extreme degree of suffering or

a voluntary act of selfimmolation.39 One must more than

37Busse, Sudermann, p. 186.
38Sudermann, Bumbullis, pp. 111-112.
39

This view was held by numerous novelists (F. Grillparzer,
Der arme Spielmann; J. Gotthelf, Die schwarze gpinne;

64

assume, that every person behaves as if there existed in
him an internal tribunal of justice w th its own law
enforcement, with its expiatory rites and self-adjudi-
cated decree.4O The court of Kiks Bumbullis' conscience
demands his life as the only possible repayment for the
life he has destroyed. In fulfilling this Judgment,
however, he does not only satisfy criminal justice, but
in sacrificing his life in order to bring an eternal
peace for the unfortunate and "wandering" soul of his
deceased child, he achieves a crown of martyrdom.

The wife of Mike Bumbullis, Alute41 Lampsatis, is
described by Sudermann as a woman of questionable morals

and extreme cruelty. She allows nothing to stand in the

way of her marriage to-Miks Bumbullis. Her cunning, but

 

H. v. Kleist, Michael Kohlhaag), some of the representatives
of the "Schicksalsdrama" A. Eullner, Die Schuld (1816),

E. v. Houwald, Der Lcuchtturm (1821). It Was also in-
corporated in Schiller's theory of tragedy and effectively
presented in F. Hebbel's theory of drama.

40

 

P. Q. Roche, The Criminal Mind (New York, 1958), p. 247.

41Sudermann very appropriately and symbolically selected
for Lampsatis the first name 'Alute.‘ In the Lithuanian
language it stands for an intoxicating beverage. Knowing
Sudermann's disapproval of drinking intoxicants, it be-
comes evident that the degenerate character of Alute
Lampsatis was in more than favorable position to be des-
ignated by the author, with the negative idiosyncrasy of
the first name.

55

false testimony,42 frees him from the murder charge, of
which she is the main instigatorf‘t3 The realization,
that Mike Bumbullis' love cannot be claimed, prompts her
in delivering him, as the biblical Judas Iscariot, to the
authorities. As the demon who completed his task, she
"...tanzte um ihn herum, indem sie ihm die Zahne zeigte

"44 Sudermannm in order to

und die Zunge ausstreckte.
create a greater contrast to Mike Bumbullis, does not
award her any outstanding good qualities of character.
Her diligence and success as a prosperous farm owner, is
mentioned only to emphasize her economic status, which
failed to impress either Miks Bumhullis or any other
Lithuanian farmer living in the vicinity.

With his "M ks Bumbullis" Sudermann surpasses Ernst
Wichert from Konigsberg in a similar attempt to analyse
the workings of Lithuanian farmer's criminal dispositions.
Wichert's litauische Geschichten continue to remain

interesting to read "Kriminalnovellen,' while Sudermann

 

Alute Lampsatis' statement cannot be regarded as perjury,
because she was not under oath during her testimony (P.80,
122). The definition, of perjury, in criminal law is:

"the willful assertion as to a matter of fact, opinion,

belief or knowledge, made by a witness in a judicial pro-
ceeding as part of his evidence, either UPON OATH or in any
form allowed by law to be substituted for an oath... such
assertion being material to the issue or point of inquiry

and known to such witness to be false." Black's Law Dictionary
(St. Paul, Minna, 1951), p. 12970 ‘-

43Sudermann, Bumbullis, p. 101.
44Sudermann, Bumbullis, p. 140.

66

elevates his "Mike Bumbullis" to a position of the "un-
zerstorbare Dichtung’“)5 which displays the psychological
depth and the author's maturity of insight.

Enskys' family in Sudermann's "Die Magd," consists
of good natured and efficient farmers. The father is a
modest, hard working, and deeply religious man. The sole
goal of his life is to see his son, Jurris, happily married,
so that he would be able to provide an heir to his well
established farm. His unreasonable and uncompromising
sense of morality, which is reminiscent of Meister Anton
in Friedrich Hebbel's Maria Magdalene or Martin Humbrecht
in Heinrich Leopold Wagner's Die Kindermorderin, compels
his son to a tragic death and his common law wife Marinke,
to a.life full of misery and hardship.

The mother reflects love and understanding for the
people surrounding her. A servant girl characterizes her
as: "...bequem und gutigen Herzens und nicht gewillt, sie

"46 She complies to

ihre Herrschaft fuhlen zu lassen...
the questionable decisions of her husband, but wisely
uses his character weakness to achieve the good end re-

sults. His excessive desire for money, especially an

 

b,
5Busse, Sudermann, p. 185.

453. Sudermann, "Die Magd" Littauische Geschichten
(Stuttgart und Berlin, 1928), p. 355. Hereafter cited
as Sudermann, Die Magd.

67

attractive sum of "...uber zehntausend I—fark...”47 is

cunningly used by the mother in stimulating the acceptance
of the illegitimate child of his son's wife, as their
rightful heir:

Und die Mutter verlangte, sie Ckarinke) solle erzah-
len. Da zog sie den Schenkungsbrief aus der Tasche
und reichte ihn ihr. Die flutter traute ihren Augen
erst gar nicht und liess sich die Summe immer wieder
von neuem sagen, bevor sie glaubto. 'Aber dann ist
ja alles gut' sagte sie, 'und dann will ich erst

mal den Vater wecken.‘ ”

Die Marinke hatteunngst, der Alte wurde sie und das
Kind sofort zur Tur hinauswerfen, aber die Mutter
lachte nur, nahm den Brief und ging damit nach der
Stube. Es dauerte eine ganze Weile, ehe sie wieder
da war, und hinter ihr...kam der Alte gesprungen -
und bot der Marinke den Willkomm und klatschte den
Kleinen aufs nackte Knie und wollte ihn selber ins
Bettchen tragen...

Und als die Marinke ihm verwundert dreinreden

wollte, stiess die Mutter sie an und sagte ihr leise:
'Lass ihn nur immer. Er redet sich's ein und wird's
auch den anderen einreden - und so ist's am besten.h~

The Enskiai are truly Lithuanian farmers, "genommen
aus dem eigentumlichen Lebenskreise des litauischen Volkes
...,"49 who humbly till their soil and struggle with the
problems and hardships distributed by the capricious hands
of Moerae. Their character und their way of life appears
to be much more than just "litauisch." here we to dis-

solve the time and the place of the narrative, it would

 

47Sudermann, Die Magd, p. 449.

48Sudermann, Die Kagd, pp. 450-451.

49Busse, Sudermann, p. 189.

r)

(J
(J

/'

1‘

’U

68

become quite evident, that the story possesses the neces-
sary characteristics for achieving an award for its
universality. The farmers of Fritz Renter,50 Berthold
Auerbach,5l Gottfried Keller,52 Emile Zola,53 Knut
Hamsun54 and Willa Cather55 do not differ essentially

in their basic character, and their struggle with every
day problems, from the Lithuanian farmers in Sudermann's
"Die Magd."

In general, Ernst Wiechert's Lithuanian farmers are
more ordinary and less adorned in the composition of their
character if compared to their counterparts in Sudermann's
presentation. They do not exhibit the complex person-
ality of Miks Bumbullis, but entertain a natural sim-
plicity in their minds and hearts. The criminal element,
which plays a significant part in Sudermann's portrayal
of the Lithuanian farmers, is absent in Wiechert‘s char-
acterizations, but the negative traits of character con—

tinue to be exposed. Both of the authors in complete

 

50g; mine Stromtid (1864).

51Schwarzwalder Dorfgeschichten (1843).‘
52

53

EQQEQ and Julia auf dem Dorfe (1876).
pg 235;; (1887).

54Growth of the Soil (1917).

55E1 Antonia (1918).

.» ---

59

agreement, carry a deep and reverent feeling for the
untouched by western or eastern civilization Lithuanian
farmers. This attitude reflects continuously in the por-
trayal of Wiechert's Lithuanian characters, who seem to
stand as the last reminder of Rousseau's philosophy.

In Die Jeromin—Kinder, Wiechert's Lithuanian farmers
are: "...schwerblutige, einsame Menschen, die dieses Dorf
(Sowirog) in der schwermutigen masurischen Landschaft be-
wohnen...2 They walk through the days of their life
"...Demutige, gebeugte Gestalten, die sich nur Selten gegen
ihr Schicksal und die Welt aufbaumen...."56 They live:

...zu dicht beisammen, als dass sie eine fielt der
Tauschung voreinander hatten aufrichten konnen.

Es gab Neid unduFeindschaft in dem kleinen Dorf,
Streit und Versohnung; aber es gab keine Geheim-
nisse. Zu dicht stiessen Giebel und Fenster an-
einander. In Hass und Liebe waren sie nackend und

bloss, und das einzelne Schicksal war auch des Dorfes
Schicksal.5

This "selten" individual, who refuses to sacrifice her in-
dividuality and succumb to the rule of the village's
common fate, is a woman "aus den litauischen Mooren...,"58
Martha Jeromin. Herr von Balk, a German aristocrat, ad-

mires her as being: "Eine grosse Frau... Die einzige, die

Sich nicht gebeugt hat...."59 Her individuality brings

 

56J. R. Frey "Ernst Wiecherts Werk seit 1945." TQE.QEEEEE

Quarterly, XXII (1949), 42.
57

8Wiechert, Die Jeromin, §,E., V, 12.
5

Wiechert, Die Jercmin, §,fl,, V, 8.
59Wiechert, Die Jeromin, §,W., V, 552.

0..

D...

;I

O...

70

her not so much admiration, but loneliness and respect
which is commanded by the callosity of her character:

Die Manner und Frauen von Sowirog und die aus der
Ferne Gekommenen blickten voller Scheu auf sie, so
fremdartig erschien sie ihnen, und als sie ihre
dunklen Augen langsam uber die Henge gehen liess,
von einem Gesicht zum andern, wendeten viele ihre
Augen zur Seite, als konBten sie die schweigende
Prufung nicht bestehen.O

In her marriage to Jakob Jeromin she expects to dis-
cover a fountain of glittering success and greatness, but
her husband desires only to care for their children and

to live a humble religious life:

'Ja, du warst wie die Frau im Marchen, die zuviel
haben wollte, und ich war nicht der, der es dir gehen
konnte. Ich konnte dir wenig geben. und das war meine
Schuld. Du dachtest, als du mich nahmst, ich ware

ein Kgnig, aber als die Kleider abfielen, war ich nur
ein Kohler.’ “

'Auch in Kleidern warst du ein Kohler,’ sagte sie.

'Du warst ein guter Kohler, aber ich hatte nichts
davon. Du warst ein Mann, der stolz war bis zum
Hochzeitstage, und von da ab warst du demutig. ”Du
warst wie ein Kann, der einen falschen Namen tragt.‘
Er dachte lange nach, aber dann schuttelte er den
KOpf. 'Ich habe nie versprochen, dass ich Grosses
werden wollte,’ sagte eruendlich. 'Zs sah nur so aus,
als ich um dich warb. Fur mich warst du etwas Grosses.
Und als ich dich hatte, wollte ich Kinder haben und
ein frommes Haus. Aber du wolltest weder Kinder haben
noch die Bibel. Du wolltest Prinzen haben, und duI
wusstest nicht, dass eine Mutter sich beugen soll.
'Nein, wir sind nicht aus Weidenholz, dort wo ich

geboren bin.’61

 

60Wiechert, Die Jeromin, é. E,, V: 548-
61Wiechert, Die Jeromin, s. E}, V: 400‘401°

(3

f)

 

(‘

71

As a young and carefree Lithuanian girl, she imagined

a magic land upon which she was to dwell in her future life,
but which in reality came to be:

Ein verlorenes Dorf, mit einer staubigen Strasse, die

sich in Wald und Ode verlief. Sowirog, das heisst

der Bulenwinkel, und nicht mehr war es alsudas. Kein

Strom zog dem Haff und dem Heer zu, kein Movenschrei

zerschnitt die dumpfe Stille, kein Segel glitt leuch-

tend in die Ferne hinaus. Line Gefangene war sie...

gefangen vcn Mann und Kindern und dem Tagwerk grauer

Alltage. Sie hatte sich verkauft an einen Traum, und

beim Morgengrauen war der Traum verflogen. 3
The collapse of the dream world stimulates Marthe Jeromin
in closing the portals of her heart and "...niemals wurde
einer...wissen ob er in ihrem Herzen lebte...."63 The
spiritual and physical ties to her family are broken. Her
world is never to become theirs. This isolation is to serve
her as an escape from the world of reality which betrayed
her: "Sie gewohnten sich daran, dass die Mutter so still
war, als habe sie die Sprache verloren. Sie lachelte nie,
'sie war nie mehr zornig, aber sie sass nun langer am Herd-
feuer als sonst und blickte mit zusammengelegten Handen
in die Flamme. Es sah immer so aus, als fielen zwischen
ihren Fingern die Stucke eines Spielzeugs auf die Erde..."

If any communication among them becomes a necessity, they

Speak; "muhsam, wie an zwei Enden einer langen, langen

 

62Wiechert, Die Jeromin, S. H,. V. 29-

6 .
3Wiechert, Die Jeromin, fi. i., V, 510.

(h

72

Drahtleitung..."64 Only nearing her death, she realizes
that in her youngest son, whom she symbolically named
Jons Ehrenreich,65 her dream of achieving greatness and
success is about to be fulfilled. In the final seconds
of her life, she attempts to release her silenced love,
which flows not in elaborate and poetic words, but in the
natural simplicity of a Lithuanian folk song:

Dann zog ihre Stirn sich in Falten zusammen, und ihre
Lippen bewegten sich leise. Es war zu sehen, dass

sie etwas suchte, undusie beugten sich zu ihr herunter.
'Wandte...sein...' flusterte sie. Lhandte...sein...'
Maria verstand sie. Maria war in Narchen und Liedern
mehr zu Hause als die anderen. Es war ein litauisches
Volkslied, und die Mutter hatte es fruher mit den
Kindgrn gesungen, als sie noch klein gewesen waren.

'O kam' das Morgenrotuherauf...,' begann es. Und es
berightete, wie ein Kadchen auf den Liebsten wartete,
der uber das Feld zu ihr geritten kam. Aber es trieb
seinen scherz mit ihm, liess ihn nicht ein, und er
’wandte sein Ross und gitt davon.’ Nun klagte es,

dass er wiederkommen mochte, aber er kam nie wieder.

 

64Wiechert, Die JerominI §. E., V, 647.

6'5‘.~Iiecher'l:, Dig Jercmin, S. fl., V, 17:
"Er“war Jons Ehrenreich getauft, aber des zweiten
schamte er sich. Die Mutter musste wohl nicht klug ge-
wesen sein, als sie ihn sigh ausgedacht hatte, und die
Leute im Dorf hatten die Kopfe zusammengesteckt. ”Der
Vater hatte geschwiegen,... und erst in diesem Fruh-
Jahr, als er Jons in der Schule angemeldet und der alte
Lehrer Stilling gesagt hatte, dass es ein schoner Name
sei, hatte der Vater gemeint, dass es besser sei, die
Leute gaben einen solchen Namen beim Begrabnis statt
bei der Taufe. 'Denn wer weiss von uns,’ hatte er hin-
zugesetzt, 'ob er am Ende seines Lebens Ehrenreich
heissen wird?‘ Ja, das wisse wohl nur der liebe Gott,
hatte der Lehrer nachdenklich gesagt." ’

(‘

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73

‘Wandte sein Ross und ritt davon...,' sagte Maria
leise mit ihrer schonen, tiefen Stimme.

Frau Marthe nickte, die Stirn entspannte sich, und
wahrend ihre Augen auf den Egrfallenen Meiler ge-
richtet blieben, starb sie.

It is a tragic irony, that the fountain of her deep love
begins to flow at the moment she surrenders her broken
life. As the veil slowly is lifted from her "Island" of
loneliness, Harthe's children sadly recognize that:

...bei der Mutter hatten sie vieles versaumt, und

es nahm ihnen nights von ihrer Schuld, dass auch

Frau Marthe versaumt hatte. Der ng hatte ihnen ge-

zeigt, dass ihr Herz von Liebe erfullt, dass sie das

Herz verzehrt hatte. Denn ihr Mund War versiegelt

gewesen ihrnLeben lang, und die Liebe, die hatte

schweigen mussen, hatte nach einem Ausweg gesucht

aus den Kammern des Herzens und sie zerhrochen.

'Wandte sein Ross und ritt avon...’ Das wurden

sie nun nie mehr vergessen.’

Wiechert's portrait of Marthe Jeromin, reminiscent
of Lea Maccabaeus, who was dramatically treated by Otto
q

Ludwig:6V does not lend itself to any possible comparison
with the humble and sentimental lithuanian farmer women
as presented by Sudermann. Peculiarly, it finds some re—
flection of similarity, especially in regard to the dig-

nity of her character in the figure of Sirguna, the

 

66Wieohert, Die Jeromin, g, E., V, 651-652.

67Wiechert, Die Jeromin,_S. W., V, 554.

68p;g Hakkabaer (1854).

(0..

I?

\l

74

dauahter of Duke Dorsos in Agnes Kierel's Die Fahrt der
e. E.) ’ J
- 69

.0
sieben Ordenebruder. '

If we penetrate Wiechert s auto—

biographical Walder und Fenschen, or 395 Hailire Jahr, we

 

 

shall discover additional similarities of character dis-
played by his grandmother70 and aunt, Veronika.71 It
makes one wonder if Wiechert by including the seemingly
confliction character traits of his relatives, did not
unnecessarily expose Marthe Jeromin to be accused as an
unbelievable and untrue-to-life individual. A contempla-
tive Lithuanian reader, however, shall not have to search
his memory very long in order to discover a similar Lithu-
anian feminine character, whose transplantation to a

foreign land broke the roots of her existence. In Kissa

 

sine nominc, Wiechert returns once again to this problem-

 

atic situation, whose solution or adjustment is left in the
hands of Providence and not in the pen of the author.

The modern day Lithuanian farmers are absent in Agnes
Miegel's narratives. The authoress believes, however, that

any depiction of the twentieth century East Prussian

 

69The aspect in comparison is found in A. Miegel's, "Die
Fahrt der sieben Ordensbruder," Q. E,, III, 141, 202-203
and Wiechert's Die Jeromin, E0.E-: V, 513.

7owiechert, Walder und Nenschen, fit H}, IX: 9-

71E, Wiechert, "Veronika," Samtliche Werke (Wien-Munchen-
Basel, 1957). VI, 465-474.

I.

‘1

U1

inhabitants, of which the Lithuanian farmers are important
segment, may be more fully comprehended only if we would
observe the character traits and the historical back-
ground of their ancestors.72 Thus in her narrative
Landsleute, Kiegel depicts the families of Skandigot and
Skokkas, whose feminine member, Ita, was sold to the
Byzantine Imperial court. The characterization of these
seemingly Lithuanian ancient farmers is influenced by the
Gothic invaders, living on the shores of Vistula, to such
extent that any reasonable and acceptable conclusion of

their status as being "Lithuanian" can not be reached.

B. Fishermen and Ferrymen

The other groups of the Lithuanian people that
Sudermann and Wiechert incorporate in their prose works
are fishermen and ferrymen. They are subjects of two

memorable stories: Sudermann's "Die Reise nach Tilsit"73

 

72This type of literary approach can not be regarded as
unique solely to Agnes Miegel. The novelists: Gustav
Freytag in his Bilder aus der deutschen Vergangenheit
(1862), Die Abnen (18857: Felix Lahn in his Ler Kampf um
Rom (18737‘a'n"d"th"'e dramatists: Friedrich Halm in his "'
Griseldis (1834); Friedrich Hebbel, Die Niebelungen (1862);
have used this method in a notable manner.

 

 

73The film production of "Die Reise nach Tilsit," shown
on the screen during the 1940's was met not only with
enthusiastic public approval, in Germany and in the

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76

and Wiechert's Die Hagd des Jfirgen Doskocil. Both of
these narratives, in their literary quality, continue to
meet Thomas Aquinas' celebrated definition of beauty:

"ad pulchritudem tria requiruntur integritas, consonantia,
claritas."

In "Die Reise nach Tilsit"74 Sudermann tells the
tragic story of a Lithuanian fisherman Ansas Balczus. In
the very beginning of the narrative, the author emphasizes
him as an outstanding individual:

Der Ansas Balczus ist nicht etwa ein gewohnlicher
Fischer, der bei jedem Raubfang sein Teil einschar-
ren muss und nie genug kriegt, der am Montagabend
seine Barsche in Heydekrug unterm Preis ausbietet
und am Dienstagnachmittag betrunken heimfahrt; der
Ansas Balczus ist beinahe schon ein Herr, der mit
den Deutschen deutsch spriCht wie ein Deutscher,
der sich sein Glas Grog susst wie ein Deutscher und
der sich bei seinen Prozessen so gut zu verteidigen

weiss, dass er die Anwaltskosten sparen kann.7

His intelligence does not erase the common characteristics

 

Baltic area, but achieved also, a praise by the critics
regarding its dramatic qualities. Kurt Ulrich-Film
G.m.b.H. produced recently another film ("Jone und Erdme"3
taken from Sudermann's Litauische Geschichten. The criti-
cal reception of the latter film Was not available to the
writer at this time.

74A notable interpretation of "Die Reise nach Tilsit,"
as a Novelle, is undertaken by w. Zimmermann in Die

(\—

deutsche Prosadichtung der Gagenwart (1956), I, a3-37.

75H. Sudermann, "Die Reise nach Tilsit," Litauische
Geschichten (Stuttgart und Berlin, 1928), pp. 11-12.
Hereafter cited as Sudermann, Die Reise.

4‘

77

of the entire Lithuanian folk, those of naturalness and
naivitE. They are incapable of repressing or concealing
their emotional turbulences. So Ansas' psychological con—
dition is not to be dexterously controlled, but reflects
openly in his facial expressions and gesticulations:

"Wie er sich so zereifert, lachelt ihn Indre noch einmal
an, und er wird wieder rot und redet rasoh von anderen
Dingen;"76 “wie er das Grossegel setzt, gewahrt sie, dass
seine Hands zittern"77 or "Da sticht ihr (Indre) plgtzlich
der Gedanke ins Herz, dass sie die Kinder vielleicht nie-
mals mehr sehen wird. Ganz abgeangstigt blickt sie ihn
an--und siehe da! auoh sein Gesicht hat sich verandert.
Der Mund steht ihm offen, ganz hohl sind die Backen und
die Augen schielen an ihr vorbei."78 When his figure is
hidden, behind the white sail, so is his soul: "Er sitzt
nun halb zugedeckt von all der Leinwand, so dass sie ihn
kaum sehen kann. Der Kahn fghrt wie an der Leine, und
rings in dem Wasser glucksen die Fische."79 Ansas' attempt,
however, to ensconce himself from the eyes of Indre,

emphasizes his internal or spiritual insecurity to an even

76
77
78

Sudermann, Die Reise, p. 28.
Sudermann, Die Reise, p. 31.
Sudermann, Die Reise, p. 43.

79Sudermann, Die Reise, p. 31.

78

higher degree: "Der Mast steht zwischen ihnen. Ihr ist,

als will er sich vor ihren Blicken verstecken. Er ruckt

nach rechts, er ruckt nach links, aber es hilft ihm nichts."80
In his psychological structure we do not detect a distinct
separation between the inside and outside world. The re-
action of the subconscious is stronger than that of con-
scious intention; and thus he constantly fails in his
venture of false pretense: "Der Ansas hat die Gewohnheit,
dass er rot werden kann wie irgendein junges Ding."81
He is a human being living close to nature, primitive and
naive. As Gerhard Hauptmann‘s "Bahnwarter Thiel," so
Ansas Balczus stands motionless in the imprisonment of
his fate. He is exposed to the Dionysian-demonic aspect
of human existence and succumbs to its temptations with-
out a spiritual struggle. The maid, Busze, to whom he is
physically attracted, incarnates this negative aspect,
which may be active not only in the spiritual frame of

a human being, but may penetrate the soul from the out-
side world. Already at the appearance of the maid, it is
said, that "...der Teufel hat diese Busze ins Haus ge-

bracht."82 Ansas stands helplessly against the demonic

 

O
Sudermann, Die Reise, p. 33

lSudermann, Die Reise, p. 28.

82Sudermann, Die Reise, p. l}.

I‘)

(1

 

 

 

79

attraction of the maid, who dominates the immediate
surrounding and "...er ist schwach und tut was sie will."83
In the course of the conversations regarding the mur-
derous plan of Ansas' wife, Indre, the participation is
divided: ”So reden und beraten sie Stunden und Stunden
lang, Nacht fur Nacht. Die Busze fragt, und er antwortet.
Und aus dem Fragen und Antworten backen sie bei langsamen
Feuer den Kuchen gar, an dem die Indre sich den Tod essen
muss."84 The maid's penetrating questions produce a
resemblance to the dangerous web of a spider, which is
spun slowly around its victim.

Gift oder Ertrinken - es ist ein und dasselbe. Aber
die Busze hat einen klugen Kopf, die Busze weiss Rat.
Ob er schwimmen kann.

Er kann schon schwimmen...

Ob die Indre schwimmen kann.

Wie die bleiernen Entchen - so kann die Indre schwimmen.
'Also, es wird gehen,’ meint nachdenklich die Busze...
Ob er sich des Unglucks erinnert, im vorigen Sommer,
an der Windenburger Ecke, wobei die zwei Fischer ums
Leben gekommen sind?

Wie soll er sich dessen nicht erinnern. Der eine

der Toten ist 3a sein Vetter gewesen.

Ob er auch weiss, wie es geschehen ist.

Genau weiss es niemand... ”

Ob man das Kentern nicht auch kunstlich machen kann!
Ja, wenn man durchaus ersaufen will.

Ob man sich nicht aufs Schwimmen einrichten kann!

Bis an Land schwimmt keiner.

Ob man es nicht den Schuljungen nachmachen kann mit
Binsen oder Schweinsblasen, die einen stundenlang uber
Wasser... Man kann schon...

 

 

—_‘—- _~— *

8'3Sudermann, Die Reise, p. 14.

84
8 Sudermann, Die Reise, pp. 24-25.

5
Sudermann, Die Raise, pp. 23—24.

80

The monotony of the repetitiously returning inquisitive

word "ob" is so well applied, that even the reader ex-

periences the magic power of temptation. Ansas feels

thus, to be driven by this strange, demoniac force to

action: "Aber ihm ist zumut, als muss er tun und ein Zu-

Als wenn ihn der Drache mit feuriger

ruck gebe es nicht.
t."86

Gabel vorwarts schuppst, so ist ihm zumu

The Journey to Tilsit, which was to culminate in
the execution of the murderous plan, serves Ansas as an
escape from the negative influence sphere of the maid.

At the first appearance of the contours of the city, the

chain of evil binding Ansas begins to break:

Da kriegt der Ansas mit einmal die Sprache wieder

und sagt: 'Du, Indre, von nun an heisst es nicht

mehr der Russstromg Jetzt ist es die Memel.’

Sie bedankt sich fur die Belehrung, und dann wird

es wieder still. So lange still, bis Ansas plotz-
lich den Arm hebt und ganz erfreut nach vorne zeigt.
Sie wendet sich um und fragt: 'Was ist?‘

'Was wird seinz' sagt er. 'Tilsit wird sein.’

Sie siehtunicht nach Tilsit. Sie sieht bloss nach ihm.
Er lacht ubers ganze Gesicht, weil sie nun bald da sind.
'Es wird nicht geschehen,’ denkt sie. 'Der Mensch kann
sich night f euen, der so Schreckliches mit sich

herumtragt.‘
The walk through the streets of the city continues to

diminish the spell of the demoniac maid. He looks at

things with the eyes of a surprised and delighted child,

... “a. ._..

 

6
Sudermann, Die Reise, p. 28.

87
Sudermann, Die Reise, p. 39.

h

81

who walks through the landscape of a new dream:

Dann biegen sic in die Deutsche Strasse ein, die
breit ist wie ein Strom und an ihren Randern lauter
Schlosser stehen hat. In den Schlossern kann man“
sich kaufen, was man will, ugg alles ist viel schoner

und prachtiger als in Memel.

The events in the "Kurzwarenladen" and in the park of

Jakobsruh are constructed on a parallel. The elevation

of Indre to "Frau Gemahlin" and the exaggerated compliment
of the salesman: "Nein, wie schon die Frau Gemahlin istl...
Nie hat dieser Spiegel etwas Schoneres gesehen,"89 echoes
in the words of the German couple during the concert in

the park: "Wenn eine Litauerin hubsch ist, ist sie viel

hubscher als wir deutschen Frauen... In ihrer blassen

Lieblichkeit sieht sie aus wie eine Madonna..."9o These

complimentary remarks intensify the emotions of pride
and love in Ansas' awareness and direct the flow of his
thoughts to purity and benevolence: 91 "...Da fangt sie
(Indre) einen Blick des Ansas auf, mit dem er gleichsam
zu ihr in die Hohe schaut, und nun weiss sie, was sie

schon im Laden geahnt hat: er ist stolz auf sie, und sie

braucht nie mehr Angst zu haben."

During the return journey Ansas regains completely

 

_— - H... .—

88Sudermann, Die Reise, p. 42.

8gsudermann, Die Reise, p. 45-

9O
Sudermann, Die Reise, p. 49.

91
Sudermann, Die Reise. p. 49.

:1

82

his spiritual balance, which he achieves not so much

through his own individual effort, but through the stimu-
lation of Indre's "...kindlich reines Wesen, ihre hinge-
bende Liebe..."92 He realizes, that he walked "...so
lange blind und verhext neben der Besten, der Schgnsten,
neben einer Gottestochter...."93 In the time of the
accidental capsizing of the boat, he sacrifices his life
in order to save the life of his wife. Thus serving a
mysterious hand of fate, which embraces the principles

of the positive ("Gottlichen") and negative ("Demoni—

schen"): the one displaying love, the other destruction

of human existence. Ansas' act of self-sacrifice, as

Mike Bumbullis', conquers the principle of negation
("Da'monischen"),94 reassuring the presence of quality
that, originally and continuously, man was and is a re-
flection of goodness, wisdom, and love as created so
by the intellectual perfection of God.

In the portrayal of Ansas Balczus, Sudermann, in
agreement with the attitude established by Arno Holz,
believes that the character's manner of speech is to be

regarded as a mirror of his soul. The author's manner

 

92A. Soergel, Dichtung und Dichter der Zeit (Leipzig, 1911),
p. 212. Also reminiscent of Goethe's Iphigenia auf Tauris.

9
3Sudermann, Die Reise, p. 55-

94Similarity to Nietzschean conceptnof "metaphysische Freude
am Tragischen" (Die Geburt der Tragedie aus dem Geiste der

Musik).

83

of presenting the utterances of Ansas varies as do the
psychological attitudes of Ansas. In order to depict
Ansas' negative character traits, Sudermann engages very
effectively the latter technique, which may not claim its
originality in modern times,95 but is already in existence
with the words of the noblest solicquy of Hamlet; as
mallarme notably observes "Il (Hamlet) se promEne lisant
au livre de lui-meme...." With much simplicity and in-

tense knowledge of human psychology, the author, enters

and portrays Ansas' world of thoughts in his stream of
6

consciousness:9

Lass dich scheiden! Leicht gesagt. Aber die Kinder!
Der Endrik, der Alteste, sell einmal das Grundstuck
erben. Und die Elske, dienihm selbst aus den Augen
geschnitten ist,”wird demnachst gar Klavier spielen.
Solche Kinder stosst man nicht von sich. Von dem
kleinen Willus gar nicht zu reden. Ausserdem hat
der Schwiegervater, der reiche Jakztat, die

zweite Hypothek hergegebcn. W0 kriegt man die her,
wenn er kundigt?

Aber die Indre muss fort! Die Indre muss aus dem
Wage! Die Indre mit ihrem Buttergesicht.

Die Indre, die ihm nachspioniert...

Ja so schlecht ist sie bei all ihrer Scheinhieligkeit.

Also Indre muss fort.97

 

95The possibility exists, that Sudermann was\well acquainted

with M. E. Dujardin's Les Iauriers scnt Coupe (1887, 1914)
or with A. Schnitzler's Leutnant Gustl (1901) - the greater

part of which is written with the application of monologue
intérieur. i—i

96Reminiscent of the master of this particular style
James Joyce in Ulvcees (1922).

o
’7Sudermann, Die Reise, p. 22. The reaccuring of Indre's

84

The mind of Ansas, at this given moment, is heterOge-

neous mixture of immediate thought, memories, associa-

tions and reflections. His emotions are intermingled

with materialistic logic; his feeling of love and hate

flow in one stream. He undertakes to destroy any trace

of love by discovering a touch of imperfection in Indre's
personality. He attempts to convince himself, that her

"Buttergesicht" and "Scheinheiligkeit" are sufficient
reasons for her destruction.

The expression of love and happiness by Ansas,
finds reflection not in the internal monologue, but in
direct Speech marked with simplicity and reticence. This
is very typical of the Lithuanian national character.
As already noticed in Ernst Wiechert's depiction of
Marthe Jeromin, Die Jeromin-Kinder, it becomes obvious,
that Lithuanians do not care to express their emotions
in highly colorful and s0phisticated sentences, but in
simplicity of words.

Sudermann's esteem for naturalness and simplicity

as displayed by the Lithuanian fisher-folk echoes in

 

name in consequented sentences is called "allmahliche Ver-
fertigung der Gedanken beim Reden," as introduced to German
literature by Heinrich von Kleist, which is based upon the
associative method in the perceptive progression, that is
to say, that a significant word in a pregnant with emotion
expression would supply the necessary impulse for the
following thought, which continues in progression.

1‘

85

 

in Wiechert's novel, Die Magd des Jurnen Doskocil.98

The story in this novel revolves around the Lithuanian

ferryman - fisherman Jurgen Doskocil. He is delineated

as a faithful, humble, and kindhearted giant with a child-

like mind. Marte, his wife, describes him very effectively

in the following manner: "...dass du ein Kind bist, gut

und sanft wie ein Kind. Dass du ein Mann bist, stark und

tapfer wie ein ganzes Dorf. Und dass du ein Wolf bist,

der einen aufhebt und tragt wie ein Lamm..."99 Jurgen

possesses a heart, which overflows with love for humanity.

He loves and cares for the hungry children of the village,

'being himself the poorest among them. They only turn

against him, when the villagers ignorantly accuse him of
poisoning a child, who actually was bitten by a poisonous

snake. Jurgen's attempt to suck out the poisoned blood

in order to save the child's life is regarded as a dis-
play of cannibalistic tendencies: "Das Kind offnet die
Augen, deren Lider noch immer zittern, und sagt langsam:

'Ja, er hat mein Blut ausgetrunken... ganz rot waren

981m the year 1932 this novel was awarded the "Volks-
preis der Wilhelm—Raabe-Stiftung."

99E. Wiechertg Die Nagd des Jursen Doskocil, Samtliche
Werke (Wish—Munchen-Basel, 1957), IV,—85. Hereafter
cited as Wiechert, Doskocil, fi.‘fi., IV.

86

“o
seine Lippen...'"J"O Following the attack by the mistaken

and angry village group, during which he was seriously

injured, Jurgen still insists: "'Kein Gendarm, kein Doktor'
sagt er.... Sudekum stosst die Elle auf den Boden. '0 du

Fahrmann Gottes,’ erwidert er, 'in den Strom konnten sie

ihn werfen und er wurde noch die Hand heben, dass es nie-

mand weiter erzahlt.' 'Es 9011 so bleiben,’ sagt Harte,

'wie Jurgen es will... sie werden nun nicht wieder-

kommen.”lOl

Jfirgen's love and gentleness serves as strength and

protection for his wife, against the evil world of Mac Lean,

the Mormon preacher:

dass sic in Angst und Verwirrnng zu
Wehrlose, die nicht mehr als

ein schutzloses Kind is t. In seinen schweren Ge—
danken tauch st der Lann [Mac Le an] auf, den er eben
heruberzeholt hat und d sen ferner Schatten ihm
den ganzen Tag verdunkelt: ha t, uni dgs Hadchen,
de'r. en Atem er an seiner Sch iultc r spugt. Und aus
allem diesen, ohne das ss er es gu erklaren weiss,
steht plotZlich ein kleines Gluck vor ihm avg, 211d
des Ackers, des Herdes, stiller Sonnenunterrgnge,
etwas, das wachsenuwird, das man behuten muss mit
zusammengelegten Ha nden wie eine junge Eflanze vor
dem kalten Wind. 'Hiemand w rd dich treiben,‘
sagt er noch einmal, 'ulnd nun geh, dass er nichts

Bos es von dir denkt. e

Aber er weiss,
ihm gekommen ist, eine

.0
In Jurgen's character, Wiechert incorporates his philoso-

phy of love, which penetrates the entire corpus of his

 

looWiechert, Doskocil, g, E,, IV, 141.

lOlmechert, Doskocil. 2‘- .21: IV: 149°
Iv, 61.

.T
In

102wiech€rt. Doskocil,,§.'_.y

‘IAI‘I'

87

fl .0
works.lv3 It is the heart like Jurgen's that is cafable

of healing tt1e wounds of his fellowmen and is the source

104
of all conquering goodness. Even the pastor of the

village, after losing his patience with the stubborn

ignorance of his flock, comes to Jurgen to rain strength

and inspiration for the continuation of his spiritual

duties:

'UIZIuhig, 3a, das konnte We hr sein, Herr Pfar1er.’
.'goh, Doskocil, es sitzt nur ein Narr auf dieser
Fahre, und das bist nicht du. Zwanzig Jahre habe
ich gepflugt hier. Sieh dir die Ernte an.’ Er hob
den Stock und schlug einen Halbkreis um das Dorf.
'Nein, Herr Pfarrer, das ist wie mit meinem Hafer.
Soll ich mich hinknienuund die StOppeln raufen?
Wenn deruHafer nicht fur mich war, so wird der
Roggen fur mich sein, oder die Kartoffeln, und wenn
es damit auch nichts ist, so wird Gott vielleicht
wollen, dass da wieder junge Baume wa ch51en.
Probieren muss man es und keine Angst haben.'
Der Pfa rrcr stand auf. 'Ich danke dir, Jurgen,’
sagte er nd lachelte sin wenig in seinen Hund-
winkeln. 'Hun wissen wir beid e, was wir zu tun

haben.‘105
Jurgen's naivite, naturalness, humilityfand goodness

is nowhere so outstandingly portrayed as during and fol-

lowing the ceremony of his marriage to Harte:

 

103Wiechert's philosophy of love is discussed in:
Jahre und Zeiten, s.‘g., IX, 760-783; Nissa sine nomine,

8' W0, VI, 9J9.

104Regarding Wieohert's religious attitude, of. Die
So We, V, 17‘180

Doskocil, g. g., IV, 173-174.

 

C4
0
H
0
+3
F“
5

v

 

 

lOSWiechert,

 

('3

1')

r)

I,

Es gab keine Storung , nur dass der Pfarrer zwei-
mal nach Jurgens 'Ja’ fragen m1 sets. 80 leise
sprach er. Und als sie die Hinge tauschten und
seine schwere Hand zitterte‘ beugte Harteusich
herunter und kusste sis. Jurgen wurde gluhend
rot, und der Pfarrer lachelte ganz leise, ghne
Spott wie zu einem Kinde. 'Du getreuer Fahr-
mann, sagte er so, dass nur die beiden es

horten.
'Es ist zu gut, sagte Jurgen am Abend, als sie

noch wach lagen. 'Getreu, siehst du, das ist ein
grosses Wort. Chgistus, oder auoh Petrus, oder
ein Kaiser, die konnen getreu sein... aber ich
bin... ein einfacher Mann, es ist zuviel Lob

V011 dirooo'.'
Aber sie lachelte und legte die Hangs an seine

Brust. 'Wie es klopft,‘ sagte sie, 'wie eine
Uhr in einem grossen Haus...nicht einmal ein
Kind wurde sich Ogurchten, so ruhig klOpft es,

so... getreu.‘

The manner of his speech exiibits identical peculi-

arities as already observed in Ansas' utterances as pre-

sented by Sudermann in his "Die Reise nach Tilsit."107

The dignified simplicity of "die Wortkargheit" and the

awkwardness of eXpression remain throughout Wiechert's

and Suderma nn' 3 pros e works as one of the true marks of
the Lithuanian character.
Wiechert, however, in the characterization of

Jurgen, introduces one trait, which is not displayed by

Sudermann's Lithuanians, and is hardly emphasized by

 

O
l 6Wiechert, Doskocil, §.‘H., IV, 96.

107The fragment of comparison is to be found in
Deskocil,-S. W., IV, 84-85 and Sudermann's, Die Reise,

pp. 65-5 6.

”A

..."

Agnes Hiegel; that is love and notable respect for the

animal world. Wiechert consciously or unconsciously,

correctly attributes to Jurgen this distinguishing feature,

which is outstandingly characteristic of the Lithuanian

nationals living not only near the soil, but also in the

cities.108 Jurgen, as Uiechert throughout his life and

works,109 seems to be more attached to the animals than

his fellow humane, concluding that: "Tiere sind besser als
ullO

Kinder. Sie spotten nicht... or "...die Tiere des
v? + ‘. T. ,'111
waldes waren gerechter als die nenschen.... He

thoughtfully cares for his goa , Grita, as if she were

his only Child:

Jargen sass im Ziegenstall und rieb seit seiner
Heimkehr don Laib des stohnenden Tieres. Es hatte

 

108The writer of this manuscript is aware of the fact

that this may also be characteristic for all Lthé} Durepean
nationalities, if one observed the actions of only a few
select individuals, but if one measured it by the law of
averages, the Lithuanian natiorals would be most out-
standing in the group.

n _
lrgwicchert'sa ttitu e toward the animal world is sharply

reflected in: "Tierbucher, " Camtlict e Herke, K, 807-814;

»°1"er ur id Ioncohe S. J., IX, 19, 101,115 ‘3: acht ein
I-fluger ubers End (blunchen, 1951), p. 2O2"gene1inis eines
Lebens," S. w., VII, 459; "Die unbekannten wBIu er,’ H

0 £0,
X, 801-807; Die kleine Faxes ion; Die Hir tennovelle
110
_:., IV, 15.

I Cf)

Rh
0

Wiechert, Doskocil,

111
g. , IV, 156.

kn
O

Wiechert, Doskocil,

(1

‘04.

I.

/~‘

den Pflock aus seiner Weide gerissen und war

auf frischen Klee geraten. 'Du Bumme,’ sagte er
leise, 'was hast du nun davon... was fange ich
denn an, wenn du auch fortgehst... so dumm seid
ihr... immer mit dem Hagen denkt ihr... so weh tut
es... 3a... noch ein heilchen, du Dumme...'ll2

In his love for animals, Jurgen's life is nearest to the
pulse of all encompassing mother nature. It is the source
for his strength and tenacity of his character. The closing
scene of the novel very symbolically shows his close unity
with nature. His human form dissolves into a part of the
landscape, as if returning him to the state of the ”Ur-
existenz," where man and nature were one:

Er fuhlt an der Luft und an dem grossen Schweigen,

dass er allein ist, aberner fuhlt auch die frisghe

Erde an seinen blossen Fussen. Und dass ihre Kuhle

in ihnen emporsteigt, wie in einem Baum. Er steht

ganz still, als ob er wachsen wolle,”und er spurt,

dass es immer weiter steigt, immer hoher, ein star-

ker und demutiger Saftg der zu seinem Herzen will....

So steht er,“bis der dunne Nebel uber der frischen

Erde immer hoher steigt und ihn immer dichter ein-

hullt. Und zuletzt ist er wie ein Baum der die

Feuchtigkeit der Nachte lautlos trinkt.113

Wiechert in his Die Magd des Juraen Doskocil und Suder-
mann in "Die Reise nach Tilsit" penetrate the soul of the
Lithuanian ferryman and fisherman, revealing to the modern
sophisticated world that in a lonely simple and naive man

living nearest nature, more clearly than anywhere else,

 

llEWiechert, Doskocil, s. 11., Iv, 39.

113Wiechert, Doskocil, S. 3., IV, 177.

91

it can still detect the struggles and sufferings of all

mankind ever since the loss of Elysium.

C. Servitors

The literary treatment of the Lithuanian servants
and farmhands is shared by Wiechert, Sudermann and Agnes

Miegel. In their prosaic works these Lithuanians act as

strong supporting characters. They also serve to create,

if necessary, a contrast to a significant personage in the

narrative or denote a significant aspect of the author's

"Weltanschauung."
orin, is an exem-

 

Jonas, in Wiechert's novel 233 x.
plary "Reitknecht" who fulfills his duties to the baroness
with great loyalty and devotion. He stands as a silent,
self-isolated and humble figure. As a typical Wiechert
character, he believes that silence is both "...Schutz
und Not. Es gehort zum Menschsein, dass ein grosser und

weiter Raum des Schweigens um einen Menschen ist, der sich

bewahren will. Worte sind oft nur Geschwatz um Xusser-

lichkeiten, sie gehen am Eigentlichen vorbei, sind keine

Brucke von Hensch zu Mensch...."114 When he speaks, the

 

llAH. Ollesch, Ernst Wiechert (Wuppertal/Barmen, 1949),
P. 39. Hereafter cited as Cllesch, Tiechcrt.

 

l‘

words fall heavy with thought as if they belong not to
the simple "Reitknecht, " but to the biblical prophet,
whose name he carries.

Jonas’ life, reminiscent of Iarthe Jeromin in Die
Jeromin-K nder, is a self imposed physical and spiritual
isolation:115 "Jonas sieht sich unruhig um. Er kann es
nicht vertragen, wenn so viele Menschen dicht um ihn sind.

Er offnet einmal vorsichtig seine Arms un' schiebt die

Ladchen zur Seite. Dann sitzt er vor dem Fenster, legt

P

mit blossen Handen eine Kchle auf den Tabak seiner Pfeife

"116 In this isolation he is

"117

und starrt dem Rauch nach.

capable of preserving his "reines Herz and peace of
mind. These wo vital aspects of Jonas' character, whose
pos He si an is a rmu st in order to be accepted among

Wiechert's ideal peOple, culminate in the complete renun-

ciation of the ego:

'Ist es schwe r?’ fragt der Jager, als ... Jonas

die Pfeife in die Tasshe steckt, 'so zu sein?’

 

115V

L‘a. .

Prose Works of Ernst hiechert ZVanccuver, E. 0.,

investigates this aspect thoroughly.

116 , r , ,u
E. h‘iechert, Iie ."iorin, :a.W1i he Jerks (nien -fiunchen-

Dacel 1957),I IV 193. Iere after cit ed as Liechert,

J-JLU J,

7H0 Ic Sari/1, §° 21" IV.

R. Jetter in her works, The "Island Motif" la the
95 7),

}J

 

HJ-V

117w1echert, Die liaiorin, s. 31., Iv, 257. 350.

 

'Wie zu sein?‘

'Fun so... ein einfacher Mensch mit einem stillen
Leben?‘ Wieder sieht Jonas einmal in die Fichte

hinauf. Rein, das sei nicht schwer. Han Husse
nur dausein fur etwas, fur ein Pferd zum Eeispiel,
oder fur ein Feld, oder fur einen kleinen Bruder,
der nicht schlafen konne. Fur etwas anderes als
sich selbst musse man da sein, und er glaube nicht,
DASS DAS sssa scssza SEI.'115

Jonas' statement "...dass das sehr schwer sei..." reflects
and modifies itself in the realization by the baroness
that "...euch hier wird Jonas recht gehabt haben, BASS ES
NIGHT LEICHT SE , reinen Herzens zu werden, so reinen Her-
zens, dass man jede Ernte fur andere schneidet und nicht

119

fur sich. For Jonas, as for Jurgen Doskocil, the life

"fur etwas anderes als sich selbst" becomes a kind of

"kategorischer Imperativ,"

which, however, does not remain
in the sphere of Comtean doctrine of Humanity, but incor-
porates the Christian aspect, thus leading to a consummate
idea of Caritas and Humanitas. Jonas‘ love and dedication
to his fellowmen gains him the crown from the hands of the
baroness:

Denn die Krone, von der die Frau Hajorin gesprochen

hat, hat sie Jonas auffldie Stirn gesetzt, weil bei

Jonas alles in guten Handen ist. Ein Reitpferd zum

Eeispiel, auf das er wartet am Tor, oder ein kleiner
Bruder, den er ins Grab legt.... Cder ein alter Mann,

 

llaWiechert, a e Heiorin, s. 3., IV, 346.

llqu:I

.iechert, ie Naiorin,l§.lfl., IV, 298.

(“11

’I

I.

0"

I,

 

94

der fortgefahren werden muss, wenn er sein Haus
zerschlagt, oder ein Eof, der zugrunde geht, Lenn
Jonas ihn nicht in seine starken Bands nimmt.12

With the depiction of Jonas, Wiechert continues
Goethe's trend of thought in reminding the world that
"Edel sei der Mensch, hilfreich und gut."

The assumption that Jonas possesses a true Lithuanian
character tends toward exaggeration and unwarranted limi-
tation. His loyalty to the baroness, his true friendship
to Michael Fahrholz, his nearness to nature, are significant
aspects of the Lithuanian character, but his complete sur-

121

render of himself to the service of Hunanitas elevates

him far above the boundaries of his nationality.
In Der Knecht Gottes Andreas Nvland Wiechert resents

22
Jons and Grita,l a servant couple, who have lost their

 

own homestead and land. Jons, after the departure from
his land, is unable to adjust himself to the new environ-

ment or to the new position as a worker-servant. His

 

120Wiechert, Die Meiorin, fio‘floy IV: 340-

—-'-fl—-———’
121Wiechert' s own dedication to humanity is well expressed
in his speeches, letters, newspaper articles and in his
prose works: Das einfe.che Ieben, Die kleine Passio

Hirtennovelle, Der Eauptrann von F”*c-11ud, :tr ,
Buffel and culminates in “issa sire nonire.

“' :59
.1 {-‘8

m

V:

 

122A "Novella" with an almost identical title was written
by Ernst Wichert from Konigsberg and is to be found in .
P. Heyse's and H. Kurz' s De uts cher Hovellensc -hatz (Hunchen,
n.d.), XIV, 195ff.

x3

‘0
U1

entire existence and fate stand as verification that:
"...den Acker zu behauen ist einer der Urberufe der Mensch-
heit. Der es tut und hinter dem Pfluge einhergeht, ein
richtiger Bauer von 'Blutes und Gottes Gnaden,‘ tragt

eine heimliche Krone auf seinem Haupte. Und wenn man ihm
den Pflug fortnahme, das ware, wie wenn man einem wilden
Tier die Steppe nahme! Man nimmt ihm damit das Leben.

‘n

er kann nur leben und sterben auf seinem Acker."125 As

Michael Kohlhaas,124 he sees that in the taking away of

1
his land, ‘3 a great injustice was done to his person

and he vows vengeance: "

...er hat keinen Pflug, keinen
Acker, und am besten mochte er ...die Reichen totschla-
gen..."126 And only when he has the opportunity once
again to set the plow into the nourishing and dark soil,
he realizes that: "...mag die Welt auch noch so sehr in
Hass und Feindschaft zerstort sein, aus der heilen Erde
fliesst langsam ein stiller Friede in die Menschen hinein,

dass sie zur Ruhe kommen und wieder in die grosse Ordnung

eingefuhrt werden.... Es ist, als ob unterirdische

 

l“ ,e ,
CEOllesch, hieehert, p. 31.

124a. v. Kleist, Nichael Kohlhaas (1810).

 

125The cause of which is not entirely perspicuous.

l”d . ,
4 Niechert, iviand, g. 3., II, 316.

1'

ID

\O
C‘\

Krafte der Genesung in ihr verborgen liegen, vor allem

"l“

fur den seelisch leer gewordenen Menschen.... ‘7 Jons'

life companion Grita, displays similar character to
Indre's in Sudermann's "Die Reise nach Tilsit." Her
goodness aids the healing powers of the soil in conquering
the restles hate in Jons' heart. She suffers and works
with Jons. Her dream world and her existence are filled
with the tragedy of a humble human heart:

'Ich bin nicht traurig, Herr,’ antwortete sie leise,
'nur mude bin ich, so mude... Sehen Sie, wenn ich
ein Gartchen haben mochte,”nur ein einziges Beet
mit schwarzer Erde, dann konnte ich doch jeden
Morgen hingehen und sehen, wie es aufgeht and
wachst. Ich will 3a gar kein Feld, keine Kuhe,
kein Pferdchen, nur ein bisschen schwarze Erde will
ich, die mir gehort... Hier, was tue ich hier, wie
lebe ich hier? Fremd sind die Strassen, und die
Menschen sind fremd. Ich arbeite, aber sehe ich es
wachsen? Muss ich bitten: 'Lieber Gott, lass doch
regnen, lass doch die Sonne scheinen.’ Gleich ist
alles, alles gleich. Jons, 3a... aber maghe ich
ihn gesund? Singt er bei der Arbeit? Glanzen
seine Augen, wenn er auf die Schwelle tritt? Ach
Herr, schwer ist das Leben... Wenn ich einschlafe,
Herr, was ist der Nachste Tag? Worauf kann ich
mich freuen? Regnet es, dann ist es gut; scheint
die Sonne, dann ist es ebensogut. Arbeiten kann
ich wie ein Tier, aberuniemals bekomme ich ein Beet
mit schwarzer Erde.“ Mude wird man, Herr, auch wenn
man fromm ist, so mude....'128

129

She does not reveal her sorrow to Jane, but attempts

127Ollesch, Wiechert, pp. 30-31.
128Wiechert, N land, §-.H-' II, 310.

129Reminiscent of the comments of the chorus in Sophocles,
Oedipus Rex: "...countless are the sorrows that I bear...

f.

f‘

97

to lighten his burden through her selfless love. Her
thoughtful care, of which she is also in great need, sus-
tains Jons in his seemingly hopeless existence. Through

the kind hands of Andreas Nyland, their dream of possessing
a strip of land comes true. The life upon their own soil
returns tranquility and strength to their tortured souls.130
Their new life near the benevolent soil, however, continues

to be surrounded by the atmOSphere of ...la grande

«131 Even the momentary

tristesse, qui durera toujours...
rays of happiness dissolve in the serious contemplations
and melancholy. Thus they embody Wiechert's belief, which
betrays the influence of Schopenhauer's philosophy, that
human existence can not be otherwise than "schwer und
traurig.” In the presentation of Jons and Grita's life,
Wiechert seems to search for an escape from this pessi—

mistic state and to submit an acceptable reason for con-

tinuing the weary steps in human existence. Jons and

 

and thought can find no weapon of defence... my unhappy
soul is worn... by the tho ght that our... sorrows should
be crowned by sorrows..." Greek plays, selected by

L. Bryson1(New York, 1960), pp. 85, 104].

130It is of interest to note that Wiechert, with respect to
Jons and Grita, emphasizes not so much the presence of an
all healing environment of the forest as he does the
benevolent aspect of the soil.

121E. Wiechert, Jahre und Zeiten, Samtliche Werke (Wien-
Munchen-Basel, 1957), IX. 738. Hereafter cited as Wiechert,
Jahre und Zeiten, g, E,, IX.

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98

Grita's persistent diligence in their daily tasks, love
for each other and for their fellowman, indicate the
essentials to live a more complete life, but this is pre-
sented by Wiechert in a less outstanding manner than in
the case of Jurgen Doskocil or Jons in gig Majorin.

With the literary portrait of Jons and Grita, Wiechert
achieves a respectable position for the humble Lithuanian
servants. He shows that they are in need of more under-
standing and compassion. Their life of simplicity near
the bread-growing soil is to Serve as a reminder that our
strength lies not in the artificial and corrupt modern
society but in the man tilling the dark soil.

Missa sine nomine, the last of Wiechert's novels, con-
cerns a Lithuanian servant couple, Donelaitis and Erdmuthe.
While Jons and Grita were living under the peaceful sky,
Donelaitis and his wife experience the trying and turbu-
lent days immediately following World War II. In their
existence, Wiechert sees the tragic fate of Lithuania.

He sees the soil which drank the innocent blood and tears,
not only of its own sons and daughters, but also of the
strangers who came upon the treacherous road seeking the
crown of the world. Wiechert feels the need to tell the
world about their sufferings and to wipe a tear from their

dusty and weary faces. Their unfortunate fate is well

99

understood by Wiechert as if he himself stood with them
under the destructful hand of Ares:

So gross war die Welt..., so dunkel und voller Gefahr...
wo die grossen und heldenhaften Dinge geschaheng

und mit ihnen die bosen und noch immer unheiltrach-
tigen.... Auch sie hatte das grosse Schicksal ge-
streift, der Krieg und der Tod, die Gewalt und die
Verstorung der Herzen. Aber niemand hatte davon ge—
schrieben in den Zeitungen oder in den Lautsprechern
davon berichtet. Der Pflug war uber sie hingegangen,
und die Grossen der Welt, die die Pflugschar hielten,
blickten auf das Ziel der Furchen und nicht auf die
Furchen selbst. In den Furchen hob das Schicksal

von Millionen sich auf, wie die Stoppel sich auf-
hob, wurde vom Licht beglanzt, wendete sich und sank
wieder in die Tiefe. Aber das Schicksal der Millionen
war das Schicksal kleiner Leute, und eines solchen
Schicksals achtete man nicht besonders.l

The indestructable spirit of the Lithuanian nation, which
proved itself in the pages of history, survives the storms
of war and continues its existence in the hearts of
Donelaitis and his group of Lithuanian people. Being
transplanted on foreign soil, they refuse to become part
of a working force serving the German estate:

Aber nun geschah das Seltsame, dass sie nicht wollten.
Donelaitis sprach fur sie....

Sie wollten nicht, weil sie 'FUR SICH' bleiben wollten.
Sie mochten die Leute nicht, aber sie mochten einander.
Sie hatten nie Streit gehabt unterwegs. Donelaitis
hatte sich umgesehen, gleich nach ihrer Ankunft.

Am Torfmoor standen ein paar Holzhauser, gut und fest
gebaut, mit Lehmherden.... Torf war wie Gold in

dieser Zeit, und sie konnten dort leben. Und im Winter

 

132E. Wiechert, Missa sine nomine, Samtliche Werke (Wien-

Munchen-Basel, 19 575, VI, _410. Hereafter cited as
WleChel‘t, M1833, E. E0, VI.

“

I,

I.

lOO

konnten sis in den Holzschlag gehen.” Sie wurden
nicht Not leiden. Und sie wurden 'FUR SICH'
sein.

They intend to live independently in a miniature world

of their own, "...die wie eine Insel im Ozean der Zeiten
"134

H

war..., where ...eS...wie zu Hause riecht ...."13,5

In this self-isolation, time and the daily tasks involving
hard work assume the major powers of healing their wounded
souls, but without Freiherr Amadeus' and Pastor's love,
devotion and understanding, the regaining of their
physical and spiritual health is unthinkable:

Und jetzt..., geschah nun wohl nichts mehr auf dem
Moor and in dem kleinen Kreise hinter seinem Rand,
als was die Zeit uberall geschehen liess, wo der
Mensch sie als eine Ordnung hinnahm. Sie liess die
Arbeit geschehen zwischen dem Morgen- und dem Abend-
rot, die ersten Eluge der jungen Vogel, die ersten
Fruchte an den Baumen.... Und zwischen Abend ung Mor-
gen liess sie den Schlaf geschehen, oder die Traume,
oder die Verse des Freiherrn Amadeus.... Die Zeit
erschreckte die Menschen nicht mehr. Sie schickte
nicht mehr Krankheit oder Unfrieden, als sie auch

an andere Orte schickte, aber es war,“als schickte
sie sie mit leichter Hand. Und als konnte sie hier
leichter geheilt werden als anderswo....13

One individual, however, does not respond to any of these

healing treatments. She is Erdmuthe, Donelaitis' wife.

 

133Wiechert, Missa, S, E.. VI, 108'1O9°

134w1echert, Missa,

lo:
0

W., VI, 398.

135Wiechert, Missa, E., VI, 109.

lm
O

136Wiechert, Missa,

lm
0

E9. VI. 434.

f4

/‘

/\

rl

 

fl

I.

101

The longing for her homeland is too powerful to be softened
by the running sand of time, the kind words of Freiherr
Amadeus, or the unique love of her husband. Only a child
would sooth her tortuous longing: "Hit einem Kind

braucht man keine Heimat. Aber ich werde keine Kinder
haben...."137 She knows that her existence under a

foreign roof is unbearable. She must obey the calling

of her great longing overfilled heart or remain to die

a spiritual death. The human hand is powerless in an

attempt to restrain her from executing her will:

Er [freiherr AmadeuS] wusste, dass er sie nicht
halten konnte. Nicht mit den Bildern des Lebens und
nicht mit denen des Todes. Er hatte ihre Hand nicht
ergriffen.... Und das Land war starker als seine
Hand. Der Strom, das Moor, die Lieder. Es gab keinen
Widerstand dagegen. Auch wennuman wusste, dass es
nicht mehr da war, dass es verandert oder ausge-
lgscht war, gab es keinen Widerstand. Die Dunen
wurden sie nicht abgetragen haben, nicht einmal

die Sieger konnten das. Eine Hand voll Sand wurde
immer ubrig geblieben sein.... Und das war alles,

was man brauchte, wenn man Heimweh hatte, das wahre
undugrosse Heimweh, das verzehrende, das nicht aus-

zuloschende, das niggt einmal mit einem Mann zu
stillende Heimweh.

The awareness of the possibility of Suffering to be en-

countered upon her selected Golgothaean path does not

 

137 ,
Wiechert, Missa, §°.L° VI, 273.

138Wiechert, Missa, s. H., VI, 274.

1‘.

 

102

waver her decision in returning to her native land:

'Sie werden dich in einen Kerker tun oder erschlagen.
Unterwegs schon werden sie dich erschlagen.‘

'Nicht unterwegs, Herr, nichtuunterwegs. Ich werde
bezahlen, das weiss ich. Dafur dass sie mich durch-
lassen. Aber dann werde ich da sein. Und wenn ich
nur fur einen Tag da bin, Herr, wenn ich nur fur

eine Stunde da bin. Nur so lange, dass ich in den
weissen Sand greifen kann und den Sand ausrinnen
lassen kann aus meiner Hand. Nur so lange,Herr.'139

A heavy sadness presses upon Hiechert's delineation
of Erdmuthe's departure. It shows the bitter disap—
pointment of the author, who thought that his love and
compassion for the homeless and war-torn souls of the
Lithuanians, would be sufficient for silencing the thirst
of their longing hearts. This emotion impregnates every
letter describing the disappearing silhoutte of Erd-
muthe:

Der Schnee fiel dicht, als sie an der Schwelle

standen. Es dammerte schon. Der schweigende Horizont

stand dicht um das Haus. Hinter ihm gab es keine

Erde mehr. In diese Dammerung ging sie hinein,

das Bundel in der Hand, fur immer und ohne Wieder-

kehr. Amadeus stand und sah ihr nach. So lange

bis ihre Spuren vor der Schwelle mit Schnee ge—

fullt waren. Es war, als sei sie niemals dage-

wesen, nachdem ihre Spuren erloschen waren.l O
Donelaitis does not follow nor attempt to reach Erdmuthe

in order to save her from a destructful fate: "'Du wirst

 

139w1echert, Missa, g. _:-. VI» 274°

40Wiechert, Missa, s. E,, VI, 275.

103

ihr nicht nachgehen?‘ fragte Amadeus."141 His reason

is peculiar to a modern man: "Bei uns geht man keiner Frau
nach.... Der Mann geht einem Pferd nach, das von der Weide
in den Wald gelaufen ist und einem Schaf, das sich im Moor
verirrt hat. Aber einer Frau geht man nicht nach.142
One can accept these words as being spoken by a pagan and
uncivilized Lithuanian, living in the first centuries
A.D., but one hardly can understand this type of reasoning
exhibited by a twentieth century Lithuanian man. Donelai-
tis' enlightenment of Freiherr Amadeus about the "Lithu-
anian marriage relations, as supposedly existent among

the humble folk, is to be seriously questioned. He re-
veals the Lithuanian husbandS' attitude toward their

wives very vividly but encompasses with an atmosphere

of mental cruelty: "'Fruher schlug man sie,‘ sagte Done-
laitis finster, ’mit dem Pferdezaum oder dem Gurtel. Die
Manner fanden nichts dabei, auch die Frauen nicht.... Wir
sprechen dort nicht zu den Frauen.... Nach der Hochzeit.
Nir sprechen zu den Pferden und manchmal zu den Segeln,
wenn wir auf dem Haff sind. Aber nicht zu den Frauen.

Das ist so bei uns.'"143 Donelaitis does not mistreat

his wife physically, but retains the "custom of silence"

 

141Wiechert, M1883: Er W., VI’ 278’

142Wiechert, Hissa, g, E., VI, 278.
A a .
l 3wiechert, Missa,,§..fl., VI, 277, 278.

104

in the relationship to his nearest life-companion.
Erdmuthe is of the opinion that "...er ist gut... so gut
wie die Hanner dort Lithuania zu den Frauen sind...
aber zu ihm kann man nicht sprechen. Man kann das Mit-
tagessen fur ihn kochen und in der Nacht bei ihm sein,
wenn er es will. Aber man kann nicht sprechen zu ihm.
Man weiss nicht, was in ihm ist... ich kann meine Hands
nicht an ihm warmen, wenn meine Hande kalt sind."144
It is understandable that Erdmuthe, possessing an indi-
viduality of Ibsen's Nora,145 can not experience any
aspect of marital happiness with Donelaitis. And because
of these unfavorable conditions the burden of her de-
parture is notably lightened. Donelaitis, however, in
his peculiar manner, loves Erdmuthe. The incident of
the attack upon his wife, is an acceptable proof of this
love. It is only tragic that, because of his intro-
versive personality, he is incapable of expressing this
emotion, in words or gestures, and consequently lost his
only love.

In the presentation of Donelaitis and Erdmuthe,

Wiechert successfully captures the fine contours of the

 

1MwIechert, Missa, _s_. 31., VI, 272.
145H. Ibsen, E3 Dukkehjehm (1879).

r‘

I‘

105

tormented Lithuanian soul, which wanders without its
most precious treasure-- the fatherland. Their anxieties,
their struggles in learning how to adjust themselves to
a new life upon a foreign soil, their longing to feel
once again the soothing wind returning with the rushing
waves of the Baltic Sea, is known only too well by every
Lithuanian walking, with silent sadness, the foreign roads
of distant lands.

The admirable traits of character, which Wiechert
so generously embodies into his Lithuanian servants, do
not find an equal reflection in their delineation by
Sudermann. In contrast to Hiechert's presentation,
Sudermann emphasizes more their negative and not their
positive side of character. The evil in their hearts
is given more unrestricted freedom, than in the characters
of Wiechert. They seem to be more inclined to succumb to
their temptations than to display their strength in con-
quest. Sudermann, in accord with Wiechert, retains for
his Lithuanian servants and farmhands one common charac-
teristic, that of outstanding diligence and industrious-
ness.

In his novel gaggiggggg, Sudermann introduces Michel
Raudszus, a farmhand "...von litauischer Herkunft," who

"...bewohnte auf der Heide unweit von Helenental eine

106

armselige, verfallene Kate, deren Wande mit Torf belegt

waren, damit sie der Sturm nicht umfegte. Er hatte ein

verwahrlostes Weib, das schon zweimal im Gefangnis ge-
sessen hatte und die Kinder zum Betteln anhielt."146
Raudszus' life with a convicted criminal wife indicates
a continuous eXposure to a criminally—inclined environ-

ment. His family's hopeless economic condition con-

tributes greatly to increasing his psychological tensions

and makes him especially susceptible to any activity

transcending his common sense.147 The unprovoked physical
attack upon his person by the intoxicated and unreasonable

father of Paul Meyhofer brings this psychological tension

near the breaking point:

'Heibsgesindel!‘ rief er, verachtlich die Achsel
zuckend, und wandte sich ab, aber da er seine Hut
an irgend jemanden auslassen musste, so schritt

er auf Michel Raudszus zu, der sich eben gemach-
lich zur Arbeit wandte. Du Hund, was gaffst du
hier?’ schrie er ihn an. 'Ich arbeit’, Herr,‘

erwiderte dieser und sah ihn unter den schwarzen

Brauenuhervor... an.
'Was halt mich ab, du Hund, dass ich dich zu Brei

zermalme?‘ schrie der Alte, ihm die Fauste vor
die Nase haltend.

146H. Sudermann, Frau Serge (Stuttgart und Berlin, 1930),
p. 105. Hereafter cited as Sudermann, Frau Serge.

147Notable similarities to this situation are present
in B& Auerbach's Diethelm von Buchenbergp(1853) and

G. Buchner‘s Hoyzeck (18795.

107

Der Knecht duckte sich, und in diesem Augenblicke
fuhren ihm beide Fauste seines Herrn ins Gesicht.
Er taumelte zuruck--aus seinem ...Gesicht war jeder
Blutstropfen gewichen--ohne einen Laut von sich zu
geben, griff er nach einer Axt. - — -

Aber in diesem Augenblicke fiel ihm Paul, der mit
steigender Angst der Szene zugeschaut hatte, von
hinten in den Arm, rang ihm die Haffe aus der Hand
und warf sie in den Brunnen.l 8

Raudszus' discharge from the farm, because of the incident,
increases his mental tension to such a degree that he
blindly takes vengeance on Meyhofer's family, by commit-

ting arson, and is sentenced to serve five years in

prison.

Raudszus' committed crime, however, does not diminish
his good character qualities, which he displays during

his service as a farmhand. Sudermann characterizes him

as:

...ein schweigsamer...Gesell, der seine Arbeit
musterhaft verrichtete und ohne ein Wort des Murrens
von dannen ging, wenn man ihn nicht mehr brauchte,
aber auch punktlich zur Stelle war, wenn es von
neuem Arbeit gab. Paul hatte ihn anfangs nicht
leiden mogen, denn sgin wortkarges, einsames Wesen
und seine scheuen, dusteren Mienen hatten auf ihn
einenuunheimlichen Eindruck gemacht, aber dann war
er plotzlich auf den Gedanken gekommen, dass er
selber sich nicht viel anders betrage, und seit
dieser Stunde hatte er ihn in sein Herz geschlos-
sen. Der Vater seinerseits schien einen gewissen
Respekt vor ihm zu haben, denn obwohl er, wenn er
betrunken war, die Knechte durchzuprugeln pflegte,
hatte er ihn noch niemals angeruhrt....

148Sudermann, Frau Sorge, p. 152.

‘

108

Dieser Knecht war Fauls treuerster Gehilfe. Ihm
konnte er selbst den Harktverkauf des Getreides
anvertrauen, und steig wusste er die hochsten
Preise zu erhandeln. 9

A more penetrating look into the sphere of the
motivations of the characters and Sudermann's intensive
preoccupation with the novel's central figure, Paul Mey-
ther, reveal that the author is using Michel Raudszus
mainly as a contrast figure to Paul and for the sake of
his own individuality. His criminal act of arson opposes
Paul Meyhgfer's burning down of his own farmbuildings.
The first act is the working of the dark and negative
side of human nature; the second, is an act of sacrifice
of one's own property in order to save the estate of
Douglas from the evil hand of the old Meyhefer. Resem-
bling the Mephistephelian companion of Faust, Raudszus
walks with Paul Mayhefer until the accomplishment of his
task, seemingly prescribed by Sudermann, he is consequent-
ly removed from the pages of the novel. Thus he appears
more as being a figure created purely by the author's

imagination,150 than as a Lithuanian individual which.is

acceptable in life.

A

149Sudermann, Frau Serge, pp. 105-106.

150Similar objections were raised by the literary critics
regarding B. Auerbach's Der Telpatsch (1842) and Nach
dreissig Jahren (1876). His peasants appear to be

109

Marinke Tamoszus, in the narrative "Die Magd," is
depicted by Sudermann as a simple and unsophisticated
servant girl. In her character composition she embodies

the nebel trait of Jeremias Getthelf‘s Elsi and the

naivite and humbleness of Johannes Sehlaf‘s Miele.151

The latter occupies a mere predominant place in her char-
acter. She is purely a nature child. Her "innere" and
”aussere Welt" are interwoven homogeneously into each

other. The experiences of her soul reflect readily upon

her face.

Und ohne sich zu besinnen, was sie da sagte, entgeg-
nete sie: 'Aber dann werden wir auch verheiratet
sein.‘ Nech wie das Wort kaum heraus war, da
schamte sie sich schon s9 sehr, dass sie sich am
liebsten ins Wasser gesturzt hatte. '0 Gett, e
Gett,‘ dachte sie, ’Jetzt wird er mich fur dreist
und zudringlich halten.’ Und weil sie fuhlte,”dass
sie ganz glutrot gewerden war und immer noch roter
wurde, drehte sie ihm den Rucken und maehte sich

klein.152

 

drawing-room characters and are lacking veracity to

pesant life, as is the case with Sudermann's presentation
of Raudszus. This aspect is treated more extensively

by E. K. Bennet, A History g; £22 German Novelle (Cambridge,
1961), p. 117 ff. and F. Altvater, wesen nd Form der
deutschen Dorfgeschichte in 12; Jahrhundert (Berlin, 1930),

p. 123.

lle. Gotthelf, Elsi die seltsame Magi (1843) and J- Schlaf,
Miele (1920).

152Sudermann, Die Magd, pp. 362-363.

I‘

110

Her humility is also her weakness. Sudermann's
intrusive statement: "Se neigte sie sich... in Demut vor
dem kommenden Schicksal..."153 becomes the "Leitmotif"
of her existence. Because of her humbleness she is unable
to resist the negative forces of her environment and per-
mits it to guide the course of her life. Her submission
to the German estate owner, John Westphal, because she is
a humble Lithuanian girl and he is her superior German
master; her modest attitude in insisting upon her rights
as a free person, expose her to a chain of tragic events.
She loses her beloved and, hence, a reason to live. The
irresistible environmental forces, which nearly destroy
her, reverse, however, their negative course and exhibit
a sign of benevolence. She is discovered in the boat
awaiting her death in childbirth by a fisher family.

She and her child are saved for a prosperous future in
propitious surroundings.

In the portrayal of Marinke, Sudermann depicts the
prostratien of a Lithuanian servant girl and demands,
in a tone of Ibsen, for her recognition as a respectable
individual and not a doll made for the entertainment of

the German and Lithuanian male population.154 Marinke's

 

153Sudermann, Die Magd, p. 397.

1 4
5 Sudermann's concern with woman's place in the social
structure echoes also in his autobiographical Das Bilder-

lll

life story presents the author with an opportunity to
rise above the restrictions made by the theories of
naturalism and to enter the sphere of ”Universalpoesie,“
as the ending of the narrative indicates:

Die Hochzeit wurde in Frieden und Stille
begangen. Und still und friedlich leben die

beiden noch heute.l

A particular class of Lithuanian servant, that of
nursemaid, is present in the prose works of Wiechert and

Miegel, but it does not fall to the literary attention

of Sudermann.

In Wiechert's Missa sine nemine, a Lithuanian nurse-
maid, Grita, occupies an honorable and significant posi-
tion among the members of the aristocratic German family.
She stands in a closer relationship to the young barons
than does their natural mother, Frau von Liljecrona.

The youngest son Amadeus compares in his memory the dis—
tant and estranged attitude of his mother: "...und immer
hatte die Mutter sie durch ihr goldenes Lorgnen betrachtet,

als waren sie drei Adoptivkinder, die sich in einer

 

buch meiner Jugend: "Die Erkenntnis der Wehrlesigkeit
alles Weiblichen gegenuber dem Hannestum wuchs in mir
gress--und damit die Forderung einer Verantwortlichkeit,
die wir Jungen Mannsleute kaum ahnten, wenn wir lachend
ein Fest der Liebe dem anderen folgen liessen."

155Sudermann, Die Nagd, p. 465.

(I

112

fremden Sprache unterhielten...,"156 with love and

affection displayed by Grita: "...Amadeus erinnerte sich
nicht, dass seine Mutter ihn jemals gekusst hatte, und

er konnte sich auch nicht verstellen, wie ihre schmalen
Lippen das hatten zuwege bringen konnen. Gekusst hatte
ihn nur die alte Kinderfrau, eine Litauerin mit dem

Namen Grita...."157 She is for the youthful barons a
symbol of refuge from the cruelty of life. AS the ancient

Artemis, she possesses a benevolent and protective heart

for humans and animals alike:

Grita, die an Feiertagen sieben Regke ubereinander
trug und die unter diesen sieben Rocken mit Leichtig-
keit und Bereitwilligkeit alles verbergen konnte,
hinter dem die Schicksalsgettin Laima her war, ob

es nun ein junges Huhn war, das geschlachtet wer-

den sellte, oder einer dgr kindlichen Heiligen...,
der sich von der Frau Grafin verbergen wollte.

Auf den Schlachtfeldern des kindlichen Lebens war
Grita das 'Asyl' gewesen, von dem sie in der Ge-
schichte des Mittelalters gelesen hatten, die Kir—
chenschwelle, hinter die das Schwert nicht reichte, E
der Gottesfriede, der nicht verletzt werden durfte.lJ8

Her personality is of noble simplicity and shows a tend-
ency to dissolve into the sphere of timelessness. After
returning from the German concentration camp, Amadeus re-

members the unsophisticated but puzzling Lithuanian

 

156Wiechert, Mis sa, S. VI, 19.

 

157Wiechert, Missa. s. In VI, 17'

l 8
5 Niechert, Missa, S, fl., VI, 17-18.

4‘

113

folk song159

which was the favorite of the nursemaid,
Grita. It embodies the essence of her philosophy re-
garding human existence. The key to the true meaning
lies in the final strophe of the song:

Tanze, lieber Knabe, ganze, wenn auch traurig,
Denn du sollst nur frohlich sein.l O

For an opera goer it reflects to some extent the tragic
aria "Vesti la giubba" in Pagliacci.161 It emphasizes,
however, more the negative than positive aspect of the
tragedy of life. The suffering, for Grita, is an essen-
tial and inescapable part of human existence. One never
overcomes it but must humbly learn to bear the burden.
In a state of suffering one does not remain egocentric,

but exercises selfless love and compassion for his fellow-

men. This is for Grita, as for Wiechert, the only path

 

159This Lithuanian folk song assumes the function of the
novel's leitmotif. As Richard Wagner successfully used
leitmotifs in Der Hing der Nibelungen (1876-1879) and
Parsival (1882), Wagner also uses this, new literary,
technique very effectively in connection with the appear-
ance of Freiherr Amadeus: pp. 26, 27, 34, 67, 75. 120.
246, 295, 411, 434. A similar technique was exercised by
Sudermann in "Die Reise nach Tilsit," but in this case the
leitmotif was regarded as a "Falke" of the narrative.
Paul Heyse's "Falkentheorie" is to be found in Deutscher
Novellenschatz, Vol. I, Introduction or in H. Pengs, 23g
Bild in der Dichtung (Marburg, 1939). II, 100ff.

160

 

Wiechert, Missa, g. fl., VI, 18.

16111. Leoncavallo, Pagliacci (1898), Canio's aria at the
end of Act I.

114

in achieving worthy existence as a human being. Amadeus

grasps the true meaning of Grita's words in the late

years of his tragic life. Her figure, sitting near the

spinning wheel162 as if she were a universal mother whose

name could have been Gaea, Frigga or Perkune Tete and
caressing with her gentle fingers the thread of human

fate, remains as the most unforgettable experience in

Amadeus’s life:

Amadeus rauchte, und die Meledien der Dainos
gingen ihm durch den Sinn, der litauischen Volks-
lieder, die Grita am Abend zu summon pflegte, wenn...
der Faden am Spinnrad durch ihre alten... Hande
glitt. 0stliche Melodien, uralt und traurig, und
Amadeus hatte dem Spiel gelauscht, den weissen
Scheitel gesenkt, und dann das alte Gesicht mit
den seltsamen Augen zu den Spielenden aufgghoben
und gelachelt, wie nur alte Gotterbilder lacheln
konnen, und leise gesungen:

‘An des Njemen anderm Rand “

steh'n drei Ahgrn frisch und grun. “

Unter diesen Baumen, unter diesen gaunen,

sassen einst der Kuckucks drei...’ 3

Grita, who embodies many character traits of Wiechert's
Tante Veronika, appears to be a figure whose counterpart

could be discovered without difficulty in the pages of

 

162The figure of an old woman contemplating by the
spinning wheel, having near her a child and a book, is for
Lithuanians a symbol of their struggle ("Vargo Mokykla")
in retaining their only national treasure, their native
tongue, during the years of occupation by Imperial Russia.
It is as well known to Lithuanians as J. M. Whistler's
“Arrangement in Grey and Black" - "Mother" to Americans.

163
Wiechert, Missa, S. H., VI, 18.

115

ancient mythologies. She stands as a symbol of the
remaining world of Mythos in the modern era of Christi-
anity. Amadeus, in a creative poetic ecstasy, sees her
presence among the figures of human history, which began
with "...der Kinderfrau... bis zu der verhullten Frau
unter dem Gekreuzigten, und daruber hinaus..."164 The

personality of Grita, exhibiting the penetrating wisdom

of the temporal life and seemingly possessing the knowl-

edge of the supernatural world,165 still exists among

the elders of the land population in modern day Lithu-

ania.166

The personage of a nursemaid appears constantly in
the pages of Agnes Miegel's short stories. We meet her
in the narrative "Landsleute," "Die Fahrt der sieben
Ordensbruder," "Die gute Erntefl "Besuch bei Margaret,"
"Dorothee," "Heimgekehrt" and "Noras Schicksal." The
crowning of Miegel's beloved character of the nursemaid

culminates in her narrative "Der Geburtstag." The menu-

mental character to whom the authoress presents the

 

l64‘d’iecher‘b, M1883, -S-. H. ’ VI, 1210
165Zfiechert, Missa, S. W., VI: 22-

166It is with a hope that I use the present tense of
"still exists" and accept the possibility that similar

personalities continue to exist in the present day
Lithuania.

116

literary crown is an old Lithuanian nursemaid by the

name of Krupatsche. With her portrayal, Hiegel immortal-

izes her own Lithuanian nursemaid, Lina, to whom she
experienced "...eine Bindung, stark wie die des Blutes.

.11167

In Miegel's delineation of Krupatsche one detects

characteristics which may be readily observed on Pieter

' and the play

Brueghel's portrayal of the "Peasant Wedding‘
168

of colors in the later paintings of Vincent van Gogh.
It achieves a peculiar combination of shrewd, humorous

and simple peasant figures and the portraits are painted

in powerful, pure rainbow colors. It expresses effec-

tively Brueghel's love for simple people and Vincent
van Gogh's belief in the dignity of the human beings.

Krupatsche entertains a similar combination in her ad-

mirable character. She possesses the quality of being

cunning, humorous and wise:

Die Krupatsche, die Pflegerin des alten Herrn...
mit ihremnpfiffigen... Litauergesicht unter der
weissen Hulle... buckt sich ganz tief auf das
Kissen. Sie laght schlau. A11 ihre nech tadel-
losen breiten Zahne sind zu sehn: 'Schwarzbrot

ist viel gesunder!’ Der Alte reicht ihr den Milch-
topf: 'Has sie nicht weiss! Das ist fur litauische

 

167A, Hiegel, "Heine alte Lina," Gesammelte Werke (Dussel-
dorf/Koln, 1954), V, 183. Hereafter cited as Miegel,
Lina, g. 13., V.

6
8Especially starting with the Parisian period (January,
1888) and lasting until his death (July 29, 1890).

117

Magens--bei uns sind all davon krank gewerden,

--der Ruppert, mein Bruder, is bloss davon ge-
storben, hat die Fra isen gekriegt, fort war er.‘

Er will wieder in die Kissen sinlcen. Aber die
Krupatsche lass t es nicht zu, sie halt ihn fest.

'Der war nu all schon tot, ' sagt sie ruhig, 'wer
wird achtzig Jahr?’ 'Was sie klug is, ' knurrte

der Alte behaglich, 'ich werd neunzig heut um'Uhre .
zwelf!‘ ...Eine Fliege summt un den Kopf des Alten;
er schlagt danach. Die Krupats ehe greift nach der
ledernen Fliegenklatsche und geht auf die Jagd.... 69

Krupatsche regards and fulfills the duties of her position
with great pride and dignity. She is a vital part of
Eitersberger's patriarchal family. Her opinion or remarks
touching family affairs are honored and accepted, as if
there did not exist a barrier between "der Herrschaft-

lichen" and "der Dienendenz" 170

Fr [Johann Eitersbergerj lacht leise. 'Sie still,
Andresl, hat auch noch kein Graf davon halb soviel
verstanden wie du! Ficht wahr, Krupatsche?'

'Ja, 'oehgeehrter Herr!‘ Sie tritt hinter den
Lehnstuhl. 'Aber nu wollen wir man in unser
Stubche. Unsre Besuche nehm ich mit.‘ Und sig
winkt den beiden Altchen, die aufstehn. Die Sohne
treten an den Lghnstuhl und greifen in die knar-

renden Riemen.

She treats the oldest son of Eitersberger, Gettlieb, to whom

she was previously nursemaid, in a gentle but energetic

 

6
l 9A. Miegel, "Der Geburtstag,“ Truso (Dusseldbrf/Koln,
1958), pp. 161, 163. Hereafter cited as Miegel, Der

Geburtstag

1701. Meidinger—Geise, Agnes Miegel, p. 80.

171
Miegel, Der Geburtstag, p. 223.

118

manner as if he is her own son:

Die Nachmittagssonne scheint schon durch den
Rosmarintopf auf dem Fenster, als die Krupatsche
aufschrickt. Jemand zieht ihr vorsichtig das weisse
Tuch vom Gesicht und kusst sie leise auf die Stirn.
I'Gottliebche! ...Jungche! Erschreckst einem!"

Er lacht ein bisschen und... kuschelt sich an ihren
Rock wie als Kind... 'Sohnche, was willst?‘
Gottlieb spielt mit ihren Schurzenbandern. Wie er
so sitzt, bekommt sein weiches Gesicht ganz und gar
den Ausdruck eines vergnugten, sehr satten Kindes...
Sie buckt sich. 'Hauch mich mal an!‘ sagt sie
beinah so streng wie die Mutter. Er tut es ganz
gehorsam, bitter fast: 'Bloss ein bisschen Rotwein,
ein bisschen Portwein. Jetzt vorm Kaffee bin ich
fort, will keinen Schnaps.’ lfiusst auch nicht,
Sohnche, wo du so wenig vertragst.‘ 2

The troubled minds and hearts of the young and the old

members of the family alike, find peace in the comforting

arms of Krupatsche.173 She, as Wiechert's Grita, is the

protectress and guardian of the entire household,174

which reflects so distinctly in the final scene of the

narrative:174

Matthes Eiteererger schliesst das Fenster. Er
ist blass, er schwankt und fallt schwer in den

 

172Miegel, Der Geburtstag, pp. 194-195, 196.

173It echoes in Miegel's description of Lina's character
(Lina, g,“fl,, V, 191): "816, dieusonst immer schweigsam war
bis zum murrischen Ernst, fand fur jeden von uns ein
freundliches Wort, einen kleinen Spass, eine Freudel

Keiner der Sommernachbarn konnte denken, was fur eine

Last an Arbeit und Sorge auf ihrnlag in Jenen Wochgn.
Immer hatte sie noch Zeit, die mude Warterin abzulosen

bei der schweren Pflege meiner Mutter."

174
Miegel, Der Geburtstag, p. 189.

I.

I"

119

Lehnstuhl des Vaters...
Plotzlich buckt er sich, stutzt die Arme auf den

kleinen Tisch und vergrabt das Haupt in den Handen.
Die Krupatsche betrachtet ihn lange und nach-
denklich... Ihre schlaugn Augen bohren sich in
sein Genick, auf seine machtigen, leicht gebeug-
ten Schultern, auf sein graues Haar...

Sie hantiert am roten Schrankchen, hat eine Kruke
und ein Glaschen vor? ekramt, schenkt ein.

Trinkt man, 'ochgeehrter Herr!’ sagt sie, als ob
sie zu einem Kind Spricht. 'Is Birkenmet, sehr
gesund!’ Matthes Eitersberger trinl t. Sie lasst
nicht zu, dass er absetzt‘ ermahnt: 'Nuscht drin
lassen, alles austrinken.

Als er danken will, wehrt sie ab: ”Man nich, das

hilft sonst nich, is Ja b:edizin...'

'Ich muss nun nach vorn,I sagt er mit sproder
Stimme... Aber er sinkt noch einmal zuruck in
den Stuhl. 'Schlafe, 'ochgeehrter Herr!’ sagt
sie leise. 'Schlaf ein bisschel' Er lehnt den
Kopf an, macht die Augen zu. Die Krupatsche
setzt sich auf den Binsenstuhl und bewacht seinen

Schlaf und den des Alten. Wie ein guter alter
Hausgeist sitzt sie, horcht nach dem Bett, horcht
auf d 9 Atem des andern, sieht ihn bekummert...

an...

Krupatsche's unsophisticated philosophy of life
constantly becomes visible in the flow of the story in
a manner similar to Grita's in Wiechert's Hissa sine
nomine. The elders of the Eitenberger family do not
need to search for its meaning, as did Freiherr Amadeus,
because it is the nearest and most comprehensive philo-
sophy of the entire humankind. Krupatsche, betraying
the projected thought from the authoress' mind, accepts
that "...Jung sein is schon scheen... Ja, alt werden is

schwer..." and very optimistically concludes: "Aber

 

175Miege1, Der Geburtstag, pp. 242. 243. 244.

I}

120

nachher... nachher is ganz schon."176 Thus unifying

in the final statement, Plato's longing of the human

soul for return to the realm of pure truth where it can
spend eternity contemplating the beautiful and pure world

of ideas177 and the Christian concept of a rewarding

178

heaven.

Agnes Miegel, in her presentation of the Lithuanian
nursemaid, Krupatsche, and attributing to her all the
admirable character traits any individual would desire
to possess, surpasses the similar treatment evinced by
Ernst Wiechert. Both of these authors, however, display
identically their enduring love for a Lithuanian person-
ality. Their literary treatment of Krupatsche and Grita
remains as a reminder for the German speaking population
that their northern neighbor is more than worthy to be

accepted by them as their equal.

 

176Miegel, Der Geburtstag, pp. 243, 244.

177Plato, Timaeus.

178As reflected in St, Augustine's, City of God, Bk. XIX
and T. Aquinas', Summa Theologica, par. 2-2, q. 2, art. 7.

121

D. Other Segments of the Lithuanian Populace

In Sudermann's, Niechert's, and Agnes Hiegel's prose
works we also discover some Lithuanian characters who do
not belong to the class of farmers, fishermen or servants.
They are Lithuanians who either have achieved a rather
notable intellectual and professional status or belong to
the days of the Lithuanian historical past.

Sudermann's Lithuanian people are in general poorly
educated, even by the standards of the period; some of

them, however, in Litauische Geschichten and Das Bilderbuch

meiner Jggend did advance into higher and more respected

 

positions, despite this handicap. Jozup Wilkat's brothers
("Die Nagd") serve on the Berlin Police force, a position
which at that time was held in respect.l79 In the story
"Jons und Erdme," Ulele reaches her prescribed goal:

"Sie hat alles genau so durchgefuhrt, wie es einmal in
ihrem Kopf entstanden war. Hat die Wirtschaft gelernt,

die Buchfuhrung und die Verwaltung und ist jetzt mit ihren
zwanzig Jahren Geschaftsleiterin in einer Seifenfabrik."180
Indre's dream of seeing her son Willus as God's servant

is also fulfilled: "...und der Nillus ist richtig ein

 

179
Sudermann, Die Magd, p. 416.

180
Sudermann, Jons, p. 248.

122

Pfarrer geworden. Seine Gemeinde sieht in ihm einen

Abgesandten des Herrn, und auch die Gebetsleute halten
zu ihm."181 Sudermann's autobiography Das Bilderbuch

meiner Jugend reflects about a Lithuanian "Nachtmeister"

humorously: "...der alte Wachtmeister Ploksties kannte uns

schon, und wenn wir ihm ein Seidel und eine Zigarre

spendierten, so kam es ihm auf einen kleinen Landfrie-

densbruch nicht an."182 These cases stand as an in-
dication that the energetic and determined Lithuanians,
despite their foreign origin, were capable at that time
of achieving positions of some significance.

Wiechert, in contrast to Sudermann, provides a
greater space for the Lithuanian educated and profession-
al class among his literary figures.

In Der Todeskandidat, Niechert presents two non-
commissioned officers, Jonas and Adameit, whose mis-
chievous behavior during their student days was the rea-

son for the tragic turn in their teacher's, Heinrich

Georgensohn's, life. Their experiencasduring the first

World War mature their outlook on the seriousness of life

to such an extent that they recognize the true heroic per-

sonality of their eX-teacher. In an attempt to show

 

181Sudermann, Die Reise, p. 68.

182H. Sudermann. Egg Bilderbuch meiner Jugend (Stuttgart,
1949): p0 142'

123

their late love and appreciation to their teacher, who
fell on the battle field that others may remain alive, they
painted his name with gold which remained as a ray of

nourishing sun reflecting upon the school monument for the

Victims of the Great War.
Christoph Joneleit, is selected for a

Niechert des-

A Lithuanian,

character study in the narrative Joneleit.

cribes him as: "...das Neltwunder. Burovorsteher in der

Kanzlei des Justizrats, siebenunddreissig Jahre alt, nicht

vorbestraft, verlobt mit Lina Anders, einzige Tochter des

Backermeisters Gustav Anders, und seiner Ehefrau Urte,

geb. Gerullis."183 The reason for the designation "das
Neltwunder" lies in the conversation between the counselor

of Justice and Joneleit which takes place in the opening

lines of the story:

'Joneleit?’

'Herr Justizrat?’ “
'Joneleit, mein Gedachtnis soll der Teufel holen.

Da war nach dem Kriege ein Mann hier, der sich als
Zeuge anbot in einer Grenzsteinsache... es wurde
nichts daraus, aber ich brauche den Namen des Nannes,
weil mir bei diesem Namen ein anderer einfallen wird,
den ich noch notiger brauche... Erinnern Sie sich,

Joneleit?‘
'Jawohl, Herr Justizrat.

Jons Swillus,

Sache Adam gegen Szameit und Genossen...zweit-
instanzlich obgesiegt... grosser, hagerer Mann

mit einer Narbe auf der Nange...'

Der Mann hiess Swillus,

 

1 u u
83E. Wiechert, "Joneleit," Samtliche Nerke (Nien-Munchen-
Basel, 1957), VII, 684. Hereafter cited as Niechert,
Joneleit, S.‘fl., VII.

ll

124

'Joneleit, Sie sind unbezahlbar, ein Neltwunder

sind Sie, Joneleit!’
'Herr Justizrat sind sehr gutig. '184

Joneleit is obviously an exemplary, bureaucratic figure,
who prides himself in his dedication to his profession:
"Joneleit hat nicht geheiratet. Er sitzt vor seinem

Schreibtisch, und wenn jemand etwas braucht oder wissen

will, ist er der einzige, zu dem man kommt. Er ist punkt-

lich und fleissig... still und hilfsbereit, unbestechlich
und bescheiden."185 The efficient and well organized shell

of Joneleit's character has a soft and gentle area of weak-

ness. It is his love for poems. In the soft nordic summer

evenings his mind turns from the rational world and dis-
covers the tranquilizing effect of the pure realm of poetry:

Dannukann es geschehen, dass Joneleit plotzlich
aufhort, an den Eventualdolus zu denken, und die
Hand nach einem abgegriffenen Buche hebt. Es sind
Gedichte, und es ist seltsam, wie sein schweres
Bauerngesicht sich verandert, wenn der Widerhall
der Verse auf ihm erscheint. Und danach kann er
lange am geoffneten Fenster stehen, die Schlafe an

das kuhle Holz gelehnt.18

Joneleit's gentle, poetic soul, enveiled in silence
and loneliness, cannot find a truly harmonious existence

with the ironically laughing face of the realistic, every
day world. 187 He is forced to take a vacation among the

 

184Niechert, Joneleit, g. fl., VII, 68}.

185w1ecnert, Joneleit, s. 33, VII, 702.

186Wiechert, Joneleit, S. E., VII, 686-
187The preoccupation with this condition is significantly

125

wandering dunes of Nehrung.188 Here, he experiences the
majestic beauty of nature and love for a sculptress. Under
the blue and soothing sky of the Baltic Sea he achieves his
self-realization. The bust, which she made of him, becomes
the true picture of his soul. Before her departure she
wrote to Joneleit:
'Nun wirst du sehgn, Jons,‘ schrieb sis, 'was hinter
mir stand: die Grosse des Lebens. Bisher sahst du
mich allein, ein Unfreier, der nur seine Herrin sieht.
Nun wirst du das Grosse sehen. Ich lasse dir dein
Bild. Sieh es an, immer wieder. Es ist nicht so, wie
du bist, sondern so, wie du werden sollst, ein Held
vielleicht, oder ein Heiliger... Ich gehe, damit du
es wirst, mein lieber Jons....l 9
He has found himself but too late in his life. The pattern
of his existence is engraved too deeply in his being to
change it. The loneliness and the contemplation of the

single but gratifying ray of human happiness he so fully

experienced remain in his heart and memory. After his

 

outstanding in present day modern American literature.

The philosophic speculations of the successful American
playwright Tennessee Williams (The lass Nenagerie, Sweet
Bigd 9f Youth. Summer gpd Smokefmay serve as appropri-
ate examples.

188An extensive description of Nehrung (Neringa) is given
by Niechert in Jahre und Zeiten, S. N., IX, "Schwankende
Jahre," Chp. 7,wwkenschen_und Reisen," Chp. 8; Ostpreussi—
sche Landschaft," fi.‘fi., X, 763-764.

189
Niechert, Joneleit, g. 3., VII, 701.

 

126

return he acquires a small meadow decorated by willow
trees, symbolizing his isolated existence in the future,
and in solemn silence he listens to the voice of his heart:

Dort sitzt eruzur Abendzeit, wenn die Akten ihm Zeit
lassen, die Hande um die Knie gefaltet, und sieht
hinuber, wo der blaue Streif der Nehrung das Nasser
begrenzt. Wenn die Sonne dahinter versinkt, hebt
sich wie ein Strich der Leuchtturm in das Abendrot.
Dann geht er heim, mit erhobener Stirn. Es ist die
Stirn eines kleinen Mannes, deg ein kleines Tagewerk
vor sich hat, aber auf ihrerBlasse scheint ein Nach-
glanz der Gesichte zu liegen... gleich dem Nachglanz
auf den Bildern der Heiligen, die von einer Erschei-
nung wiederkehren zu ihrer irdischen Not.19O

Wiechert, in his characterization of Joneleit, empha-
0
sizes the necessity for a human being of silence, solitude,l’l

and renuncification. These conditions are imperative if

 

190Niechert, Joneleit, §. E): VII: 703'

191The emphasis upon loneliness is reflected very strongly
also in Wiechert's poems. I submit the following for com-
parison with Joneleit‘s attitude:

Nur wer allein ist, hort die Stunden gehen,

und jede Stunde ist der letzten nah,

nur wer allein ist, kann die Sterne sehen

so gross, wie er als Kind die Sterne sah.

Nur ihm sind Baum und Wind und Hirtenflgte

so suss, dass sich sein Herz an ihnen speist,
und ihm allein ist jede Abendrote

als ob der Vorhang vor dem Tempel reisst.

Wer kann die letzte Tiefe messen, “
in die sein Wort, in die sein Beten fallt?
Bis sein Erinnern so wie sein Vergessen
reicht bis zum Rande seiner stillen Welt...
(E. Niechert, Samtliche Werke, X,529.)

127

an individual is seeking to retain his strength of char-
acter and dignity as a human being. Joneleit, as Jonas

in Die Naaorin, or Jurgen in Die Kagd des Jurgen Doskocil,

 

incorporates these personality traits which are so charac-
teristic of the Lithuanian national character. Joneleit,
however, does not reach the ideal state of Jonas or Jurgen,
which is dedication to one's life to homanity.

In 213 Jeromin-Kinder, Niechert’s pen sets out to
delineate Jons Jeromin, an outstanding and exemplary figure
of a man. The author follows him in his search for truth,
in his desire to bring "Gerechtigkeit auf den Acker."

His philosophy of life is influenced mostly by his father,
who ignited in him the thought of love for his fellowmen.
As a miniature Wilhelm Meister, Jons soon realizes that
pure love for humanity is not sufficient to complete his
true calling. It must possess an aspect of action and not
be limited to thought. It is to be followed with a touch,
of practicality and not remain only as an emotional expe-
rience. Jumbo, a close friend of Jons, introduces another
significant fragment to the crystalization of Jons' dis-
position. He points out to Jons: "Ich glaube, dass wir
dazu da sind, um unser Tagewerk zu erfullen und es so zu
erfullen, dass wir von seinem Ertrag denen etwas abgeben

kannen, die ein sohwereres und armeres Tagewerk haben."l92

 

192Wiechert, Die Jeromin..§-.fl°' V’ 378'

128

Jons decides to become a physician, not one who seeks
fame and fortune among the members of sophisticated urban
society, but as an "Armenarzt," who is dedicated to his own
humble people in the village of Sowirog. Thus his father's
philosophy of universal "Liebe der Menschheit," which has
some similarity to the one displayed so elaborately by
Faust, is narrowed down to practical Christianity exer-
cised within the limits of a village. Jons, now a gifted
physician and surgeon, serves his people well both physi-
cally and spiritually. He is their protector and advisor.
Their hardships are his hardships; their sufferings are his
sufferings. Their love is his sole reward. This exception-
al and admirable devotion of Jons to his people flows here
with great sentimentality from Wiechert's own heart:
"Eine undendliche zartlichkeit erfullte ihn, zu diesen
Kindern seines Blutes und seiner Brde, zu dem schweigenden
Wald und der Weite des grossen, 3stlichen Himmels... zu
allem Leben, das er behuten und retten wollte...."193
The character of Jons Jeromin once again incorporates
Niechert's own philosophy of humen existence. He shows
that the essence of our being on this earth is not found
in the pure love of humanity, which might have the tendency

of remaining in the form of a beautiful thought, but in

 

1
9BWiechert, Die Jeromin, §.‘fl., V, 430.

 

129

every man's individual dedication and service, exercising
one's utmost ability, to his fellow human beings. It is,
indeed, a great honor to any Lithuanian that Wiechert se—
lected, as the carrier of these most needed and outstand-
ing thoughts--a Lithuanian, Jons Jeromin.

Among this circle of Lithuanians, Niechert's Aunt
Veronika occupies a position which does not permit itself
to be overlooked if one intends to reach a better under-
standing of the Lithuanian profile reflecting in his
works.

Regarding Tante Veronika, Wiechert indicates in his
autobiographical account, Walder und Menschen, his rela-
tionship to her which was to become, for him, one of the
memorable and significant experiences of his life:

Am Hands meiner Erinnerung erscheint schliesslich
noch eine dritte Familie als einublutsverwandter
Zweig, die meiner Heimat viele tuchtige Lehrer ge-
schenkt hat, die ohne Zweifel litauischen Ursprungs
war und die mich durch ihr hervorragendstes Mit-
glied, meine Tante Veronika, von Kind an mit der
Fulle der Marchen, Sagen und Geschichten beschenkt
hat, die von eher ein Nerkmal dieses Volksstammes
gewesen sind. 94

Tante Veronika was a person who enjoyed a vivid and

very sensitive imagination, which in many instances dis-

solved into a magic world of phantasy. The division of

 

19“Wiechert, Walder und Menschen, §-.I-: IX: 12-

130

rational and irrational worlds did not exist in her life.
She perceived ghosts at the dawn of any day and accepted it
as a natural phenomenon and a vital part of every day re-
ality.195 She remained loyal to the superstitiousness

of the ancient and paganistic Lithuania. One can very
easily imagine her among the wise women who guarded the
sacred fire in "Hamowe"196 and rendered homage to the pagan
god of gods, Perkunas.

Tante Veronika's repertoire of ancient fairy tales
and mysterious stories was inexhaustible. Her Artistic
talent in narrating these stories intensified the impres-
sion upon the young Wiechert to such an extent that he re-
members them distinctly in his last autobiOgraphical work
Jahre und Zeiten, which he completed at the age of sixty.
Thus, her unique personality left it's noticeable traces
in Wiechert's development as a literary man. His every
portrayal of Lithuanian characters exhibits in one respect
or another the influence of Tante Veronika's mind. It may
reflect in the frame of an irrational attitude, in an ut-
terance of a magic word or a superstitious belief and
practice. Her influence did not restrict itself only to

Lithuanian personages but is also generously present in

 

195Wiechert, Halder und Menschen, §. Ho, IX. 71-

196A sacred temple.

131

their German companions. Wiechert, in order to show Tante
Veronika his deep gratitude and appreciation, immertalized

her by including a fragment in his Walder und Menschen

 

 

which is dedicated solely to her life and to the extraor-
dinary world in which she was living:

Und hier, bevor ich meine erste Kindheit in den
Waldern verlasse, um zu erzahlen, wie die " .ielt"
mich empfing, will ich mit tiefer Dankbarkeit mei-
ner Tante "Veronika" gedenken; denn von allen Nen-
schen gusserhalb unseres Hauses hat sie sicherlich
den grossten Binfluss auf meine Entwicklung gehabt,
nicht durch Vorbild oder Erziehung, sondern durch
das unmittelbar Wirkende ihres geheimnisyollen
Daseins, das mit Aoerglauben, Spuk und liarchen

bis zum Rande gefullt war... noch heute frage

ich mich oft: ware ich ein Dichter ggworden ohne
ihre Hand,“die zu jeder Stunde mich uber die
Schwelle fuhren konnte, hinter der die andere, die
unsichtbare Welt begann?

The pages of Niechert's literary works shall stand
as unquestionable proof that he became a respected and
highly gifted writer, and this humble Lithuanian woman
presented him with the key to a pure and rich world of
imagination which helped him in achieving his eternal
laurel as a prophetic poet.

Agnes Miegel, as pointed out in previous pages, ven-
tured into a different approach from the one used by Nie-
chert and Sudermann in depicting the majority of the Lithu-

anian characters. She turns her literary attention

 

197Wiechert, Walder und Menschen, g. E-. IX. 71: 72-

 

132

temporarily away from the twentieth century Lithuanians and
reaches into the distant past of the East Prussian land.

In the historical events, she attempts to discover figures
or personalities which could explain the character unique-
ness of the modern day East Prussian population. She does
not conceal the fact, a frequent practice among the German
socialgists, that the East Prussian population consists

not only of German immigrants who settled during the rule
of the Teutonic Knights but has its roots in the original
inhabitants of this land--the Lithuanian tribes.

This historical approach, which might appear compli-
cated, and demanding a thorough knowledge of the histories
of the Holy Roman Empire of Germany and Lithuania, is ap-
plied so masterfully that one looses the distinction of
time. The past and the present seem to flow in one stream.
One constantly may discover and compare an historical
character, or his behavior, to a present day man walking
upon the East Prussian plains. The authoress's ability
of literary eXpression and her outstanding capability in
the comprehension and analysis of the historical changes
which took place upon this land come to her aid in the
presentation of these two general segments of population.
It is her intention to depict the molding of these con-

flicting, in the very essence of their existence, groups

133

into one group which, in the present day, is known as the
East Prussians. The individual characteristics of each

group, however, did not disappear but can be discerned

among the population without difficulty even today.

Further points of interest are provided in Agnes
Miegel's portrayal and characterization of the Lithuanian
representatives of the East Prussian inhabitants. Her out-
standing Novelle "Die Fahrt der sieben Ordensbruder," is
regarded by Paul Fechter as ”die starkste Gestaltung der
3stlichen Urwelt, die wir bis heute besitzen,"198
depicts the meeting g, by the deathbed of Duke Dorgo, of the
defeated Lithuanian tribes, Prusai (Prussen) and Sudavians,
with the victorious members of the German Teutonic knights.
It symbolizes the downfall of paganism and the rise of the
new era of Christianity.199

The Lithuanians in this Novelle belong to two general

groups: the nobility and the servants.
Skurdas, the fatally wounded Duke of Sudavians, is

portrayed as a fatigued warrior who only postpones the

 

198P. Fechter, Agnes Miegel, eine preussische Frau (Berlin,

1933) p. 57
199

This aspect was also explored by Z. Werner in Des Kreuz
an der Ostsee (1806), R. Lauckner in his Herkus Monte und
der* Hitter Hirzhals (1938) and by Hebbel in dramas Judith
and Herodes und Hariamne.

(i

\.’

134

realization that his land and people are lost to the new

master, the Teutonic Order. His bravery as a warrior is

well known to the German Knights. Their commander des-

"...der tapfere Skurdas... Ein ritterlicher
"200

cribes him as

Herr, bei dem ich oft zu Gast war zur Falkenbeize.

This also indicates that he is considered as a worthy

opponent in battle and an equal in time of peace. Skurdas'

own people regard him with great reverence, as if he be-

longed more to the mythological sphere than to an earthy

existence:

Dig Menschen im Hof schrieen laut auf... und
drangten vorwarts, um gleich darauf sich platt

auf den Schnee zu werfen. Eineublendende Hellig-
keit flutete aus der schmalen Ture des Badhauses,
ein paar Knechte mit Fackeln tratgn heraus, schwenk-
ten sie hin ung her, dass ein Spruhregen von Funken
uber Wolm und uberdachtes Treppchen in den Schnee
stob, wichen zur Seite und hielten die Fackeln hoch.
Unten aus dem Heizraum rannten ein paar Weiber her-
aus mit grossen Laken und Decken. Die kraushaarige
Magd lief uber gen Schnee... entriss einer Frau das
Badetuch und sturzte dem riesengrossen nackten Mann
entgegen, der jetztuoben aus dem Badehaus trat, den
vom Bad gluhenden machtigen blonden Korper, den
langen Bart ziegelrot leuchtend in der Fackelglut...201

The unity of the Lithuanian tribes against the invad-

ing Teutonic Order202 leads to Skurda's association with

 

200A. Miegel, "Die Eahrt der sieben Ordensbruder,"
Gesammelte Werke (Dusseldorf, 1954),III, 156. Hereafter
cited as Miegel, Ordensbruder, g.‘fl., III.

 

201Miegel, Ordensbruder, g, E}, III, 173.
20 , u
2Miegel, Ordensbruder, g. H., III, 158.

135

the king of Lithuania, Gedimin, who bestowed upon himself
the title of "Rex Lithuanorum et multorum Ruthenorum" and

"Rex Letphanorum Ruthenorumque, dux et princepts Semi-
gallie."205 The historic figure of this outstanding Lithu-
anian is presented in a sketchy but dramatically condensed

manner. With these concise sentences, which are symboli-

cally fragmented to show the condition of the crumbling

pagan power, Agnes Miegel presents effectively the noble

character treits of the Lithuanian King:

'Und der Gedimin?’ Die Stimme des Zabel klang
heiser, er fragte stockend wie aus der Trunkenheit.
Der konch sah ihn unverwandt an, ergeben, sanft,

eindringlich und jetzt ganz ohne Lacheln.
'Tapfer war er, gross. Ein Furst. Wer konnte nein

sagen, wenn er was wollte?‘

The female members of the Lithuanian nobility possess

characteristics similar to those of their male counter-

parts. Sirguna, the daughter of Dorgos, is a noble lady

who, appropriately and worthily, may be compared to Maria

Stuart of England. In the presence of the conquerer, the

Teutonic knights, Sirguna's appearance alone commands

respect and proper recognition:

Sie war wie eine deutsche Edelfrau gekleidet, mit
Stirnreif und weissem Schleier und weitem blauen
Wollmantel mit silberner Schulterspange.

 

2030. R. Jurgéla, History 2; the Lithuanian Nation (New York,
1948), p. 83.

204Miegel, Ordensbruder, Q. Ho, III: 171°

136

'Ich bitte die Deutschen Herren nach dem Vorrats-
haus zu gehn. Poburs wird euch fuhren!’ ...
Der Hauskomtur und die Ritter blieben...stehen.
Die klare helle Stimme, eine Stimme, die nur an

Befehlen gewohnt war, fuhr fort... 'Iiein Vater
stirbt. ... n den flackernden roten Licht war

die edle Schonheit der Zuge, ihr Stolz, ihre nurde
deutlich erkennbar. Uber das strenge Gesicht des
Ritters ging ein heller Schein, fast wie ein Lac} eln.
Der lange Jost Hasenkop und der dicke Zabel,...

blickten sich rasch an und sahen dann starr geradeaus.
’Verzeiht, Frau,’ sagte der Hauskomtur...

Her noble and valiant character reaches its height in her

decision to be burned in the chambers of her deceased

father rather than to face a future under the new masters

of her land.

In the character of Lusche, Agnes Miegel indicates

the possible union of the two conflicting groups. Lusche
loves the German knight, Rudi, and carries his child. Her

love is unreserved and demands nothing in return. She en-

dangers her own life to be assured that Rudi is not harmed

by the hostile natives. She is willing to dispose of any-

one, even her own people, should it become necessary to

avenge the harm done to her beloved:
Dabei fiel ein langes Dolchmesser ihr vor die Fusse.

Sie wollte sich bucken, stohnte aber leise.
'Heb's aufl' sagte der Hauskomtur zu Peterke. Der
hob's auf. 'was wolltest du damit?’ fragte der Komtur.

Sie lachte jetzt halbverlegen. 'Totmachenl' gab sie
dann offen zu. 'Ien-—die hier?‘ fragte er streng.
'Deine Leute?’ Sie zog die Brauen zusammen.

'Keine Leute--seine Leute! Ier ihm was tut!’

205Miegel, Ordensbruder, Q. flo, III: 177°

137

'Und wenn sie dich totschlagen?l
Sie sah ihn an mit den hellen funkelnden Augen.

Niemand im Konvent wagte es, den Hauskomtur voll
anzuhlicken. Sie zucgte die Achseln:
'fias liegt an mir7'200

She is an example of honesty, fidelity, and selfless love.
Her future marriage207 to Rudi and the birth of their child

predict the mixture of blood which will embody the best

qualities of the Lithuanian and German characters. Their

son will have the duty and calling to build a new East
Prussia which must be based upon the mutual love and respect
exercised by the new and old inhabitants of the land.

The Lithuanian servants, in "Die Fahrt der sieben

Ordensbruder," display an unconditional loyalty to their
Lithuanian masters and pride in fulfilling their duties.208

The old Poburs, who stands out in the group, is delineated

as an individual who is obedient to orders even if his heart

rebels against their execution. He must take the youngest

duke, a joy of his old heart, to the pagan altar as a human

sacrifice for his dead master. The torture of his oul radi-

ates from his eyes but he submissively carries out his

orders.209 After the completion of this final duty he takes

 

206Miegel, Ordensbruder, g. )1” III, 177.

207Miegel, Ordensbruder, Q.‘E., III, 198.

20
8The identical character traits are present in Lina's
("Heine alte Lina") and Krupatsche's ("Der Geburtstag")

personalities.
2O9Miegel, Ordensbruder,'§.‘fl., III, 190-191.

 

 

138

his own life that he may never serve another master.
The other Lithuanian servants are either in the service

of the Teutonic Order and, consequently, have forgotten

their national pride, or, being prisoners, clearly and

fearlessly indicate their refusal to serve any foreign

master:

'Die weben hier sehr anstandig,' ausserte er [the
Teutonic knight] mit Anerkennung, worauf er sich

breit auf die Eckbank setzte, dem einen Sudauer

in die Waden trat und ihm klarmachte, dass er wunschte,

seiner Eisenhosen entledigt zu werden. Er behielt
den Mund auf, als der Sudauer ihn vcn oben bis unten
besah, ihm einen krafticen Tritt zuruckgab und ruhig
hinausging. Endlich fand Fritz- Peters die Sprache:
'Dieses Biest! Lasst ihn totmachenl' Bruder Fried-

richs langgeschnittene Augen sahen ruhig auf den
emporten Grafen. 'Ich kann ihn nicht totmachen
lassen, er gehort nicht mir. Es ist kein Sklave,
sondern ein Gefangener. Er ist kein Wilder,

sondern ein Sudauer.’
The majority of the Teutonic knights, including their

Thus also

Hauskomtur, treat them fairly and with respect.

indicating the beginning of the historical process which
will lead to the reconciliation of the two opposing forces.

The conqueror and the conquered will eventually become the

peaceful inhabitants of this northern land. In many in—‘

stances this prediction of Agnes Miegel's has already become

a reality, not through a peaceful process, but because of

the distrustfulness and horrors of the World Wars. It is

210 u
Miegel, Ordensbruder, g. E., III, 155.

139

the common suffering which more readily unites the hearts
and minds of men, than glittering words burning with the

fire of idealism.

THE WGUAGE

The language spoken by the Lithuanian farmers in

Sudermann's prose works is Lithuanian although their of-

ficial language is still German. The German government

officials recognize this situation, especially in the case

of criminal court proceedings, where they provide an inter-

preter for those Lithuanians whose German language is not

sufficiently comprehensive. These German interpreters,

however, are dedicated more to the cause of the German

state than to that of the involved Lithuanian individuals.

In "Mike Bumbullis" we have a court situation where the

interpreter abuses, not only the ethics of the court, but

also the rights of the individual.1 His translation is

done in such a questionable manner that serious discrep-

ancies arise between the testimony of the Lithuanian wit-

2
ness and the translation rendered, thus obstructing the

fair process of law attributing to the Lithuanian negative

character traits which, in reality, are nonexistent. The

majority of Sudermann‘s Lithuanians are quite capable of

_ A“—.---.- A --- ‘fimfl- .-

lSudermann, Bumbullis, p. 79.

 

Sudermann, BumbulliS, p. 76.

140

141

conversing in German but, in matters of the heart and for

the sake of being clearly understood, they prefer to speak

in their native tongue:

Bis jetzt hatten sie Deutsch miteinander gesprochen.
Aber die Marinke sgh ein, dass gie in der fremden
Sprache nicht vorwarts kommen wurde, wenn sie ihm
alles sagen wolltg... denn e; allein konnte sie ver-
stehen, und es druckte ihr langst schgn das Herz ab.

Darum begann sie auf Litauisch zu erzahlen wie alles
gekommen war.3

The German language, for the Lithuanian farmers, is a lan-

guage of the great world which lies beyond their village

limits. It must be mastered if the decision has been made

to depart from their native surroundings. Erdme prepares

her daughters for such a departure: "Und die Erdme spricht

auch nur noch Deutsch mit ihnen, denn sie sollen ja in die

weite Welt hinaus, dorthin, wo die Menschen nicht einmal

wissen, dass es Litauer gibt."4 She is well qualified to

teach this foreign language because she has mastered it

herself. This we can notice distinctly during the meeting

with her future son-in—law: "Das ist der junge Herr

Schmidt, ihrer Tochter kunftiger Brautigam. Er spricht

die Erdme in stolprigem Litauisch an, und sie richtet

sich auf und sagt auf Deutsch: 'Was Sie wohl denken...

Wir reden das Deutsche genau so wie Sie...'"5 The younger

 

3Sudermann, Die Magd, p. 446.

4Sudermann, Jons, p. 250.

Sudermann, Jons, p. 325.

142

generation of Lithuanians speak German fluently. Madlyne,

appearing as a witness in the trial of Miks Bumbullis,
"6

" Some younger

speaks: ...ein ausgezeichnetes Deutsch....
Lithuanians, after leaving the homes of their partens, ad-
just themselves to German surroundings so well that the
German language becomes their second native tongue. They
continue to speak Lithuanian while visiting their parents
but its fluency and command is not to be compared with
their previous ability. Ulele, in "Jons und Erdme," after
returning from the city, is admired by the Lithuanian
villagers because of her new s0phisticated appearance but
mostly because of her retained knowledge of the Lithuanian
language which already shows signs of an uncertain future:
"Und sie spricht sogar Litauisch. Nie hat man solch eine
Dame Litauisch sprechen gehort. Es geht zwar etwas hump-
lig, aber es ist doch noch Litauisch."7

Sudermann utilizes Lithuanian empressions continu-

ously in his narratives. They betray Lithuanian

("Klaipedos krasto")8 dialectal aspects, which he presents

 

6
Sudermann, Bumbullis, p. 80.
7Sudermann, Jons, p. 245-246.

8Low-Lithuanian (Memelland areas). For further discussion
refer to the following publications: J. Kantrimas, "Lietuviu
kalbos gyvatos raida Mai. Lietuvoje" and "Apie Klaipedos
krasto tarmes," Aidai, Nr. 18 (1948), 368ff., 387ff.; or

143

in a form of phonetic transcription in order to eliminate
problems of pronunciation. Translations usually follow;
but in some cases, for the sake of decency, he politely
restrains from giving the equivalent meaning in German:

Der Jozup... gap keine Ruhe. Wenn er an der Klete
vorbeiging, schuttelte er die Faust nach dem Fenster
und stiess Schimpfworper aus, wie man sie sonst nur
an schlechten Orten hort.

Er nannte sein Weib eine 'Klorke'. Und 'Szunjoda'
und 'Pajuodele' nannte er sie. Das sind Namen,9

die man am besten ins Deutsche nicht ubertragt.

These, regarded by Sudermann unmentionable "Schimpfwsrter"
are, in reality, not such strongly profane expressions as
he makes them appear. One can hear them being used almost
every day among the European or American middle class
people. It is peculiar that, after refusing to trans;

late these "taboo" expressions, he continues to include

them in his narrations.lo Other Lithuanian eXpressions

to which he resorts are greetings which the Lithuanians

exchange among themselves. In "Die Reise nach Tilsit,"

Ansas and Indre are greeted by "Die Dzimken" who ...ru-

fen ihnen ein ‘Labs wakars!’ zu," which Sudermann errone-

nll

ously translates as "Gute-nachtgruss; and Erdme, in

 

P. Jonikas, Lietuviu kalbos istorija (Chicago, 1952),
pp. 31-33. 41-43, 243-255 (Summary is given in English).

gsudermann, Die Magd, p. 437-

loSudermann, Die Magd, pp. 438, 452 or Die Reise, p. 18.

Sudermann, Die Reise, p. 62. It should be"Guten-Abendgruss."
The "Gute-Nachtgruss" in Lithuanian is "Labanaktis!"

(I

144

the later pages of "Jons und Erdme," returns the Lithuanian
salutation of "Labsriets" happily.12 In their conversation
we detect the presence of one distinct and characteristic
aSpect of the Lithuanian language. It is their use of
diminutive forms, which already fascinated the nineteenth
and twentieth century fiestern European linguists. These
diminutive forms serve the Lithuanians mostly and very
appropriately in the expression of their emotions, such as
love, admiration and gratitude.13 They are also applied
very cunningly in order to gain personal favors. Katrike,
knowing that her mother is in possession of a large amount
of money which she hopes will belong to her in the future,
employs the diminutive forms extravagantly to soften her
mother's heart and hurry the remature transaction:

Die Katrike, die mitgefahren ist... weiss sich vor

Liebe garnicht zu lassen. Sie nennt sie 'kamusze'

und 'Mannelyte,’ was sonst nur die Urte sagt, und

'Mane Baltgalwele'--mein Ueisskopfchen—-nennt sie

sie, wie die alten {utter in den Liedern heissen...14

These diminutive forms excel in asking forgiveness for the

wrong done to their fellowmen. This practice is reflected

 

12Sudermann, Jons, p. 194.

13Cf. Sudermann, Bumbullis, p. 109; Die Reise, pp. 58,59,60;
Die Magd, p. 417; to cite only a few instances.

14Sudermann, Jons, p. 323.

145

in the fare-well letters of Katrike und Urte, written to
their materially and spiritually mistreated mother-~a con-
dition for which they were directly responsible. Ansas
Balczus gravely misuses the original purpose of the dimin-
utive formation. He conceals his murderous intention in
these expressions, which should be the manifestations of
love and true devotion to his wife. He hypocritically
articulates them so that Indre agrees to go to Tilsit,
thus presenting him with an Opportunity to execute his
homicidal plans:

Bis dahin... heisst es freundlich zu der Indre sein,

damit ihr jeder Vegdacht genommen wird und auch die

Nachbarn glauben konnen, es sei nun alles wieder in

Ordnung... Eines Tages kommtuer besonders liebgelig

auf sie zu und gagt: 'Kein Taubchen, mein Schwalb-

chen, du hast bose Tage gehabt, ich mocht dir gern

etwas Gutes bereiten... Lass uns nach Tilsit fah-

ren...'15

Sudermann's liberal application of the Lithuanian
expressions which come from the lips of his characters,
indicate that he not only spoke Lithuanianl6 but had an
adequate knowledge of the linguistic idiosyncrasies em-
bodied in the Lithuanian language.
In the prose works of Wiechert it is more difficult

to detect the author's knowledge of the Lithuanian lan-

guage. The narrative "Heimat und Welt" shows, to some

 

15
Sudermann, Die Reise, pp. 25, 26.

16
H. Sudermann, Das Bilderbuch meiner Jugend, p. 120.

146

extent, his familiarity with the Lithuanian language but
it does not betray the degree of his ability. His Lithu-
anian characters, therefore, do not display any trace of
their native language, be it in a single word or an ex-
pression. Unlike Sudermann's Lithuanians, they speak an
‘eloquent German. After analysing only a few of their
conversations, it becomes clear that their articulation
serves Hiechert for only one purpose, that of an imagi-
nary tabula upon which he records his philosophical con-
templations. His constant authorial intrusion into their
speeches interrupts the natural flow of their conversations
to such an extent, that one cannot be certain whether the
speaker continues to be the Lithuanian character or if
the author has assumed his position. Thus a true-to-life
oral communication is limited among Wiechert's Lithuanians.
Its place is taken by an interflow of ejaculated and
silent reflections. It is more a mental communication
than an oral exchange of thoughts. The simplicity and
reticence of expression, which is a characteristic speech
manner of the Lithuanian people, disappears with Wiechert's
attempt to embody a deep symbolic meaning into their every
spoken word. The language of Hiechert’s Lithuanians cannot
be regarded as typical of the Lithuanian nation or natural

to their everyday discourse.

147

It is thought out and uttered by the author himself, thus
all the language idiosyncrasies are to be attributed to
him alone and not to his Lithuanian personages.

Agnes Miegel, in her presentation of the Lithuanian
people, attempts to make their characters even more out-
standing by ascribing to them a unique manner of speech.
When they speak a colloquial German, she uses the Low German
dialect ("Plattdeutsch") to show their foreign intonation
and accentuated pattern. At the same time, they have an
adequate command of the dialectfree, formal German ("Hoch-
deutsch") which, when put to use on occasions, requires
an air of dignity and respect:

'Joa, joa, nickkopft die Krupatsche, leckt noch

schnell den letzten Tropfen Buttermilch vom Topf

ab”und spricht vor Ehrfurcht hochdeutsch:

'Fur einen hangesehenen Salzburggr Mitburger,

der noch als einer der wenigen Huberlebenden die

Heinwanderung mitgemacht hat.l7
In "Das Bernsteinherz," the Lithuanian woman applies her
knowledge of formal German to impress upon the people that
she is not just a common, uneducated woman but the respect-

able wife of a well—to-do goldsmith:

Die“St3rmersche aber tat, als hatte sie nichts
gehort, und sagte bloss, vor Eifer ins Platt fallend:

 

l7Miegel, Der Geburtstag, p. 170. The presence of the
"H—Laut" indicates an idiosyncrasy of Krupatsche's Speech
and it is not to be assumed as being a distinguishing
feature for Lithuanians speaking "Hochdeutsch."

148

'Red nicht! Loat mi man leewer vabi, dat 3s hochste

Tid, de Herr Herzog wacht all op mil' “Sie merkte,

wie der Aedermann sich umdrehte, und fugte rasch

hinzu: 'Ich muss den Ring mit dem neuen Stein ab—

bringen und die Nestgln, die Seine Gnaden bei uns

bestellt hatl' Sie fuhlte mehr, als das§ sig es

sah, wie nun auch der Schaffner im Schwanefuttern

innehielt, und sprach hoch weiter: 'Bloss gut, dass

der Johannes-nun wieder so in Rube arbeiten kann.

Mit all der Unruhe von den Fremden kam er gar nicht

mehr dazu...'18

Throughout the pages of Agnes Miegel's works one detects

words or expressions which are distinctly Lithuanian, car-
rying an identical meaning, but differing in spelling.
The authoress' knowledge of Lithuanian is not surprising
because her nursemaid, Lina, and her childhood playmate,
Lina's youngest sister, were native Lithuanians, who obvi-
ously conversed among themselves in Lithuanian. There
exists also a great possibility that her curiosity to un-
derstand their conversation lead her to take some informal
lessions from her servants. The Lithuanian words probably
were discussed on these occasions and, consequently, be-
came a part of her early vocabulary. In the later years
of her life, after achieving recognition as a poetess, she

introduced them in her prose works.19 Karl Plenzat and

Inge Meidinger-Geise attempted to make a collection of

 

18A. Miegel, Das Bernsteinherz, Gesammelte fierke (Dussel-
dorf, 1954), III, 227-228. Hereafter cited as Miegel,
Das Bernsteinherz,.§. 3., III.

19Miegel, Das Bernsteinherz, g. Ho, III. 227-228-

z-

149

words, which they discovered in the body of Agnes Miegel's
writings.2O A superficial glance at the construction of
these words reveals their obvious Lithuanian origin.21
These two literary critics, for some unknown reason, failed
to recognize this linguistic phenomenon or, if they did
notice it, failed to give proper acknowledgement to the
source from which these new words were appropriated. How-
ever, their attention is directed toward the "lautmaleri-
schen und literaturfahigen" aspects of these words,22
.which is certainly a notable part of their literary quality.
It must be remembered, however, that the meaning of the
words, especially in the works of prose, also occupies
a very significant position.

The application of characteristically Lithuanian
diminutive forms, which were effectively employed by

Sudermann, is intensified to an even greater degree in

Agnes Niegel‘s literary recreation of the language spoken

I

by her Lithuanians. Krupatsche, in "Der Geburtstag,’ artic-

ulates the names of her loved ones only in the diminutive

 

20K. Plenzat, Agnes Miegel (Leipsig, 1938), p. 199;“
I. Meidinger-Geise, Agnes Miegel und Ostpreussen (Hurzburg,
1955), p0 2180 '

21Krus (Kaffetopf):Lith. colloquial form "Kruzas" (pot);
LuntruszLith. "Latras" (rascal) etc.

22I. Meidinger-Geise, Agnes Miegel, p. 218.

150

form.23 She regards this practice as being the only

appropriate method of showing her true feelings

Die Alte, die strahlend lachelt und abwechgelnd
Gottlieb und den Kleinen bestaunt, gurrt zartlich:
'Un so fein is unser Sohnche, oh so fein!’ ...

Die Krupatsche hockt auf dem Binsenschemel vor dem
Kleinen, tatschelt seine Uaden, deren weisse, klare
Strumpfchen... und kusst abwechselnd seine Fuss-
chen in den roten Juphtenschuhchen. 'Oh unser
Jungche, sagt sie zartlich. ’Gottliebche, er sieht

genau aus wie du damals.“
Gottlieb, der leicht geruhrt ist, schneuzt sich in

sein grosses weisses Taschentuch... 'Ja, ja, Mine-

musche,‘ sagt er...
Die Krupatgche... liebkost den Kleinen weiter...

Hanschen lasst es sich eine Weile gefallené
'Iill unser Sohnche auch was zu ess en?’ ... 4

The unfortunate Ita, separated from her homeland,
finds consolation in the voice softening suffixes of the
diminutives. In them she hears once again the distant
Baltic wind playing among the white dunes, thereby com-
posing a fricative, but soothing, symphony of sound. It
is an ancient folk song she sings which embodies this
characteristic of the Lithuanian language:

oa- Itas Singen... einer eintonigen Melodie, die Ton

fur Ton wieder in ihr aufwachte, in der Sprache

ihres Volkes...

Ohe, ohe... das gute Vaterchenl "

Den Hordenwind lasst er wehn... Die Segel blast er auf...
Das Loch offngt er tief in der See und fullt unsere

Netze mit schonen Fischen

Ohe, das Vatgrchen, das gute Vaterchenl...

Den Schnee lasst er fallen, das weisse Schneechen,

23Iiiegel, Der Geburtstag, pp. 175, 175, 191. 195-

24Miegel, Der Geburtstag, PP- 176'177°

I,

151

damit die Saat schlaft, das gute Brotchen,

dass wir nicht hungern...

Er schickt den Nordwind... er schickt das Wolkchen,

das graue Wolkchen...25

The use of these diminutive forms, which at the be-

ginning served Agnes Miegel in her designation of Lithu-
anian people, became one of the characteristic aspects of
her prose style. The entire corpus of her narratives dis-
plays their abundant and continuous presence.26 Thus we
must rec0gnize the fact that, not only the Lithuanian peOple,
but also their native tongue has left a significant imprint

upon the twentieth century German prose. Its merits or

disadvantages remain to be uncovered in the future.

 

25A. Miegel,"Landsleute;‘Gesammelte Herke (Dusseldorf,
1954), III, 73-74. Hereafter cited as Liegel, Landsleute,
G. 9:10, III.

26Ag outstanding example is A. Miggel's narrgtion
"Fruhsommer," Gesammelte werke (Dusseldorf/Koln, 1954),
V, 132ff.

I‘ll

 

LITHUANIAN CUSTOKS

In spite of the inroads which German influence has
made on Lithuanian farmers and their farming, the Lithu-
anians have preserved their national costume, their folk
songs, and their wedding and burial ceremonies. Such
customs as "talka," the trial period of the future bride
("auf Prob'“), and the Midsummer Feast continue to be
practiced among the Lithuanian rural population until
the present day. This is a sign of a strong national
character, which has not succumbed to the persistently
returning foreign influence. The generations of Lithu-
anians who have departed from their land carry an im-
print of these customs in their memory and remember them
with a sign of longing while living surrounded by the

dark walls of the great German cities.

The Lithuanian National Costume

On Sundays, holy days or while visiting, Lithuanian
women, old and young, proudly wear their brightly colored

national costumes.l These costumes originally were loomed

 

1The national costume differs with each individual province
of Lithuania not only in color but in style and ornaments.

.152

153

by their own diligent hands2

after the completion of the
daily tasks. Sudermann in "Mike Bumbullis" describes
Madlyne's wearing such national dress: "Sie war im Sonn-
tagsstaat, trug eine grunseidene Schurze Sher der selbst-
gewebten Marginne und blutenweisse Hemdarmel die aus dem
reichgestickten Mieder hervorquollen."3 Indre in "Die
Reise nach Tilsit" similarly "...tragt die rote, grungee

streifte Marginne, den selbstgewebten Rock...."4

Agnes
Miegel's Krupatsche expecting the arrival of visitors
dresses according to the Lithuanian custom: "Dann nimmt sie
aber noch schnell aus dem Spindchen ihre gute buntseidene
Schurze und die schwarze, rotgefutterte Sonntagsjacke, die

sie Hber ihre rosa Flanelljacke zieht."5 The woven patterns6

 

This may be compared with the German "Volkstrachten." Of.
A. Spamer, Die deutsche Volkskunde (Leipzig, 1934), II, 71.

 

2U. iemaitiene, "Lino Istorija," Aidai, Nr. 10 (1926), 459ff.

3Sudermann, Bumbullis, pp. 79-80. A complimentary remark
concerning this national costume was made by E. Nichert in
"Ansgs und Grita," Novellenschatz, XIV, 214: "Es giebt schmuk-
ke Madel unter den Littauerinnen, und wenn sie im Sonntags-
staat zur Kirche gehen, mag man die Augen in acht nehmen..."

4

 

Sudermann, Die Reise, p. 30.
5Miegel, Der Geburtstag, p. 182.

6 . Miegel praises the Lithuanian weaving products in Lina,
Q. g., V, 185, 185, 189 and Nalone, g. 3., IV, 26.

154

display the Lithuanian women's liking of bright and vivid
colors. Wiechert noticing this aspect of the Lithuanian
national costume comments that: "Die Trachten der Men-
schen sind bunt... Die Farbe schreit, als wollte sie Ge-
walt gewinnen Eber das... Land."7 The reflection of their
nearness to nature is discovered in the predominant use
of designs such as tulips, lilies and rues. With notice-
able admiration Agnes Miegel reminisces about the Lithu-
anian design she saw as a child in the national dress of
her nursemaid Lina: "Noch heute sehe ich alle Muster...
vor mir, die Sterne und Punkte und Tranchen, kann mich
noch auf all die schonen‘Streifenmuster ihrer handgewirk-
ten Schurzenbander besinnen, mit denen ich spielen durfte,

'8 The

wenn ich so behaglich auf ihrem Schoss sass....'
colorful ribbons in their golden blond hair further inten-
sify the gayety of their mood and the long lasting youth-
fulness of their hearts. Marinke in Sudermann's "Die Magd"
putting the final touches on her appearance "...flocht
bunte Bander durch die ngfe...."9 In Bilderbuch meiner
Jugend the youthful Sudermann looks with admiring eyes

at "...die junge Magd, deren rot- und blaudurchflochtene

 

7E. Wiechert's preface to W. Engelhardt's‘glg Nemelbilder-
buch (Berlin, 1935).
BMiegel, Lina, _g. w., v, 184.

9Sudermann, Die Nagd, p. 575.

155

ZSpfe sich wie eine Krone uber der Stirn aufbauten...."lo
Without the necklace, especially made from Baltic amber,
the picture of the Lithuanian national dress is not quite
complete. Agnes Miegel contributes this decorative item
in her portrayal of a young Lithuanian woman: "Sie hatte
den Sonntagsstaat angelegt, in den sie nun schon lange
hineingewachsen war, den... weiten Rock, die Seidenschurze

und die altersrote Bernsteinkette.... Agnes Hiegel

considers the amber,12 known to the Nordic people as Bal-
tic gold,13 the unique and symbolic adornment for the en-
tire East Prussian population, which belongs in actuality

only to the Lithuanian segment living in these areas.

 

loSudermann, Das Bilderbuch meiner Jugend. P- 155-

llA. Miegel, "Der Fremde," Truso (Dusseldorf/K;oln, 1958),
P. 142. Hereafter cited as Riegel, Der Fremde.

12To the Baltic amber A. Miegel dedicates her narration
"Das Bernsteinherz," Q. E., III, 225 ff. I. Meidinger-
Geise in Agnes Kiegel, pp. l98ff. and B. Pietzner,

Die Natur igifierk Agnes Miegel (diss. Rostock, 1937),
discuss extensively the presence and application of the
amber in A. Miegel's works.

 

 

lalt is a known fact that amber of similar quality (3-8%
succinite-acid) is found in Italy and Greece but not in
such outstanding quantities.

14M. Gimbutiene, "Bytprusiu,ir Vakaru Lietuvos priesistorines
kulturos apivalga," Haioji Lietuva (New York, 1958), pp.
12-14, 29-30; C. R. Jurgela, Histor g; the Lithuanian
Nation (New York, 1948), pp. 18-31.

156

Not all of the Lithuanian women wear their national
costumes. The ones who have left their Lithuanian sur-
roundings do not continue this custom. Marthe Jeromin's
apparel, in Wiechert's Die Jeromin-Kinder does not differ
from those worn by the German women. In Sudermann's

Novelle "Jons und Brdme," Ulele15 and Urtel6

show that the
influence of the German cities completely erased their
Lithuanian dress habits.

Together with the above discussion of Lithuanian
women's national costume, an ornament, which in its sig-
nificance and decoration surpasses amber, stands out to
such a degree, that a need for comment is more than appro—
priate. This ornament is a flower known to Lithuanians as
"Ruta."l7 It is not only the Lithuanian national flower,
but it occupies also a significant place in everyday life
of the Lithuanian land population. For a Lithuanian young
woman it is the symbol of virginity. It is worn as a
wreath upon the bridal veil when a Lithuanian woman walks
down the aisle to the altar for the first time. Sudermann,

while describing the garden of Brme, gives proper attention

to this Lithuanian national flower and explains its future

 

15Sudermann, Jons, p. 215.
6Sudermann, Jons, p. 296.
l7nRuta":Engl. rue, a strongly scented plant of the genus

Ruta, esp. Ruta graveolens with a yellow-flowered herb and
decompound leaves.

r3

 

157

purpose: "Sonnenblumen, Krauseminze, Schnittlauch und
Fenchel werden gesat, vor allem aber die Raute, die MEd-
chenblume, die Brautblume. Dann wenn die Katrinke heira-
tet, muss sie sich ihren Kranz aus dem eigenen Garten

winden. Das schickt sich far eine Besitzerstochter nicht

anders."18 Jons and Erdme on the way to their own wed-
ding "...pflucken... sich im Garten ein paar Jungsprossen-

de Rautenblattchen, die sie als Merkmal ihrer Brautschaft
nicht entbehren wollen und treten dann den langen Weg zum
GottGShause an."19 A widow or a person marrying for the
second time is not permitted to participate in this custom,
as we notice in Sudermann's depiction of the marriage of

Jozup and Narinke, who "

...keinen Rautenkranz trug, sondern
... das dunkle Frauentuch...."20 This wreath of rues is
important to the Lithuanian people until the day of their
death. A Lithuanian woman, in Agnes Miegel's story "Der
Fremde" stood "...dunkel vor dem weissen Licht, doch der
Schein der Totenkerze lag auf ihrem schonen ... Gesicht.

Bin grosses Erbarmen war darin, als sie nun einen kleinen
"21

Rautenstrauss in die gefaltenen Hands des Toten legte....

In her dramatically tense narrative "Die Fahrt der sieben

 

18Sudermann, Jons, p. 211.

19Sudermann, Jons, p. 158.

2OSudermann, Die Nagd, p. 407.

21Miegel, Der Fremde, p. 142.

I_'l

158

' she indicates the presence of rueswreath

Ordensbrfider,’
in the Lithuanian apparel of Gaudins and Herkus before
departing for the place of their sacrifice: "Auf einem
Thron... sass der kleine Gaudins... ein schiefgerucktes
Rautenkranzchen in den verwehten Flachslocken... Auch Her-
kus war wie sein Bruder schneeweiss gekleidet. Auch er
trug in dem seidenen Flachshaar den grunen Rautenkranz."£2
These wreaths of rues signify the purity of their hearts
and souls. It is the only proper condition, believed by
the ancient Lithuanian paganpriests, for offering a human
sacrifice worthy of their last, and greatly beloved duke
of Samland. Upon the deceased body of this duke there
also lie "...die kreuzweis gebundenen, an den Spitzen um-
geknickten Bautenzweige...,"23 symbolizing the unmerci-
ful cut of the thread of life, as if somehow the knowledge
of the mythological Greek figure of Atropos has reached
the customs in the distant land of the Lithuanians.

The Lithuanian male characters in the prose works
of Wiechert do not exhibit national costumes of their
own. This is, however, not the case in the Major Lithu-
anian areas, where they do have a native apparel. Suder-

mann in "Die Reise nach Tilsit" indicates that Ansas

 

22Miegel, Ordensbruder, g, 3., III, 188, l90.

23Miegel, Ordensbruder, g, fl,, III, 183.

159

"...hat seine Sonntagskleider an...."24 This description
is too vague to assume that he was wearing a Lithuanian
national costume. In general their attire is greatly in-
fluenced by the German male population except for the foot-
wear, which is known to Lithuanians as "Klumpes" (clogs).
They are made of wood and are worn mostly by the poverty-
stricken farmers. This type of footwear is mentioned in
Wiechert's autibiographical account Walder und Hanschen.
In describing his childhood days, he recalls: "Im Sommer
gingen wir barfuss und im Winter trugen wir Bolzpantoffel."25
Sudermann's Lithuanian farmer Wirkuhn wears the same type
of footwear: “Er zieht die Klotzkorken uber die nackten

"26 Agnes Miegel dedicates herself main-

Fusse und kommt.
ly to the depiction of historical Lithuanian men's at-
tire.27 This apparel, even if true to historical accounts,
cannot be considered properly as the Lithuanian national
costume, because it was also worn by the foreign nordic

races living worth west of the river Vistula.28

 

24Sudermann, Die Reise, p. 30.
253. Wiechert, Walder und Menschen, g. fi., IX, 64.
6Sudermann, Jons, p. 220.

27Miegel, Ordensbruder, G. w., III, 183, 184, 187.

 

28A. M. Backus, Guthones (Chicago, 1929), p. 107,
pp. 224-225.

 

160

The Lithuanian Folk Song

The Lithuanian people are well known for their love
of singing. Their folk songs, as we already observed in
the historical discussion of the Lithuanian element, fas-
cinated the great German literary scholars and impressed
the foreign visitors coming to their distant land. These
Lithuanian folk songs are the most outstanding means by
which Lithuanians express their emotions, be it their joys
or sorrows. They are also their national strength, help-
ing them to survive the darkest hours of their fate.

They are their most cherished native treasure from which
they do not part. As long as a Lithuanian walks either
upon his native meadows or through foreign lands, his folk
songs shall continue to be sung and heard.

In the prose works of Wiechert, Sudermann and Agnes
Miegel we notice the presence of these Lithuanian folksongs.
These songs deal mostly with a youth and a maiden of the
common country people. Their daily life and their con-
flicts are preferred more than the heroic feats of the
historical Lithuanian figures.

Wiechert's Lithuanian Aunt Veronika prepares the
writer's mind very early for the favorable reception of

the Lithuanian folk song. The long northern winter

161

evenings, which young Wiechert spends with his aunt
listening to her native songs, deeply impresses his youth-
ful and gentle soul. An episode of her life, as she re-
lates it to young Wiechert exemplifies the significant

role the Lithuanian folk song plays in the lives of Lithu-

anians:

Als ich Jung war.&. da gab es keine Schlitten und
keine Pelzdecke fur uns. Meine Schwester und ich,
wir mussten die Wirtschaft beschicken... bis zur
Dammerung... Und dann gingen wir los... und der
Schnee trieb, dass keine Spur hinter uns blieb.

Wir sangen zweistimmig, und nach jedem Lied wechsel-
ten wir die Seiten, damit die Hande uns nicht er-
froren. Bei langen Liegern liessen wir eine Strophe
aus. 'Nun ruhen alle Welder -.1 das war besonders
schlimm. Ich glaube, es hat zwolf Strophen. Drei
Stunden gingen wir... Und dann tanzten wir die ganze
Nacht... Und zuruck ging es wieder zu Fuss. Und
bevor die Sonne aufgegangen war, musste schon Feuer

1m Herd sein, und wir sangen noch, wahrend wir die
Kuhe molken..."29

In later years, Wiechert, showing the early influence of
Aunt Veronika states: "Die Menschen meiner Bucher offen-
bar sind singende Menschen. Ich bin es auch."30 The
first noticeable knowledge of the Lithuanian folk songs,
diechert exhibits during his vacation on the "Kurische
Nehrung." Of this memorable excursion he reported in his
autobiOgraphical Jahre und Zeiten:

Die Schule mietete damals ein Landheim auf der

Kurischen Nehrung, und wir waren die ersten, die
es bezogen... Es war die Erfullung eines Traunes

 

29a1echert, Veronika, g. 3.. VI: 469°

3OE. Wiechert, "Heine Dichtung,“ Die Literatur (1926-27),
515.

162

fur mich, und keiner von uns hat diese ”ochen
aus seinem Leben loschen konnen. Der Herbst
stand schon uber den Dunen, und eine wundcr bare
Verlassenheit lag um unser Haus und unser Leben
gebreitet... So reich waren die Tage, dass sie
uns unendlich erschienen, vom Morgengang zum Meer

bis zu den Abenden am Herdfeuer, wo wir die Dainos
der Nehrung sangen.

He continues to reminisce about the Lithuanian folk

songs in his introduction to the paintings of W. Fries,

"Die Fischer,"32 and in his preface to Walter Engelhardt's

Bin Kem_elb ilie rbugh (Berlin, 1935). The melancholic

tones of the Lithuanian folk songs, which is so near to

Wiechert's heart echo in his narration "Der Ostpreussische
Wald":

her fiber die Jeichsel fahrt, fahrt uber den Grenz-
strom des Abendlandes. Vielleicht sieht er durch
die Bisengestange. der Brucken die Abendfeuer der
Flosse. Diese Flosse kommen aus einer anderen Jelt.
Vielleicht hort er durch das Donnern des Zuges die
Lieder der Flosser, und diese Lieder kommen aus
einer anderen Welt. Es liegt nicht daran, dass ihre
Sprache eine fremde Sprache ist. Es liegt daran,
dass eine fremde Seele aus ihnen aufsteigt zu dem

Eisen der Brucke, eine fremde Traurigkeit, eine
fremde Sehnsucht....33

The songs of Wiechert's Lithuanian characters, in

close accord with his own poetic disposition, are filled

 

31E. Wiechert, Jahrg und Zeiten, g. 3., IX, 575-576.
32E. rfiechert, "Die Fischer, " S. W., X, 754. In this
narrative one notices iiecherth miSSpelling, or possibly
a printing error, of the Lithuanian word "Daino." It
should read "Daina":song, sing. nom or "Dainos" =songs,
pl. nom.
33 _- c: .

E. Jiechert, "Der Ostpreussische held, S. E., X, 559.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

163

with sadness, suffering, and longing. In the novel

Der Knecht Gottes Andreas Myland, the Lithuanian people

gather together and sing at sunset:

Als die Sonne sank, kam der Flossherr und lud
ihn achtungsvoll zu seinem Feuer... Sie sassen
beieinander, wahrend vom Vorderende schon die
Klange der Harmonika emporstiegen und die trau-
rige Jeise dgs alten Sonnwendliedes mit klagendem
Ruf an die Walder stiess:
'Jaa...nitte...Jaa...nitte
Jaa...nitte...3aa...nitte
LiioooiooogOOhooo
Lii...goo...'
'Wen rufen sie?’ fragte Andreas ergriffen.
'Den heiligen Johannes, Herr, so habenusie vor
hundert Jahren gerufen und noch viel langer.'34

In the same novel Nyland, while listening to Jons who
with a majestic step follows the plow and sings his native
song, experiences emotions appropriately compared to the

sensations present in a listener of Ludwig van Beet-

hoven's Pastoral Symphony:35

...dieses war das fiberwaltigende, das aus der abend-
lichen Stundenfloss... das Lied war es, das aus
seinem Munde uber die Ebene ging. Er sang. Fremde,
langgezogeng, traurige Worte. Sie schwangen in
schweren, tonenden nglen durch den Abend, sie ver-
zitterten an der geroteten westlichen Wand, wenn
das Gespann in der Ferne in den Himmeluwuchsuund
sie stiegen lauter, im Widerhall sich uberdrangend,
wenn der Pflug sich gegen die Jalder senkte. Und
die Trauer in ihnen hatte etwas Wildes, der grossen
Binsamkeit sich Bewusstes, alsuob sie sich bgrufen
fuhle, das unendliche Gewolbe uber sich erdrohnen

zu lassen und das grosse Schweigen zwischen der

 

Wiechert, Nyland, s. fl,, II, 326. This song will be dis-
cussed in connection with the Lithuanian custom-the Mid-
summer Feast.

35L. v. Beethoven, Symphony No. 6 in F major, First and
Fourth movements.

/)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

164

dunklen Erde und den ersten Sternen mitndem /
Trotz und der Klage des Menschen zu erfullen... 0

During the following conversation with Jons' wife, Nyland
is still incapable of suppressing his feelings of admi-

H o o 0 (J38

ration for the Lithuanian singer and his song:
fur ein wunderbarer Tag... hast du gehgrt, wie Jons ge-
sungen hat? Noch niemals habe ich einen Menschen so mit
der Erde und den Sternen sprechen haren."37 Jons' wife,
Grita, searches in her memory and recalls the warm and
sunlit afternoon when she "...lehnte ihre Wange an Jons'
Schulter, faltete die Hands wie daheim auf der Bank vor
dem Hause und sang mit ihrer sanften Hadchenstimme, halb-
laut und traurig, die Lieder ihres Jugendlandes."38 The
Lithuanian folk song which she sings ("Gehn will ich,
gehn in jenes Landchen") has some similarity to a folk
song origination in the lower region of Memelland:
”Dirbysiu laiveli, kelsiu per mareles."39 Thus it is

more than probable that the song presented by Jiechert

first existed among the Lithuanian fishermen living near

the delta of the river Nemunas. In Die Magg des Jureen

 

36Wiechert, Nyland, §_. 331., II. 442-

37wieohert, Nyland, _§. 2., II. 443-
38‘Jiechert, Nyland. S. W., II» 305-

39"Maiosios Lietuvos Liaudies Dainos," Aidai, Nr. 18
(1948): p- 3510

165

Doskocil, Die Jeromin-Kinder, and Missa sine nomine40
Wiechert also includes the German texts of Lithuanian

folk songs.41 The author in the selection of these Lithu-
anian songs captures the typically Lithuanian mood which
prevails, to a greater degree, in its native folk songs,
With this successful step he displays a sincere interest
and a true understanding of the Lithuanian people and their
everyday problems. By analysing their songs he discovers
the essence of the Lithuanian national spirit, As the
eyes of the Lithuanian women reflected their souls, the
Lithuanian folk songs reflect for Wiechert the heart of
the nation. Andreas Nyland, journeying on the river

Nemunas, speaks of Lithuania "...und seinen Leuten, vom

 

4OWiechert, Doskocil, g. K., IV, 156; Die Jeromin, S, fl.,
V, 651; Missa, g. i., VI, 18.

1A comparison with the songs present in the following
collection establishes the necessary proof: J. Balys,
”Maiosios Lietuvos tautosakos bruoiai,” Hagoji Lietuva
(New York, 1958), pp. 219-251; Lietuviu Tautosakos
skaitymai (Tubingen, 1948), I, pp..109-ll2;wl23-134.
Hereafter cited as Balys, Skaitzmai plus the volume and
the page number.

 

42 V. Jungfer's comments on the musical nature of the
Lithuanian "Volkslieder" coincides with Wiechert's obser-
vation and gelections: "Zweifellosuist das litauische Volks-
lied an naturlichen und frisghen Tonenr.. ebensoureich wie
das anderer Volker, Jedoch fallt des deutschen Hoger der...
Reichtum... elegischer und trauriger Nelodien zunachst auf."
Furthermore while discussing the Lithuanian national dances
he points gut that Lithuanians are "...ein Volk das so vie-
le schwermutige Lieder weiss..." ("Litauen im Spiegel sei-
ner Volksliteratur," Litauendeutsche Studieg, pp. 36, 37).

166

Hunger und vom Leiden, vom Hass und von der Liebe des
Hanschen... Und hinten auf dem Strom, da klingen die

Lieder der Wandernden, die nach Heimat verlangen, nach

Ruhe, nach Brot...."43

Sudermann, like Wiechert, is greatly influenced by
the Lithuanian folk songs. In the case of Sudermann, how-
ever, the Lithuanian native song brings the disappointed
author of Die drei Reiherfedern new and fresh literary
laurels. In Das Bilderbuch meiner Jugend he readily
recognizes, that until his preoccupation with the Lithu-
anian "Volkslied," he was unaware of the literary treas-

ures lying in its strophes:

In mir aber lagen Ungestum und Ungeschickt in wider-
sinnigem Kampfe. Igh schaumte vor Wutngegen das
Beckmessertum der zunftigen Form und fuhlte mich
doch geschmeichelt, wenn eine tadelfreie Strophe
mir gelgng. Und dann fehlte es mir an grossen
Gegenstanden. Nit Blindheit geschlagen, ahnte ich
nicht, dass um mich herum im Litauertum das Volks-
ligd... an Jedem neuen Tage neu erwuchs and er-
bluhte, dass es rings auf allen Negen sang und
klang von einem schopferischen Werden, das nur
aufgefangen zg werden brauchte, um auch auf deut-
schem Boden kostliohe Fruchte zu tragen. - Ich

war so nahe dem Urquell dichterischer Zeugung,

dass ich mich nur zu ihm neiderzuneigen hatte,

um mich satt zu trinken fur ein halbes Leben, und
statt dessen irrte mein Auge in den Literaturen
aller Zeitenuumher - auf der Suche nach Motiven,

die andere langst ausgespien hatten.45

 

4
3Wiechert, Nyland, S. E., II, 326, 314.

A. Sorgel, Dichtung und Dichter der Zeit (Dusseldorf,
1961), I, 212; H. Spiero, Deutsche Kopfe (Darmstadt und
Leipzig, 1927), pp. 266-267.

Sudermann, Bilderbuch meiner Juzend, p. 248.

(‘1

I
C
Q a
a

 

 

 

 

 

 

167

Only late in his life does Sudermann discover these
treasures and by their inclusion into his Litauische

Geschichten achieve new respect from the literary critics.

 

Albert Soergel commenting on this Sudermann‘s prose work
writes: "...die Volkslieder des Ostens Lithuania's tanen
in die Geschichten, und man glaubt kaum, dass der Dichter
Sudermann der gleiche ist, der als deutscher Schuler
Sardous frivole Salontheaterstucke geschrieben hat."46
In the narratives of Litauische Geschichten, Suder-
mann presents us with numerous examples of Lithuanian
folk songs.47 As Wiechert, he translates them into Ger-
man; one of them, however, he retains in the original
language.48 This song appears in "Die Beise nach Tilsit"
and is sung during the early morning hours of the day by

the Lithuanian raftsmen floating on the river Nemunas:

...hier liegen Holztriften fest gnd die Dzimken,
die Tag und Nacht Musik machen mussen, fangen schon
an, die Kehlen zu stimmen.
Eins von den Liedern kennt sie [Indre].

Lytus lynoju, rasa rasoju

O mudu abudu lovo guleju.49

 

4
6A. Soergel, Dichtung und Dichter, I, 212.

4
7Sudermann, Die Reise, p. 28, 34, 62, 64; Bumbullis, pp.
115-116; Jons, p. 278; Die Nagd, pp. 420-421.

48He also includes an old "Begrabnislied" in Lithuanian
and German (Jons, p. 278).

4
9Sudermann, Die Reise, p. 34. This song is in a Lithuanian

168

This song does not seem to be included in any known col-
lection of the Lithuanian folk songs. Its erotic nature
suggests the possibility that Sudermann, using Lithu-
anian folk song motives well known to him, composes it
himself in order to give a more symbolic meaning to the
atmosphere under which Ansas and Indre journey to Tilsit.
This song speaks of the physical harmony between a husband
and his wife; a harmony no more existing between Ansas

and Indre. The heart of Indre is filled with sorrow and
”...sie denkt: 'Jenn alles so ware wie einst, dann wurden
wir Jetzt mitsingen'."5O During their return, a different
and reconciliatory mood is mirrored in the melody and con-
tent of a significantly different type of Lithuanian

folksong:

Und dann kommt mit einmal Mgsik. Das sind die
Dzimken, die ihre Trifpen wahrend der Nacht am
Ternpfahl festbinden mussen. Aber Gott weiss,
wann die schlafen! Bei Tage rudern sie und singen,
und bei Nacht singen sie auch...
Da hart man auch schon das hubsche Liedchen 'keine
Tochter Symonene,’ das jeder kennt... Ja, 3a, die
Symonene! Die zu einem Knaben kam und wusste nicht
wie! Das kann wohl mancher so gehen. Aber der
Knabe ist schliesslich ein Hetmann gewgrden,
wenigstens hat die Symonene es so getraumt.

'Der Willus wird ein Pfarrer werden, sagt er
ganz feierlich, und die Indre freut sich.

 

dialect which is spoken in the area around Tilsit, the
northern part of East Prussia. The literal meaning of
this song is as follows: The rain is drizzling, the dew

is falling And the two of us are lying in bed.
SOSudermann, Die Reise, p. 34.

169

Denn was in solcher Stunde versprochen wird,
das erfullt sich gleichsam von selber.

So fahren sie an dem Floss vorbei, und...
Ansas und Indre singen mit.)

Madlyne's unrequited love for Miks Bumbullis who is
married to her aunt; her desire to save him from his wife's
treacherous and criminal web; her indecision about the
road of life she is about to select; are reflected in the
simplicity of the Lithuanian folk song which she sings in
her loneliness:

Liegt mir ein Lammlein

Im reissenden Strome,

Frag' ich nicht lange,

Ob ich’s errette,

Nein doch, ich springe ihm nach.

Liegt der Geliebte

Im Arme der Muhme,

Frag' ich mich taglich

Ob ihn erretten,

Und ich weiss doch nicht wie.

Gonn ich den Lieben

Der bosen Muhmg,

Die ihm mit Trankchen,

Aus Giftkraut bereitet,

Zankend den Schlummer verdirbt?...52

By the introduction of these Lithuanian folk songs

d5}

Sudermann creates a cosmic worl , where the events

 

SlSudermann, Die Reise, pp. 61,62. This song appeared in
G. H. F. Nesselmann, Litauische Volkslieder (1853) and in
modern times it was included in an international collection
of folk songs: Tausendmun nd, .hrsg. v. G. v.d. Vring and B.
Wachinger (Ebenhausen bei I:;unchen, 1954), pp. 48- 49.
52Sudermann, Bumbullis, p. 115.

53 A world immeasurably in time and space.

 

c'l

 

 

 

170

affecting human existence flow in a perfect parallel.
This world does not recognize any individual idiosyncra—
sies such as the conflicts with the laws of morality ex-
perienced by the Lithuanian people, but exists as a uni-
versal experience which can be applied to all humanity.54
Thus Sudermann through these Lithuanian folk songs un-
consciously enters the sphere of romantic German litera-
ture.55
The Lithuanian "Volkslieder" in the prose works of
56

Agnes Miegel are not as conspicuous in Number as in
Niechert and Sudermann. Their presence intensifies the
action of the narrative and provides a lyrical shell for
metaphoric thought. In their application to her prose
works the authoress does not reach the noticeable effec-
tiveness of their use as displayed by Sudermann and Wie-

chert. The Lithuanian folk song "Putthahnken, Putthoahn-

ken flog uberm Dach" comes to sight in her narration

 

4
5 This world of the Lithuanian folk song can be compared

to the world of songs in L. Tiek's Der blonde Bckbert
(1796), Der Runenberg (1812/17) or C.“BrentanoTs Die
Geschichte vom braven KasEerl und schonen Annerl (1817).

55This point may be adequately supported by F. Schlegel's
theory that "die romantische Poesie ist eine progressive
Universalpoesie..." (Athenaum, Fragment 116) and Novalis'
comparison, in his Spatere Fragmente (1802), of Romanticism
to "qualitative Potenzierung," which is expressed mathe-
matically in the following manner: a = avaonvat—auo.

6
5 Miegel, Landsleute, g. E., III, 74; Line, Q. 3., V, 184.

 

171

"Meine alte Lina."57 The structure and content of this
song indicate its origin in the Lithuanian folk-dance
songs, which usually are very simple, fragmentary in
thought and consisting of numerous refrains and meaning-
less words. The Lithuanian folk song shows its greater
and more noticeable imprint in Agnes Hiegel's lyrical
works, where even the influence of its "aussere Form"

is easily detectable.58

Lithuanian Wedding and Burial Ceremonies

Lithuanians, being genial and hearty people, cele-
brate their memorable events with great enthusiasm and
Gargantuan feasts. These festivals serve as necessary
relaxation, since the lives of these people are extremely
intense.

The greater part of Lithuanian marriage customs we
discover in Sudermann's Litauische Geschichten. In "Jons
und Erdme" we meet the figure of a Lithuanian marriage
matchmaker, Tuleweit "...der schon rSr hundert Vermitt-
lungen seine Prozente gekriegt hat.59 As in Lithuanian

57Miegel, Lina, g. E., V, 184.
58

I. Neidinger-Geise, Agnes Miegel, p. 216.
59

Sudermann, Jons, p. 304.

172

Major, he is an important and respected figure among the
Lithuanian farmers. He possesses the required gift of an
eloquent tongue which transforms a humble farmer girl
into a princesslike maiden and a poor farmer into a wealthy
estate owner. He is the personification of a modern day
"lonely-hearts—agent" who carries the names of the candi-
dates for marriage constantly with him in an attempt to
gain profit by finding them a match, may it be the right
or wrong one. Erdme is not satisfied with his services,
yet continues to hope in his ability to provide a wealthy
German farmer for her daughter:

Inzwischen ist der dicke kleine Tuleweit, der Aller-

weltsfreiweber, schon zweimal im Hause gewesen,

hat das Glockenspiel gezeigt an seiner Uhr und den

Nohrenkopf auf seinem Spazierstock die gunge aus-

stpecken lassen und was ex sonst noch fur Kunst-

stucke weiss, aber die Brautigams, die er anbot,

waren bloss Kroopzeug. Nicht ein richtiger deut-

scher Besitzer ist darunter gewesen. Aber die

Erdme hat‘s ihm auch vergolten. Kaum soviel Schnapg

bekam er vorgesetzt, um sich die Nase zu begiessen. 0
He does find, eventually, the right prospect for Erdme's
daughter, but the future of this mixed marriage is not
what they expected it would be. The Lithuanian marriage,

as we see in the interference of Brdme, is not a matter

of personal concern between two individuals in love,

 

Sudermann, Jons, p. 290.

/I

 

 

 

 

173

but an object of interest to the families involved.61
It is based on the gain of material goods and personal
prestige. In Katrike's letter to her mother, we detect
Sudermann's concern with the improvement, but not the
abolishment, of this practice among the Lithuanian farm-
ers. He also indicates hope that Lithuanians shall re-
main in the circle of their fellow nationals, where they
would be living their own way of life, and sharing like
customs, thus preserving their admirable national char-
acter.

After the families of the Lithuanian farmer agree
in the selection of the future bride, or the groom, and
the value of her dowry, or of his gifts, a public notice
is made at the proper German authorities and likewise
in church. The events following this step Sudermann des-
cribes in his Novelle "Die Magd:"

Das Aufgebot war bestellt beim Standesamt sowohl
wie beim Ffarrer, und deruJozup erschign am hellen
Vormittag auf eigem mit Bandepn geschmuckten Pferde
und selber mit Bandern geschmuckt an Achseln und

Hutrand. Dem peichte die Mutter eine lange Lists 62
...von allen Gasten, die zur Hochzeit zu laden waren.

 

1In many communities including some advanced nations of
Western Europe, the parents of the bride and groom have
as much to say about the marriage as the two people con-
cerned.

2

Sudermann, Die Hagd, p. 388. This aspect of the Lithu-
anian marriage customs displays clearly the German
influence. A similar custom is found in L. Anzengruber's
peasant story 23; Schandfleck (1878).

11

I

 

 

 

 

174

The invitation to the wedding is extended not only to the
inhabitants of the immediate village, but to everyone
living in nearby homesteads. When the wedding day arrives
the guests find the farmhouse colorfully decorated: "In
dem Hochzeitshaus was alles aufs Beste gerichtet. Die
Turrahmen mit Gewinden umgeben und Ehrenpfosten bis an das

n63

Hoftor. The feast, which is held at the homestead of

the bride's father,64 begins with the return of the newly-
wedded couple, their families and their kinsmen. Every-
one's eyes turn to the long and heavily laden tables
dressed with white cloths. Sudermann's description of
what they see, may without difficulty stimulate the senses
of any Western European gourmet:

Die Tische konnten all die guten Gerichte nicht
fassen. Da gabnes Rindfleisch mit Reis und
_Pflaumen mit Klossen, auch Schweinebraten gab es

und Neunaugen, gewurzt undugesauert. Und noch vie-
les andere mehr, von dem sussen Fladen gar nicht zu
reden. Zum Trinken war da: Braunbier und Alaus und
Kirschen- und Kornschnaps-—alles sehr reichlich.

Im Brautwinkel...stand sogar der éeure Portwein; der
war aus Memel extra verschrieben. 5

 

63
64

Sudermann to achieve a greater dramatic tension varies
this custom in his narrative "Die Magd." The wedding
feast is held at the homestead of Enskys', who does not
entertain any family ties either with the bride or the
bridegroom.

65

Sudermann, Die Kagd, p. 408.

Sudermann, Die Magd, pp. 408-409.

175

The length of this wedding feast differs according
to the wealth of the bride's family. Erdme, in "Jons

I

und Erdme,‘ contemplates at a very early stage: "Wenn ich

Tochter kriege, dann sollen... ihre Hochzeiten... acht

Tage dauern,"66

thus suggesting her dream of future
wealth. The wedding of a prosperous farmer's daughter
customarily continues for three days as we note in the
case of Miks Bumbullis and Alute Lampsatis: "Am nachsten
Tage gab es noch Hochzeitstrubel genug auf dem Hofe und
am dritten auch."67 Wiechert also remembers in the days
of his youth this type of celebration "...wo das Haus
drei Tage lang mit Gasten erfallt ist, wo gesungen und

'68 So Wiechert's observations evoke an

getanzt wird.’
interesting point. In Sudermann's depiction of the Lithu-
anian wedding, we do not find any trace of singing and
dancing, which is an important aspect of the ceremonies.
The Lithuanian wedding customs rest upon the songs and
dances, which symbolically indicate the change from a
single to a married state, its advantages and its hard-

69

ships. It is an indication, that in the Lithuanian

 

66Sudermann, Jons, p. 160.

6

7Sudermann, Bumbullis, p. 110. -
68Wiechert, Walder und Menschen, §. 3,, IX, 176.

69Balys, Skaitymai, II, 169.

 

o
C
.
~ 0
.
~
\
a .r
\ x
.
f
.
DI
.
u

 

 

176

region where Sudermann lived,70 the folk songs were
probably not sung during the wedding ceremonies, which
certainly would be a rare phenomenon, or that Sudermann
was so inadequately familiar with the text of these songs
that he decided against their inclusion in his Litauische
Geschichten, thus avoiding the possibility of those criti-
cal comments, which so mercilessly ended his dramatic
career. One feature of the wedding ceremonies which
Sudermann overemphasizes, while Niechert presents true
observation,71 is the excessive drinking of the Lithu-
anians. A person unfamiliar with Lithuanians, reading
Sudermann's description of the wedding feast, would assume
that the excessive drinking of intoxicants is the major
part of the wedding; this is certainly untrue. Erdme,

in "Jons und Erdme," returning from Smailus wedding feast
physically supports her husband, who is not capable of
walking alone: "...sie fuhrt ihn naturlich, denn hatt'

er sich nuchtern gehalten, so war's eine schlechte Hoch-
zeit gewesen...."72 In subsequent pages of this Novelle
Sudermann, commenting about Jons' good characteristics,

states: "Betrunken hat er sich nie--ausser bei Hochzeiten

 

70The area of Memelland (Klaipeda).
71Wiechert, Walder und Menschen, S. W., IX, 62.

72Sudermann, Jons, p. 213.

177

natdrlich..."73 The depiction of Miks Bumbullis's
wedding feast implies that even the Lithuanian women
participate in immoderate drinking: "Ale nun aber die
Brautsuppe kam, deren Branntwein Alute mit Kirschsaft
und Honig uppig gesusst hatte, und hierauf die Necke-
reien selbst unter den Frauen immer kuhner aufflacker-

n74 The reason for Sudermann's overemphasis of

ten....
drinking lies in his hidden desire to bring about a re-
form, which would abolish all the customs which involve
the drinking of intoxicants.75 In his prose works we
continuously meet a character, may he be German or Lithu-
anian,76 who drinks excessively and whose behavior indi-
cates the destructive evil which follows the imbibing

of alcoholic beverages. As to the authenticity in the
presentation of the Lithuanian wedding ceremonies, Suder-

mann remains untouched by any outstanding errors.77 He

describes them vividly and truthfully, as he must have

 

73Sudermann, Jons, p. 294.
74

75This attitude of Sudermann is present also in the depic-
tion of the Lithuanian burial ceremonies.

Sudermann, Bumbullis, p. 108.

76Onkel Heinrich in D s Bilierbuch meiner

a a n Jusend Leo Hel-
ler in Frau Sorge, Haensler Ribelka in "Miks Bumbullis,"
Ansas Balszus in "Die Reise nach Tilsit," Pfarrer Gotz in
Der Katzenstcg, Erdmann brothers and Old Kayhofer in
Frau Sorge.

77For the verification of Sudermann's treatment of the

4‘:

 

178

participated in them on numerous occasions during his
own lifetime.

'Wiechert is silent about this Lithuanian custom.
It is understandable, because his Lithuanian characters
either live as common-law wife and husband, they are un-
married or they have arrived at the place in the narra-
tive after their marriage vows were already spoken.
Similarly, Agnes Miegel does not depict the Lithuanian
wedding ceremonies, but includes in her narrations an
ancient tribal marriage custom of the Lithuanians.78
This historical custom consisted of the forcible selection
of the brides, which they did not seem to mind, and the
possession of numerous wives by the Lithuanian tribesmen.

Ita, in the story "Landleute,' reports these pagan

practices:79

 

Lithuanian marriage customs the following sources were
used: S. Daukantas, Edda senoves lietuvig kalnénu i;
:‘éemaicig, ed. by J. Tafmantas (Chicago, 1954), pp. 71-85;
and Balys, Skaitymai, II, 163-170.

78Dating from ca. the fifth century A.D.

79The first Christian missionaries arrived in the
mentioned area at the end of the tenth century A.D.,
but they did not leave any noticeable marks of Christi-
anity. Only following the year 1280, did Christianity
with the physical conquests of the Teutonic Order begin
to gain ground. ~

C. R. Jurgela, Lithuania in 3 Twin Teutonic Clutch
(New York, 1945?: pp. 39451.

 

179

Ita richtete sich halb auf. 'Nein, mein vater
war kein Feiger. Bei Spalas vater war's, auf dem
Ochsenhof in der Halle, an Sommersonnenwende.
Sein Schwert nahm der Vater, aber er legte es
wieder fort. 'Gegen Fremde gehe ich damit, nicht
gegen mein eigenes Fleisoh und Blut', sagte er.
Die Armringe nahm er ab, knopfte den Kittel auf,
band den Curtel fest. 'Komm her, Skanthilt, lass
uns ringen um die kleine Braut!‘ Lange kampften
sie, aber der Vater gewann.'...

'Kicht Viel Freude wird die juuge Braut gehabt
haben.’ 'Ch'-—Ita lachte stolz und gluckli h—-
'zufrieden war sie, stolz ihn zu bekommen.‘

Furthermore, she proudly states that "...zwei Frauen

‘haben die Freien. Aber mein Vater... der hatte vier."81
The later arrival of Christianity and the new Christian
way of life did not succeed in diSplacing this ancient
custom, which, as we observe in the pages of ”Die Fahrt
der sieben Ordensbruder," is continuously practiced by
Lithuanian tribes: "Die Samlander haben immer zwei Frau-
en, der Herkus naturlich auch. Venn er auch tat wie ein
Deutscher und sich vom Pfaffen bloss die Sirguna antrau-
en liess. Es war ihm ernst damit. Aber er musste die
Kleine mitheiraten um den alten Dorgo nicht zu kranken.

Angeruhrt hat er sie nicht."82 The closing sentences of

the quotation indicate a slight but significant step

 

SOL-Iiegel, Landsleute, g. 31., III, 62.
81Miegel, Landsleute, g. E., III, 62.

82Miegel, Ordensbruder, g. 3,, III, 151.

180

toward the Christian concept of monogamy. The Teutonic
knights, however, seem to share conflicting view regard-
ing this pagan marriage custom:
'Zwei Frauen--wirklich zwei Frauen?‘ Er Lenhardt
von Stetten schnob durch die Ngse und warf den
Kopf in den Mcken. 'Das is t sundhaft.‘
Red nicht wie .ein Sinsiedler!’ schrie der Sohwabe.
'Das is t ein vernunftiger Gebrauch, dann gibt's
keine weiberklaster wie bei unsl'
'Aber Rudi!‘ Der Stetten war beleidigt.
'Ziere dich nicht, Lerch, weil dein Onkel ein
Bischof istl' Der Kienheim schlug ihm die magere
Hand in das locki~e Genick wie eine Eisenklammer.
'Ich sage dir, Kloster sind sundhaft. Mein Vetter,
wilhelm Monfort, Gott hab ihn selig, ein Mann wie
ein Eichbaum, dreimal so breit wie ich, als er Abt
wurde. - Aber als er zwanzig Nonnen die Bei hte ab-
horen musste, das bracht' ihn ins Grab....' 3
This excerpt reflects Agnes Miegel's own ciritcal
attitude toward the presence of women Cloisters is diffi-
cult to presume. To consider it as her approval of the
ancient Lithuanian-tribal bigamous custom is unwise and
unacceptable. This passage seems to display only the
authoress' tolerant spirit toward the foreign customs
which existed in East Prussian territory, Reflecting the
thoughts of Agnes Miegel, the Tuetonic knight, by utter-
ing these words, shows the proper attempt to indicate the
possibility of his future adjustment to these new sur-
roundings, not as a conqueror but as a new and peace-

ful inhabitant of East Prussia.

 

8 u
3Agnes Miegel, Ordensbruder, g, 1., III, 152.

Sudermann and Agnes Miegel present in their narra-
tives a notable part of the Lithuanian burial customs,
while Wiechert except for only a few general remarks re-
mains silent concerning these inveterate aspects. Both
Sudermann's and Agnes Kiegel's presentations, after com-
parison with the Lithuanian customs as found in the
authoritative sources,84 pass the test of their authen-
ticy favorably.

The Lithuanian people, as we observe in the works
of these authors, regard death as a natural and unavoid-
able phenomenon and accept it as such. They dedicate
more thought to this matter than does modern man. The
occurence of death is not as frequent in the circle of
their villages if we compare it to the accident rate in
the United States of to the destructive days of the modern
wars, but Lithuanians are more adequately prepared to
meet this dark hour than modern man, who is constantly
exposed to the dangers of losing his life. Still alive,
Lithuanians very thoughtfully and calmly make their plans
for the day following their death. Indre, in "Die Reise
nach Tilsit," expecting her tragic death, prepares not

only for herself, but also for the future of her children

and bequeaths gifts to her friends:

 

84Balys, Skaitymai, II, 170-187; S. Daukantas,wBuda senoves
lietuvig, pp. 190-196. Hereafter cited as Daukantas, nuua.

 

 

182

Sie legt die Sachen der Kinder zurecht, schreibt
auf ein P pier, was sie am Alltag und am Sonntag
anziehen sollen und wie die Stucke Leinwand, die
sie selber gewebt hat, kunftig einmal zu verschei-
den sind. Auch ihre Kleider verteilt sie. Das
nege seidene kriegt die Ane Doczys, und die Erb-
stucke kommen an Elske. Dann legt sie noch ihre
Leichenhemde bereit und was ihr sonst im Sarge
angezogen werden soll. Und dann ist sie fertig.85

In many instances the Lithuanian people indicate their
wish of how their burial feast should be held "...sogar
fur die Zeit nach dem Tode hat sie Erdme gesorgt.

Nicht weniger als zehn Fladen und sechs Achtel Bier massen
n86

den Begrabnisgasten vorgesetzt werden.... These wishes

are honored to the very letter by their families and
friends. Their ancient belief tells them, that if they
do not follow the will of the deceased person, his soul
shall return to demand the fulfillment of his wishes and
to punish those who failed him. Wiechert, very similarly
to Sudermann, shows in the portrayal of Marthe Jeromin,
that this strong and comparatively young woman, already
entertains thoughts regarding her own death:

Noch ein pas; Jahre, dann waren die Kinder fort,

und einmal wurde hichael sie auf das Altenteil

schicken. Dort konnte sie dann spinnen und weben,

das Totenhemd und Vielleicht etwas fur die nnkel.

Und zusehen, wie Sommeruund winter kam und wieder

von dannen ging. wildganse und Krgniche, und ab
und zu eine Hochzeit oder ein Begrabnis.. Und dann

 

85Sudermann, Die Reise, p. 29.

86Sudermann, Jons, p. 334.

I‘

f)

 

183

wdrde sie sich ausstrecken und schlafen kgnnen,
ohne dass die Sonne auf ihren Augenliedern sie
weckte.C7

The recurring emphasis upon "Leichenhemd" or "Totenhemd,"
indicates the concern of the Lithuanian people about their
apparel at the hour of death. If they do not select any

particular garment to be worn at that time, their families

dress the deceased in their best clothing88 and with the

most expensive jewelry they possessed during their earthly
sojourn. This is an ancient custom, which is reflected
very effectively in Agnes Kiegel's depiction of Dorgo's

body during his "pasarvojimas,"89 in "Die Fahrt der sieben
Ordensbruder":

Er trug den schneeweissen Leinenrock deg waide-
lotten. In den fragenhaft zierlichen Handen...
hielt er ein ungefuges riesiges Schwert. Griff
und Gehenk waren von kunstvoller Arbeit aus alters-
schwarzem Silber mit grossen Amethysten in den
glanzenden Sghneckenspiralen. Eine uralte Kette
aus unregelmagsigen Amethysten, aus altersrotem
Bernstein, glasernen und silbernen Kugeln hing um
seingn Hals...Den weissen Armel am linken Arm
schnurten drei Armringe, die aus Silber gedreht
mit vergoldeten Silberschnuren umwundené wie
kleine Schlangen um die Leinwand lagen.

The deceased Lithuanian is not immediately buried, but

is kept by the family for a time they consider apprOpriate

 

87Wiechert, Die Jeromin, §, 3., V, 35.

88Sudermann, Bumbullis, p. 126.

89"pasarvojimas" : the preparation of the deceased for burial.

90Miegel, Ordensbruder, E. 3., III, 183'184°

184

for showing the deceased the necessary respect.91 In
order to retard the decomposition process of the body,
as we observe in Agnes Miegel's description of Dorgo's
funeral, the people apply various methods such as:
placing snow or large vessels of water under the plat-
form where the body lies, scattering sand on the floor
or burning resin:

Der Furst lag in der Hitte des Saales aufgebahrt
auf einem mit weissen Decken belegten breitgn
Lager, aus dem machtige Kiefern- und Tannenaste
sahen - auf denen noch der Schnee lag. Es mugste
auch Heu darunter sein, ein Sommerduft von Krautern
stieg mit dem Harzgeruch vonudem breiten Lager...
Licht geisterte hin und her uber das Totengesicht.
Es kam von dem Feuer, das in einer grunen flachen
Schale zu Kopfendeudes Toten brannte... Zwei weiss- ’
gekleidete junge Lanner knieten vor ihm Supplitt
mit verbundenem hund und reichten ihm aus ihren
Kitteln Kienapfe1,zerkleinertes IIarz und kleine
Zweige zu. Jedesmal, wenn er mit einem flachen
Silberloffel neue Nahrung in die aufprasselnde

und qualmende Glut in der Schale warf, neigte sich
der Alte uber den Toten....92

The honor which is displayed for the deceased person

includes "raudos,"93 which is a significant part of the

 

1In some instances Old-Prussians kept the bodies of their
deceased for a period ranging from 1- 6 months; their own
Dukes or nobility for a period of six months. Cf. K. Ranke,
Indogerm anische Totenverehruns(Helsinki,1951), I, 185;
Skaitypai, II, 177.

9 O.

2imie e1 Ordensbruder, G. I., III, 183, 184. Some aspects
of this custom are detectable in her ballad "Das Begrab-
nis,"Ԥ. 3., II, 141-142.

931t may be compared to the Greek:epikcdeion,1 {on~.mos; the
early Roman: enia or the early Germanic:"Totenlied"“or
"Totenklage.11

 

1"

'3

 

 

 

185

burial ceremonies. This act of wailing is done not so

much by the immediate family of the deceased, but custom-
arily by a special group of women,94 with a leader. This
leader personifies the deep sorrow of all those remaining,

while recollecting the honorable and glorious life of the

departed.95 In "Die Fahrt der sieben Ordensbruder," an

old pagan priest assumes this leadership:

...der Alte neL te sich uber den Toten und fragte ihn:

'Hast du nicht schone Sohne gehabt, tapfere?‘

'Hast du nicht schone Tochter ge ehabt?’

'Bist du nicht der letzte unserer Fursten gewesen?’

- und schien auf Antwort zu warten. Die kam von
den in weis se LECIX en gehullten heibern, die, Je sechs
und sechs, rechts und links von dem Totenlageg...-
sich hin- und herwiegten und in schrillsten Tonen
kreischten: 'und dennoch bist du gestorbenl Ach!
Ach! und dennoch bist du gestorbent'

Es lag etwas Schaurig-Beklemmendes und zugleich
Einschlagerndes in singender Frage und kreischender
Antwort....96

Ita, in "Lalmd sleute," speaking about the day of her fa-
ther's death, indicates also the presence of the men among
this group consisting usually of women: "0 der schreck-
liche Tag, als die Rutter am Herd stand zwischen den laut
heulenden Nebenfrauen, den kreischenden Hagden, den sin~

genden Kanncrn!"97 Sudermann mentions a similar group

 

943a1ys, S‘m . i_ymai, II, 181.

 

95A similar atmosphere prevails in Homer's The Iliad,
XXIV, 710-775.

96Hiegel,0rdensbruder, Q. 2., III, 184.

97Miegel, Landsleute, G. fl., III, 71.

I‘

 

 

186

of "raudotojai" in his autobiographical Das Bilderbuch

 

meiner Jugend: "Hinter...sogenannten 'schonen' Ieiche

 

trottet ein Haufe vcn Klageweiber... her."98 He himself
had an opportunity to observe this aspect of the Lithu-
anian burial ceremonies about which he reports in his
autobiography: I

Vor der bruchigen Haustur lagen als Zeichen der
Festlichkeit Tannengeastel und Kalmusschnitte,
und durch die geoffneten Fenster drang plarrend
Choralgesang...A11e weg von hierl' befahl der
Gendarm der Trauerg esellschaft, Odie sich hinter.
dem“Sarge her in die Scheune drangte. Sie staute
zuruck und stand dann wie eine Kauer. Erst der
Dazwischenkunft des jungen Iehrers bedurfte es,
der wie gebrauchlich der Ersparnis halber des
Geistlichen Amt versa h, um sie ins Haus zuruck-
zubringen, wo sie sich fortan mit dem Sing sang
geistlicher Lieder die Zeit vertrieb.

H N

The fihoralgesang and "Singsang are the continuation
of "raudos," but now sung in the service of Christianity.
This is an outstanding example showing the combining of
the pagan past with the Christian present among the Lithu-
anians; one does not abolish the other but rather each
supplements the other's existence.

Near the time of burial itself,loo Lithuanians placed

 

98
99

Sudermann, Das Bilderbuch meiner Jugend, p. 215.
Sudermann, Das Bilderbuch meiner Jugend, pp. 350, 351-352.

100An interesting study on this subject is by? n. R. Lange,
"Sterben und Begrabnis im Volksglauben zwischen ~eichse1
und Iiemel, " Beihefte zum Jahrbuch der Albertus- Jniversitat
(Konigsberg), hrsg. v. Gottinger irbe eitskreis (Iursburg,

1955), IX.

/)

 

187

Within the coffin, or near the deceased, some form of
food; his occupational instruments; and the things to which
he was most attached. By doing this, Lithuanians hoped to
prepare the departed soul for the after-life. At the

same time, they firmly believed that the possessions of
the deceased have been penetrated by his spirit to such

an extent that they belonged to him eternally. A future
possessor would experience only unhappiness and mis-
fortune.lOl Thus, with the lifeless body of Duke Dorgo

in Agnes Miegel's "Die Fahrt der sieben Ordensbruder,"

we observe his sword, which he had used in battles against
his enemies, the highly decorative chain, which was prob-
ably his most cherished possession, and "...den gelb und

"102

roten Apfel auf seiner Brust..., Which served as the

necessary nourishment for his departing soul. The duke's
servants and his beloved animals were obligated to follow
their master; they were not permitted to serve any other

man in this temporal world.103

 

lOlBalys, Skaitymai, II, 182-183.

02 u ‘/
Miegel, Ordensbruder, g. fi., III, l8}.

103Echoing in her "Herzog Samo," Gesammelte Gedichte,
Werke (Dusseldorf, 1952), I, 73-80:

Jeder Hauptling unsres alten Volkes

Heisst im Sterben seine Diener sterben,

Heisst die Hunde toten die ihn liebten,

Heisst den Hengst erdolchen der ihn trug....
A similar situation in A. Miegel’s "Die Jungfrau," III, 33.

188

Lithuanians disposed of deceased bodies either by
burial in the ground or by burning them. The former is
actually the older custom. The burning of the body, which
is the means used for Agnes Miegel's figure, Dorgo,104
was practiced by Lithuanians approximately in the tenth

105 The reason for disPOSinS bf the body by

century B. C.
fire is still surrounded with much speculation. It would
be acceptable to assume that Lithuanians considered fire
which they applied to the deceased as a means of puri-
fication106 regarding it as the more honorable way of
burial than interment--the realm of darkness and des-
picable creatures.

Following the burial of the body, a feast ("sermenys,
pakasynos") was held. This feast, regarding some of its
aspects, shows similarity to that of the wedding.107
Sudermann, in his narrative "Die Kagd," describes,
correctly this post-burial feast as being a gay and happy

occasion for all those who came to participate in the

funeral ceremonies:

 

O4
1 Reminiscent of the closing scene in Homer's The Iliad,
XXIV, 785-787.
10
5Balys, Skaitymai, II, 186.
106This belief is also present in the Christian faith, as
-we note in the life of the prephet Isaias.

107For comparison with the German "Leichenschmaus" refer

189

Da der junge Witwer, um die Heimgegangene zu ehren,
ein grosses Begrabnis ausgerichtet hatte, so war
die Nacht hindurch getanzt und getrunken worden,
und alle befanden sich noch in der heitersten
Stimmung. In dem ersten der Boots sassen die
Eltern der Toten. Die freilich verhielten sich
ruhig, aber sie freuten sich doch, dass die ande-
ren so lustig waren, denn nun konnten sie sicher
sein,“dass man ihres Kindes lange und gern geden-
ken wurde. 0°

In'hiks Bumbullis," we discover that some of these burial
festivities "...haben zwei Tags gedauert, und es sind da-
bei drei Fasser Alaus und zwanzig Stoff109 Branntwein
ausgetrunken worden. Nicht rechnen, was die Caste alles
aufgegessen haben."llO Agnes Miegel depicts this feast
so effectively that, with a little imagination, one can
catch in one's nostrils the intoxicating odor of the pre—
pared drinks and the fresh scent of the various foods:

Die Kuchentur stand weit auf, es roch betaubend
suss nach heissem Lindenhonig ung beizend nach
Schnaps... drang durch die Lehmwande... Braten-
dunst“und Suppengeruch. Vom Backofen im Hof kam
der susse Duft von frischem Brot, von Kuchen, yon
heissem Honig... Die Luft war ganz still, so kuhl
wie der Duft von frischem Schlehdorn. Aber der
heissg Brodem nach Gebratenem und Sussem, der aus
der Kuche kam, verschlang die Frische. Der ganze
Hof war jetzt schwarz von Nenschen, die §ich Essen
und Trinken zureichten, schmatzten, schlurften.

 

108Sudermann, Die Magd’ P° 459’

109Approximately twenty liters (metric system).
llOSudermann, Bumbullis, p. 126. An influence of this
Lithuanian custom is noticeable also in his novel Frau
Serge, p. 196ff°

190

Es stohnte und rulpste vor Behagen, das heisse

fiildfleisch qualmte, der Geruch von Speck und

saurem Schmand mischte sich mit dem der Wa-

cholderbeeren....ll
The meaning of the epicurean and joyous nature of this
feast lies in history both modern and ancient: Herodotus,
hile recording the customs of Trausi, points out that
these people lament at the birth of a child because a
newlyborn must endure the hardships of human life, while
they bury their dead with jollity and gladness because the
deceased has left this valley of tears. A glance at the
nineteenth or twentieth century Lithuanian customs reveals
an identical attitude in the Lithuanian people.113 It
is also of interest to note that the Germanic and Lithu-
anian people, regarding this aspect of their burial
customs, share similar views.114 They both hepe that,
with the gayety and extravagance of the post-burial feast,
they will please and honor the soul of the deceased,

which they believe is present during this festivity.115

 

lllhiegel, Ordensbruder, Q. 3., III, 179. 146: 180-

112Herodoti Historiarum (Parisiis: Editors Ambrosio Firmin
Didot, MDCCLXII), Lib. v, Ch. 4, 241.

1132. Ivinskis, "Is Maiosios Lietuvos kulturinio gyvenimo
16-18 A.M.," Aidai, Nr. 18 (1948), 367.

114A. Spamer, "Sitte und Brauch," Handbuch der deut-
schen Volkskunde, II, 197.

 

115K. Ranks, Indqgermanische Totenverehruna (Helsinki,
1951), I, 185-186.

191

Otherwise, the soul might be angered and take its re-
venge by bringing another death to the house or cause an

indigent harvest during the year.

"Talka," "auf Prob'," and the Midsummer Feast

The Lithuanian farmers, whose unfavorable economic
condition does not permit any hiring of farmhelp, partici—

"116

pate in a custom called "talka, which Sudermann regards

as the equivalent of the German "Arbeitsgesellschaft."117
This particular type of help is given without eXpectation
of financial remuneration. In Sudermann's "Jons und
Erdme," the Baltruschat family, who has just began their
life as farmers, is unable to finish building their farm-
house and must resort to this custom: "Endlich ist auch
der Tag nahe, an dem die Aufrichtung des Hauses vonstat-
tengehen kann. Hierzu genugen die Krafte zweier henschen
nun freilich nicht, und darum entschliesst sich Erdme auf
des Taruttis Rat, bei den Nachbarn herumzugehen und sich

"118

eine Talka zusammenzubitten. To participate in

"talka" is also an honor for a Lithuanian farmer and the

 

116"talka": collective assistance.

l
17L. Mackensen, "Sitte und Erauch," in Die deutsche
Volkskunde, hrsg. v. a. Spamer (Leipzig, 1934), I, 120.

118Sudermann, Jons, pp. 165-166.

 

192

work performed there is of the same quality as if the
farmer were working for his own interests. The neighbors
who are not invited, or whose help has not been requested
regard this gesture as an insult to their good-neighbor
policy. Erdme, under the advice of Taruttis, fails to
invite one neighbor and exposes herself to an unpleasant
experience:

...als sie gegen den Abend desselben Tages wieder
in den Kartoffeln kniet, wird sie vom Wege aus
angerufen. Sie sieht einen kleinen, alten Mann

im Graben sitzen... 'fias willst du von mir?‘

fragt sie, ohne sich storen zu lassen. 'Du bittest
diruwohl heute eine Talka zusanmen?‘ ruft er
heruber. 'Das kann schon sein,‘ sagt sie. 'Arme
zum Helfen kann man immer braughen.‘ 'Zwei Arme
hab' ich auch,’ sagt er. 'Gehorst du zur Nachbar-
schaft?‘ fragt sie. 'Ich gehore so sehr zur Nach-
barschaft,’ sagt er, 'dass du heute schon zweimal
an meinem Haus vorbeigcgangen bist.' ...Ubrigens
bin ich noch stark bei Kraften, und wenn du mich
mit zu der Gesellschaft bitten willst, so werde
ich dir die Balken heben wie ein Spielzeug.‘

Schon will die Erdme Ja sagen, da bgsinnt sie
sich... 'Ich danke dir, Nachbar, fur guten Willen,
aber unsere Gesellschaft hat schon ihre volle Zahl.‘
Da kriegt ihn die Wut zu packen; er springt vom
Grabenrand auf und speit ihr seine wilde Bosheit
sozusagen ins Gesicht.119

After the "talka," the farmer has a concluding celebration,
according to his financial ability, as a sign of his grat-
itude: ”Darauf upon the ’hasenbanke' sitzt nun die ganze
Arbeithesellschaft und ruht sich aus. Der fromme Tarut-

tis naturlich und die noch frammere Frau, Witkuhn,...

 

119Sudermann, Jons, pp. 171, 172.

I O I ‘

 

193

der lange Smailus mit seiner kleinen U1ele...MHde sind
sie und warten voll Freuden des kleinen Testes, das der
Besitzer ihnen zu bieten hat."120 The farmer naturally
assumes the duty of partaking in a "talka" for another
needy farmer. This custom serves not only to improve
economic conditions but also establishes closer and
friendlier ties among the Lithuanians living in the com-
munity. They consider their neighbor's successes and
failures a part of their own lives. The help they provide
during the "talka" is not temporary but extends indefi-
nitely throughout the days in the future. Baltruschat's
neighbor, Witkuhn "... ist immer da, wenn man ihn brau-

"1‘1 He advises and aids in the <41foinlec

Chen kann.
struggles of these new farmers. 3rdme, in return, light-
ens his burden by dedicating a few minutes daily to the
accomplishment of the household duties, which his criti-
cally ill wife cannot perform: "Seine Frau ist wirklich
ein Kummergewachs. Schleppt sich ‘rum und tut ihre Ar-
beit mit Wehklag'... Und nun ist... die Erdme da. Die

knappt sich manche Viertelstunde ab, um fur sie Haus-

arbeit zu tun, wahrend der Mann draussen auf dem Felde

 

120
Sudermann, Jons, p. 175.

121 '
Sudermann, Jons, p. 180.

194

ist."122 The prosperous farmers do not seem to share in
this Lithuanian custom because they have a sufficient
number of farmhands. As a consequence of this economic
independence, they fail to display proper understanding
of their less fortunate fellow farmers.

The search for a bride in East Prussia's Lithuanian
settlement is influenced by a custom known to Germans

"124 This custom is included in Sudermann's

as "auf Prob'.
Novella "Die Magd" and serves as an important aspect in
the development of the story. As we gather from Suder-
mann's presentation, the parents of the eligible young

man discover a pleasing, industrious girl and hire her

as a maid on their farm. The reason for this custom is
distinctly stated by the father of the young man: "...

kennen lernen mussen sich die Menschen, die beieinander
bleiben wollen ein Leben lang."125 The families of the
young people concerned take this custom very seriously

and with proper dignity. Marinke, who is "auf Prob’"

on the Enskins' farm, pleases the parents of Jurris

 

122Sudermann, Jons, p. 180.

123Sudermann, Jons, p. 166.

124The test or trial of the bride, which forms a part

of certain marriage customs, is also found among the
Trobriand Islanders, Igorot of Luzon, Akamba of E.Africa
and Nunshi of N.Nigeria. Cf. Encyclopedia Britannica
(Chicago, 1956), XIV, 941.

125Sudermann, Die Magd, p. 372.

195

with her diligence and neatness and thus passes her first
test. Jurris, however, possessing a shy character, does

not converse with Marinke or show any other signs of his

"...zu furch-

"126

approval or disapproval, so that she begins

ten, sie kannte wieder heimgeschickt werden. After

Marinke's initial step of breaking his embarrasing atti—

tude,127 they both realize their attractiveness to each

N

other and Marinke knows ...wie sie mit ihm dran war und

dass sie mit ihrem Kasten wurde hierbleiben konnen fur

ihre ganze Lebenszei It is customary that "...wenn

eine Braut, die "auf Prob’" ist, sich mit dem Brautigam

einig geworden ist, dann ziehen sie womSglich in eine

"129

Kammer, und keiner kummert sich drum. Sudermann per-

sonally approves of this custom130 but shows, in the con-
versation between Jurris and his father, the steps the
German government has taken to aoolish its practice:

"Und die Herren vom Gericht wissen es noch viel
weniger," gab der Vater zur Antwort, "denn es
sind Deutsche. Und die Deutschen haben von Gott
eine andere Vernunft bekommen als wir. So hat es
sich vor etlicher Zeit auf dem Tilsiter Schwur-
gericht zugetragen, dass ein alter, ehrbarer

 

A;

ld‘OSudermann, Die Kagd, p. 358.

127Sudermann, Die Kagd. PP- 358‘359°

12 l ”
8oudermann, Die magd, p. 359.

129Sudermann, Die Masd. Po 571-

l
30Sudermann, Die Magd, p. 371.

I,

 

196

Besitzer, der sein Lebtag nicht um Haaresbreite
vom Pfade der Tugend gewichen war, ein Jahr Zucht—
haus... gekriegt hat, weil sein Sohn und die Braut,
die auch auf Erob' war... unter seinem Dache zu-
sammen geschlafen haben. Er hat geweint und geschwo—
ren, es sei alles in Jhren geschehen, denn im Herbst
sollt' ja die Hochzeit sein... aber unbarmherzig,
wie die Deutschen sind, haben sie dem alten hann
die Shre aenommen und haben ihn eingesperrt zu-
v . V v on .. .‘_00 "1:51"
sammen mit naubern und Aordern.
An attempt by the father of Jurris to comply with the
will of the German government, thus ignoring his own native
custom, brings a tragic end to his only son and almost
causes the destruction of Narinke's life. Thus Suder»
mann's narrative stands as an appeal to German officials
not to interfere with the practice of this or any other
Lithuanian custom. He further points out that the lack
of German understanding and tolerance not only disrupts
their natural current of life but also greatly increases
their already prevalent dislike for the German govern—
ment and its representatives.
In hiechert's and Agnes Kiegel's prose works, the
presence of these Lithuanian customs is not detectable.
In Lithuania, probably more than in any other Euro-
pean country, many primitive customs and relics of bygone

superstitions have been preserved. In the last few dec-

ades (as I observed during my stay in Lithuania, 1930-1944)

 

131Sudermann, Die Magi. PP. 372-373-

197

these picturesque traits still flourish among the rural
population.

One of these ancient customs is the celebration of
the midsummer fires, or St. John's Day ("Jonines"). In
Germany this is known as "Johannisfeuer;" in France "Feu
de St. Jean;" and in the Scandinavian countries as "Sankt
Hans." It is a festival of the sun, held on the day the
sun stands at its highest point in the sky. In the eve-
ning of this day, old tar barrels are elevated above the
ground by poles and set ablaze. They symbolize, in minia-
ture, the sun, which is so kind to the human race. Ancient
Lithuanians believed that on this day their paternal god,
Perunas, created our universe. It was during a warm day,
under the newly created sun, that he put the first human
family upon the earth and gave them fire so that they
would continue to be comfortably warm.132 Thus the
weather on St. John's day must be, so Lithuanians be-
lieve, always warm. Agnes hiegel describes it in the
episode "Sonnwendtraumz" "Es war ein richtiger heisser
Erntetag..."133 and continuously emphasizes the tempera-

ture of "...warmen... heissen Luft...."134 During this

 

132Daukantas, Bade, p. 175.

133A. giegel, "Scnnwendtraum,' Gesammelte Werke (Dussel-
dorf/Koln, 1954), V, 251. Hereafter cited as Miegel,

.

Sonnwendtraum, g. 3., V.

134Kiegel. Sonnwendtraum, 9, fly. V: 2479 250’ 251°

(1

I.

 

198

festival, ancient Lithuanians thanked their pagan god by
singing to him their spiritual songs, a fragment of which
Niechert presents in his "Geleit in die Heimat:"

Da sind die Flosse auf den schwarzen StrSmen des
Kurischen Deltas, die zwischen Schilf und Wiesen
und dumpfen Erlenwald haffwarts trieben... Klang
der Harmonika uber leise klagender Flut und Bitt-
gesang zum heiligen Johannes, der weit und verlo—
ren uber das Stromland klingt: 'Janitte... F
Janitteooo L000 1... EC... Li... 1000 gOoooo‘lBD

The original version of this song, in its entirety, is

not known but the terminating words analogously were re-

 

corded by Simanas Daukantas in Bd 3 senoves lietuvig:
"Titis leido, Titis 1e.'Ldo...."l36 Germans did not under-
stand the true meaning, either of the first or the second
word. They erroneously believed that "leido" was the name
of the Lithuanian god and "Titis" a descriptive adjective,
both of which they transcribed as "didis Ledo."137
Actually Titis was the name of the god138 and ”leido" a

verb meaning "let, permit." Thus the meaning of the entire

 

135wiechert. "Geleit in die Heimat," §.'fl,. X. 600. He
also concluded his drama Der verlorene Sohn (1933) with
this Lithuanian "Sonnwendlied."

136Daukantas, ghdg, p. 176.
13 '

7Meaning the great ice.

Q
13vThe name Titis was used by ancient Lithuanians inter-
changeably with Perkunas or Perunas (Daukantas, Edda,

P. 175).

199

beginning verse was probably: "Titis, who permitted

(let out)... the universe and human race to exist."139

In Wiechert's Lithuanian "Sonnwendlied," we observe the
presence of this ancient misunderstood fragment, but with
a phonetic variation, which is probably due to the poor
articulation of the singers: "L... i... go... Li... 1...
go...." The name of St. John the Baptist which, in Lithu-
anian, is Sv. Jonas, was used by later Lithuanians to des-
ignate this old pagan festival ("Jonines"). The reason
for this action was simply because this Midsummer Feast
happened to fall on the calendar day of St. John the
Baptist (June 24).140 The name of Sv. Jonas also appears
in the first part of Hiechert's Lithuanian song, but in

a dialectal diminutive form: "Janitte... Janitte...."141

The supplementary activities surrounding St. John's fires

are depicted by Sudermann in his novel Frau Serge:142

 

 

 

139

The free translation and the speculative conclusion of
the first verse are by the author of this manuscript.

140St. John's name or his life does not indicate any
other, than the above given reason for the application

of his name~to the festival. The symbol or the emblem
which stands for his personage is an eagle and not any
form of fire or illuminated celestial object. Cf. A.
Whittick, gymbols- Signs and Their Meaning (Eewton, 1961),
310, 266—257.

1411t should read: Jonyti! (sing. V0°°)°

142The celebration of the Lithuanian Ridsummer Feast is
more extensively delineated in his play Johannisfeuer
(1900), which was presented (October 5, 19005 on the
stage of Lessingtheater in Berlin.

200

'35 war Johannisnacht. Der Holunder dufteteh -

In silbernen Schleiern hing der Mondenglanz uber

der Erde. Im Dorfe gable grossen Jubel. -

Teertonnen wurden anggzundet, und auf dem Anger

tanzten Knechte und hagde. Jeithin lohten die

Flammen uber die Heide, und die quakenden Tone 14

der Fiedel zogen melancholisch durch die Nacht.’ 3

This warm summer night is filled with love and magic.
The young unmarried people believe that a friendship be-
gun during the events of this evening or night always
14

culminates in happy marriage. Madlyne, in Sudermann's
"hike Bumbullis," is ashamed of the fact that she returned
from the festival without discovering the man of her im-
agination: "Sie war—-gleich Grigas und Eve--gegen Morgen
vom Johannisfeuer gekommen--'Allein?' Sie senkt schamig
die langwimprigen Lider. 'Ganz allein.'"l45 The Lithu-
anian servants of the old Hickelbart, in the above mention-
ed narrative, participate fully and merrily in this cele-

bration,140

which seemingly has lifted all everyday moral
restrictions: "Der Grigas und die Eve waren zum Johannis—
feuer gegangen, hatten sich dann beim Heimweg irgendwo im
Gebusch noch aufgehalten, wie das junger Kenschenkinder

gutes Recht ist, und als sie sich dem Forsterhaus naher-

” ...
ten, verschamt und verstohlen, da War 88 laSt SChOD heller

 

143Sudermann, Frau Serge, p. 125-

144

 

Balys, Skaitymai, II, 138.
45Sudermann, Bumbullis, p. 80.

146Reminiscent of the mood in A. Miegel‘s poem "Sonn-
wendreigen," g. E., I, 114-115.

201

Tag."147 Presumably the fern flowers on this night.
Anyone who comes upon its blossom possesses the knowledge
of all things and is capable of discovering the treasures
hidden in the ground}:48 Nadlyne, in reply to Miks Bum-
bullis assumption, states: "fiann hast du schon das Farn-
kraut bluhen gesehen, dass du so allwissend tust2"l49
The dreams which are dreamed during this magic night are
of great significance, so the people believe, because they
are fulfilled in the future. Agnes Miegel mentions this
aspect in her narration "Sonnwendtraumz"
” 'Nun, Kindchen,‘ sagt die alte Frau, 'jetzt
mussen Sie uns erst Ihren Traum erzahlen. “
Vorige Nacht haben Sie doch noch nichts getraumt?‘
'Dieser giltl' sagte Ragda. §ie goss gerade die
letzte Sahne in ein Tellerchen fur bauz. 'Heute
ist Johanni. Also erzahl, Rikchenl'15O
From the treatments of the Lithuanian customs pre-
sented in the preceding pages, it is evident that these
three German authors not only realize, as Wiechert so
proudly states, that the lives of the people living in

151 .0
East Prussia are "...noch auf eine altertumliche Weiss

an den Gang des Jahres und der Feste angeschlossen..."152

 

147Sudermann, Bumbullis, Po 71-
148Balys, Skaitymai: 11» 138°

149
150

151Known also as Lithuania Hinor.

152Wiechert, Walder und Kenschen, S. W., IX, 57-58,

Sudermann, Bumbullis, p. 107.

Miegel, Sonnwendtraum, g. E., V, 250.

202

but they also take an exceptionally considerable and
noticeable interest in Lithuanian customs. In instances
related by Agnes Kiegel and Niechert one does not die-
cover as many presentations of Lithuanian customs as in
the prose works of Sudermann. This is mainly because
Sudermann lived nearer Lithuania Major, where the prac-
tice of all Lithuanian customs was encouraged and, where
consequently, they continued to flourish among the peOple.
Agnes Miegel and hiechert, on the other hand, dwelled

in regions where the Gernanic influence was so persist-
ent that it slowly erased or supplanted almost all traces

and practices of Lithuanian customs.

RELIGION AND RYTEOLOGY

The Lithuanian people, as portrayed by Wiechert,
Sudermann and Agnes Miegel are of Christian faith. They
belong mostly, in contrast to Lithunia Major,l to the
Protestant denominations.2 The practice of their Chris-
tian religion, however, displays noticeable remnants of
ancient Lithuanian paganism. This unique aspect does
not disturb their practice of the Christian faith nor in
any way contradicts it. Thus, in one instance in the
works of these German authors, one observes the people

bowing their heads to the Christian symbol of the

 

1O. J. Norem, imeless Lithuania (Chicago, 1943), pp.
256-257. Hereafter cited as Norem, Lithuania.

2The reasons for the difference of religions in Lithuania
Major and Minor are to be found in: St. Matulaitis,
Lietuvig, Tautos Istorija (Kaunas, Vilnius, 1923), pp.133-
145; Harnoch, Kirche im Memelland (Berlin, 1935); G. Gre-
gor, "Zur Geschichte der evangelischen Kirchen des Memel-
gebiets. 1919-39," in Jahrbuch fur ostpreussische Kir-
chengeschichtg (1940), VI, 65-166? J. Sembritzki, "dir
Geschichte der Kirchen und Pfarrer des Kreises Memel,"
Geschichte des Kreises Memel (Memel, 1908), 101-115, 243-
256; J. Bertoleit, gig Reformation unter den preussischen
Litauern (Konigsberg, 1932-33); A. Alekna, Katalikg
Baznydia Lietuvojg (Kaunas, 1936); K. Geéys, Katalikiskgli
Lietuva (Chicago, 1946); A. F. Palmieri,"Catholic Lithu-
afiIET*‘Catholic World (August 1918), CVII, 591-604.

 

203

\J

 

 

204

Cross3 and in another, lifting their hands to the rays
of the sun, a divergent symbol for the identical God.4
To the student of Lithuanian history this is not a sur-
prising discovery because he is well aware of the fact that
Lithuania is one of the last strongholds of paganism in
EurOpe, although the inhabitants of these regions were
officially converted to Christianity in the fourteenth
century, the traces of their fathers' religion left too
great an imprint to be completely forgotten.

Wiechert's Lithuanians are not marked with the re-
ligious fanaticism of Andreas Nyland in Dar Knecht Gottes
Andreas flyland nor of Johannes Karsten in Die kleine
Passion.5 They are people of simple and naive faith.

They do not question the existence of God nor His divine
will but live in humble submissiveness. In 23; Knecht
Gottes Andreas Nyland, Jons and Grita belong to a newly
founded religious sect known as "Kreuztrager." The
reason for its being founded is articulated by Jonas:

Sie haben eine Gemeinschaft aufgemacht... so wie
bei uns zu Hause. Der Hirt vom Gut, ein paar

 

3Wiechert, Nyland, s, E., II, 444.
4
Wiechert, Die Mafiorin, S. fl., IV, 183.

5? Wiechert, Die kleine Passion, Samtliche Werke (Wien-

.LJ.

Munchen-Basel, 1957): III.

 

205

vom Torfbruch und noch andre. Sie singen zm

-Sonntag, denn es ist ihnen manchmal zu weit

zur Kirche, und jedesmal betet einer. Und letzten

Sonntag kam einer mit einem grgssen Holzkreuz auf

den Schultern und sagte, sie mussten auch einen

sich geben, die Kreuztrager, und sie mussten auch

so etwas wie ein sichtbares Zeichen haBen, ein

Kreuz, woran man sie erkennen kann....
This cross symbolizes for Jons and Grita, not only the
principle of Christian salvation, but it also signifies
the heavy burden of their lives which, in the form of
the cross, they must carry humbly, as does all humanity.
Their hearts are not filled with grievances nor demands
for justice on this earth but with belief that this tem-
poral life will lead them eventually to another, eternal,
life where suffering, sorrow and bitter tears do not

exist The negative forces which threaten their peaceful

existence they contribute, not to the will of God, but to

their Lithuanian mythological deity - Laima.7 When

Andreas Nyland becomes entangled in the diabolic web of

 

6Wiechert, Nyland, g. y., II, 444.

7Lietuvig,Enciklopedija, ed. J. Girnius (Boston, 1958),

XIV, p. 68 (Hereafter cited as Enciklopedi a); Pr.
Skardéius, "Lietuviu, mitologiniai vardai, Aidai, Nr.

5 (1954), 223-225; Balys, Skaitymai, II, 76-79; Iksas,
Kokius dievus Emonés garbino senovele (Boston, 1916) p.224
(Hereafter referred to as Iksas, Senovéje); Daukantas, Budg,
pp. 132-134. A selected bibliography concerning the
Lithuanian religion of ancient times is presented by

J. Balys in his Lithuania and Lithuanians (New York, 1961),

Pp. 84-87.

[a

 

206

Bulck's family. Grita comes to warn him of Laima's
presence among the members of the family:

'Nun, Grita?‘ fragte er seufzend. 'Was ist?‘

Sie schrak zusammen und nahm das Kopftuch vcn
ihrem Haar... 'Ach, Herr!’ rief sie voller Qual.

In welches Haus sind Sie gegangenl'

'Still, Grita, auch dies ist ein Haus des Leidens.
Es lag auf meinem Wage, .. was ist daruber zu reden.
'Die Laima ist es, ' flusterte sie.

'Die Lima? Ach so, ich weiss... die Schicksals-
gottin....'8

Grita, as do the Lithuanian peeple, considers Laima as
the personification of human fate.9 She supposedly dis-
tributes to human beings both happiness and grief and no

person can escape her hand.10 If her work is according

 

8Wiechert, Nyland, p. K., II, 375.

9Also referred to as Laimé cf. Iksas, Senoveje, p. 224.
Wiechert prefers to name her as "Schicksalsgottin":Lith.
'deivé.’ To establish her true mythological rank is
difficult, the sources I had access to regarded her in
some cases as a fairy and others as standing near the
god Perkunas thus presumably being a goddess. Cf. W.
Mannhardt, Letto-Preussische Gotterlehre (Riga, 1936),
p. 531. Further more Lithuanian folklore indicates a
possibility of three sisters which existed under one
name, this aspect may be compared readily to Greek:
Moirae, Roman = Parcae, and Old-Nordic = Nornes. In
Latvian mythology we also discover Laima, but not pos-
sessing power as great as that of her Lithuanian conter-
part. Cf. Lietuviu,Enciklopedia, XIV, 68 ~69; Pr. Skardzius,
"Lietuviu,mitologiniai vardai, "Aidai, Nr. 5(1954),
223-225..

loBalys, Skaitymai, II, 77.

ll

 

207

to the will of God's providence, it is difficult to detect.
Wiechert, contrary to Lithuanian mythology, prescribes to
her only negative aspects and retains that fatalistic
nature which is reflected in Nyland's tragic fate. Through
his arrival at the house of Bulck, he comes under the
inescapable, negative powers of Laima which, as Grita
points out, radiate from Fraulein Bulck:"'...was hat

Grita Eber mich gesprochen? Lfigen Sie nicht! Was hat

sie gesagt.’ ’Ich habe gar nicht die Absicht, es zu ver-
bergen. Sie hat gesagt, Sie seien die Laima.’ 'Die

Laima? Wer ist das?‘ 'Die Schicksalsgsttin der litau-
ischen Sage.'"ll Grita does not have any difficulty believ-
ing in this Lithuanian "Schicksalsggttin" and very nat-
urally incorporates this pagan goddess into her Chris-

tian religion. Jons is not so much preoccupied with

the questions of religion or mythology. He follows loy-
ally the religious convictions of his wife and dedicates
the greater part of his life to the tilling of the earth
and providing fer his family. The dark figure of the
Lithuanian "Schicksalsggttin" Laima, likewise appears in

the pages of the novel Die Jeromin-Kinder.l2 After a

 

 

11Wiechert,Nyland,S. w., II, 382.

l2Laima is included further in Wiechert's "Ostpreussische
Landschaft, " Suddeutsche Monatshefte (1930), X, 576 and
in "Land an der Memel, Tthe preface to H. Engelhardt' 5
Din Memelbilderbuch (Berlin, 1935) or Samtliche Werke, x,

758.

208

concealed individual purloins a notable amount of money
from the innkeeper, Marthe Jerome hears the knock of
Laima and she knows that "...das Ungluck begonnen hatte...
sie wusste es von dem leisen Grauen, das langsam zu ihrem
Herzen aufgestiegen war, so wie der Tod von den Fussen

des Sterbenden langsam aufwarts steigt. Die Laima hatte
gerufen, und nun begann es."13 She firmly believes that
there is no escape from what is to come: "Zum ersten Male
hatte es angeklopft, und nun wurde es weiterklopfen. Und

sie hatte sieben Kinder."l4

So Laima commences her reign
over the humble village and permits the hand of death to
choose freely among the helpless villagers. Twice she
summons Jons to the cemetery and each time he must wit-
ness the burial of his brothers. As Laima continues her
ruthless domination; Marthe's husband falls at the hands
of the enemy in Russia; the grandfather dies under the
destructive bombshells; Herr von Balk, from the pistols
of two cowardly criminals. Ultimately, enemy tanks pass
through the streets of the village spreading fire, and

slowly dissolve at the burning line of the horizon, tem-

porarily taking with them the "Schicksalsgottin" Laima,

 

13Wiechert, Die Jeromin, §. E., V, 72.

14Wiechert, Die Jeromin, S. E., V, 72.

 

/)

 

209

seemingly satisfied with her destructiveness. The re-
maining villagers do not raise their angry cries against
the cruelty of Laima but continue to hope for a more fa—
vorable future. In their world, the Christian concept
of grace and prayer does not exist. They are incapable
of breaking the chains of their pagan "Schicksalsgottin"
and must blindly follow her will. This merciless goddess
is imagined by Marthe, in disagreement with Lithuanian
mythology, as being a subterraneus creature: "...bleich
und reglos...."15 Lithuanians, on the contrary, con-
ceived her as possessing feminine characteristics and
existing with other pagan gods in the upper—sphere known

as "dangus."16 In Missa sine nomine, one detects the

 

presence of Lithuanian mythological figures which, in a
fashion similar to Laima, but to a lesser degree, are
harmful to human existence. Donelaitis refers to them
as "Nebelfrauen;" they are known to the Lithuanian people

17

under the name of Laumes. Only demigoddesses

("pusdeives") having the appearance of human beings,

 

15Wiechert, Die Jeromin, §, 3,, V, 72. An interesting
comparison can be made with J. Gotthelf‘s concept of evil
as in his Novelle Die schwarze Spinne (1842).

16A metacosmic sphere to Christians as heaven.

l7Balys, Skaitymai, II, 79-89, his Lithuanian Mythological
Legends (London, 1956), pp. 23-45 andgnDie Sagen von den
litauischen Feen," Die Nachbarn (1948), I, 31-71;
Enciklgpedija, IV, filo-K12.

 

210

they are, at the same time very jealous of the human race,
especially of all activities involving motherhood. They
are deprived of this vital womanly function and attempt

to compensate for it mostly by stealing the children of
the people so that they can care for them and in return

be loved, possibly, as earthly mothers. They abide, so
the Lithuanians believe, near water places and can be

seen by human beings during moonlit nights. Thus they
differ from Laima, who supposedly appears at the birth

of a human being but, from that moment on, never shows
herself to him again.18 Amadeus, whose "Weltanschauung"
is distinctly influenced by the Lithuanian people, narrates
a tale about these Laumes:

Es war einmal eine junge Frau... die sollte
ein Kind gebaren, und die Nebelfrauen wollten
es nicht. Die Nebelfrauen waren unfruchtbar,
und sie wollten nicht, dass eine Menschenfrau
Kinder hatte. Da schickten sie aus ihrem Nebel-
reich einen Wolf ab, der lief in den Wald, wo
die Menschenfrau lebte, und heulte. Es sass auf
seinen Hinterfussen, die ganze Nacht, und heulte
in den abnehmenden Mond.

Aber die junge Frau schlug das grosse Buch auf,
und sass vor dem Herd, und las aus dem grossen Buch.
Und sie las ganz laut und frohlich, dass ein Gebot
ausgegangennwar vom Kaiser Augustus und nachher ein
Gebot vom Konig Herodes... bis deg Wolf zu heulen
aufhorte. Denn er mochte nicht horen, was sie las,
und er lief zu den Nebelfrauen zuruck und sagtg,
dass es so nicht ginge, weil er keine Gewalt hatte
uber das Buch.... 9

 

l8
Balys, Skaitymai, II, 88.
19Wiechert, Missa, S. w., VI, 315, 316.

211

From Amadeus' narrations, one notices deviations from
Lithuanian mythology. His referral to them as "Nebel-
frauen" may be acceptable because they live near the
water and quite naturally, when night falls, fog enveils
their abode. It must be pointed out, however, that Lithu-
anians consider them fair, blond-haired, blue-eyed beau-
ties;20 the designation, "Nebelfrauen," has the tendency
to suggest that these mythological creatures possess un-
certain and, possibly repulsive, forms, which is certain—
ly not the case with the Lithuanian Laumes. They display
their beauty clearly in the rays of the moon. It is also
of interest to note that Wiechert, in the presentation

of these Lithuanian Laumés, as in the case of Laima, does
not attribute to them any benevolent aspects; this is
contrary to Lithuanian mythological concepts.21 In fact,
the Lithuanians seem to emphasize more their helping hand,
their beauty and their intelligence, than any harmful ac-
tivity directed against humanity. Furthermore, the in-
troduction of the Holy Bible shows the influence of Chris-
tianity, which displays superior powers to those exer-
cised by the mythological Laumes. Donelaitis, speaking

about his wife who returned to her native land, indicates

 

2OIBalys, Skaitymai, II, 80.

21
Balys, Skaitymai, II, 82.

/I

 

212

that Laumes prevented her from bearing a child: "Die
Nebelfrauen haben es versagt... Sie stand zu oft am Moor
um die Abendzeit. Sie war niemals hier. Und sie hat
nicht gewartet, bis das Jesuskind kam."22 The latter
fragment of Donelaitis' utterance once again shows the
hand of Providence which has powers over the mythological

sphere. Thus Wiechert's Lithuanians, in Missa sine nomine,

 

have lost the fatalistic attitude which they exhibited

toward the workings of Laima (in Die Jeromin-Kinder),

 

and show their belief and trust in the Christian God and
divine intercession on their behalf through His son Christ.
They are faithful churchgoers even if the church is lo-
cated at a considerable distance: "Die Gutsleute mit ih-
ren Kindern waren schon um die Mittagszeit aufgebrochen,
weil sie zum Gottesdienst in die Kreisstadt wollten."23
Their deeply religious attitude "...war mitgegangen mit
ihnen aus einer verlorenen Heimat. Weder Sieger noch Be-
siegte konnten es fortnehmen... es anders machen als es
war. Man war nicht verloren, solange man sich seinem
Willen fugte. Man wusste nicht, was es bringen warde,
aber man wusste, dass es da blieb und nicht fortgehen

wurde."24 As did these Lithuanians, so Jurgen Doskocil,

 

22Wiechert, Missa, §_. 1., VI, 278.
23Wiechert, Missa, S. E,, VI, 270.

24Wiechert, Missa, S. E,, VI, 398.

213

in the novel Die Magd des Jurgen Doskocil, displays a
simple and implicit Christian faith. This simplicity of
faith is also his strength for, with it, he destroys the
evil seed which the false Mormon prophet has spread among
his people.25 Jurgen accepts without moroseness the poor
and humble nature of his existence. He lives as a good
Christian, obeying the teachings of his church which co-
incide with the voice of his own conscience. He is, how-
ever, not completely free from the world of paganism.

fl

Wiechert depicts him as secretly ...umkreiste er noch

einmal das Haus, schlug ein heimliches Zeichen nach allen

"26 In this

vier Wanden und ging dann in seine Kammer.
manner, ancient Lithuanians thought to prevent the evil
spirit from entering the house.27 Jurgen prays in seclu-
sion to the "Unterirdischen" for the fertility of his

field28 and, while experiencing the strange feeling of

 

25Wiechert, Doskocil, §, fl., IV, 173-174.

26Wiechert, Doskocil, _s_. w., IV, 55.

27Iksas, Senoveje, pp. 227-228. Even today when the
sciences have progressed beyond what man ever imagined,

we are inclined to agree with the following statement

made by N. Reider in his article "The Demonology of Modern
Psychiatry," American Journgl of Psychiatry (May, 1955),
851ff.: "Magicfiis our heritage. We cannot divest our-
selves of it completely, for even if we deny it in our-
selves, our patients still see us as performers of magic
in our acts, gestures and words."

28
Wiechert, Doskocil, S. E., IV, 48.

 

214

their presence, he even contemplates a pagan sacrifice
for the good care they provided for his oats:

Er starrte auf die dunkelgrune Flache, in der es
sich mitunter leise ruhrte, als striche eine Hand
and den Wurzeln entlang, und... nahrte er den Ge-
danken, dass es die Unterirdischen sein konnten, die
fur den Hafer sorgten. Vielleicht hattgn sie es
kuhlernin ihren Wohnungen, Vielleicht horten sie die
Halme uber sich wie einen Wald rauschen, Vielleicht
erwarteten sie, dass Jurgen ihnen von de§ Ernte
einen Teil zu winterlicher Speise liess.

These "Unterirdischen," so being referred to by Jurgen,30
are known in Lithuanian mythology as Zemyna31 and her Male
counterpart feminikas or ismépatis.32 These pagan gods

were especially popular in Lithuania Minor33 and probably

in the area of Sensburg, where Wiechert passed his early

youth. zemyna was considered the goddess of the earth,34

 

29Wiechert, Doskocil, s. w., IV, 129.

30A possibility” also exists that Wiechert is relating his
"Unterirdischen" to Laukpatis and Lauksargis--the protect-
ors of fields and grain, of. Iksas, Senoveje, p. 217 or
Barstukai, of. M. Gimbutas, Lituanus, Nr. 4(1962), 104.
Considering, however, that their m thological significance
does not equal that of Zemyna and emininkas, I have
assumed that the author is referring to the latter gods,
who even in their names embody the significant meaning:
"Esme": the earth.

 

Blrr. Skardéius, Aidai, Nr. 5 21954), 223. w. Mannhardt,
Letto-Preussische Gotterlehre Riga, 1936), XXI, 357, 552
5&1, SEE?

32J.Ba1ys, "Lithuanian Mythology," in Funk-Wagnall's
Standard Dictionary of Folklore Mythology, and Legend,
ed. by M. Leach (New_ York, 1950), II, 632.

33Balys, Skaitymai, II, 16.

34A noteworthy similarity to "Zamin"—-Iranian earth goddess

215

who guards, so the Lithuanians believed, their fields,
meadows and in general the entire ground upon which they
dwell. iemininkas on the other hand was concerned with
the fruitfulness of the farmers' labor and the welfare of
their farmsteads. The pagan offering, which Jurgen con-
templates of presenting, is a well known Lithuanian cus-
tom.35 It is done usually before or after harvesting.
The Lithuanian farmers bury bread and salt in the ground,
hoping that through this offering to iemyna they will have
a bountiful yield of grain following the cultivation of
their soil.36 This belief is shared also by Jurgen, who
after giving reverence to these Lithuanian pagan gods re-
turns to his impoverished homestead.37 Despite these
pagan practices, his pastor regards him as the model

38

Christian of his flock. In this Lithuanian personage

 

and "Semele“--Greek deity of green earth the daughter of
Cadmus and Harmonia, of. G. Jobes, Dictionary 2; Mythology,
Folklore and Symbols (New York, 1961), p. 1716.Further it
may be compared to Terra (or Tellus), corresponding to

the Greek Gaea, the goddess of fertility and regarded as
tellus mater (Mother Earth); the Romans also worshipped
Tellumo, as the male counterpart of Terra, of. H. S. Ro-
binson and K. Wilson, Myths Egg Legends g; All Magiggg
(New York, 1950), p. 173.

35M. Gimbutas, "The Ancient Religion 2; the galtsy"
Lituanusi Nr. 4 (1962), VIII, 104; Balys, Skaitymai, II,l6.

353a1ys, Skaiilsai, II, 19.
37Wiechert, Doskocil, S, 3., IV, 130.
38

 

 

 

Wiechert, Doskocil, S. w., IV, 173-174-

I?

 

216

of Wiechert, one notices the absence of any definite
and distinct line of separation between paganism and
Christianity. In some instances it becomes quite obvious
that Wiechert is more fascinated and impressed with the
pagan practices of Jurgen than he is with his Christian
activities in the community. Wiechert reaffirms and re-
states this pro-paganistic view more distinctly in his
autobiographical Jahre und Zeiten:
Aber ich habe immer gefuhlt, und habe es nicht ohne
Trost gefuhlt, dass von den Zeitenuher, als nur Pan
um mich war in der Stille meiner Walder, mir jenes
tiefe und glaubige Vertrauen zu dem sghonen Glanz
dgs Heidentums geblieben ist, wie es uber Berge und
Taler ung Quellen nachsichtig gebreitet wag, aber wie
es auch uber das Leben der Menschen sich gutig spann-
te, uber Irrtum und Leidenschaft, und vor allem uber
das menschliche Herz....

The duality of paganism and Christianity continues
in the religion of Jonas, in Die Majorin. This Lithuanian
"Reitknecht," whose younger brother lost his life in the
nearby swamp during the war, is pursued by the cries of
an owl. This, he believes to be the voice of his deceased
brother demanding a prOper burial in the ground "...waage-

recht, damit er schlafen kann."40 Jonas' belief in the

restless soul of his departed brother, who now possesses

 

39WIechert, Jahre, g, 3,, IX, 608.
40

 

Wiechert, Die Majorin, s, fl., IV, 282.

217

the form of a white owl,41 is so strong and indestruct-
able that the forester, noticing the deep suffering of
his Lithuanian friend, hunts many nights for the wan-
dering owl,42 and finally succeeds in shooting it. The
strange burial of this restless bird of the night, as if
it were for a human being, takes place in a Christian
cemetery and is witnessed by the forester:

... er [gonas] halt den Vogel in der Hand and
hebt ihn nahe an sgin Gesicht. 'So klein...,'
sagt er nur. 'So mude und klein...t

Er hebt das klgine Grab in der Ecke des Friedhofs
aus, und der Jager sitzt auf einem verfallenen
Hugel und sieht ihm zu. Die Kreuze leuchten auf
und versinken, der Regen rauscht... Der Jager
mochte lacheln, aber er kann es nicht. Viele
Graber hat er graben sehen... aber ein so kleines
noch nicht...

Ja, sie wollen es einebnen, dass der Pastor es
nicht merkt. Es kann sein, dass der Pastor keine
Eulen in seiner geweihten Erde haben will...

Schon klingt das Vgterunser, wenn es von den

Lippen der Schwerfalligen kommt. Wie ein erstes
Gebet, nicht entheiligt durch Wiederholung und
Beruf...

Und dann gehen die beiden heim. Jonas fragt nichts,
denn er glaubt... und nun wird er schlafen...

Nichts als schlafen, sehr lange und sehr tief.43

 

41

Wiechert' s selection of a white owl to serve as the sym-
bol for a wandering human soul is in accordance with Lithu-
anian mythological sayings. Cf. M. Birziska, Lietuvos
Geografija (Vilnius, 1918), p. 139. For the Western World
the owl usually is regarded as a symbol of wisdom, orig-
inating with the selection of an owl by Athene and Minerva
as a sacred animal, which later was to serve as the symbol
of their wisdom. Inmedieval Christian symbolism the owl
continues to appear as the symbol of wisdom. (Whittick,

 

iymbols, pp. 231 2)
2The motif of the wandering. owl also in Wiechert' s Die
blauen Schwingen (1917) and Ostliche Landschaft, " S. w.,x, 738.

3Wiechert, Die Malorin, s. y" Iv, 313, 314.

9
U0
1'
. .
v‘
9
I
i .
r
U

 

218

The scene of this burial becomes an imaginary stage upon
which the rational and irrational worlds--the Christian
and the pagan religions—-meet. This unique fusion within
the mind, considered a polarity, results in the harmony
of Jonas' belief and his practice thereof. He buries a
white owl, believing it to be his deceased Brother, and
utters the Christian words of the "Pater noster." With
this action, Jonas not only unites pagan and Christian
practices, but enters the metaphysical realm which is
hidden from human knowledge. To him, the mysterious and
complex concept of the human soul takes the tangible form
of an owl. This psychic phenomenon, already analysed by
the sophisticated mind of Francis Bacon as thoughts mis-
taken for things, or vise versa,44 does not disturb the
mind of Jonas. His simple and naive faith does not ques-
tion the concepts which he is incapable of understanding.
He just lives and believes in the supernatural cosmos of
God, which is not to be comprehended by the narrow and

limited human mind.45 In the presentation of Jonas'

 

44F. Bacon, Novum Organum, Selected Writings of Francis
Bacon (New York, 1955), Bk. I, xli.

 

45H. Ollesch in discussing this aSpect properly refers to
"das Bekenntnis" in Faust: "nach druben ist die Aussicht
uns vgrrannt; Tor, wer dorthin die Augen blinzend richtet,
sich uber Wolken seinesgleichen dichtet...." (Wiechert,

p. 82).

219

unique religion, Wiechert seems to indicate that humanity
should not be overreliant upon the world of "a priori" or
"a posteriori," but should attempt to discover a balanced
synthesis of the rational and irrational aspects of human
existence.46 Jonas, for Wiechert, personifies this syn-
thesis of mind and soul,47 of "vita realis" and "vita
superus." All of these aspects dissolve in a heterogene—
ous mixture of Eastern paganism and Western Christianity.
This uncommon concept of religion, with which Wiechert
bestows all of his Lithuanian characters,48 has its origin
in the early attachment of his Aunt Veronika: Her unique
personality was the major factor in unveiling for young

Wiechert the sphere of pagan superstition and the fasci-

nating world of Holy Scriptures. It was Aunt Veronika

 

46I. Kant, undoubtedly, would have objected to this syn-
thesis of "das Erfahrbare" and "das Nicht-Erfahrbare," as
he criticized severely a similar attitude of J.G. Herder
in Ideen zur Philosophie der Geschichte der Menschheit
(1784-87). Cf. J. Nadler, Literaturgeschichte des deut—
schen Volkes (Berlin, 1914-1940), II, 110.

47This aspect is notably discussed by S. B. Puknat in
"Ernst Wiechert--ein moderngr Moralist," Ernst Wiechert,
der Mensch und sein Werk (Munchen, 19512, p. 2llff., but
he directs his concentration upon Jonas character in
213 Jeromin-Kinder.

48H. Ollesch, Wiechert, p. 56: "Ein Dichter kann und wird
Menschen erschaffen und Aussagen machen, die ein Spiegel-
bild und Ausdruck seines eigenen Wesens und Seelentums
sind und die durch seine Kunst ihr Leben haben."

220

who planted in him the pantheistic thought that nature,
especially the forest, was to be regarded as "... eine

Form Gottes...."49 In Walder und Menschen, Wiechert re-

 

collects with surprising accuracy, considering that he was
only six years of age, an event which left its deep im—
print upon his religious attitude:

Ich legte die Hande um ihren kuhlen Schaft und sah
zu ihr empor. Es war mein Eigentum, meines allein,
denn ich hatte sie gepflanzt, am Tag vor Pfingsten,
als ich sechs Jahre gewesen war. Niemand war bei
mir gewesen als Tante Veronika, die immer da war,
wenn ein Wunder geschah, die Stimmenuhorte und Ge-
spenster sah, deren Hand den Himmel offnen konnte und
deren leise Stimme bis zu den Toten drang. 'Eine
Birke musst du pflanzen, Andreas, ' hatte sie gesagt,
'damit der Heilige Geist sich ausgiessen kann uber
sie in der Pfingstnacht...' Ich wusste night, was
der Heilige Geist war, aber als ich gie dunne Wgrzel
in die feuchte Erde senkte und die Kuhle des Fruh~
lingsbodens meine Hande beruhrte, floss etwas hin-
ein in meine verzauberte Seele, was nicht unahnlich
dem sein mochte, was Tante Veronika mit den Worten
des Neuen Testamentes nannte. 'Wenn du gross bist,
dreas,‘ sagte sie und sah mit ihren blauen Augen
uber die Walder hin, 'und du hast Angst in der Welt,
dann musst du unter diese Birke treten und die
Augen aufheben zu den Zweigen, von denen dir Hilfe
kommgb Und Friede wird in deiner armen Seele sein.

After forty years of wandering in the chaotic world,
Wiechert returns to his homeland and to this tree which
he planted in his early youth, only to bid them his

farewell:

 

49
50

Wiechert, Walder und Menschen, S. H., IX, 104.

Wiechert, Walder und Menschen, E. 3., IX, 195.

221

Und da stand ich nun unter meinem Kinderbaum, der
so gross geworden war, dgss er auf mich herab-
blickte, und hatte die Hande um seine Rinde gelegt
und sah die vierzig Jahre in“den rotlichen Zwei-
gen und in der Haut meiner Hande, und horte die
Stimme, die lange versunken war, und wusste nun,
dass alles gut so gewesen war. Dass ein Mensch
nicht fremd sein kann auf seinen Wegen, weil die
Spur seiner Geleise hinter ihm herlauft‘ ruck-
warts bis zu dem Beginn seiner Kindertraume. Dass
das Sichtbare sich wandelt, aber niemals das Ug—
sichtbare, und dass das Kind uns niemals”verstosst,
aus dem wir aufgewachsen sind zur gegenwartigen
Form. Und ich hob meine Augen auf zu den Zweigen,
von denen mir Hilfg kommen sollte, und kehrte um
und fuhr aus den Waldern hinaus, die mich geboren

hatten.51

Consequently, in every Wiechert novel, one notices
the presence of a forest. It may be depicted as a place
where a human being can escape the cruelty of the world
or it may stand as a symbol for a "grunen Gott."52 This
leads us to believe that Wiechert, through his Aunt
Veronika, learned about another Lithuanian mythological
figure--Medeine.53 In the historic past, the Lithuanian

people believed her to be the goddess of the forest and

 

51Wiechert, Walder und Menschen, §.'W., IX, 195.

52E. Wiechert, Mg geht ein Pfluger ubers Land (Munchen,
1951): P0 65-

53The etymology of the name is also very significant. It
is derived from "medis" : tree or (in older times) forest.
Medeiné's male counterpart was known under numerous names:
"Gyrotis, Girstig, Girsystis, Giraitis or Girytis."

(W. Mannhardt, Gotterlehre, pp. 523, 532, 541; Balys,
Skaitymai, II, 56). He did not seem, however, to achieve
MedeineTs popularity or her mythological rank among the
Lithuanian people.

222

the mother-god of the people of ancient Lithuania.54
She protected and cared for the people; she guided and
sustained those who believed in her. Thus many forests
in ancient Lithuania were regarded as the dwelling place
of Medeine and were designated as sacred forests
C‘sventmiskiai").55 Even the trees, such as oak, linden
and birch assumed an important position in the paganistic
practices of the Lithuanians, some of which survived un-
til modern times. These trees were dedicated to such
Lithuanian pagan gods as Perkunas, Jodokas or Pusaitis
and possessed mysterious powers. The people turned to
them to find cures for their illnesses56 or blessings for
their futures. Wiechert's Aunt Veronika combines these
aSpects of Lithuanian paganistic belief with the new
teachings of Christianity, as we observe in the previously
presented excerpts, and thus remains faithful to both.57
Knowing the influence she had on Wiechert's Spiritual

and literary development, it is not surprising that all

of these aspects, Christian and pagan alike, are reflected

 

54
55

O. Norem, Timeless Lithuania, p. 254.
Balys, Skaitymai, II, 62.

56Balys, Skaitymai, II, 58.

57A noteworthy example of this unique combination is pres-

ented by J. Balys in his Skaitymai, II, 64-55.

223

in the entire body of his works.

The Lithuanian people in Sudermann's prose works
consider religion to be an essential part of their tem-
poral existence. It is with a prayer that they commence
to cultivate their fields or to lay the foundation for
their dwelling places. They believe that, without the
help of God, their efforts are doomed to end in futility.58
Thus, in "Jons und Erdme," an elderly farmer, Taruttis
"... schlagt vor, ein geistliches Lied zu singen, damit
die b3sen Geister das unfertige Bauwerk nicht umschmeissen
kannen, und das geschieht dann auch."59 Their love and
unquestioning dependence upon God is eXpressed by Taruttis
in an unsophisticated and simple diction, a manner which
is so characteristic of their own faith: "Und wir lieben
...den lieben Gott... der Gutes und Bases uber uns ver-
hangt und nach dessen Ratschluss der Mensch sogar ein
Marder wird."60 These simple, limited, words manifest
very effectively the humble submissiveness of Sudermann's
Lithuanians to the will of Providence. Indre, in "Die

\Reise nach Tilsit," experiences unjust physical abuse

 

58
59

Sudermann, Jons, p. 223.
Sudermann, Jons, p. 170.

O
Sudermann, Jons, p. 179.

l“

 

224

of her person by her intoxicated husband, ",..aber sie
weint und klagt nicht... Sie wendet nur ein wenig das
eingefallene Gesicht und sagt: 'Wie Gott will'."61 Fur-
thermore, suspecting the murderous intentions of Ansas,
she does not attempt to escape the deadly pitfall pre-
pared for her, but firmly believes that all these things
are part of God's plan, the outcome of which can only be
of benefit to her soul: "Und sie sagt: 'Ach Ansas, ich
weiss 3a, dass du es nicht aufrichtig meinst, aber ich
werde dir wohl den Willen tun mussen. Ausserdem sind wir
ja alle in Gottes Hand.”62 For Sudermann's Lithuanians
the concept of God is not that of Wiechert's indifferent,
"schweigsamer Gott,"63 but as the divine Father, who
continuously watches over His earthly children and listens
to the prayers in their hearts. He is their strength and
' their refuge.64 Indre ("Die Reise nach Tilsit"), in the

evening before the tragic day, "... bringt die Kinder zu

 

6
lSudermann, Die Reise, p. 15.
6
2Sudermann, Die Reise, p. 27.
63H. Ebeling, Ernst Wiechert (Wiesbaden, 1947) pp.85-86;

H. Ollesch, Nachtrag zu "Dichtung und Deutung,“ Heft 3,
in Ernst Wiechert (Wuppertal-Barmen, 1949), p. l0.

 

4Sudermann, Jons, p. 278.

225

Bett und betet mit ihnen und starkt sich in dem Herrn..."65
What she assumes to be the final minutes of her life, she
dedicates as a humble prayer to God, the only source which
can bestow peace and calmness upon her trembling heart.66
Her deeply religious attitude conquers the evil influence
which found temporary existence in Ansas' mind and re-
turns him to the Christian way of life: "'Mein armes An-
saschen,’ sagt Indre ...‘Da mussen wir aber tuchtig be-
ten, damit der liebe Gott uns verzeiht.’ Und sie lasst
sich neben ihm auf die Kniee nieder, faltet ihre Hande
mit den seinen zusammen, und so beten sie lange."67 They
believe their divine Father to be responsible for the
turn in the paths of their fate. Sudermann's Lithuanian
mothers, especially, believe that their foremost duty is
to educate their children to be good Christians and serv-
ants of God. Erdme, in "Jons und Erdme," carefully pre-

pares her young daughters for a Christian life, and con-

stantly reminds them that this is the only true course of
life.68 Indre's ("Die Reise nach Tilsit") only wish is

that her son, Willus, would dedicate his life to the

 

65Sudermann, Die Reise, p. 30.
66Sudermann, Die Reise, p. 37.

67Sudermann, Die Reise, p. 59.

68Sudermann, Jons, p. 250-

226

service of God. This wish, to her great joy, finds ful-
fillment.69
The majority of Sudermann's Lithuanians are very
proud members of the Protestant Church as we note from
Indre's reaction, in "Die Reise nach Tilsit," to the
complimentary remark made by a German couple comparing
her beauty to that of the Madonna:70
'80 nennt man die katholische heilige Jungfrau'
sagt er [Ansas]. -
Sie zieht die Lippen hoch und sagt verachtlich:
'Wenn's Keiter nichts ist.’ Denn die Neidisghen,

die sie argern wollen, haben sie schon als Mad—
chen so genannt, und sie ist doch stets eine fromme

Lutheranerin gewesen.7

They regulate their lives according to the teachings
of their church. For example, the act of matrimony is
acceptable only when blessed by the church. This atti-

tude is distinctly reflected following Jons and Erdme's

civil marriage proceeding:

Der Moorvogt verhalt sich nicht im mindesten
feierlich, er hat nicht einmal die Lichter ange-
steckt, so gering achtet er sie. Zum Schluss
,rgicht er ihnen die Hand und sagt: 'Von nun an
konnt ihr in Ehren beieinander wohnen.’

Als ob das ohne den Pfarrer so ginge! ... und 72
treten dann den langen Weg zum Gottelhause an.

 

69Sudermann, Die Reise, p. 140.

7OSudermann, Die Reise, p. 49.

1
7 Sudermann, Die Reise, p. 51.
72Sudermann, Jons, pp. 157, 158.

227

Every Sunday they attend their church services de—
voutly. Their children are regularly sent to instruction
prior to confirmation. The day of confirmation itself is
an important religious celebration in which every family
participates and proudly observes the children officially

73

entering the ranks of their church. A fragment of

Sudermann's Lithuanian population, however, belongs to a
religious sect reminiscent of Wiechert's "Kreuztrgger,"
known as "Gebetsleute" or "Erleuchteten." Their religious
practices take place, not in a church, but in the home of
their elected leader. In "Jons und Erdme," Sudermann
describes briefly the religious ceremonies of this sect.

An jedem Sonntagabend gibt's eine Versammlung bei
ihm. @aruttis]. Zu der kommen die Gebetsleute weit
und breit, und manchmal“sind die Stube und Vorflur
so voll, dass die Haustur offen stehen muss, und
gann ziehtuder eisige Wind wie mit Peitschenhieben
uber die Kopfe. “

Aber schon ist gs trotzdem. Andachtige Lieder
werden gesungen, Sundenbekenntnisse abgegeben, und
meist kriegt der heilige Geist einen oder den ande-
ren zu pgcken, so dass er aufsteht und mit Zungen
redet, wahrend die anderen horchen unduweinen.

Das ist dann ein rechtes Sonntagsvergnugenj11L

They are very religious people who live more puritan-
ically than their Protestant neighbors, under the Ten Com-

mandments of God.75 Their leader's wife, while renting

 

73Sudermann, Jons, p. 285.

74Sudermann, Jons, pp. 202-203.

75Sudermann, Jons, p. 235.

228

Jons and Erdme a room, shows their austere attitude:
"Wir sind namlich Gebetsleute. Wer nicht nach den Geboten
des Herrn lebt, den nehmen wir nicht auf."76 They display
a dislike for the Protestant Church and readily criticise
it. The leader of this religious sect, seeing Baltru-
schat's couple going to church on Sunday "... ist ...
wenig erfreut... denn ihm erscheint die Kanzelpredigt nur
als ein heidnischer Tand...."77 These words are echoed
in Sudermann's own comment while comparing the Protestant
Church with his practiced "mennonitischen Religion"78 in
Das Bilderbuch meiner Jugend:
Die Nachternheit des protestantischen Gottesdienstes
wurge zum phantastischen Pomp, verglichen mit den
Betubungen der Sektierer, von denen ich stamme...
der christliche Dogmenglaube war langst fur mich
abgetan. Der Gott der Abendroten und des Sternen-
himmels, der Gott, mit dem ich... gern eine beten-
de Zwiesprach hielt, weil gie Ekstase... als hoch-
ster Steigerung des Vigionaren bedurfte, diesgr
oberste Herr meiner Tgaume hatte mit der Bekronung
des holzernen Lehrgebaudes, die die protestantische
Konfession uns als Gott representierte, wenig zu
schaffen.7
The Lithuanian villagers, however, do not take the reli-

gious sect very seriously and show their intention of

associating with the group only if they foresee a material

 

76

Sudermann, Jons, p. 153.
77Sudermann, Jons, p. 158.
78Sudermann, Das Bilderbuch meiner Jugend, p. 85.

79Sudermann, Das Bilderbuch meiner Jugend, pp. 84, 109.

229

gain. Erdme indicates her wish to belong to this sect
because "... sie weiss sofort, dass sie beide Jons and
Erdme durch dieses Bekenntnis Freiwohnen erlangen wer-
den."80 Jons, on the other hand, voices his criticism
against the sect's time-consuming religious activities,
in which he must partake in order to show his apprecia—
tion for the helping hand he received from these “Er-
1euchteten:" "DafurIaber sieht sich Jons zu seinem bitte-
ren Krger bengtigt, die kostbaren Freistunden des Sonn-
tags mit Singen und Beten zu verschwenden. Frommsein

ist gewiss eine schSne und notwendige Sache, aber man muss
Zeit dazu haben. Sonst wird es zur Landplag."81 The
religious life of Sudermann's Lithuanians, may they be
Protestant or members of the religious sect, is not void
of the paganistic influence flowing from ancient Lithu-
anian mythology. In "Die Reise nach Tilsit," Sudermann
connects Indre's name with two Lithuanian mythological
figures: Ausrine and Laime; the latter we already noted
in Wiechert's presentation. He depicts Indre "... so
blass und sanft... als ob sie eine Sonnentochter gewesen

n82

ware. In Lithuanian mythology, the "Sonnentochter"

 

OSudermann, Jons, p. 153.
81

82

Sudermann, Jons, p. 156.

Sudermann, Die Reise, p. 12.

230

is usually regarded as any selfluminous heavenly body
outside the solar system, as distinghished from planets,
meteors and comets. Sudermann's symbolical description
of Indre, the fragments of which we gather throughout
the pages of the narratives, indicates that he is refer-
ring to Ausrine.83 This Ausrine, which in actuality is
the planet Venus,84 occupied a significant place in the

85 With her appearance

lives of old Lithuanian farmers.
upon the horizon, they began their day and, with her de-
parture, they ended the labor in their fields. Her ab-
sence from the sky prophecied for them future wars and
difficult years to come. In the modern era, Ausrine be-
came a part of the Christian symbolism. She was the star
which guided the Magi to Jerusalem to do homage to the

infant Jesus. In other instances, she stood as a symbol

 

83Ba1ys, Skaitymai, II, 50-51; M. Gimbutas, Lituanus,
VIII, Nr. 4 (1962), 108. '

84Thus, an interesting comparison could be made of the
Lithuanian Ausrine with the Greek, Roman Aphrodite=Venus,
the goddess of love and beauty, who beguiled all, gods

and men alike. The discrepancies, however, between the
Iliad'g version, which considers her the daughter of Zeus
and Dione and that of the later poems speaking of her birth
in the foam of the sea (Aphroszfoam), would make the com-
parison too intricate and confusing for our purposes.

Cf. E. Hamilton, Mythology (New York, 1962), pp. 32-33.

8
5Balys, Skaitymai, II, 50.

 

 

for the Holy Mother of God after her assumption to heav-
en. Thus Sudermann, while collating Indre to "eine Sonnen-
tochter," also displays a constant comparison of her phy-
sical features to those of "die katholische heilige Jung-

frau."86

Indre's extraordinary diligence and efficiency
stimulate Sudermann to introduce the known Lithuanian
mythological deity--Laimé:87 ”...sie Indre sorgt fur
die Wirtschaft, als ware sie mit der Laime, der freund-

lichen G3ttin, im Bunde."88

This deity, after the recon-
ciliation of Ansas and Indre is achieved, presides over
their return voyage: "Und nun liegen sis in ruhiger Se-
ligkeit wieder nebeneinander und der Kahn fahrt dahin,

als sasse die Laime selber am Steuer."89 While both are

 

86Sudermann, Die Reise, pp. 18, 49, 51.

87The correct Spelling of this deity should be Laima, as
we observed in Wiechert's works, but in a confusing man-
ner the old Lithuanian mythological sources have referred
to her as Laime. This name in reality stands for luck,
success, happiness in contrast to Laima meaning fate and
destiny. Present—day experts on Lithuanian mythology
designate her as Laima (Balys, Skaitymai, II, 76). By the
same token I would like to point out an aspect apparently
not noticed by the Lithuanian scholars, that is a possible
connection of Laima to Adam's first wife "Lamia." Cf. H.S.
Robgfison and K. Wilson, Myths and Legends gflglliNations,
P. .

 

88Sudermann, Die Reise, p. 12.

89Sudermann, Die Reise, p. 65.

‘\

...‘ll 1

slowly being oscillated to sleep, a tragedy is nearing
upon the treacherous waves. Very significantly, in the
above passage, Sudermann does not designate Laimé anymore
as "die freundliche Gottin" because she steers the peace-
ful boat into the hands of death. Ansas perishes in or-
der to save the life of Indre. Regarding the concept of
Laime, Sudermann follows closely Lithuanian mythology
which Wiechert, in his presentation, failed to do. He
depicts this mythological deity as possessing both positive

90 The stream of her positive magic

91

and negative aspects.
powers penetrates Ansas' imagination and opens his eyes
to the world of light. He recognizes the graveness of the
crime he was prepared to commit and atones for it. At the
same moment, however, this Lithuanian goddess of fate, by
guiding the boat into unruly waters, brings destruction
to human lives. Together with Laime Sudermann intro-

duces, in his Litauische Geschichten,additional feminine

 

goEnciklopedija, XIV, 68.

91The eyes are not to be interpreted as a physical—visual
organ in the sphere of material existence, but symbolic,
spiritual awakening of Ansas, who is about to enter the
world of metacosmos. Thus the paradox: "die Augen sind
wieder aufgetan" versus "Und so schlafen sie ein"

(Die Reise, pp. 65—66).

233

mythological deities such as Milda, Magilaand Giltinne.
In the narrative Jons und Erdme, the wife of Baltruschat,
unable to turn her admiring eyes away from Smailus' daugh-
ter, compares her to the Lithuanian goddess Milda:92

Von nun ist der Erdme alles egal. Sie denkt nicht

mehr an die tote Nachbarsfrau, nicht an den Sarg,

nicht ans Begrabnis... sie sieht bloss die Ulele.

Der Inbegriff von allem, was sie hat werden wollen

und nicht geworden~ist, gas Abbild, das Vorbild

von samtlichen sghonen Madchen der Modebilder, die

bgi ihr an den Wanden kleben, das Feinste, gas

Hochste auf und uber der Erde, Milda, die Gottin

der Liebe... das ist U1e1e.93
The name of the goddess itself indicates the remarkably
good qualities she embodies. A general etymological
analysis shows that her name has numerous sources but
very uniquely they all carry a positive meaning. It may
have derived from "mylavimas" (caressing), "mildybe"
(piety),"myléti" (to love), "mylejimas" (loving),
"myletinas" (worthy of love) or "mylista" (grace, kind-
ness, mercy). Thus, it is not all impossible that the
meaning of these words could have ignited the imagination
of the pagan Lithuanians to such degree that they decided
to create a mythological figure which would incorporate
the emotions so vital to their arduous existence: love,

kindness and grace. The humble Lithuanian farmers in

"Die Magd" are so strongly impressed with the wife of

 

92Iksas, Senovejg, pp. 225-226.

93Sudermann, Jons, p. 245.

 

 

234

the German estate owner Westphal, that they attribute to

her all these admirable characteristics, usually reserved
4

for the goddess Milda.9 For them she signifies the be-

nevolent lady "

...die alle liebten, wie man einstmals

die Hilda geliebt hat, die Gottin, die nicht bloss schan
war, sondern in ihrem Gutsein sich auch zu den Demutigen
neigte."95 Her arrival at the wedding festivities of
Marinke and Jozup Wilkat is accepted as if it were a visit-
ation by the goddess herself. The anger and hate which
were slowly enveloping the minds of the families partici-
pating in the feast are obliterated by her step over the
Threshold of the farmhouse: "Wenn das geschah, dann gab

es nicht Hadern mehr und nicht Hochmut... Dann gab es nur
Frieden und Gluck und Geehrtsein. Alle, die vor der Tur
und im Hausflur tafelten, erhoben sich... von den Sitzen.

,"96 Sudermann depicts very effectively the reaction,

,,
which her unexpected appearance made upon the Lithuanian
farmers. Consequently, one can without great difficulty
create a reflective picture of the original mythological
goddess Milda travelling through the earthly realm and

spreading the seeds of love among the Lithuanian populace

 

94A possible comparison may be established with the Celtic
goddess Creirwy, the Norse-Teutonic deity Freya (or Freyja),
and the Polish goddess Dzydzilelya.

95$udermann, Die Magd, p. 412.
968udermann, Die Magd, p. 412.

{J

 

235

with a graceful motion.97 Preceding the arrival of
Westphal's wife, a Lithuanian deity named Magila domi-
nated the sphere of the Lithuanian farmers partaking in
the wedding ceremonies. The elaborate feast, which in-
cluded the most expensive beverages and the foods stimu-
lating Gargantuan appetites, could not disperse or even
diminish the pressing allure of Magila:

Im Brautwinkel, wo neben dem jungen Paare die vor-
nahmsten Gaste sitzen, stand sogar in hochhalsi-
gen Flaschen der teure Portwein; der war aus Memel
extra verschrieben. Aber allen diesen Herrlich-
keiten zum Trotz wollte eine behagliche oder gar
freudige Stimmung nicht aufkommen. Die Verwandten
des Brautigams hielten sich abseits von den Ver-
wandten der Braut, giftige Blicke flogen hin und
her, und wer beiden Seiten freundlich gesinnt war,
der sah mit Sorge, dass, wenn das Haderwasser

erst seinen Dienst tat, giftige Reden nachfolgen
wurden.98

Human efforts, to hinder the evil work of Magila, the

goddess of anger, animosity and maliciousness, are fruit-

less:99

Die beiden Wirtsleute muhten sich umsonst, den
drohenden Sturm zu versgheuchen. Die gute Mutter
schleppte Teller und Glaser, als ware sie die letzte
der eigenen Magde,~und wie misstrauisch der Alte
guch sonst die Schatze seiner Truhen hutete, heute
offnete e; die Deckel weit und verteilte Handschuhe
und Handtucher in Henge, selbst seidengewebte Jost—
bander verteilte er. Die lagen seit hundert Jahren

 

97Iksas, Senowfie, p. 225.
98

99Similar to the Greek gods Eris and Enyo.

Sudermann, Die Magd, p. 409.

236

in dunklem Verstecke. lOO
Aber nichts wollte helfen.

The consumption of the intoxicating beverages by the wed-

ding guests furthers her aim to create an outburst of an—

ger, which would lead to uncontrollable violence:lOl

Die Magila, die Gottin des Zornes, sass schon im
Rauchfang, und fuhr sie hernieder mit Ruten und“
Peitsche... Einer der Nachbarn, sonst ein vertrag-
licher Mann, der harmlos gekommen war, sich zu ver-
.gnugen, hob mit einemmal sein Glas auf und rief zu
dem Brautvater hinuber: 'Du-—prost auf die billige
Hochzeit!’ Da gab naturlich den Anstoss zu bosem
Gelachter. Der alte Tamoszus sprang auf und woll-
te dem hohnenden sein Glas an den Kopf werfen,
andere fielen ihm in den Arm, ein grosser Larm

hub an, — das Schlimmste schien nun gekommen.102

Her satanic influence is broken suddenly and abruptly, at
the encounter with the constructive forces evoked from
Westphal's wife, who is the personification of the god-
l0}

dess Milda. Sudermann's presentation of Magila stands
in agreement with the Lithuanian mythology. Simanas

Daukantas, in his monumental Budg senovés lietuviu, refers

 

to her as Mogile or Gadintoja, one of the mythological

 

100
Sudermann, Die Magd, pp. 409-410.

101An obvious criticism by Sudermann directed against the
excessive consumption of the intoxicants in the festivities
of the Lithuanian population. Cf. F. 0. Cakes, Autobio-
graphical Elements in Hermann Sudermann' s Novels (diss.
Chicago, 1924), p. 7Eff.

102
Sudermann, Die Magd, pp. 410, 411.

10
3One notices a variety in the spelling of the goddess'

name: Pr. Skardiius in Aidai, Nr. 5(1954), p. 219 Spells

237

deities who were responsible for man's fate on earth.

In ancient times, so he writes, the Lithuanian philo-
sophers compared human life to a perplexed texture, which
was woven by nine deities, one of them being Mogile.

She, however, dedicated herself to disrupt the work of
the other deities. By telling them frivolous but pleas-
ant tales she diverted their attention from weaving the
texture of human life and damaged the intricate designs
or possibly interwove a negative thread of her own. Con-
sequently, the man for whom this texture of life was pre-
pared, experienced misfortune, which found its release
through anger and altercation.104 Sudermann does not
deflect from this Lithuanian concept of their goddess
Magila, but retains it faithfully. In his narrative
"Miks Bumbullis," we note the presence of another nega—

105

tive mythological deity--Giltinne. Sudermann, as do

 

it Magyla; Lithuanian Language Digtionaries = Magila;
W. Mannhardt, Letto-Preussische Gotterlehre, p. 531:
Magyla; the most popular Spelling seems to be Magila.

104Daukantas, Edda, pp. 135-136.

105The correct Spelling should be Giltiné (Enciklopedija,
VII, 235). The etymology of the goddess' name more than
deserves if not extensive but at least a limited treat-
ment. The Lithuanian scholars very prOperly and in an “
acceptable manner Show that the origin of her name rests
in the verb "gilti":to pain, to sting (which in actuality
is a mixture of two verbs "gelti" (v. imper-) = to pain,
to ache and,"gilti" (v.a.) : to sting of. J. Balys,
Dvasios i; Zmonés (Bloomington, Ind., 1951), p. 10 or

238

the Lithuanian people, designates her as the goddess of
death. Miks Bumbullis, after the death of Anikke, sees
her continuously in his dreams and contemplates that this
psychic phenomenon is a sign of the injustice done to her
departed soul "...sonst warde die kleine Anikke Ruhe 1m
Grabe gehabt haben und ihm nicht immer von neuem erschie-
nen sein."106 His deliberations lead him to a recog-
nition of three major reasons which may have evoked the
nightly appearances of the deceased child: "Entweder
druckte sie der Sargdeckel, oder man hatte ihr etwas Er-
stickendes auf den Mund gelegt. Vielleicht war auch die
Giltinne--die Todesgottin--nicht versghnt worden, wie es
nach dem Glauben vieler geschehen muss, so dass Sie aus
Rache die arme Tote allnachtlich aus ihrem Frieden

scheuchte."107 The final possibility, that of the

 

Iksas, Senoveie, p. 226. The other possible Lithuanian
sources for this name are "gylis" (S.m.):deepness or "gelme"
(s.f.):depth, thus reflecting the aspect of Giltinés
existence in the realm of darkness or her presence in the
graves. For the Lithuanian-English meanings the follow-
ing dictionary was used: A. Lalis, LietuviSkos i3 angliSKos
kalbu_iodynas (Chicago, 1915). A very interesting lin-
guistic aspect is not to be found in any fo the Lithuanian
treatments of Giltiné. Note Idg. verb-stem *ghel-z to reap
to harvest, to mow; and a noun: OHG, MHG "gelt", ON "gjald"
Got. "gild" : sacrifice, payment - Germ. "es gilt!” :done;
from "gelten" ir. v.n. cf. F. Kluge, Etymologisches Worter-
buch (Berlin, 1960). Both of these aspects indicate an in-
teresting linguistic explanation for the symbolic picture
of the Giltine as the goddess of death.

106Sudermann, Bumbullis, p. 127-
107Sudermann, Bumbullis, p. 128.

 

239

dissatisfied Giltinnes, impresses Miks' mind deeply.
After his release from prison and upon his arrival at
his wife's farmstead he secretly undertakes the prepara-
tion of a pagan sacrifice to this Lithuanian goddess of
death:

Er tunkte die Kartoffeln ins Fett, liess aber

das Fleisch auf dem Rande liegen...

Auch ein Glas Alaus bat er sich aus, ruhrte es
aber nicht an.

Each dem Essen trug er beides in die Kammer hin-
uber, wc er sich still hinsetzte, bis es dunkel
wurde. Dann holte er sich einen Topf von der
Herdwand und eine leere Flasche, tat Essen und
Trinkenoginein und verbarg es unter seinem
Rocke.

Surreptitiously he carries the offering to the cemetery
where the grave of the little girl Anikke lies surrounded
by darkness of the night.109 This world of graves, where
his beloved child has found a place, is at the same time,
so Lithuanians believe, Giltinne's domain of eternal
shadows.110 Here Miks hopes to appease, through his
offering, the presumably maleficent goddess of death:
Das kleine Grab hatte er bald gefunden...

Er wuhlte in dem Sande des Grabhugels eine kleine
Kaule aus und stellte Topf und Flasche hinein.

 

108Sudermann, Bumbullis, pp. 130, 131.

109J. G. Frazer's theory, that the general attitude of

a person, influenced greatly by paganism, to spirits even

of his own kinsfolk, is one of fear, cannot be applied

to Lithuanian peOple. Cf. his The Fear 2; Egg 222g.£g

pgimitive Religion (London, 1934), II, 3.

llOIksas, §enoveje, p. 226.

Ii

/'\

 

240

Dann glattete er den Sand wieder, so dass
nicht das mindeste zu bemerken war.

Manche sind der Meinung... dass die base
Giltinne damit besanftigt wird, so dass sie
der abgeschiedenen Seele die Ruhe nicht fort-
nimmt.ill

During the same night in Miks' dreams "...erschien
der Geist des Kindes ihm nicht..." and he was satisfied
that "...er mit der Gabe an die Giltinne das Rechte ge-

troffen hatte."112

His peaceful subconscious condition
was not permanent. The following appearances of Anikke
in his dreams urge him to make as additional sacrifice:

Und als der Abend kam, sparte er wieder sein Essen
auf, holte sich heimlich einen Topf und trug es
darin zum Kirchhof hinaus,

Diesmal gab die Giltinne sich nicht so leicht
zufrieden, denn das Kind erschien ihm auch in

der nachsten Nacht...

Die Erscheinung kam immer wieder, und die Unruhe
verliess ihn nicht mehr.113
Miks does not wish to realize, that he cannot purchase
eternal peace for the soul of the child from Giltinne,
whose very nature is never to be satisfied or influenced
by a mortal.114 Finally he is apprehended and is force-
fully removed from Anikke's grave, while attempting

through his sacrifice "...dem Kinde noch einmal die ewige

 

lllSudermann, Bumbullis, p. 131.
112Sudermann, Bumbullis, p. 132-

1
l 3Sudermann, Bumbullis, p. 135.

114J. Balys, Dvasios i; imonés (Bloomington, Ind., 1951),
p. 10. Hereafter cited as Balys, Dvasios.

241

Ruhe... erkaufen zu wollen."115 Sudermann's presentation
of Giltinne is also closely connected to the world of

116 The Lithuanians were and probably still are

dreams.
strong believers in dreams.117 It is through dreams that
Giltinne calls her designated victims; if they answer,
the Lithuanian superstitions suggest their death shall
follow.118 Thus Miks Bumbullis places great importance
upon his dreams and searches constantly for their hidden
meaning.119 The confession of Madlyne regarding the true
cause of Anikke's death reveals that the child was poi-
soned by Miks' wife. Significantly in Miks' dream, prior
to this confession, Sudermann includes a symbolic key
concerning Anikke's violent death: "In der... Nacht kam
die Erscheinung wieder. Sie Anikke war in ihrem Hemd-

chen, hatte auf jeder Achsel einen Vogel sitzen und trug

einen Stengel in der Hand, aber das war ein Schierlings-

 

115Sudermann, Bumbullis, p. 140.

116The author applies this aspect following also the Greek
concept of their gods Thanatos (Death) and his twin-
brother Hypnos (Sleep), who dwelt in the lower world.
Dreams, which in some cases found their personification

as in the figure of Morpheus, ascended from there to the
human race. Cf. E. Hamilton, Mythology, p. 40.

117

/

Iksas, Senovgje, p. 220.

llBBalyS, Dvasios, p. 15.

119A penetrating analysis of Miks' subconscious mind
(dreams) may be achieved by using the following studies,

242

Stengel."120 The two birds which in the dreams appear
sitting upon each shoulder of Anikke had already been per-
ceived by Miks during his first visit to her grave: "Ein

neues Holzkreuz stand zu Kopfenden mit einem Dachchen

darauf... und zwei Vogelchen an den schragen Enden."121

The stalk of the plant she is holding in her hand is that

of hemlock ("Conium maculatum"), which is known to be a

poisonous herb.122 In reality a drink made from this

123

herb caused the death of Anikke. Keeping in mind

that Giltinne's name is derived from the Lithuanian verb
"gilti" (to sting) or the noun “gylys” (the sting of a

)124

serpent and that according to the Lithuanian mythol-

ogy Giltinne gathers poison from the graves so that she

 

which Stimulate numerous psychological, but unfortunately
not literary, theories: S. Freud, Psychoanalysis, Engl.
transl. by J. Riviere (New York, 1962), pp. 87-240 also
his Psychgpathology, transl. by A. A. Brill (New York,
1958), pp. 33-39, 70-90, 136-138.

120
Sudermann, Bumbullis, p. 135.

121
Sudermann, Bumbullis, p. 131.

 

122Sudermann's knowledge of plants and drugs is displayed
in his autobiographical work Das Bilderbuch meiner Jugend,
pp. 70-72, 101, 119 also present in the narrative "Die
Magd,“ pp. 426-427.

123Sudermann, Bumbullis, p. 120.

124
refer to footnote 105,pp.237-238o

243

125

may bring destruction to the human race, one admires

Sudermann's reflective inconclusion of this poisonous
aspect into the work of the goddess of death.126
In Miks' religious attitude we note once again the
characteristically Lithuanian mixture of paganism and
Christianity. He practices the Christian religion as

127 but in his relation-

any other member of the village,
ship to the deceased he retains all the ancient paganistic

customs.128 As Wiechert's Jonas in Die Malorin, he clings

 

to the paganistic aspects because his love for Anikke is

too intense to permit his acceptance of the Christian

 

125Iksas, Senovéje, p. 226.

126In addition to these three mythological deities (Milda,
Magila, and Giltinne) Sudermann mentions other Lithuanian
mythological figures such as: "der Perkuhns," (Jons, p.205,
Die Magd, pp. 429, 430), "die Laumen,“ (Bumbullis, p. 72,
Die Magd, p. 380), "die Ragana," (Jons, p. 195), "der
Pukys," (Die Reise, p. 52), ”der Aitwars," (Die Reise,
p. 52) and "der Baboszius," (Jons, p. 257, Die Magd, p.456).
He does not attach to them, however, any noteworthy Sig-
nificance in the development of the narratives but uses
the mythological signification, connected with their names,
in his metaphoric gxpressions or in the inclusion of the
Lithuanian "volkstumliche" execration (Die Magd, pp. 429-
30 O

127Sudermann, Bumbullis, p. 73.
128J. Botyrius, "Lietuviai Sudermanno 'Lietuviékose
Apysakose,'" Athenaeum (May, 1934), 95. I would like to
acknowledge my indebtness to this article for some of the
ideas expressed in this manuscript.

 

 

 

244

concept of a supernatural, immeasurably distant space
world which would close its portals after receiving the
departed soul. Any such cessation of his association
with the deceased Anikke is to him unacceptable; thus
he resorts to the ancient Lithuanian pagan belief where
the direct relationship between a living mortal and one
deceased is regarded as a natural, everyday occurance.129
gnes Miegel in depicting the religious traits of
the Lithuanian people displays reflections Similar to
those of Sudermann and Wiechert. The characteristically
Lithuanian coalescence of Christianity and paganism,
which is so evident in the prose of the above mentioned
authors, also exists in Agnes Miegel's characterizations
of the Lithuanian people. Her narratives including or
dealing with the modern Lithuanian people and her pre-
occupation with the East Prussian ancient history provide
the authoress with a unique occasion to present their re-
ligion of the present and of their tribal past. She
appropriately recognizes that there is no distinct se-
paration between the two, except only in the measure of
time; the religiOns which through many centuries have

merged into one another have consequently formed a religion

characteristic of the Lithuanian inhabitants of East

 

129
Balys, Dvasios, pp. 23-31, 97-101.

245

Prussia. In "Heine Lina," the authoress introduces her
Lithuanian nursemaid, who embodies such traces of the
pagan ancestors. When describing the days of her youth
she recollects Lina's magic and her mysterious nursing
method during her grave illnesszl30

Es tat gut... mude geschuttelt vom Husten, atemlos
an ihr hochzuziehen und den Kopf auf ihre Schulter
zg legen wie damals, als die Diphtherie mich
wurgte... War es gar zu schlimm mit dem Husten,
wurgte ich an dem Tee, half auch nicht der linke
Strumpf, den sie mir um den Hals wickelte, nicht
die Majoransbutter, die sie unter halblaut“ge-
murmelten Heilspruchen auf meiner fiebergluhenden
Brust verrieb, dann hob Lina mich aus dem Bett und
trug mich in ihre Schlafbank. Da lag ich... bei
meiner Lina, wo kein Gespenst mir was antun konn—
te, an dem Herzen, das sanft und €H1€1Ch assig an
meine Fieberschlafen pochte,Kuh1ung und starken-
den Schlaf brachte. 13iird schon werden - wird
alles schon werden!’

By turning our attention to East Prussia in ancient
times as is reflected in the narrative "Landsleute," we
observe a Lithuanian tribal girl named Ita participating
in a similar practice in order to eXpel an evil spirit132
from Widimer's body: “'Ich weiss... einen Spruch. Nach-

sten Vollmond133 am fliessenden Wasser bespreche ich dich.‘

 

130A great number of similar practices are included in
J. Balys, Liaudies Mar ija ir Medicina (Bloomington, Ind.
1951), pp. 55-82. Hereafter cited as Balys, Magija.

131Miegel, Lina, g. fl., V, 189-190-

132Balys, Magija, p. 10.

133In regard to the belief of Lithuanians in the magic
powers of the moon refer to J. Balys, Magija, pp. 17-25.

 

 

246

Er war beruhigt, atmete erleichtert auf...."134 Ita's

contemplation in the use of a "ZauberSpruch"("uzkalbeji-

" "maldele") is closely connected to the healing and

135

mas,
cleansing powers of the moon. Lithuanians believed,
many do still today, that the articulation of a secret,
mysterious saying in the form of a prayer while gazing at
the moon,136 will bring them many favors, or, as in Ita's
case, will purify the body and soul.137 The water, which
she mentions, serves as further agent for a cleansing
method which is to be performed under the white light of
the moon.138 At the point where Christianity and Lithu-
anian tribal paganism met, which took place with the
arrival of the Teutonic Order, we note that these ancient

139

pagan rituals were offidially abolished. In "Die

 

134Miegel, Landsleute, g. E., III, 79.

135This aspect is also present in A. Miegel's poem "Der
Garten," g. K,, I, 28-29.

136Especially the young moon seems to have outstanding
magic powers. This aspect is believed also by the German
land population (Handworterbuch des deutschen Aberglau-
bens, VI, 535).

1
37Balys, Magi a, p. 21.
138Balys, Magija, p. 22 or Skaitymai, II. 33.

1391n the East Prussian historical treatment this is
referred to as "Christburger Vertrag“ of 1249.

 

247

Fahrt der sieben Ordensbruder," Agnes Miegel mentions
this event: "'Wie heisst du?‘ fragte Bruder Zabel...
'Supplitt,' antwortete der Alte... 'Warum bist du Jetzt
unterwegs?’ fragte Bruder Zabel weiter... 'Zu einem
Kranken!’ 'Besprichst du?‘ 'Ich bespreche nicht. Die
deutschen Herren haben's verboten.”140 The attempt of
the Teutonic Order to obliterate all heathen customs was
doomed to complete failure. These pagan practices that
Agnes Miegel refers to as "besprechen," or "towern,"141
continued among the Lithuanian inhabitants of East Prussia
and prevail even in this modern age, as I already noted
in the pagan—like behavior of Agnes Miegel's own Lithu-
anian nursemaid. We perceive a more outstanding remnant
of the ancient Lithuanian tribal religion in the author-
ess' presentation of its mythological treasures. The
manner of her literary treatment shows not only her
attraction to the ancient belief of the Lithuanians in-
habiting East Prussia, but also displays an admirable
knowledge of Lithuanian mythology itself, the attainment
of which, requires numerous years of intensive study

being simultaneously confronted with the limited amount

 

140Miegel, Ordensbruder, g. g., III, 138.

141Miegel, Ordensbruder, G. K., III, 164.

248

of written material pertaining to this subject. To de-
tect the popularity of the Lithuanian mythological gods
in her narratives, one has only to enumerate the mani-
fold appearance of their names. The leading and, obvious-
ly, the most preferable position is given to the most
important pagan god of the Lithuanians--Perkuhn142
(Perkfinas). His name stands out throughout the pages of
Agnes Miegel's prose and lyrical works.143 The greater
part of her fairy tale like narration "Die schgne Malone,"
is dedicated to the mighty Lithuanian god of Thunder, who
descends to earth in order to claim a mortal woman as his
wife. His appearance is described by the German children
whose words reflect their mixed feeling of fascination,
astonishment and fear.

Doch sagten die kleinen Kinder ihres Bruders, die

gerade auf dem Holzplatz Versteckenuspielten,

dass die Muhme Magdalene in ein schones goldenes

Schiff gestiegen sei, das am Fluss auf sie ge-

wartet habe. Ein rotbartiger Mann, ein Undeutscher,

habe sic in die Arme genommen und gekusst und dann

einen goldenen Morgenstern, der von selbst innseine

Hand zuruckkehrte, nach dem kleinen weissen Hund-

chen geschleudert, das ihr nachgelaufen war. Es

habe ein Feuer gegeben und Larm, sie hatten sich

unterm Holz verkrochen, und als sie sich vortrau-
ten, war das Boot fort.l44

 

142A possible comparison to Indic god Parjanya: Greek=Zeus;
Roman:Jupiter or Jove; Teutonic:Thor (esp. in Iceland) or
Donar. Cf. G. Jobes, Dictionapngf Mythology, Folklore and

Symbols (New York, 1961):

143 n " w IV 231 - Truso
Miegel Besuch bei Margaret, G. _., , , ,
Po 103; "Die Schlacht von Rudau," 1TMainacht," Q.E., I, p.9.

 

l4I‘PMiegel, Malone, Q. fl., IV, 23.

249

The elderly Lithuanian woman, however, speaks of him with
deep respect but without any traces of fear. She refers
to him "... als den grossen Vater... zu dem ihr Volk da-
mals noch heimlich um Erntesegen betete."145 After the
storm which brought lightning and thunder to the land,
she humbly comments: "Der grosse Vater ging voruber."146
In Agnes Miegel's delineation of the storm we detect
several aspects of the concept, which, after many centue

ries had passed, the Lithuanians still retain of their

god Perkunas:147

In der Freude ihres Hegzens hatte keingr von ihngn
darauf geachtet, dass uber den Birkenhugel von Sud-
osten her eine dunkle Wolkenwand aufstieg. Erst
ein dumpfes Grollen schreckte sie auf. Die Sonne
wich platzlich von ihrem Tisch, der ganze Wald lag
in einem fahlen und gespenstischen Licht. Es war
totenstill, kein Zweig regte sich, kein Vogel sang.
gerade als sie... im Hause [waren], brach das Un—
wetter mit aller Gewalt los... draussen ging unauf—
horlich Blitz auf Blitz nieder. Der Wald sauste
und orgelte, der Widerhgll des Donners rollte uber
den Himmel wie das Gedrohn eines ehernen Wagens...
der Blitz fuhr dicht voruihnen nieder, die ver-
zehrende Helle des weissgluhenden Feuers brannte

 

145Miegel, Malone, g. fl., IV, 36.

146

Miegel, Malone, G. fl., IV, 41.
147J. Balys, "Perkunas lietuviu liaudies tikejimuose,"
Tautosakos Darbai (1937), III, 149- 238 and his
Griaustinis ir velnias Baltoskandijos krastu tautosakoje,"
Tautosakos Darbai (1939), VI, 1- 220; L. v. Schroder, "Der
Himmelsgott bei den Kelten, Litauern und Letten," Arische
Religionen (Wien, 1923), I, 524- 554; M. Gimbutas, Ancient

Symbolism in Lithuanian Folk Art (Philadelphia, 195
pp. 47, 102.

250

ihnen in den Augen und schien ihr Blut zu trinken,

das Haus wankte, und ein furchterliches Getose

schlug brausend und kngzgernd uber ihnen zusammen

und warf sie zu Boden.
From this descriptive passage we note that the Lithuanians
imagined Perkunas abiding in the stratosphere--while they
thought he occasionally descended to the trophOSphere
they presumed to hear the sound of his carriage built
from flames, pulled either by firelike horses or, as was
the Norse god Thor, by a buck.149 The instance the wheels
of his carriage touched the clouds, the lightning flashed
to the earth.150 This it was fire, which stood as a sym-
bol for their god Perkunas, that they worshiped in their

pagan temples,151 the most famous of which was Ramove

("Hain von Romove").152 He was a god who demanded great
respect; so the Lithuanians in the narrative do not refer
to him by his proper name "Perkunas," but as "der grosse
Vater." When this god approached, every mortal was forced
to fall upon his face. With his lightning, Perkunas
punished the evil existent in the human race-«at the same

time he displayed his love with its extraordinary channel

 

lASI‘iiegel, Malone, E. E0, IV, 39, 40.

149Balys, Skaitymai, II, P- 8.
l5OIksas, Senovgje, p. 205-
151

152 .
Iksas, Senoveje, p. 210.

O. J. Norem, Timeless Lithuania, p. 261.

 

251

of incandescent energy. Lithuanians believed that, if an
innocent person was struck by lightning he must have been
a favorite of the god Perkunas, and was consequently re-
garded with high esteem. Thus, in "Die schgne Malone"
this Lithuanian god of Thunder through a stroke of light-
ning provides his mortal wife with a path to return to
him and his domain:

Auf dem Hugel hinter dem Haus war die schSnste

und grosste der Birken zerschlaggn. Im Abend-

wind flatterte etwas bunt und glanzend in der

verdorrten Krone zwischen des Wacholder.

Frau Elsbeth lief durchndas nasse Gras darauf zu.

Es waren die bunten Schurzenbander, die sie da-

mals auf dem Markt Malone geschenkt hatte. Sie

nahm sie und zeigte sie den anderen, da wurden

sie still, denn nun wussten sie, dass Malone

nie mehr wiederkam.
It is significant to notice that the tree which light-
ning destroys is the birch. Perkunas does not seem to
be particularly pleased with any other tree but an oak.154
This tree was consecrated by Lithuanians to his honor

and regarded as the favorite place for all their pagan

l ,
gods. 55 The mortal wife of Perkunas deserves also

 

l
53Miegel, Malone, Q. E,, IV, 41.

154It is of interest to note that the Greek god's Zeus'
oracle Dodona was situated in the land of oak trees. The
god's will was revealed by the movement of the oak leaves,
which was interpreted by the priests. Cf. E. Hamilton,

155Balys, Skaitymai, II, 12: 56°

252

special attention. She is Magdalene, the long lost mem—
ber of Georg stter‘s ancestral family, who mysteriously
disappears after migrating to the East Prussian land.
A century passes and she returns just as mysteriously,
to the remaining members of the family under the name of

Malone Perkuhn.156

The name Malone is significant in un-
derstanding the narrative. In Lithuanian it embodies the
meaning of grace and benevolence and is used mostly in
connection with acts of Providence. Agnes Miegel, know-
ing this aspect, introduces it very effectively and sym—
bolically into her narration. With the mysterious re-
turn of Malone, the family of Georg Baxter experiences

a remarkable change. The unhappiness and hardships which
had dogged their footsteps come to a sudden end. A beau-
tiful child is born in the family, a blessed event for
which everyone ceased to entertain any hope, and "...
Frau Elsbeth freute sich uber den Frieden im Hause und
fiber die Ruhe, die sie genoss. Denn Malone nahm ihr, die
nach der Geburt des Kleinen noch monatelang blass und
schwach blieb, fast die ganze Last des grossen Haus-

halts ab."157 The family continues to prosper under the

helping hand of Malone until the first birthday of the

 

l 6
5 Miegel, Malone, g. w., IV, 27.

157Miegel, Malone, G. fl., IV, 34-35.

253

child, which happens to fall symbolically on Ascension
Day. It is during this day, that Malone completes her
benevolent mission and is taken away during an unexpected
storm by her god—husband Perkunas. In the presentation
of Malone Perkuhn, Agnes Miegel depicts uniquely, by
using Lithuanian mythology, the religion of the Lithu-
anian people living in East Prussia. She shows the pe-
culiar combination of their pagan and Christian atti-
tudes. Malone, who is to be considered the personified
grace coming from their Thunder god, returns to him on
a Christian Holy Day commemorating the ascension of
Christ. Furthermore the symbolic marriage between the
Lithuanian pagan god and the German immigrant woman
stands as a characteristic Agnes Miegel's attempt to
fuse not only the remnants of the Lithuanian-tribal
paganism with Christianity, but also to indicate that
a harmonious mixture between the German and the Lithu-
anian pOpulace, living under the same East Prussian sky,
is more than theoretical speculation. The presence of
this Lithuanian Thunder god we also note in her narrative
"Landsleute," Ita in distant Byzantine lands and among
gods foreign to her gazes at the northern sky veiled by
night:

Itas Augen, in Tranen schwimmend, rollten nach

oben, durchsuchten den Himmel, sie schrie leise
auf vor Freude als sie sacht flimmernd in dem

254

tiefen Blau den heiligen Wagen entdeckte. Ja,

go stand erujetzt uber dem Schilfdach, der Halle,
uber dem Graberberg zwischen den Eichen... Da
hatte der Oheim sie hinaufgehoben und ihn ihr
gezeigt, den Heerwagen, der durch dig Ewigkeit
rollt und die Seelen ihres Volkes tragt.l 8

Even if Lithuanian mythological sources do not indicate
distinctly to what god this "heiliger Wagen" belongs,159
it is quite obvious that Ita is referring to the carriage
of the same god Perkunas in a different form. As Sanne
in "Die schgne Malone," she does not articulate his true
name but utters her nightly prayer addressing him as "der
Vater... Das grosse Vaterchen!"160 The difference between
the southern and the northern beliefs is reflected in an
almost parallel prayer recited by an elderly Greek woman
to the goddess Gaea, the universal mother:

Aus dem Samen des ersten Karpfens, des gold—

schuppigen, stiegst du, Mutter, als er milchig rann

in das azugne Blau... ”Von deinem Scheite, Gold-

blonde, staubte der Blutenstaub, troff der Hgnig,

du Bienenumsummte. Du klatschtest in deine Hande,

Erschafferin, und der Stier sprgng durch die Wie-

sen. Du klatschtest in deine Hande, und der Wid—

der fiel aus der Sonne nieder und bot dir sgin

Bliess. Mann und Weib rollten aus deinen Handen

und du lehrtest sie dein Spiel, Brzeugerin. Aus

deinen Brusten rinnen die Strome, die sprudeln-
den, die die Felder tranken, dass die Ahren wachsen

 

158M1ege1, Landsleute, g. g., III, 72.

159Balys, Skaitymai, II, 52.

160Miegel, Landsleute, G. H., III, 73-74. A similar form
of address is to be found in her poem "Das Opfer,"

,g. 3,, I, 93.

[‘I

 

255

dir zum Lager, die Rebe dich zu erquicken, du

Gnagige, du Spenderin, du Bewahrerin, heilige

Gebarerin. 61
Ita does not comprehend many of the ancient Greek words
in this prayer. The presentation of the original Greek
text was probably contemplated by Agnes Miegel, but Ita
"... verstand genug, um herzklopfend wieder etwas von
der bangen Sussigkeit zu durchleben die sie als Kind fuhl-
te,wvie sie... heimlich an die Tar des Vorratshauses ge-
schlichen war, wo die Mutter in KindesnSten lag. Die
anderen Frauen... hatten um das Bett gestanden. Die Ur-
ahne hatte gebetet mit erhobenen Handen und starren Augen
wie die Alte hier und die Mutter angerufen, die der Krei-
senden beisteht und das Kind 13ste aus dem Mutterleib..."162
Ita, however, does not wish to recognize any uncertain
feminine goddess of this land but remains loyal in her
prayers to the great father of the northern skies,
Perkunas. While displaying a more or less indifferent
attitude toward Greek paganism she shows an open dislike
for the Eastern Christian Church of the Byzantine Empire.
Her story about the improper advances of the deacon

Theodosius, during her stay at the house of Eudoxia,

mirrors her strong antipathy for the Eastern Church and

 

161Miegel, Landsleute, g. 3., III, 70.

162M1ege1, Landsleute, g. E}. 111: 70'71°

256

its members:
'Ja, und Theodosius kam, als ich Fieber hatte...
Seine Kutte stank,”sein Bart stank, Haare wuchsen
aus seiner Nase. Zartlich wollte er werden, ich
schrie. Da kam Glauke. Er lief in den Hof, sags
unterm Feigenbagm, sghwitzte und betete. Der Bose
ware ich, der Bose hatte ihn versucht, das Fleisch
Gewalt uber den Heiligen bekommeng In den Leib
habe ich ihn getreten wie einen Bar, dem Unflat.
Darum hielt er sich den Bagch, nicht aus Reue!’
Sie laghte leise und vergnugt. Die Alte auch.

'Das gonne ich ihm, dem Heuchler, dem Jungfrauen-
schander.l

Eudoxia's demand for an apology to Theodosius intensifies
her feeling of repugnance to him as the representative of
the Christian religion and exhibits her enduring faith-
fulness to her Lithuanian-tribal god of Thunder: "...‘Ich
sollte dem Alten kniefallig abbitten. Ich spuckte ihm
ins Gesicht. Ich sollte fasten, beichten, was weiss ich.
Da riss ich das Kreuz ab, trat darauf, sagte, dass ich
nichts glaubte von ihrem Zeug! Ich glaube... an das gute
V'aterchenf"164

Agnes Miegel concerns herself, not only with the
Lithuanian pagan god of heaven, but also with a mytholog-
ical deity whose domain is the sea. He is known to the

Lithuanian folk by the name of Bangputys,165 the god of

 

163miegel, Landsleute, g. E., III. 64-65-

164Miegel, Landsleute, G. w., III, 65.

165J. Balys, "Lithuanian Mythology," in Funk-Wagnall's
Standard Dictionary 2: Folklore, Mythology, and Legend

257

166

waves and of the tempestuous sea. In the short story,

"Tine Sudaus Erzahlung,"

which is presumably the written
record of a story related by a Lithuanian woman, Agnes
Miegel makes the activities of this god the central theme
of the narrative. Tine, her father and brother, a Lithu-
anian fishermen family, on their return from the sea no-
tice that ”... da schwimmt was hinter unserm Boot her.
Wie wir nachsehen, was ist's? Ein Toter. Im Kielwasser
zog er uns nach. Die anderen sahen's und segelten naher,
und wir sahen alle die Leiche an. Es war ein grosser,
hubscher Junge und erst wenig entstellt."167 Tine's
father, pitying the drowned person, decides to act, ig-
noring the serious warning of his fellow fishermen:

'Den nehme ich mit, der liebe Gott schickt ihn

her, damit er unter die Erde kommt und Ruhe findetl'

Und er hob mit Franz und dem Jungen den Toten ins

Boot. Da riefen... die anderen: 'Fried was tust du?

Nun musst du sterben! Du hast der See forgenommen,

was sie noch nicht ausgeworfen hat.‘ Und sie segel-
ten rasch von uns fort. Wir kamen aber gut ans

 

(New York, 1950), II, 633; M. Gimbutas, Iituanus, Nr. 4
(1962), VIII, 106; Iksas, Senovelg, p. 220; Balys,
Skaitymai, II, 34-40; W. Mannhardt, Letto—Preussische
Gotterlehre, p. 544. \
166Reminiscent of the Greek god Poseidon; Roman—Neptune;
Celtic-Llyr, counterpart of Irish-Ler; Morse and
Teutonic-Ran.

167 u
“A. Miegel,”"Tine Sudaus Erzahlung," Gesammelte Werke
(Dusseldorf/Koln, 1954), V, 93. Hereafter cited as Misgel,
Tine, g. g., V.

 

258
168

Land, und der Tote wurde begraben.
The fear of the other Lithuanian fishermen already in-
dicates their great respect for the mysterious power con-
trolling the treacherous waves of the sea; this power, the
god Bangputys. It is unwise, so the Lithuanian fishermen
and sea-faring people believe, to anger this god in any
manner.169 He is known to avenge himself for every tres-
pass against his realm of the sea waters. Tine's father
and his two helpers remove the human body, which is claimed
by the sea god, for proper interment and expose themselves
to a fatal punishment, which becomes evident in the imme—
diate future:

Fruh am Morgen sind alle wieder ausgefahren, die

andern Boote ung der Vater. Die See ist ganz ruhig

gewesen, das grune Segel nur ganz wenig gefullt.

Die Mutter hat mit den Kindern am Ufer gestanden...

Vaters Boot ist den andern seitlich voran gewesen.

Auf einmal hat die Mutter laut aufgeschrieen. Ein

dunkler Streifen ist uber das Nasser gelaufen,

ganz schnell“und gerade auf unser Boot zu. Das ist

auf einer grunen Wells hochgehoben, hat sich drei-

mal im Kreis gedreht und ist beim letzten Mal ge-

kentert... Sie haben gleich alles getan, um unser

Boot zu retten. Franz und der Muschlinsche Junge

sind gleich ins Ponoppsche Boot gehoben worden.

Aber der Vater war nicht zu finden.17O

A year later one of the helpers meets his death under

 

168Miegel, Tine, g. 3., V, 93-94-

169Balys, Skaitymai, II, 35.

170Miegel, Tine, g. fl., V, 94.

 

 

259

171

similar circumstances. In order to escape Bangputys'
retributive hand, neither the Lithuanian fishermen, nor
Tine's brother, Franz, sail the sea but select a different
profession in an attempt to erase from their memories the

172 The bodies of the drowned ones

unfortunate occurence,
must be found otherwise they will endanger the lives of
the fishermen and their remaining families.173 The
brother of Tine searches the waters and the coast for

his father's body but only after seven days of this tire-
some task does he discover the remains . The proper bur-
ial brings peace to the fishermen-community, but respect
and fear for the Lithuanian god of the storming sea en-
dures deeply impressed in the souls of everyone living
near his domain. This Lithuanian "Water-fear," which
Agnes Miegel very properly includes in her narratives,

is a well known phenomenon among the entire Lithuanian
fishermen populace dwelling on the shores of the Baltic
Sea or the Courland Lagoon. Its explanation lies in the
fact that basically Lithuanians are not sea-faring people,

as are their Viking heighbors, because their sea coast,

is less than one hundred miles in length, nor was it so

 

171Miegel, Tine, g. g., V, 97.

172Miegel, Tine, g. E., 97.

1733a1ys, Skaitymai, II. 38-

260

during the glorious Vitoldian era.l74
Another Lithuanian mythological element which Agnes

(Miegel includes in her prose is the ancient worship of

such manifestations of nature as stones, fire and serpents

("zalciai"). In the Novelle, "Die gute Ernte," the pas-

tor, Henneberger, while entertaining his visitors, points

to an ancient lime—tree which is located "... wo einmal

der heilige Stein stand...."175 and recalls people's

talk about the "Schlangenstein" in Heidendorf, another

176

stone so considered sacred by the Lithuanians. As a
Protestant pastor, he does not wish to mention anything
further about this pagan remnant nor to relate any of the
historical narrations pertaining to its idolization. The
historic and folklore sources, with which Agnes Miegel
was well acquainted, mention continuously, from the six-
teenth through the twentieth century, that Lithuanians
177

were worshippers of large stones. They believed, so

it is recorded, that these stones were sacred abodes for

 

174The Empire of Vytautus Alexander (1392) stretched from
the Baltic to the Black Sea and far to the East, reaching
the gates of Moskow. Cf. C. J. Jurgela, History'gfrthg
Lithuanian Nation, p. 181 ff.

175A. Miegel, "Die gute Ernte," Truso (Dusseldorf/Koln,
1958), p. 62. Hereafter cited as Miegel, Ernte.

1 6
7 Miegel, Ernte, p. 62.

177Ba1ys, Skaitymai, II, 22—25.

 

 

'1

 

261

their mythological deities ("deyves"). Inge Meidinger-

Geise's assumption, in her treatment of Agnes Miegel's

works, that these stones may be regarded as "

"178

... ver-
ehrender Sitz von Toten... cannot be verified by
writings concerning Lithuanian mythology. In the nar-
rative, "Die gute Ernte," one notices the authoress' ref-
erence, not only to sacred stones, but also to "das hei-
lige Feuer," which was burned for the glory of the Lithu-
anian pagan gods.179 Ita, in "Landsleute" remembering

her childhood days, speaks about prophesies which the

elders of her tribe uttered while gathered "... am heili-
gen Feuer..."180 Agnes Miegel, in accord with historical
accounts recording the religious life of Lithuanians,

shows that they were also ardent and faithful venerators

of fire.181 They continuously regarded fire as a sacred
thing which was to be utilized with great respect and honor.
Ancient Lithuanian tribes even designated sacred places
where fire was kept and guarded by priests or priestes-

ses.182 In many instances they personified this fire in

 

1781. Meidingér-Geise, Agnes Miegel. pp. 188-189-
179Miegel, Ernte, p. 62.
180Miegel, Landsleute, g. E-, III: 59-

181

182W. Mannhardt, Letto-Preussische Catterlehre, p. 139;
E. Sturms, Die Alkstatten lg Litauen (Hamburg, 1946).

262

a deity to be known under the name of Gabija, Gobija or
Gabieta.183 This deity, as we observe from the words of
Ita, embodies the mysterious powers of an oracle. A short
narrative, "Am Schlangenberg," reflects the presence of
another aspect of Lithuanian mythological belief. Agnes
Miegel's Lithuanian nursemaid, while preparing to relate

a mystery—filled incident of the past, indicates that,

in addition to sacred stones and fires, Lithuanians idol-
ized harmless serpents ("zalciai"). This practice accord-
ing to her story, continues noticeably well into the era
of Christianity: "Die Schwester stammte... aus jenem
Winkel der alten Grafschaft, wo sich noch am Feuer des
Opfersteins im Eschendunkel des heiligen Hains sie
Schlangen warmten und aus birkener Schale die susse Milch
erhielten, als bis zur Weichsel schon Kirchenglocken gin—
gen."184 Lithuanians do not display any fear of these
"zaléiai" (Tropodonotus natrix).185 They permit them to

come and live under the same roof. Minna, in "Am Schlan-

genberg," observing the fear of the children, evoked by

 

183

184A, giegel, "Am Schlangenberg," Gesammelte Werke (Dussel-
dorf/Koln, 1955), IV, 182.. Hereafter cited as Miegel,
Schlangenberg, g, E., IV.

185

Balys, Skaitymai, II, 28.

Balys, Skaitymai, II, 65-76.

 

263

the appearance of this serpent, comments: "Angst muss
man nicht habenl... Im Forsthaus am Haff, wo ich zuerst
diente, da kamen sie immer in die Milchkammer. Die Frau
gab ihnen immer von der frischgemolkten... Und da wurde

auch keiner krank..."186

The concluding phrase shows
that Lithuanians believed the serpents to be a blessing
to their dwelling shelters. "ialciai" were also thought
to be messengers, er even significant representatives, of
the benevolent gods, who permitted them to carry pros-
perity and happiness to the Lithuanian farmsteads.187
Agnes Miegel does not criticize these paganistic attitudes
or practices of the Lithuanian people but displays a spir—
it of true understanding. The words of Kunheim, in "Die

gute Ernte,"

may serve as anappropriate example: "Ach,
es ist ein armes Volk, und was es da tat meaning the
pagan rituals , das geschah aus grosser Treue zum Vater—
braucht Hat doch bis vor kurzem nichts gewusst von wah-

rem Glauben, babbelte seine lateinischen Sprache wie die

Verslein beim Besprechen!"188 In "Der Geburtstag,"

 

186Miegel, Schiangenbers. E- In IV: 182-

187M. Gimbutas, Lituanus, No. 4 (1962). VIII. 109?
Balys, Skaitymai, II, 67, 74, 76. This belief is found
also among the Germanic and Slavic peoples, Balys,
Skaitymai, II, 75-

188

 

Miegel, Ernte, p. 64.

264

however, Agnes Miegel introduces the Lithuanian nurse—
maid, Krupatsche, who does not betray any trace of her
pagan ancestors. She is a profoundly religious person
believing unquestionably in the Protestant faith, which
is, to her, the only true faith. No more than the mention
of a word, such as "Rosenkranz," excites her to remark:
"Erbarmung, so was Katholisches."189 She lives an exem—
plary Christian life and strictly obeys the rules of her
church.190 During the visit of the Pastor, she diSplays
great respect for the clergy of her denomination: "...die
Krupatsche ra scht herbei, um dem Geistlichen den Armel
zu kussen."191 The literary portrayal of her partici-
pation in the religious ceremony is reminiscent of one

of the memorable religious figures painted by the hand of
Hugo van der Goes: "Unter den Handen des Predigers,
scharf umrissen vor dem hellen Tageslicht, hebt sich
Minens andachtiges Gesicht mit den im Gebet leise mur-

melnden Lippen."192
\

 

189Miegel, Der Geburtstag, p. 167.

190Miegel, Der Geburtstag, p. 168.

191Miegel, Der Geburtstag, p. 184.

192Miegel, Der Geburtstag, p. 187.

THE LITHUANIAN VILLAGE AED HOMESTEAD

Sudermann, Wiechert and Agnes Miegel do not restrict
themselves in their prose solely to the portrayal of the
Lithuanian people and to the depiction of the uniquely
Lithuanian pattern of life, but in them they also comprise
some characteristic features of the Lithuanian village,
The presentation of this village in their narratives is
certainly not as significant or vital to the development
of the story as is their preoccupation with Lithuanian
personalities, but the fact that it is a Lithuanian ele-
ment requires literary attention.

Sudermann's Lithuanian village described in his
Litauische Geschichten is not as compact a unit of farms
as the neighboring German village. The Lithuanian farm—
steads are scattered throughout the countryside and are
not neatly clustered around the village church, as one
has a tendency to imagine.1 This indicates the Lithu-
anian farmer's basic desire to live an independent life

in his individual homestead, surrounded only by the forest

 

 

lJ. Gimbutas, "Lietuvid sodziaus architektura Mazoje
Lietuvoje," Mazoji Lietuva (New York, 1958), p. 160._
Hereafter cited as Gimbutas, Architektura.

 

265

266

or modern cultivated orchards. In the ancient past he
was forced to dwell near his neighbors in order to find
a more effective protection from his enemies, but in
times of peace he desired to return to his original mode
of life. Marinke, in "Die Magd," emphasizes the notable
distance existing between one Lithuanian farmstead and
another: "... bis Augustenhof sind es im Schritt immer-

hin noch anderthalb Stunden."2

Jons and Erdme, when de-
parting for the village church, emphasize "... den langen
Weg..." they must travel in order to reach their desti-
nation.3 The Lithuanian fishermen-farmers' village dif-
fers from that of the rural farmers. As we note from

"Die Reise nach Tilsit," the houses of the fishermen-
farmers are built in such close proximity to one another,4
that they are incapable of suppressing their sometimes
loudly articulated marital problems from their neighbor's
ears.5 The buildings of the farmstead and their location

also exhibit noticeable differences between the German

and Lithuanian farming communities. The buildings of the

 

2

Sudermann, Die Magd, p. 357.
3Sudermann, Jons, p. 158.
4Gimbutas, Architektura, p. 162.

5Sudermann, Die Reise, p. 14.

267

Lithuanian farm are customarily "strohgedeckt" and con-
structed from wood,6 while the German farms display "...
die roten Ziegeldacher, die... selbst Stall und Scheune
bedeckten."7 Furthermore, the stable in the Lithuanian
farmstead does not stand attached to the main farmhouse
("Wohnstallhaus")8 but is separated from it by a consid-
erable distance. There are actually two buildings which
Sudermann emphasizes in his description of the Lithuanian
village: The main farmhouse ("Wohnspeicherhaus") and
"kletis." While superficial in the depiction of the main
farmhouse's exterior, Sudermann, betraying his natural-
istic tendencies, does not hesitate giving an adequate
verbal picture of the interior:

Links geht's in die Grosse und in die Kleine Stube

und rechts in dieuKammern. In keinem litauischen

Hause kann es geraumiger sein. Wollte ich erst

den Hausrat schildern, die Kaiserbilder in golde-

nen Rahmen und den glasierten, doppelten Ofen, —

von der Tapete mit ihren blanken Stgrnchen gar

nicht z reden, - weiss Gott, ich wurde kein Ends

finden!

This description by Sudermann is prOperly accurate compared

to the authoritative architectural publications regarding

 

6Sudermann, Das Bilderbuch meiner Juggnd, pp. 201, 350;
Jons, pp. 186-187.

7Sudermann, Die Magd, p. 415.
8H. Sudermann, Das Bilderbuch gginer Jggend, p. 82.

 

9Sudermann, Jons, p. 291. A similar depiction exists in
Bumbullis, p. 85.

268

the construction and furnishing plans of the Lithuanian

village.10 The other farm building, which attracted the

attention of many Western European architects during the

11

nineteenth and twentieth century, is presented by Suder-

mann in "Mike Bumbullisz" "Die Klete --der Raum in dem
die haltbaren Vorrate aufbewahrt werden --pflegt sich in

alteren Wirtschaften unter einem gesonderten Dache zu be—

"12

finden. This so called store house ("kletis") serves

the farmer not only, as Sudermann properly indicates, to
store the supplies such as grain, meats and other treas-

ures of the land, but also as the living quarters for

13 14

farmeré' daughters, servants and customarily, for

 

lEGimbutas, Architektdra, pp. 167-191; A. Bezzenberger,

"Uber das litauische Haus," Altpreussische Monatsschrift
(1886), XXIII, 34-79, 629—633; K. Brunner, Ostdeutsche
Volkskunde (Leipzig, 1925), pp. 49-50; K. H. Clasen, "Ost-
preussen," Deutsche Volkgkunst (Munchen, 1942), X, 14-30
(Illugtrations); A. G. Botticher, "Die Bau- und Kunst-
denkmaler der Provinz Ostpreussen," Aus der Kulturgeschich-
‘33 Ostpreussens (Koniggberg, 1895-18987, Heft V, VIII;

R. Dethlefsen Bauernhauscr und Holzkirchen $3 Ostpreussen
(Berlin, 1911), pp. 17-35 (Illustrations).

llJ. Gimbutas, "Ukininko sodyba Mazojoje Lietuvoje,“
Aidai,.Nr. 18 (September, 1948), 375, 377. Hereafter cited
as Gimbutas, Sodyba.

 

 

 

12The correct Lithuanian spelling is "kletis." It is not
to be confused with the German "klette" (OHG. clégha, MHG.
klétte), meaning "Arctium lappafi : "Gattung hochguchsiger
Korbbluter mit wiederhakigen Bluten- und Fruchtkopfen."

13

14Sudermann, Die Magd, p. 370.

Sudermann, Bumbullis, p. 114.

 

269

15

newlywed couples. Its architectural design is remi—
niscent of the classical Greek adyton or megaron with

its inner chamber-opisthodomos, which very similarly to

 

the Lithuanian "kletis," was designated by the priests as
the storage room for the precious belongings of the
temple.16 While declaring the general function of "kle-
tis," Sudermann's remark that it has a "gesondertes Dach"
requires further comment. This storagehouse stands out
amidst the other buildings of the farm and the village.

It does so, because of its unusual exterior decoration,
especially that of the roof. The ends of the roof are
finished with ornamented wood-cuts; the highest point of
it is usually crowned with figure-heads of steed or of

17

other national symbols. The Lithuanian farmhouse is
always surrounded by a garden of flowers. In "Die Magd,"
Sudermann very poetically refers to a garden in the vil-

lage of Ussainen as "der Garten mit Blumen voll,"18 which

commands the attention of all villagers: "Dass sie Marin-

ke und Jurris nun auch gemeinsam den Garten besuchten,

 

l -
5Gimbutas, Sodyba, p. 375 or Architektura, p. 180.
16o. Seyffert, Classical Antiquities (New York, 1956),
pp. 7, 386, 617.

17J. Gimbutas, "Senosios lietuviu,kaimo statybos savybes
ir ju.reiksme," Aidai, Nr. 1 (January, 1963), 18-21 also
Architektdra, pp. 182-184.

 

18Sudermann, Die Magd, pp. 352—353.

270

geschah wie von selbst. Er zeigte den Goldlack und den
Reiherschnabel, und sie zeigte ihm den Ehrenpreis und die

Studentennelke, und nur an dem Rautenbeet gingen sie schwei-

"19

gend voruber. The flower garden of Erdme in "Jons und

Erdme" is admired by the neighbors for its gay colorful-
ness.20 Regarding the village of the Lithuanian fisher-
men-farmers and their individual homesteads Sudermann in
"Die R ise nach Tilsit" includes the following self-ex-
planatory comment, which is based upon his personal ob-
servation:

Ganz dicht am Haff liegt Wilwischken. Und wenn man
von dem grossen Nasser her in den Pargefluss ein—
biegen will, muss man so nah an den Hausern vorbei,
dass man Lust bekommt, ihnen vom Kahn aus mit ein
paar Zwiebgln... die Fenster einzgschmeissen.

Um die schonen, blanken Fenster ware es freilich
schade. Denn Wilwischken ist ein sauberes Dorf
und ein reiches Dorf. Seine Einwohner betregben
neben der Haff— und der Flussfischerei eintragliche
Acker- und Gartenwirgschaft, und die Zwiebeln von
Wilwischken sind beruhmt. Die stattlighste Mirt-
schaft von allen ist die, die an der Mundung der
Parge gleichsam die schargi Ecke bildet, und sie
gehort dem Ansas Balczus.

Lithuanian village life itself does not seem to cap-
ture the attention of Sudermann. He selects the village

merely to serve as an appropriate stage for his narratives.

 

l9

Sudermann, Die Magd, p. 360.

OSudermann, Jons, p. 291.

21Sudermann, Die Reise, p. 11.

271

It is, however, surprising to observe the author's accurate
and detailed knowledge of the actual Lithuanian villages
which he had visited during his life and consequently in-
corporated into his Litauische Geschichten.

Wiechert well recalls a picture of the Lithuanian
village albeit he must reach deep into the memory of his
childhood days. The first impression of this village he
records together with the recollection of his own domicile
in his autobiographical work Mglder und Menschen: "Das
Haus kann noch nicht lange gestanden haben, als meine El-
tern es bezogen. Es war aus roten Ziegeln gebaut, mit
einem roten Pfannendach, und erwies sich somit schon vcn
fern als ein Erzeugnis fiskalischer Ordnung und Dauerhaf-
tigkeit, denn in unserer Landschaft waren der Holzbau und
das Rohr— oder Strohdach noch etwas Selbstverstandliches."22
The description of the Lithuanian farmsteads belonging to
the village, throughout his prose, is conspicuously marked
by the presence of construction features such as "Holzbau"
and "Rohr- oder Strohdach." The architectural ornamenta-
tion of the farmbuildings--"k1etis," which Sudermann simply
mentioned as being "gesondert," is included by Wiechert,

however, in a more descriptive manner, in his narrative

 

22.

I‘I _ YT : 1 3 ‘47 {D s h - q
iechert, laid r und L nscnen, E. Ht: IX, 14.

 

272

"Land an der Meme1:" "Hinter Wiesen und Steg hebt das
erste Dach sich auf, mit braunem Rohr gedeckt. PferdekSp-
fe sehen vom Giebel herab."23 In agreement with Sudermann,
he also indicates the emphasis the Lithuanian farmers place
upon the decorative value of flowers. Jurgen, in the

novel Die Magd des Jurgen Doskocil, who previously did

not possess a flower garden contemplates planting one in
the future while awaiting the return of his wife "... da-
mit... etwas Buntes und Frohes um das Haus ist."24
Miechert‘s delineation of the Lithuanian fishermen village
shows a noticeable difference from the similar presentation
of Sudermann. Where Sudermann's portrayal of a village

is enveiled in a gay and bright mood, Wiechert's imagery
is of unrelieved gloom. In "Das Zwiegesicht der deut-
schen Kuste" he recalls his wanderings upon Lithuanian
coastal soil, where he first observed the fishermen vil-
lage of his nordic neighbor: "Und dann wandern wir nach
Norden hinauf, den Gratweg entlang, zur Rechten das Haff,

zur Linken das Meer. Segel zittern auf der grauen Flut.

Unten liegen die wenigen Dorfer, gepresst zwischen Dune

 

23 ..
Eiechert, "Land an der Memel," Samtliche Werke (Wien-
Munchen-Basel, 1957), X, 757.

24Wiechert, Doskocil, S. E,, IV, 176.

 

273

und haff, unwirklich und tot."25 The "gepresst... un-
wirklich und tot" appearance of this village which is
reminiscent of the imagery in the lyrical works of Georg
Traklegr the landscape of Arnold Bocklin,27 may be explain-
ed with the presumption that Wiechert, born deep in the
green forest covered inland of East Prussia, was not
accustomed to the view of the fishermen homesteads standing
among the wandering dunes and upon the white sands of the

Baltic coast. The village Sowirog in Die Jeromin-Kinder

 

attracts one s attention because the population of this

village is composed of Lithuanian and German farmers.

To this certainly unique village, Wiechert dedicates a
substantial part of the novel's second chapter. He intro-
duces it with words filled with melancholy and the feeling
of distinct isolation:

Vgn dem Dorfe Sowirog hat noch keine Chronik er-
zahlt. Die Chronik erzahlt nicht von verlorenen
Qorfern. Sie liegen an den Segn und Mooren jenes
ostlichen Landes, mit grauen Dachern und blinden
Fenstern... Der grosse Jald umschliesst sie, und
ein hoher Himmel mit schwarzen Wolken wolbt sich
uber ihnen... Sie sind so kle in, dass ihre Namen
nur auf den Karten verzeichnet sind, die der Sol—
dat im Manover braucht, und auch dort noch nicht
einmal mit Sicherheit... schon hinter der greis-
grenze kennt sie niemand. Sie sind wie Graber

 

25Wiechert, "Das Zwiegesicht der deutschen Kuste," S. w.,
X, 583. An identical description is to be found in_ "Der
Fischer," g. 3., X, 748 and "Land an der Mamel, " g 761.

26"Der Herbst des Einsamen."

27"Is1and of the Dead."

274

aus den Zeiten lang vergessener Kriege mit
verwischter Schrift. Im Fruhling, wenn die
Kirschen- und Eirnbaume bluhen und der Flieder
auf dem kleinen Kirchhof, konnen sie lieblich
aussehen von ferne, vom andern Ufer des Sees
etwas... Eine sandige Strasse zieht zwischen
ihren verfallenen Gartenzaunen entlang. Sie
kommt aus den weiten Wa iern und verschwindet
wieder‘zwischen ihnen.

This relatively short excerpt from the extensive depiction
indicates that it belongs to the Lithuanian village group,
which is known as "maéieji gatviniai,"29 meaning that

it is a small—sized village,30 divided by a main road
with the farmsteads standing on either side of it. The
inhabitants of this village, Lithuanians and Germans alike,
share common destiny. They do not wish to compete with

or rise in any way above their neighbor. They are humble
farmers ".. die einander kannten. Jeder wusste vom ande-
ren, was er wollte, was er liebte und hasste. Ein fest-

.31

geschlossener Kreis, warm und behaglich...‘ They live

isolated from the outside world and from the corrupt in-
fluences of urban civilization which bring only social

32
and moral decay. In this enclosed circle of humanity,

 

28Wiechert, Die Jeromin, g, 3., v, 36.

29
"Small street-villages" (Enciklopedija, X, 254-235).

30Not less than four or more than fifteen farmsteads
LEnciklopedija, X, 254).

31Wiechert, Die Flucht, pg. w., I, 68.

328. B. Puknat, "God, man and society in the recent fiction

of Ernst Wiechert, " German Life and L511§1§,III, (1951),
229.

275

Wiechert is able to depict more effectively and more
distinctly one of the most significant aspects of human
existence, that of the everpresent antagonism between

33

good and evil. Evil, however, does not find nourishing
ground in this Lithuanian - German village and perishes
without leaving a trace. The village itself, so Wiechert
intends to prove, is the symbol of all that is good and
noble. It is the original mode of life, which provided,
and continues to do so, peace, security and happiness to
mankind. In this village lies the necessary strength and
the last recourse for seemingly lost humanity. The
boundary of nationalities such as Lithuanian and German,
living within the circle of this village, dissolves into
one homogeneous group of humble and hard working farmers.
It seems that Wiechert, by the presentation of this vil-
lage, desired to leave to humanity an ideal and symbolic
example for its future existence. He showed, by de—
picting this village, that men, despite the differences

of nationality or religion, can live near each other and
share alike their happiness and hardships. Only from

such simple, enclosed country life can the new ideal world

be reborn and not from the smokefilled and dark streets

 

33A. Bergstraesser, "Ernst Wiechert, 'Die Jeromin-Kinder',"
German Books (January, 1948), 37.

276

of cities}!1L

The presentation of the Lithuanian village, re-
flected in Agnes Miegel's prose, does not betray any de-
viation from its original and true model. As Sudermann
and Wiechert, the authoress is meritoriously accurate in
her verbal portrayal. In "Besuch im Dorf" she shares with
her parents the feeling of fascination when they observe
the contours of the Lithuanian village appearing on the
horizon.35 The consequent visit to this village leaves

an unforgettable impression which she records many years

6 in the above mentioned narrative:

7

later“
Druben... flammten Tulpen und Osterglocken in
buschbestandenen Besten, alte Apflebaume schaumten
rogig dort und im Obstgarten des Dgrfkruges, dessen
gruner Hang mit den altersgrauen Banken sanft zum
Bachgrgnd abfiel, uberall sahen aus Lindengrun und
Obstblute breite Strohdacher, mit dem Rosshaupt
am Giebel und kreisenden Stgrchen uber ihren Nestern.
Und am schonsten war das fruhlingsbunte Terassen-
gartchen hinter dem Haus....37

 

34This Wiechertian thought is reminiscent of J. J.
Rousseau's statement in Emile, Livre I: "Les villes sont
le gouffre de l'espece humaine. Au bout de queloues
generations les races perissent ou degenerent...’

Qeuvres Completes, ed. 0. Lahure (Paris, 1856). I, 435.

35A. Miegel, "Besuch im Dorf," Gesammelte Werke (Dussel-
dorf/Koln, 1954), V, 208. Hereafter cited as Miegel,
Besuch, g, 3., V.

361932

37Miegel, Besuch, G. E,, p. 209. Reminiscent of James
Thomson's (l700—l7z8) poetic words: "And villages em-

bosomed soft in tree" (The Seasons, "Spring," 1).

277

Agnes Miegel's interest evoking emphasis upon architec-
tural features such as "breite Strohdacher, mit dem Ross-
haupt am Giebel" reminds us of a similar attitude dis-
played by Wiechert. The inclusion of the "graustaubende
Dorfstrasse,"38 which is regarded by the Lithuanian farmers
as the vital link with the outside world, and her reference
to this village as "ein altes grosses Dorf"39 indicates
that it is to be classed among Lithuanian villages under
the designation - "didieji" or "Kompaktinial gatviniai."40
From Agnes Miegelfs narrative "Landsleute" we note that

the construction of the Lithuanian farmsteads in the vil-
lage of modern times remains faithfully the same, as those
of the fifth century. The farm buildings were and still
are built "...nicht von Steinen...," but from wood covered

"41

with wide, heavy, "Rohrdacher. The Lithuanian village

 

38Miegel, Besuch, g, 3., V, 210.
39Miegel, Besuch, g. fl., V, 208.

0"A large compact village," Enciklopedija, X, 235. For“
a morg intensive research consult the following: W. Essen,
gig landlichen Siedlungen in Litauen,“mit besonderer ge-
rucksichtigung ihrer Bevolkerungsverhaltnisse (Leipzig,
19317 includes diagrams and maps; H. Mortensen, Litauen:
Grundzuge einer Landeskunde (Hamburg, 1926); contains maps
and plates.

 

 

4lMiegel, Landsleute, g. fl,, III, 62.

 

278

in her Novella "Die Fahrt der sieben Ordensbruder," how-
ever, already betrays the Teutonic influence: "Der Schlit-
ten hielt schnurgerade auf das Dorf zu, das mitten in dem
Weiss lag, ein Gewirr von braunlichsilbernen Obstwipfeln,
von Kornblumen Schatten auf weissgekalkten, rosig flim-
mernden wanden, von grunlichbemoosten Hohrdachern, fiber
denen rot und wuchtig der schwere viereckige Kirchturm
stand.42 The ubiquity of the "schwere viereckige Kirch-
turm" in the village is the initial sign of the approach-
ing era of persistent Germanization executed in the name
of Christianity. Agnes Miegel's childhood nursemaid

Lina, from whom the greater part of the Lithuanian influ-
ence originated, revealed to the authoress many aspects

of Lithuanian village life. All of these display the
simple, self-reliant existence of the farmers. The vil-
lage itself stands as an independent and self-supporting
unit. Produce and the other necessities assuring a com;
fortable prosperous life are derived through the tilling
of the fertile soil by the diligent hands of the farmer."3
The magic attraction which radiates from the towers of

the city results only in tragedy upon the simple and naive

 

4 ..
2Miegel, Ordensbruder, g. H,, III, 205.

43Miegel, Lina, g. E., V, 185, 186.

279

souls of those Lithuanian villagers who abandon their
native environment. Agnes Miegel in "Heine alte Lina"
cannot comprehend the reason for this step taken by two

of her most beloved Lithuanian friends: "Zu dem Vielen,
was mir heute noch in meinem Leben unverstandlich er-
scheint, im Letzten doch unbegreiflich, soviel ich daran
herumgeratselt habe, gehSrt es, dass die beiden Schwestern,
meine alte Lina und die kleine Hanne, nach Jahren von uns

"44 It was Berlin, "... diese schSne, locken-

fortgingen.
de, wachsende Stadt, die taglich ein paar Leute aus unse-
rem Orte in ihren unersattlichen Goldschlund zog--und die
dann auch Lina und ihre Schwester nahm."45 This "magic"
city, compared very properly by Agnes Miegel to an apple
"... aussen blank, rund und rot, aber innen mit faulendem

"46

Gehaus... and the life in it surrounded by the cold,

granitic city walls cannot be endured by the humble Lithu-
47

anian villagers.

 

ZM‘Miegel, Lina, G. E., V, 194.
45

46
47 _ ,
Note Lord Byron s often quoted passage originated from

Childe Harold's Pilgrimage (Canto iii, St. LXXII). Byron’s
Works (London, 1853), p. 36:

Miegel, Lina, g. fl., V, 195.

Miegel, Lina, g. fl., V, 194.

I live not in myself, but I become
Portion of that around me, and to me
High mountains are a feeling, but the hum

of human cities torture.

280

They are like a fragile nordic birchtree transplanted
in chaotic desert sand, destined to end their hopeless
existence and neither to grow nor prosper under these
unaccustomed conditions:

In einem grossen, weissen, Eberheizten Kranken-
saal... 1m Osten der grossen Stadt ist Lina ge-
storben, hat sie sich zu Tod gehustet und end-
lich ausgeschlafen von der ubergrossen Mudigkeit
die dort auf sie fiel bei der schweren Arbeit...
beim muhsamen Atmen in der von Staub, von Kuchen-
dunst, vgn Rauch grauen Luft des engen Lichthofs,
in der Kalte, die durch die schmalen Korridor-
schachteuund die hohen Stuben wehte. Stuben...
mit verhangten Fenstern, hinter denen kalte
fremde Menschen lebten, fur die Lina nichts war
als eine gutbezahlte Arbeitsmaschine, die man
ausnutzte und gehen liess. Unsere alte Lina,

die das hinnahm mit dem stumpfen Entsetzen des
Kindes das dem Moloch in die zermalmenden Arme

lief."8
The authoress, just as Wiechert, indicates that the Lithu-

anian village standing in proximity to nature is an im-
penetrable citadel for the physical and spiritual pro-
tection of its inhabitants. It is the only fundamental

unit capable of preserving ancient Lithuanian traditions

to transmit them to the future generations.

 

48Miegel, Lina, g. fl,, V, 195-195-

THE GERMAN AND LITHUANIAN RELATIONSHIP

The Lithuanian people in the prose of Sudermann,
Wiechert and Agnes Miegel, as I have presented in previ-
ous chapters, is exposed to a constant and continuous
contact with the Germans. The nature of this contact
varies greatly depending upon the individuals involved
and the circumstances surrounding it. These Germans re-
side to a greater extent either on their country estates
or have their homesteads in the immediate vicinity of the
Lithuanian village. In some instances, as we have already
observed in Wiechert's Die Jeromin-Kinder, their farms
are a constituent part of the Lithuanian village itself.
A segment of this German population is assigned duties of
the East Prussian governmental body, while others are
either well-to-do estate owners or just ordinary neigh-
bors of the Lithuanians.

The German people with whom Lithuanians frequently
come into contact are the large estate owners, the estate
or colony managers and clergymen. The relationship be-
tween them and the Lithuanians is to be characterized as
amicable and sincere. In Sudermann's "Die Magd," the

wealthy estate owner John Westphal commands great respect

281

among the Lithuanians: "Dem Herrn Westphal tratl :ein Mann
und keine Frau mit Vorwurfen unter die Augen. Dem nahte
man hachstens mit einer Bitte im Munde. Nicht ohne Grund
nannten ihn die Leute weit und breit den 'Wieszpatis'.
Das heisst auf deutsch 'Ksnig und Herrscher', Und der
liebe Herrgott heisst auch so."1 He provides Lithuanians
with employment not only as workers of his land but also
as key members of the managing staff for his estate.

His uneXpected visit to the wedding festivities of the
family of a Lithuanian farmer shows very effectively the
impact his arrival makes upon the Lithuanian guests:

Da geschah etwas, was niemand geahnt oder fur
moglich gehalten hatte. Jare der Herrgott vom
Himmel herniedergestiegen... keiner hatte sich
mehr gewundert als jetzt.

Und es war ga auch eine Art von Herrgottg ein
'Wieszpatis war es, der sich selber bemuhte.
Wer kannte nicht die zwei weissen Trakehner,
die plotzlich herangebraust kamen?..&

Und wer kannte nicht den Mann, der funf Fuss
zehn Zoll hoch mit blitzenden Augen unter
buschigen Brauen... schwer und gewaltig den
blautuchenen Polstern entstieg...

Jafi wenn der zur Hoch eit kam... Dann gab es nur...
Gluck und Geehrtsein.

The elaborate gift which he presents to the newlywed

couple indicates his appreciation and love for the humble

 

lSudermann, Die Magd, p. 379.
2Sudermann, Die Magd, p. 351.

3Sudermann, Die Magd, p. 411, 412.

283

Lithuanian land owners:

... der Wieszpatis, zog einen Kasten unter dem Arme
vornund reichte ihn hin. Der war inen mit Seide
gefuttert, und auf der hellblauen Seide lagen silber-
ne Messer und Gabel und Loffel, die kosteten hundert
Taler und mehr... Noch niemals hatte man jemand ge-
kannt, dem zur Hochzeit solch eine Gabe beschert wor-

den war.
Und der Herr sagte: 'Ihr alle sollt daraus erfahren,

wie treu die Marinke mir einstmals gedient hat und
wienhoch miine Frau und ich ihre Dienste heute noch
!

schatzen.

John Westphal's admirable characteristics are the reason
for the great respect the Lithuanians display toward him,
personally. They consider him their wise, just and kind
master5 and father. They turn to him in an hour of dis-
tress and find always a comforting aiding hand.6 Similar
German personalities having favorable attitudes toward
Lithuanians we find in "Jons und Erdme." A well-to-do
German "akonomierat" is the last resort for Jons and Erdme
in acquiring the necessary building material for the com-
pletion of their house. They contemplate the proper
approach to this German country gentleman: "Vielleicht
versucht man es... mit Betteln. Denn weit und breit weiss
jeder, welch ein guter wohlmeinender Herr der Herr akono-

mierat ist.7 This knowledge, however, does not give

4
Sudermann, Die Magd, p. 413.

5A similar attitude is reflected in H. Sudermann's
Johannisfeuer (Stuttgart, 1933), p. 121.

6Sudermann, Die Magd, pp. 448-449.

Sudermann, Jons, p. 182.

284

them any comfort or diminish in any way their fears

during their visit to "Herr 0konomierat:" "Mit Zittern
und Zagen stehen sie vor ihm in dem grossen Saal, der mit
Bucherregalen gefullt ist von einem Ende bis zum anderen...
Aber es ist kein...Geldprotz..., der zu ihnen spricht,
sondern ist freundlich und leutselig und wischt sich mit
der Zunge fiber die Zahne und schmunzelt sie an."8 He is
willing to give them the material needed but eXpects for

Jons and Erdme at least, an unusual payment:

Sie verstehen seine Frage erst nicht, obwohl er
litauisch spricht, beinahe so gut wie sie selber.
Zweimal muss er sie wiederholen. Da erst lachen
Sig hell auf. 0b“sie singen konnen!

'Eonnt ihr augh Marchen ergahlen?‘

Funfhundert konnen sie erzahlen...

'So viel will ich gar nicht wigsen,’ sagt er.
'Singt mir zehn Lieder und erzahlt mir zehn
Marchen. Vielleicht dass ich was Fremdes darunter
finde. Und dann konnt ihr euch Ziegel auf die
Karre laden, soviel ihr braucht.’

His fluent knowledge of the Lithuanian language, his
enthusiastic interest in Lithuanian folklore indicate his
admiration for the Lithuanians, who while living among the
Germans retained their national character trends. Further-
more, in "Jons und Erdme," Sudermann delineates a German
"Moorvogt" who in his attitude toward the Lithuanians is

reminiscent of both John Westphal and "Herr 0konomierat."

 

Sudermann, Jons, p. 182.

Sudermann, Jons, p. 183.

285

He extends his helping hand readily to the new Lithuanian
farmers in their difficult task to become established on
the uncertain ground of the only partially dried up moor-
land.10 He compliments them for their outstanding dili-
gence and stands at their side during the tragic days of
an inundation: "Und uberall die Stimme des Moorvogts.
Vorne und hinten, in Streit und in Jammer--uberall ist
der Moorvogt und schlichtet und hilft und schiebt die
Achsen und halftert das Vieh und ordnet die allmahliche
Abfahrt."ll A German physician in the same narrative
follows the example of the "Moorvogt." Through a day

and an entire night he watches over a painstricken Lithu-
anian woman during a difficult childbirth. After the
successful delivery of the child, realizing the poor
economic condition of the people, he names a fee far below
the usual remuneration, demanded for this type of serv-
ice.12 His impressive appearance, which is greatly in-
fluenced by a physician with whom Sudermann acquainted
during his lifetime,13 produces a notable effect in the

perceptive activities of the Lithuanian woman, reminding

 

1
OSudermann, Jons, p. 209.

ll
Sudermann, Jons, p. 277.

12
Sudermann, Jons, pp. 205—207.
13H. Sudermann, Des Bilderbuch meiner Jugend, pp. 127, 131.

\

 

286

us of a similar occurance involving the estate owner

John Westphal in "Die Magd:" "Da tritt ein deutscher

iann an ihr Bett, anzusehen wie ein rotbartiger Riese--
Perkuhn, der Donnergott, muss so auSgesehen haben--, und
blickt aus grossen, rollenden Gottesaugen auf sie herab

und sagt mit einer Stimme, bullrig und gut wie abziehen-
des Ungewitter: 'Na -a! Kommt es denn noch immer nicht?”l4
The distinctly different physical characteristics of the
physician and the estate owner15 prompted so to desig-
nate different names for each: a derivative of the pagan
Thundergod for the physician; one from the name of the
Christian Deity to designate the more impressive appear-
ance of Westphal. Not only do the German laymen show
favorable inclinations toward the Lithuanians but the
Protestant clergymen exercise them in an identical man-
ner. In the narrative "Die Magd" we meet a German pastor,
who is well known for his love of the Lithuanians not
only to those of his parish but to the entire Memelland
Lithuanian population:

Nun traf es sich... dass damals in Hidden der
Pfarrer Hoffeins Seelsorger war, der jungere Bruder
des Superintendenten, den die Tilsiter heute noch
preisen. Das war gleich diesem ein lebensfroher

 

l4Sudermann, Jons, pp. 205-206.

lSSudermann, Die Magd, p. 411.

287

O.
und sottmefalliecr Mann, der die Litauer liebte,
als ware er einer von ihnen, und... die seines
Schutzes oedurften, Rat chlagu und Zuf lucht bot,
soweit sein Arm sich ers tr eckte 16

His understanding and compassionate personality provides
the necessary strength for Marink e 's spiritual life.
Without his wise interference in her personal affairs
she would have experienced a tragic and fatal end.

The relationship between the German lady estate owner

Die Majorin, in Wiechert's novel with the same title, and

 

her Lithuanian servant Jonas is reflected noticeably in
his consciousness:

... viele Lonate [flaring the First World War] haben
sie allein am Feuer gesessen, die Majorin undfler,
und draussen war nichts gewesen, alsudas Gebrull
herrenlosen Getiers und der dumpfe Larm ferner
Geschutze... Seither sitzt er hier, je den Abend,
fast zwanzig Jahre lang, und mi tunter kommt die
Majorin herein, bleibt vor dem Feuer stehen und
legt eine He nd auf seine gebeugte Schulter.

'Ja, Jonas,‘ sagt sie, 'wir beide, nicht wahr?’
Eine treue Kameradin is t sie, und sie vergisst
nicht so schnell, wie die La:1ner vergessen.

Der Pastor zum Beispiel, dem er die beiden Kuhe
gerettet hat; und 7r ihm nur zunickt, als sei

er ein Tagelohner.

.223 Egjgglg treats Jonas as an equal and turns to him
for advice before making any major decisions regarding
the management of the entire estate. Jonas is to her an

l6Sudermann, Die Mazd, p. 453.

1
7Wiechert, Die Maiorin, g. V IV, 193.

l'.’

288

example of stability, an individual who knows which is
the right or wrong path of human existence. He is the
only person to whom she entrusts the carrying out of her
orders. He never questions them but based upon the the
nobility of her character, firmly believes her judge-

ment.18 Herr von Balk in Die Jeromin—Kinder is an estate

 

 

owner living inside the boundaries of the village Sowirog
who dedicates his life to the welfare of its inhabitants,
a part of whom, as we remember from the previous chapter,
are Lithuanians. He cares for his people not only ma-
terially but stands as their guard against the corrupt
influence from the outside world.19 Contemplating the
approaching cruelties of the Second World War he entreats
the villagers to leave their land and seek refuge in a
safer place in Germany's inland.20 His desperate appeal
is turned down by the village elders.21 Before the out-

break of the war he stages an elaborate celebration of

the harvest for his beloved villagers. He knows that

 

18 Wiechert, §g§.Majorin, S. W., IV, 252-254- This

Jonas attitude echoes in Shakespeare's chgllg,
Act III, Scene 3: "...If I do vow a friendship, I'll
perform it to the last article."

19
Wiechert, Die Jeromin, S. W., V, 57lff-

20..
21Wiechert, Die Jeromin, §°.E-’ V: 916°
Wiechert, Die Jeromin, S. W., V, 921-

289

this will be his last appearance among his people.22
After making the necessary preparation so that the dwel-

lers in Sowirog would survive the approaching turbulent

days of war, he is murdered by the German government agents?3

A counterpart of Herr von Balk, Wiechert introduces in his

final novel Missa sine nomine. He is Freiherr Amadeus

 

from the noble German family of Lijecronas. Beginning
with his childhood he was in constant association with
Lithuanians living on the estate. He sang their folk-
songseAand was fascinated with their mythological fairy
tales.25 The philosophy of his life started its crystal-
ization process with the thoughts which were born in his
mind during the conversations with an aged exceedingly
wise Lithuanian woman Grita. It was she to whom he turned
to find peace for his soul and the reassurance that life
has a meaningful pattern, which, because of the limita-

tions laid upon the human mind, is not so easily perceiv-

able as one wishes it to be.26 Amadeus’ father encouraged

 

22Wiechert, Die Jeromin, _s_. 11., V, 954.
23Wiechert, Die Jeromin, g. 11., v, 970.

 

24Wiechert, Missa, §3.H°' VI: 19'

25Wiechert, Lissa, g. _L, VI, 315-

m

26
Wiechert, Missa, S. W., VI, 22.

290

the association of his son with the humble Lithuanian
folk. He complimented him for the steps he took to ligh-
en the burden of these people, emphasizing that: "Wer den
Armen eine Brucke baut ist mehr, als wer den Kanigen ein
Reich baut...."27 Amadeus nearest companion during the
later trying days of his life was a Lithuanian coachman,
who after unveiling for him the true reason and goal for
human existence found eternal rest.28 The Lithuanians on
their part regard him as understanding master and a faith-
ful friend. They know that they can turn to him when pres-

29 Erdmuthe before

sed by marital or Spiritual problems.
her departure very appropriately compares him to a light-
house in the darkness of the night: "Auf dich sehen sie,
wie die Fischer auf den Leuchtturm sehen dort oben in
Lithuania ."30 He is the last exemplary figure of Wiechert
who clearly indicates that the true worth of an individual
lies not in his self—centered achievements but in his

humble service to others, in this case to the war-torn

Lithuanian people. It should be noted, that not only

 

27Wiechert, Missa, S. W., VI, 19-

 

28Wiechert, Missa, g. g., VI, 422.
29

 

Wiechert, Missa, S. E., VI, 272, 397-

 

 

291

Wiechert's German nobility or the estate owners have
friendly ties with Lithuanians but also his simple German

land populace. Michael in Die Majorin regards Jonas as

 

"...sein einziger...guter Kamerad."jl In Jonas he dis-

covers the presence of a human soul which does not re-
cognize anything but the principles of human dignity and
nobility. Through his relationship with Jonas he erases
the negative outlook on life and finds his way back into
the circle of human society as a worthy member. In 23;
Knecht Gottes Andreas Nyland this situation is reversed.
It is the Lithuanian peasant couple, Jons and Grita,who
look look up to a German as an ideal man who made the
search for God his life ambition. They are willing to
sacrifice their lives so that their highly honored Ger—
man friend, Andreas, may live in tranquility and apart
from the common everyday problems: "'Andreas,‘ sagte
Jons, 'komm zu uns. Wir wollen arbeiten fgr dich, und
du kannst uber deinen Buchern sitzen oder denken, wie du
die Welt neu machen willst.”32 Grita is especially sen-
sitive toward Andreas' misfortunes and shares in his

sufferings mentally even if in her own life she has found

 

31Wiechert, Die Majorin, S. W., IV, 237, 313.

32Wiechert, Nvland, S. 3., II: 459‘

292

a brighter day:

'0 herr, rief sie aufspringe nd, 'ich musste soviel
denken an Sie heute, und nun sind Sie es selbst.
Er druckte sie auf ihren Platz niede r und setzte
sich ans Feuer.

'Alles singt heute, Grita, ' sagte er, das Kind be-
trachtend. 'Was fur ein wunderbarer Tag... hast du
gehort wie ans gesungen hat?...

'Er kann pflugen, Herr, das is t es, antwortete

sie mit le isem Se ufzen.
Er s:.h sie bes orgt an. 'Und du, Grita? Hast du
nicht dein Beet mit schwarzer Erde, und hat es nicht
aufgehort zu weinen, seit ihr das Kind habt?’

Sie senkte die Stirne. 'Es ist so, Herr... aber...
wenn Sie kommen, so arm wie damals in der Stadt,
dann ist es mir wie ein Stein auf der Brust...
und neulich... es hat in Kreisblatt gestanden...
sie verfolgen Sie, Herr.33

From this limited passage it already becomes quite clear
that Grita has grasped the fundamental thought of Andreas'
philosophy of universal "Mitleid." She achieved this much
sooner and more naturally than her husband Jons. She be-
lieves firmly in this philosophy of their German friend
and applies it to the very course of her life. Andreas
in a convincing manner also reveals this thought vital
to human existence to Jons:
Es steht... [in the Holy Bible dass wir einander
lieben sollen. Sieh, das ist es. Ihr denkt:
teilt das Geld, teilt die Erde, den Wald, das Meer,
und alles ist gut. Jons, ich sage dir, macht den
Menschen gut, und ihr braucht nichts zu teilen.

Ihr glaubt, wenn die Armut aus der Welt ist, dann
ist das Leid aus der Welt. Ach nein, es gibt ein

 

'2
J

3Wie chert Nvland _s. 3., II, 443.

3 _.d._ ,._ 9

293

Leid der Erde, das jenseits der Armut ist.

Das Leid des Menschseins. Teilt das Leid, Jons,
night das Geld und die Erde. Wer viel Leid
tragt, der trage, aber wer wenig Leid tragt, der
nehme sich etwas dazu, damit der andere weniger
habe. Sieh Grita an, sie nimmt von deinem Leid
und ist stark und froh.” Bist du stark und froh,
Jons? Kannst du sie trosten? Kannst du sie bei
der Hand nehmen, wenn sie schwach ist?...

Da verstummte Jons bedruckt.94

Consequently, in a period of solitary contemplation Jons
recognizes the true value of Andreas disclosed philisophy
and desires to become his servant "... bist du Andreas
die Welt neu gemacht hast."35 From this solemn moment
they constitute an inseparable unity embracing three human
hearts; a unity where any noticeable boundary of national-
ity would be only a sign of weakness and superficiality:

"Wir... wir drei... Niemand kann uns trennen... zusammen

"35 In contrast to this harmonious

werden wir leiden....
existence stands the destructive individuality embodied
in the estate owner Herr Bulck. Grita and Jons do not
have any direct contact with him, but indirectly they ex-
perience his destructful contempt for the entire human

race. His negative attitude is reflected distinctly in

the words he articulates in the conversation with Andreas:

 

34Wiechert, Nyland, g. Eo; 11, 308: 309°

2'
“SWiechert, NVland, S. Ho: II: 313'

36Wiechert, Nvlfind; §-.H" 11’ 386°

294

Die Hanschen, sieh mal, ich nenne sie du, alle.

So wenig sind sie mir, so nichts. Ich kaufe sie.

Die Weiber, die Arbeiter, das Gesetz, den Pfarrer...

Ich suche sie mir zusammen, ich bezahle sie, ich

ziehe sie auf, und dann lasse ich sie tanzen. Ja-

wohl, tanzen! Und ich sitze und sehe zu. Und es

ist herrlich, wenn sie aneinandergeraten werden.

Glaubst du, dass mir an einem von ihnen etwas ge-

legen ist? Nicht. Ich schuttle sie wie Wurfel

in einem Becher. {anchmal liegt die Eins oben,

manchmal die Sechs. Aber sie sind alle gleich.

Und verliert man einen oder zerspringt er, so

geht man zum Kaufmann und holt sich einen neuen.37

With the inhumanly cruel game he stages to disperse

his feelings of "Langweile," he almost succeeds in ruin-
ing the lives of Jons and Grita. The timely interference
of their faithful friend Andreas averts possibly tragic
consequences. It is the irony of human life that at the
end Jons and Grita because of Andreas, gain for themsel-
ves favorable living conditions, while their German friend
must return to the solitude of the dark East Prussian
forest to find peace for the despondent soul.38 Their
spiritual ties, however, are too deep and too strong to
be broken either by the element of time or of distance.
In this novel we further observe the favorable disposi-
tion the Germans display toward the Lithuanian people.

Andreas' war-time friend who manages a large saw-mill

and employs Lithuanians, has always a kind and considerate

 

3
7Wiechert, Nyland, S. fl., II, 351.
38Wiechert, Nyland, S. H., II, 588, 632-634-

295

word for them. Returning from an all day excursion
he and Andreas took on the river Nemunas, this pro-
pitious attitude manifests itself in one simple gesture:

Er stand auf, ohne eine Antwort abzuwarten und stieg
ins Boot. 'Hier, Jurgies,’ sagte er mit abwesendem
Lacheln zu dem Bootsmann, 'nimm ein paar Zigaretten
und bringe uns gut nach Hause, wirst auch mude

seinl' Nach einer Weile erst legte Andreas seine
Hand auf seines Freundes Arm. 'Sieh', sagte er

mit einer trostenden Gewissheit in der Stimme, 'schon
deshalb lohnte es zu leben; dass er nach Jahren, wenn
er mit einem andern hier fahrt, an solch einem Abend
sagen kann: 'Ja, Herr, er war ein guter Herr, der
vorige. Bringe uns gut nach Hause, Jurgies, sagte
er. Und dann legte er mir die ganze Hand voll Zi-
.aretten... die Erde soll ihm leicht sein...!"

Es ist ein bisschen wenig, Andreas.'39

This gesture is not to be considered from a materialistic
point of view, but a humane action. Being himself fa-
tigued from the strenuous activities during the excursion,
he turns his attention to a Lithuanian boatman acknowl-
edging the fact, that he is also a fellow human being
and not a nameless animal as is presumed by Herr Bulck.
The relationship between Agnes Miegel's Lithuanians
and the Germans is a major part of the Lithuanian char-

acter itself, so that its separate discussion would appear

as a repetition of previous chapte s. As an example, one

may refer to the nursemaid Lina or Krupatsche. The very

nature of their occupation is based upon this relationship

 

39Wiechert, Nyland, s. E., II, 325-

206

between a Lithuanian and a German. Thus their person-
alities are reflected in it to such an inseparable de-
gree, that it needed to be discussed concurrently. Other
narratives involving Lithuanian people indicate that the
German population of East Prussia treated Lithuanians
with compassion and deference. A German physician in
"Noras Schicksal" does not hesitate a moment in an attempt
to save the lives of Lithuanians inflicted with cholera.4O
In the narrative "Das Bernsteinherz," Herzog Albrecht
greets the Lithuanian wife of the town's goldsmith in

a friendly manner: "Der Herzog, der sie von der Schwelle
aus betrachtete... lachelte, was jetzt nicht oft vor-

"41The rare knowledge she possesses pertaining to a

kam.
collection of amber assists her in finding a way to the
duke's heart. He consults her in his contemplated pur-
chase of a singular ornament made from Baltic amber:
"Er schob sorgsam das Fach mit den Einschlussen zu und
horchte, wie der rasche Schritt des Junkers verhallte.
Dann sagte er zu der Frau: 'Es ist mir gestern ein sel-

tenes Stuck angeboten. Ich will's Euch zeigen... ihr

sollt mir sagen, ob's zu erstehen lohntl'"42 During

 

40Miegel, Noras Schicksal, E. K., IV, 140.
41Miegel, Das Bernsteinherz, g. H,, III. 235.

42Miegel, Das Bernsteinherz, 9. fl., III, 239.

297

the visit the duke noticing her nervousness, even invites
her to partake with him an ancient Lithuanian potation:
"Der Herzog trank in kleinen Schlucken sein Warmbier, er-
munterte die Frau, auch zu trinken, und sah zufrieden, wie
ihr Gesicht und ihre Hande ruhig wurden. Er schenkte ihr
selbst noch einmal ein...."43 Their relationship is not
so much that of a distant ruler and an unworthy subject
as that of a daughter of the land and a mighty, protect-
ing father: "Sie... glitt naher... richtete sich ein
bisschen auf, griff nach des Herzogs Hand, lehnte ihr...
Gesicht daran wie ein Kind an die Hand des Vaters... Er
sprach ganz sanft wie zu einem Kind...."44 The duke re-
flecting the thought of Agnes Miegel refers to this nor-
dic East Prussian land as "... unser Land, unser Preus-
sen, das mich und Euch umfangt. Mir anvertraut, ein
teuer wertes Gut, fur das ich Rechenschaft ablegen muss
am Jungsten Tag, mir ubergeben, es zu schatzen, gegen
Feindesangriff und Gewalt und gegen die zu schatzen

gegen die base Liste der Verrater, die ich verstossen

45
'
muss, Euch und uns allen zugut....' It is apparent

that with this narrative the authoress intends to

 

T.T

43Miegel, Das Bernsteinherz, G. 1., III, 241.

44Miegel, Das Bernsteinherz, G. w., III, 255.

45Miegel, Das Bernsteinherz, Q. 3., III, 256.

 

298

emphazise the enlightened attitude of a German duke, who
does not wish to differentiate between the nationalities
living under his jurisdiction. The Germans and Lithuani—
ans are regarded by him as equally worthy inhabitants of
East Prussia. The benevolence and the kind understanding
he shows toward the Lithuanian woman betray his nearness
and his personal interest in the Lithuanian nation.46
The prose of the three authors in discussion incor-
porate a group of Lithuanians whose relationship to Ger-
mans are not that of true or intimate friends.47 They
display an artificial respect to the German people and

carry a great distrust for them in their hearts. In

Sudermann's narrative "Hiks Bumbullis," Miks, while

 

46Historical documents tell us that Duke Albrecht von
Hohenzollern, a member of the Ansbach family ruling Bran-
denburg, was also half Lithuanian by birth. He was the
son of King Casimir's daughter and thus a nephew of Si-
gismundus II, Grand Duke of Lithuania and King of Poland.
Cf. Jurgela, History 23 the Lithuanian Nation, p. 207;

V. Daugirdaite — Sruogiené, Lietuvos Istorija (Chicago,

n. d.), pp. 102—106; St. Matulaitis, Lietuvid Tautos
Igtorija, pp. 155—134; L. v. Ranke, PreussischenGeschichte
(Wiesbaden/Berlin, 1957), L, 182-183; G. Stadtmuller
Geschichtliche Ostkunde (Munchen und Stuttgart, 19595,

p. 72; W. Hubatsch, Bckpfeiler Europas (Heidelberg, 1953),
p. 45ff. It was to his memory that the German military
leaders named one of their cavalry regiments "Das litau-
ische Dragoner-Regiment Prinz Albrecht,“ see Sudermann,
Die Reise, pp. 46—47.

47J. Botyrius, "Lietuviai Sudermanno 'Lietuviskose
Apysakose'," Athenaeum, V (Kaunas, 1934), 96.

 

 

 

 

299

serving his sentence in a German prison, experiences a
mental tension which needs immediate psychological atten-
tion. He suppresses it because "... vor diesen Deutschen
muss man sich immer in acht nehmen."48 This distrustful
attitude leads him to his own destruction. Merely men-
tion of his mental problem, however, either to the prison
physician or to the priest would have changed the tragic
path he selects to adapt. Erdme Baltruschat in "Jons und
Erdme" cautions her husband against exposing himself to
unnecessary hardships because of his umbrageous dealings
involving a German sawmill owner. She does not believe
that this German is capable of understanding their criti-
cal economic condition or is of sufficiently benevolent
disposition to give them an opportunity for preper com-
pensation: "So bliebe also nur noch das Holzgeschaft
ubrig, denn das Ziegenheu kann auch von selber gefallen
sein. Aber das Holzgeschaft! 'Das deutsche Schwein kann
Wind kriegen und ziegt dich am Ende noch an,‘ warnt die

n49

Erdme... Das sieht er auch ein.... Furthermore, she

generalizes that all the Germans she is acquainted with

9

have '...immer eine grosse Schnauze... und die Litauer

ABSudermann, Bumbullis. P. 127.

49Sudermann, Jons, p. 253.

BOO

als Vieh ansehen."50

This distrust and contempt for
Germans is already reflected in the history of East Prus-
sia, which is treated by Agnes Miegel in "Die Fahrt der
sieben Ordensbruder." In this Novelle the tribal Lithu-
anians, young and old, do not quite succeed in thein-at-
tempt to restrain the feeling of animosity they have for
the Teutonic, unwelcome guest: "Der Hasenkop one of the
Teutonic knights schritt an ihnen vorbei... Sie wandten
die Kspfe. Es waren fast alles Weiber. Eine Alte kreisch-
te etwas heiser wie eine Krahe. Eine Jungere schrie sie
an und hielteinem Jungen, der etwas sagen wollte, den
Mund zu."51 Their old tribal priest Supplitt does not
need to utter any words of disdain because his eyes mir-
ror his thoughts quite well: "Seine kleinen hellen Augen
unter den buschigen Brauen sahen die Deutschen Herren an

"52 In a dramatic manner the

wie die eines basen Hundes.
authoress depicts the scene displaying the Lithuanian
people'scbmand for death of the group of Teutonic knights
present in their territory:
Er setzte den langen Fuss auf ihre Schulter...

Dann blickte er auf die Liegenden. ”
'Was wollt ihr?’ Seine Stimme klang bruchig.

 

50

Sudermann, Jons, p. 180.
51Miegel, Ordensbruder, G. E., III, 168.

52Miegel, Ordensbruder, g. w., III, 142.

 

 

-v
1
.
u
.
O
n \.
‘ \
p.

301

'Sie toten!‘ schrie einer.

'Toten, toten!’

Skurdas warf den Weibern die Decken zu. Zwei

junge Knechte sprangen zu und warfen ihm Kittel

und Mantel um.

'Nein!‘

'Nein!’ wiederholte er, als sie murrten.

Bin Mann erhob sich halb. .Er war alt, hatte einen

grauen Bart und graue Schlafenzopfe unter der Pelz-

kappe..

'Der Furst stirbt. Er muss sein Opfer haben!’

Er wird es haben1‘53

Only their duke Skurdas, remembering the past friendly
association which he experienced with the Teutonic group
commander and realizing the hopelessness of their struggle
against the mighty invader, spares their lives. The ma-
jor reason for this negative disposition of the Lithuanian
people toward the Germans, in the past as in the present,
lies in the superior, uncivil and, in some instances, in-
humane behavior of the Germans. The Teutonic knights act
upon the foreign land, which does not belong to them,
without any consideration for the Lithuanian tribal pro-
priety or for human lives. These destructful activities
they regard as pleasure filled "Hetzjagden," which they
were accustomed to stage in their German homeland.54

This attitude of superiority remained to some degree among

the German people dwelling in East Prussia until modern

 

53Miegel, ordel’leerer, E. 3., III, 1740

54LMiegel, Ordensbruder, g, H., III, 154, 155.

l‘

302

times. In Agnes Miegel's "Die schsne Malone," The Ger-
mans do not wish to consider a Lithuanian woman socially
acceptable to become the godmother of their child. They
dismiss the fact that it is this woman, to whom they are
greatly indebted for the prosperity of their family.55

Sudermann includes a similar trend in his Litauische

 

Geschichten. The German forester in "Hike Bumbullis"

 

is well known for his cruel treatment of the Lithuanians,
even beyond the immediate surroundings of the village.
He mistreats them to such an extent that they search for

56

a way of vengeance. The continuous, unbearable condi-
tions without any indication of improvement in the fu-
ture, compel the Lithuanian men to take drastic measures.
This frictional relationship finds tragic ending in the
murder of the German forester and the arrest of Miks
Bumbullis. Wiechert in his novel Missa sine nomine also
mentiones inhumane behavior on the part of the German
farmers toward the Lithuanians in the final days of the
Second World War:

'Aber wievigle sind davongckommen von euch?’

ChristOph zahlte noch einmal an den Fingern nach.
'Worgulla,‘ sagte er, 'und er war Gespannknecht.
Donelaitis und Skowroneck, undasie waren Schar-
werker. Und ihre Frauen und funf Kinderchen.

 

55Miegel, Malone, g. fl., IV, 31.

56Sudermann, Bumbullis, p. 83.

303

Zwei von ihnen erfroren unterwegs, und eines von

ihnen haben Rauber erschossen, als sie den Hagen

plundern wollten. Deutsche oder polnische Rauber.

Und eines ist verhungert, weil die Mutter keine

Milch hatte und die Bauern Milch nur gegen ein

Pferd gehen wollten. Das waren Meut che Baue rn.

Aber wir brauchten das Pferd, und als wir es tau-

schen wollten, war es zu spat.
This occurence might appear incredible to the reader, but
unfortunately I have observed very similar episodes during
the dark days of war when humanity seemed to have lost the
sense of responsibility, dignity and compassion for fellow-
men. Wiechert's Lithuanians required many years to soften
this grave, negative imprint left upon their souls. It
was a German nobleman who took the responsibility upon
himself to make good the injury done by his countrymen.
Wiechert very properly indicates that one negative member
of his nation cannot be regarded as typical of the entire
nation. The burden liability, however, must be carried
by all, may they be directly or indirectly responsible for
these dis shonoreble events. 58 It is noteworthy that even

a benevolent attempt by the Germans to aid the Lithuanian

 

57Wiechert, Missa, S. fl., VI: 90'

i

58w e risen, . w. VI, 108-109, 272 397; "Bede an
dieid: ggiggheLJugen dg" S. d., X, 405, 408; “Der Reiche Mann
und der arme La zarus,"— S. W., X, 656; Jahre und Zeiten,

S. II. IX, 595, 751, 760, 762-763; "Zuspruch und Trostung
s. w., x, 665; "Selbstportrat," s. w., x, 725; Abschied
vcn—der Zeit," S. J., X, 671-574—

304

people in distress may become a mockery of good-will,
as we note in Sudermann's "Jons und Erdme." The great
loss of material possessions by the Lithuanian farmers
because of the destructful flood attracts the attention
of the German newspapers. This, consequently, stimu-
lates the establishment of emergency relief organiza-
tions in the major cities of Germany. The activities

rY

{‘0

of these organizations, directed to raise the necess
funds, are described by Sudermann with such irony, that

the humane cause seems to have been an excuse for a

social gathering: "In den grossen Stadten haben die
schsnen jungen Damen zugunsten der fiberschwemmten getanzt,
gegessen, gesungen und Theater gespielt. Haben Bonbons,
Ansichtskarten, Hutnadeln, Schaumwein und Kasse verkauft
und sind, wenn das Gluck gut-war, dabei zu einem Gatten
gekommen."59 The nature of the material goods prepared

to be sent to the afflicted people, further indicates their

lack of sincerety and understanding:

Vor allem aber hat man seine Schranke durchgewuhlt
und dabei vielerlei Sachen gefunden, die den ihrer
Habe beraubten Moorleuten von hochstem Werte sein
mussten: Festkleider von vor sechs Jahren, durch-
gescheuerte Unterrocke,“zersplissenes Perlzwerk,
Sportjacken mit Mottenlochern, vertanzte Seiden-
und vertretene Lackschuhe, gespenstische Bademantel
und zu alledem Hute fur jede Jahreszeit, verblasst,

 

5QSudermann, Jons, p. 281.

 

305

verbogen, verbeult, verregnet, aber jenen Hinter-

waldlerg gewiss der Inbegriff aller irdischen

Pracht. 0
One may possibly discover an excuse for the ignorance,
regarding this serious situation in far away East Prussia,
displayed by the ladies of German society, but it becomes
a more difficult task to comprehend the reasoning of the
German gentlemen:

Auch die feinen Herren haben dasnihre getan. Die

einen haben alte Hochgebirgskostume geliefert,

weil ihnen etwas vom Hochmoor erinnerlich war.

Die anderen haben weissen Flanell bevorzugt, weil

so ein Moor doch nahenam Seestrand liegt. Aber

fast alle haben dem landlichen Wesen der Notlei-

denden entsprechend ihren Gaben den Charakter der

SOmmerfrische gegeben. Nur einzelne meinten, so

auf gute Weise ihr altes Ballzeug loswerden zu

konnen... Endlich, endlich werden die armen,

nackten Moorleute was anzuziehen kriegen!61
This good thought of the Germans directed toward the
Lithuanians, even if mistakenly perceived and executed,
does not diminish the fact that they did turn their at-
tention to the grave condition pressing the Lithuanian
population of East Prussia, and attempted, in their pe-
culiar way, to engage in its improvement.

A minute number of Lithuanians, mainly in the nar-

ratives of Sudermann, while having a poor opinion of

 

6OSudermann, Jons, pp. 281-282.

lSudermann, Jons, p. 282.

z‘

the Germans, wish to imitate them in one way or another.
In "Jons und Erdme" the Baltruschat family undertakes
not only to equal the Germans in their mode of dress but
intends to surpass their models: "Das soll die Katrike
Baltruschat's daughter zur Einsegnung tragen und damit
selbst die vornehmsten Tschter der Deutschen ausstechen,
die immer zum Krger des Volkes in weissen Mullkleidern
um den Altar herumstehen."62 Erdme devotes every free
evening to teach her daughters the German language with
a special emphasis upon its correct articulation, so
that they would sound like true Germans.63 Thus it is
not surprising that the younger Lithuanian generation
slowly begins to turn away from their native way of
life. They prefer to comply to the German etiquette in
meetings with the young Germans;64 they Germanize their
names65 and with the departure from their native home
they erase almost all of their Lithuanian national char-

66
acteristics. The greater part of Sudermann's, Wie-

chert's and Agnes Miegel's Lithuanians, however, do not

 

62Sudermann, Jons, p. 284.

Sudermann, Jons, p. 250.
4
Sudermann, Jons, pp. 308-309.
65Sudermann, Jons, pp. 244, 296, 300.

66Sudermann, Jons, p. 302.

. *M-A.

 

307

consider or even contemplate changing the pattern of
their lives, which is based firmly upon the ancient
Lithuanian traditions. They respect the course of life
of their German neighbors or friends and display the

hope that they will be treated in a similar manner.67

 

67Sudermann, Jons, p. 180; Wiechert, Missa, S. H., VI,
108-109; Miegel, Ordensbruder, ggfl., III, 202-203;
Lina, g, W., V, 186-187.

CONCLUSION

In this study of Sudermann's, Wiechert's, and
Agnes Miegel's prose works, we discern that these authors
delineate the characters of the Lithuanian people quite
similarly in most respects, with but a few minor, yet
significant variations.

Sudermann presents his Lithuanians as simple, hospi-
table, goodnatured, modest, and industrious people. They
are of a religious character and obey the precepts of the
church. Their ancient paganistic past, however, shows
some of its traces in their daily life but does not evoke
any conflicts with or contradictions to their Christian
faith. Their existence, bound by the characteristical-
ly Lithuanian village, is based upon the Lithuanian cus-
toms, which endure the constant and persistent Germanic
influence. On occasion the writer tends to over-empha-
size unduly one of the aspects of these native customs--
the consumption of intoxicants during the wedding festiv-
ities-- without the prOper realization that this practice
is only one of the numerous intrinsic phases of the Lithu-
anian wedding custom. This over-emphasis of one partic-

ular facet evokes an unbalanced mendacious picture of

308

309

the entire Lithuanian marriage custom. It is quite
obvious that in this attitude the writer projects his
own personal disapproval of the indulgence in alcohol,
which he believes is the source of all evil.

Wiechert's Lithuanian people are humble—minded,
poor, hard working, faithful, sincere, gentle, silent,
and lonely. They live in close proximity to the soil,
from which they gather their strength and the peace for
their souls. Their devotion to nature is so strong that
it indicates definite, pagan undertones. Their super-
stitious practices are closely connected to the world
of the Holy Scriptures in a unique manner. They serve
a God who may bear a Christian or a pagan name. They
commonly believe that human existence is not complete
if it is not in some way dedicated to the service of

Caritas and Humanitas. The world outside their imme-

 

diate surroundings is regarded by them as a symbol of
destructive corruption. They must remain in their vil-
lages in order to retain their physical and spiritual
balance.

Agnes Miegel's Lithuanians are pictured possessing
proud, noble, wise, and demure characters. They take
their professions or occupations seriously, but at the

same time they reveal a gentle sense of humor. The

r-r’

 

tribal Lithuanians stand as examples of courage and
loyalty to their leaders and their land. They are re-
ligious people, whose faith, first in their pagan and
later in their Christian God, is firm and indestruct-
ible. They have retained the ancient Lithuanian trib-
al traditions from the past and, through their contin-
uous practice, pass them on to younger generations.
The authoress' presentation of the possible, yet unique,
mingling of the original inhabitants, of East Prussia
with those who arrived subsequently and formed a new
homogeneous group of people, although convincing, is
dependent upon the future for its final acceptance.

The Lithuanians of these three German authors ex-
hibit similarities in their love of humanity and humble-
ness of character. Wiechert's Lithuanians, however, do
not possess Sudermann's and Agnes Miegel's gay outlook
on life. They are sombre to the point of being puri—
tantical; joyful feasting and other modes of entertain—
ment do not constitute a remarkable part of their mel—
ancholic lives.

In the prose of these authors we note that the
Lithuanians are identified by the choice of names, by

physical descriptions, or by the use of Lithuanian

311

expressions. The national character is reflected in
the simplicity of their language, their sincerity,
their dislike of exhibiting eloquently their intimate
feelings to the outside world, their calm disposition
and humility, their deep love and trust in God, their
devotion to the soil, their continuous introduction of
the Lithuanian customs and mythological figures into
the pattern of their lives. The presentation of these
national Lithuanian elements is executed without any.
notable deviations from the veracious picture mirrored
in the true-to-life Lithuanian population, dwelling
upon the charasteristic Lithuanian land.

It is further to be noted that these novelists in
their treatment of the Lithuanian people, do not in-
clude any characters which could be considered dis-
torted or as conclusively un—Lithuanian. Their por-
trayals of the Lithuanians are accomplished with proper
understanding and great sincerety. Positive and neg-
ative traits of character are well balanced in their
personages. If one aSpect, whether negative or posi-
tive, is emphasized more than the other, it is because
the authors intend to point out to the reader a par—

ticular trend of their philosophies or to show more

distinctly the essential elements of a chosen person-
ality which determine the individual in becoming a hero,
a saint, or a criminal. The outstanding difference a-
mong these German authors with regard to their deline-
ation of the Lithuanian people exists, not in their se-
lection of types nor in the literary techniques of their
presentation, but in the intensity of the love and ad-
miration which they display toward their Lithuanian per-
sonages. Agnes Miegel and Wiechert are a significant
part of their own Lithuanian characters. They partake
of their suffering and joy; they understand their prob-
lems of existence and consequently hope that the reader
will pursue a similar path of thought. Their nearness
to the Lithuanians is easily comprehensible because in
their lives both authors had close personal ties to the
Lithuanian people. Sudermann, on the other hand, was
influenced by the Lithuanian spirit much too late in his
life to reveal an identically strong emotion toward the
Lithuanian nation. He penetrates successfully the psy-
chological structure of his Lithuanian characters but,
after unveiling the reflections of their souls to the
reader, he has a tendency to end the flow of their lives

hurriedly. It is more than a probability that this

 

313

peculiarity is due to his experimentation with the form
of the Novelle. His love and admiration for the Lithu—
anian people, however, continue to remain mirrored in
the pages of his narratives, but not to such an inten-
sive degree as manifested by the other authors.
Sudermann, Wiechert, and Agnes Miegel derive their
information about the Lithuanian people and their color-
ful mosaic of life from their early relationships with
the Lithuanian nationals. It was Agnes Miegel‘s asso-
ciation with her beloved nursemaid and childhood play-
mate that brought her knowledge of the Lithuanian nation
and its language. Wiechert's aunt introduced him to the
characteristic Lithuanian world of paganism and Christi-
anity and showed him its peculiar mixture of rational
and irrational aspects of human experience. Sudermann,
on the other hand, lived the greater part of his youth
with Lithuanians and carefully observed their ancient
pattern of life. Such factors served all these writers
decidedly in their presentation of an authentic and per-
ceptive picture of the Lithuanian nation--physical,
spiritual and cultural. The present day Lithuanian
people are more than grateful for the interest these
German authors have displayed to such a diminutive but
unforgettable nation resting on the distant shores of

the Baltic Sea.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Primary

Bartsch, Christian. Dainu Balsai. Melodien litauischer
VOlkSliEderoooo 2 Bde. H81delberg, 1886-89.

Bezzenberger, Adalbert. Litauische Forschungen; Beitrage

 

zur Kenntnis der Sprache und des Volkstums der

Litauer. G6ttingen, 1882.

.1» , Beitrage zur Geschichte der litauischen Sprache
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