“SHE ACC’EPTANCK OF WORK-RELATED VALUES BY \‘GUNG RURAL JAPANEfiE maxi: For the Degree ef Ph. D. MCI-[MAN STATE UNIVERSITY amid Michael Lewis. €9.58 mass This is to certify that the thesis entitled THE ACCEPTANCE OF WORK-RELATED VALUES BY YOUNG RURAL JAPANESE presented by David Michael Lewis has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for Ph. D. Sociology 8 Anthropology degree in Wag/fig Major professor Date August 8‘, l963 0-169 LIBRARY Michigan Static University ABSTRACT THE ACCEPTANCE OF WORK-RELATED VALUES BY YOUNG RURAL JAPANESE by David Michael Lewis This dissertation examines the relationship between position in the rural Japanese family according to sex and order of birth, and the acceptance of selected work-related values. Previous studies of industrial work situations in Japan indicate that the role of the male is more likely to require the acceptance of work-related values relevant to effective partici- pation in industry than is that of the female. These same studies indicate that the role of the non-first-born youth is likely to re- quire a greater acceptance of these values than that of the first- born youth. It is assumed, for the purpose of the thesis, that in the course of their socialization, rural Japanese children will be prepared for future work roles. It is hypothesized that this prep- aration will result in a differential acceptance of work-related values which will vary according to the sex and birth-order characteristics of the respondent. David Michael Lewis For the development and tests of hypotheses the respond- ents are arranged in three categories according to their sex and order of birth. The first category contains non-first-born males; these respondents possess both of the characteristics accepted as predisposing toward the acceptance of values relevant to effective participation in industrial work situations. Therefore, persons in this category can be expected to indicate the greatest acceptance of the work—related values with which the study is concerned. The second category contains first-born males and non-first-born fe- males; each of these individuals possesses one of the attributes considered to predispose respondents toward acceptance of the work-related values. The third category contains first—born fe- males; these individuals possess neither of the characteristics considered to predispose respondents toward the acceptance of the work-related values being studied. Two hypotheses were developed for testing against the data secured for this study. These stem from the basic theoretical proposition that children’s orientations to values vary according to their future roles in the society. This study is particularly concerned with the relationship between work roles and relevant work—related values. The first of the hypotheses deals with the David Michael Lewis general nature of this relationship, and states that the extent of a respondent’s acceptance of work-related values will vary accord- ing to his possession of those attributes of sex and birth order predisposing toward the acceptance of those same values. Thus it is hypothesized that the respondents in Category I will show the greatest acceptance of these values, those in Category III the least acceptance, and those in Category II an intermediate degree of acceptance. The second hypothesis deals with the association between the acceptance of values that indicate a willingness to disrupt ties to the family and rural environment and the acceptance of the remaining work-related values selected for study. The hy- pothesis holds that this association will vary in the same manner as the general acceptance of work-related values as stated in the first hypothesis. Thus, the closest association is hypothesized for those respondents in Category I, the least for those in Category III, and an intermediate degree of association for those in Cate- gory 11. These hypotheses were tested against data secured from all ninth-grade students from Emi Town, Chiba Prefecture, Japan. The data consist of responses to a questionnaire, administered in David Michael Lewis classrooms, designed to indicate the respondent’s acceptance or nonacceptance of work-related values. The results of the analysis of data provide support for both hypotheses and they are accepted as indicating that the char- acteristics of sex and birth order exert a definite, predictable, influence upon the acceptance of work-related values by young rural Japanese. A discussion of the limitations of the study in- dicates the research needed for further understanding of the re- lationship between position in the rural Japanese family and the acceptance of work-related values. THE ACCEPTANCE OF WORK-RELATED VALUES BY YOUNG RURAL JAPANESE BY David Michael Lewis A THE SIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Sociology and Anthropology 1963 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I am indebted to a number of persons for assistance with this study. Foremost among these are my co-advisors, Dr. Iwao Ishino and Dr. Archibald O. Haller of the Department of Sociology and Anthropology of Michigan State University. They gave un- stintingly of their time and professional knowledge and were a constant and dependable source of advice and encouragement. Others to whom I am indebted include: Dr. Helenan S. Lewis, for advice on methodological problems and for computation of statistics; Francis M. Sim of the Bureau of Social and Political Research of Michigan State University, for advice on statistical problems; Tom Boynton of the Center for Sociological Research of Western Michigan University, for computation of statistics; Hilda Jaffe, editor of the Bureau of Social and Political Research of Michigan State University, for careful editing of the manuscript; and Dr. John Donoghue of the Department of Sociology and Anthro- pology of Michigan State University, for guidance with field re- search. ii I am also indebted to International Programs of Michigan State University for support of the analysis of data which forms the basis of the study and to the school officials and students of Emi Machi, Chiba Ken, Japan, for their whole—hearted cooperation in the study. Other Japanese to whom I am indebted for their as- sistance with problems of translation and interpretation are Kiyo- taka Aoyagi, Tsuneo Ayabe, and Fusato Murata. Finally, I would like to thank my wife for her patience and support during the time taken to complete what at times ap- peared to be an endless task. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ......................... LIST OF TABLES ........................... LIST OF APPENDIXES ........................ CHAPTER I. STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM ........... Introduction ........................ Work-related Values .................. The Japanese School as a Source of Work-related Values ................ Sex and Order-of-Birth Differences among Workers in the Industrial Labor Force of Japan ............... Differences Related to Order of Birth ..... Summary and Conclusion ............... Statement of Hypotheses ............... II. THE STUDY OF ORIENTATIONS TO VALUES IN RURAL JAPAN: A SURVEY OF LITERATURE ............. Introduction ........................ Studies of Rural Japan ................ Summary .......................... n1. METHOD OF ANALYSIS ................. Introduction ........................ The Questionnaire .................... iv 16 18 31 41 43 50 50 51 89 91 91 91 CHAPTER Page The Translation of the Instrument . . . . . . . . 96 The Sample ........................ 98 Description of the Community of Residence ...................... 99 Description of the Sample .............. 100 Administration of the Questionnaire ....... 100 Operational Procedures in the Speci- fication of Variables ................ 103 Data Analysis ..................... 104 IV. ANALYSIS OF THE DATA AND TEST OF HYPOTHESES ...................... 110 Introduction ........................ 110 Total Responses . . ................... 110 Scalogram Analysis ................... 122 Test of Hypotheses ................... 127 Summary .......................... 140 V. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS ............ 141 Introduction ........................ 141 Analysis of the Data and Need for Further Research .................. 146 Limitations of the Study ............... 150 APPENDIXES ............................... 155 REFERENCES CITED ......................... 176 TABLE 10. 11. LIST OF TABLES General value areas and subareas .......... Male and female unpaid family workers in all industries for the years 1953-1958 . . . . . Young rural respondents’ orientations to time ............................. Young rural respondents’ relational value orientations ........................ Young rural respondents’ relational value orientations ........................ Expectations concerning prospective world living conditions among Japanese rural youth ............................. Life goals of Japanese rural youth .......... Lifetime achievements desired by Japanese rural youth ........................ Responses of Japanese rural youth concern- ing the right of the eldest son to inherit the house .......................... Responses of Japanese rural youth concern- ing the desirability of conceding a special position to the eldest son .............. Services performed for boys and girls by other members of the family ............. vi 3O 55 57 59 77 77 79 82 82 84 TABLE 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. Administering of discipline within the family ............................ Means of livelihood for households in Emi Machi, Futomi Mura, and Soro Mura ............................. Characteristics of the sample ............. Percent of total respondents giving positive responses to items constituting Value Area I ............................ Percent of total respondents giving positive responses to items constituting Value Area 11 ........................... Percent of total respondents giving positive responses to items constituting Value Area III ........................... Percent of total respondents giving positive responses to items constituting Value Area IV ........................... Percent of total respondents giving positive responses to items constituting Value Area V ........................... Percent of total respondents giving positive responses to items constituting Value Area VI ........................... Summary table: value areas ranked by aver- age percent of positive responses given to each area by total respondents .......... Summary table: value subareas ranked by average percent of positive responses given to each subarea by total respondents . . vii Page 85 101 102 112 113 115 116 118 119 120 121 TABLE 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. Items used in scalogram analysis ordered on the basis of percent positive re- sponses .......................... Statistical significance of Guttman scales derived from responses to the six value areas ....................... Coefficient of reproducibility, coefficient of scalability, and minimal marginal repro- ducibility of scales for Value Areas 11 and III ........................... Summary table: items for which categories of respondents give significantly different responses ........................ Rank order of respondents, based upon percent of positive responses to items for which responses are significantly different ......................... Mean percent of positive responses to items for which categories of respondents give significantly different responses, accord- ing to village of residence ............ Rank order of respondents, based on mean percent of positive responses to items for which categories of respondents give significantly different responses, accord- ing to village of residence ............ Mean percent of respondents who are posi- tively oriented to both physical mobility (scale scores 3-5) and to items consti- tuting the remaining value areas ........ viii Page 123 124 125 128 130 133 134 136 TABLE Page 31. Rank order of respondents, based upon aver- age proportion of respondents positively oriented to both physical mobility (scale scores 3-5) and to items constituting the remaining value areas ................. 138 32. Summary table: items for which there is a significant association between orientation to physical mobility and other industrial values ............................ 139 LIST OF APPENDIXE S APPENDIX A. Percent of Respondents Giving Positive Responses to Items Constituting Value Area I, Orientation to Work ........... B. Percent of Respondents Giving Positive Responses (Scale Scores 3-4) to Items Constituting Value Area 11, Orientation to Structured Time ........ C. Percent of Respondents Giving Positive Responses (Scale Scores 3-5) to Items Constituting Value Area 111, Orientation to Physical Mobility ........ D. Percent of Respondents Giving Positive Responses to Items Constituting Value Area IV, Orientation to Change . . . . E. Percent of Respondents Giving Positive Responses to Items Constituting Value Area V, Orientation to Future Events .......................... F. Percent of Respondents Giving Positive Responses to Items Constituting Value Area VI, Orientation to Occu- pational and Economic Advancement ..... G. Percent of Respondents Positively Ori- ented to Both Physical Mobility (Scale Scores 3-5) and to Items Constituting Value Area I, Orienta- tion to Work ..................... Page 156 157 158 159 160 161 162 APPENDIX H. Percent of Respondents Positively Ori- ented to Both Physical Mobility (Scale Scores 3-5) and to Items Constituting Value Area 11, Orien- tation to Structured Time (Scale Scores 3-4) .................... Percent of Respondents Positively Ori- ented to Both Physical Mobility (Scale Scores 3-5) and to Items Constituting Value Area IV, Orien- tation to Change ................. Percent of Respondents Positively Ori- ented to Both Physical Mobility (Scale Scores 3-5) and to Items Constituting Value Area V, Orien- tation to Future Events ............ Percent of Respondents Positively Ori— ented to Both Physical Mobility (Scale Scores 3-5) and to Items Constituting Value Area VI, Orien- tation to Occupational and Economic Advancement .................... Items for Which Categories of ReSpond- ents Gave Significantly Different Responses ..................... Previous Use and Evidence for the Validity of the Work Beliefs Check List ....... .............. Page 164 165 167 169 171 172 CHAPTER I STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM Introduction A century ago Japan was a nation on the threshold of mod- ernization. Poor in resources, feudal in political tradition, and outside the mainstream of Western industrialization, Japan has risen in this brief period to the industrial leadership of Asia. The Japanese are the one Asian people who have thus far achieved an extensive industrialization of their economy (Lockwood 1955a: 129; 1955b: 538). However, since the orientations within any society are likely to differ toward the values related to participation in various situations found in such a society, this thesis will ex- amine differences of orientation to work-related values relevant to participation in industrial work situations in Japan. The persons whose orientations are the subject of this study are young rural Japanese. A sample survey of such young people in the final year of their compulsory schooling will pro- vide the necessary data. Their orientations to industrially relevant work-related values are particularly important, for if such orien- tations are characteristic of rural Japanese society they should be particularly evident among the young people most likely to par- ticipate in the industrial labor force. From the beginning of the modern era in Japan the urban areas have drawn heavily upon the rural population for workers in industry, and at present a major portion of these workers of rural origin consists of young people who have just completed their nine years of compulsory schooling. Thus many, perhaps a majority, of the sample of young people studied will begin to participate in industrial work situations soon after completing this final year of compulsory schooling. For the purposes of this study it is assumed that the ef- fectiveness with which these young people participate in the in- dustrial segment of Japanese society will in part be determined by their acceptance of these work-related values. Since it can be expected that they will differ in their orientations, this poses the problem of determining the factors most generally associated with these differences. Contemporary studies of rural Japan suggest that sex and order of birth within the family are closely associated with differences in orientation to values and the be- havior indicative of such orientations (Beardsley gt_a_l. 1959; Cau- dill and Scarr 1962; Dore 1959; Stoetzel 1955). Therefore, this study will concentrate upon the relation of these two factors to differences in orientations to work-related values. These differences in social position determine in part the aspects of Japanese culture to which these young people have access, especially those which will be transmitted to them in the course of growing up (Beardsley et a1. 1959:69-70, 221, 236-37, 244, 299, 312; Dore 1958: 150-51; DeVos and Wagatsuma 1961: 1223). The major part of their socialization takes place within the institutions of the family and the school. Although the role of the school in the development of orientations to work-related values will be examined, the major aim of this thesis is to de- termine what effect position within the family, operationally speci- fied by sex and birth order, has upon orientations to work-related values relevant to effective participation in industry. The framework of analysis utilized in this study has been suggested by Parsons and Bales’s discussion of sex roles and orientation to values. These authors assert that: It is, in our view, not tenable to assert, as is some- times done, that in a broad and generalized way the sexes have fundamentally different value-orientations. This would be incompatible with the paramount necessity, if their roles are to be integrated with each other, for them to share com- mon values. . as members of the overall society, men and women share the common value system of that society. But they typically have differential participations in the subsystem structures of the society, and each of these participations carries with it a differentiated subsystem of the generalized value system. On this more differentiated level, wherever men and women cooperate in solidary collectives they must, however sharply differentiated their roles, share the values of the relevant collectivity, so far as it is integrated. But because these participations are different, these various sub- value systems have different orders of importance in the typical personality structures of men and women. . . . The difference lies . . . in the different levels of personal com- mitment to the implementation of different sub-categories of the overall shared value system. This is a function of role which . . . is differentiated within the same system. It — would, therefore, be in our sense misleading if we were to speak mainly of sex-value differentiation. We recognize, that, since value-internalization is an essential aspect of role-assumption, the concrete internalized role value-pattern component of the personalities of the sexes is different in organization. But it is grill that particular aspect of va—l—ue- orientation which is a function of the roles, which is involved. It is not because the sexes have different values that they tend to assume different roles but, being socialized to assume different roles, they must organize their common value-heri- tage differently in order to implement it effectively in their respective roles. [Parsons and Bales 1955:164-65] In this thesis the above approach to differences in orien- tation to values is extended to encompass differences in order of birth within the family. I propose that the characteristic of order of birth, as well as that of sex, is an important determinant of differential participation in the subsystem structures of Japanese society. The combined effects of these characteristics should produce noticeable differences in orientations to values. I consider this analytic framework to be of particular value for this study for several reasons. The characteristics of sex and birth order have long been considered important in the socialization of young Japanese. These are objective characteristics which can be readily determined by researchers. If this study can provide some insight into the re- lation of these characteristics to orientations to work-related values, then it will contribute to the growing body of knowledge of the factors associated with differential participation in Japanese society. These orientations are widely recognized as contributing to effective participation in one of the more important subsystems of any modern industrial society, the industrial labor force. It may be that if these characteristics are associated with orienta- tions to values relevant to participation in this subsystem, they may also be related to orientations to values relevant to partici- pation in other subsystems of Japanese society, and this study may suggest a fruitful approach to their investigation. The pragmatic value of this research is that it will suggest an operational specification for the general belief, held by those concerned with the recruitment of workers for the Japanese in- dustrial labor force, that some rural youths (particularly non- first—born males) possess “personality” attributes which fit them especially well for participation in this labor force. That is, this study will attempt to identify some of the specific orientations underlying the empirically observed behaviors which have given rise to this belief, which in turn should be of value in the fur- ther rationalization of personnel selection. For the purpose of this thesis, the industrial labor force is considered the subsystem most relevant to the subvalue system constituted by the work-related values under investigation. The differential participation of males and females in this subsystem will be illustrated through reference to previous studies of Japa- nese industrial situations, and through examination of Japanese labor-force statistics. The differential participation of first-born males and non-first-born males will be illustrated similarly. Since previous research provides no information on differential partici- pation of first-born females and non-first-born females, I will assume for the present purpose that the effect of birth order among females is similar to that among males. This study differs from the previous investigations of young rural Japanese discussed in the survey of literature in one important respect: It controls for the effect of both sex and birth order upon orientations to values. This is important be- cause the tradition of primogeniture and emphasis upon hierarchi— cal relationships persistent in rural Japan can be expected to exert a differential influence upon those young people whose social position varies in accordance with these characteristics. Since the previous studies have not exerted simultaneous control over these variables, it has not been possible to determine whether conclusions attributing differences to the effect of one might not in fact be attributable to the influence of the other. This study is an attempt to resolve this problem. Work- related Values For this study I have accepted the definition of a value as “. . . a conception, explicit or implicit, distinctive of an individual or characteristic of a group, of the desirable which influences the selection from available modes, means, and ends of action” (Kluck- hohn Elf} 1954: 395). I am concerned with the selections, or types of choices, which must be made by young rural people in participating in the industrial labor force. For this reason I have selected a number of values which I believe are particularly relevant to the deci- sions young rural Japanese must make as they prepare to enter into and participate in the occupational system of Japan. These are grouped into six general value areas on the basis of what I believe to be the manifest content of items indicating the accept- ance or nonacceptance of specific values. The general value areas which I have delineated are “ori- H H entation to work,” “orientation to structured time, orientation to physical mobility,” “orientation to change,” “orientation to the determination of future events,” and “orientation to occupational and economic advancement.” The decision as to whether the con- tent of each of these areas is homogeneous enough to reflect the acceptance of a single general value will be based upon en em- pirical test of unidimensionath provided by scalogram analysis. I recognize that these values have their counterparts in many nonindustrial and preindustrial societies. What differs in this case is not the values per—SE but the social and cultural contexts in which orientations to them develop and the situations in which they can be expected to influence behavior. There is evidence of the importance of such values for Japanese during the preindustrial and early industrial periods of the development of Japanese society (Bellah 1957:14-16; Loomis 1960:81-82; Shel- don 1958z95-96, 98, 141-42; Smith, R. J. 1960:243; Smith, T. C. 1960: 106-7; Taeuber 1958:26-27, 169) and, thus, a historical basis for the existence of such values among contemporary Jap- anese. Given the existence of such values, my concern is with the evident effect of position within the rural Japanese family upon the development of orientations to these values and the con- sequent differences in emotional or psychological suitability for effective participation in modern industrial work situations. The selected value areas which will be examined in this study are presented in tabular form on the following page. For each general value area I have listed the more specific subareas, each of which is based upon a specific work-related value. The heading which identifies each subarea indicates the emphasis most conducive to effective participation in an industrial occupational system. A discussion of these value areas follows. Orientation to work In an industrial society there is usually an emphasis upon extrinsic rewards as an incentive to work, of which the most common is money or wages paid for labor. Since the employee is assumed to be working for money, if more work is wanted from him one pays him more money (Anderson 1959:322; Chinoy l955:xii; Gross 1958:.425; Mills 1951:219; Tumin 1960:281; Whyte 1952: 219-20). Numerous instances have been cited of workers from non- industrial societies whose orientation to work is such that their 10 TABLE 1.--General value areas and subareas. General Value Areas Subareas I. Orientation to work 11. Orientation to structured time 111. Orientation to physical mobility IV. Orientation to change V. Orientation to the determi- nation of future events V1. Orientation to occupational and economic advancement “NH “M “NH . Acceptance of monetary reward as an in- centive to work. . Acceptance of the desirability of steady em- ployment and income. . Acceptance of work as necessary for a feeling of security. . Acceptance of hierarchical work relation- ships. Acceptance of the desirability of promptness. . Acceptance of repetitive activity. Acceptance of the desirability of scheduling activities. Acceptance of the disruption of established kinship ties. Acceptance of the disruption of established community ties. Acceptance of the desirability of change. . Acceptance of the desirability of that which is new. Acceptance of a break with tradition. . Acceptance of the desirability of self- determination of events. . Acceptance of the desirability of optimism. . Acceptance of the desirability of faith in the probability of success. . Acceptance of the desirability of education. . Acceptance of the desirability of thrift. . Acceptance of the desirability of hard work. 11 decisions are not influenced by this particular incentive. In these cases it may be difficult, or impossible, to secure workers through the offer of money alone. Or, once workers have been secured, it may be found that they do not readily respond with increased out- put to offers of more money (Mead 1955:244). In an industrial society there is a stress upon the desira- bility of steady work and its accompanying steady income. When this steady work and income are interrupted, the worker suffers not only economically but emotionally as well (Mills 1951:230-31; Whyte 1952:223). Workers from nonindustrial societies may be quite resistant to the development of this favorable orientation toward regularity of employment so basic to the continued smooth functioning of an industrial economy. The desire for monetary reward is often quickly satisfied among such workers (Belshaw 1960: 101; Mead 1955:245; Whyte 1952:223). Obviously, it is not necessarily money itself that is posi- tively evaluated by the worker who is committed to the industrial way of life. The steady income which is a consequence of steady employment may be for the worker a source of prestige, a means for acquiring material possessions, or a means for alleviating anxiety about sickness, accident, or the infirmities of old age (Belshaw 1960:99-100; Gross 1958:431; Mills 1951:230-31). 12 The recognition and acceptance of hierarchical work rela- tionships is particularly crucial for the smooth functioning of such large-scale organizations as the bureaucracy and the factory. Orientations favoring the acceptance of such relationships are not, of course, limited to industrial societies. However, as is true of all the orientations examined in this study, its presence in a nonindustrial society would suggest that its members would more easily adapt to the process of industrialization than members of a society lacking such an orientation (Henry 1961:204; Loomis 1960: 89; Nash 1958:30-31; Whyte 1952:231-33). Orientation to structured time Repetitive activity, the scheduling of activities, and prompt- ness in meeting such schedules are primary characteristics of the demands of industrial living. The stated hours and regularity of attendance required in a factory demonstrate the importance of these orientations for maintaining an industrial society (Anderson 1959: 345; Elkan and Fallers 1960: 240, 255; Feldman and Moore 1960: 76; Gross 1958:446, 451; Loomis 1960:79; Nash 1958:25-27; Weil 1962:453-56). The worker in a nonindustrial society may have a similar orientation to structured time. This would appear to be particularly true if he has been educated in a school, which, 13 like the factory, requires regular attendance and employs a daily routine (Gross 1958:452-53; Morris 1960:188; Nash 1958: 27-28). Orientation to physical mobility Extensive physical mobility is a concomitant of industriali— zation and a basic characteristic of modern industrial society. In every such society a large proportion of its population has had to find jobs not only considerably different from those of their par- ents but often physically distant as well. This is particularly true of young migrants from rural areas. Their necessary mi- gration to the city demands of them an orientation to physical mobility which must include a willingness to disrupt, if only par- tially and temporarily, established ties to kin and community. To participate effectively in an urban industrial labor force they must at least reject kinship and community ties which, held to the ex- treme, would prevent their assuming new occupational roles or greatly impede their responses to occupational opportunities (Feld- man and Moore 1960: 67; Gross 1958: 288; Henry 1961:207-8; Lip- set and Bendix 1960:11; Mead 1955:248; Nash 1958:111, 113; Tumin 1960: 285). 14 Orientation to change Change is an ever-present element of urban industrial work. This is in part an urban phenomenon, for throughout his- tory the city has been the center of change. In addition, indus- trialization of a previously nonindustrialized area means a quali- tative change of economy, frequently a fundamental alteration in the demand for existing skills, and the perfection of new tech- niques and organization. Industrial work is likely to be less stable than nonindustrial work, and workers may find the special tasks that they have learned to do well changing on short notice. If young people from farms and agricultural communities are to adjust satisfactorily to urban industrial living, they must have an orientation favoring change and at least some degree of willingness to break with tradition (Anderson 1959: 2, 326-27; Gregory 1960:141; Lerner 1958: 49-50; Nash 1958:33; Sjoberg 1959: 343-44). Orientation to the determination of future events In an industrial society the individual must be able to make numerous decisions in recurring problematic situations. The mere existence of varied status-roles and rewards for occupying them means that the individual must constantly choose among 15 alternatives. Characteristically the individual must make such decisions himself. He will be better able to participate in indus- trial society if he conceives the future as manipulable rather than ordained, and sees his own future in terms of achievement and success. These orientations in conjunction with an optimistic orientation to the future should lead to a more effective participa- tion in an industrial occupational system (Gross 1958:466; Lerner 1958: 48; Lewis and Stewart 1961:102-3; McClelland 1961:222). Orientation to occupational and economic advancement Of the orientations which are helpful for those who want to move upward in the social structure of an industrial society, three have been selected as exceptionally important. They are orienta- tions which stress the importance of education, thrift, and hard work as a means of achieving highly valued status-roles, and are generally considered necessary for upward social mobility in in- dustrial societies (Chinoy 1955:131; Henry 1961:203; Hyman 1953: 427; Lipset and Bendix 1960:1-5, 56, 91, 227; Warner and Abeg— glen 1955:20-21; Weber 1930:170-71). Orientations such as those described above are evidently available for adoption by young Japanese. The following discussion 16 of the Japanese school indicates that this institution may serve as a source of such orientations to work-related values. The Japanese School as a Source of Work-related Values The school in Japan, as in other nations, is a major agency for the socialization of children. It may be one of the more im- portant sources of orientations to values exhibited by the young. This section will describe the objectives of the moral education courses taught in Japanese primary and secondary schools, and will show that these courses can serve as a source of work- related values which may be adopted by Japanese students. This discussion is based upon the list of objectives of moral education courses published by the Japanese Ministry of Education (Japan, Ministry of Education 1960:38-42); the objectives most directly related to the values examined in this study are selected for dis- cussion. The statement of objectives of the moral education course implies a major emphasis upon the value of self-determination, oriented to successful achievement. The course aims to teach students self-reliance, to express opinions, and to act according to their own beliefs. They are taught to overcome difficulties and 17 hardships, and to persist in the accomplishment of their purposes without being daunted by difficulties or failures. In accordance with this orientation specific emphasis is placed upon teaching students to recognize their own special abilities and strengthen them, to set a high goal for themselves, to strive for a definite purpose, and to be ambitious. Another main objective of the moral education course is to teach students to make effective use of time, to order their pat- tern of living. In the primary grades particular emphasis is placed upon the need for punctuality. In the secondary grades there is a major emphasis upon the effective use of time and punctuality with reference to a planned schedule of activities. There are several stated aims that indicate a positive orientation to change. Students are taught that they should try to improve their lives through the use of original ideas, that they should attempt to create new ideas and methods which will prove of value to them. Particular emphasis is placed upon the application of these new ideas to their own lives. The statement of objectives indicates that ambition is ful- filled through thrift, study, and hard work. The students are encouraged to recognize the value of money, to learn to spend it effectively and avoid waste. They are enjoined to cultivate and 18 maintain a studious attitude and to pursue truth and knowledge. In relation to work, they are taught to be diligent and to cooper- ate actively in working with others. This brief description of the aims of the moral education course which is taught in Japanese schools demonstrates that the educational system of Japan fosters the development of positive orientations to industrially relevant work-related values on the part of its students. Thus the school serves as a source of such orientations. In the analysis of data secured for this study an attempt will be made to determine whether such orientations, which are emphasized by the educational system, are differen- tially selected by young Japanese who can be expected to differ in their participation in the occupational subsystem. Sex and Order-of-Birth Differences among Workers in the Industrial Labor Force of Japan In this section I shall examine a number of recent studies selected for their descriptions of certain common types of indus- trial organization found in Japan. These descriptions will be examined for illustrations of differences in the roles of male and female workers, and first-born and non-first-born male workers, in the industrial labor force. I shall be particularly concerned 19 with what this material suggests as to differences in length and degree of commitment of these several categories of Japanese to the industrial labor force. Male-female differences Abegglen’s study of a small silk-weaving factory near Tokyo (Abegglen 1958) describes a work situation in which many junior high school graduates, especially females, participate. There are nineteen employees in this factory, of whom fifteen are females. The girls are from farm homes in the surrounding villages. Their employment has been arranged between the factory owner, Mr. Watanabe, and their parents. They live in the Watanabe house, their food is prepared with the family’s, and they celebrate holidays with the family. Mr. Watanabe acts as a parent in rela- tion to them. Typically the girls enter the plant just after junior high school graduation, serve a three-year apprenticeship, work Several more years, then marry (Abegglen 1958: 72-73). Abegglen describes the plan as follows: The workshop“ itself is a crowded, noisy, loom-filled room presided over by an older man, a foreman. There are other men on the payroll: a mechanic charged with mainte- nance of the machines; a silk specialist who supervised the quality of the material, its handling, and the designs pro- duced; and a young boy learning the trade who acts as messenger and general handyman. Each of the girls in the shop is responsible for two looms, set facing each other, 20 between which she stands at her work. The atmosphere of the shop is one of steady, rather rapid work, but at the same time there is a good deal of conversation, joking, and moving around within the group of girls. . The niceties of labor laws governing wages, hours, unionization, and similar factors do not penetrate the shop with any regularity. Apart from provision for insurance as required by law and occasional visits by a government offi- cial, this is the exclusive fiefdom of Mr. Watanabe. The hours are governed by work demands and extend to well over 60 hours each week. The wages are low indeed, and consist largely of the food, lodging, clothing, and care as one would provide for a large and slightly improvident group of rela- tives. . . . There is little leisure, and the Sunday holiday is spent largely in small domestic tasks. . . . This interval in the workers’ lives, the five or seven years between school and marriage, is part of the accepted scheme of things for these girls, an interval in which they are cared for and in which they work in a fashion not at all inconsistent with their backgrounds. [Abegglen 1958:73-74] It can be seen from this description that these girls do not have a long-term commitment to the industrial labor force. Their period of participation in the labor force is a temporary brief interlude in their life pattern, the interval between school and marriage, after which they can be expected to assume the more traditional roles of mother and housekeeper. It is also eVident that the men in this factory hold the more permanent and Prestigeful positions. They perform the jobs of foreman, silk 8Decialist, and mechanic. In addition there is a young boy who a-C:t:s as messenger and handyman. It is notable that this boy is learning the trade, and has thus assumed a long-range commitment 21 to the labor force. These positions contrast noticeably with the routine operation of the looms which is the only job held by the girls. These girls are paid largely in food, clothing, and the necessities of life rather than in money or wages, which is fur- ther evidence that their work situation does not encourage a pri- marily industrial orientation. Abegglen’s (1958) discussion of the hiring practices of Japanese factories gives further evidence of the greater involve- ment of males in the industrial labor force, and of their greater commitment to it. He notes that in hiring new laborers the personnel depart- ments of factories prefer to hire young men aged fourteen to fif- teen, just out of junior high school, who are living in rural areas but are strongly desirous of finding urban factory employment (Abegglen 1958: 22). Presumably, rural males who have just com- pleted their compulsory schooling are considered to be particu- larly suitable as industrial workers; they should therefore exhibit orientations which are most conducive to effective participation in lower-level positions in an industrial work force. A general view of the work situation in a large textile factory is provided by Lawrence Olson in his “Human Relations in a Japanese Factory” (Olson 1955b). The company, which he 22 refers to as the Dai Ichi Rayon Company, is a relatively new one with nine plants throughout Japan. The factory he describes em- ploys about eight thousand people in a large compound on the edge of a city of one hundred thousand persons (Olson 1955b:1-2). The company employs predominantly young rural girls as mill hands. Their average age is about eighteen, and they have generally completed only the compulsory nine grades of public school. These girls sign one-year contracts with the company and live in company dormitories. These dormitories are rent- free, and their food is provided by a company cafeteria for less than four dollars a month. Much of the small salary paid to the girls they spend for the purchase of clothes and household goods, such as a small sewing machine. Here, as in the smaller textile factory, the period of factory employment for females represents an interlude in the girl’s life during which to save some money and purchase household goods in anticipation of marriage after her brief employment (Olson 1955b: 6-7). Olson (1955a) has also described a small factory, a textile machinery manufacturing plant in Kyoto, which employs predomi- nantly males. This plant, which he calls the Motono Company, employs fifteen workers--thirteen men and two women. 23 All 15 employees--13 men and 2 women--live in Kyoto or its environs. . . . One-half of workers’ transportation costs are paid as a commuting allowance, a practice common in Japanese industry. The legal work week is 48 hours, with Sundays off, but overtime is common. Time and a fifth is paid for overtime until 10 p.m., time and a half after 10 p.m. On one occasion when I left the premises at about 10:30 p.m. two men were still operating lathes. There is no shift work. The basic daily wage, exclusive of allowances, ranges from Y200 (US $ .55) a day for “beginners learning the trade” to Y500 (US $ 1.38) a day for “top skills.” There is no in- centive pay, but fractional pay increases are granted each year. Bonuses of approximmely one month’s pay are paid at O-Bon, the Buddhist festival of the dead in August, and at the New Year. [Olson 1955a: 7] As is typical of such small concerns, this shop has no labor union. As the owner explained to Olson, “ ‘We work as a family here.”’ This means job security for employees as long as the business continues. Only one person appears to have been fired under the present ownership, and this was for theft. Length of employee service with the company ranges from one to twenty- five years, with an average length of three or four years. Most of the male workers are second- or third-born sons of rural ori- gin. After a few years at a shop like Motono’s they often move on to larger factories where salaries and working conditions are better (Olson 1955a: 8). The owner’s general attitude toward his employees is pa- ternalistic. His relationship to his men has remained essentially unchanged in his many years with the company. His view on labor 24 is expressed in his remark, “ ‘The only way to make a living is to work long hours. Everybody knows that.’ ” Some change is evident in the shop, however; though most new workers are still recruited through personal contacts or kinship, the public employ- ment office is assuming more importance, and is at least occasion- ally used by the company to replace labor (Olson 1955a:8). For the first time in the history of this plant, educational level is beginning to have some relation to the wage scale. Whereas in previous years all workers were elementary school graduates, now two employees are junior high school graduates and one is a high school graduate. Since the recent hiring of the high school graduate, the company has been giving consideration to educational qualifications in determining salary (Olson 1955a: 8). This plant can be considered rather typical of the type of small factory in which rural youths first participate in the indus- trial labor force of Japan. The average length of employee serv- ice, three to four years, does not differ noticeably from the length of service previously observed for female workers. How- ever, it should be noted that after a few years at this small fac— tory workers will move on to larger factories where they can secure higher wages. Thus small factories like this one appear to serve as a “training ground” where rural boys can gain basic 25 industrial skills with which they can advance in the industrial system. Their situation is quite different from that of the female workers who, after a similar length of service, leave the labor force to marry (Abegglen 1958:12). One of the more typical small- and medium-class indus— tries in Japan is metal toy manufacturing. A description of the general conditions prevailing in this industry is found in Yoshio Kobayashi’s study (Yamanaka and Kobayashi 1957). Approximately 90 percent (500 to 600 plants) of the metal toy factories are located in Tokyo. The primary characteristic of these factories is the smallness of the production unit. The smallest consists of two to three workers, usually the owner and members of his family, and the largest consists of 150 workers or so. Factories employing ten workers or less probably account for about half of the total production of the industry (Yamanaka and Kobayashi 1957: 64). The larger factories usually employ a number of subcontract plants. Many of these are composed of a man, his wife, son or daughter, and perhaps a casual assistant W0 rker. The typical form of job-work is rather simple manual laJbor, and there is a predominance of women workers throughout the industry. In 1954 in Tokyo working hours were five to seven 26 hours per day for one or two weeks a month for casual workers. Casual female workers in the industry average about six or seven dollars a month, or about one-fourth of the wages female cotton mill operators usually earn in Japan. The casual female workers’ wages are about half the average paid to the regular female work- ers in metal toy factories (Yamanaka and Kobayashi 1957 :68-69). The larger part of the female workers in this industry are under twenty, and some are only fifteen years old and have just completed their compulsory schooling. The average length of em- ployment is less than three years. Even in the small and medium-sized factories wages are low, and wages for males are typically higher than for females, as the following quotation indicates: The wages are extremely low. Male workers on a 9- hour basis, earn $22-25 (US Dollar) monthly on the average, and female workers $14-17. In both cases income tax is included and there is no allowance in goods, such as food, etc.; wages for male workers are around 50%-60%, those for female workers 70%-80% of general average wages. We know of certain factories of comparatively good standing where both male workers and female workers are paid 33 cents per day or a little over 4 cents per hour for male workers and less than 4 cents for female workers, which are literally starvation wages even in Japan. In the years immediately following the recent war, wages in medium-small industries were, in some cases, better than those in large scale industries, but lately, their positions have been reversed and the difference is still increasing. The metal toy industry, in particular, falls within the category where workers’ wages are on the lowest level, which is noteworthy, in view of the fact that both exports and 27 production are making a steady and conspicuous advance. [Yamanaka and Kobayashi 1957:72-73] There are a number of these small and medium-sized fac- tories which employ predominantly male workers. In such plants the male workers generally come from the same rural area as the owner or managers of the factory, and worker and owner are in a master-apprenticeship relationship. In some cases workers are expected to establish affiliated factories after serving their apprenticeships. The metal toy industry, in which female workers predomi- nate, provides another illustration of the lesser rewards offered to females for participation in the industrial labor force, and is also suggestive of their lesser commitment to this labor force. Women as unpaid family workers The movement of rural females into the nonagricultural labor force in the postwar period has been influenCed by a com- bination of continuing historical factors as well as factors of more recent origin. Throughout the history of industrialization in Japan the economic demands of the family and the need of industry for cheap labor have combined to send many females into the non- agricultural labor force (Taeuber 1958:115). This pattern is consistent with the values of Japanese culture wherein single 28 women have worked outside the home for wages, while married women have predominated in unpaid family labor within the family or in household enterprises (Taeuber 1958: 115-16). Rosovsky and Ohkawa (1961), in their discussion of the modern Japanese economy, are particularly concerned with the prevalence of family workers in Japan. These are workers who are not compensated by wages, and they represent a typical pre- modern form of employment. In recent years approximately one- third of the total labor force has worked under these conditions, and females have predominated in family employment by a large margin (Rosovsky and Ohkawa 1961:479-80). These female family workers come primarily from the older age groups. Between the ages of fifteen and twenty-five, employed females are predominantly wage workers, but in the older age groups the proportion in family work becomes greater. This dif- ference is probably the consequence of modern light industry’s preference for young women, and a subsequent shift to family work following marriage (Rosovsky and Ohkawa 1961:481). The employment of males shows a somewhat different re- lationship between age and employment in private business or un- paid family work. A relatively high proportion of younger males are engaged in family employment. However, in the peak earning 29 years, between the ages of thirty and sixty, the number of males engaged in family work drops so low as to be insignificant. Thus it can be seen that males are a more important com- ponent than females of the modern industrial labor force in Japan. Women are more heavily concentrated in traditional sectors of the economy, employed as unpaid family workers. The differences in the participation of males and females in the industrial labor force suggested by the above studies are supported by labor statistics for workers in Japan. For all work- ers in all industries in 1958, males had an average length of serv- ice of 7.4 years, while for females the equivalent figure was 3.9 years (Ministry of Labor, Women’s and Minors’ Bureau, Labor Statistics on Minor Workers, 1959: 56). The differences between wages paid male and female work- ers indicate the greater rewards for males through participation in the industrial labor force. In 1958 the average monthly cash earnings for males was 19,649 yen, while that for females was less than half this amount, or 8,803 yen. Similarly, labor force statistics for unpaid family workers Support the Rosovsky and Ohkawa statement about the high propor- tiOn of unpaid family workers who are female. Table 2 illustrates this for the period 1953-1958. 30 TABLE 2.--Male and female unpaid family workers in all indus- tries for the years 1953-1958 (in thousands of persons).a Total . Male Female Unpaid Year Family No. Pct. No. Pct. Workers 1953 13,830 4,290 31.0 9,540 69.0 1954 13,760 4,190 30.4 9,570 69.6 1955 14,070 4,350 30.9 9,720 69.1 1956 13,480 4,030 29.9 9,450 70.1 1957 13,100 3,880 29.6 9,220 70.4 1958 12,680 3,770 29. 7 8,910 70.3 aBureau of Statistics, Office of the Prime Minister, Japan, Figures of Labor Force Survey Concerning the Population 15 Years Old and Over: January 1953-December 1958, 1959, pp. 38-41. 31 Summary The preceding discussion has described the differential participation of Japanese males and females in the occupational subsystem of Japan. This discussion focused primarily on par- ticipation in the industrial labor force of Japan. It can be seen that males have more of a long-term commitment to participation in this labor force than do females, and that they derive greater monetary rewards from their participation. In the case of fe- males, participation in the industrial labor force appears gener- ally to be a brief interruption in their life pattern, which is more predominantly organized around the traditional roles of mother and housekeeper. The predominance of females among unpaid family workers indicates that much of the labor of females is performed in the home rather than in industry. Differences Related to Order of Birth This section will illustrate differences in participation in the industrial labor force of Japan which are associated with dif- feI‘ences in order of birth. Differences in effectiveness of par- ti(=1pation and of length and degree of commitment will receive paI‘ticular attention. The primary focus will be upon differences in participation between males who are first-born sons and those 32 who are non-first-born sons. Discussion of order of birth dif- ferences in Japanese society has been concerned almost exclu- sively with differences between first-born and non-first-born sons, with little or no suggestion that like differences might ex- ist between first-born and non-first-born daughters. Therefore, in this section previous literature will be examined for material on differences among males, and the analysis of data will explore the possibility of similar differences among females. Most of the discussion of order-of-birth differences is concerned with rural males, particularly those of farm origin. In Thomas C. Smith’s (1960) study of modern Japanese business leaders, he indicates that the sons of landlords in Japan have, during the last century, provided a far higher proportion of leaders in government, politics, business, education,‘scholarship, science, and the arts than their numbers in the population would Warrant. His detailed analysis focuses upon business leaders and the extent to which characteristics of this group apparently re- 1fitted to their success may be classified as traditional or modern (Smith, T. c. 1960:93). Smith’s data were secured from the biographies of 154 presidents of companies ranking among the 323 largest in the c=<>untry in 1956, and from questionnaires sent to them. They are 33 men who, with few exceptions, began their careers during the first two decades of this century (Smith, T. C. 1960: 93). Of the 154 presidents, 70 (45 percent) indicated that their fathers were “farmers.” However, half of these were landlords who did not cultivate their land, and another 18 percent were cultivating landlords. It is clear that the farm sons who became presidents came largely from the upper stratum of the farm popu- lation. The proportion of landlords’ sons in Smith’s sample is approximately five times that of landlords’ sons in the total popu- lation in 1920. Part of the reason for this high proportion may be inferred from the group characteristics of farm sons in the business elite. Only two characteristics are clearly discernible in their biographical notices in standard reference works--they are exceedlingly well educated and they are preponderantly younger sons (Smith, T. C. 1960: 97). Farm sons were as well educated as nonfarm sons in the business elite, and both had better education in general than the rest of their generation (Smith, T. C. 1960: 99). As Smith ob- served, most farm sons in the business elite were younger sons: 68 percent, as'compared to 26 percent who were eldest sons and 6 percent whose birth order was not recorded in the biographical sources. This reflects the general pattern in farm families-- 34 especially in the landowning families--wherein the eldest son in- herits the headship of the family, the bulk of the family property, and the father’s occupation. It is surprising that despite this so many eldest sons of farmers managed to have business careers. Nevertheless, it is obvious that the probability of a business ca- reer was less likely for an eldest son than for a younger son (Smith, T. C. 1960:101). A second study to be considered is one by Abegglen and others which is based on questionnaire responses of 396 of 695 men selected as comprising the topmost stratum of Japan’s present- day political, intellectual, and business hierarchies (Abegglen e_t_ a_l__. 1960:110). As in the preceding paragraphs, we will focus this discussion upon business leaders. Abegglen notes that a rather small proportion of the busi- ness leaders in the study (24 percent) had farm backgrounds. Over two-thirds of these were landlords, and about half of these landlords had a second occupation, such as local government of- ficial or factory or shop owner, which brought them into contact with the larger political community or involved an element of business activity (Abegglen eta}. 1960:115). However, a number of the small-business backgrounds of respondents appear to have been essentially rural. Of those 35 business leaders who indicated that their fathers were owners of small businesses (19 percent), one-third also stated that the busi- ness was in a rural area, or that the father was a farmer, in ad- dition to being a businessman. In all, a total of one-third of the 207 business leaders were essentially from rural backgrounds (Abegglen SUE: 1960:115). In discussing the birth-order characteristic of leaders, Abegglen notes that the proportion 0f eldest to younger sons is highest in business leadership, where they comprise 51 percent of the total. However, he does not indicate what proportion of business leaders of rural origin was composed of eldest sons. Since in the total sample approximately 38 percent (Abegglen SE24- 1960:123) of the sons of farmers are eldest sons, it ap- pears probable that there is a somewhat smaller proportion of eldest sons among business leaders of rural background than among business leaders of urban background. In further support of this inference, one-third of the fathers of business leaders were executives or owners of large businesses, which would be found primarily in urban areas, and approximaely 60 percent of the leaders in the total sample from such backgrounds were eld- est sons (Abegglen et al. 1960:112, 123). 36 The Smith and Abegglen studies suggest that being a younger son is more likely to lead to effective successful par- ticipation in Japanese industrial life than being a first-born son. This appears to be truer for youths with farm backgrounds than for those with nonfarm backgrounds, which is what might be ex- pected, first-born sons of farmers having generally more incen- tive (by way of inherited privilege) to stay at home and take over the family farm, and thus less reason to be tempted by a business or industrial career. Namiki (1960) has commented on the current employment of farmers’ sons in the labor force. He notes that before World War 11 many farmers, especially those with large holdings, often kept their younger sons at home to work on the farm for a num- ber of years after they completed their schooling. This is not so often the case now; the proportion of younger sons who go on to high school has increased greatly, and both high school and middle school graduates tend to seek employment immediately after graduation. In part this practice is a result of the definite pref- erence of industrial employers for recent graduates (Abegglen 1958:36; Namiki 1960: 36-37). Often eldest sons will commute to a nonagricultural job for a number of years and then return to agricultural work (Namiki 1960:36). 37 The movement of younger sons to urban areas has meant, especially in the case of farm families, a broadening of the base of economic security for the family, and has improved the welfare of the eldest son and heir (Taeuber 1958: 55). The siphoning off of younger sons from the rural areas has added to the stability of the rural villages by removing from the village population the youths who are less likely to adhere to traditional orientations (Abegglen 1957:188-89). Ronald Dore (1959) has given consideration to the movement of rural males into the nonagricultural labor force. He believes that the important limiting factor in this movement is whether or not there are jobs for these males to move into, and that it is individuals rather than families who are significantly involved in the migration out of rural areas. Generally speaking, given a fixed number of job oppor- tunities, unattached younger sons have priority in filling them, rather than heads of households with wives and families. They have fewer ties in the village, the expulsive forces driving them to seek a job outside agriculture are greater, and being younger and unattached they are better able to ac- cept apprenticeships and the unskilled low-wage jobs in small and medium factories and shops for which the opportunities are greatest. [Dore 1959:264] The predominant part played by younger sons in rural out- migration is related to the persistence of primogeniture in rural Japan. The laws governing inheritance have been changed since 38 the war; the new Civil Code of 1948 replaced the old system of primogeniture by stipulating equal inheritance for all children of either sex, with a portion reserved for a surviving spouse. In practice the legal change seems to have made little difference. It simply is not possible to divide the small landholdings of the av- erage Japanese farmer. Dore (1959) reports that a survey in 1951 of some 250 cases of inheritance found only 4 cases of equal inheritance, and 42 cases in which children other than the main heir were given substantial minor portions. The usual practice, he says, is that all the children except the eldest son renounce their right to inherit by legal process or simply by default. By tradition, the younger children were compensated by a trousseau for a daughter on marriage, payment for the education of a younger son, or help to build him a house when needed, rather than at the time of the father’s death. In general the law has meant no change in the pattern of single-son inheritance, though it may have weak- ened the automatic precedence of the eldest son and increased the proportion of cases in which younger sons inherit instead. No matter what changes have taken place, each farm family is faced with the problem of providing in some manner for all but one son in each generation, and it is these predominantly younger sons 39 who are likely to have first priority in claiming whatever jobs are available (Dore 1959:264-65). The statistics showing a big outflow of adolescents from farm families into nonagricultural occupations have been used as a basis for demonstrating that this outflow has been sufficiently large in recent years to indicate that not only younger sons, but also a fair proportion of eldest sons, are leaving agriculture. This could be a repetition of the prewar pattern in which fami- lies moved out of agriculture after one person, usually the eldest son, had preceded them and established himself in some other oc- cupation (Dore 1959:265). Dore feels that if the future number of job opportunities falls below the number of job-seekers, these younger sons of farmers will probably find more difficulty in securing jobs. Even now the children reared in towns are relatively better educated and have the advantage of being on hand for the jobs which rural youths must come to the city to find (Dore 1959:266-67), and in recent years many younger sons have found work in an urban area more because a job was created for them than because the job was available. In these cases relatives or teachers use their influ- ence to persuade employers to employ youths in return for their room and board and a small amount of expense money. Once the 40 youth has thus secured a footing in an urban area, he may be able to move on (Dore 1959:267). Not all younger sons of farmers leave the farm when they finish their compulsory schooling. Many of them currently form a hard core of underemployed rural workers on Japanese farms. When the eldest brother marries, he may place his younger brother with a childless farmer looking for an heir to adopt, but if this is not possible the youth finds himself in his twenties, seeking a non- agricultural job for which he has not developed the necessary skills. His position is more difficult because employers would not consider him suitable at his age for the apprenticeships usu- ally given youths who have just finished their compulsory school- ing (Dore 1959:268). The authors of Village Japan (Beardsley et al. 1959) dis- cuss the relative positions of first-born and non-first-born sons in rural Japan. They note that as the eldest son approaches adolescence he begins to feel the pressure of his future respon- sibilities. If he is from a farm household, his parents want him to know farming well and expect him to spend more time helping his father. He may go to high school and then on to farm school before settling down on the farm, or he may commute to a job outside the community temporarily (Beardsley et a1. 1959:312). 41 A younger son, once his schooling is finished, is expected to help the household either with fieldwork at home or money earned through a nonagricultural job. Eventually his relation to his natal home will be severed through marriage-adoption into a household lacking a male heir, through a move to an independent existence in the city, or he may set up a separate household as a branch of his native household in his native community. The latter, however, is dependent upon circumstances of landholdings and finances and is a rarer possibility. In a fully developed house- hold a second son almost invariably holds a nonagricultural job after finishing his education. This movement of younger sons into nonagricultural jobs, especially when they involve migration to urban areas, may strengthen the eldest son’s position in the family, as younger sons no longer form a potential source of competition for him (Beardsley et a1. 1959: 180, 221). Summary and Conclusion In this section I have discussed a number of studies deal- ing with the relationship between order-of-birth differences in participation in the nonagricultural labor force by rural males. Through all of these studies there runs consistent emphasis on the greater pressures influencing a younger son to enter into 42 nonagricultural employment. Several of the studies indicate a greater tendency for the younger son to be more successful in this participation in the nonagricultural labor force. There is some indication of an increasing tendency for first-born sons to participate, at least temporarily, in nonagri- cultural work. In such cases' the nonagricultural work career of first-born males appears to be somewhat analogous to that of rural females. The first-born male works in the nonagricultural labor force for a few years and then leaves this work to return to agricultural pursuits; similarly, the rural female works for a few years in a nonagricultural job and then leaves it for marriage. The traditional system of primogeniture exerts a persistent influence upon farm youth, so that more non-first-born sons than first-born sons are encouraged to leave the farm and enter the nonagricultural labor force. These non-first-born youths appear to be more effective in their participation in the industrial labor force and to exhibit a greater commitment to it. The studies dis- cussed in this section have been concerned primarily with farm youth. It can be expected that the situation of nonfarm rural youth would be similar in those cases where shop, craft, skill, or position can be passed on from father to son. 43 Statement of Hypotheses The preceding discussion of participation in the occupa- tional subsystem formed by the industrial labor force suggests that the role of the male is more likely to require the acceptance of work-related values which are conducive to effective partici- pation in industrial situations, than is that of the female. The discussion also suggests that the role of the non-first-born child, particularly if male, requires a greater acceptance of these val- ues than does that of the first-born child. Logically, the combined effects of these two character- istics which define a child’s position in the rural family should predispose the child toward differential acceptance of these values. That is, we can predict that non-first-born youths will accept these values more readily than will first-born, and we can predict that males will accept them more readily than females. It follows that non-first-born males will accept them more readily than will oth- ers, and that first-born females will be less likely to accept them than will all others. This in effect yields the following order: (1) non-first-born males, (2) first-born males and non-first-born females, (3) first-born females. Therefore, for the purpose of this thesis I delineate three categories of respondents according 44 to their sex and birth-order characteristics and the hypothesized relation of these characteristics to the acceptance of work-related values. These categories are presented below, with a discussion of the relation of the characteristics to the acceptance of work- related values. Category I In this category I place non-first-born males. These re- spondents possess both of the characteristics which I posit as predisposing toward the acceptance of values conducive to effec- tive participation in industrial work situations. Therefore, I an- ticipate that the responses of this group will show the greatest degree of acceptance of the values under consideration in this study. Category II In this category I place first-born males and non-first- born females. Each individual in this category possesses one of the characteristics which I believe tend to predispose respondents to accept the values being studied. Therefore, I anticipate that respondents in this category will, in their responses, indicate a degree of acceptance of these values which is somewhat less than that shown in the responses of the individuals in Category I. 45 Category III In this category I place first-born females. Individuals in this category possess neither of the characteristics which I ac- cept as predisposing respondents toward acceptance of the values being studied. Therefore, I anticipate that respondents in this category will show less acceptance of those values than respond- ents placed in Category I and Category II. The first hypothesis Hypothesis 1: When respondents are categorized by the sex and birth-order characteristics as specified in this thesis, respondents in Category I will indicate the greatest acceptance of work-related values, re- spondents in Category III will indicate the least acceptance of work-related values, and respondents in Category II will indicate a degree of acceptance intermediate to these two categories. This hypothesis may be presented schematically as follows: Category I > Category II > Category III In terms of sex and birth-order characteristics these cate- gories are operationally specified as indicated below. Non-first-born > First-born males and First-born males Non-first-born females females 46 The second hypothesis One of the value areas with which I am concerned is par- ticularly crucial for participation in the types of industrial situ- ations described in the survey of literature. This is the area concerned with a respondent’s orientation to physical mobility (Value Area III). Rural respondents who intend to participate in urban-industrial work situations must be willing to accept at least a partial disruption of their ties to kin and community, as this is an obviously necessary prerequisite to such participation. How- ever, it must be recognized that there may be a variety of rea- sons for the respondent’s willingness to disrupt these ties. For example (and these are only some of the more obvious reasons), a male may want to secure additional education at a high school or fishery or agricultural technical school, a female may find it necessary to marry outside her community, or an individual of either sex may simply feel a general dissatisfaction with rural life. The part which this value may play in participation in urban industrial situations has been suggested by Abegglen in a study of the attitudes of Japanese industrial workers (Abegglen 1957): 47 In the individuals who migrate from a rural village the psychological prerequisite must be a capacity to maintain some measure of autonomous identity. In the relatively closely knit and well-defined system of relationships in the village, he is confronted with a limited range of personal decisions and choices in establishing his adult role. In a complex indus- trial and urban setting what he becomes is by virtue of the increased social differentiation and complexity of relationships more dependent on individual choice and decision. To be able to maintain himself in the city he must cut himself off, psy- chologically, from the more safe and less demanding village and develop a considerable capacity to maintain autonomy, to hold to behavior and attitudes different from and independent of those of his village. [Abegglen 1957:188] This thesis is concerned with effective participation in industrial work situations. Therefore, I am particularly interested in determining which respondents indicate the greatest willingness to leave their rural environment and who also accept the other values presumed to be conducive to their effective participation in industry. These are the respondents who should become the most effective industrial workers. They will possess the neces- sary prerequisite to participation in industrial situations (willing- ness to disrupt ties to their rural environment) and will demon- strate acceptance of other values presumed to be conducive to effective participation in such situations. In the formulation of the second hypothesis 1 utilize the same frame of reference employed in the formulation of Hypothe- sis 1. The characteristics which predispose respondents toward 48 a general acceptance of work-related values conducive to effective participation in industrial work situations should be manifested most clearly by the degree to which respondents associate them with willingness to leave the rural environment. In other words, the concern of the second hypothesis is with the variation among the several categories of respondents in their association of willingness to leave their rural environment with the acceptance of other values which should predispose them toward effective participation in industrial work situations. Hypothesis 2: When respondents are categorized by sex and birth-order characteristics as specified in this thesis, the association between willingness to dis- rupt ties to the family and rural environment and the acceptance of other work-related values will be closer for respondents in Category I than for any other category, in Category III respondents will in- dicate the least association between these values, and in Category II respondents will indicate an in- termediate amount of association between these values. The tests of Hypothesis 2 will be based upon the following two specific subhypotheses which are derived from this basic statement of Hypothesis II: Subhypothesis 2a: When respondents are categorized by sex and birth-order characteristics as specified in this thesis, a larger proportion of respondents in Category I than in any other category will indicate in their responses a positive association between willingness to disrupt their ties to their rural en- vironment and the acceptance of other work-related 49 values, in Category III the smallest proportion of respondents will indicate association between these values, and in Category II an intermediate propor- tion of respondents will indicate association between these values. Subhypothesis 2b: When respondents are categorized by sex and birth-order characteristics as specified in this thesis, respondents in Category I will indicate a greater degree of association between willingness to disrupt ties to the family and rural environment and the acceptance of other work-related values than those in any other category, respondents in Category III will indicate the least degree of as- sociation between these values, and respondents in Category II will indicate an intermediate degree of association between these values. CHAPTER II THE STUDY OF ORIENTATIONS TO VALUES IN RURAL JAPAN: A SURVEY OF LITERATURE Introduction There appear to have been no systematic studies of work- related values among rural Japanese, although a number of studies of rural Japan have beentconcerned to some extent with the study of such values. In this chapter I shall examine these studies to determine if this previous research provides evidence to support or contradict the hypothesized relationship between sex and birth- order characteristics and work-related values and to determine the areas in which this previous research appears inadequate for dealing with the problem which is the focus of this thesis. The people of rural Japan are not “peasants” as the term is defined by most modern anthropologists. They are not, for the most part, isolated from the larger society, and the modern mar- ketplace has an immediate effect upon their lives and economy. They are the products of a unified national school system which 50 51 achieves a high rate of compulsory school completion in rural areas, and are thus enabled to engage in extensive reading of newspapers and magazines. They have a high ratio of radio own- ership and listen to broadcasts often. They may regularly visit cities, often for business associated with farming, which is pri- marily a profit-seeking and not a subsistence operation (Ward 1960:140; Taeuber 1958:283). They are farmers in a reasonably modern sense of the term, though in some areas of their lives at- titudes and behavior patterns which can be regarded as premodern or traditional may survive. Though they are a rural people who cannot be considered the polar opposites of some hypothetical urban type, it does appear that the process of change accompany- ing the industrialization of Japan has shown itself in a slower and more piecemeal fashion in rural areas than in the large cities (Ward 1960: 140). Studies of Rural Japan Japanese value orientations and culture change This process of change is a topic of concern to Caudill and Scarr (1962) in their study, “Japanese Value Orientations and Cul- ture Change.” The research upon which they base their study was carried out in Japan in 1955. Samples were drawn from a 52 small city, a medium-sized city, and a ward area of Tokyo, amounting to a total of 619 respondents, including senior high school students and their parents. The sample from the small city included respondents from surrounding rural areas. For making comparisons of value orientations according to place of residence, the small city was considered more representative of a folk way of life, the medium-sized city and Tokyo as more rep- resentative of urban living patterns (Caudill and Scarr 1962: 63- 64). Caudill and Scarr utilize Kluckhohn’s notion of ordered variation in value orientations for the understanding of a culture. Value orientations are defined as follows: Value orientations are complex but definitely patterned (rank-ordered) principles, resulting from the transactional interplay of three analytically distinguishable elements of the evaluative process--the cognitive, the affective, and the di- rective elements--which give order and direction to the ever- flowing stream of human acts and thoughts as these relate to the solution of “common human problems.” [Caudill and Scarr 1962:55] Kluckhohn (1961) assumes the existence of a number of common human problems for which all people must find solutions, and a limited range of variability in the solutions to these prob- lems. There are varying degrees of emphasis placed upon the different solutions, with the result that in every society there 53 will be a dominant value orientation and one or more variant value orientations for each problem (Caudill and Scarr 1962:55). The Caudill and Scarr study is concerned with three of the common human problems postulated by Kluckhohn: man’s re- lationship to his fellow man, man’s place in the flow of time, and man’s relation to nature and supernature. The value-orientation areas corresponding to these problems and investigated by Caudill and Scarr are the relational area, the time area, and the man- nature area (Caudill and Scarr 1962: 55-56). Kluckhohn postulates that in each area there are three solutions to each of the common human problems and that, although all solutions are always present, the order in which they are em- phasized may vary. Caudill and Scarr designate each of the three solutions to a common problem as a position in a value-orientation area (Caudill and Scarr 1962: 56). For the purposes of the present study the responses of Caudill and Scarr’s young rural respondents to items concerning the various value-orientation areas will be examined. Differences among this category of respondents were not specifically analyzed in the Caudill and Scarr study, and therefore their responses are included in the following discussion. The first to be considered is the time value-orientation area. 54 The items used for analysis of this orientation are given be- low. Expectations About Change Three young people were talking about what they thought their families would have one day as compared with their fa- thers and mothers. They each said different things. (Fut) The first said: I expect my family to be better off in the future than the family of my father and mother or relatives if we work hard and plan right. The harder we work, the better things get in this country. (Pres) The second said: I don’t know whether my family will be better off, the same, or worse off than the family of my father and mother or relatives. Things always go up and down even if people do work hard. So one can never really tell how their life will be. (Past) The third said: I expect my family to be about the same as the family of my father and mother or relatives. The best way is to work hard and try to keep up things as they have been in the past. Within the framework of the present study, these items have implications for value orientations which may be of even greater significance than the postulated % orientations. The content of the items has obvious implications for orientations to: hard work, internal or self-determination of events, optimism, and change. An analysis of the orientations of the young rural respond- ents, those most similar to the respondents utilized in the present study, reveals some interesting differences in orientations. In Table 3 there are two general differences between male and fe- male responses. Males show a greater tendency to endorse those orientations which place primary emphasis upon the future position, 55 TABLE 3.--Young rural respondents’ orientations to time.a Rankings Male Female Total . Future-present-past ..... 32 14 46 . Future-past-present ..... 4O 25 65 . Past-future-present ...... 0 14 14 . Past-present-future . ..... 0 16 16 . Present-past-future . ..... 20 18 38 . Present-future-past ...... 8 11 19 aFrom Caudill and Scarr 1962:75. 56 while females tend to endorse those placing a primary emphasis upon the past. According to my reinterpretation of the time- orientation items, this suggests that males have a stronger belief in their ability to bring about change, in terms of social and eco- nomic achievements, through hard work and planning. The ob- verse, lack of such belief, is of course revealed in the females’ emphasis upon the past position. Several other items which show notable differences be- tween young male and female rural respondents are in the area of relational value orientations. The first of these, which has to do with help in the case of misfortune, follows. Help in Case of Misfortune A man had a crop failure, or, let us say, had lost most of his cattle. He and his family had to have help from someone if they were going to get through the winter. There are dif- ferent ways of getting help, as in the following. 1. Would it be best if he depended on his brothers and sisters or other relatives all to help him out as much as each one could? 2. Would it be best for him to try to raise the money on his own, without depending on anybody? 3. Would it be best for him to go to a boss or to his head house (honke), and ask for help until things got better? [Caudill 1962:2] The responses of young rural respondents to this item are given in Table 4. From this table it can be seen that males show a greater tendency to endorse orientations which place a primary emphasis upon an individualistic position while females endorse ‘57 TABLE 4.--Young rural respondents’ relational value orientations.a Ranking of Value-Orientation Male Female Total Positions 1. 2 -1 -3 ............... 56 27 83 2. 2 -3 -1 ............... 8 1 1 19 3. 3-2 -1 ............... 8 7 1 5 4. 3-1 -2 ............... 0 7 7 5. 1 -3-2 ............... 8 2 5 33 6. 1 -2 -3 ............... 20 20 40 Incomplete rankings ........ 0 2 2 aFrom Caudill and Scarr 1962:78. 58 those which place a primary emphasis upon the cooperative posi- tion. The last item of interest also concerns relational value orientations--specifically, work relationships: Wage Work There are three ways in which men who do not themselves hire others may work. 1. One way is working in a group of men where all the men work together without there being one main boss, every man has something to say in the decisions that are made, and all the men can depend on each other. 2. One way is working on one’s own as an individual. In this case a man .is pretty much his own boss. He decides most things himself, and how he gets along is his own business. He only has to take care of himself and he doesn’t depend upon somebody else. 3. One way is to work for a big boss who has been managing things for a long time. In this case, the men do not take part in deciding matters, but they know they can depend on the boss to help them out. [Caudill 1962:4] The responses of young rural respondents to this item are shown in Table 5. The pattern of responses found in Table 4 is even more pronounced in Table 5. Males show a greater tendency to endorse the second orientation, which places a primary empha- sis upon an individualistic position, while females show a greater tendency to endorse the orientations which emphasize a cooper- ative position. Here again the male respondents show a greater tendency toward an individualistic orientation. The content of items used to indicate an individualistic position or orientation is 59 TABLE 5.--Young rural respondents’ relational value orientations.a Ranking of Value -Orientation Male Female Total Positions 1. 2-1 -3 ............... 32 5 37 2. 2 -3 -1 ............... 0 0 0 3. 3-2 -1 ............... 0 0 0 4. 3 -l -2 ............... O 0 0 5. 1 -3 -2 ............... 0 7 7 6. 1 -2 -3 ............... 68 86 1 54 Incomplete rankings ........ 0 2 2 aFrom Caudill and Scarr 1962:78. 60 suggestive of what has been called in this study the self-determi- nation of events. Summary and discussion.--In terms of the value areas used in this study, the Caudill and Scarr results suggest that young rural Japanese males, compared with rural females, have a more positive orientation to the self-determination of events, to hard work, to planning or structuring of activities, and to change. There are several limitations to applying the results of the Caudill study to the problems with which we are concerned: 1. The “rural” sample used by Caudill and Scarr includes a number of urban respondents from a city of over 55,000 population. 2. The respondents are high school seniors and, there- fore, a rather select category of young Japanese. 3. The authors have not controlled for the possible ef- fects of order of birth. 4. The study was not designed to investigate the values which are of concern to this study, though Caudill has concurred in the reinterpretation of items suggested above.1 1Letter from William Caudill, Laboratory of Socio-envi- ronmental Studies, National Institute of Mental Health, US. De- partment of Health, Education, and Welfare, Bethesda, Maryland. 61 A study of village Japan Beardsley e_t_a_l. (1959) provide considerable information on the orientations of inhabitants of the farming village of Niiike, the site of their study, which is partly derived from data gained through the use of psychological projective tests. Much of their information is in the form of generalizations about orientations of village inhabitants. In some cases there is reference to the characteristics of persons to whom these generalizations apply, and it is these cases which are of primary concern to this study. Niiike’s inhabitants place considerable emphasis upon the value of hard work. They are inclined to view work as a posi- tive opportunity to achieve success rather than as a burden im- posed by circumstance or by someone in higher authority. They have great confidence that effort will bring achievement, though recognizing that circumstances may intervene to prevent it. For instance, they know that family obligations may prevent a person achieving his goal, or that the cultural definition of the female sex role may be a deterrent to a female’s achievement of goals (Beardsley _e_t_a_l_. 1959:69-70). Ambition is highly valued in Niiike. Regardless of age or sex the people of the village approve of self-betterment. The drive to accomplish things, to work hard for distant goals, is 62 deeply implanted and strong. This ambition is made compatible with ideals of family unity by being identified with the household (Beardsley 29.11- 1959: 480). In discussing achievement, the people of Niiike often tacitly assume that success must be sought away from the home and fam— ily. However, their responses do not suggest that leaving the home, of itself, breaks the family tie. The person who has left home is conceived to be making his effort for the family’s sake. Even a refusal to return home when asked is not necessarily con- sidered an unwillingness to honor family obligations, but can be thought a proper assertion of the member’s ambition for the well- being of his family. Thus the emphasis on family obligation does not in this case necessarily preclude goal achievement nor, for a woman, do the duties of motherhood: a mother’s goals can be achieved vicariously through her children as she stimulates their ambition and removes obstacles to their progress (Beardsley 51.11- 1959: 69-71). In Niiike certain virtues of collectivity are highly valued. However, such orientations are emphasized more in regard to the family than the community. The authors note that: However much it is tied to the community socially, each household has been basically an independent economic unit for some time. Ways of creating income other than through rice 63 growing are vital to the full realization of independence, pro- vided they do not depend on irrigation or similar communal activities. In Niiike, these activities include growing mat rush for sale on a highly competitive market, growing mar- ket vegetables and fruit, producing eggs and other minor market products, weaving tatami covers for sale, and work- ing at salaried jobs. It is quite clear that this cluster of activities interferes with subordination of households to the interest of the community as a whole. People hesitate to use co-operative help particularly in the heavy work connected with mat rush. They pay wages instead, lest the consequent moral commitments hamper their freedom to sell the crop on an entrepreneurial basis, seeking the best time and place to market it. Mat rush, above all, is cultivated in the context of an economy of profit and loss rather than an economy of communality and sharing. [Beardsley SELL 1959:478] This seeming contradiction of emphasis on collectivity orientations at the family level on the one hand, and emphasis on individual householdeffort on the community level, has a par- allel in the relation between tradition and change described by the authors: Niiike up to the end of our period of study in 1954 typified the majority of Japanese rural villages. If one were to select a single outstanding feature by which to character- ize Japanese rural communities after eight decades of massive, rapid revolution in the nation as a whole, this feature would be their capacity to maintain equilibrium, while absorbing fundamental change. Whoever comes to know these villages intimately perceives through all of his senses the serene self-respect and regard for tradition maintained by its peo- ple even at the precise moment they are commiting the village and themselves to fundamental innovation. [Beardsley e_t_al. 1959:480] In their discussion of the formation of values Beardsley et a1. (1959) treat birth-order distinctions as one of a number of 64 factors influencing the socialization and social position of rural youths. They note that in contrast to the “teen-age” period found in the United States, the years between twelve and eighteen tend to be divided, with the first half belonging to childhood and the latter half to adult life. Within a year after they reach fif- teen, youths are numbered among the young adults and carry on essentially adult activities (Beardsley _e_t_a_l. 1959: 310). Since fif- teen is also the usual age of graduation from junior high school, for many it is the age of entry into the adult occupational world. In many respects the step from childhood to adulthood is simplified by the small number of alternatives open to adolescents in basic life decisions. Tradition presents a fairly standard set of guide lines for behavior appropriate to such common roles as farmer, parent, and neighbor, in'which unanticipated situations are relatively infrequent (Beardsley 91:31. 1959:309-10). The youth who migrates to the city has a greater likelihood of en- countering unanticipated situations, though even in his case rela- tives and friends of relatives often make his adjustment easier. The authors of Village Japan note that education is one area of importance in the life of rural youths that has changed in the postwar period. There has been a definite increase in the proportion of rural children who go on to high school, and 65 throughout Japan, even in isolated rural areas, there is a strong positive interest in school. In addition to the traditional respect for learning and the view of school as an avenue for bettering oneself and one’s family, the school often offers a child for the first time in his life associations with others who are neither kindred nor close neighbors. Thus the school environment may prove to be an entirely novel and exhilarating social situation for him (Beardsley fl. 1959: 302, 307). The importance of school for the present study has been discussed in a previous section dealing with the relationship between moral education courses and the study’s selected value areas. The importance of age and order of birth for rural young people, especially males, is emphasized by Beardsley. The impor- tance of these distinctions in ordinary life is demonstrated by the common, everyday terms expressing age differences that are a part of the general vocabulary. The age distinction built into the language reflects actual behavior discrimination. Siblings have differential rights to inheritance and other privileges, the eldest being favored over his juniors, and from the time they first begin to speak brothers and sisters are so conditioned by the everyday kinship terms that when they receive unequal treatment they are not likely to question it (Beardsley et a1. 1959:244). 66 The rule of primogeniture which is the ideal or norm of inheritance makes sisters and younger brothers dependent on the first son for their own future, if it is not settled during their father’s life. Even though they may leave the household, they generally need family assistance to get properly married or es- tablish themselves elsewhere (Beardsley gt_al. 1959:236-37). The position of eldest son carries with it the loyal affec- tion of the household and prestige among outsiders. It carries with it also a responsibility which functions as a curb to his prerogatives. Of all the sons he is the one most apt to have ties of warmth to his father, as well as a sense of security within the household. This security, at times, makes him rela- tively placid and unaggressive in comparison to his younger brothers (Beardsley gLa_l. 1959:221). These authors state that the position of the daughter in the rural Japanese family is roughly uniform, regardless of elder or younger status. A daughter has no permanent place in the home into which she is born, and there is little chance that she will continue life in her native village. Eventually she marries else- where. If her household lacks male heirs, one daughter may stay home to become the wife of the man the household adopts to be its heir. She may, prior to marriage, either work at home or work 67 outside of the household for wages for several years (Beardsley et a1. 1959:219, 221-22). Summary and discussion.--The information concerning orientation to values which is presented in Village Japan is pri- marily in the form of generalizations suggesting some of the re- sults which may be expected from the type of survey research which is utilized in this study. Beardsley gt_a_l. indicate that ambition, self-betterment, achievement, and hard work are highly (positively) valued by all inhabitants of Niiike. This suggests that most rural Japanese would likewise be positively oriented toward self-determination of events, and that there may be little difference among respondents in terms of orientation to this particular value. There is an indication that the people of this village of Niiike often believe that to be successful one must leave the vil- lage. This appears to be particularly true for males, since the authors observe that a female who is positively oriented toward achievement may gain it vicariously through her children. This suggests that among rural respondents, especially males, a posi- tive orientation to occupational and economic advancement may be associated with a positive orientation to physical mobility. The 68 authors further indicate that it is these youths who are most likely to encounter new experiences. The authors’ discussion of economic activities in the vil- lage suggests a positive orientation toward working for an ex- trinsic monetary reward. This orientation is reflected not only in their own profit—oriented work, but in their use of wages rather than “exchange labor” to secure the work of others. There is no indication, however, of how such an orientation might vary among different categories of villagers. Beardsley gt_a_l. suggest that the villagers’ orientation to change contains both an acceptance of change and a preservation of tradition. This position appears to be somewhat ambivalent, although it probably implies an acceptance of change in some areas like technological innovation, alongside a preservation of tradition in others areas such as social organization. Beardsley _e_t__al. suggest that among rural Japanese educa- tion has a strong positive value. They further indicate that this is associated with a positive orientation to achievement. Thus it would be expected that a high proportion of all rural Japanese have a positive orientation toward education, and that in this study young rural Japanese who are more positively oriented to physical 69 mobility and self-determination of events would also be more posi- tively oriented to education. In discussing birth-order differences the authors place primuy emphasis upon the importance of birth order for the male child. However, they note that if a household lacks male heirs a daughter may stay at home to become the wife of the man the household adopts as its heir. This suggests a possibility that the position of a first-born female child may differ somewhat from that of a daughter who has older sisters. Value attitudes of women in two Japanese villages A somewhat different approach to rural orientations is taken by DeVos and Wagatsuma (1961). Their study, which was conducted in two somewhat different villages, focuses upon wom- en’s attitudes toward role behavior. In their introduction they note that changes in relationships between the sexes are evident mainly in the urban areas of Japan, and that while such changes are becoming increasingly evident in rural areas, rural life tends to remain more conservative. They suggest that one explanation for this relative conservatism may result from rural out-migra- tion--those most interested in changing their ways migrate to urban centers, leaving in the home community those most likely 70 to maintain some semblance of conservative economic and social stability (DeVos and Wagatsuma 1961:1206). Implicit in this theory is the assumption that rural villages have among their population a certain number oriented positively to change and physical mobility, and that such orientations are generally found among those who have not as yet completed their compulsory schooling. The two villages they chose for their study are Niiike, the farm village studied by Beardsley ELIA- (1959), and Sakunoshima, a fishing village. Data from observations and from projective tests are used to show the general differences between these two villages. In the farming community of Niiike there is a greater stress upon traditional hierarchical family relationships, including emphasis upon the subordinate position of women. The fishing community of Sakunoshima reveals much less concern with traditional attitudes in family relationships (DeVos and Wagatsuma 1961:1207-8). The differential effect of community attitudes upon the young of different sexes during their process of socialization is outlined by the authors in their discussion of the traditional pat- tern. 71 In the traditional pattern, parental pressure, expectation or control, is exerted more strongly on a son than on a daugh- ter because important social status and roles were usually limited to men and much more social responsibility was re- quired of them than of women. One may also point out that when children act against parental expectation, it is more often their mother than their father who is exposed to a strong sense of failure. The mother coming in as an out- sider into the family has to demonstrate her capacity by be- ing very responsible for the correct upbringing of her chil- dren. [DeVos and Wagatsuma 1961:1219] Since tradition places the woman’s status lower than the man’s, and the woman’s self-assertion is severely circumscribed, her son commonly becomes for her a means of self-realization (DeVos and Wagatsuma 1961:1223). Summary and discussion.--The DeVos and Wagatsuma study indicates a persistence of male-female differences in rural areas of Japan, with an implication that the persistence of conservative orientations in rural areas is related to out-migration. The authors suggest that those persons who are positively oriented to physical mobility are also positively oriented to change. They also present the proposition that achievement-oriented women at- tain their goals vicariously through their children rather than through personal accomplishment, which suggests that among fe- males the association between orientation to physical mobility and 72 self-determination of events need not be as marked as it is in the case of males. DeVos and Wagatsuma do not deal specifically with the problem of differences in industrial value orientations among young rural Japanese, nor do they discuss the possible relationship be- tween such orientations and differences in birth order. A study of city life in Japan Both rural and urban family situations have been described by Ronald P. Dore in his book City Life in Japan. Dore (1958) discusses the problem of hierarchical relationships in rural areas, both within and between rural families. He feels that Western egalitarian ideas have weakened the force of traditional birth- order distinctions, even in rural areas, and says that most rural mothers will now deny to interviewers that they give any special attention to their eldest sons, although in rural areas the func- tional importance of the eldest son’s pre-eminence is little changed. He expresses his general view on the changing attitude toward the first son as follows: . . . We can perhaps see here, at least, an instance where the influence of ideas in altering the pattern of so- cial relations has been of greater importance than the influ- ence of economic changes, though even here we cannot ignore the possible reinforcing effects of tendencies towards “uni- versalistic” and “achievementistic” criteria in other spheres 73 of society--birth order has had little effect on the private’s becoming a corporal, the schoolboy’s chance of getting through the middle-school entrance examination or the reporter’s chance of becoming assistant editor. [Dore 1958:152] The position of the first son is affected by the relative position of main and branch families. Dore reports that the sta- tus superiority of the main family, which is an integral part of the traditional pattern of main-branch family relations, is not now universally accepted. If the branch family is located in an urban area and the main family in a rural area, the degree of the branch family’s economic security may affect its willingness to ascribe higher status to the main family. The strong tendency of the branch to defer to the main family represents a continuation of the attitudes toward father and elder brother which have been instilled since childhood, and is often supported by the branch family’s recognition that in economic necessity it can turn to the main family for help and shelter. This can be a source of psy- chological security for the branch family (Dore 1958:150-51). Changes in occupational structure affect the relationship between main and branch family, and between father and eldest son. As long as the family is the unit of production, the “family occupation” tends to remain unchanged through the generations. This provides a strong bond between father and eldest son and 74 serves to foster the sense of the household as an entity continu- ing through the generations. It also provides a strong reason for the son to accept the authority of his father; rebellion would leave him little prospect of a livelihood outside the family occupation. In wage and salary workers’ families, however, occupation is di- vorced from the family and becomes the occupation of an individual. Preserving the ancestors’ business, land, or craft ceases to be a reason for the eldest son to follow in his father’s footsteps. As the number of occupations increases, old concepts of fixed status and social barriers tend to be replaced by a picture of society as more open and composed of a large number of occupational groups ranged along a continuum of monetary reward and social prestige. Individuals move up the scale through skill, initiative, or good fortune, and education may make it possible for. children to enter the occupational hierarchy at a higher level than that of their parents. In this case the ideal of succeeding the father is replaced by the ideal of surpassing him (Dore 1958: 113). Summary and discussion.--Dore suggests a change in the direction of a weakening of traditional birth-order distinctions in the Japanese family. However, at the same time he indicates that it is in rural areas that the functional importance of such 75 distinctions tends to be maintained. He indicates that in rural areas, where there is a smaller proportion of wage and salary workers, first-born sons are less likely to participate in the in- dustrial labor force and therefore less likely to be positively oriented to physical mobility. He makes no suggestions as to possible differences in orientations associated with birth-order distinctions among rural female Japanese. A study of postwar youth in Japan Although the study by Beardsley et a1. and the other studies discussed so far have to a certain extent been concerned with Japanese youth, this has not been their major emphasis. A study which does focus primarily upon young people is Without the Chry— santhemum and the Sword: A Study of the Attitudes of Youth in Post-War Japan (Stoetzel 1955). In an appendix to this book the author includes a questionnaire used by the National Public Opin- ion Research Institute of Japan in March-April, 1952, to interview 2,671 persons selected throughout the country on a representative basis. From the responses to this questionnaire, those of the two hundred rural respondents in the sixteen-to-nineteen age group (the youngest age group in the survey) have been selected for dis- cussion here. These represent the combined responses of males 76 and females, for though the total sample is 51 percent male and 49 percent female, the proportion of males to females in the age sixteen to nineteen rural category is not given. In addition to this survey, Stoetzel presents the results of a more limited sur- vey conducted in rural areas in 1951. For the purpose of this study, the results of the smaller survey will be discussed in re- lation to the findings of the larger. The first question considered may be interpreted as an indication of the degree of optimism exhibited by rural young people: “Do you think that living conditions in the world will become progressively better?” (Stoetzel 1955:241). The re- sponses, listed in Table 6, do not suggest a high degree of op- timism, though those who expect world living conditions to become better form the largest single category of responses. The next question--“Which of the following comes nearest to being your goal in life?” (Stoetzel 1955:252)--is concerned with goals desired by respondents. The choices given as alter- native responses to the question are such as to indicate the de- gree and nature of the respondents’ orientation to achievement. The choices and responses are presented in Table 7. The two largest categories of responses, those to questions 2 and 5, tend to emphasize achievement through one’s own effort and suggest a 77 TABLE 6.--Expectations concerning prospective world living con- ditions among Japanese rural youth.a Frequency Responses (percent) Better ................................ 49 No change ............................. 21 Worse ................................ 16 Don’t know ............................. 15 aFrom Stoetzel 1955: 241. TABLE 7.--Life goals of Japanese rural youth.a Frequency Responses (percent) 1. To devote yourself to the service of the public without thought for your own affairs ......... 2 2. To achieve financial security through your own work ............................... 24 3. To become wealthy by devoting every ounce of energy to your work .................... 4 4. To live light-heartedly for the day, with no thought for the future ................... 6 5. To achieve fame by your work and learning. . . . 30 6. To live an honest life regardless of what other people do ............................ 20 7. To live the life you like without worrying about money or fame .................... 14 aFrom Stoetzel 1955: 252. 78 belief in self-determination of one’s future. The next two largest response categories, to questions 6 and 7, lack this emphasis on achievement. This suggests that, while the dominant orientation of this age group is toward achievement through one’s own effort, a secondary orientation which lacks this emphasis characterizes a large proportion of rural youths. The third question discussed is addressed even more spe- cifically to the problem of achievement; it is in two parts: “Is there any particular thing you hope to achieve during your life- time? If so, what kind of thing?” (Stoetzel 1955:254). Those who answered yes to the first part are asked a more specific question on the nature of what they hope to achieve. The per- centage distribution of responses to this more specific question are given in Table 8. They are categorized by Stoetzel accord- ing to the nature of the desired achievement. Category 7, technical skill and craftsmanship, forms the largest single group of responses. This, combined with category 8, occupation, places approximately one-third of the responses in the area of occupation as the goal of achievement orientation. The other numerically prominent categories are: category 3, houses and other forms of real estate; category 11, education and learning; and category 6, the home, filial piety. 79 TABLE 8.--Lifetime achievements desired by Japanese rural youth.a Responses Frequency (percent) 1. Social contributions ................... 7.6 2. Money ............................ 5.7 3. Houses and other forms of real estate ...... 15.2 4. Bringing up children .................. 7.6 5. Marriage .......................... 0.0 6. The home, filial piety ................. 11.4 7. Technical skill, craftsmanship ............ 18.1 8. Occupation ................... ' ...... 14.2 9. Social position ...................... 2.8 10. Relations with others. .................. 0.0 11. Education, learning ................... 15.2 12. Ideas ............................. 0.0 13. Inventions, discoveries ................. 0.0 14. Hobbies, amusements .................. 4.7 15. Self-improvement ..................... 1.9 16. Religion ........................... 0.0 17. Political ........................... g 0.9 18. Others ............................ 0.0 19. Don’t know ......................... 5.7 aFrom Stoetzel 1955: 254. 80 The first of these, category 3, evidently reflects the char- acteristic rural emphasis on house and land; the second reflects the traditional cultural emphasis upon learning and may be related to the desire for occupational achievement; the third indicates a rural emphasis upon traditional family values. Together these responses suggest the high importance of occupational achievement to rural youths. If the three related categories of occupation, skill and craftsmanship, and education and learning (all of which are conducive to success in the indus- trial world) are combined, they account for nearly one-half of the responses. The two categories of house and land and home and filial piety, if combined, account for somewhat more than one- quarter of the responses. Thus, these two groups of categories make up about three-fourths of the responses, which suggests that they are the major areas of achievement orientation for young rural Japanese. The group emphasizing occupation and education may indicate a category of respondents with a more urban indus- trial orientation, while the emphasis on house, land, and family may indicate a category of respondents who have the more rural, traditional orientation toward achievement. The fourth and fifth questions to be considered have to do with the position of the eldest son in the Japanese family. The 81 fourth question deals with his inheritance rights, and the fifth with the treatment to be accorded him. Responses to the fourth ques- tion--“Do you think it better that the eldest son should inherit the house as was formerly the case?” (Stoetzel 1955:255)--are given in Table 9. In Table 10 are presented the responses to the fifth question: “Do you think it better to concede a special position to the eledest son and not to treat him exactly like his brothers?” (Stoetzel 1,955: 255). The responses to these questions suggest that a majority of rural young people believe that the eldest son should continue to inherit the house. However, most of these respondents do not think it best to concede the eldest son a special position, which suggests that the current attitude toward the eldest son is not a simple, clear-cut acceptance of the traditional hierarchical posi- tion of the eldest son in the Japanese family. This may indicate a contemporary change in rural attitude toward the eldest son. It is possible that the response pattern represents a reconcilia- tion of a desire for more equalitarian family relationships with a recognition of the necessity of primogeniture for maintaining the family house and land intact. Further insight into relations within the rural family is provided by an examination of two tables contained in Without the 82 TABLE 9.--Responses of Japanese rural youth concerning the right of the eldest son to inherit the house.“1 Frequency Responses (percent) Yes .................................. 56 N o .................................. 37 Don’t know ............................. 7 aFrom Stoetzel 1955: 255. TABLE 10.--Responses of Japanese rural youth concerning the desirability of conceding a special position to the eldest son.a Fre uenc Responses (pegcent)y Yes .................................. 37 No .................................. 55 Don’t know ............................. 8 aFrom Stoetzel 1955: 255. 83 Chrysanthemum and the Sword. They are based upon an unpub- lished report of a study, directed by Professor Yuzuru Okada of Tokyo Bunrika Daigaku (University), of the relations between par- ents and their children in rural areas in 1951. The respondents were fifty-three boys and forty-two girls in the Kwabe mura (vil- lage) secondary school (Nagano Prefecture) (Stoetzel 1955: 78). The question whose responses are given in Table 11 con- cerns services performed for boys and girls by other members of the family. This table lists these services and the person usually relied upon to perform them. The second table (Table 12) likewise concerns relations within the family. This gives responses to a question dealing with disciplinary agents within the family and indicates who ex- ercises the discipline. The table as given here is an adaptation of the table as presented by Stoetzel. Stoetzel’s interpretation of the responses given in Tables 11 and 12 provides some insight into the varying roles within the Japanese rural family. There is a definite indication that the treatment of the young varies by sex. In terms of physical well- being the boys are better cared for, and girls must rely more on themselves. For such services, children rely mainly on their mother or eldest sister. A definite difference by sex is seen in 84 TABLE 11.--Services performed for boys and girls by other members of the family (percent frequency). Family Member Performing Servicea Services N.O. G.F. G.M. F. M. E.B. E.S. 0. Boys Sewing and laundry ..... 0 0 2 0 77 0 17 2 Getting break- fast ........ 19 0 0 0 63 0 16 2 Gifts of cakes . . 19 2 7 2 82 0 6 0 Pocket money . . . l9 2 0 60 34 0 2 0 Escort on visits ...... 21 0 2 34 21 9 4 4 Help in school work ....... 21 0 0 23 8 34 15 4 Approachability . . 21 2 0 26 68 2 2 0 Girls Sewing and laundry ..... 31 0 0 0 57 0 12 0 Getting break- fast ........ 33 0 5 0 52 0 10 0 Gifts of cakes . . 33 0 17 0 78 0 5 0 Pocket money . . . 33, 2 2 77 19 0 0 0 Escort on visits ...... 2 0 0 36 48 0 12 0 Help in school work ....... 2 0 0 24 14 29 24 2 Approachability . . 2 0 7 29 62 0 0 0 aKey: N.O. = No one; G.F. = Grandfather; G.M. = Grand- mother; F. : Father; M. = Mother; E.B. = Elder Brother; E.S. = Elder Sister; 0. = Others. 85 TABLE 12.--Administering of discipline within the family (percent frequency) . a Person Administering Type of Discipline Discipline Praise Rebukes Boys Grandfather ....... . ..... ' ......... 6 6 Grandmother ..................... Father ......................... 26 32 Mother ......................... 49 21 Eldest brother ................... 9 23 Eldest sister .................... Others ......................... 2 Girls Grandfather ..................... 2 2 Grandmother ..................... 12 7 Father ......................... 24 36 Mother ......................... 57 17 Eldest brother ................... 0 29 Eldest sister .................... 5 7 Others ......................... 0 2 aFrom Stoetzel 1955: 80. 86 terms of visiting. Twenty-one percent of the boys and only two percent of the girls pay visits unaccompanied. As for relying on others, the boys are escorted more by their fathers and brothers, and the girls by their sisters and mothers. Girls are helped more with their studies than are boys. Here the role of the elder brother is prominent, while that of the mother is less prominent than in any other area of assistance. In general the mother is regarded as the most accessible person; while the father is given as the second most accessible, he is far less so than the mother. The mother is considered far more accessible than the father, and this is more true for the boys than the girls (Stoetzel 1955: 78-79). Discipline within the family varies according to sex. Dis- cipline is enforced mainly by the mother, the father, and the elder brother. The grandmother and the eldest sister play a somewhat larger part in the disciplining of the girls than of the boys. The mother’s role demands that .she praise more than rebuke, while the father’s demands the opposite. The role of the eldest brother resembles the father’s, in that he rebukes more than he praises. In further discussion of the Okada data Stoetzel describes the preferential attachments among brothers and sisters in the rural families from which the respondents come and presents a 87 hypothesis concerning these relationships. His description and interpretation are given in the following quotation. The pattern of preferential attachments to brothers and sisters is equally interesting and likewise raises questions which one would like to see more thoroughly explored On the part of the boys the strongest attachment is to the eldest brother, with the eldest sister second, the younger brother third and the younger sister fourth; among the girls the first place goes to the eldest sister, the second to the younger brother, the third to the younger sister and the fourth to the eldest brother. The same dissymmetry that was shown in the children’s attachments to their parents and grandpar- ents is observable here. The places occupied by the eldest brother and the eldest sister in the affections of boys and girls respectively suggests an identification of the subject with. the privileged child of his or her own sex; that the boys put the younger sister last shows the double effect of the so- cial hierarchy of age and sex; and that the girls put the eld- est brother last probably reflects a hostility reaction: here the situation is analogous to that of the grandparents in the affections of their grandchildren of the opposite sex. Per- haps the most interesting fact that emerges from these ob- servations is the subjects’ choice of the person holding sec- ond place in their affections--the elder sister in the case of the boys and the younger brother in the case of the girls. With all possible qualifications, one is tempted to advance the hypothesis that these reactions express on the part of the boys a need to be protected and on the part of the girls a need to protect. . . . [Stoetzel 1955:81] Summary and discussion.--The youngest age category of rural Japanese interviewed for the larger survey is the sixteen- to-nineteen age category. This means that the sample is some- what selective in its choice of young rural people, for it con- sists of those young people who are just beyond the age when 88 they should have completed their compulsory schooling. This in- dicates, of course, that the sample does not include those young people who completed their compulsory schooling and then moved away from rural areas to participate in the industrial labor force. In terms of sex and birth-order characteristics, the rural sample used in this survey may contain a larger proportion of first-born males than would be found in a younger age category. The results of the larger survey suggest that approximately half of the respondents display a positive orientation to industrial values and that over one-quarter of the respondents are more positively oriented to traditional rural values. These differences may be associated with sex and order of birth differences among the respondents, but such differences can not be determined from the data provided by the authors. The results of the survey of secondary school children indicate definite sex and birth-order differences among young rural Japanese. The differences indicated are not closely re- lated to industrial value orientations, but do provide general sup- port for the proposition that sex and birth-order differences are meaningful, and suggest that birth-order differences may be mean- ingful for females as well as for males. Again, these differences can not be related to the sex and birth-order characteristics of 89 the respondents themselves, since data necessary for such an analysis are not provided. Summary The studies discussed in this survey of literature are considered representative of the postwar English-language litera- ture which is concerned directly or indirectly with the value orientations of young rural Japanese. None of these studies have been specifically concerned with the industrial value orien- tations of this category of Japanese. However, certain conclu- sions and generalizations found in these studies do provide some suggestion as to what can be expected from the analysis of the survey data secured for this study. A basic point which should be borne in mind is that most of these previous studies have not adequately controlled for the possible effect of sex and birth- order characteristics of respondents. There is a definite indication of the existence of a birth- order effect among males, and possibly among females. The nature of such differences has been studied only among males. The clearest indications of the general effect of sex and birth-order differences which can be inferred from these studies are that males are more positively oriented to industrial values than 90 females, and that among males those who are non-first-born are more positively oriented to industrial values than first-born males. These inferences accord with the conclusions based upon the pre- ceding discussion of differential participation in the Japanese labor force. The next chapter will describe the procedures to be used in the analysis of data secured for this study, and the following chapter will present the analysis of these data and tests of the hypotheses presented in Chapter I. CHAPTER III METHOD OF ANALYSIS Introduction This chapter will describe the procedures followed in testing the hypotheses outlined in Chapter I. This description includes discussion of: ((1) the questionnaire used to collect the data, (2) the sample and administration of the questionnaire, (3) the description of the major operational procedures, and (4) the description of the methods used in the analysis of the data. The Questionnaire The questionnaire used for this study, the M.S.U. Work Beliefs Check-List, was designed by Professor A. O. Haller of the Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Michigan State University. This instrument consists of forty-four statements which, for the purposes of this study, are categorized into six value areas. Each of these areas relates to two or more 91 92 work-related values relevant to participation in industrial work situations. (These value areas were described in Chapter I.) The subjects are asked to respond to this instrument by in- dicating their agreement or disagreement with each item. The re- sponses are scored according to their evident acceptance or nonac- ceptance of a related value. Responses indicative of acceptance are assigned a score of one; opposite responses are assigned a score of zero. These items are given below. The response indicative of the acceptance of an industrial value is shown opposite each item. A similar rationale and method of scoring has been fol- lowed in previous studies employing this instrument,1 and it has been assumed that samples approaching a high degree of industri- alization will have higher scores than those with a low degree of industrialization (Watts 1962). This assumption implies that the acceptance of these values is directly and positively asso- ciated with industrialization. In the present study the relation- ship between these values and industrialization is approached somewhat differently. It is assumed that the work-related values of concern to this thesis are particularly relevant to effective participation in industrial work situations. It has been shown, in a survey of previous literature, that certain categories of 1For a more detailed discussion of the previous use of this instrument see Appendix M. 93 respondents are more likely to be committed to participation in such situations and to effective participation in these situations. It is assumed, therefore, that the socialization of these categories of respondents has been such as to result in a differential ac- ceptance of these values that is in proportion to the differential participation in the industrial labor force which can be expected of them. Response Indi- cating Accept- ance of an In- dustrial Value M.S.U. Work Beliefs Check-List 1.1 The only purpose of working is to make money ..................... Agree 1.2 I believe a man needs to work in order to feel that he has a real place in the world ................ Agree 1.3 I feel sorry for people whose jobs require that they take orders from others ......................... Disagree 1.4 Every man should have a job that gives him a steady income ........... Agree 1.5 The happiest men are those who work only when they need money ...... Agree 1.6 Doing a good job day in and day out is one of the most satisfying experi- ences a man can have .............. Agree 1.7 A regular job is good for one ........ Agree 1.8 2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4 2.5 2.6 2.7 2.8 3.1 3.2 3.3 . 3.4 3.5 94 I feel sorry for rich people who never learn how good it is to have a steady job ........................... I don’t like people who are always right on time for every appointment they have ....................... I feel sorry for people who have to do the same thing every day at the same time ...................... I don’t like to have to make appoint- ments ......................... I believe that promptness is a virtue I usually schedule my activities ....... I’d rather let things happen in their own way rather than scheduling them by a clock ...................... It makes me feel bad to be late for an appointment ..................... I expect people who have appointments with me to be right on time .......... I would be unhappy living away from my relatives ..................... I hope to move away from here within the next few years ................ People who can’t leave their hometowns are hard for me to understand ........ A man’s first IOyalty should be to his home community .................. When a boy becomes a man, he should leave home ...................... Agree Disagree Disagree Disagree Agree Agree Disagree Agree Agree Disagree Agree Agree Disagree Agree 4.1 4.2 4,3 4.4 4.5 4.6 4.7 4.8 5.1 5.2 5.3 5.4 5.5 5.6 95 I like to try new things ............. On the whole, the old ways of doing things are the best ................ Life would be boring without new experiences ..................... I like people who are willing to change ......................... On the whole, most changes make things worse .................... The happiest people are those who do things the way their parents did ....... New things are usually better than old things ......................... I like to see new things and meet new people ......................... I believe that a person can get anything he wants if he’s willing to work for it . . Man should not work too hard, for his fortune is in the hands of God ........ A man shouldn’t work too hard because it won’t do him any good unless luck is with him ....................... With a little luck I believe I can do al- most anything I really want to do ...... A person shouldn’t hope for much in this life ........................ If a man can’t better himself it’s his own fault ....................... Agree Disagree Agree Agree Disagree Disagree Agree Agree Agree Disagree Disagree Agree Disagree Agree 5.7 5.8 6.1 6.2 6.3 6.4 6.5 6.6 6.7 96 Practically everything I try to do turns out well for me .................. I usually fail when I try something im- portant ........................ I would rather work than go to school Money is made to spend, not to save . . . . I think there’s something wrong with people who go to school for years when they could be out earning a living ..... One gains more in the long run if he studies than if he gets a job ......... The more school a person gets the better off he is . _. ................ Generally speaking, things one works hard for are the best .............. When I get a little extra money I usually spend it ........................ The Translation of the Instrument Agree Disagree Disagree Disagree Disagree Agree Agree Agree Disagree The questionnaire was originally designed in English. The following is an outline of the procedure followed in translating the English version of the questionnaire into Japanese: instrument into Japanese. 1. Four translators were utilized in the translation of the For convenience these translators are designated by the letters a, b, c, and d. Pertinent characteristics 97 of the translators were as follows: (a) A male Japanese graduate student of sociology. (b) A male Japanese university student, an English major and editor of an English-language newspaper pub- lished by his university. (c) A female Japanese experienced in translating literary works. (d) A female American who had re- ceived all of her high school education in Japanese schools and was attending a Japanese university; her previous education was received in schools in the United States. 2. Translators a, b, and c translated the original English version of the questionnaire into Japanese. 3. These Japanese translations were given to translators b and c to translate into English, each working on translations other than his own, and these translations were compared with the original English version. 4. The author interviewed translators b, c, and d, using the English and Japanese translations of the questionnaire as interview guides, to determine the closest Japanese apprmdma- tion of the original English instrument. 5. The Japanese instrument was pretested with a sample of urban high school students, and several final adjustments in translation were made on the basis of students’ queries as to the meaning of items. 98 6. When the questionnaires were administered to the rural junior high school students who comprised the sample, their teach- ers read the questionnaires to the students to insure uniform un- derstanding of the form of the written language used in the questionnaires. It is felt that this procedure resulted in the respondents receiving a reasonably good approximMion of the original English version of the instrument. The Sample The community from which the sample used in the present study was selected was chosen on the basis of proximity to an urban-industrial center, a history of out-migration of youth to that center, and ease of access. The criterion of proximity to an urban-industrial center is important, since the study required respondents who could be expected to have some knowledge of urban-industrial life and a realistic possibility of exposure to it. The area chosen had a past history of out-migration to the Tokyo urbanized area (Bennett and Ishino 1955:43), and the category of respondents selected for the survey--young people in their last year of compulsory schooling--provided a large proportion of these out-migrants. 99 To minimize expenditure of time and money, it was neces- sary to select a site close to my residence in Tokyo. The site chosen is approximately three hours from Tokyo, near enough to reduce travel expenses and the necessity for overnight trips. Entré to communities and schools located in such commu- nities is, in Japan, particularly dependent upon personal associa- tion with individuals in responsible administrative positions. Dr. Iwao Ishino and Dr. John Donoghue of the Department of Sociology and Anthropology of Michigan State University were using this community as one of the sites for their study of Japanese villages. Their assistance in establishing rapport with principals and teach- ers made the administration of questionnaires possible. This fac- tor was a major one in choosing the community from which re- spondents were selected. Description of the Community of Residence Emi Machi, the home community of the respondents of this study, is located on the Pacific seacoast in Chiba Prefecture, ap- proximately eighty miles southeast of Tokyo. The present Emi Machi was formed as a political unit in 1958 through the consolidation of the then separate political units of Emi Machi, Futomi Mura, and Soro Mura, each with approximately 100 three thousand population. An indication of the nature of these communities is provided in Table 13, which presents the occupa- tional composition of these communities in 1959. Description of the Sample The sample consists of the 176 ninth-grade students of the three junior high schools of Emi Machi in June, 1959. These stu- dents are all fourteen or fifteen years of age, and with a single exception they had lived all their lives in a single community. The general characteristics of the students are given in Table 14 in terms of the independent variables used in the analy- sis of data. Administration of the Questionnaire Questionnaires were administered to students in their homerooms at a preset time. The students’ teachers and an in- terpreter assisted me. At a later date teachers administered questionnaires to the several students who had been absent when the questionnaire was first administered. 101 TABLE 13.--Means of livelihood for households in Emi Machi, Futomi Mura, and Sam Mura (percent frequency).a Means of Livelihood Emi Futomi Soro Farming ................... 34.0 32.2 79.0 Fishing ................... 15.5 27.9 - Fish processing ............. 0.5 1.1 - Forestry .................. 2.1 0.4 0.6 Merchant .................. 8. 3 6. 5 2. 8 Salaried white-collar ......... 16.0 12.9 7.6 Artisans .................. 6. 6 4 . 2 1 . 4 Day laborer ................ 4.1 3.8 2.3 Others ........... ‘ ......... 4.1 4.1 4.2 Unemployed ................ 7. 8 6. 7 2.1 Owner of industrial plant ....... 1.0 0.2 - aFrom Emi Machi 1959:Appendix, p. 1. 102 TABLE 14.--Characteristics of the sample. Pct. of Characteristic Number Total Sample All Respondents Male ........................ 86 48.9 Female ...................... 90 51.1 First-born .................... 73 41. 5 Non-first-born ................. 103 58. 5 Male Respondents First-born .................... 33 18.8 Non-first-born ................. 53 30. 1 Female Respondents First-born .................... 40 22. 7 N on-first-born ................. 50 28.4 103 Operational Procedures in the Specification Of Variables Orientation tO values A respondent’s orientation tO these values is determined by his responses to items indicative Of his acceptance or rejec- tion Of work-related values relevant to effective participation in industrial work situations. The subjects giving the greater num- ber Of responses indicating acceptance Of these values are con- sidered to demonstrate a greater potential for effective participa- tion in the industrial labor force. Order Of birth The variable which requires Operational specification for the particular purpose Of this study is that Of order Of birth. For this variable the major concern Of the study is whether or not a respondent was the first-born Of siblings Of the same sex. Thus, a respondent who is the first male child born in his family is classified as “first-born” though he may have an Older female sibling. This Operational Specification follows the distinction among children in the family customarily made by the Japanese themselves. 104 Data Analysis Statistical tests In this study no attempt is made at statistical generaliza- tion Of the results Of the analysis of this sample to a larger pop- ulation. Statistical tests are used for evaluating apparently marked differences in distributions Of responses and Of scores and ranks based upon these responses; that is, they are used as a “yardstick” for evaluating differences. It is realized that non- random factors in the selection Of the sample tend to diminish the value of the statistics. The significance level accepted for all statistical tests is the .05 level. In conjunction with the use Of statistical tests, an attempt is made to determine whether regu- larities or patterns in responses are associated with the inde- pendent variables. Scalogram analysis1 Scalogram analysis is employed in this study for evaluat- ing the statements used in each of the six value areas to deter- mine whether Or not they are perceived by the respondents as 1The following sources provide extensive discussions of scalogram analysis: Edwards 1957:172-200; Guttman 1947:451-65; Riley et a1. 1954; Torgerson 1958:307-31. 105 having a similar meaning. If a set Of statements constituting a value area meets the requirements of a unidimensional scale, it is assumed that the statements fall along a single dimension and that the responses Of the subjects to the statements are deter- mined by their position On this dimension. It is not possible tO tell in advance whether the statements used in each value area fall along a single continuum from least to most favorable. The purpose of scalogram analysis is to de- termine whether, if we start with this as a hypothesis, the re- sponses of the subjects are in accord with the hypothesis of a single dimension. If the responses Of subjects tO the statements in each value area are in accord with the theoretical model Of a unidimensional scale of statements, the scores Of subjects upon the statements will be interpreted as likewise falling along the same unidimensional continuum. Procedure for the development and evaluation Of Guttman Scales.--The procedure followed in the scalogram analysis Of the six areas is outlined below. 1. Responses were considered positive if they indicated acceptance Of the related value. These positive responses were 106 given a score Of 1, and the opposite, or negative, response to an item a score Of 0. 2. These scores were punched on IBM cards, which were sorted to determine the percentage Of positive responses to each item. 3. Items falling within the approximate range of 20 to 80 percent positive were utilized for the development Of scales. 4. Cards were sorted in order from respondents giving the greatest number Of positive responses tO those giving the least number Of positive responses. 5. Responses were then printed out in this order, the order Of items ranging from that with the fewest positive re- sponses to that with the most. 6. Scale types and errors to scale type were assigned in the usual manner employed in scalogram analysis. Respond- ents were assigned to those scale types which produced a minimum Of error, and, where a respondent could be assigned tO two scale types with the same error count in each, the rule Of thumb em- ployed was to assign him to the scale type nearest the middle of the scale. 107 Statistical significance Of scalogram.--Karl F. Schuessler (1961) has described a technique for statistically evaluating a Guttman scale. This technique enables the researcher to rule out chance as an explanation Of a scale. In cases where the number Of items is small and/or the marginals are extreme, this procedure should be employed as a check against the possibility that chance accounts for the resulting scale. Basically this procedure, as employed in the present study, consists Of calculating the chance frequencies Of the re- spective response patterns and designating scale types accordingly. A comparison is then made Of the Observed and expected frequen- cies Of scale types and nonscale types within specific score cate- gories. A chi-square value is computed which enables one to test the hypothesis that scale frequencies are a chance phenome- non. This procedure provides a test of the hypothesis that re- producibility is a chance outcome, since reproducibility is a function Of the ratio Of scale types to nonscale types. There- fore, a demonstration of the significance Of this ratio is also a demonstration Of the Significance Of Observed reproducibility. In the present study all scales are evaluated by the use Of the procedure described by Schuessler, and those scales for which a chi-square value is produced which has a probability of 108 occurrence of .05 or less will be accepted as Guttman scales if they approximate the additional criteria mentioned below. Coefficient of reproducibility.--The principal test Of scal- ability employed in a scalogram analysis is the coefficient of reproducibility. TO compute this coefficient the proportion Of errors to total responses to all items being scaled is subtracted from unity. This value is intended to indicate the percentage of accuracy with which responses to the various statements can be reproduced from the total scores. The empirical rule as to the acceptance Of a set of items as sufficiently scalable has varied from .85 tO .90. The latter value is the more commonly used at present (Guttman 1947:455). In addition to the coefficient Of re- producibility, the following features of the scale are to be taken into account: (1) range of marginals, (2) random scatter Of errors, and (3) number Of items used (Guttman 1947:453). Coefficient of scalability.--Herbert Menzel (1953) has de- scribed a procedure which may be used for evaluating the effect Of extreme marginals of items upon a coefficient of reproducibility. This procedure results in a value termed the coefficient Of scal- ability. This coefficient varies from 0 to 1, and is a measure of the scalability of the items used. This coefficient makes it 109 possible to speak meaningfuny of degrees of scalability, instead Of merely deciding whether a set of items does or does not scale. Menzel suggests that the level Of acceptance for this coefficient may be between .60 and .65. Minimal marginal reproducibility.--The reproducibility Of any single item can never be less than the proportion present in the modal response category. Statements with a high modal fre- quency--i.e., extreme marginals--must yield a high coefficient of reproducibility. The minimum coefficient Of reproducibility which it is possible to obtain with a given set Of statements having known frequencies in each of the categories of response can easily be determined. Simply find the proportion of responses in the modal category for each statement. If these values are then summed and divided by the number Of statements, the resulting value indicates the minimfl marginal reproducibility present for the set of statements. [Edwards 1957:192] The minimal marginal reproducibility may then be sub- tracted from the coefficient of reproducibility Obtained from the same data to note the improvement gained through scaling Of items (Edwards 1957: 193). CHAPTER IV ANALYSIS OF THE DATA AND TEST OF HYPOTHESES Introduction This chapter presents the analysis Of the data in three sections. The first is a brief discussion of the responses of all respondents tO the items constituting each Of the six value areas. The second section describes the scalogram analysis Of these responses, and the third presents the test Of hypotheses. Total Responses As has been explained, each item in the questionnaire is scored so that one Of the two alternative responses indicates the acceptance Of a work-related value and is considered a positive response. In general, these rural young people have given a high proportion Of positive responses tO the items constituting the several value areas. Value Area III, “orientation to physi- cal mobility,” provides an exception to this general tendency. In 110 111 addition, there are instances in which several items within a value area have a noticeably smaller proportion Of positive re- sponses than the remaining items in that area. These will be considered in the discussions of each value area. Orientation tO work The distribution of responses to items constituting Value Area I is presented in Table 15. The proportion of positive re- sponses given to items in two Of the subareas is relatively low. These subareas are those Of “monetary reward as an incentive to work” and “hierarchical work relationships.” This indicates that on the whole these young rural respondents do not view the acquisition Of money as a primary reason for working, nor do they indicate a liking for hierarchical work relationships. Orientation tO structured time The distribution of responses tO items constituting Value Area II is presented in Table 16. In general a high proportion Of positive responses is given to the items in this area. There is some indication that there may be a lower degree of acceptance of “repetitive activity” than Of the remaining two subareas. How- ever, Over-all, the responses indicate a high degree Of acceptance 112 TABLE 15.--Percent Of total respondents giving positive responses to items constituting Value Area I. Value Subareas Item f Pct. Mean Pct. Monetary reward as an incentive to work ......... 1.1 84 48 1.5 27 15 32 Work as necessary for a feeling Of security ........ 1.2 156 89 89 Steady employment and income ................. 1.4 136 77 1.6 147 84 1.7 150 85 1.8 116 66 78 Hierarchical work rela- , tionships ............... 1.3 55 31 31 113 TABLE 16.--Percent Of total respondents giving positive responses to items constituting Value Area 11. Value Subareas Item f Pct. Mean Pct. Promptness ............. 2 . 1 12 8 73 2.4 151 88 2.7 159 90 2.8 171 97 87 Repetitive activity ......... 2.2 119 68 68 Scheduling activities ....... 2.3 120 68 2.5 163 93 2.6 142 81 81 114 by the respondents Of the values relating to the structuring Of one ’8 time. Orientation to physical mobility The distribution Of positive responses to items constitut- ing Value Area III is presented in Table 17. The average pro- portion of positive responses to items in this area is relatively low when compared to the over-all responses for other areas. This suggests a general unwillingness of these respondents to disrupt established ties tO kin and community, which appears to be somewhat more evident for ties to community than for ties to kin. Orientation to change The distribution Of positive responses tO items constitut- ing Value Area IV are presented in Table 18. The average pro- portion of positive responses to one subarea, the area of “change,” differs noticeably from the two remaining areas. This suggests that respondents have a lower degree of acceptance Of values supporting change per se than Of values favoring “that which is new” and a “break with tradition.” 115 TABLE 17.--Percent Of total respondents giving positive responses to items constituting Value Area III. Value Subareas Item f Pct. Mean Pct. Kinship ties ............. 3.1 108 61 3.5 91 52 56 Community ties .......... 3.2 108 61 3.3 73 41 3.4 31 18 40 116 TABLE 18.--Percent Of total respondents giving positive responses to items constituting Value Area IV. Value Subareas Item f Pct. Mean Pct. Change ................ 4.4 37 21 4.5 62 35 28 That which is new ........ 4.1 153 87 4.3 150 85 4.7 146 83 4.8 103 58 78 Break with tradition ....... 4.2 151 86 4.6 121 69 78 117 Orientation to future events The distrubiton Of positive responses tO items constituting Value Area V are presented in Table 19. A relatively high aver- age proportion Of positive responses is given tO items Of this area. The higher average proportion Of positive responses given tO the subarea Of “self-determination” indicates a strong accept- ance Of values supporting the self-determination Of events. Orientation tO occupational and economic advancement The distribution of positive responses to items constituting Value Area V1 is found in Table 20. The relatively high average proportion Of positive responses to the subareas of this value area indicates a rather strong, uniform acceptance Of values sup- porting occupational and economic advancement. Summary The two summary tables below give the average proportion of positive responses to each area by all respondents (Table 21) and the average proportion Of positive responses tO each subarea by all respondents (Table 22). These tables indicate the differ- ence in degree Of acceptance by all respondents Of work-related values selected for this study. The remainder Of this analysis will be directed toward determining the extent to which the 118 TABLE 19.--Percent Of total respondents giving positive responses to items constituting Value Area V. Value Subareas Item f Pct. Mean Pct. Self-determination ......... 5.1 1 14 65 5.2 160 91 5.3 163 93 5.4 120 68 5.6 162 92 82 Optimism ............... 5.5 114 65 65 Probability Of success ...... 5.7 149 85 5.8 76 43 64 119 TABLE 20.--Percent Of total respondents giving positive responses to items constituting Value Area VI. Value Subareas Item f Pct. Mean Pct. Education ............... 6.1 1 1 8 67 6. 3 150 85 6.4 158 90 6. 5 118 67 77 Thrift ................. 6.2 103 68 6. 7 136 77 72 Hard work .............. 6.6 155 88 88 120 TABLE 21.--Summary table: value areas ranked by average per- cent Of positive responses given to each area by total respondents. Avg. Pct. Area Of Positive Rank Responses Orientation to structured time ..... 82 1 Orientation tO occupational and economic advancement ........... 77 2 Orientation tO future events ....... 75 3 Orientation tO change ........... 66 4 Orientation to work ............. 62 5 Orientation to physical mobility . . . . 47 6 121 TABLE 22.--Summary table: value subareas ranked by average percent of positive responses given tO each subarea by total re- spondents. Avg. Pct. Subarea of Positive Rank Responses Work as necessary for a feeling Of security ................... 89 1 Hard work ................... 88 2 Promptness .................. 87 3 Self-determination .............. 82 4 Scheduling activities ............ 81 5 Steady employment and income . . . . . 78 7 That which is new ............. 78 7 Break with tradition ............ 78 7 Education .................... 77 9 Thrift ...................... 72 10 Repetitive activity .............. 68 11 Optimism .................... 65 12 Probability Of success ........... 64 13 Kinship ties .................. 56 14 Community ties ................ 40 15 Monetary reward as an incentive to work ..................... 32 16 Hierarchical work relationships . . . . 31 17 Change ..................... 2 8 1 8 122 characteristics Of sex and birth order appear to influence the ac- ceptance Of these values. Scalogram Analysis This section presents the results Of the scalogram analy- sis Of the responses to the items constituting each value area. Table 23 presents the items used for developing the scales for each Of the value areas. The percentage of positive responses is given for each Of these items. Items are excluded from the scalogram analysis only on the basis Of an extreme proportion Of positive or negative responses to the item. The statistical significance of the Guttman scales derived from the sets Of items shown in Table 23 has been determined in the manner described by Schuessler. The resulting chi-square values are given in Table 24. On the basis Of these values it is accepted that the scales for Value Areas 11 and 111 do not result from chance. These scales will be evaluated through the use Of criteria previously described. Table 25 presents the values for the several measures employed for the evaluation Of these scales. The coefficients Of reproducibility for these two scales are somewhat lower than the now generally accepted value Of .90. all iii. all . 123 TABLE 23.--Items used in scalogram analysis ordered on the basis of percent positive responses. Percent Value Area Item Positive Response 1. Orientation to work ......... 1.3 31 1.1 48 1.8 66 1.4 77 II. Orientation to structured time. . 2.2 68 2.3 68 2.1 73 2.6 81 III. Orientation to physical 3.4 18 mobility ................. 3.3 41 3.5 52 3.2 61 3.1 61 IV. Orientation tO change ........ 4.4 21 4.5 55 4.8 58 4.6 69 V. Orientation tO determination 5.8 43 Of future events ..... . ...... 5.5 65 5.1 65 5.4 68 VI. Orientation to occupational 6.2 58 and economic advancement 6.5 67 6.1 67 6.7 77 124 TABLE 24.--Statistical significance Of Guttman scales derived from responses tO the six value areas. Degrees Value Area Chi-square Of Significance Level Freedom . Orientation to work . . 6.22 7 .70 . Orientation to struc- tured time ........ 29.16 7 .001 . Orientation to physi- cal mobility ....... 20.20 9 .02 . Orientation to change ........... 1.91 7 .98 . Orientation to deter- mination Of future events . ......... 10.27 7 .20 . Orientation to occu- pational and economic advancement ....... 1 0. 84 7 .20 125 TABLE 25.--Coefficient of reproducibility, coefficient Of scala- bility, and minimal marginal reproducibility Of scales for Value Areas 11 and III. Value Area Evaluation Measure II III Coefficient of reproducibility (R) .......... .87 .87 Coefficient Of scalability (S) ............. .54 .64 Minimal marginal reproducibility (MMR) ...... .72 .63 Improvement over MMR due to scaling ....... .15 .24 126 Inspection Of the scales indicates no groupings of errors, but a more or less random error distribution. One Of these scales, that for Value Area II, has relatively extreme marginals. All items in this area have more than 50 per- cent positive responses. When this scale is compared with that for Value Area 111, the effect of these marginals can be seen in the lower values for the coefficient of scalability for this scale, and in the smaller value indicating the degree of improvement over the minimal marginal reproducibility. For the purposes Of the present study these two scales are accepted as quasi scales which are adequate for ordering respondents along the dimension related to each Of the two value areas. The scale for Value Area III appears to be more reliable than that for Value Area II. In those four areas for which scales have not been ac- cepted, I will analyze responses to those items for which the total proportion Of positive responses is more than .10 and less than .90. Thus in general we have used the largest defensible combination Of items in testing the hypotheses. Where quasi scales exist (Areas II and 111) these are used as wholes. Where items are not scalable they are treated separately, being loosely 127 grouped for purposes Of discussion into clusters which appear to have similar manifest content. Test Of Hypotheses The first hypothesis to be tested against these data states that differences will be found in the degree to which categories Of respondents indicate, in their responses, their acceptance Of work-related values and that these differences will follow a pre- dictable order: Hypothesis 1: When respondents are categorized by the sex and birth-order characteristics as Specified in this thesis, respondents in Category I will indicate the greatest acceptance of work-related values, re- spondents in Category III will indicate the least acceptance Of work-related values, and respondents in Category II will indicate a degree of acceptance intermediate to these two categories. The results Of statistical tests of differences in responses to items forming the various value areas are found in Appendixes A through F. A summary tabulation, Table 26, presents the items for which statistically significant differences are found for the responses given to these items by the three categories Of re- spondents. There are a total Of eight items for which significant differences are found. This is from a total of thirty specific chi-square tests. Eight significant chi-square values is far in 128 TABLE 26.--Summary table: items for which categories Of re- spondents give significantly different responses (percent Of posi- tive responses). Item Categorya Chi-square I IIb III Probability 1.2 81 93 92 .02 < p \— .05 1.4 85 82 58 .001