EPIC MGDERATéfii‘é: STRUCTURE, NARRATIVE

TEXTURE, AND PURPQSE m Ham LITERATHERE

Thesis for the Degree of Ph. D.
MICHEGAN STATE UNEVERSITY
EDWARB GRANT LETTLE
1959‘

 

 

 

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This is to certify that the
thesis entitled

EPIC MODERATION:
STRUCTURE, NARRATIVE TEXTURE,
AND PURPOSE IN HEROIC LITERATURE

presented by

EDWARD G . LITTLE

I

has been accepted towards fulfillment

of the requirements for
Comparative
._Ph_‘_IL__ degree inLiLemLure

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ABSTRACT

EPIC MODERATION: STRUCTURE, NARRATIVE Trmmr,

AND PIRPOSF‘ IN HFROIC LI'VFTRA'T‘TTRE

By

Edward Grant Little

This thesis examines representative examples of classical and

medieval heroic narrative to show the relationship between form and

structure and theme and idea. It also explores the narrative methods

and related techniques of epic-heroic poetry and investigates the

significant standards and values of the backgrounds which created the
heroic poems. The two main purposes of this study are to af‘ford a
fuller, more integrated view of epic-heroic poetry than most recent
studies present and to show the development and transformation of the
genre“.

The investigation of these aSpects of heroic narrative uses an
analytical technique which examines the story situation, demonstrates
the narrative methods of developing the story element through plot and
action, reveals the manner of creating the epic scope, explicates the
values and standards of the heroic figures and the societies they
represent, and shows the total story-structure framework of each example

of epic-heroic poetry. The examination furnishes conclusions about the

individual poems, about heroic narrative in general, and about the

development and transformation of the genre.

Fdward @rant Little

Section One discusses recent critical studies of epic-heroic
poetry to Show what emphasis they give to the various aspects of heroic
narrative and to indicate their limitations. The limitations concern
three aspects of heroic narrative that often eat inadequate treatment:
the significant narrative core and conflicts, the manner of resolving the
conflicts, and the story-structure framework which encompasses all
elements of epic-heroic poetry. These three aspects are fully discussed
with the others to furnish a thorough overview of the genre. Central
to the discussion of all aspects of heroic narrative is the tension
between heroic self-assertion and heroic self—restraint; consequently,
examination of this tension in respect to all aspects of epic-heroic
poetry furnishes much of the explication of the heroic narrative
analyzed in this study.

Section Two consists of five chapters which discuss Homeric epic,
Greek tragedy, Virgil's epic of Rome, and the transformations of the
heroic figures and heroic values. Chapter I illustrates how heroic
self-assertion creates an expanding pattern of chaos and disorder that
is halted and reversed by the exercise of epic moderation. Chapter IT
shows the receding annular movement which takes Odysseus from Troy to
Ithaca, subjects him to obstacles and suffering that result from
self-assertive behavior and develop his moral endurance, and demonstrates
his use of heroic moderation to reverse the conditions of chaos and
disorder in his life and kingdom. Chapter III presents the importance
of epic moderation in Greek tragedy. Chapter TV shows the transformation
of the self-assertive warrior of Troy to the self-restrained ideal leader
of Augustan Rome. Chapter V summarizes significant changes in the heroic

figure and heroic values and indicates the importance of such changes.

deard “rant Little
The five chapters of Section Three deal with Germanic heroic

poetry, Chanson d3 Roland, Russia's miniature epic, Poema del Cid,

 

and the perspective of medieval heroic narrative. Chapter I discusses
primitive heroic narrative and Beowulf. The Beowulf author praises
heroic moderation by contrasting Beowulf’s character and conduct with
the heroic excesses of other Germanic heroes. Chapter IT shows the
tragic consequences of multiple self-assertion for French chivalrv.

Chapter III, Slovo Q Polku Igoreve, illustrates the criticism of

 

self-assertive Russian princes and urges the exercise of epic moderation
for the good of the Russian land. Chapter IV presents an exemplar of
heroic moderation whose conduct Opposes and transforms the conditions
caused by heroic self-assertion. Chapter V indicates the significant
qualities of medieval heroes of epic-heroic poetry and the pertinent
values of medieval heroism.

Section Four presents conclusions about heroic narrative,
demonstrates relationships between epic moderation and all aspects of
the genre, and indicates how heroic moderation transforms epic-heroic

poetry.

EPIC MODERATION: STRUCTVRF, NARRATIVE TFXTURE,

AND PURPOSE IN HEROIC LITERATURF

By

Edward Grant Little

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements

for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

Department of Comparative Literature

1969

PREFACF

The study presented in this thesis grew out of work done in
special seminar courses of medieval epic, saga, and romance. Those
courses involved work with the original languages of the material, but
for the needs of a less specialized audience and a more generalized
purpose it seemed reasonable to present the quotations in English transla-
tions and to provide for the Specialist the original material in the form
of footnotes. One deviation from this rationale is the absence of Greek,
a language with which I, most unhappily, have only the nodding acquaintance
that this study has afforded. A second deviation is the omission of the
Latin text of the £32312, except where it is deemed essential for a point
of interpretation.

The work on this material has made me realize how well John Donne's
oft-quoted reminder that "no man is an island" applies to the community
of students and scholars. Certainly no serious student or scholar is an
island apart from the mainland of scholarly endeavor, and with pleasure
I now wish to acknowledge the many ties which have joined me to that
mainland.

One of my greatest debts will always be to three dear friends and
teachers who introduced me to the charms and challenges of intellectual
effort. Professor Ralph H. Goodale, Professor Lee E. Cannon, and
Mrs. Irma Cannon, all of Hiram College, will ever have my profound
gratitude for their challenging teaching and their warm interest in my
endeavors. Professor Fielding D. Russell, of Georgia Southern College,

has my heartfelt appreciation for his support, his suggestions, and his

ii

iii

constant understanding. My colleague, Dr. Patrick Spurgeon, has care-
fully read the material at all stages of preparation and has often
provided me with excellent suggestions and needed encouragement. The
extent of my debt to Dr. John Yunck, of Michigan State University,
defies description, for he, as mentor, friend, and mid-wife of this
Caesarean birth, has suffered with me from conception to delivery of
this thesis. If Sisyphus has been able to get his rock over the crest
of the hill, it is only because he has had Nestorian sagacity and
Odyssean endurance to help him do it. What good this study contains
these men have contributed and what deficiencies it has must be attrib-
uted to my self-assertive insistence about the content and presentation.

The men have been admirable in their contributions, but the
women have been wonderful in their patience, understanding, and
cooperation. My typist, Mrs. Carolyn Mandes, has survived the "crash"
course in hieroglyphics required by my written copy and kept her com-
posure despite the confusion of strange letters, symbols, and markings
which she had to cope with along the way. Rumor has it that she now
plans to try her hand at several undeciphered remnants of antiquity.
Last of all, but most important, are the patience, understanding,
sacrifice, and cooperation shown by my wife over far too many months;
without her help the other contributions could not have been used

effectively.

TABLF‘ OF CONTENTS

Page
SECTIONONE INTRODUCTION.................... 1
Purpose of Study and Fundamental Definitions
Relevant Discussions of Ppic in Recent Scholarship

Scope of Study

SECTION TWO CLASSICAL LITERATURE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20
Chapter I. Homer's Iliad . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20
Basic Relationships in the Epic
The wrath of Achilleus: Source and Significance
Chapter II. Homer's Odyssey . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 62
The Odyssean werld
Structure, Development, and Significance
Chapter III. The Periclean world and Greek Tragedy . . . . . . 88
Chapter IV. The £23313 and the warrior of Moderation . . . . . 105
Chapter V. Classical Heroic Literature in Perspective . . . . . 13h
Major Characteristics
Homeric Balance: Self-Assertion and Self-Restraint

Balance Disturbed

SECTION name: MEDIEVAL LITERATURE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1241;
Chapter I. Germanic Heroic Literature . . . . . . . . . . . . . lhh
Primitive Form and Values

Beowulf: From Heldensleben to Epic

 

iv

Page
Chapter II. "Douce France" and £3 Chanson d3 321329 . . . . . . 17h
Plot Structure
Circular Growth and Multiple Demesure
Chapter III. Russia's Heroic Literature . . . . . . . . . . . . 193

The Kiev Chronicle

 

Slovo 9 Polku Igoreve

 

 

Epic Method in Miniature

Chapter IV. Pgema Del Cid: Honor in inle . . . . . . . . . . 216

 

Exile to Greatness
Iliadic Configuration and Odyssean Parallel
Chapter V. The Perspective of‘Vedieval “pic . . . . . . . . . . 236
Introductory Comments
Beowulf
Chanson'dg‘fiplapd
8.1.222 9. rake a1 or__eve

Poema del Cid

 

Overall Perspective

SECTION FOUR HEROIC NARRATIVE IN FULL PTRSPECTITE . . . . . . . 256

I.

BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27S

Q). INN

SECTION ONE

INTRODUCTION

m 93 the Stug _a_n_c_i Fundamental Definitions .
Epic and heroic poetry constitute a vast and ancient literary
dasain that has for centuries provided terrain for exploration by scholars

and critics. Aside from the linguistic and textual studies, modern

1

discussions tend to center on form and structure, theme and idea,2

narrative methods and related techniquee,3 and significant standards and
values.h Such studies by their nature present partial views of heroic
narrative and stress the variety and diversity of the works within the
genre at the emense of the surprising unity of the genre as a whole.
This study will present an analytical technique intended to provide the

reader a thorough overview of the total literary experience of epic-heroic

1Two examples of such works are C. M. Bowra's Tradition and Desi —
in the Iliad (Oxford, 1950) and Cedric Whitman's Homer and the Heroic
fiamimbridge, Massachusetts, 1958) . Both of the-3'3 H's-51m
other aspects, but the major emphasis is on structure.

zMoat analyses touch upon this, but a. v. Routh, in God, Man
2119. 31c 13er? (Cmbridge, mgiand, 1927), and Cedric muffin, F‘the
work c aps. VIII and IX, pp. 1514-220), both focus attention on
theme and idea.

3Though not exclusively devoted to these aspects, Brooks Otis'
Viz-5%: 1 Stud 3.9. Civilized Poet? (Oxford, 1963) discusses such
aspec In c ters 5 ER 7. c of C. H. Bowra's Heroic Post
(New York, 1961) concerns narrative methods and relat‘e‘d‘ficfifias.

(‘Hany studies have much to say about this aspect. Routh's
previously cited work is perhaps the best example of a major study.
Otis' book on the Aeneid and its author is equally important. George 1".
Jones' 1h: Ethos o e Son of Roland (Baltimore, 1963) combines
textual explication. Til-{h s75spect. L. L. Schuecking's "Das
Koenigsideal im Beowulf," in Eh ische Studien, Vol. 67 (1932), pp. 1-11,
discusses the standards and use presented In Beowulf.

1

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2

poetry, and to do something toward integrating the many excellent but
partial analyses and explications which have been made by modern
scholars. very.few of these many discussions treat in any detail the
storybstructure framework, the significant narrative core and conflicts
of heroic narrative, or the manner of resolving these conflicts,5 and
all of these are required for a thorough overview and for a meaningful
integration of the partial analyses. Through a full analysis of them,
and in the light of other investigations, this study intends to provide
a broader and more integrated view of the genre than most recent
scholarship affords.

The terms "story-structure framework" and "significant narrative
core" require clarification. Since they are inter-related, the latter

serves as a point of departure for the former. "Significant narrative

SC. H. Bowra's Tradition and Desi in the Iliad is quite
pertinent here, but Bowra does not go eyond-th3_"wratfi" theme and its
consequences. Furthermore, he does not analyze the motivations for the
”wrath" theme and relate them to the larger structure of the work.

These and other limitations will beremphasized later. Whitman's Homer
and Heroic Tradition has much of interest to say about the organizational
structure or events within the various books and the patterned arrangement
of the books. He does this to show the relationship between Geometric
Art and the structured arrangement of The Iliad; Bowra also says much
about the brilliant heroic imagery of £53 works and about the heroic
attitudes. He does not develop the inter-relationships involved and
their relevance to the total structure of the poem, as this study does.
Bowra's Heroic Poetry is a major contribution to the study of the methods
and techniques 0 eroic narrative poetry, and it says much about the
heroic attitudes. Because of the extensive coverage of representative
heroic poetry, Bowra's analysis can only be partial or limited to a few
aspects of the genre. The same comments might be applied to Routh's

God, 1132, and ER ic Poet , which, despite its age, is still one of the
Better, more comp ete reatments of the subject. There is much to be
said about E.M.W. Tillyard's The anlish P‘pic and Its Background

(New York, 1966), which sets forth the general—characteristics of the
epic but, as the author admits, seeks "a definition of the epic other
than the old heroic one."

 

3
core" designates the complex kernel of both the conflict situation
between protagonist and antagonist and the conflict circumstances pro-
duced.by the opposition of personal desires and group demands. This
core is important for the working out of the story element and the
significant meaning toward which the handling of the story element is
directed. To get from the narrative core to the completed work, the
author uses a controlling framework that encompasses the plot structure
and the narrative growth to develop implicitly (and/or explicitly) the
significant meaning of the work. This controlling framework will be
referred to as the "story-structure framework."

Fundamental to the interpretation of epic-heroic narrative pre-
sented in this study is the ancient but continually relevant concept of
moderation, which--as this study expects to show-elies near the heart of
virtually all narrative conflicts in the genre.6 Students of medieval
literature, especially of epic and romance, early encounter the
conscious use of the concept of moderation and its relationship to the
conduct of life.7 The frequency with which this concept occurs and
its importance in the structuring of various works of these genres provide

6Moderation is the modern approximation of a concept appearing
in the literature of many European nations under various names such as
sophrosyne, 122 media, mezura, mahze/maZe, mesure.

7The concept appears in and is important to Beowulf, where it
appears in the antithetical form un- emete. It is also prominent in
L5 Chanson de Roland, where Oliver or r ghtly tells his friend that
‘mesure wouldqbe desirable in his conduct. It appears in the works of
Hartman von Ana and in the poetry of walther von der Vogelweide. It is
especially important in Das Nibelungenlied and in wolfram von Vschenbach's

Percival. wace's Thebes and various chansons 92 gestes also use the
concept.

 

h
reason enough for an investigation of its source and a study of its
development and significance. By means of an analysis of the concept
of Moderation and the idea of epic moderation in characteristic samples
of epic-heroic narrative from the Homeric to the Medieval period, this
study intends to show the relationship of epic moderation to the aspects
of heroic narrative mentioned above.
The French designate the concept of‘Moderation as 22325:, which
Andr‘ Horst defines as follows:
La mere de toutes les vertus est . . . 1'observation constante de
la juste mesure et du juste milieu en toutes choses et en toutes
circonstances, mesure signifie aussi moderation, domination de
soi-mahe, victoire de la volonté'sur les passions, et enfin
temperance . . Meme dans le combat le chevalier use de
moderation.é
Two valid comments are important in respect to Moret's definition.
First of all, his definition omits one aspect of 2332:: whose importance
will become abundantly clear during the course of this study. Since the
virtue of moderation develops almost always in a highly self-conscious
social situation, and since its presence or absence has an immediate
effect on the welfare of the social group, it is necessary to identify
moderate conduct (523253) as group-oriented and immoderate conduct
(démesure) as self-assertive and usually destructive of the welfare of
the group. Secondly, as the definition indicates, E55352 is a mean; and
a mean both assumes and requires a tension between two opposite courses
of action, an internal tension in the heroic character. This internal
tension can be illustrated by several key situations in epic and by
reference to Aristotle's discussion of the mean.

8Andre'MOret, wolfram D'Eschenbach: Parsival (Paris, l9h3), p. 26.
Horat's definition is usEd throughout for moderation and mesure.

5

The first book of Ih_e_ 2:199. shows Agameamon threatening to take
Briseis from Achilleus, and the latter cannot decide whether he should
kill Agamennon or control his anger. Melanthius, in 1113 0d se , kicks
Odysseus, who is torn between resorting to violence or controlling his
wrath. Both Achilleus and Odysseus control their desire to react
violently to their treatment. Roland, under somewhat different circum-
stances, sees his forces reduced to sixty men and cannot decide if he
should continue to fight without aid or moderate his former position and
sound the call for aid. He asks Oliver if he should not blow the
oliphant, and Oliver's response is quite meaningful in respect to under-
standing I: Chanson d! M.

Aristotle's discussion of bravery in the Nicomachean Ethics9

 

provides a further illustration. Conflicting emotions and passions

act upon the warrior confronted by the enemy in battle; he may be
prompted to rush into battle without hesitation or he may be urged to
flee the fight. However, his rational-moral faculties also have a part
in what he does. Daninated by the emotional faculties, he will rush to
the extremes of rashness or cowardice. Controlled by the rational-moral
faculties, he will choose the mean, which is bravery. This is the
desirable choice, for, even though it may produce death or some lesser
ill, the moderate position serves the group needs and also assures the
personal glory and fame of the individual. Both cowardice and rashness
are moderate, unrestrained positions which serve neither the ultimate
best interests of the individual nor the welfare of the group.

9"Nicalachean Ethics," in The Basic Works of Aristotle, ed.
Richard McKeon (New York, 191d), BET II, ch. 5, 955.

6

Long before Aristotle Greek literature reflects the tension
between unrestrained, self-assertive urges and disciplined, group-centered
self-restraint. (In fact, the tension is central to most literary
experience, ancient and modern. The importance of the group to Greek
thinkers can be suggested by a few random examples, some of which receive
further treatment in this study.

In The; M Nestor, Patroklos, and in one respect even Agamemnon
show concern for the best interests of the group. Nestor attempts to
mediate the quarrel between Agamemnon and Achilleus, both for the
well-being of the two men and the Greeks who suffer from the absence of
their best warrior. Only Agamemnon's concern for the group he leads
permits him to accept grudgingly the advice of Nestor to make up his
quarrel with Achilleus. A similar but even more group-oriented attitude
causes Patroklos to get approval from Achilleus to lead the Myrmidons into
battle and push the Trojans back to their walls.

Greek tragedy provides many examples of the importance of the
group, but two can furnish adequate illustration. In the Mliant
Maidens of Aesclv‘lus, Pelasgos, even though personally touched by the
plea of the suppliants, must ask the citizenry of Argos if they will
offer shelter to the maids and thus risk the danger to the 2%. The
decree of Green (that Polyneices cannot receive burial) in Sophocles'
Antigo_ne rests upon the fact that Polyneices' attack on Ilhebes made him
an anew of the EQL.

The point made here is that all these examples, both the earlier
and the later, show how important group values and standards were in
Greek thought and life. Such standards and values provided the core

‘I ‘C

.uuk N h\\

7

around which developed the £13, the city-state of Periclean Greece.
Of the Eli's as a political and social structure Gilbert Murray says:

It has in common with the other, that it implies in each citizen the

willing sacrifice of himself to something greater than himself. . . .

It has its roots in knowledge and real human need, not in ignorance

and terror. Its rules of conduct are based not on obedience to

imaginary beings, but in serving mankind; not on observance to

taboos, but on doing good.10

Even when Greece had outgrown the 221i: for the acropolis of
Athens, the basic values of the former still dominated Greek thought.
This is evident in both the Gorgas and _‘!_'_h_e Republic of Plato. In the
former Plato judges the statesmen of Athens in terms of their service
to their fellow citizens. He asks if they made Athens better and
happier, and he answers his own question by declaring that they have
merely filled the city with various sorts of trash instead of "Sophrosyne
and righteousness." Furthermore, the social and political organization
of 212 Eublic is but a lagical extension and reformulation of the values
that serve the best interests of the political and social group.11
The development of Greece from the simple tribal society of the

Hycenean Age to the developing pol}: of Homer's time, and later to the
fully developed will and acrgglis of Periclean Greece complicated the

tensions experienced by the warriors of heroic narrative.

1ocilhert Hm'ray, 3313 Rise 25 933 Greek gic (New York, 1960), p. 59.

uBoth Gilbert Murray and William C. Greene discuss at some length
the importance of the olis and the values which support it. In both
cases, these values are e significant values of Greek epic (arete,
aidos, nemesis, hybris, _a_t_e_, atasthalie) and, to various degrees, of all
We narrative. n Murray's The Rise of the Greek ic the first three
chapters (pp. 1-92) discuss these-related'is'sues. The rat two chapters
(pp. 3%) of Greene's Moira: Fate, Good and Evil in Greek Thou t
(Cambridge, Massachusetts, EMU—discuss the subject 5 respec 0 Greek
epic.

8

As a warrior of Mycenean tribal society, the hero could respond
to danger situations in a relatively simple fashion. The choice of
responding to the emotional urges or the rational-moral faculties was
influenced, at the primary level, only by what conscious and unconscious
influence family and tribal obligations exerted upon the rational-moral
faculties. However, when the warrior became part of a military elite
with develOping mutual obligations to his fellow warriors, the tension
began to involve not just the self, but both the self and the group. Even
when the'Mycenean warrior had no absolute and prescribed obligations to
the temporary political group (such as the confederation of tribes
attacking Troy), he still had understood obligations to the other warriors
whose values and standards he shared. The mean came to involve adjustment
of the emotional urges, rational-moral faculties, and the social values
of the group. As social organization developed from the loose confederacy
of tribes to the unit of the 22123 and acr olis, social standards and
values exerted a greater influence on the mean.

In effect, the choice of the mean became less the ethical choice
of an isolated individual and more of a social choice; it became less of
a balance between the emotional urges and the rational-moral faculties
and more of a balance between the desires of the self and the demands of
some set of group values. This gradual change influences the developing
thought and literature of Greece and is reflected in both.

The effects of that change are first discernible in epic and heroic
narrative, where the change influences what the heroes do or fail to do.
The time span of Homeric epic bridges the distance between the‘Nycenean
Empire and the developinggpglig of Homer's time. Between the former and
the latter ends of that span, the relative freedom and self-assertion of

9

the earlier period has been modified by the discipline and self-restraint
of the latter. As a consequence, the heroes of epic and heroic poetry
from Homer on demonstrate some degree of inner tension between unrestrained
self-assertion and disciplined self-restraint in conduct. The effects
of this tension and the subsequent importance it has in heroic narrative
provide a useful means of analyzing the form, structure, content, and
significance of epic and heroic poetry. This study will analyze the
function which that tension serves in heroic narrative, show its relation
to form, structure, and significance, and also demonstrate its relationship
to the idea of epic or heroic moderation, 1.9. 352235.

Epic moderation may appear to be an improper or impossible term,
but an analysis of epic and heroic poetry shows that heroic moderation has
as much significance and validity as does heroic rashness. The hero of
epic or tragedy is often faced by'a situation which demands a choice
between unrestrained, self-assertive action or disciplined self-restraint.12
Caught) in this tension between dimesure and m, the hero must act to
resolve his problem. When he prefers the former to the latter, his
choice provides the tragic core that is shared by both epic and tragedy.
In fact, any action he takes and any factors which determine him to take
action will have a great bearing on the nature and development of epic
and heroic poetry.

The action of 223 Iligd is set in motion by the self-assertive
action of Agamemnon in refusing to accept the ransom offered by Chryses
for the release of his daughter. This action brings down upon the Greeks

12This statement is not meant to suggest that such a situation is

the single significant aspect of tragedy, but often the choice made‘under
such conditions has considerable importance in the context of the play.

10

the punishment of Apollo. The efforts of Achilleus to determine the
cause of the anger and find the means of appeasing that anger lead to
the personal conflict between Agamemnon and Achilleus. The former
agrees to perform the act of moderation needed to appease Apollo's
anger, but only by a greater act of self-assertion at the expense of
Achillsus. This produces the "wrath" theme that is based on the self-
assertive positions taken by both Agamemnon and Achilleus. The tragic
consequences to the Greeks and to Achilleus can be ended only when both
men have exercised heroic moderation.

The action of E: M is generally created by a combination
of the self-assertiveness of Odysseus and his men, and only when Odysseus
accepts and practices self-restraint does he resolve all of his problems.
In .13 Chanson 513 M the self-assertive desires of Charlemagne and
Harsfle provide the circumstances for the contention of Roland and Ganelon:
a contention produced by the self-assertion of the two men and having dire
consequences for than and for French chivalry. The de’mesureI conduct of
Igor and the other princes in .5321! 9 M Igo_1:eve (m of m
Regent) produces the tragic consequences for their followers and for
the Russian land. In these and other examples of heroic narrative,
dalesur‘ actions play a major role, but the internal tension in the hero
between 1932:: and dinesure is sometimes modified and in some cases
externalised; i.e., it is developed into a conflict between two principal
figures or between two groups. The modifications and externalizations of
the tension produce changes in epic-heroic poetry, and the relevance of
those changes will be one aspect of this study of heroic narrative.

‘11. i C‘ ‘e I .n‘... I

11

The concept of mesure has such relationships to key concepts of

Greek literature (to metrion, sgphrosyne, and mac) ,13 to the ethical

 

mean of Aristotle, and to the 11.3 media of Home that the investigation

of Greek and Rman literature should provide the information to ascertain
the genesis of m and trace its subsequent importance in epic and
heroic poetry.

Though this study is primarily concerned with the epic genre and
heroic poetry, some consideration of Greek tragedy must be included to
follow the development of the concept of m or epic moderation,
through classical literature and into medieval literature. During the
classical period of Greece no significant epic was produced, but tragedy
made use of the same material that went into epic. Though the form and
function of tragedy differ frau those of epic, at least one element
of Greek tragedy is related to the tension of epic and heroic narrative.
The idea of sophrogyne, though not the central issue of Greek tragedy, is

 

the form of moderation which is often advised during the Periclean Age.
From there it passes into ethical thought and writing such as Aristotle's

Nicomachean Ethics .

Relevant Discussions of 21c in Recent Scholarship

 

One of the best and most wide-ranging discussions of epic and
heroic poetry is H. V. Routh's 93d, Lian, and Eic Poetry. Though his

13.411 three of these expressions have involved and complex meanings
that often lead to oversimplification and distortion, but the first two
refer to a course of action best expressed by the via media, or middle
way of Roman thought. These are terms of approved—Enduct, but the term

s concerns overweening pride and wanton arrogance, terms of dis-
approval. These terms and other related terms are discussed in the
works cited in footnote 11 on page 7.

12
work deals with new historical-sociological aspects of epic and heroic
poetry frus Homer to Dante, its primary focus is upon the heroes, the
heroic society, and the values and ideals presented in the different
works. He traces in detail the influences that transform the primitive
hero of strength and courage into the intellectual hero. Routh also
traces the circumstances which combined religious fervour and patriotic
sentiment in I: Chanson g: m. From that point on he demonstrates
how most of the works of the eleventh to the fourteenth centuries fall
short of epic idealism by reason of a change of focus and auphasis. His
final chapters present the developing importance of religious ideas in
the Middle Ages and their relation to Dante's Commedia.

Routh's major concern is with the idea-content of the works and
the related historical-sociological significance. He says very little
about structure, narrative methods, or the literary core of epic-heroic
poetry. Routh's treatment suggests much about change and modification
of epic and heroic poetry which is important to this study, but never
examines this beyond the external evidence of the change. What he
develops partially can readily be related to structure, narrative
methods, and the literary core of heroic narrative, to make possible a
more cmplete view.

A second major work in this area is Tillyard's 9.3 English 31:
and 3.13 Backgound. Like Routh, Tillyard's coverage is extensive; indeed,
it is more extensive in certain respects than Routh's work. Tillyard
discusses epic and heroic poetry frm the classical beginnings until
the nee-classical periods of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.

Admittedly "bred a Classic," the author shows that orientation throughout

13
his discussion, which is organized to lead to Miltonic and other
nee-classical epic.

As a consequence of his orientation, Tillyard gives little space
to Germanic or Scandinavian epic. His grounds for this exclusion are
justifiable in terms of his purpose and intention, for he separates
epic from heroic poetry and redefines epic by setting up several criteria
for the concept of epic he accepts. His criteria have been selected to
define the epic spirit by "seeking its [Epig‘l differentiae in matters

 

other than nominal and formaldn‘ Though this study is not concerned
with defining epic, all of Tillyard's criteria have a great deal of
relevance to the epic and heroic poetry treated here. Though his third
criterion (control and pro-determination) suggests something of a
structural idea, Porfessor Tillyard is primarily concerned with dis-
cussing a great deal of literature that satisfies his criteria or fails
to, even though it may manifest some characteristics of the epic spirit.
Like Routh, Tillyard offers perceptive insights into heroic
literature, but does not treat several aspects with which this study is
concerned. He does, however, touch upon certain values central to this
study. In discussing the epic spirit Tillyard makes the point that the
epic writer "must express the feelings of a large group of people living
in or near his own time."15 He elaborates upon this to arrive at his
last criterion, which he presents as follows:
his, in similar fashion, must have faith in the system of beliefs
or way of life it bears witness to. . . . Only when people have
1,‘1".I.llynrd, p. 3.
15mlyud, p. 12.

1h

faith in their own age can they include the maximum of life in
their vision and exert their will-power to its unnost capacity.16

These two ideas of Tillyard's are quite relevant to the analyses

contained in this study, and they will be treated in the proper place.
To the- must be added another statement which Tillyard makes in reference
to 2h: Egg and T22 9123:. He stresses the idea that, after the first
work, there is no question of creating a form, but only of modifying it.
Then he says of Homer's two works:

Whereas the Iliad dealt with exceptional happenings and their

results, tuna—constantly reminding us of the norm, the

m was centered in it.17
Both of these ideas are very important to fundamental aspects of the
present study.

Bowra, in £22.19. m, deals with a wide range of literary

works which incorporate the heroic spirit. He defines heroic poetry
and distinguishes it from panegyric and lament. He then discusses a
great many aspects of heroic poetry with extensive illustrations. His
discussion of scale and development is particularly useful in distinguish-
ing related types which concern the heroic spirit. However, his primary
emphasis is a: the heroic ideal, its values, and its varied manifesta-
tions. His second and third chapters constitute one of the best short
presentations of all aspects of the heroic background. In his third
chapter Bowra discusses the variety of heroes presented in heroic poetry.
There he suggests that Hektor straddles the boundary between the heroic
world and the city-state that replaced it. This important point will be
further considered in this study.

15m1ysrd, p. 13.
"Tillyard, p. 30.

15

During his discussion of scale and development Bowra suggests
various justifications for the introduction of allusive tales and
illustrative stories not connected with the main plot into the texture
of heroic poetry.18 This aspect of epic and heroic poetry will also
receive further treatment in the present study.

When he discusses £22.21ESQ and.!h§ Odyssey, Bowra suggests that
the former has importance beyond the presentation of the heroic action.
Of the latter he affirms that there is no connection between the_theme of
the return and.some wider issue. This study will suggest, to some extent,
that Lbs; My does concern some wider issue than the theme of the
return.

One of Bowra's later chapters presents an excellent discussion of
the varieties of the heroic outlook and of the nature and importance
of heroic poetry. Of the latter he says:

. . . the poet is really the voice of the peeple whom he addresses
and whose feelings and thoughts are his own. For this reason,
heroic poetry throws an intimate light on the society to which it
belongs and illustrates what its outlook and tastes are.19
That statement is very close to the opinions expressed.by Tillyard
(cf. p. 13 above), and taken together those opinions furnish the point
of departure and approach for this thesis.

That approach assumes that most literary creations reflect to
some degree, positively or negatively, the historical and sociological
backgrounds of the society producing them. Where history or chronicle

18When Bowra discusses the origins of The Iliad in his earlier
work, Tradition and Desi in the Iliad, he offerS'saie fragmentary
comidmrii'amfihi'ifim material. In this later work
he elaborates a bit more.

19Bowra, Heroic Poetr , p. h76.

16
concerns itself with the reasons for a conflict, the major phases and
the direction of the conflict, and the results produced by it, heroic
song concerns itself with the natures and qualities of the heroes
involved. When a more develOped society that postdates the events of
heroic songs or lays has need of the heroic qualities which. it wishes to
glorify as part of its tradition, that society assimilates those qualities
into certain literary creations. But because these come some time after
the event and because they have developed since the event they cannot and
do not reflect merely the standards and values of the time of the events
which they celebrate.

In effect, as both Bowra and Tillyard suggest, the epic reflects
the standards and values of the heroic past but also modifies them or
adds to than as needed or desired by the later, more developed society
in which it was written. Thus 213 M reflects not only the splendors
of early heroic self-assertion, but also all the related values of a
much later age when the 21112 has become more important than the loose
tribal confederation of the (hooks who attack Troy.

The developments that take place between the earlier and the later
environments also bring with them an expanded scope that goes beyond
the mere presentation of the events and deeds of the Greek and Trojan
confrontation. The same situation holds true for most of the other
literary creations of heroic narrative. The changes and developments
that occur alter the tension between the self-assertive and the self-
restrained response. The handling and treatment of that tension will
reveal both the fixed and changing aspects of heroic narrative.

In discussing The; Iliad Bowra suggests, in a general and brief
fashion, an overall structural framework which is detemined by the

l7

wrath of Achilleus introduced in the first book and the resolution of
that wrath in the final book. In E22 {9333 he does not present
Inch more than the general outlines of the idea; however, in Tradition
and M 29. 33 Egg,” he furnishes the details of that framework and
structure. Indeed, he goes further and shows the integral relationships
of framework and structure, of narrative core and narrative conflicts,
of the resolution of narrative conflicts and the narrative method and
developnent involved, of themes and ideas, of values involved and the
total significance of the work. Bowra is not specifically concemed
with these, but his discussion of __Th_g_ Iliad touches all of tha to some
extent. The study presented in these pages is not derived from Bowra's
work, but his explication and analySis of 1!}: £135! is the nearest to
what this study intends to do.

Cedric Whitman's Egg and $33919. Tradition is similar in some

respects to Bowra's work, but Whitman develops some aspects of The Iliad

 

not treated elsewhere. He presents a detailed structural analysis,
which, though stretched at points, is very enlightening. Much of what
Professor Whitman says is remarkably close to Bowra's ideas, but Whitnm's
special approach and focus can be seen in his statenent that

Poetry, concaved in inage and executed through formal design,

nay reasonably ask to be analysed in terms of its motivating

forces and essential processes.21
The methodology of the present study of representative works of epic and
heroic poetry derives in part frun the explications Whitman and Bowra

provide for _Th_e Iliad; however, it does not follow Whitman in his concern

for hagcry.

203m, Tradition 933 Desi , p. 15 ff.
21Whitnan, p. 2.

18
ism 2.1: £129:

The study contained in these pages has for its general purpose
the desire to present a relatively thorough overview of classical and
medieval epic-heroic poetry. That overview will examine the narrative
core of representative works of both these periods and show how the
tension at the center of this core is related to the developnent of the
story elenent, the action, the narrative movement and methods, the epic
scope, and the pattern (or patterns) used or deveIOped within the poems.
The discussion of these aspects of heroic narrative will serve to
demonstrate the standards and values of the poet and the society he
represents as they are pertinent to the significance of the works involved.
Central to the entire discussion will be the modifications of the m-
denesure tension and the important role played by heroic moderation in
determining the character and nature of epic-heroic poetry.

This study will begin with a discussion of Homeric epic, will
proceed in order to the tragedy of Classical Greece (briefly), Virgil's
£9332, certain of the Germanic heroic poems, 2'2. Chanson £13 M, and
the Russian classic m 9 222.33 Iggreve (M M M Regiment) ,
and will conclude with Po__;__sma d_e_l_._ gig. ‘

The analyses will focus upon several aspects of the works. The
examination of the classical works begins with the story-structure
framework, but the approach to the medieval works will be a variation of
the basic method.” This will lead to an examination of the narrative
core and narrative conflicts involved. For this it will be necessary to
review the standards and values of the heroic mvironment presented in

22No detailed analyses of the type presented by Whitman will be
attempted.

19

the various works. Such a review will reveal the circumstances which
create the me-dénemre tension and will demonstrate the modifications
of that tension which affect the development of the epic and of heroic
poetry. The modifications of the tension permit a close and thorough
explication of the resolution of the narrative conflicts and the means
used to resolve them. For the purpose of this thesis the scope of the
study will be limited to heroic works untouched by the spirit of medieval

romance or the courtly love tradition.

SECTION TWO

CLASSICAL LITERATURE

Chapter I

Homer's Iliad

M Relationships in the M

One need not go beyond the first two books of The Iliad to get
a clear idea of the substance of the entire epic, for behind the flash
and fire of battle three basic relationships stand in stark relief.
These relationships determine the content, force, direction, and
emphasis of the heroic action presented. From Homer's opening lines
these relationships dominate both content and structure. They deal with
the epic hero's position in respect to his gods, in respect to his
overlord, and in respect to his obligations and duties toward the
warrior society. A11 of these are broadly sketched in the first two
books and clearly illustrated and elaborated on in subsequent books.

While the first of these is of considerable importance in the
epic and in all Greek literature, it is not of paramount importance for
the present investigation because, except for infrequent and temporary
lapses, the Greek heroes are almost uniformly mindful of their religious
obligations.

In introducing his subject matter, Homer tells us:

. . . the will of Zeus was accomplished

since that time when first there stood in division
of conflict

1
Atreus' son the lord of men and brilliant Pchilleus. (_I_l_. I, 5-?)

1Richmond Lattimore, The Iliad of Homer (Chicago, 1961), p. 59.
All subsequent references to—EEEIIIIEB wiIIIEE from this source.

21
And this is precisely what happens throughout the twenty-four books of
The Ill-22° Despite the attempts of the gods to frustrate his plan and
oppose his will, despite the contention of the gods with one another
because of their personal motivations and with the human participants in
the struggle, and despite the chaos and disorder produced by the "wrath
of Achilleus' theme, order and harmony are restored on all levels of the
action. The action and the story do not end until the will of Zeus has
been accomplished, and the whole work is encircled by that religious
frame. Within that frame and the general frame of the Trojan-Greek
conflict the plot, the themes, the narrative development, and the epic
scope will grow.

Once this double frame has been established, the author leads
toward the narrative core by focusing the reader's attention on the chaos
and disorder created in the Greek camp by Agamennon's callous, reckless,
and ill-considered action in his treatment of Chryses, the priest of
Apollo whose supplications and offer of ransom for Chryseis he had refused,
despite the advice of his Achaean comrades—in-arms. Agamemuon's action
brings down the wrath of Apollo on the Greek host for dishonoring
Chryses and denying the suppliant's rights, and the Greek host is subjected
to the "foul pestilence" sent by Apollo until proper relationships are
restored with Apollo and his priest.

The Chryses incident serves several useful functions in the epic.
First, it clarifies the relationships between gods and men by showing
what is expected of man and by revealing what man can expect according to
his success or failure in performing the proper religious rites or main-
taining the proper religious attitude. Chryses expects and gets aid from
Apollo because he has conducted himself properly, but the Greeks suffer

. 5dr

22

because their leader has exceeded the measured limits he should accept
in his relations with gods and men. The various reactions to his
conduct indicate clearly that there are such measured limits. Yet it is
equally clear that, even though his fellow Achaeans do not approve of
his action, they do not question his right as leader to take that
action, however harmful to them it may be. The Chryses event does not
quite put the reader in M 33.3. in reapect to the main theme, but it
leads toward that theme.

Seconfly, the Chryses incident begins to show what sort of a
person Aganennon himself is and, in certain respects, what the epic
hero is. The self-assertive and self-centered aspects of his character
will be revealed as significant aspects of the epic warrior in general
and the epic hero in particular.

The last and most significant function of the Chryses incident
is that its resolution highlights the "chaos-disorder" condition produced
by Agamennon's actions. The resolution of that "chaos-disorder” situation
leads to contention between Achillcus and Agamemnon. That contention
becomes the "wrath of Achilleus" theme, which dominates the action of the
epic and creates three other "chaos-disorder" conditions, involving the
Greek forces in general, the divine level of the action, and the
personal life of Achilleus.

Once the "wrath" theme has been introduced, the resolution of
that theme and of the "chaos-disorder" conditions motivates the action
and determines the subsequent plot structure. Both the action and the
plot structure are firmly connected to the religious frame represented
by the "will of Zeus" and the martial frame of the Greek-Trojan war. It
is only when the will of Zeus has been accomplished that the wrath of

23
Achilleus comes to an end and all three "chaos-disorder" conditions
have been replaced by'"order-harmony” situations.
The storybstructure framework suggested here is obliquely

related to the structural framework and organization of 222.22122 as
presented by C. M; Bowra and C. H. Whitman. Bowra's Tradition 222.222l52
22:!!! Elise frames the detailed structure of the work between the presen-
tation of the wrath of Achilleus in the first book and the resolution of
that wrath in the terminal book. Within this external frame Bowra groups
the other books to show the story of the wrath and its consequences. He
tells the reader, "The poem is built on a plan at once simple and
majestic. The crescendo of the opening is paralleled by the diminuendo
of the closing book."2 Bowra's comment suggests what is presented in
this study as conditions of chaos and disorder being transformed to
conditions of harmony and order, for he later adds the comment that "the
poem begins with an uncontrolled scene of wrath and ends with the appeas-
ing of the wrath."3 When the author discusses the return of Achilleus
to the fighting, he states:

If he had upset the balance, he now begins to restore it. Order

slowly spreads around him in a widening ring. The full meaning

of the Sh eld, which was order as well as passion, begins to come

true. . .
Bowra's statement emphasizes the "widening ring" of order, but the effect

is equally that of halting and reversing the growing circle of chaos and
disorder.

2Bowra, Tradition and Design, p. 15.
3Bowra, Tradition and Design, p.
hBowra, Tradition gag Deng, p. 215.

Q-

2h
Though the idea was not drawn from Cedric Whitman's work, £93335
22g the 2135213 Tradition, one can find the idea of circular narrative
structure there. Whitman develops this idea to show the relationship
between the concentric design of Gemetric Art on Greek pottery and the
structural design of The 1332.5 In explaining the use of concentric
circles in Geometric Art, Whitman states:
. . . the principle of balance around a central point which is
implied in concentric circles is far and away the dominating formal
principle in the Iliad. The poem as a whole forms one large con-
centric pattern, mn which a vast system of smaller ones, some-
times distinct gnd sometimes interlocking, gives shape to the
separate parts.
What. Whitman says about _T1_n_e_ 2229. is, with minor modifications, true for
much of epic and heroic poetry. The examination of heroic literature in
this study is intended to demonstrate that idea.
Within the framework of the "will of Zeus" and the rl‘r‘ojan-Greek
War the narrative structure develops around the "wrath" theme and the
aristeia (displays of warrior excellence) presented. This is done by
t shuttle-focus technique which shifts the focus, ptvsicelly or figura-
ttiirely, from one level of the action to another or fran one side of the
struggle to the other. For example, the first book starts on the human
level and presents all the circumstances leading to fichilleus' decision
to have his honor vindicated. This occasions a shift from the human to
the divine level, when the gods assemble. Such shifts occur at several
points throughout the narrative, including the terminal book, where the
shift is from the divine level back to the human level. Once Achilleus
5For details refer to Chapter V, pp. 87-101, and Chapter XI,
pp. 2h9-28h.
6%itnsn, p. 97.

25
has withdrawn from the battlefield, the focus moves or shuttles between

the Trojan forces and the Greek army to present the heroic values and

the heroic examples, or aristeia, of the principal combatants. In

addition, the focus shifts from the battlefield to the tent of Achilleus
and. then back again.

This shuttle-focus technique is often reinforced by the use of

prospective or retrospective narration; i.e., what we call foreshadowing
and flashback. This is generally short in length. When Achilleus tries
to decide what to do about Agamemnon's treatment, Pallas Athena approves

the action he is considering. She assures him he will receive triple

rewards if he does not kill Agamemnon. When Achilleus withdraws fresh

the struggle, he predicts that the day will come when Agamemnon will

regret his treatment of Achilleus. These are two examples of short

Prospective narration or foreshadowing. When Phoinix tries to persuade

Achilleus to give up his wrath, he tells both of his past and of the

example-story of Heleager. This is Just one of the examples of longer

retrospective narration, or extended flashback, used in the poem.
Generally, the retrospective narration provides either an example-story

or an expansive incident which broadens the scope of the action beyond
the plains of Troy.

Despite the freqth shifting between the divine and the human

levels, the narrative development shows the center of attention to be
the heroes of both sides and their way of life. The narrative develop-
ment grows out of the presentation of the nature of heroism and the

values and ideals which constitute the heroic mold. These can best be
approached by examining the "wrath of Achilleus" theme.

26
_'l‘h_e_ 3.13.!!! of Achilleus: 5.291133. and Sigificance
When the Greek forces suffer from Apollo's anger, Achilleus alone

takes steps to discover the reason for the god's anger and the means to

appease it. Ironically, that initial concern for his fellow warriors
produces results which alter the situation and the conduct of Achilleus;
unfortunately, the results produced work against the well-being of the
warrior group Achilleus desired to help.

Kalchas is willing to provide the answer to the situation, but
he knows the character of Agamermon and has no wish to become the object
of his wrath. The blind seer characterizes Agamennon as one ready to
assert authority over those subordinate to him, quick to anger at an
attack, and sure to hold bitterness until his ruffled pride has been
soothed. Achilleus readily promises Kalchas his protection frun any
Danaan, em if he means Agamemnon, "who now claims to be far the
greatest of all the Acheians.‘

The statement of Achilleus shows that even Agamemon's position
a. overlord of the Greek forces does not guarantee him unquestioned
a“thority and respect from those supporting him. Achilleus also reveals
‘One dissatisfaction about or conflict with the overlord in respect to
their relative worth as warriors. When Kalchas declares that both
t:hryses and Apollo must be properly honored by the return of Chryseis
to her father without ransun and by the propitiating sacrifice to the
end and his priest, Agammon reveals his easily provoked anger and his

I‘Oluctance to give up Chryseis. Yet, he does want to satisfy his duty
‘8 overlord, provided his pride of position and possession will not suffer:
'Still I am willing to give her back, if such is

the beat Me
I weal! desire that my people be safe, not perish.

27

Find me then some prise that shall be my own, lest I only
Among the Argives go without, since that were unfitting.‘

(Q. I, 116-1193
Achilleus responds to this statement and the latent hostility of

his earlier cement to Kalehas becomes overt hostility, for he openly

accuses Aganemnon of being the "greediest of all men," a suggestion that
the overlord has passed the limits of normal expectancy for rewards.

“ Achilleus adds an even stronger accusation:

'O wrapped in shamelessness, with your mind forever on
profit,

how shall any of the Achaians readily obey you, either
to go on a Journey or fight men strongly in battle?‘

(3;. I, 110-151)

This accusation concerns a personal attribute of the Greek over-
lord, but it also suggests that Achilleus questions Agamenmon's leadership
because the latter demands something beyond normal emectations of reward.
A<=hilleus implies. that Agamemon relegates his obligations as a leader

‘30 second place by excessive concern for personal profit at the expense

or the men who follow him. Achilleus also charges that the assanbled

AI'gives are really fighting the battle of Agamemnon and Menelaos, rather

than their own. Yet this is not their only reason for being there, nor

for staying there, as the development of the contention between Achilleus
"1Ell Show}

Both Routh and Whitman canment upon the circumstances of the

quarrel. In discussing the position of a chieftain in a military

cOnfedsration Routh states:

'. . . as long as he could overawe them /§ubordinates7 by his own
imperious personality and lead them by his superior prowess to

the booty which follows victory, his position was secure.‘7

7R0fith, Vble I, Do Bhe

‘i

E“

”as

hs\

28
Then he explains how the leader was free to enjoy the tangible pleasures
and possessions gained "and to fortify his sense of worth with the homage
of his fellows."8 Agamemnon has been doing just that, but the accusa-
tion of Achilleus now challenges the leader's right. to such homage. The
implication is that even though Agamemnon leads them to booty his personal
greed denies than the fair share they expect. Consequently, Achilleus
suggests that the men have little reason to obey him or fight for him.
Whitman's cosments clarify even more about the situation. He
escplains that Achilleus, in his "typically torrential way," rather
vigorously asserts ”that a federation of princes such as Agamemnon was
leading can hold together only on the basis of mutual respect for each
other's honors and rights."9 Then Whitman suggests that Achilleus may
have tolerated the unfair distribution for some time, but that the
I'uthless action of Agamemnon in demanding a captive from one of his
chief warriors now requires assertive action. Consequently, Achilleus
l“Sites himself a test case because the situation "is an overtand whole-
a‘Lle attack on the supposed social system."10 Though he cites his own
case in his outburst at Agamemnon's demand, he still speaks for his
1’ allow warriors as well as for himself.
When Agamemnon reacts to the news that Chryseis must be returned
‘Dsr insisting that he will take a girl from one of his chief warriors to
I‘Gplace her, he is conforming to the self-assertive principle of the

.a-ristos (one of the elite, the well-born and noble warrior society)

8Routh, vo1. I, p. 3h.
9Whitman, p. 18h.
IOWhitman, p. 18h.

29
and to what he considers his right as overlord. But the reaction of
Achilleus questions the portion taken by the overlord:
'Never, when the Achaians sack some well-bounded

citadel
Of the Trojans, do I have a prize that is equal to

your prize.
Always the greater part of the painful fighting

is the
work of my hands; . . . (a. II, 163-166)
Achilleus, as well as the other Greek warriors, has come to Troy to

win fans as a warrior and to share in the wealth of Ilion by his skill

and courage as a warrior. He and all members of the noble warrior class

live for fighting, for in the fighting they can bring honor to their
fathers, their tribes, and, most of all, to themselves. It is their
function and Joy to fight, both for the honor it may bring and for the
1E‘ewards they expect to get from it. Only these can build up something
against the inevitable confrontation with death (which they know to be
their mortal lot).

The statement of Achilleus reveals that he has been weighing the
a'~'-=‘l:.ual operation of the system against the theoretical. For some time
he has felt that his contributions to the Greek cause have not always
been properly rewarded by prizes commensurate with his efforts and
wOrth. Whitman's discussion of the situation11 supports what has been
Said in the last paragraph, but he suggests that Achilleus has

I'8~evaluated his assmptions about himself.
Whitman suggests that any difference between Achilleus and the

trhiners was determined by the quantity of his superior talents, which he

llwhitnan, pp. 182-183.

JAN

30

could expect to win him a greater degree of glory and more tangible
rewards for his contribution. However, the relations between value and
reward have turned out to be quite out of balance in the real world.

The imbalance may be tolerated for a time, but eventually such imbalance
becomes an affront to superior ability; consequently, the superior
warrior begins to question what ”is to be valued in a man."12

This is precisely the point Achilleus has reached when he
reacts to Agamemon's demand for a prize to replace Chryseis. That
demand and the subsequent ruthless action of Agsmemnon require a self-
assortive response. The first concern of every noble Greek warrior is
to insist upon proper recognition of his worth. To do less is to fail
to live up to his 3322 (proper level of honor, worth, and dignity) or
to fall short of deserving it. Because he feels that he is no longer
Draperly honored, Achilleus does not intend to continue piling up
wealth for Agamemnon. The latter's reaction to this produces effective
characterization by contrast of the two men.13 It also assures the
withdrawal of Achilleus from the fighting.
igamemnon's response suggests that he envies the favored

POsition Achilleus holds with the gods; it also suggests that he has
an underlying fear for his personal stature. That envy and that fear
break out in figanemnon's declaration to show his power by personally
‘beiking Briseis from Achilleus. whitnan calls attention to the basic

1“security of Agamemnon's statement and suggests other weak spots of the

12whitnan, p. 183.

13This is the basic means of characterization in The Iliad, for

‘11 heroes are presented in relationship to Achilleus and—to the heroic
ideale

31
overlord's character when he tells us:
. . . . he is magnificently dressed incompetence, without spirit
or spiritual concern; his dignity is marred by’pretension; his
magnificence by greed, and his prowess by a savagery which is the
product of deep uncertainty and fear.1h
These characteristics are developed by Homer, and agamemnon‘becomes
"the nadir, as Achilles is the Zenith, of the heroic assumption."15
The threat made by Agamemnon on such a directly personal level
of individual worth demands a reply from any aristos worthy of his
arete. Both the threat and the response of Achilleus to it show some-
thing of the typical and expected recklessness of the warrior of notable
mettle, but it is significant to note that Achilleus does not, despite
extras provocation, react with physical violence. ’ He is so moved that
his mind is divided between the thoughts of killing Agamemnon or
I‘estraining his anger.
Intelligent reflection prevents the unrestrained act and Pallas
Athens also urges restraint; if he does not kill Agamernnon, he will
'I‘EB<:eive triple rewards to enhance his honor and reputation. Achilleus
1L‘3 'quite cognizant of the preper relationships to maintain with the gods
a“Eli readily obeys to assure himself of their favor. He does allow
*risnself to deliver scathing abuse to Agamemnon and to warn him.that
"longing for Achilleus will come to the sons of the Achaians" when they
aire confronted by'”manslaughtering Hektor" and that Agamemnon will "eat
‘t’tlt the heart within" because he "did no honour to the best of the
Achaians." (E. I, 2111:)

lhwmman, pp. 162-163.
15Whitman , p. 162.

32

Whitman's comments at this point indicate certain things relevant

to the characterization, narrative development, and significance of the

work after this point of the poem. He asserts that Achilleus begins to

show a qualitative difference from his fellows when. he starts to conceive
his higher goal, a demand for the absolute of heroic self-assertion and

honor. Agamemnon's action prompts Achilleus to question the creed of

heroic behavior, and as a result:

He will not seek honor as the others seek it. He will have "honor
from Zeus," by which he means he will risk all in the belief that
nobility is not a mutual exchange of vain compliments among men
whose lives are evanescent as leaves, but an organic fgd inevitable
part of the universe, independent of social contract.

To implanent that desire Achilleus will withdraw from the fight and get

the aid of Thetis to assure the acknowledgement of his personal great-

ness and to establish the integrity of his honor.

Once Achilleus demands the absolute of heroic self-assertion and
hOt'nor, the actions and reactions of the other warriors will serve to

characterise him and them, as well as to show the full range of values

Pertinent to the heroic ideal. The consequences of his demands and the

1:final disposition of then provide part of the significant meaning of the

13031.
The abusive words which Achilleus directs at Agamemnon seen both

to glorify the former and suggest that the latter is often remiss in his

duty as overlord. Such a charge is hard to evaluate, but Achilleus, even

in his most furious wrath, would hardly make such a charge openly without

grounds and provocation. In any event, no violent rebuttal is offered by

Agaruemnon or his men. However, wise Nestor steps in to remind both of

“Whitman, p. 183.

f2

33

them to curb their tempers and keep within sensible limits. Here, as
elsewhere, Nestor is the arbiter of the heroic society, or as Whitman
states, "the anbodiment of the rules of the heroic game."17

Nestor's age and emerience qualify him to remind both men of the
.ccepted rules. He urges the overlord not to take Friseis from fichilleus,
and he reminds Achilleus that Agamemnon is a sceptred king. Even though
Achilleus is admittedly the stronger man and the son of a godess, Nestor
reminds him that his portion of honor can never equal that of the
sceptred king. Nestor points out that, whatever personal justification
Achilleus may have in his quarrel with Agamemnon, there are still
political and social limits which Achilleus is transgressing. Yet he
also makes it clear that figamemon too forgets certain social obligations
and limits. Despite Nestor's reasoned plea, neither man alters his
Position; both will insist upon unrestrained personal self-assertion.

Whitman's cements on this impasse are quite instructive. He
8‘37: that Nestor and the others deny the worth of the god-given valor
Of Achilleus (as compared to Agamemnon's kingly social worth); however,
he asserts that the appearance of Pallas Athens confirms the importance
and worth of that valor, even over Agamemnon's kingly importance.
whitman points out that even though Athens assures Achillsus of extensive
l"a‘bex-ial rewards he wants more than material things; consequently, he
demands (and eventually gets) something Agamemnon and the Greeks cannot
give him: honor from Zeus above and beyond any of the other warriors.

Neither warrior yields ground, but Agamemnon precipitates the
r‘teful decision by adding insult to injury; he threatens to take Briseis

1Whitman, p. 17h. Bowra also emphasizes this in his discussion
°f the wrath-theme, pp. 15 ff. of Tradition and Design.

31;

from Achilleus not by personal strength, but by force of numbers.
Achilleus gives up Briseis without further contention, but not without

making clear his attitude. He suggests that Agamemnon's headstrong

conduct Jeopardises the Greek forces and that his absence will be of
great imam-t.
Achilleus feels sure that his position will be respected, and his

attitude suggests that the overlord's responsibility may work to his

Shrewd foresight characterizes the action of Pchilleus, even
He

advantage.
under the stress of his titanic anger at the insult of Agamesmon.

takes the irrevocable step by removing himself from the battle and
getting Thetis to secure the aid of Zeus in vindicating his honor and
oxalting his worth.

Both Achilleus' statuent of what will happen when he is absent
and the agreement of Zeus to assure his honor are examples of the fore-
Shadowing that links the incidents of the plot development. Furthermore,
the pracise of Zone to Thetis links the two major themes set forth in
the opming lines: the "will of Zeus" and the Agamemnon-Achilleus
cOntention. That promise permits Zeus to give honor to Hektor and the

I‘m-03am before their defeat, and in doing so to assure the greater glory

91' Achilleus by allowing the Trojans temporary success. As a result, at

this point in the poem the chaos and disorder caused by the Chryses
111(31th has been ended, only to produce a larger chaos and disorder
31thation in the contention of Aganssmon and Achilleus. This, in turn,
becomes even larger whm it results in the absence of Achilleus from the
fighting, an event which has tragic consequences for the Greeks and for
‘ehilleus himself. From this point on the action and narrative develoment
than on the consequences of the self-assertive action of Agamemnon and

35
Achilleus, the values and standards of the heroic milieu, and the means
of resolving the growing circles of chaos and disorder that fill out the
st cry-structure framework.

With Achilleus absent, attention is focused on the deeds and
values of the other warriors on both sides. Bowra sees this as an
essential part of the total organization of the work,18 for it gives rise
to the aristeia of the various warriors. Furthermore, the aristeia and
the "wrath" theme put all the warriors into contrasting relationships
with respect to Achilleus. The contrasts shown individualize them and
display the full range of values and varieties of the heroic milieu.

When the plight of the Greeks becomes desperate, Agamemnon gathers
his dispirited Argives and suggests that they give up hope of taking
Troy. Diomedes reacts vigorously to such suggestion and offers both
criticism and example by declaring that he and Sthenelos will remain to
fight no matter what the rest do. The action of Diomedes here demonstrates
the normative function which Whitman assigns him, for he is the exemplar
01' "brilliant daring and glory" but without the insistence on the absolute.
Whitman further describes him as "the heroic pattern without thought,
Victory. without implicit defeat,"19 and indicates that Diomedes does not
aTil'oempt to break the heroic framework or go outside the rules. As a
consequence,

He is the product, not the creator, of the heroic assumption,

and as such he can state more clearly than anyone else, the norm

of mg; valor, without reference to any embarrassing complexi-
ties.

18Bowra, Tradition and Design, pp. 15 ff.

19m1m8n, pa 167s
20Whitman, p. 169.

36

At this point and elsewhere Diomedes embodies the heroic norm, despite
his attacks against Aphrodites and Ares. He has the divine sanction of
Hera and Pallas Athens to attack them, and he does so without any sense
of inflated pride or desire to pamper his ego. As Whitman says, he is
the warrior in motion, actively engaged in performing the task at hand.

Nestor supports the stand taken by Diomedes and urges an assembly
to determine their course of action. At that assembly Nestor again
assumes the role of arbiter and presents the normative position. He
does so by tactfully reminding Agamemnon of his obligations as leader and
of how he dishonored Achilleus. Nestor urges that they should persuade
Achilleus "with words of supplication and with the gifts of friendship.”
Agnsmnon admits he was wrong and offers to make matters right:

'I was mad, I myself will not deny it. Worth many

fighters is that man whom Zeus in his heart loves,
as now

he has honoured this man and beaten down the Achaian
people.

But since I was mad, in the persuasion of my heart's
evil, ‘

I am willing to make all good, and give back gifts in
abundance.' (_I}_. IX, 116-120)

Though his words and the tremendous wealth he offers to Achilleus
indicate how much Agamemnon is willing to yield, he is still insistent
that Achilleus must yield place to his:

'Let him give m. For Hades gives not way, and is

pitiless,

And therefore he among all the gods is most hateful to
mortals.

And let him yield place to me, inasmuch as I am the
kinglier

And inasmuch as I can call melf born the elder.' (_I_1_. IX, 158-161)
Agamsmnon then sends the men Achilleus most respects to deliver the offer
and plead the cause of the Argives. And they use every possible appeal

to get his agreement.

37

Odysseus cleverly uses the appeal of respect for a father's
advice by recalling to him these words of Peleus:

'. . . but be it yours to hold fast in your bosom the

anger of a proud heart, for consideration is better.‘

(3;. 1x, 255-2553

This plea for moderation and discipline echoes Nestor's earlier
words. Odysseus then uses the double appeal of Achilleus' obligations
to his companions and the promise of glory:

'But if the son of Atreus is too much hated in your heart,
himself and his gifts, at least take pity on all the other
Achaians who are afflicted along the host, and will honor you
As a god. You may win very great glory among them.
For now you might kill Hektor, since he would come very

close to you.
With the wicked fury upon him since he thinks there is

not his equal
Among the rest of the Danaans the ships carried hither.’

(3;. Ix, 300-306)
But even resourceful Odysseus fails to move Achilleus from his decision
to stay away from the field of battle and return home.

At this point Achilleus further determines in his own mind just
what he wants. He says he has decided to go home because there is no
principle of Justice in his treatment by Agamemnon, who deceived him and
took the "bride of his heart” from him. All the gifts now offered do
not convince him of any major change on the part of Agamemnon, whom he
does not appear to trust. Furthermore, all of these gifts do not make
up for the insult to his still-develOping inward sense of honor. Whitman
makes much of this and declares:

Briseis has become a symbol of Achilles' own integrity, a thing
which does not depend on the king or the heroic system. She
is not on the same level with the other possessions, therefore;

she stands for something quite internal, which Agamemnon can
trespass against, but not understand.21

21Whitman, p. 186.

38
Then he proceeds to show that the other possessions are concerned with
force and fighting, the mode of self-assertion in which Achilleus has
been supreme, but which he now finds inadequate for his needs. Conse-
quently, he is ready to go home and leave Agamemnon with the problems of
his overblown ego.

Whitman credits Achilleus with getting the better of Odysseus
when the latter reports the offer made by Agamamnon, even though
Achilleus had no way of knowing that Odysseus failed to report the last
part of Aganumon's speech. Whitman indicates that the answer of
Achilleus is a double entendre which suggests that Achilleus senses
something has been omitted and that Agamemnon simply wants to use him
and buy his submission.22 Odysseus had not reported the words with which
Agamemnon insisted that Achilleus should yield place to him, but Achilleus
answers Odysseus in these words:

'without consideration for you I must make my answer,

the way I think, and the way it will be accomplished,

that you may not
come one after another, and sit by me, and speak softly.
For as I detest the doorways of death, I detest that
man, who
hides one thing in the depths of his heart and speaks
forth another.‘ (21. IX, 309-313)
There may be a double entendre in these words, but they hardly seem to
indicate any more than the perception of Achilleus that Agamemon has
not really had a change of spirit. Achilleus could make such a state-
ment on the basis of the petty and mean qualities he already knows

Aganmunon to possess.

22Whitman, p. 193 .

F?

‘m

'l.

39
Phoinix makes the second plea and prefaces it with an account
of his family problems and how he came to serve Peleus. After this bit
of retrospective narration, he urges Achilleus:
'. . . beat down your great anger. It is not yours to
have a pitiless heart. The very immortals can be moved,
their virtue and honor and strength are greater than ours
are,
and yet, with sacrifices and offerings for endearment,
with libations and with savour men turn back even the
imortals.‘ (2. IX, 1196-500)
The devoted old friend of Achilleus also urges him to heed the spirits
of Prayer so that Ruin will not overtake him. To support his position
Phoinix uses the example-story of Meleagros, whose hardness of heart
denied the entreaties of his friends so long that they were no longer
willing to honor him with the gifts promised, even though he went back
to the fight at the very last minute. Whitman points out23 that Phoinix
unwittingly helps Achilleus decide upon the pattern he will follow and
the role he will play: like Meleagros he will not return to the fight
until the moment of imminent disaster. ’
The response of Achilleus to Phoinix shows that the Greek hero
conceives a higher honor:
'Phoinix, my father, aged, illustrious, such honour is
a thing '
I need not. I think I am honoured already in Zeus'
ordinance.‘ (11. IX, 607-608.
Achilleus remains unmoved and the Argives learn they must continue to
face the onslaught of raging Hektor without their best man. This is
precisely what Achilleus wants, for he is ready to risk all to satiety

his feeling about his inner worth by insisting upon the absolute. Yet he

”Whitman, p. 191.

he
makes one concession when he asks Phoinix to stay the night with him.
He says that they can decide on the morrow whether to go home or remain.

Blunt Aias is the last to make an appeal, and the simple humanity
of his words has more effect than the pleas of the others. He says it is
useless to waste time with Achilleus because

'He is hard, and does not remember that friends' affection

wherein we honored him by the ships, far beyond all

others.
Pitiless. . . .' (3. 11:, 630-632)
Nevertheless, Aias makes a final plea:
‘Respect your own house; see, we are under the same roof
with you,
from the multitudes of the Danaans, we who desire beyond
otherzlto have your honour and love, out of all the
Achaians.‘ (a. H, she-61.2)
Though he had answered Odysseus by declaring his intention to depart and
told Phoinix he would make a decision the next day, after Aiss has spoken
he says he will not fight until Hektor approaches the ships of the
I‘m-undone. .

Whitman presents a comprehensive analysis of the offer of
Agamemnon and the reporting of that offer by the three warriors.2h He
shows that the embassy was not a complete failure because Achilleus was
moved somewhat. He also points out that the envoys failed to report that
Achilleus would fight, but only at the crucial point in the struggle.

After Phoinix and the three ambassadors have failed to move
Achilleus by warning of the consequences of 25.9. (ruin, harmful moral and
physical consequences) and appealing to his sense of _a_;i_d_os_ (shame

prompted by what others will think of his action), Diomedes shows his

ZhhMitman, pp. 190-192.

bl
irritation. He makes it clear that he does not approve of pampering
the excessive pride of Achilleus:

'I wish you had not supplicated the blameless son of

Peleus

with innumerable gifts offered. He is a proud man without

and 11:21 :3»; have driven him deeper into his pride.‘

(_I_i_. Ix, 698-700)
Diomedes is clearly as interested in personal fame and glory as Achilleus
is, but he indicates that there are limits which Achilleus has exceeded.
He does not condemn pride as such, but he does condom the excess that
harms other qualities. As he had earlier accused Agamelunon of a
deficiency of "heart" in the consideration of his fellow warriors, so
does he here some Achilleus of an excessive pride that destroys the
greatness of heart he could and perhaps should display. Phoinix expresses
the same point of view when he criticises the excessive self-assertion
of Achilleus who he says has a "pitiless heart."

Though the rancor of Achilleus has hardened his heart and mind
enough to make him disregard the suffering and desperate plight of his
fellow warriors, Patroklos, his dearest friend and 11335 2629 not only
retains the more normal response to 2.19.22 toward his fellow warriors
that one normally expects of the aristoi (noble military elite), but he
also acts in response to it. When the Trojans break down the Greek
ramparts and bring the fighting to the ships, Achilleus still does noth-
ing. But Patroklos is greatly moved by the Greek plight and when his
plea fails to get Achilleus back into the fight, he gets permission to
lead the Myrmidons in an effort to drive Hektor and the Trojans back

from the ships.

hz
Whitman feels that Achilleus is beginning to realize the weakness
of his position, but still tries to follow the decision he has made.
Thus he views the action of Achilleus in permitting Patroklos to substi-
tute for him as a compromise "to preserve‘both sides of his will, both
human and divine; both life and the absolute." Eyen as he sends Patroklos
out with cautionary advice, he wishes that he and Patroklos alone might
survive as conquerors of Troy. Whitman says this indicates the realisa-
tion developing in the mind of Achilleus that his position has defects:
Caught between the Jaws of his self-esteem and his magnantnity
toward others, be half foresees the insoluble tragedy of his
position and reels back from it, wishing that all the world were
dead except himself and his friend. He still has hope, but it is
growing less and less reasonable. In the end, he will assert
death for himself too.25
Patroklos has considerable success because he does more than
merely fill the armor of Achilleus; he becomes Achilleus. He disregards
the advice of Achilleus not to attempt more than securing the safety
of the ships and.not to try to storm Ilion alone. His failure to heed
that advice pits him against Hektor and thus causes his death, an event
which finally'brings Achilleus back to the fighting.
Whitman elaborates on the intertwined nature of the roles of
the two men, particularly in respect to the change that occurs when
gentle and compassionate Patroklos replaces Achilleus and becomes the
savage fury that beats the Trojans back to their walls; he virtually
becomes Achilleus until he encounters Hektor. When Hektor clays
Patroklos, the crest of Achilleus falls in the dust for the first time.
Whitman views this as symbolic, for after that event he sees Achilleus as

the death-devoted.

ZSWhiman, p e 1990

LB

Something as striking and shocking as the death of his closest
friend was needed to shake Achilleus from the hardness of his rancor
and make him see to what his unhending pride and stubborn self-assertion
had led. The anger formerly directed at Agamemnon will now be intensi-
fied and turned upon Hektor and the Trojans. Though the main concern
of Achilleus is now to avenge the death of his friend, he takes stock
of the situation and condemns himself for his anger and its consequences:

'since I was no light of safety to Patroklos, nor to my

compagigzi, who in their numbers went down before glorious

Hektor,

but sit here beside my ships, a useless weight on the

good land.' (21- XVIII, 102-10b)

The death of Patroklos is seen by Whitman as both Recognition and
Reversal for Achilleus, who now realizes the limitations mortality
Places on "the man who seeks perfected glory in the heroic stance without
blot."26 In trying to avenge the deception of Agamemnon, Achilleus
caused the death of his comrades and particularly Patroklos. After that,
the direct sisplicity of human relationships vanishes and the emotions
31501: being human relationships; they become "part of the hero's relation-
Bhip with the absolute.”27 No longer does he desperately wish to
58131st the standards and wring recognition from all. He "yearns only
to satisfy his own burning self—esteem"; consequently, "his prowess
“has on an indescribable terror and glory which demolishes all

I‘OoistanceJ'ZS Since death is the only absolute possible for him,

26Whitman, p. 187.
27Whitman, p. 198.
28Whitman, pp . 2011-205.

hh

Achilleus insists upon absolute vengeance as he moves toward the final
absolute. Whitman's explication of this accounts for his conduct in the
fighting and for his treatment of Hektor’s body.

Even though Thetis tells him his death must soon follow Hektor's,
he receives that news with indifference. Though he says he will go to
"win excellent glory," it is obviously not in the spirit of his insistence
on the absolute of heroic fame. A colder, more savage fury moves him
to cast off his normal response to 11233 and promise Patroklos the head
of Hektor and the sacrifice of twelve Trojans at the funeral pyre of his
friend. The splendor of fame and glory has been so dulled by the death
of his fellow warriors that he Openly makes an end to his anger against
Agamemnon:

'. . . thus not all of these too many Achaians would have

bitten

the dust, by enemy hands, when I was away in my anger.

This way was better for the Trojans and Hektor; yet I

the Agthiikms will too long remmber this quarrel between

sun“; will let .11 this be a thing of the past, though

it hurts us,

Now I am making an end to my anger. It does not become

unrelyetztingly to rage on. . . . ' (ll. XIX, 61-68)

Pager to avenge Patroklos, Achilleus no longer has interest in
the rewards previously insisted upon, and he shows no reaction to
Agamemnon's self-justifying argument that the gods were responsible for
the overlord's conduct. To Agamenmon's assurance that he is willing to
"make all good," Achilleus returns an indifferent response:

'Son of Atreus, most lordly and king of men, Agamemnon,

the gifts are yours to give if you wish, and as it is
proper,

or to keep with yourself . . .' (ll. XIX, 1116-1148)

’93

V»

”5

EL

2:5
Achilleus goes through the ritual of reconciliation automatically
because it is proper to his station, but he indulges in no self-
assertive enjoyment of it. No more apt description of the situation
exists than Whitman's words:
Personal integrity in Achilleus achieves the form and authority
of imminent divinity, with its inviolable, lonely singleness,
half repellent because of its almost inhuman austerigy, but
irresistible in its passion and perfected selfhood.

Achilleus has agreed to actions which will eliminate the social
chaos, but he cares not for rewards, nor for eating or any normal
pleasures. Impatiently and with "sorrow beyond endurance" in his heart
he waits for the coming of day so that he can fight ”till the Trojans
have had enough." ”As inhuman fire sweeps on in fury," so does the
savagery of Achilleus sweep the Trojans before him and pile up corpses
on the plains of Ilion and in the stream of Skamandros where he nearly
loses his life in a struggle with the god of the river. The rage of
Achilleus dulls all gentler concerns and he ruthlessly rejects the
supplications of Tree and Lykaon when he cuts them down. ‘With "strong
madness forever holding his heart and violent after his glory," he
drives the Trojans to seek the safety of their walls.

When Achilleus returns to the fighting part of the growing circle
of chaos and disorder has been halted, for the distress of the Greeks has
been lifted by the accord between Agamemnon and Achilleus. Only'the
Trojans and Achilleus still suffer from chaos and disorder. In trans-
ferring his wrath from Agamemnon to the Trojans and Hektor, Achilleus

really increases the chaos and disorder of his moral life. This is

”Whitman, p. 182 .

1:6
evident in his denial of the supplications made by Tree and Lykaon,
as well as in his treatment of Hektor's body later.

During the absence of Achilleus, the other Greek and Trojan heroes
have their aristeia. These provide comparisons and contrasts to fill
out the presentation of the heroic mold and provide further examples of
epic moderation, or mesure. The functions of Diomedes, who has the
greatest aristeia except for Achilleus and Hektor, and of Nestor have
already been indicated, but the roles of Aias, Odysseus, and Hektor will
complete the picture of epic heroism.

If Diomedes is the hero in motion, Aias is the norm of tlemosyne
(rugged endurance and fortitude) and martial giggg. Diomedes may show
more dashing and active heroism, but Aias is always in the forefront
of the fight and takes the brunt of the fighting after Achilleus has quit
the field. Whitman characterizes him and indicates his function in these
words:

It is his massive and steadfast devotion, not brilliant display,
which makes Aias what he is, both in the Great Battle and else-
where. For all his clear personality, The Iliad represents him
primarily as a hero among heroesaoa fighter-Shoulder to shoulder
with friends, mighty yet modest.
Then he sums up the significant position of Aias in relation to fichilleus
by stating that ”his relationship is not to the absolute but to other
fellow warriors."31

When the fighting begins to go in favor of Hektor and the Trojans,
Nestor is trapped in the center of the battlefield. Odysseus and
themedes are both near, but Odysseus fails to aid Nestor. Consequently

Diomedes rebukes Odysseus with

”Whitman, p. 172.
”Whitman, p. 210.

1:7
'Where are you running, turning your back in battle
like a coward?
Do not let them stick the spear in your back as you run
for it,
but stay, so that we can heat back the fierce man from
the ancient.‘ (_I;L_. v11, 911-963
But when Odysseus pays more attention to the sign of Zeus than to the
rebuke of Diomedes, the latter rescues Nestor and boldly goes against
Hektor with some success until Zeus umfleashes another thunderbolt in
front of the horses of Diomedes. The doughty Nestor drops the reins and
urges Diomedes to flee as he asks:
'Can you not see that the power of Zeus is no longer with
you? ‘
For the time Zeus, son of Kronos, gives glory to this
man;
for today; hereafter, if he will, he will give it
to us also; no man can heat back the purpose of
Zeus, not

even one very strong, since Zeus is by far the greater.‘
( .1}.- IX, 1110-12410

Nestor's words give tacit approval to the withdrawal of Odysseus and
provide a pointed suggestion for such restraint on the part_of Diomedes,
who is greatly concerned that Hektor may'boast how'Diomedes ran from
him. This is precisely what Hektor does to get him to fight, but Nestor
says that nobody will reproach him.for avoiding the fight under the given
conditions. Despite this disagreement between Diomedes and Odysseus,
the former chooses the latter from among the Achaians to go with hum on
the dangerous mission into enemy territory. Diomedes chooses Odysseus
because he represents military strength and valor, as well as shrewd
intelligence.

In addition to the contrast between Odysseus and Diomedes and the
approval of epic moderation, the scene of Nestor's dangerous predicament
is of major importance to the unified structure of the poem. The scene

brings the reader back to the controlling part of the story-structure

LB

framework, the "will of Zeus," and demonstrates how Zeus makes his
promise to Thetis a part of the working out of his will. In order to
assure the honor of Achilleus, Zeus must deceive 'Hektor and the Trojans
by granting than the success they are enjoying at this point. Only by
putting the Greeks in the most compelling danger can Zeus make Agamemnon
and the Greeks grant Achilleus the absolute honor he wants. Nestor's
words to Diomedes carry the reader retrospectively back to the
introduction of the "will of Zeus" and the promise of Zeus, both in the
first book. At the same time, Nestor's mention of the power of Zeus
and the possibility that he may favor the Greeks another day prospectively
project the reader forward to the accomplishment of the W111 of zeta.”
Lastly, the scene suggests the dilemma posed for Zeus in respect to his
treatment of Achilleus and Hektor. This aspect will be discussed later.

Even though he is of the enemy camp, Nektor's role in the work
is an essential one. In Book Six Hektor leaves the battle temporarily
to get Alexandros (Paris) back to the fight. Before returning to the
fight, Hektor talks with Andromache, who fears that his great strength
may cause his death. He readily admits he has thought of such a possi-
bility, but adds,

'. . . . Yet I would feel deep shame before the Trojans,

and the Trojan women with trailing gamnts,
if like a coward I were to shrink aside from the

fighting;

and the spirit will not let me, since I have learned
to be valiant

and to fight always among the foremost ranks of the
Trojans,

winning for my own self great glory, and for my
father.’ (_I_]_._. VI, law-111:6)

Hektor here reveals his sense of aidos, his concern for valorous reputa-

tion, for his fellow warriors and his people, and for keeping unstained

1:9
the family name and also for adding to its fame. He is a warrior who
balances the demands of the group and the desires of the individual in
his conduct. Even though he fears for his life and knows for certain
that "sacred Ilion shall perish," he still plucks up his courage to
satisfy both demands. When granted such apparent success by Zeus, he
does not question it or mistrust it; he pushes it to the limit in the
hope that he just might manage to succeed and survive. He is not quite
prepared for the deception, betrayal, and reversal that come, but he
faces those things as best he can.

Both Bowra and Whitman have much to say about Hektor's admirable
qualities. Whitman sees him as part of the circle of heroes used to
illuminate the character of both Achilleus and those with whom he is
compared or contrasted. Whitman stresses the appealing gentleness,
loyal civic and familial devotion, straightforward bravery, and touching
weakness which sometimes unjustly draw sympathy away from.Achilleus.
Both men are seen as tragic figures, but even though "Hector foresees
his own death as likely enough, he behaves as though he might well win -"
and "out of loyalty and aidos he does what he can."32

Bowra stresses the same contrast by noting that Achilleus thinks
only of his glory but Hektor thinks of home and family and city; Yet he
also notes that Hektor "acts like a hero and has a glorious triumph when
he comes near to burning the Achaean ships," but he "hardly thinks of

displaying his personal prowess."33

32\«rhitman, p. 210.

33Bowra, Heroic Poet-.51, p. 112.

SO
Bowra suggests the special significance of Hektor more than

Whitman does:

Perhaps in Hector we may see the emergence of a new ideal of

manhood, of the conception that a man fulfills himself in the

service of his city more than in the satisfaction of his own

honour, and in that case Hector standihbetween the heroic world

and the city-state which replaced it.
Bowra never lets the reader forget that Hektor has the requisite attrac-
tiveness and nobility of the hero. Though Hektor may be inferior to
Achilleus, yet "he is a formidable warrior who is carried on by his
impetuous might" and "in him love of country is the driving motive, but
through it he realizes a destiny which is certainly heroic."3§

After Hektor has killed Patroklos, Poulydamas realizes that

Achilleus will return to the fight; consequently, he urges the Trojans
to seek the safety of Ilion's walls. Because Hektor Speaks against the
idea the Trojans fail to listen to the good advice of Poulydamas.
Though Athens receives credit for taking their wits away, this should not
be construed to suggest that the men were helpless pawns. It is the
nature of men in a warrior society to be fallible, particularly whm
they respond to the heroic example rather than the urging of prudence or
caution. Their response to the heroic example results in the death of
many before those left finally seek the safety of Troy's walls. Then
only Hektor remains outside the walls, and he does so despite the
strongest appeals directed to him by Prism and Hekuba. Having once
urged the Trojans to disregard the words of Poulydamas, his sense of

aidos now urges him not to seek the security he had previously denied

3I‘Bowra, Heroic Poetry, p. 112.
35Bowra, Heroic Poetry, p. 112.

51
his fellow Trojans, for he fears the reproach of Poulydamas if he does.
He realises what his self-assertion produced and condemns himself for it:
'Now, since by my own recklessness I have ruined my
people,

I feel shame before the Trojans and the Trojan women with

trailing

robes, that someone who is less a man.than I will say

of me:

"Hektor believed in his own strength and ruined his

people.“ (_I_1__. m1, lob-107)
Consequently, both his personal sense of honor and of duty to his peeple
urge him.to face Achilleus. When Polydoros is killed by Achilleus,
Hektor disregards the advice of Apollo, who has told him.not to face
Achilleus alone. Even though he is quite aware that Achilleus is much
stronger than he, Hektor tries to stand his ground.

However, the very human fears of Hektor cause him to flee before
the Greek champion. Zeus, even though he has promised great glory to
Achilleus and even though he realizes Hektor is fated to die, is so
moved that he wants the gods to permit him.to save Hektor., The gods do
not permit it and Hektor is deceived and abandoned by them. Athens
halts the flight of Hektor by beguiling him.with the illusory presence
of Deiphobos. When he realises Deiphobos is not really there, he knows
that death is imminent and resolves:

'Let me at least not die without a struggle,

ingloriously,
but do something first that men to come shall know
of it.‘ (_I_1_. m1, 3ob-305)
Hektor, in his simpLe goodness, urges a mutual promise of respect for
whichever one is killed. But Achilleus will make no such promise then,
nor do the entreaties of the dying Hektor later change his position.

Savage vengeance for the death of Patroklos is his only thought as

52
Achilleus delivers the fatal thrust against Hektor. Not only does he
reject Hektor's plea for decent treatment of his body, but he also
thinks "of shameful treatment of glorious Hektor" and proceeds to
subject the corpse to such treatment. As he had promised over the
corpse of Patrdklos, he sacrifices twelve Trojans at the funeral pyre
of his friend. At the funeral games, Achilleus shows the extent of his
reconciliation with Agamemnon by granting him a prize for spear-casting
without benefit of a contest. When Achilleus continues his outrageous
treatment of Hektor's body, few of the gods approve his conduct and
Apollo condemns his action because Achilleus has destroyed pity and
fedls no shame.

Apollo wants to give Hektor pride of place equal to that of
Achilleus, but Here's objection is supported by Zeus, who reveals his
plan to help Prism secure Hektor's body; Thetis is told.to reveal to
her son that the gods frown upon his treatment of Hektor's body and to
urge him.to permit Prism to ransom the body (a plan Prism had already
conceived by himself.) Though Achilleus readily agrees to the suggestion
of the Olympians, it is the personal supplication.of Prism that unlocks
the springs of compassion and.normal response to 2322! by evoking "a
passion of grieving for his father." He takes special care to have
Hektor's body properly'prepared for the return to Priamfs palace and
personally lifts it onto a litter. He also arranges for the comfort
and safety of Prism during the night and further guarantees as much of a
truce as Prism.desires to give his son proper mourning and.burial rites.
By that action Achilleus eliminates the moral and spiritual chaos in his

life. With that act, the last "chaosedisorder' condition has been

53

transformed to one of peace and harmony, for within the ”wrath of
Achilleus" theme the "chaos-disorder" conditions in the Greek camp, in
the overlord-retainer relationship, in the relationships of the gods,
and in the moral and spiritual life of Achilleus have all'been removed.
‘The "will of Zeus,” which encircles all else, has been worked out on
‘both the human and the divine levels. Within that encircling frame, the
growing patterns of chaos and disorder which resulted from excessive
heroic self-assertion have all been resolved by heroic self-restraint
or moderation.

' The importance of the poem's development toward this normative
position has been suggested.by'both Bowra and Whitman. Bowra stresses
‘ the moral tragedy at the heart of The Il12§.b7 stating that ”the theme
is how'Achilleus‘ temper leads both to disaster and to moral degrada-
tion."36 The disaster he mentions is Achilleus' preference of his
inordinate pride to his obligations toward his fellow aristoi and
this 313:: egg, Patroklos. Furthermore, Achilleus realizes "he has
fallen from heroic standards of virtue" and consequently "there is
another tragedy in his soul."37 His tragedy, says Bowra, "turns on the
failure of Achilleus to keep his aidos for gods and men, and it does not
end until he has regained it [Eidog7."38 As Bowra indicates, the tragic
circumstances resulted from the absolute self-assertion of Achilleus,
whose conduct had not been fully approved by his fellowuwarriors and
whose thoughts reveal the regret he later experiences. What Bowra says

is valid, but he fails to stress that Bgamemnon's self-assertion was

36Bohra, Tradition and Desi , p. 17.
37Emma, Tradition and Desi , p. 17.
”Emma, Tradition and Desi , p. 21.

Sh
also involved. The only difference is that Agamemnon, even if grudgingly,
was willing to moderate somewhat his position for the good of his
forces.

Even after the death of Patroklos, Achilleus' accord with
Agamemnon was in part pro {333. Real accord comes only during the
funeral games in honor of Patroklos, as Whitman shows. Then fichilleus
reasserts the principle which Agamemnon had destroyed by his excessive
self-assertion. Though possessions mean little to Achilleus at this
point, "the courtesy with which they may be given, the honor rightly
accorded to ability, is the first law which Achilleus observes after his
return to his colleagues, and rightly, since it was the breach of this
law which drove him away."39

Whitman further explains how balance and order are restored by
the conduct of Achilleus. To give point to his discussion he suggests
that just as both passion and order were represented on the shield of
Achilleus so must there be a balance of passion and order in the context
of the story. This is only another way of asserting the normative
values.

Whitman also arrives at the idea of a balance or compensary
adjustment toward the nonnative position when he discusses the nature
of the material of heroic poetry. That material is half primitive and
comes from a time "when heroism meant chiefly physical prowess, murderous
dexterity, colossal self-assertion." "Yet," he adds, "it is also perhaps
of essential human equipeent that the germs of a corrective to this
Golf-assertion are not wholly lacking among the original types themselves."ho

”Whitman, p. 215.
hoWhitman, p. 155.

55
The same point is demonstrated in a slightly different fashion

when Whitman discusses the gleaming heroic vision which Achilleus both
seeks and creates. Despite the compelling passion and perfected self-
hood of that vision, Whitman reminds the reader:

Yet the scale is not weighted in favor of this gleaming vision.

Homer has allowed the hum world the fullness of all its

claims upon our sympathy.
For Achilleus the absolute realization of that gleaming vision was not
possible in the world of human demands and he could achieve it only’by
willing the absolute of death. He did will that absolute for himself,
but not before having accepted the norms of self-restraint and

moderation implicit in the social reality of the heroic milieu.

 

 

Th: Hider Heroic Vision and Epic Structure

The incidents, scenes, events, and illustrations so far presented
have their individual validity in respect to the values of the heroic
milieu and to the structure of the poem. But even more important is
the composite portrait of the epic hero and the full representation of
the epic ideal. What then is the epic here? What are the significant
features of his background? What meaningful and significant values
and standards determine the fullest representation of the wider heroic
vision? And, lastly, how'are these related to the overall structure of
the epic?

First, the epic warrior belongs to a noble warrior class, an

aristocratic military elite. He is a man whose raison d'etre is to

 

“Whitman, p. 182.

56
fight, whether in defense of his homeland, his clan, or his family, or
whether to win rewards and possessions. In any event, he is greatly
concerned about both possessions and glory, for they give his life its
meaning and value. A natural concomitant is that. he both is and is
expected to be a proud, self-assertive man. He takes pride in his
lineage, in his clan and kingdom, and in the fame he can achieve with
his strength, skill, and courage. Through his £93213 (military or battle
skill), £223, and tlemosyne he hopes and expects to win kudos.

For this reason he goes on raids against other towns and other
kingdoms, for that is how he can build his fame and increase his
possessions. Though he may be a prince or king in his own land, he may
join just such an expedition under the, most powerful or widest ruling
king of the region because of family relations, of oaths taken, or of
his desire to gain fame and fortune as a warrior both for himself and
for his family. He expects what strength, skill, and bravery he devotes
to a cause to fill his ships and his home with valued possessions. When
such expectations do not materialize, there can be trouble, as, for
example in the Agamemnou—Achilleus quarrel and in the suggestion of
bitterness on the part of Aineias.

Though an epic hero may put himself and his comrades-in-ams
under an overlord, he will not be subject to the will of the leader
without smething to say in the councils. When criticism scans warranted,
he will feel free to criticise the overlord. He is quite prepared to
insist upon and defend his personal and individual rights and privileges
in whatever way he sees fit. But even though he is decidedly
individualistic and even egoistic, he has other concerns.

57

Once he has entered the fighting, the epic warrior is expected to
be and will be as bold, brave, and skillful as possible. Only by
demonstrating such qualities can he gain glory for himself, his lineage,
and his land; and that glory comes only from what his comrades witness on
the battlefield. He is therefore very concerned with how he conducts
himself in the conflict.

He knows he is expected to stand by his fellow warriors in the
most dangerous encounters, and he often helps to remind himself and his
companions of this. Though he generally fights individual encounters, he
is much concerned with the approval and 22251! g: 32523 of the group to
which he belongs. Thus his sense of duty to the highest ideals of £3232
will remind him how much his companions and people depend on him, and
his sense of 5&222 will sometimes motivate him to perform certain deeds
or to refrain from certain acts. He is expected to be ready to aid his
fighting companions and at times to seek their aid. When a companion
falls, he is expected to face danger and perhaps death to protect the
body of the fallen warrior.

In satisfying these obligations, the epic warrior is expected to
act boldly, courageously, and.unselfishly to exhibit the qualities of
his class. Though he may often act rashly, he is not committed to
rashness or foolhardiness, for there are times and situations where
discretion, restraint, and caution are both urged and approved. This is
where the tension between self-assertion and self-restraint, between
heroic rashness and heroic moderation, becomes significant in The 21139.

Once Homer provides the controlling frame of the "will of Zeus,"

which enciroles the Greek-Trojan conflict and the contention between

58
Aagamemnon and Achilleus, that storybstructure framework is filled by
the narrative development which grows out of the tension between heroic
self-assertion and heroic moderation. Agamemnon's ruthless self-assertion
in refusing to accept ransom for Chryseis and to return her to Chryses
creates the first "chaos-disorder” situation.

The concern of Achilleus for his fellow warriors prompts his
efforts to find the reason for Apollo's anger and effect a change. The
results of those efforts produce the confrontation between Achilleus and
Agmmemnon, and their confrontation concerns a point of honor which results
in excessive self-assertion on the part of both men.

The anger of Achilleus caused by Agamemnon's treatment furnishes
an example of the double-choice decisions presented to the epic warrior.
When anger comes upon the son of Peleus it is heroic and epic anger that
only the prospect of vindicating and enlarging his honor can restrain.

He exercises heroic moderation by checking "the spleen within" because
it will assure him more substantial benefits and greater glory than could
the mere killing of Agamemnon. Yet that temporary display of heroic
moderation leads to the excess of heroic self-assertion needed to counter
the extreme self-assertion of Agamemnon. Only by his absence can he hope
to force Agamemnon to acknowledge his superior worth. .

Despite the strong reminders of Nestor to both men that they are
transgressing certain political and social obligations, both men insist
upon a totally self-centered stand. Despite their obdurate positions,
no one rejects them, deserts them, or reviles them. This amounts to tacit
approval of their right to maintain such positions. It is only in the
results of their actions and the resolution of their quarrel that signifi-

cant comment is suggested.

59

When Achilleus gets Zeus to assure his honor, the controlling
frame of the "will of Zeus," the frame of the Greek-Trojan conflict, and
the central theme of the wrath of Achilleus are effectively linked. The
contention between Achilleus and Agamemnon and the principle at the
heart of it involve both sides and both major Greek figures in a massive
and disastrous pattern of chaos and disorder that can be transformed only
by both of them moderating their positions. They both regret their
self-assertion and modify it, though with quite different attitudes and
for quite different reasons. The return of Pchilleus to the fight halts
the spread of chaos and disorder among the Greeks, but not that in his
moral being.

Only the bold visit of Prism and his moving paternal plea can
release the gentler responses from the hardened heart of Achilleus and
restore his normal humanitas and sense of 31223. That visit is the last
step of the working out of the "will of Zeus," for he had already settled
the dissension in the divine family before the battle between Hektor
and Achilleus. Complete reconciliation between Agamemnon and Achilleus
had also taken place at the funeral games for Patroklos. Thus within the
controlling frame of the ”will of Zeus" agressive and passive self-
assertion spread the growth of chaos and disorder, but the acceptance of
self-restraint, or heroic moderation, transforms the "chaos-disorder",
conditions of the Greek warrior society and in the moral life of
Achilleus to conditions of order and harmony.

Both Agamemnon and Achilleus are led to realize and admit how
wrong they were in their extreme self-assertion. Achilleus does have

his honor vindicated, but at a price»which finds him no longer greatly

60
concerned about it. Though there is tacit acceptance of their immoderate,
reckless actions and excessive pride, there is also an equally tacit
suggestion that both have been remiss in their obligations to their
fellow‘warriors and to the group cause. To balance unrestrained self-
assertion, there must be disciplined self-restraint; to balance epic
rashness, there must be epic moderation. In other words, the whole
plot movement and narrative development serve to glorify the indivi-
dualistic self-assertive conduct of the epic warrior, but not the absolute
positions represented by Agamemnon and Achilleus. It is clearly'suggested
that other considerations modify the heroic absolute and that more
prudent conduct would have been better for them and for their fellow
Achaeans. Nor is prudent conduct advised for these two alone. Within
the plot movement, the actions, deeds, and comments of the other warriors
stress the needs of the various heroes to satisfy their varied obligations
with regard for the limits that are part of man's condition and for the
exercise of moderation in both their own and the group cause. Thus the
epic hero of IEE.IE12§ finds himself caught in a tension between immoderats,
rash, and even arrogantly individualistic conduct on the one hand and
moderate, reasoned, and unselfishly group-oriented action on the other.

It is this tension between individual self-assertion and group-
oriented self-restraint that serves as the literary core for the epic
genre and heroic literature. It is this tension that permits The
Iliad to glorify the heroic absolute which fichilleus believes in and
represents, but at the same time to show the limitations and defects of
that position. It is this tension which serves to define the heroic mold

and the rolation of the various warriors to it. Thus what characterization

61
there is 1“.2§2.21122 deveIOps in part from the tension between these
two poles of conduct. This tension is somewhat akin to and as
important as the Dionysiac-Apollonian dichotomy Nietzsche finds at the
center of Greek tragedy.h2 The tension is central to The Iliad, but

examination of The nggggy and later heroic literature will demonstrate
its further importance.

~h2Indeed, one can examine the sets of values that motivate
Achilleus and Hektor, and, by’a certain amount of over-simplification,
show.Achilleus to be the equivalent of the Dionysiac frenzy and Hektor
to be that of Apollonian order. However, Homer has not made the heroes
quite as uncomplicated as such an interpretation would make them, for
Hektor possesses some of the very qualities and attributes that identify

Achilleus with the Dionysiac frenzy. Even so, within restricted limits,
this view has a degree of validity.

SECTION TWO

CLASSICAL LITFRATURE

Chapter II

Homer's Odyssey

The Odyssean world

 

The world of The Odyssey is a somewhat different world from that
°f.222.lli§§' There is an obvious change of milieu, of focus, and of
scope. Instead of the limited physical confines of the plains of
Ilion, the hero has the geographical expanse of the Mediterranean
world in which to demonstrate his excellence and establish his worth.

In fact, it is a double environment, for the action is divided between
what Odysseus does in attempting to reach Ithaca and what he does
once he gets there.

The focus 0f.292.£$1§2 is upon the warrior society of both sides
in the Greek-Trojan conflict, but The Odyssey focuses more closely
upon the hero who gives it his name. The maritime-geographical back-
ground in which Odysseus experiences the problems and challenges met on
his way from Troy back to Ithaca provides greater geographical and
moral scope than does The Iliad. Yet, deSpite these changes, the domi-
nant emphasis rests upon the hero and heroic values.

In The Odyssey the author sets us more directly ig_medi§§ £33 and
then proceeds to develop the narrative structure 1y the same "shuttle-
focus" technique used in The Iliad. In the former the focus shifts
from where Odysseus is to where Telemachus is, or from where Odysseus is
to where he was. In addition to the physical shift, there is movement

backward in time and then forward again, with resulting retroSpective and
62

63
sometimes prospective narration. The in medias 1'33 device establishes
the two primary "chaos-disorder" conditions which furnish the narrative
core that will be developed by the adventures Odysseus experiences between
Troy and Ithaca, as well as by what takes place after he returns home.
Only when all the adventures and events have ended are the "chaos-
disorder" conditions transformed into peace and order. Within this
structural framework the world and values of the aristos are examined
and detailed.

The first book establishes the two "chaos-disorder" conditions
and shows the concern of the gods about them. Nine years after the
Trojan conflict, Odysseus has not yet returned to Ithaca, and the gods,
except for Poseidon, want to get him on his way. His absence from
home and family creates chaos and disorder in his personal life, as
well as in his homeland. The wanton suitors of Pene10pe are the source
of the trouble in Ithaca, for they are consuming the wealth of the
absent Odysseus and disrupting both the family life and the social order
of the land. Telemachus has not yet grown to man's estate, and Penelope
and the citizenry can do nothing to halt their depradations. Zens sets
things in motion to assure the return of the father, husband, and ruler
so much needed by son, wife, and kingdom. Once this has been done, the
gods have little direct participation in the action except for Pallas
Athens and Poseidon. Zeus is more evidently in command than he was at
the start of £2 Iliad, and it is made clear that even Poseidon must
submit to the will of Zeus and the other gods. Consequently, the center
of attention is fixed on the experiences of Odysseus and his men in
attenpting to reach Ithaca and then on what he does when he reaches

there.

6h

To get the full story of those experiences and their simificance,
the best place to start is Book Seven, where the reader finds Odysseus
in Phaeacis. There at the court of Alcinous, Odysseus tells his hosts
of his adventures from the end of the Trojan war until his arrival on
the beach at Phaeacia. But before considering these adventures, one
should note the hero's situation at Phaeacia.

When Demodocus sings 'bf the great deeds of heroes" and of the
feuds and troubles that split their ranks, Odysseus weeps in his ”deep-
drawn agony." When Laodamas tries to encourage him to take part in
the games, the fashion of his heart "is more like grief than game."
Only the sneering insult of Earyalus can rouse him to display anger and
demonstrate his prowess. With tact and concern for decorum, Alcinous
manages to restore concord so that the guest may be properly enter-
tained. Odysseus requests that Denodocus sing of Epeius and his wooden
horse, and of its part in the fall of Troy.

That song of the glory of the Greek heroes, and especially
Odysseus, should have been a welcome one to the warrior's ears, but
Odysseus "melted and tears from his eyelids bedewed his cheeks." Here
is a warrior who responds to something more than the consuming flame of
the heroic absolute and who feels something more than the giddy exulta-
tion of revenge and hatred. Though at the time he fully gloried in the
savage destruction of the enemy, the imagery with which it is now associ-
ated represents the horrifying picture of war to which a men since
schooled in tribulations responds with an enriched and dignified sense
of 2933. The image associated with his tears shows a different
orientation to the event, and that change comes through to the reader

despite the clearly objective style of Homer, who reveals:

65
So it is when a loving wife flings herself, wailing, about the
body of her man who had fallen before his township and fellow-
citisens, defending the town and his children from their cruel
day of sack and rapine. The sight of him.labouring his last
breath and dying makes her wail and wind herself about him.
let do the enemy from behind beat her with their spearshafts
across her bowed shoulders and lead her into servitude, to her
fate of toil and grief. Just as that women's cheeks are ravaged
with despair, just so piteorsly did the tears fall from.Odysseus'
brows. (99:, VIII, p. 118)

In "The Odyssey and the Western world," George de F. Lord discusses
this point at length. He indicates that this incident is part of the
self-relevation of Odysseus and shows the release of suppressed compassion
and sympathy for the enemy, for the victims of war and not the victors.2
Thus the event is a measure of all the effects of the eXperiences endured
between Isnarus and Phaeacia. Of this Lord says:

The brutal side of heroic action is suddenly revealed in the
question which the simile dramatically presents: does not the
warrior's code destroy more than it creates?3

Lord also shows that the question is asked or suggested elsewhere
in different ways: in the picture of postawar Ithaca suffering from
the ruler's absence and the release of lawless instincts on the part of
the suitors; in the question-response exchange between Polyphsmus and
Odysseus, who answers almost proudly that he and the Greeks are the
seekers of cities and killers of people mentioned in the question of
Polyphenus. Lord then continues to develop the change effected in

Odysseus and the need for it so that he can become the "judge and

1T. E. Shaw, The $2sg§ of Homer (New York, 1956). All subse-
quent references will—5e rom. his translation.

2George de F. Lord, "The Odyssey and the western world," in
Essa? o_n the s , ed. Charles H. Taylor, Jr. (Bloomington, Indiana,
19 9 ppe-E" 0

3Lord, “Odyssey and western world," p. 50.

66 .
restorer” at Ithaca. Lord's purpose in this article is to correct the
picture T. 8. Eliot gives of the Homeric hero as contrasted with lenses
and to show the part the character of Odysseus played, consciously or
unconsciously, in Virgil's conception of Aeneas.h

Homer's simdle and Odysseus' identification with it serve as an
effective and meaningful frame of reference for the recital that
Odysseus presents to the Phaeacian court, for the recounting of his
adventures reveals where Odysseus has been, in both a physical and
moral sense, and how he got to be where and what he is now, again in
both senses.

The Odysseus who participates in the first adventure after the
fall of Troy'is the Odysseus we met in The Iliad. He is both something
more and something less than the heroic mold which Achilleus represents.
When the situation requires it, he can be bold, daring, and destructive
in the face of the enemy. Like the other heroes he can be concerned
with his 25223 and 352353 and, at times, even with 21223, but he considers
none of these in terms of an absolute. He is a relativist and a prac-
titioner of prudent, reasoned intelligently determined conduct most
of the time. Thus, under given circumstances, he can leave Nestor in
danger in the middle of the battlefield, even when'reprtmanded by
Diomedes. He can be cunning, crafty, shrewd, scheming, devious,
politic, and diplomatic as circumstances may require. To the qualities
of the epic hero he adds intelligence, intellectual curiosity, and a
moral toughness that goes beyond the simple tlemogzge of such a

hr. 3. Eliot "Virgil and the Christian wss1d," in Sewanee
Revue (Winter, 1953;, pp. l-lh.

67
warrior as Telemonian Aias. But he has also been given an added role
in The m, for he is now a "shepherd of the people" and has the
responsibility to lead himself and his men safely back to Ithaca. Yet
despite the combination of qualities and his responsibility, Odysseus
does not start as a "fixed" character. Nor does he become a "fixed"
character until he reaches Phaeacia.

Judgements about the nature of Odysseus' character are quite
varied. Whitman is rather ambiguous at times. Though he sometimes
insists that the hero is a "fixed" character and that the adventures
show Odysseus revealing himself rather than discovering himself, Whitman
sometimes seem to wander from that position and to suggest the aspect
of “becoming” in the characterization of Odysseus.S

Like Whitman, Charles H. Taylor, Jr.6 sees Odysseus as a fixed
personality revealed by his experiences. Thus he says of Odysseus that
the "source of accomplishment is rather his maturity than his growth,
his struggles are with the enemies of growth.” J

A careful reading and consideration of what Odysseus does or
fails to do at various points before reaching Phaeacia, coupled with
the evident change of conduct upon aha after his arrival there,
reveals Taylor's cements as an oversimplification. Odysseus does more
than struggle with the enaies of growth: he actively conquers both the
external and internal enemies of becoming and self-hood, as well as the

5whitman, Ch. x11, pp. 299-309.
6Charles H. Taylor, Jr., "The Obstacles to Odysseus' Return," in
Ess on the Odyssey, ed. Charles H. Taylor, Jr. (Bloomington, Indiana,
, ppe_87'9 e

7Tay‘lor, pp. 87-88.

68
agents of grief, death, and personal annihilation. But beyond these
things, the how and the what of his becoming are even more important.

Odysseus manifests in his person the tension between rash self-
assertion and disciplined self-restraint which was shown in the total
context of The M. This tension is demonstrated throughout the
series of adventures before his arrival at Phaeacia, usually by
Odysseus, but now and then by his followers.

In "The Untypical Hero," W. B. Stanford discusses the relation-
ship of Odysseus to other heroes such as Achilleus, flies, and
Agsmemnon.8 Stanford illustrates both the qualities he shares with his
fellow warriors in The Iliad and those in which he deviates from some of
the norms presented there. Speaking of Homer' 3 presentation of the
character of Odysseus, he says:

Yet Homer does seem to hint occasionally not at cowardice, but at a
kind of tension between prudence and boldness.9

Stanford adds to his discussion by citing that part of Book II of The
2.129. where Odysseus alone faces the enemy after the others have
retreated. Odysseus also thinks of retreating, but he reminds himself
of his duty and continues to fight. Stanford makes the following point:
On the contrary, the man who forsees danger and then goes on to
meet it is more truly courageous than an insensate Ajax or a
furious Achilles.10
This statement reveals the normative position Odysseus occupies
between the raslaness of Achilleus and the unconcern of Aias. For
8W. B. Stanford, "The Untypical Hero," in Homer, ed. George

Steiner and Robert Eagles (Ehglewood Cliffs, New Jersey, 1965), pp. 122-
138.

9Stanford, "Untypical Hero," p. 130.

10Stanford, "Untypical Hero," p. 135.

69
Stanford, the point is to show how the intransigent heroes die
unhappily'while Odysseus uses both the qualities he shares with them

and those he alone possesses pro bono publico. In serving the public

 

good Odysseus also best serves his own interest.-

The account Odysseus delivers to his Phaeacian hosts reveals the
transformation he has undergone. At Ismarus he is still the ferocious
and rapacious sacker of cities. Yet he is a good leader who makes
sure his men receive a just share of the spoils. With caution in mind
he urges that "all flee, hot-foot." However, his "utter fools of men"
are too concerned with eating and drinking to listen. Their immodera-
tion results in the death of six from each crew'when the neighboring
Cicones aid those of Ismarus.

Having left Ismarus, Odysseus nearly reaches his homeland before
a storm.drives his ships across the sea to the land of the lotos-eaters.
There they replenish their wetter supply and the men nourish themselves.
Odysseus, desiring to learn about the land and the people, sends out a
scouting party. The party is welcomed and fed with the lotos-flower,
which takes from them all memory of home and any desire to return there.
Odysseus returns than to the ships by force and restrains the others
to keep them from eating the lotos-flower. To eat of this flower is to
surrender one's being and individuality for a blissful, but vegetable-
like existence. Odysseus rejects such a state for his men and rescues
them from it. Taylor's essay emphasizes how little attraction mch a
state holds for Odysseus, who "is always conscious of who he is and of

what he wants to achieve and is never willing to trade his consciousness

70
for some kind of euphoria."n Though the self-centered desires of
Odysseus had exposed his men to danger, his quick action and care save
them in spite of themselves.

When they'reach the land of the "arrogant, iniquitous Cyclops,"
there is no reason for them to get in trouble. The fertile island where
some god has seemed to guide them furnishes provisions for a feast, and
they have no reason to encounter the Cyclops. But Odysseus is not
satisfied to settle for the sounds that come from their land; he must
take his crew to "find out if they are brutal savages, or kindly to
guests, reverent and just." (ng. IX, p. 12h) Very providentially he
takes with him corn and a skin of potent wine given to him by Karen
for his one act of piety at the sack of Ismarus. Odysseus tells how'he
sensed trouble because

. . . some powerful instinct warned me that we might have to do

‘with a strange fierce being of vast strength, knowing neither

right nor wrong, and ungovernable. (99:; II, p. 125)
Yet he takes twelve men with him and disregards their unusual display of
caution. As a result, they are imprisoned by the Cyc10ps, who devours
two of then. Odysseus reacts in heroic fashion and rashly considers
killing the Cyclops, but his intelligence and foresight halt what would
have been a courageous, but useless, blow. As his intellectual curiosity
had drawn them into trouble, so nowwmust his intelligence and ingenuity
effect their*release from the imprisoning cave of Polyphemus. But in

the process his immoderate, stubborn curiosity causes the death of six

of his crew.

11Taylor, p. 89.

71

Stanford's article12 indicates how Odysseus (ng. IX, pp. 228-230)
criticises himself for the trouble with the Cyclops, but he also points
out how Odysseus later used a different approach to hear the song of the
Sirens without danger for himself or his men.

Though Odysseus at first craftily'uses the stratagem of the
lie-Man name, he later must taunt Polyphemus and proclaim himself as the
one responsible for the blinding. It is thus that he brings down upon
himself the wrath of Poseidon and must return home ”late and miserably”
to "find trouble there in the house."

With the help of Aeolus, Odysseus nearly gets them home, but his
ismnudence and recklessness combine with the foolish greed of his men to
thwart their hopes. He fails to inform them of the contents of the
bag of Aeolus, and he recklessly handles the sails longer than he should.
Their careless avarice prompts them to open the bag and drive them far
swsy*from their goal. Odysseus, greatly dejected, ponders whether or
not it is worthwhile to prolong a life that is "so great . burden of
ill-luck to bear in silence." Yet from deep within him comes the
decision to endure and survive.

In the land of the Lsestrygons both the insatiable curiosity of
Odysseus and a bit of fortuitous prudence create danger for all, death
for some, and safety for Odysseus' crew. His desire to investigate the
area sends three men into danger, and the danger becomes general and
costly when Antiphates arouses the other giants. All the crews of the

other ships, anchored in the secure shelter of the cove, furnish the

”Stanford, “Untypical Hero,” pp. 13h-137.

72
Laestrygonians their "loathsome meal," but Odysseus' crew manages to
escape because of their anchorage outside the cove. Safe, but
disconsolate and disheartened, this group makes its way to the island of
the fomidable Circe.

The comforting rest and the favorable provisions they enjoy
there for three days are but a deceptive prelude to further troubles.
The compelling desire of Odysseus for knowledge sends half of his men to
investigate Circe's house, where they are transformed to swine. The
help of the gods, in the person of Hermes, permits Odysseus to combat
Circe's magic and restore his men to their normal state. Odysseus
submits to Circe with "proofs of love and intercourse," and the godess
encourages the "haggard and heartsick" to forget the evil of their
wanderings and quit being "strangers to feasting and gladness." They
do so eagerly for quite some time, but after a year his men urge
Odysseus to depart for home. Circe does not hold him against his will,
but she does urge that he visit the House of Hades to consult Teiresias.
His men make the trip quite unwillingly, but the visit there is meaning-
ful for him and for them.

Circe's instructions to establish contact with Teiresias require
that he keep all other spirits away from the blood-pool until the sear
slakes his thirst. This is quite a strain for Odysseus because he must
keep the spirit of Anticleia away even though "the sight of her
melted [5137 heart and made [Him] weep with quick pain." Hen might be
challenged to perform.bolder, more dangerous deeds, but certainly' I
nothing more soul-wrenching could be demanded of any hero. Yet the
prophecy given hy the blind seer reveals that even tougher moral stamina
will be demanded of Odysseus to get home and to face problems there.

73

From Teiresias Odysseus learns that he and his men must master
their greed on Thrinacia if they hope to return to Ithaca. From the
shade of Anticleia he learns what his absence meant to her and what
it means to the loved ones yearning for his return. From the shade of
Achilleus he learns of the hollow value of fame and glory in death.
The one the in life had lived for the heroic absolute now would gladly
live in the most menial circumstances among the living. Yet, almost
ironically, Achilleus can still glory in the valorous reputation
established by his son at Troy. All these experiences are important,
but two other aspects of his visit in Hades are more significant.

Odysseus' attempt to talk with the shade of Aias seems to
foreshadow the spirit Odysseus will need to put matters in order at
home. He tells Aias, "Veil your fierce pride of heart," and appears
ready to follow that advice himself. The account of the punishments
of Tantalus and Sisyphus also seems to illustrate the value of such
advice. At the same time, their punishments suggestively underline, or
perhaps highlight, the frustrations and heart-breaking reverses Odysseus
has experienced and how he reacts to them. Tantalus and Sisyphus are
condemned to repeat their actions, even in the face of continual frustra-
tion; Odysseus, however, returns to the struggle of life and to his
task without being condemned to do so. The visit to the House of Hades
carries the reader back to the harrowing adventures of Odysseus and
suggests what sort of a man he was and what kind of a man he has become.
At the same time, that visit also projects the reader toward what is
ahead for Odysseus.

Before Odysseus leaves Circe's land he learns of the many dangers

he and his men must avoid. He presumptuously suggests fighting against

7b
the gruesane danger of Scylla, but Circe urges prudent conduct by
telling him, "Resign yourself: to flee from her is the better part of
valor.” (Ody. XII, p. 172) Odysseus follows most of Circe's advice
and thus avoids many dangers. His intelligence provides the means of
hearing the Sirens without harm to himself or his crew; He conceals
from his men the information about Scylla and,by rashly disregarding
Circe's advice, he loses six of his best men. This bit of renewed
heroic response is his last self-assertive act. When he later has good
reasons for such action, he will control his response.
Whitman notes this turning point in the conduct of Odysseus when
he says:
In a moment of recrudescent boastfulness, he tries to face Scylla
with shield and spear, and assert the self who fought at Troy, but
he cannot even see her. Troy and that world is past; he has just
come from its ghost in Hades, where the panorama of the heroic
life was reviewed in a dreamlike confusion.13
Odysseus attempts to avoid Thrinacia, but the self-assertion of
Ehrylochus and the imprudence of the crew combine to put them there and
to cause them to disregard the warnings of their leader about the cattle
of Helios. Eurylochus easily urges them to break their oaths to
Odysseus and to commit the forbidden act that brings destruction from
the thunderbolts of Zeus. Battered and discouraged, Odysseus alone
saves himself.
Wished up on Calypso's island, Odysseus spends seven tearful
years there without making a definite effort to leave for home. Even his

tough moral fiber needs time to recover from.the heart-rending shocks

”Whitman, p. 300.

75
he has endured. Despite Calypso's offer of immortality and a divine
mate, Odysseus does not consider surrendering his human identity. The
wounds of his painful equerience heal slowly, but they do heal. The
qualities which gradually restore him have been made evident by
Stanford' s pertinent comment:

Resiliency, elasticity, concentration, these are the qualities
that maintain his [Odysseus] temperamental balance.“

Whitman also describes Odysseus at this point in his journey and
indicates what his emeriences mean:

All that Odysseus has experienced when he comes to Calypso has
defined him in lowest terms. Everyman has almost become li‘oman.15

Odysseus does not become Noman because he possesses the qualities cited
by Stanford. They save Odysseus here, and they will be needed later to
recover from the destruction of his raft near Phaeacia and to endure
the rude tr eahnmt of the suitors in Ithaca.

Adrift in a hostile sea, Odysseus searches deep in his being for
understanding and comprehension of his situation. In need of help, he
asks for divine aid, and both divine aid and his native wisdom get him
ashore. Woefully spent, helpless, and possessed by a terrible weariness,
he crawls into his rude bed of leaves. Brought down very near to the
level of animal aristence, Odysseus virtually becomes Hanan, and
perhaps he must becme Hanan before he can again become himself. His
accumulated experiences enhance his heroic endurance as well as his

moral toughness and resiliency.

1l‘Stanford, p. 136.
15Whitman, p. ”O.

76

Cedric‘Whitman supports this by pointing out the tremendous
difference between "the reckless self-reliant adventurer who comes to
Circe, and the fate-driven, desperate wanderer who meets Hausicaa."16
He credits the change more to the journey to Hades than to the arts of
Circe and says that the change "betokens the fading of an earlier and
smaller self before the demands of an even more puzzling and vast world
of possibility."17 Then Whitman states that the years with Calypso strip
away the former disguises and put him before Nausicaa as the "genius of
rebirth, only to begin a series of disguises which this time he con-
trols and will abandon in his own time."18 Odysseus twice becomes Noman
so that he may be not just the man he once was, but a more developed
version of his old self.

When Odysseus rises from his bed of leaves, he also rises from
the depth of despair and discouragement to new epic stature, but not in
the absolute fashion of Achilleus. From this point on, he is a different
Odysseus, an Odysseus who follows the advice he had given Aias during
his visit to the House of Hades. Except for two brief bursts of anger,
he begins to temper his actions with caution, prudence, and restrained
conduct; he replaces self-assertion by self-discipline and self-restraint.

At the court of Alcinous and Arete, Odysseus does not proclaim
the identity which is certain to guarantee him the hospitality and
adulation of the Phaeacians. The naked and battered suppliant found by

16Whitman, p. 299.
”mamas, p. 299.
18Whitman, p. 299.

77
the charming Nausicaa conceals his identity and wins the friendship of
the Phaeacians by his own qualities of excellence, quite without the
benefit of his fame.

A number of those who have commented on the work see a great deal
in his relationships to not only Nausicaa, but also to Calypso and to
Circe. In "Personal Relations,"19 W; B. Stanford compares and contrasts
his relations with each of the three women as part of the larger pattern
of the relationships which define Odysseus. Thereby Stanford suggests
some of the significance of the work. Odysseus is shown as one who
prefers action, society, and renown to the idle hedonism offered by
Circe and Calypso; consequently, he rejects the dglgg £33 212222 they
offer in favor of the rugged harshness of Ithaca and the normal, natural,
sociable life as husband, father, and king.

In "The Obstacles to Odysseus' Return,"2O Taylor sees Odysseus'
relations with Circe, Calypso, and Nausicaa as part of the complex of
temptations faced by him to thwart his homecoming: the temptations to
moral irresponsibility, to sexual immorality, and to surrender of the
individuality. Taylor suggests that the relations of Odysseus with the
three women are important for the completeness of his being. Taylor says:

Odysseus' quest for identity is in fact profoundly involved with

the feminine. In seeking the wholeness of his being, he passes
through intimate experience with various embodiments of

19H. B. Stanford, "Personal Relations," in Essays on the
n

Odyssez,sed. Charles H. Taylor, Jr. (Bloomington, anEZ’I963),
pp. ‘3 0

2oTaylor, ”Obstacles to Odysseus' Return," pp. 87-89.

78

archetypal women, each reflecting some aspect of what he as
masculine hero lacks.

George de F. Lord22 makes different use of the relations of
Odysseus with the women in the poem. Though he discusses Circe and
Calypso, Lord focuses on Arete, Nausicaa, and Penelope. He is con-
cerned with the values these women represent and with how those values
are important to Odysseus and to the poem. Of them Lord says:

It can be shown, I think, that the domestic and social values
embodied in and emanating from these women act as a critique of
the code of the male warrior just as much as the actions of Turnus
or Nisus or Enryalus or of Aeneas on the night that Troy fell
reveal Virgil's view of the inadequacy of the heroic code.23

The comments of Stanford, Lord, and Taylor nicely complement
and supplement each other to provide the full picture of the feminine
charms that tempt but do not win Odysseus. The delicate and gentle
loveliness of Nausicaa is certainly the crowning offer made to him.in
the course of his adventures. Nevertheless, even it cannot dim.for him
the vision of a return to Penelope, where home and heart are.

I When Alcinous suggests that he might be a god, Odysseus speediky
and humbly informs him, "I am not like the Immortals of spacious
heaven, either in my body or my nature." (93:. VII, p. 99) His tact,
decorum, and sensitive regard for propriety help win for him the promise
of aid to return home. His conduct so endears him.to their hearts that
he not only secures the needed aid but also obtains precious gifts and

wealth to take with him. Only when he is ready to depart does he

21Taylor, "Obstacles to Odysseus' Return," p. 96.
”Lord, "Odyssey and Western World," pp. 36-53.

23Lord, "Odyssey and western world," p. h3.

79
identity himself. The recital of his tribulations, his reaction to the
songs of Denodocus, and his self-effacsment all serve to show what he
has become: and the Odysseus he has become is the one needed to solve
the chaos and disorder of his family, his people, and his land. He
eagerly leaves behind the wealth and luxury of Phaeacia for the ruder
comforts of Ithaca, the place where his identity has most meaning.

Once he has returned there, Pallas Athens appears before hum
ready to help actively to restore order to Ithaca. Athens had helped
somewhat Just before he reached Phasacia and had pleaded to Zeus for
him.whils he was still with Calypso, but she had furnished no major
active support since his part in the desecration of her temple at Troy.
Now she will actively participate in all he does. She begins by'mmking
him.aware of what he will have to face. With this declaration she
advises how he must face what is to come:

k . . I have to warn you plainly of the grave vexations you are
fated to shoulder here in your well-appointed house.- So temper
yourself to bear the inevitable and avoid blurting out to anyone,
male or female, that it is you, returned from wandering. subdue
your pride to plentiful ill-treatment and study to suffer in
silence the violence of men.‘ (Ody; XIII, p. 190)

Instead of a Joyous, exuberant homecoming and sudden, bloody
revenge against the wanton suitors, Odysseus must further conceal his
identity and assume that of an old beggar. He must share the bare
comforts of the swineherds and endure the vile rudeness and insults of
the suitors. Indeed, he must persuade Telemachus to "harden his heart's
love" for his father so that he can endure whatever physical assault or
insult Odysseus may receive. Not only'must Odysseus control the "black
rage within" and endure the rude treatment directed at htn‘by the wanton,

overbearing suitors and the goatherder, but he must also stiffen his

80
emotional being to keep "his eyes hard" in the presence of his sorrowing
wife, to whom he cannot yet reveal himself. The pressure created by
the insolence of the lechery of his serving women was tremendous, but
He so conjured himself and rated his passions that his soul's
patience survived to the end; but the strain tossed his body about,
like the basting punch stuffed with blood and fat that a man who
wants it immediately cooked will turn over and over before a
blazing firs. (991. XX, p. 271)
The turmoil of this situation and his control of it are only a necessary
part of the strategy that will enable Odysseus and Telemachus, with the
aid of two loyal servants and helpful Pallas Athens, to arrange the
conditions for the destruction of the suitors. Once again Odysseus can
declare his identity by the display of skill with the bow’and then
with martial prowess in the attack on the suitors.

Cedric whitman's condemnation of the slaughter of the suitors,
however justified.it may be from a modern point of view, is inappropriate
and unwarranted. Of this event he says:

It is meant to be a re-establishment of right order, but an
orgy of blood vengeance peers through the moral scheme, the
less sympathetic for being committed, unlike the gory and self-
destroying vengeance of Afihilles, in the dispassionate convic-
tion of moral rightness.2
Such a modern, and essentially moralistic, distinction between the
acts of Achilleus and those of Odysseus hardly seems appropriate to the
Homeric world. Furthermore, such a view disregards the evident effort
made to emphasize the wrongness of the suitors' deeds and the retribu-

tion one can expect when men trample aidos in their rash arrogance.

Such a view also neglects the warnings they disregard and the active

ZbWhihnan, p. 306.

81
participation of Athens to trap them'by ”their own villainous example"
and "to distinguish the just from the lawless."

The physical victory is only part of what Odysseus must do, for
he must also re-establish his identity in his home, re-establish
Lasrtes in his household, and re-establish concord in the land. All
these Odysseus soon accomplishes and the conditions of chaos and
disorder that marred his personal life and the life of his land are

soon changed to conditions of peace and order.

Structure, Development, 339 Significance

 

 

Even though The Odyssey concentrates attention primarily on
a single hero, it still examines heroic motivations and values. The
opening book provides the structural framework to be filled out.
Because’Odysseus is far from home nine years after the destruction of
Troy and.because his family and people need him, the action starts
with serious "chaos-disorder" conditions in his personal life, in that
of his family, and in that of his native Ithaca. Because the gods are
concerned about getting him home, a double frame, the frame of the
”will of the gods" and the frame of "Odysseus' return," encircles the
action that gets Odysseus back to the central part of the story
structure, Ithaca, where the rest of the action takes place.

The direction and movement of the action fill out this framework
through the adventures on the return to Ithaca and what happens there.
All the experiences and the action are organised to transform the
"chaos-disorder" conditions presented at the start to order and peace
at the end. The direction and movement of the action is inward and

reverses the outward annular growth and development of The Iliad.

82
Odysseus starts at the outer periphery of martial experience when Troy
falls and begins a different, more meaningful sequence of experiences
moving inward, like receding circles of waves toward Ithaca and then
inward toward his restoration as father, husband, son, and ruler in
Ithaca. But the significance of the work develops from how Odysseus
conducts himself during the adventures and from what effect the
experiences have on him. The effect of those experiences is reflected
in the contrast of the hero's conduct before he reaches Phaeacia and
after his arrival there. That effect is but a part of the total
organisation and development of the work, both of which serve to
approve and praise the group-centered approach while it disapproves of
and criticizes imprudencs, recklessness, and self-assertion.
Cedric Whitman insists that the organization and structure of

Ih_s_ m is much different from that of The _I_l__i_§g. Of the former he
says:

Total design is no longer a matter of inner strains and balances;

instead it is achieved through scenes marking stages of the

advancement of the story, and the effect is not annular,‘but

linear.2
Whitman's entire statement is open to criticism. During the adventures
from Ismarus to Phaeacia, everything depends on the "inner strains and
balances" in the nature and actions of Odysseus, or those between his
conduct and that of his men. At Phaeacia there is no explicit strain,
but there is implicit contrast between his former self and his present
self. In Ithaca the strains and balances are external ones betueen the
actions of the suitors and the conduct of Odysseus.

25Whitman, p. 290.

83

State of the adventures serve as scenes to mark stages in the
advancement of the story, but most of them not only do not advance the
story element but even serve to retard it. The majority of the
adventures show the qualities and attributes which cause Odysseus and
his men to create obstacles to their safe return home. Only in two
respects do most of the adventures serve to advance the story: in
respect to their cumulative effect on Odysseus and in respect to the
general direction towards Ithaca. They do not move Odysseus in a
direct-line, or linear, fashion towards Ithaca; indeed, some of them
move him away from home. Yet the overall movement is annular and
inward, and it is difficult to understand why Whitman can insist that
the circular pattern is appropriate for The Iliad and still declare
that "the linear movement of The Odyssey is wholly inevitable for a
poem of becoming."26

Though he does not discuss extensively the structure of :11:
m, H. B. Stanford, in his essay, "Personal Relations,u says of
that work:

The movuent of The 9.3221 is essentially inwards, homewards,
toward nomalitym

This point of view more adequately applies to the narrative movement of
The; Odyssg than does Whitman's statement.

Odysseus brings to the adventures some of the qualities he dis-
played in _Th__e_ Iliad. As one of the prominent Greek warriors, he

possessed the requisite martial techno to maintain his arste. Though

26Whitman, p. 290.
27Stanford, "Personal Relations,” p. 19.

8h
he was not particularly concerned with either 31233 or tlemosyns in
‘22: Iliad, he is concerned with the latter in Th3 9923331. Odysseus'
outstanding traits in Tho Iliad_were his intellectual gifts: craftiness,
cunning, adaptability, tact, daring, wise counsel, and diplomacy. The
combination of all these qualities made him the outstanding leader
after the death of Achilleus. His brilliant scheme to make and use
the wooden horse did what the consummate bravery of Achilleus and
all the others failed to do, for it alone permitted the Greeks to
destroy Troy and end the war. Though Aias was considered the next
best warrior after Achilleus, Odysseus received the treasured armor of
Achilleus as a.mark of his worth. Yet when Odysseus is confronted by
the dangers and problems of getting himself and his men back to Ithaca
and putting things in order there, he must develop other qualities to
achieve that goal and transform the "chaos-disorder" conditions pre-
sented in _‘1_‘_h_s Oflsss .

From the start of that work the ruler of Ithaca is presented as
polztlas (long-suffering) or polymetis (of many resources) Odysseus.
These two adjectives best illustrate the dominant traits he exhibits
during the course of his experiences. In fact, he‘dsvelops these as
a result of his adventures. Each adventure tests one or more of the
many'qualities of Odysseus, and the obstacles and suffering strengthen
his physical and moral fortitude. He thus develops tlemogzns far beyond
that of Aias, and the challenges met sharpen his practical intelligence.

The Odysseus of the adventures cited is sometimes a leader of
prudence, caution, and self-restraint. Those qualities and his prac-

tical intelligence often save his men and himself. ‘Ist despite the

85
frequent use of the epithet wise, Odysseus is more often imprudent,
reckless, and self-assertive. Actions based on these characteristics
sometimes bring danger and death to his men. Both he and his men
exhibit a tension between prudent and imprudent action, between caution
and.reck1essness, and between self-restraint and self-assertion. Both
he and they tend more toward the latter of each of these poles of conduct,
and the result is death for all except Odysseus. The result for him is
increasing isolation and gradual alienation from part of what he was.

Each obstacle and set-back demands a little more physical and
moral resiliency, and somewhere deep in his being Odysseus finds it.
And because he finds it his conduct eventually changes. The reckless
self-assertion he manifested by the ruthless sacking of Ismarus,
by’the blatant proclaimation of his part in the blinding of Polyphemus,
and by the arrogance of arming himself against Scylla (despite pointed
advice to the contrary) disappears in the waves that wash him on
the shore of Phaeacia. There he is ready to benefit from his experi-
ences.

In place of the self-assertive chestAbeating displayed after the
blinding of Polyphenus, there is self-concealment and self-effacement
until he has established his worth in restrained, prudent fashion. He
gains the friendship, respect, and aid of the Phaeacians on the basis
of his personal merits, and only when he has been offered the aid he
needs does he declare his identity.

While at Phaeacia Odysseus also shows how the experience has
enlarged his response to £3223. When.Demodocus sings of the destruction
of Troy and of the renown of the Greek heroes, Odysseus does not respond
to the brilliance of heroic fame and glory, as one might expect him to

86
do. Instead, his enlarged sense of sides responds to the fate of the
victims and the misery of war.

The Odysseus whom the Phaeacians escort to Ithaca has been
thoroughly tested in physical and moral fortitude. He has grown in his
sense of aidgg. His practical intelligence has been keenly sharpened.
He has in effect already learned to subdue his pride to ill-treatment.
Consequently, he need only continue to do that and obey the second
part of Athena's later advice "to suffer in silence the violences of
men.” (92:. XIII, p. 190) When he reaches the shores of Ithaca, he
has abandoned the pole of self-assertion for that of self-restraint.

After his arrival in Ithaca, the rest of the epic framework is
filled out by what he does to transform the "chaos-disorder” conditions.
As his self-assertion had formerly produced danger and death for the
group he was leading from Troy, so now does his self-restraint bring
order, concord, and happiness to his family, to his people, and to
himself. Instead of recklessly and vengefully charging into his house,
declaring his identity, and slaying the suitors, he follows Athena's
advice and submits to the ill-treatment of the suitors in the disguise
of a beggar. This provides time for him to prepare for the punishment
of the suitors and also opportunity for them to cease their wanton,
arrogant conduct. When they do not do so, Odysseus moves with caution,
prudence, and self-restraint to punish the recalcitrant suitors, to
re-establish himself in his househ61d and family, and to bring peace
and order to the land.

The contrast between the characteristics and conduct of the hero

in the first and the last halves of the poem highlights a major significance.

87
The episodes from Troy to Phaeacia demonstrate imprudent, reckless, and
self-assertive actions of Odysseus and his men, but such actions are
not approved. In fact, some are pointedly criticized. The frustrations,
disappointments, and setébacks of the first half are the results of
such actions. On the other hand, after Phaeacia Odysseus discards such
disapproved behavior and adopts prudent, cautious, and self-restrained
conduct to combat the disapproved behavior of the suitors. The success
of his endeavors and the restoration of peace and order are the results

of his acceptance and exercise of the approved group-oriented approach.

SECTION TWO

CLASSICAL LITERATURE

Chapter III
The Periclean Wbrld.and Greek Tragedy

Between the time of Homer and the Periclean Age of Greece, the
epic genre was displaced by the development of tragedy. The mythos,
the personnages of the mythos, and many of the epic attributes of
the heroes appear in the subject matter and themes of tragedy. In
particular, the motivations, standards, and values of the heroic
society live on in the milieu of tragedy and receive significant
emphasis and development. For that reason, the examination of Greek
tragedy will serve as a bridge between Homeric epic and Virgil's
sass

Between the world of Homer and the world of Aeschylus, the 22122
has become all-important. But for a few'exceptions, the major portion
of all Greek tragedies involves some values that are important to or
concerned with the £2133 or various aspects of its life. The concerns
and conduct to which Odysseus applies his energies and talents in the
latter half of 122.9312532 admirably suit the needs of the 2213:.

Even though the demands made upon the hero and the problems faced by
him are not quite the same, a general examination of Greek tragedy'
will reveal what motivations, standards, and values of heroic society
impinge upon the central figures of Greek tragedy.

The discussion which follows does not pretend to be a full or
definitive evaluation of a single one of the plays treated. No claim

88

89

is made that the aspects or elements here presented constitute the
essential core of tragedy. The complex of ambiguities that is so
central to the understanding of the greatness and the explication of
the full significance of Greek tragedy cannot be presented here. The
only'intention is to show that certain aspects of Greek epic are also
common to and have importance in Greek tragedy.

The first two plays of Aeschylus do not concern an individual
or a group of individual heroes. In both, religious respect and the
force of religion are the most significant features, but that respect
and that force are pertinent to the concerns of the social body, the
pglig, which expresses the former and depends upon the letter. In The
Supplices the population of the town is the hero, for it chooses to
support religious rights against the tyranny of force, even at the risk
of war with Egypt. The whole conception and execution of 222.225222
centers about the failure of the Persians against Athens because the
hybris and wanton arrogance of the Persians cannot crush the religious
and.moral rectitude of Athens. Though the form is that of tragedy,
the central focus and point of view depend upon the position taken by
the author. He suggests that Greek might derives from "right and good"
religion as contrasted to the "wrong and evil" religion of the Persians.
This position will be taken centuries later by the author of E3 Chanson

33 Roland.

 

Th: Seven Against Thebes is in some respects like the Agamemnon-
Achilleus conflict, but transferred to the milieu of the polis. In this
milieu brother is pitted against brother, and both insist upon the right

to self-assertion and dominion in Thebes. They do so in such

9O
self-assertive fashion that they bring death to themselves and to
others. But their deaths are not the end of the matter, for the Theban
M is involved in the consequences. The people's council acts in
accord with what the members believe to be the best solution for the
political well-being of the 292.2 and decrees that Polynices will be
denied burial, but Eteocles will receive proper burial. The citizens
of the town are divided over this decision. Sons of them, like Antigone,
feel that the religious principle has as much validity or even more than
the political principle. Though they have no action, Antigone defies
Creon's ruling and brings about the confrontation that produces tragedy
for those around Antigone and Green.

Though only fragments of the plays related to Prometheus Vinctus
exist, the evidence seems to suggest that the material was the first
tale of crime and punishment, of sin and expiation and reconciliation,
put into literary form in the Western world. From the divine point of
view, Prometheus receives punishment for the hybris of having stolen fire
for mankind, and in the struggle between Prometheus and Zeus neither
wins decisively.

Zeus is the youthful tyrant bent on asserting his dominion, but the
godlike Titan endures the pimistment for his crime. In the process he
develops from weakness to strength and clearly predicts the end of his pun-
ishment and his reconciliation with Zeus after expiation. It is the
Agsnemnon-Actfilleus contention on a higher plane, and both participants are
forced to a snare moderate position. Thus the general theological picture
is roughly similar to that presented by Homer's two epics, which show Zeus
in the process of establishing his authority in the earlier work and

91
acting as the divine dispenser of justice and order in the later work.

The Prometheus Vinctus deals mostly with the former situation, but

 

indicates how Zeus will arrive at the latter situation. There is a
major difference, however. In the tragedy he asserts his authority
over men, and, just as he had to compromise with Hera in The Iliad, so
must he compromise with Prometheus in the tragedy. He must learn to
govern with the help of law and order rather than the exercise of
self-assertive tyranny.

The trilogy of the Oresteia shows the abandonment of the prac-
tice of blood vengeance in favor of the legally constituted justice
organized and administered by the citizens of the polls. The three

plays of the trilogy (Agamemnon, The Libation Bearers, and The

 

Ehmenides) present a tale of passion and of crime, of blood vengeance
and punishment, of expiation and reconciliation. The pattern of chaos
and disorder created by the events of the first two plays is transformed
to peace and harmony by the establishment of Olympian order and concord
in the third play. In that play the divine justice of Zeus is given a
secular counterpart in the establishment of the Aeropagite court to
judge crime and the avenging Furies are transformed to the gentle
Ehmenides. As Zeus has been forced to moderate his tyranny, so must
the social group modify'the manner of dealing with passion, crime, and
punishment. The social group must learn that the wellebeing of the
pglig takes precedence over the violent excesses and extremes of
individual or family action.

As a son of Atreus, Agamemnon inherits the evil stain of the

Atreus-Thyestes conflict and deeds of violence. This is a major part

92

of the fatality that engulfs him. But, at least to some extent, part of
his fate results from other reasons. 'Within the context of the play the
presentation of his character suggests a disposition toward wanton arro-
gance. If one keeps in mind that the circumstances of both Greek epic
and tragedy encouraged and permitted a considerable amount of allusive
or suggestive reference on the part of the author, it is possible to
assign Agamemnon's self-assertive tendencies some part in his fate. The
audience of both epic and tragedy knew of Agamemnon's wanton arrogance
when he desecrated the temple of Pallas 'thene. In the action of the
play he demonstrates no such active hybris, but he does display'what
Albert Cook refers to as "passive hybris."1

When Agamemnon returns home, he has the effrontery to bring his
war-prize concubine, Cassandra, to live under the same roof as
Clytemnaestra. Then when Clytemnaestra offers the temptation of the

1All too often, 322215 is improperly used to mean little more
than pride, but the meaning of the word goes beyond this over-simplifica-
tion. Richmond Lattimore, in Story Patterns in Greek Tragedy (Ann

Arbor, 1965), comments upon this and indicates-some of—the variations of
meaning:

 

 

Hybris, with its family of nouns, verbs, and adjectives, simple
or compounded, may signify assault and battery, rape, foul play,
or plain physical disaster without motivation, the activity of
wild animal spirits, rapacity and greed, sexual lust; in general,
violence; violent or criminal behavior, . . . the abuse of
superior strength to humiliate the helpless living or outrage the
helpless dead, mutiny or rebelliousness in an inferior toward a
superior. . . . (p. 23)

Cook's use of ”passive hybris," which he discusses on pp. 88-89 of The
Dark voyage and the Golden Mean (Boston,'19h9), is a convenient way——'
of avoiding t5; frequent oversimplification. Cook summarises his
definition in these words:

 

In active hybris egotism seeks its own death, in passive hybris
the jealous searcher for justice unwittingly makes justice even
greater by sacrificing his personality for equity in.material
exchanges. (p. 89).

93
royal purple, he succumbs to that temptation readily despite his
hypocritical pretense of not wanting or deserving such treatment. His
obvious lack of restraint or moderation in the play seems to be used to
suggest his reckless self-assertive tendencies. Of course, his actions
within the play do not provide sufficient reason for his death. However,
they do help to show him as a deficient king and husband, who, despite
the heinous treachery of his slaughter, is not presented as a character
to draw sympathy from the audience.

Agamemnon's death in the play results from both the purported
personal motivation of Clytemnaestra to avenge the death of Iphigeneia
at Aulis and the certain personal motivation of Aegisthus to avenge what
his father, Thyestes, suffered at the hands of Atreus. Yet, these
reasons may be just the human working out of the divine retribution
that pursues Agamemnon as a result of his desecration at the temple of
Pallas Athens at Troy. That act of 512313 was a-consequence of his
general recklessness and wanton self-assertion, of which his conduct
in the play is a small part. The important point here is that there is
suggestive disapproval of his self-assertive tendencies, of his lack of
moderation.

The work of Sophocles starts at about the point where Aeschylus
stops, but it adds something of the Homeric view of life in certain

plays. In Homer and Heroic Tradition, Cedric Whitman has said, "The

 

Iliad's view returns only in Sophoclean tragedy."2
The Ajax has some similarity to the Agamemnon of Aeschylus, but
it concerns several types of active hybri . After the death of Achilleus

the Greek warriors award his armor to Odysseus. As a result, noble,

9h
sensitive, and self-reliant Ajax loses all sense of proportion. Because
he thought he should have received the armor for his services, he is
moved to unrestrained self-assertive action. For this reason his
nobility becomes ambition, his sensitive nature becomes morbidity, and
his self-reliance turns to excessive pride.

Like Agamemnon, Ajax offends the divine level, but more than his
haughtiness is involved. Burning with resentment as strong as that of
Achilleus and Agamemnon in The Iliad, he tries to kill the Greek leaders
in their sleep, but the gods thwart his plan. They inflict him with
madness so that he slaughters cattle instead of his fellow warriors.

His unrestrained pride has tarnished his 3:232. He responds to his
sense of sides and feels the shame of what he tried to do, but his great
pride will not permit him to be humbled by Agamemnon and the others. He
is not really'punished, for he chooses his own terms of existence or
non-existence. In this respect, he makes the same decision as Achilleus;
he kills himself. Agamemnon and Menelaus want to deny proper burial to
Ajax,‘but Teucer boldly defies the Atreides just as Antigone will defy
Creon in a later play. The death of Ajax really vindicates his honor,
for his enemy, Odysseus, intercedes to have the Atreides agree to
honorable burial for Ajax.

In discussing the story patterns of Greek tragedy, Richmond
Lattimore provides relevant comment on the Ajax. Of it he says:

And yet, this pattern of fault or pride and fall does not work

all the way'to the end. For Ajax in his death scene is not
punished but vindicated. He sets himself a test ( ira) and

passes it, and attains his salvation. He leaves 1 e on his own

ZWWB, p. 2970

9S

terms, keeps his pride, and at the end his chief enemy, Odysseus,
acknowledges his greatness.

The play presents a balance between unrelieved and immoderate
self-assertion and moderation and restraint, with an implied approval
of the latter position. Ajax, like Achilleus, realizes that his excessive
self-assertion is not completely excusable, but he also is not willing
to compromise his honor. He is willing to and does pay the price for
his honor. Thus Sophocles approves of and praises the heroic ideal as
does Homer, yet he also suggests the same limitations and adjustments
as Homer.

Saphocles' Antigone elaborates upon the closing portion of

Aeschylus'The Seven Against Thebes, for it presents the confrontation

 

between Creon and Antigone. Hany'modern readers frequently arrive
at either a partial interpretation or a distorted interpretation;
generally they side with Antigone and categorically condemn Creon's
position. But to do this is to neglect the total environment in which
the tragedy takes place. The significant tragic dimensions are not to
be found simply in the death of Antigone because she disobeyed Creon's
orders and buried Polynices. Nor are they to be found in the death of
Haemon, which resulted from Antigone's entombment by Creon. They are
rather to be found in the situational relationship developed between
Creon and Antigone as a result of what the brothers did to settle
matters.

In the view of Thebes, Polynices is a state enemy and Creon,

in condemning him, is fulfilling his function as a protector of the

3Lattimore, Story Patterns of Greek Tragedy,'p. 20.

 

96
223.33. Antigone, in defying Creon, insists upon the primeval laws of
Greek religion. Both claims have validity in the Greek world of the
times, even though many modern readers support the claims of human
decency rather than the claims of the sanctity. of national or communal
life. As defenders of their respective stands, both Creon and Antigone
deaonstrate excessive obstinacy and narrowness in much the same way as
Achilleus and'Agamemnon did in their conflict. The idea of an effective
application of moderation and compronise never occurs to either. As a
result, when Antigone defies the decree, Creon condemns her to death.

Creon's action leads not only to Antigone's death, but also to
that of Haemon and Eurydice, the son and wife of Creon. As Creon
sacrifices Antigone for his ideal duty, so does Antigone sacrifice
Haemon to hers. Their self-assertive actions bring grief, sorrow, or
death to themselves or to those they love most. Only the anger of the
gods produced by the unburied corpse of Polynices and the threat to his
family force Creon to swerve from his position. But then it is too late.
The tragedy grows out of the self-assertive unrestrained positions
taken by those who apply the principles and not out of the confrontation
of two irreconcilable principles.

The Oedipus gramme presents a central figure who is magnifi-
cently self-assertive, and, by an ironic set of circumstances, that
excessive self-assertion both serves and does not serve the best
interest of the 29123. As the play opens, Thebes is in the throes of
a "chaos-disorder" condition, and Oedipus acts to change it because he
concerns himself with the well-being of his city and people. Much as

Achilleus did in The Iliad, Oedipus sets in motion an investigation to

97
discover the reason for the "plague" that holds Thebes in its grip. He
then takes action to remove the source of infection so that the order
and social health of the suffering coeummity may be restored. Because
his city and people suffer, he too suffers a personal "chaos-disorder"
condition.

As he had once before saved Thebes from the evil of the Sphinx, so
must he again attempt to rid the pol}: of another evil. His temperament
and character motivate all the actions and furnish all stages of the
discovery that leads to the tragic denouement. He is too imperious,
suspicious, choleric, and self-confident for his own good, and, indeed,
for the good of others. These qualities blind him with the same
reckless 232 that drove Agamemnon and Achilleus to the excesses which
brought here to so many around them.

In his umestricted zeal, Oedipus callously and falsely accuses
Creon and Tiresias of conspiracy against him and later intimidates the
faithful old servant who would prefer to suppress the horrifying truth.
With ruthless and uncompromising vigor he condemns unequivocally to
religious and civil exconuunication whoever or whatever is the source
of the infection. Then he proceeds with absolute ferocity to lay here
all of the details that will proclaim him the polluter. His absolute
insistence upon getting at the facts and facing them results in the
suicide of Jocaste and in the self-determined and self-executed punish-
ment that makes of the blind observer the seeing blind. Just as Antigone
had sacrificed Haemon to her ideal, so does Oedipus sacrifice Jocaste
to his.

98

Though the pollution of the ESE! has been removed and order
and well-being have replaced the "chaos-disorder" condition of the
coununity, it is not quite possible to assert that his actions brought
only benefits to the Elli. The transformation of chaos‘and disorder
was achieved at the tragic price of a noble individual destroyed, a good
though not perfect ruler lost, and the royal family subjected to extreme
distress and disintegation. Those things are, of course, part of the
significant tragic ambiguity of the work.

The distress is never really lifted from the family, for the
self-blinding of Oedipus is only the beginning of a hard life of
misery and exile that Antigone shares with her father. Even though he
is morally innocent, Oedipus suffers from actions that are wrong and
improper. Even though what happens in Oedipus at Colonnus first appears
to be safety and reconciliation after suffering and expiation, yet
ambiguity remains. Though a certain amount of restraint and moderation
is suggestively approved by Oedipus Beams and Oedipus E32 Colonnus,
Oedipus does not meet his end as a restrained and repentant hero.
Peace and reconciliation cone in his apotheosis at Columns, but Oedipus
ends his life on his own conditions as an unrepentant hero. The tension
between self-assertion and self-restraint is evident, but Oedipus'
position is nearer the former than the latter, as Rictunond Lattimore
has indicated: ‘

Oedipus keeps his anger. It brings down his enemies, not himself.

He gens out as a great hero, unrepentant, just after cursing his
”file

hLattimore, Story Patterns of Greek Tragedy, p. 21.

99
The handling, treatment, and the balanced point of view taken in
Sophocles' Oedipus plays are very close to those Homer presents in
1‘12 2.1.12.2-

At first glance the Philoctetes seems to be a tragedy of sordid

 

intrigue, but a more thorough reading reveals it to be much more than
that. It is quite possible for the modern reader to react to it as one
reacts to a melodrama and put Odysseus in the role of a villain and hiss
him for the scheme he has devised to get Philoctetes and his bow back
to Troy after the Greeks have abandoned him and neglected him for so
many years. But to do this is to neglect the social circmnstances that
bring together Odysseus, Neoptolemus, and Philoctetes. The Greek
audience could readily demonstrate sympathy for the pa at treatment and
present situation of Philoctetes, both of which were caused by the
actions of his fellow warriors. It could readily regard with a
jaundiced eye the callous execution of Odysseus' schemes and his use of
the innocent Neoptolemus. Yet it could not (nor should we) regard
Odysseus as the villain of the work. The handling of the material and
the resolution of the problem reveal this most clearly.

Nine years after having left Philoctetes on Lemnos, the Greeks
at Troy learn that they must have Philoctetes and his bow and arrows at
Troy to assure their success. As they had once abandoned him for what
they considered the welfare of the group, so must they now seek his
help to assure the well-beingrof the group, their paramount concern.
Consequently, they send Odysseus to bring Philoctetes to Troy.

The situation is comparable to the Achilleus-Agamemuon conflict.

As Aganamon had given Achilleus good reason to hate him and abandon the

100
fight, so has the Greek host given Philoctetes mere than adequate reason
to refuse to go to Troy with his all-important weapons. As Agamemnon's
counselors urged him to woo back Achilleus, so must the Greek forces woo
back Philoctetes. As Achilleus was offered enormous booty, so is
Philoctetes offered the temptation consisting of a chance to be healed,
to secure happiness, and to attain glory by accepting again the friend-
ship of those he hates and fighting beside than. Odysseus, whom
Philoctetes hates most, comes to handle the arrangements by any means
possible.

Odysseus wages his campaign with guile and with the innocent
Neoptolesms as the means to deceive Philoctetes. Odysseus approaches
the task as the spirit of the state (or £923) personified and, since
he is concerned about the welfare of the group, any means ( for him) is
Justified to gain his ends; however, young Neoptolalus responds to
other values. As he develops understanding of the pathetic situation
of Philoctetes and of the manipulation to deceive him, Neoptolenus sees
the sordid compromise of war rather than the brilliant blaze of glory
to which his father responded. He rebels and reverses the situation of
Philoctetes by returning his weapons and promising him a safe return
home.

Thus the Creon-Antigone conflict is re-duplicated with Odysseus
in Creon's position and Neoptolemus in Antigone' s. ht tragedy is
avoided by the 93112 33 machine appearance of Heracles. Many readers
are dissatisfied with this ending, but, whatever attitudes one may have
concerning this, the only meaningful way to understand and interpret its
inclusion in the plw is to accept Gilbert Norwood's view that the

101
appearance of Heracles is to personify conscience and prevent a tragic
reselution.s Heracles does not insist that wrongs to the individual
can be expected to be forgotten and forgiven at once, but his position
causes Philoctetes to realize that life is too short and too precious
to be wasted upon self-assertive revenge.

Heracles' position rises above the conception of personal injury
or personal benefit as the motivation for action. The solution he
offers prevents a tragic denouement and transforms the "chaos—disorder"
conditions in the social and moral life of the Greek host and in the
personal life of Philoctetes. For the well-being of the group, adjust-
Ment is made between the individual self-assertive demands and the group-
oriented values.

The absence of Euripides from the present discussion requires
comment. Obviously, without Euripides, only half of Greek tragedy
has been considered, but the method of treating the material, as well
as the purpose and approach of Euripides, is so evidently different
than those of Aeschylus and Sophocles that the exclusion is justified.
Except for _rn_e_ Supplices and 31:3 Orestes, the dramatic problems
Em‘1pides treats and the solution he offers have very little in common -
“1th the dramatic problems presented and the solutions given by the

“Flier writers of Greek tragedy.
In The Supplices of Euripides certain features of the similarly

 

titled play of Aeschylus are apparent. The hero of the work is the

dtizenry of Athens, which promises and provides aid to the bereaved

Sciibert Norwood, Greek Tragedy (New York, n.d.), on. IV,
1313- 161-167. Much of this discussion owes a great deal to Norwood's book
and also to H. n. F. Kitto's Greek Tragedy (New York, 1950). Both afford
“luable insights into the sub ec .

102

mothers of the warriors who died before the gates of Thebes. Their
sons are refused burial until Theseus secures those rites by attacking
Thebes. The Orestes of Euripides presents the confused complications
resulting frun the vengeance taken on Clytemnaestra and Aegisthus by
Ores tee and Electra. The focus is largely on the intrigues that attend
the decision regarding the punishment of brother and sister, but emphasis
is also placed on what they and Pylades can do about the plans against
them. In the confusion that results, Apollo appears to stop the quarrel
by declaring what is to take place. Helen is to become a sea-godess;
Electra shall marry Pylades; Hermione shall wed Orestes, who is to stand
trial at Athens. Apollo will reconcile Orestes to the Argive state.
In this play, all the events which took place after the fall of Troy
are treated as if they took place in Periclean Greece. The significant
point is that Orestes, who exacted vengeance with his own hand, learns
that the vendetta is an outrage upon law and society, and, what is
more important, punishment for crime rests with the state (i.e., the
M) alone.

The transformation of the Orestean mythos into terms acceptable
‘50 Periclean Greece is but one part of the vast complex of changes
that were occurring during that age. Another one relevant to this
find? is the segmentation of Greek thought into well-defined areas of
Beientific, moral, ethical, philosophical, and religious thought.
cmBiderations of moderation and self-restraint pass from the domain of
”'9 Stage to those of moral, ethical, or philosOphical writings.
Evenfinally they find their most precise and complete expression in the

W Ethics of Aristotle.

103

From what has been discussed of Greek tragedy, it is evident
that one of its central concerns was the further use of the tension
between group-oriented self-restraint and individual self-assertive
conduct. Thus both Greek epic and tragedy make use of the possibilities
inherent in The M by showing the significance of the tension and the
general movement away from self-assertive conduct and toward group-
oriented self-restraint and moderation.

The warrior society of The Iliad both expected and approved of
individual self-assertive action on the part of the epic hero, but it
did not approve of absolute self-assertion. The work thus shows a
fine balance and adjustment between unrestrained self-assertion and
moderate, restrained action that is mindful of and consistent with group
needs and values. In The Odyssey, the hero, mo has the double role of
individual warrior and responsible leader, is caught in the same tension
between self-assertion and self-restraint, but with the entire course
and direction of the action in which he is involved leading toward the
insistent needs and values of the group rather than those of the
individual. The major portion of Greek tragedy, excepting the bulk of
Euripides' work, firmly establishes the idea of self-restraint for the
“Wall health and well-being of the 29E”: There the idea remained with-
out extension and development in the national life of Greece, except as

a key concept of moral and philosophical though. as expressed in the term

10h
sophroszge and as exemplified in the entire texture of Aristotle's

Nicomschean Ethics.6

 

6One wonders what might have happened if Greece had adopted the
idea as a principle for a united political entity rather than returning
to the self-assertive principle underlying the struggle between Athens
and Sparta, or between various other city-states. That return to the
self-assertive principle was the primary reason for the failure of the
many leagues formed in Greece to meet the threat of foreign invaders or
to establish and maintain the influence of a particular citybstate and
its allies.

SECTION TWO

CLASSICAL LITERATURE

Chapter IV

The Aeneid and the warrior of Moderation

Virgil was fully cognizant of the epic works produced after
Homer, such as the Bellum Punicum of Naevius and the Annales of Ennius,
but he chose to go back to Homer for material and method. He did so
even though he approached his task with a specific extraliterary purpose
that was determined by particular social and political considerations.

The disorder and confusion that plagued the Roman commonwealth
for nearly a century had been brought to an end by the success of
Augustus Caesar at Actium. The policies developed after that victory
created the £35 figmana, which brought with it a special climate
favorable to literary creation. Part of that climate was the system of
patronage which established bonds between outstanding literary artists
(such as Virgil) and the emperor, Augustus Caesar. The trouble of the
period prior to the establishment of the EE§.§EEEEE had unhappily touched
Virgil's own life, and he, as most Romans, was enthusiastic about the
peace and order which Augustus had a part in bringing. Virgil was
equally'in favor of the normative and group-oriented values which the
Roman empire fostered to support that peace and order. As a result of
these considerations and.inf1uences, Virgil purposely sets out to create
an epic that will flatter the empire and the emperor, as well as approva
ing of and insisting upon the group-oriented values which support the
empire. Homer's epics and native tradition provided the material Virgil

105

106

needed to give a distinguished ancestry to Augustus Caesar by linking
the emperor to the line of Aeneas and his descendants. TEe TTTee and
The ogyssez also provided a structural framework and a narrative method
to tell the epic Story of the founding of Rome, of the hero responsible
for it, and of the glory of Home. Virgil took what he found and shaped
it by his tightly compressed narrative, by his striking subjective
treatment, and by his specific extra-literary purpose into a splendid
artistic work.

The Opening books of the 522212 establish the storybstructure
framework, present the basic themes to be developed, and suggest the

direction the narrative movement will follow. As in The Odyssey, the

 

reader is plunged Te 222133 £22.b“t quickly carried back to Troy by
the retrospective narration Aeneas presents at Dido's court.

In respect to their significance, the experiences which Aeneas
relates fall into five major groups: the actions and reactions of the
hero at Troy, the wanderings until the death of Anohises, the sojourn in
Carthage, the return to Drepanum.and the descent of Aeneas to the lower
world, and the problems of resettlement in Italy. All of these serve
to show the character of Aeneas, the slow acceptance of his divine
mission and the assumption of his responsibility, and finally the
complete devotion he shows to the mission once he has accepted it.

The account of the last hours of Troy reveals the qualities he
must discard and those he can develop; in addition, it reveals the
source of chaos and disorder and the task which Aeneas is given. Though
he is an epic warrior of the Achillean.mold, Aeneas also reveals traits

which develop into the pietas that will become his dominant trait.

107

Though urged by the spirit of Hektor to save the household gods
and find a new home for them, Aeneas responds to the sorrow and confusion
in Troy and acts with frenzy and furor. He hears the duty imposed on
him, but does not seen to comprehend it or act upon it. Instead, he
rushes forth to seek a "decent death in battle." For a cause he knows
to be hopeless, Aeneas gathers a group to fight and meet death with
reckless unconcern.

His unrestrained bravado is shared by his comrades, who accept
the rash proposal of Coroebus that they don Greek armor. Few of them
outlive that splendidly insane act, but the surge of battle sweeps
Aeneas toward Priam's palace. There he witnesses the slaughter of Prism
by Pyrrhus, and the event makes him think of his family. He reports
the experience in these words:

'Grim horror, then came home to me. I saw

My father when I saw the king, the life

Going out with the cruel wound. I saw Creusa

Forsaken, my abandoned home, Iulus,

My little son. I looked around. They all

had gone, exhausted, flung down from the wall,

Or dead in the fire, and I was left alone.‘ (A_e_n. II, p. SDI

The thoughts revealed by these lines show four of the major traits
which will contribute to the complex 219.22! that Aeneas develops: his
veneration for his father, his love for Creusa, his concern for their
home, and his love for his son.

Before he can respond to these thoughts and the feelings they
prompt, his glance falls upon Helen, who tries to hide at Vesta's shrine.
He explodes with savage, unreasoning anger at the sight of one he blames

lRolfe Humphries, The Aeneid of Virgil (New York, 19513.1!11
subsequent references in miss to the I__e____n3[d are from this translation.

108
for the grief suffered by both Greeks and Trojans. Only the vision of
his divine mother prevents a violent act of "relentless anger." Venus
reminds her son of his obligations to Anchises, Creusa, and Iulus. She
shows him why Helen is not to be blamed and sends.him to his father's
house.

When Anchises stubbornly insists he will not outlive Troy and
endure a barren exile, both Creusa and Aeneas resolve to die with him.
Their foolish intention is altered when the divine portent of light
appears about the head of Iulus and the gods confirm the omen. Anchises
agrees to leave and Aeneas, with his concern for religious propriety,
entrusts the household gods to the unstained hands of his father.

The panic and confusion of dodging the Greek troops separates
Creusa from the others, and her absence produces his usual frenzied
response; he rushes back to the dangers of burning Troy. His "endless
rushing" through the city of "terror and silence" produces no trace of
Creusa, and once again a vision is needed to halt his emotional conduct.
Creusa's spirit appears to calm his "frantic grief," to predict what
is ahead for him.and his people, and to send him back to father and son.

At Troy Aeneas is evidently not a stable character. His actions
are rash and undisciplined. His response to every crisis is hasty and
emotional; no disciplined, rational response is shown or suggested.

His actions reflect the chaos around him. At this point his credentials
are rather weak for a.man charged with the heavy responsibilities of
restoring Trojan fame. He has martial techno, heroic boldness, and a
will to fight bravely'as long as he can. He has other important

potential qualities. His concern for home and family is a nucleus for

109
the complex of values suited to the Roman world whose hero he is to‘be.
His piety is also part of that complex. He has the basic qualities
which,‘when developed, will constitute his pigtg_. What he lacks is a
firm belief in and total commitment to his destiny and to that of the
new Troy. He must develop the qualities and virtues which subjugate the
passionate self to the group demands and needs. Then he must take active
physical, moral, and military direction of his people.

Aeneas displays very little of these qualities during the course
of his wanderings up to the death of Anchises. He does show'his respect
for religious rites and for his father. He respects and follows the
advice of Anchises without question as he does when Anchises directs
them toward Crete. While he is alive, Anchises has as much to do with
where the Trojans go and with what they do as does Aeneas, who has some
vague administrative duties and certain obligations as a lawbgiver.

He perfonms those duties with little indication of vigor or Elan. His
future role as planner and builder may be indicated by his act of laying
out the walls of Pergamea. In the Strophades he urges the men to fight
the Harpies, but such action is futile.

What useful functions he performs result from no purposive or
planned action. When Anchises leads them to Crete as the result of
information received on Delos, Aeneas helps get them back on the way to
Italy by reporting what the vision of the household gods tells him. Yet
when he learns of the presence of Helenus in Chaonia, Aeneas urges that
they go there so that he may hear of the adventures of Helenus and how
he created a little Troy there. Almost as an afterthought Aeneas asks
for the advice and counsel that indicate what is still ahead for the

Trojans.

110

Anchises' death at Drepanum deprives Aeneas of his "comforter in
all . . . care and trouble," and its effect suggests how much Aeneas
had depended on his father to endure the false starts, frustrations, and
reverses experienced. When Aeneas must accept the responsibility of
leading the Trojans to Italy, he has as yet shown few great qualities of
leadership to establish the new Troy.

Once he has assumed the leadership, he begins to demonstrate and
develop more actively the qualities and virtues he needs for his task.
The combined efforts of Juno and.Venus provide the circumstances. Juno's
hatred creates the storm that drives the Trojans to Carthage, and the
maternal solicitude of Venus causes her to accept Juno's suggestion that
will assure a kindly welcome by Dido. Those actions create favorable
circumstances for>Juno's attempts to prevent the destined Trojan settle-
ment in Italy, for the greatest obstadle to the mission of Aeneas, and
for the tragedy of Dido. The temporary self-indulgence of Aeneas makes
the plan a partial success, but Aeneas' devotion to duty and obedience to
the gods thwart the plan.

When Aeneas and his “weary children” beach their vessels on
Libyan shores, he becomes the provider and comforter for his people. He
locates a herd of deer and provides meat for his crews. Though he is as
weary and disconsolate as they are, yet

He kept to himself the sorrow in the heart
wearing, for them, a mask of hopefulness. (£32. I, p. 10)

He recalls the dangers they have survived and calms their troubles with
these consoling words:

'. . . This too the god will end.

Call the nerve back; dismiss the fear, the sadness.
Some day, perhaps, remembering even this

Will be a pleasure. we are going on

111

Through whatsoever chance and change, until

we come to Latium, where the fates point out

A quiet dwellingdplace, and Troy recovered.

Endure and keep yourself for better days.‘ (£22. I, p. 10)
Though Aeneas has not previously shown the tenacious hold on life which
characterizes Odysseus, one must assume that his words here reveal an
evident change in his personal development and his Obligations to the
mission. Though his adventures do not show him to have the tlemosyne of
Odysseus, Aeneas has learned something about endurance. Having accepted
the need for endurance, Aeneas urges it upon his followers.

Despite his declared intention to move on to Italy, develOpments
at Carthage keep him and the Trojans from pressing on to Latium. The
ordered process of Tyrian construction rouses his admiration and envy
for those "whose walls already rise." As he views the splendid temple
being raised to Juno, the scenes of the Trojan war move him to tears.
Yet he draws consolation from the fact that he and his band of refugees
survived both the destruction of the war and the dangers of their
wanderings. Virgil pointedly tells the reader:

. . . Here Aeneas first

Dared hope for safety, find some reassurance

In hepe of better days . . . (£32. I, p. 19)

Before Dido and Aeneas meet, he sees her magnanimously offering
the men he had presumed lost at sea the chance to share the kingdom with
her peeple. Before he makes his appearance, she includes him in the
generous offer. Dido and Aeneas, two fortune-driven sufferers, find
much to admire and respect in one another, but the schemes of Venus and
Juno lead to the tragic love relationship. Venus inflames Dido's heart
with passion for Aeneas, but she does not inflict her son with a consuming

passion. She does only what is needed to make sure no harm comes to him.

112

Juno deceitfully arranges matters to bring together Dido and Aeneas in
the cave where Dido gives herself to Aeneas. Pushed by her consuming
passion, she

Is unconcerned with fame, with reputation,.

With how it seems to others. This is marriage

For her, not hole-and-corner guilt; she covers

Her folly with this name . . . (533. IV, p. 93)
Even though he clearly suggests a certain amount of sympathy for Dido,
Virgil makes it clear that she is foolish to justify the relationship
with the false sanctity she gives it.

Though Aeneas has not been wounded by Cupid, Virgil clearly
indicates that Aeneas responds to Dido's passion and indulges his own.
Virgil tells the reader:

And now the couple wanton out the winter,
Heedless of ruling, prisoners of passion. (522! IV, p. 93)

Both neglect their reputations and their duties to those who depend on
them. Nobody aids Dido, but Jupiter sends Mercury to remind Aeneas of
his mission, of his fame and fortune, and of his obligations regarding
the future of Iulus.

Some readers charge Aeneas with unfeeling haste in obeying the
divine order and heartlessly'abandoning Dido; however, a close reading
indicates otherwise. Virgil's presentation reveals this event as the
most trying experience Aeneas has.

Aeneas prepares to flee without a farewell to Dido, but Virgil
shows the reason for that decision and the grief involved in doing it.
His respect for and awe of the divine command accounts for the decision,
but Virgil carefully'records Aeneas' response to the order.

. . . Appalled, amazed Aeneas

Is stricken dumb; his hair stands up in terror,
His voice sticks in his throat. He is more than eager

113

To flee that pleasant land, Awed by the warning

Of the divine command. But how to do it?

How get around that passionate queen? What opening
Try first? His mind runs in all directions,
Shifting and veering . . . (533. IV: Pp. 96-97)

Knowing no effective way'to cope with the violent passion of the queen,
Aeneas decides to depart secretly. The suspicious queen discovers his
attempt to depart and turns the fury he had hoped to avoid on him.

Though he feels his counter-pleas and reasoned arguments cannot mean
much to a woman who feels both deceived and scorned, Aeneas tries as
best he can to meet her unrestrained, self-assertive arguments and pleas.
Aeneas is not unmoved by her appeal, but Virgil makes it clear that
Jupiter orders him to control his feelings:

. . . Jove bade him keep
Affection from his eyes, and grief in his heart
With never a Sign e e 0 (5-20” , p. 98)3

As Aeneas expected the justification he attempts falls on deaf
ears. His forthright honesty about the nature of their relationship
increases Dido's vehemence, and arguments based on obligations to his

son and his people are futile. Fven his ardent declaration, "I follow

2Here it seems appropriate to cite the Latin text. The source is
H. Rushton FairClough's translation of Virgil's Aeneid for the Loeb
Classical Library (New'York, 1920). All latin lines moted are from
this source.
At vero Aeneas aspectu obmutit amens,

arrectaeque horrors comae et vex faucibus haesit.

ardet abire fuga dulcisque relinquere terras,

attonitus tanto monitu imperio que deormm.

heul quid agat? quo nunc reginam ambire furentem

audeat adfatu? quae prime exordia sumat?

atque animmm nunc huc celerem, nunc dividit illuc

in partisque rapit varies perque omnia versat. (Aen. IV, 279-286l

3'rhe Latin text gives:
. . . ills Jovis monitis immota tenebat
lumina et obnixus curam.sub corde premebat. (533. IV, 331-332)

11b
Italy not because I want to," (533. IV, p. 100) can not satisfy'her.
Aeneas is deeply moved and though he longs

To ease her grief with comfort, to say something .

To turn her pain and hurt away, sighs often,

His heart being moved by this great love, most deeply,
And still - - the gods give orders, he obeys them-

He goes back to the fleet . . . (553. IV, p. 101)&

Despite his evident feeling for Dido, Aeneas must respond to the higher
duty of his mission. Anna makes an impassioned plea for Dido, but the
gods stop his ears to prevent any emotional response. Virgil shows the
force and.power of the emotion Aeneas must withstand by the vigorous
imagery of the simile which describes Anna's plea and his response to
it: h

. . . as northern winds

Sweep over Alpine mountains, in their fury

Fighting each other to uproot an oak-tree.

Whose ancient strength endures against their roaring

And the trunk shudders and the leaves come down

Strewing the ground, but the old tree clings to the mountain,
Its roots as deep toward hell as its crest toward heaven,

And still holds on o - even so, Aeneas, shaken

By storm blasts of appeal, by voices calling

From every side, is tossed and torn, and steady.

I-flsvrill stays motionless, and tears are vain. (522. IV, p. 103)

Aeneas is sorely tried, but the moral and rational faculties now control

the emotions and Aeneas is close to assuming completely the mantle of

responsibility.5

1‘The Latin text gives:

At pius Aeneas, quamquan lenire dolentem

solando cupit et dictis avertere curas,

multa gemens magnoque animum labefactus amore,

iussa tamen divum exsequitur classemque revisit. (Aen. IV, 393-396)

5H. v. Booth, in 99g, Man, and Epic Poetry, supports the points
made here in his analysis of EB; Dido-Aeneas relationship. He tells the
reader:
Aeneas has to endure her [Dido's7 infinitely pathetic supplications,
then her withering scorn, then her utter debasement of spirit,

 

115

The return to Drepanum provides a certain amount of relaxation
‘before the Trojans face the task of establishing themselves in Latium.
It also provides further reason for the descent to the underworld, for
Nantes and the spirit of Anchises advise Aeneas to go there to learn
more of the future, just as Helenus had advised him to do. At Cumae
his piety secures from the Sibyl the information that troubles are still
ahead, but that success will crown their efforts. The Sibyl warns that
the ascent from.the realm.of Pluto will be most dangerous, but because
Aeneas is one of "A few, beloved/ By Jupiter, descended from the gods,/
A few, in whom sxalting virtue burns," (532. VI, p. le) he has no
problems. The doves of Venus help him find the gelden bongh to present
to Proserpine, and the Sibyl guides him to the lower regions.

The visit to the lower world is Aeneas' final step toward full
assumption of the mantle of responsibility. All that he sees and
experiences has importance, but two aspects of that visit are most
significant. In going to greet the spirit of Anchises, Aeneas passes
Tartarus. There those who in life were guilty of unrestrained self-
assertive conduct are punished so that they'may'learn justice and
reverence for the gods. Their deeds of "unspeakable ambition" and their
punishments serve as‘a reminder to act in restrained, morallyboriented
fashion. Their crimes and punishments serve as a marked contrast to the

conduct of Aeneas, who put aside his self-assertive urges during the

 

which he knows will turn to fury. As Virgil cannot possibly have
intended the future founder of the Roman state to appear, in

Dr. T. E. Page's phrase, "as a man . . . conte tiblé'he must have
wished to portray him as sorely tried and SeseE. To judge by

the sympathy and insight with which her agony is unfolded, he must
have intended this desertion to be the hardest of all his super-
man's trials.

116
final adventures of the Trojan wanderings. The situation of those
‘being punished presents an effective contrast with what Aeneas sees
in the Elysian Fields. By showing Aeneas against this background,
'Virgil seems to be approving and praising the exemplary behavior and
conduct of his hero.

Aeneas takes the last step toward total commitment to his mission
just before he leaves Hades. He is shown the vision of the future
leaders of Rome who will come from his line and from that of Iulus.
That vision gives him certain proof of the greatness of his mission and
banishes doubt and uncertainty. Aeneas is now ready to exercise his
talents and virtues to complete his great mission.

After Aeneas returns from.Hades, Virgil patterns the second
half of the epic on.!hg Iliad. The action and narrative movement which
developed in an inward direction from Troy to Latium starts to move
outward to fill the central part of the story structure. The Trojan
arrival in Latium.becomes a "chaos-disorder” condition because of the
responses Juno, Latinus, Amata, and Turnus manifest. Latinos, in
accord with established prephecies and omens, welcomes the Trojans
and starts to arrange a marriage between Lavinia and Aeneas. Juno,
however, gets the human agents of £252: and violentia to start hostile
actions against Aeneas and the Trojans.

Amata and Turnus are both passionate, self-assertive individuals
who have no regard for disciplined or restrained conduct, and both have
a personal involvement in the consequences of Latinus' plan. Amata
wants Turnus as her son-in-law, and Turnus has no intention of yielding

Lavinia to the Trojan stranger. Consequently, Allecto has little trouble

117
in rousing them to action. However, Allecto is needed to arrange
(sircumstances for a Trojan-Latin conflict. As a result, the general
(zircumstances of the Greek-Trojan conflict and the Achilleus-Hektor
confrontation are repeated, but with significant-alterations.

The scope is enlarged beyond the conflict of Latins and Trojans
because both Turnus and Aeneas seek and secure allies among Italian
tribes. The resulting pan-Italian conflict creates a new "chaos-
disorder" condition that Aeneas must resolve along with the "chaos-
disorder" problem presented at the start. As in The Iliad, the martial
conflict provides the circumstances for the aristeia of warriors from
both sides. These warrior performances lead toward the combat between
Aeneas and Turnus.

As 1“.IEE Iliad, a proud exemplar of the heroic absolute opposes
an equally'proud exemplar of duty to family and to his people, but in
the Aeneid there is both alteration and reversal in the roles of the
two principal warriors. Turnus is the exemplar of the heroic absolute;
he fights for his personal pride and glory, for his egocentric desires
rather than any strong patriotic concern about Latium. His cocky self-
assurance appears in his response to Allecto's visit. He tells her to
leave war and peace to the warriors, and he neither wants nor needs any
help. Nevertheless, she spurs him to violent action and

. . . he cries for arms, he seeks

Arms at his bedside, through the hallways lusting

For sword and steel, war's wicked frenzy mounting

To rampant rage . . . (£33. VII, p. 193)

Turnus is eager to oppose all who threaten whatever he wants, and he

118‘
iJntends to keep Lavinia at any price. Like Achilleus, his boldness
and his excesses will involve those around him in grief and death.6

Aeneas, on the other hand, is the exemplar of moderation, of
arestraint, and of duty toward the people he leads. He does not come to
fLatium to provoke trouble and his personal actions do not start the
conflict. Yet, because it is necessary to end the chaos and disorder
created by Juno and Turnus, to fulfill his high mission, Aeneas does
what he must to defeat the forces raised by Turnus. In some respects
Turnus plays Achilleus to the Hektor of Aeneas, except for the reversal
of the tragic results of their encounter. Although the martial strife
between the Latins and the Trojans dominates the Iliadic portion of the
Aeneid, something more than the usual techne, arete, tlemosyne, and.aidgg
is demanded of the hero who hopes to establish the new Troy. Thus
Aeneas has to combine some of the qualities and attributes of Achilleus,
Hektor, and Odysseus.

From the start Aeneas has the requisite 322523 and the other
warrior qualities needed to lead the Trojans in battle. He had
demonstrated these during the last hours of Troy, and the fearful
reaction of the Greeks in Hades attests to his warrior status. His
adherence to the noble warrior ideal °f.25222 is never in question. His
task requires some of the tlemosyne of Odysseus, and.though he never
actively demonstrates the endurance of the hero of The Odyssey or even of
stalwart Aias in The flied, his response and encouragement to his men on
the Libyan shores indicates that he has developed enough for his needs.

6Except for the absence of certain social and religious values

shown by Aeneas at Troy, Turnus shares the furor and violentia Aeneas
displayed during the destruction of Troy.

119
In addition, the cumulative effect of the experiences has given him some
of? the intelligent adaptability of Odysseus.

To the foregoing qualities he must add the sense of aides and
the patriotic concern of Hektor. His account of the last hours of Troy
:reveals that he has a great deal of the former and enough of the latter
to serve as a point of departure. He need only develop a stronger,
differentlyboriented commitment to his duty toward his people. His
concern for the safety of Troy exists from the start, but only to the
extent that he will fight and die for it if need be. He has to learn
to accept the need to live after the destruction of Troy, to struggle
to re-establish it elsewhere, and to be prepared to fight for it again.
Rather than assure the fame of its past, he must guarantee the glory of
its future in the pro-eminence of Rome. He needs time to reach that
stage, and he does reach it after his father's death. The adventures
from Troy to Cumae permit him to combine the qualities of Achilleus,
Hektor, and Odysseus, as well as to develop qualities and values that
are centered in duty and obligation to the group-oeven at the expense
of the individual. In effect, he must and.does become an exemplary
figure incorporating the special qualities and talents appropriate to
the Roman world.

Brooks Otis, in.!1£§$l‘ §.§EE§Z.EE Civilized Poet , says of
the situation Aeneas faces in Latium:

Now his problem ceases to be merely one of his own’re—motivation;
of internal struggle with his own individual passion and nostalgia

--and becomes, instead, one of leadership, of action, of exempli-

fying in a great war the social meaning of pistes, or, still more,
of humanitas.7

70tis, p. 316.

120
H. V. Routh's great work on epic offers a similar point of view when
the author says of the £232.12:
The hero of the poem, the founder of the Roman nation, is meant
to be worthy of his destiny. He is no mere chieftain of the
warrior class, satisfied with earthly honour. Fate exacts from
him the most rigorous allegiance to his high mission. His arduous
career of battle and adventure is also a moral pilgrimage in ghich
he gradually becomes perfect in the duties of public service.

The fact that Aeneas is "no mere chieftain” requires him to have
experience in administration and organizational planning to guide the
military effort and.build the new Troy. He developed those talents
during the wanderings. Because Turnus unites Italian tribes against
him, Aeneas must demonstrate skill in diplomacy to win allies to his
cause. This he does most effectively. Having learned to endure the
external forces of £253: and violentia encountered on the wanderings
and having learned to suppress and control those forces within himself,
Aeneas is quite prepared to cope with the problems Juno and Turnus
create.

lWhen Aeneas reached Latium.he had only one group cause to fight
for; however, the various reactions to his arrival give him two added
group causes to defend. King Latinus receives Aeneas as the expected
stranger who is to marry his daughter Lavinia, but Turnus does not
accept this plan. He deposes Latinos and leads the Latins against
~the forces of Aeneas. Turnus also forms an alliance with Hezentius, a
warrior who has established a tyranny over the Arcadians. As a result,
Aeneas becomes the agent for re-establishing the political and social

well-being of the Trojans, the Latins, and the Arcadians.

8Routh, v01. I, p. 203.

121

While Aeneas is away on his diplomatic mission, the Trojan
forces chafe under the restraint he imposed on them. They want to go
out to fight the enemy, but they control their warrior zeal and sense
of shame to submit to his order that they must maintain the security of
the camp and avoid battle in the open. As a contrast to the disciplined
leadership of Aeneas, Virgil presents two rash and imoderate acts during
his absence. When Turnus cuts off the Trojans' means of escape, Furyalus
and Nisus undertake to penetrate the enemy lines and get word to Aeneas.
However, their lack of moderation and discipline makes them neglect the
importance of their mission. Trapped by their reckless boldness, the
two young men meet death because of their great friendship. When
circumstances permit Tumus to get inside the Trojan enclosure, he has
the opportunity to let in his forces. He does not think of it because
his unrestrained passion to kill the enemy dominates him. Mnestheus
meets the grave danger by appealing to the £103 of the Trojans, and they
rally to the appeal. Their unified strength forces Turnus out of the
enclosure and ends that crisis.

Even after Aeneas returns with his allies the two principal
warriors do not meet for some time. This confrontation is delayed to
permit the warriors of both sides to demonstrate their skill and courage
in the aristeia that lead up to the Turnus-Aeneas battle. Turnus
thoroughly enjoys the field of battle and the death and destruction he
can create. In fact, most of the warriors on both sides share this
propensity with the Homeric heroes; Aeneas alone does not.

when fighting is required, Aeneas can and does fight with all the

energy and skill he commands. He can match every savage blow of

122
Mezentius and kill him with little compunction. Yet Aeneas no longer
has the Homeric gusto for fighting that he had at Troy. His 233223 and
33332 are merely the means to the peaceful end he wants for'all of them.
Provoked to anger by Lausus, he can slay the young man to defend
himself, but not without demonstrating pity and reapect for the brave
young warrior. Only something as traumatic as the death of Pallas can
disturb his normal pigtgg and humanitas. Fven then, the savage anger
provoked by that death is nearly softened later.

The slaughter of Pallas by Turnus fills Aeneas with cruel rage,
and he callously kills even those who, as suppliants, plead for their
lives. In the manner of Achilleus he also takes live captives to
sacrifice at the funeral pyre of Pallas. Yet, even his intense and
profound grief over the death of his young friend does not cause him
to blame and punish the Latins for what Turnus did. ‘When the Latins
request a truce to bury their dead, Aeneas grants that request and
offers them a chance to make peace. He directs all his anger at Turnus,
who is finally driven into the battle of the "two wild bulls" by his
concern for his lineage, by his love for Lavinia, and by his regard for
'martial glory. WOunded by Aeneas, Turnus supplicates for his life and
an end to hatred. Aeneas is moved by that supplication and on the
point of agreeing to it when he spies the belt of Pallas on his enemy's
shoulder. That sight evokes the bitter memory of his young friend‘s
death and he savagely kills Turnus. With that death blow, Aeneas
ends the "chaos-disorder" conditions in the Latin land, in the lives of
the Trojan survivors, and in his personal life. Once those conditions
have been transformed to peace and order, Aeneas has fulfilled his high

destiny to make possible the future of Augustan Rome.

123

At least two commentators on the Agneid_reinforce the views
presented above. Brooks Otis points out how the restraint and modera-
tion of Aeneas contrasts with the conduct of Turnus, Nisus, Ehryalus,
and Camilla. Then he adds:

Unlike them.also, he does not manifest any eagerness for fighting,

except when dominated by a special emotion such as his affection

for Pallas. Unlike them, he regrets and sorrows over the war.

He alone realizes the true 22322; of the marcelli, the neble young

doomed to premature death, as t us pays EEE‘EFIEo of peace with

some sense of the magnitude.
w. I. Seller, in his book on Virgil's works,1o discusses the differences
between Aeneas and the other warriors in respect to what they show of
the author's feelings. He points out that Virgil captures and conveys
the vigor and action of battle and that Virgil can also express the
Roman contempt for death and sympathize with the energetic daring of
his Italian heroes and heroines. Yet, says Seller, he shares the
sentiment with which the hero looks forward to peace as the crown of
his labors and with which he regards the war he was compelled to wage.
Seller is correct in stating that Aeneas regarded the war as a hated
task imposed on him by the Fates, but once h. fully accepted the mission
he completed it despite the difficulties.

The analysis presented above shows the clear integration of
storybstructure framework and narrative development, and the importance
of the tension between unrestrained self-assertion and disciplined
restraint. ‘

The storybstructure framework and the method of filling it is

'nearly the same in the Aeneid as in The Odyssey. The work starts in

 

9Otis, p. 315.

10w. '1’. Seller, Virgil (3rd. ed., Oxford, 1897).

12h
M £29. with the central figure and his followers far from their
destined goal in Italy. This general situation represents chaos and
disorder for the Trojans and for Aeneas personally, and the divine level
also recognizes it as such. Fate has ordained that the Trojans will
build the new Troy in Latium, and the divine level, in the person of
Jupiter, acts to get Aeneas and his people moving toward their goal. Thus
the "will of Jupiter" encompasses and frames the Trojan wandering and the
central point of the action, Latium. Since the Trojans are not where
they are destined to be, the action and plot movement of the first half
of the epic are organized to get them from where they were to where they
are, or from where they are to where they are going. The action and
narrative movenent advance inward through the series of trials and
obstacles experienced by the Trojans from the destruction of Troy until
they reach Latium, and those experiences fill out the first half of the
story-structure framework. The deve10pment of the action and the
narrative line makes use of a shuttle-focus technique that is combined
with both retrospective and prospective narration.

After the Trojans reach Latium, the central part of the story
structure is filled out in the manner of The Iliad. The arrival of
Aeneas in Latium and the reactions to his arrival create a "chaos-
disorder" condition for both Trojans and Latins. Aeneas must exert
his skills and virtues to transform that condition in order to fulfill
his mission. The nature of the reactions to his arrival makes the
"chaos-disorder" conditions grow and spread about Aeneas and Turnus in a
growing circle of destruction that involves much of Italy and the Trojan
newcomers. Aeneas' best efforts are used to halt the spread of

destruction and to bring about the defeat of the Latins and the death

125
of Turnus. This combination of inward movement in the first half of
the epic and the outward development in the last half fills out the
story-structure framework and gives the work its epic scope.

In the process of filling out the framework, Virgil emphasizes
the deve10pment of the exemplary character and the pistes in the first
half of the work and the exercise of his exemplary and heroic qualities
to defeat the impii in the latter portion. All the action (and inaction?
of Aeneas and the general movement of the narrative are gradually trans-
ferred to the needs and values of the Roman empire of Augustus Caesar,
who, at the climax of the visit to the lower world is made part of the
genealogical line of Aeneas and his destendants. In effect, Jupiter
gives way to Augustus, who is after all Jupiter's civil and divine
representative, both 922233 and Pontifex Maximus. In that fashion, the
”will of Jupiter" is equated with the "will of Augustus" in the con-
trolling external portion of the story-structure framework. The
political and social aspects of the work become more important than the
religious. For that reason, added emphasis is given to the values and
standards of conduct demonstrated by the hero.

At the destruction of Troy Aeneas is completely the unrestrained
and self-assertive hero. His major concern is to live up to the highest
ideals of military valor and send as many Greeks to their deaths as he
can before they end his life. He is absolute energy and passion. The
least excuse sends him back to danger and possible death, even after
he has been told of his duty to the Trojans and his family. He exhibits
no rational conduct, no disciplined demeanor, and no significant concern

for group values. Only'his concern about religious propriety and his

126
feelings toward his family show something of the plates that will become
his dominant character trait.

During the early adventures Aeneas does not really stand out one
way or another. He seems to take care of some functions and
responsibilities, but he diaplays no great evidence of leadership.

While Anchises is alive he has as much to do with the important decisions
as does Aeneas. The one exception is the visit to the land of Helenus.
It was a fortuitous trip for the Trojans, but Aeneas went there only

out of sheer curiosity to hear the adventures of Helenus. Only after

the death of Anchises at Drepanum does Aeneas begin to show himself as
the responsible leader and to act according to the best interests of

the group. However, one can readily account for Aeneas' apparent lack

of leadership as a result of his filial devotion and obedience. Thus
viewed, it is an essential part of his pigtg_.

From that point on Aeneas suffers with them and for them, and,
except for his temporary self-indulgence with Dido, creates no problems
for them as a result of his self-assertive urges. He guides and leads;
he reassures and consoles them through every set-back without the
passionate individualism Achilleus usually demonstrated and Odysseus
often revealed during his return to Ithaca.

The visit with.He1enus tells Aeneas what dangers are ahead and
how he can avoid them. Odysseus had often received such advice, but
either his personal self-assertiveness or that of his men caused them
to disregard that advice. But Aeneas knows how to use instructions and
follow orders, and for that reason the Trojans avoid the hazards on the
way. Though Aeneas is bowed by grief at the loss of his father, he still

leads his followers toward the Italian mainland.

127

The storm that scatters his ships and drives them to Carthage
drags the spirit of Aeneas to the very edge of despair, but he hides
his feelings from his people. He acts consciously and positively for
the good of the group by hiding his own weariness and offering than
words of hope and courage, as well as caring for their needs. Even his
first thoughts about staying at Carthage grow out of his desire to see
his people at peace and erecting their own walls.

The temporary neglect of his duties after he meets Dido is not
conscious or willful neglect. The conditions which made it possible
were determined by Juno and Venus. At most Aeneas can be charged with
self-indulgence. Just as soon as he gets Jupiter's reminder, he pre-
pares to leave. However, Virgil makes it quite clear that Aeneas
departs with reluctance. It is at this point of the action that the
reader realizes most clearly how Virgil has self-consciously been develop-
ing the virtues of moderation and self-control in Aeneas.

lHomer had offered implied approval and praise of these virtues
in 232 Iliad and emphasized them even more in TE: Od se , but without
any great amount of philosophical self-consciousness. Homer had pre-
sented them as part of the balanced texture of life, but Virgil
consciously makes them the dominant traits of his hero.11 The Greek
world appreciated and encouraged such virtues, but never made them the
cornerstone of their national life. Greek literature and thought

11This marked contrast between the relative freedom of the Homeric
hero and the limitations imposed upon Virgil's hero is generally the
source of most readers' positive preference for the Homeric heroes and
even for Turnus as opposed to a negative attitude toward Aeneas.
However human it may be to do so, it is critically unfair to judge them

by the same standards or to expect the Roman standards to conform to
the Homeric ones.

128
nourished such virtues, but even when sophrosyne and the idea of ”nothing
to excess" are recognized as desirable norms in the Periclean Age, they
do not go beyond the areas of moral and philosophical speculation. But
the Augustan world and Virgil make them the central values of philosophy,
morality, and the practical conduct of its citizens. Since Aeneas is
the one who will be responsible for the beginnings that lead to that
Augustan world, he furnishes the virtues and qualities which will be
most meaningful for the obligations he has and for the support of the
future Roman commonwealth.

Though Aeneas demonstrates an acceptable amount of character in
the early adventures, he reveals no conduct that is based on a conscious
choice between differently oriented values. But after his arrival in
Carthage, he consciously acts against his personal orientation because
he is more concerned for the group. When Mercury tells him he must
leave Carthage, he suppresses his personal considerations and prepares
to go. He does not disregard or demean the relationship with Dido, but
for him the demands of the higher obligations are quite clear. His
obligations to the Trojans and to Iulus are more compelling than any
demands that grow out of his relationship with Dido. Even so, he has
to make a conscious and determined effort to restrain his personal desires
for the sake of the group whose destiny depends on him. Virgil thus
makes Aeneas' experiences at Carthage the greatest obstacle to his
arrival in Latium, and in Dido's land Aeneas makes his first major step
toward acceptance of his duty. Having managed the self-control to leave
Carthage, Aeneas needs only the assurance provided him by his visit to
Hades. Then he becomes the exenIplar of disciplined self-restraint to

do what his destiny denands.

129

When Aeneas reaches Latium there is nothing within him to create
any tension between self-assertion and self-restraint. There the single
concession to heroic excess is his martial ability3and even this is
exercised only after such action becomes the one way to counter the
unrestrained self-assertiveness of those who oppose his settling in
Latium.

In place of an internal tension for the hero, Virgil substitutes
an overt conflict in which Turnus is the epitome of absolute self-
assertion and Aeneas is the exemplar of thorough self-restraint. The
central conflict is between Turnus and Aeneas, but all the forces that
face Aeneas represent some form of unrestrained self-assertion.

Juno is from the beginning the spirit of absolute self-assertion
in going against both the will of Jupiter and the prOphesied destiny of
Aeneas and the new Troy. She merely intensifies her efforts in a last-
chance attempt to use those who, on the human level, are as thoroughly
unrestrained in their insistence upon what they want, even against the
established prephecies and omens concerning Lavinia.

Mezentius, who is drawn into the conflict, has all the reckless

arrogance of the suitors in The Odyssey and also represents the self-

 

assertion of tyranny. Camilla, who is certainly an admirable figure,
dies because she shares the self-assertive qualities of Turnus and
Mezentius. Even the charming young marcelli of the work, Pallas, Lausus,
Nisus, and Euryalus, possess varying degrees of heroic unrestraint.
Against these adherents of absolute self-assertion, Aeneas brings
all the qualities of the epic warrior, plus the significant virtues of

Achilleus, Odysseus, and Hektor: techne, intellectual adaptability and

130
moral tlemo e, devotion to race and family; All this, plus a thorough
religious piety, helps to make up the EESEEE that is the dominant
characteristic of Aeneas. In addition, Aeneas has learned to obey the
gods, which, in the Aeneid, means to act in the best interests of the
Trojan nation for the future of Augustan Rome. Furthermore, he is a
capable Roman leader who can handle administrative duties, military
teaks, and, if necessary, diplomatic arrangements. As a result, Aeneas
surpasses Turnus in all respects except boldness and bravery} when the
final confrontation comes, his purpose, motivation, and 33322: are all
superior to those of Turnus.

Aeneas has the heroic qualities he needs for his task, but his
significant achievements stem.from the acceptance of the normative
values of the group and from the exercise of moderation and self-
restraint, qualities which are an important part of the Roman pistes he
exemplifies. In the new world he makes possible by the completion of
his high mission, those qualities replace the magnificent, but outdated
values of the Homeric world. The words of George de F. Lord about the
confrontation of Aeneas and Turnus provide a fitting conclusion to this
discussion. Lord says:

The conflict between Aeneas and Turnus in the final book of the
Aeneid epitomizes the victory of the new hero, the builder of a
EIVTITaation, over the old-~one might say obsolete--warrior hero
'with his narrow tribal loyalties, his Jealous personal honor,

and his fierce passions, who is, whatever his motives, the foe of
reason, order, and civilisation.12

Virgil's structure and treatment feature three high points of

action and tension, but the narrative plains between them are equally

12Lord, p. 37.

131

important. The in medias res opening presents the general "chaos-

 

disorder" condition for the hero and his peeple, and it introduces the
action which provides the turning point in the conduct of Aeneas. That

opening also indicates that the two-part pattern of The Odyssey will be

 

part of the structure; the two parts of the story element will deal
with the problems of the Trojan refugees during their wanderings in the
first half and with the problems of re-settlement in the second half.
This manner of beginning the work requires retrospective narration to
present the initial "chaos-disorder" situation which creates the general
one and to develop the action and narrative movement up to the opening
scene. Then the action and narrative movement advance the story element
toward Latium, where the action of the second half unfolds. In this
fashion are presented the three high points of action and tension, as
wall as the narrative plains in between. The central high point is the
Dido-Aeneas relationship and the stay of Aeneas in Carthage, where
Aeneas is for a time caught in a tension between the personal desires
and the demands of his destiny. The first high point is the account of
the death throes of Troy, and there Aeneas starts to experience the
tension between the instinctive, uncontrolled actions of his Homeric
self (which dominates) and the obligations to his family, his people,
and his high destiny. The final high point is the struggle between the
forces of £352: and violentia and the deve10ped pistes of Aeneas.
Between the initial and the final high points heroic moderation and
disciplined restraint dominate the story and the narrative development.
The result is a bland and neutral texture for most of the first

half of the work. If the Aeneid had presented the same texture in the

132

latter half, the work might well have lost all heroic verve and perhaps
even literary effect. It is saved from this by the return of the tension
between unrestrained self-assertion and disciplined self-restraint,
not as an internal tension for the hero but as an external tension
between Aeneas and Turnus. At the same time, heroic moderation and
group-oriented, disciplined self-restraint are insisted upon and exer-
cised to transform the "chaos-disorder" conditions existing for Aeneas,
for the Trojans, and for the Latins. Brooks Otis adds support to these
ideas when he says of the Aeneid;

we see the individual and social and demonic aspects of violence

brought face to face with ietas and humanity, and we see that

Fats is finally on the morgl-Eide because the moral forces have

put themselves on the side of Fate.13
Aeneas, the moral force, put himself on the side of Fate after the visit
to Hades and exerted his pistes and humanitas against the individual,
social, and demonic aspects of violence created by Juno and Turnus to
settle the chaos and disorder on all levels.

A As a result of the controlling frame of the duty and the divine
destiny of Aeneas, the balance between self-assertion and self-restraint
has been seriously disturbed. For some readers, that disturbed balance
makes Aeneas something of an anti-hero and the Aeneid something approach-
ing anti-epic. Those readers who insist upon that point of view do so
because of their limited appreciation and rigid conceptions of epic-heroic
poetry, which always takes into account and reflects the social and moral
conditions relevant to the age for which it is written. Such readers
would deny to the genre any capacity or need to grow; they would make of

it a fixed and frigid formula. They can, understandably, enjoy the

130t18, p0 3190

133
greater vigor, freedom, and self—hood permitted to the Iliadic hero
upon which Turnus and Mezentius are patterned; however, they cannot
expect that the epic hero always be cut from the same cloth, nor that the
epic of one age or land conform to the norms of earlier ages and lands.
Yet some readers do make such demands and, on the basis of those demands,
label Aeneas as an anti-hero and the Aeneid as anti-epic. In this
respect they overstate the case and distort some of the meaningful values
of epic poetry. As a corrective, the full significance of the disturbed
balance in the Aeneid must be assessed from the perSpective of all

three classical epics.

SEBTION TWO

CLASSICAL LITERATURE

Chapter V

Classical Heroic Literature in Perspective

Major Characteristics

 

Examination of the major classical epcis reveals the following
significant characteristics of the genre: story-structure framework,
plot movement, narrative development, narrative devices and techniques,
epic scope, and literature texture and significance. All but the last
two of these will be discussed together; then the relevance of the
mesure-demesure tension to the last two will be discussed.

Each of the works has a similar structure framework within which
the story element is developed. This framework consists of a concentric
frame enclosing a "chaos-disorder" condition or set of conditions.
Development of the story element requires the transformation of the
central condition or set of conditions to order and harmony. The action
and plot movement grow in annular fashion to fill out the basic framework,
but that annular growth varies somewhat in each work. For 222.11322

it is outward; for The Odyssey it is inward; for the Aeneid it is

 

inward for the first half and then outward for the latter half.
The movement of action and plot is reinforced by various methods
and techniques of narrative development. These can be organized under

three general groupings. The first is the ig_medias res opening, which,

 

despite some minor differences of definition, puts the reader in the
center of an action or a set of circumstances already in progress. Such

13h

135
an Opening requires some method of traveling back in time and returning
to the present again, or shifting back and forth between actions taking
place at the same time. The circumstances of the story also frequently
require actual or imagined shifting of physical location or level of
action. Both of these narrative requirements are satisfied by a
shuttle-focus technique that is combined with brief flashback and
foreshadowing, and sometimes with more developed retrospective and
prospective narration.

To such methods can be added what might generally be designated
as supplemental and complemental additions which expand the geographical,
social, heroic, and moral horizons while also expanding the time span
of the works. These additions include the catalogues of the participants,
dreams or visions, and various illustrative stories. All of these com-
bine with the aspects already cited to produce the scope of the epic.

The manner of transforming the "chaos-disorder" condition or set
of conditions determines the literary texture of the works and also
indicates some of the significance of the works. Such a condition or
set of conditions involves the warrior hero or heroes, the values and
attributes of the members of a warrior fellowship, and the actions and
conduct used to transform both the initial and the developed chaos
and disorder.

As a member of the warrior society, the hero is expected to and
generally does demonstrate a high degree of personal self-assertion in
maintaining his argtg and living up to the best traditions of his family
and clan. But the moment he becomes part of a noble warrior society

engaged in combat against hostile forces, a group code begins to develop.

Q

136
At some point, the values of that group code begin to infringe upon the
strictly individual code and upon personal motivations. As a consequence,
the warrior heroes involved in the "chaos-disorder" conditions find
themselves in a tension between unrestrained self-assertion and group-
oriented self-restraint. Though the heroes do not all adopt the latter
position or even move decisively in that direction, each of the works
requires some adjustment of the balance between the two positions to
bring about the transformation of the "chaos-disorder" conditions. That
adjustment is determined by the degree of heroic moderation displayed
in the various works, and the degree, though not uniform, moves in a
definite direction. The degree of heroic moderation in the works affects

their literary texture and significance.

Homeric Balance: Self-assertion and Self-restraint

 

 

The Iliad, which presents the chaos and disorder created by the
reekless selfbassertion of Agamemnon and Achilleus, demands enough
heroic moderation to balance their conduct; consequently, the author
maintains a delicate equilibrium between unrestrained self-assertion
and disciplined self-restraint. Neither Agamemnon nor Achilleus gives
more than grudging approval of the latter. Both see and realize the
consequences of their extreme self-assertive behavior, but they do not
alter either conduct or behavior primarily as a result of that realiza-
tion. Neither of them is far enough removed from the primitive heroic
society to do so.

Agamemnon makes amends to Achilleus only because he hopes to
avoid failure in the mission he leads. Achilleus makes his peace with

Agamemnon only because the personal motivations are no longer important

137
to him. He regrets the tragic consequences of his self-assertiveness
to his fellow warriors and to Petroklos, but he merely intensifies his
unrestrained behavior and directs it against new targets. He ends his
ruthless self-assertion not because he sees that such conduct is wrong,
but because Priam's visit and.p1ea served as an effective counter-
shock to the death of Patroklos and appealed to his instinctively fine
qualities.

In effect, neither of the principal Greek warriors totally
commits himself to disciplined self-restraint, yet both exercise some
degree of heroic moderation to resolve the chaos and disorder which
their actions produced. Though the principal figures do not exemplify
disciplined self-restraint, they and the entire warrior society are
urged to develop and exercise heroic moderation to combat the reckless
self-assertion of the primitive heroic society of Mycenee.

The centuries between the Mycenaean world and Homer's world
demanded and produced some modifications of the considerable freedom of
Hycenaean times by the exercise of heroic moderation. As admirable as
the Mycenaean hero was in his pride, his self-confidence, his self-
sufficiency, and his egoism, other less self-centered qualities and
values were needed and exercised in the developing Greek world of Homer's
time. The character of Hektor reveals this combination of the Mycenaean
and Homeric worlds. Though he retains all the dynamic qualities of the
Argive warriors, his concern for family and race place him closer to the
ideal of the pglig which replaces the Mycenaean world. All of these
circumstances and considerations produce the balanced texture of Th:

Iliad, in which the recommended and approved heroic moderation puts the

138
heroic qualities and values somewhere between unrestrained heroic
self-assertion and disciplined self-restraint.

The Odyssey displays an energetic fluctuation between the two
positions, not on one level but on two. The hero's rash behavior and
the excesses of his men create chaos and disorder for them; conse-
quently, heroic moderation is required of Odysseus to balance both his
own and their unrestrained conduct. But this situation concerns only
the period of his travels toward Ithaca, for after his arrival in
Phaeacia there is for him no great tension between the two positions.
He has learned to rule his conduct and behavior by discipline and
restraint, and the tension becomes an external one between his modera-
tion and the excesses of the wanton suitors. His use of discipline
and restraint ends the chaos and disorder in his homeland, in his
household, and in his personal life. Heroic moderation has become a
necessary part of the significant qualifications of the warrior hero,
and Odysseus has taken a further step in the direction of disciplined
self-restraint. like Hektor, Odysseus at the end of the poem is closer
to being a representative of the polls than to being a typical Mycenaean

warrior. In this respect, Odysseus and The Odyssey have a significant

 

place in the development of the heroic figure and the literary history
of the Western world.

Several authors have provided significant comment about this
subject, and George Steiner's article in 5393: is one of the most
representative. He says of The Odyssey:

With marvelous acumen, Homer chose for his protagonist the one
figure of the Trojan saga nearest to the "modern" spirit. Already
in the Iliad, Odysseus marks a transition from the simplicities of
the heroic to a life of the mind more skeptical, more nervous, more
wary of conviction. Like Odysseus, Homer himself abandoned the
stark, rudimentary values in the world of Achilles. When composing

139

the 0d se , he looked back to the Iliad acrosf a wide distance
of the soul-~with nostalgia and smiling doubt.

The consequences of these developments are that The Odyssey has
not one uniform and consistent texture as does The Iliad; instead it
has two. The fluctuating balance of 'the first half creates a vigorous
texture marked by dynamism and Elan. This is balanced by the more
restrained and homogeneous texture of the latter half. Only when con-
sidered as parts of the same whole do the two halves leave the reader

with any sense of equilibrium.

Balance Disturbed

Virgil's Aeneid takes the final step in the direction of disci-
plined self-restraint and completely upsets the balance of the tension.
The author self-consciously sets out to transform the self-assertive
hero of Troy to the exemplar of discipline, moderation, and selfless
devotion to duty. Aeneas not only learns to exercise heroic moderation,
but he also comes to personify heroic moderation to the same extent that
Achilleus personified the heroic absolute. The manner of molding and
transforming the hero gives to the 5.9.93.3}. its distinct literary texture.
Part of that texture results from Virgil's subjective style.2 The other
part of that texture results fran the handling of the tension between the
self-assertive position and disciplined self-restraint.

1George Steiner, "Homer and the Scholars," in Homer, ed. George
Steiner (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey,g196§), p. 1b. Tia-Er similar comments

can be found on p. 309 of Whimm's Homer and Heroic Tradition, on p. 37
of Lord's "Odyssey and Western World,“ and on p. I??? (Vol. 1'} of Routh's

E: 14339 9.9.9 ELL" 3—2!” '

2The details of that subjective style have been well eacplicated
in chapters two and three of Brooks Otis' book on Virgil. Though the
explication is germane to the study of epic in general, it is not essen-
tial to the present discussion.

lho

Only at three points in the story does Virgil permit Aeneas
to display any great degree of rashness, recklessness, or self-indulgence:
at Troy, at Carthage, and at the death of Turnus. While still in Troy,
Aeneas has all the gusto, verve, and recklessness of the more primitive
heroic figure. Yet, he also shares the devotion to family and race
that Hektor displayed. He leaves the battlefield reluctantly and
starts his wanderings with little enthusiasm or vigor of purpose. For
some time he is a seemingly reluctant leader and fulfills his duties
quite passively. Only after the death of Anchises does he begin to
act as both protector and guide for his people.

His experiences in Carthage show'both his concern for his people
and some degree of self-indulgence. Before he meets Dido, the sight
of the Carthagenians erecting their walls in peace prompts him to desire
similar safety and comfort for his people. Because Dido offers to share
her land with the Trojans and because Juno and Venus arrange to bring
Dido and Aeneas together, he allows his relationship with her to become
a self-indulgent one. Yet when Mercury reminds him that he has
greater obligations than those to Dido, Aeneas suppresses personal
desires for the good of the social group and leaves both Dido and Carthage.
Soon after that experience his visit to Hades provides the vision of the
future greatness of his line, and once he has been granted that vision
there is no further reluctance about accepting his mission. He then
fits his behavior and actions to arrange and assure the Trojan
re-settlement in Latium.

Though Aeneas wants only peace when he reaches Latium, he goes

to war to transform the chaos and disorder produced by the self-assertion

1&1
of Juno and Turnus. With prudence, restraint, and discipline he solves
every problem posed by the ruthless conduct of the forces of £232:
and violentia. Only in his slaughter of Turnus does he display any
excess, and that results from the piercing memory of grief caused by
the death of Pallas.

With the égngid the character of the principal heroic figure and
the nature of heroic narrative have come full circle. Though the
primary concern of heroic narrative is to glorify and exalt the heroic
society and standards, no classical epic does only that. Heroic
narrative as we have it is written after the fact and removed in time
from the mythos (legendary or created); consequently, the standards and
values of the later time are imposed on the primitive material. Such
circumstances account for the delicate balance of the tension between
reckless self-assertion and disciplined self-restraint shown in The
Iliad. The work is removed in time from an age whose heroic qualities
it wants to preserve but cannot fully accept in the extreme form
represented by Achilleus and, to some extent, Agamemnon. 0n the other
hand, the advance of social and moral conditions in The Iliad is not yet
great enough to demand complete discipline and restraint. Just enough
adjustment in that direction is demanded to balance the self-assertion
that creates the "chaos-disorder" conditions.

Both the altered background and the situational circumstances of

The Odyssey require a different adjustment in the tension. Heroic

 

excesses must be curbed if the returnees hope to save themselves
from the natural and supernatural dangers of the adventures and challenges

encountered on the trip back to Ithaca. Heroic moderation must be

1h2
develOped and exercised more in the direction of considerable self-
restraint; only such conduct can provide an effective transformation of
the "chaos-disorder" conditions that exist or develop within the work
as a result of reckless self-assertion. Odysseus develops and exer-
cises considerable heroic moderation to bring harmony and order to
himself and his world, but he does not become the exemplar of complete
self-restraint. The balance of the restraint in the latter half of the
poem and the excesses in the first half produces the special texture of
The Odyssey.

In The Greek Experience C. H. Bowra comments upon the gradual

 

transformation of the heroic ideal because the heroic standards are
put in the service of the political community:
One of the reasons why the heroic ideal survived in Greece was
that it was attached to the service of a city. In the true heroic
world Achilleus fights not for his city, nor even for his fellow
Achaeans, but for his own glory. The hero is an isolated, self-
centered figure, who lives and dies for a private satisfaction.
But just as against Achilleus Homer sets the antithetical figure
of Hector who fights for Troy and with whose life that of Troy
is inextricably bound up, so in Greek history the ideal takes on
a new meaning when it is placed at the disposal of a city.3
Bowra only cites Hektor's role as a representative of the olis, but the
idea is even more pertinent for the hero of The Odyssey;

Greek tragedy also makes use of the tension between unrestrained
self-assertion and disciplined self-restraint, and, even though that
tension is only a part of the intricate complex of ambiguities of Greek
tragedy, the self-assertive principle is exemplified by various

personages as an important part of the tragic effect. ‘Without ever

30. M. Bowra, The Greek Ebcperience (New York, 1961;), pp. 37-38.

 

1h3
making the principals exemplars of disciplined self-restraint (which
would be inimical to the spirit and purpose of tragedy), Greek tragedy
generally puts more explicit emphasis on heroic moderation by its
reiteration of "nothing to excess." That emphasis soon passes into the
realm of ethical and phiIOSOphical thought, where it culminates in

Aristotle's Nicomachean Ethics.

 

‘When Virgil begins to write an epic for a civilized urban
society that has gone beyond the needs and demands of the city-state
organization, he need only emphasize certain heroic qualities and
reduce the importance of others. The self-assertive here he presents
at the last hours of Troy must become the exemplar of self-restraint
so needed to assure the civic foundations for the future Roman empire.
Heroic qualities and civic virtues must be alloyed in the hero who is
to assure the proper foundation for that empire. In Aeneas those
qualities and virtues are joined. The process of their unification and
the exercise of what results gives to the 522239 a great part of its
special literary texture. As a result, the Aeneid seriously strains the
heroic impression and image because Aeneas, the exemplar of heroic
moderation, stands at the periphery of the heroic world; he exists at
the extreme limits of heroic narrative. From The Iliee to the 532213
the response to changing social and moral needs has altered the balance
of the tension between unrestrained self-assertion and disciplined
self-restraint. The result is the gradual alteration and transformation

of the heroic ideal and.of heroic narrative. Achilleus and The Iliad

 

are the alpha of the heroic ideal and of heroic narrative; Aeneas and the

Aeneid are the omege.

SECTION THREE

'MEDIEVAL LITERATURE

Chapter I

Germanic Heroic Literature

Prhmitive Form and Values

 

The waves of Germanic invasion and migration which spread across
Europe from the fourth to the tenth century produced many heroes and
possibly many heroic accounts of those exploits. unfortunately, we have
been denied all but a few'fragments and some fragmentary suggestions of
what epic lays or epics were composed for and about the Goths, the Lombards,
the Burgundians, and the Saxons. What has come down to our time is rela-
tively late, and the fullest extent representative of Germanic epic,
Beowulf, reached the form in which we have it centuries after the time of
its origin. Consequently, Beowulf does not present to the reader just
primitive heroic material, nor does it reflect a totally primitive society.
The poem clearly presents material of a later period. As a result, the
attitudes and values of both the early Germanic society and a later age
appear in the work. To get a clear picture of the heroic code which
represents the more primitive time one must consult those works or frag-
ments which reflect the more primitive conditions.

Three fragments and the text of a nearly complete heroic poem
afford literary examples of the values and ideals of the Germanic warrior
society described by Tacitus in Germania. Like the Greek warrior society
of EEe £1223: Germanic warriors served an overlord under whom and for
whom they fought to exercise their military skills and earn fame and

1M:

1115

fortune. But the bonds which united overlord and retainer were more
demanding and more personal than in the Greek society. The warrior who
became a part of the comitatus of the overlord could expect to share the
mead-hall, the food, and the shelter provided by the overlord for his
retainers. If he performed courageously and skillfully for the lord,
he could expect presents of red gold, clothing, and war-gear. For
this and for the oaths taken he was expected to stand by his hearth-
companions and fight to the death for and beside his fellow—warriors
and overlord. His loyalty, once pledged, took precedence over all
bonds of friendship and kinship, and the highest ideal was to win fame
in battle for himself, his family, and his lord} In effect, this code
danands unrestrained and dénesure’ action for the benefit of the lord and
the ideal, with little moderation or restraint expected or tolerated.

The fragment known as Das Hildebrandslied shows one consequence
of the commitment to the overlord, for it brings together a man and
his son fighting on opposite sides. Hildebrand, Dietrich of Bern's
loyal retainer, had to leave his wife and infant son when Odoacer
forced Dietrich into exile and his retainers followed. Loyalty to his
lord did not stop then for Hildebrand, for some thirty years after the
loss of hose and family he is still the devoted retainer fighting in the
front rank of battle :

1Tacitus, "Germany and Its Tribes," in The Complete Works of
Tacitus, trs. A. J. Church and w. J. Brodribb mafia—19m: "I 712..
mt should be noted that Tacitus says nothing about the red gold
or the ring bands with which the lord rewards his retainers in many
Germanic works. The Germans of Tacitus prefer silver to gold. Tacitus
also indicates that giving ground in a hard fight is pruth conduct and

such action becomes comrdly only if the warrior fails to return to the
fight.

1’46

the trustiest thane in Theotrich's service
ever front in the folk-rank, too fain for battle,
famous was he among fighting-men bold! (Hildebrand Lay, 11. 27-29)2

 

That devotion pits him against the son he had to abandon, and the son is
as rigid in his obligation to the code of the warrior society as his
father. Consequently, Hathubrand rejects the gold rings offered by
Hildebrand and utters this doughty challenge:

'With the spear should a man receive his gifts, 3
point against point. . . . ' (Hildebrand Lay, 11. 38-39)

 

Since the father must meet the challenge,

Then strode to the struggle those sturdy-warriors,

hewed in hate on the white-faced shields,

until both of the lindens little grew, 1:
all worn with weapons. . . . (Hildebrand Lay, 11. 67-70)

 

Though the ending of the poem is lost, the nature of the thane and
evidence from other fragments suggest a tragic conclusion in which the
father kills the son. To the absolute and de’mesure’ demands of the

code, Hildebrand sacrifices his personal self, his family relations, and
the life of his son. 1

2Francis B. Gummere, "The Hildebrand lay," in The Oldest English
{:21} (New York, 1911:), pp. 173-177. The English lines are from this
source and the original lines from the following source: Wilhelm
Braune and K. Helm, Althochdeutsches Lesebuch (Tuebingen, 1958) ,
Pp. 81.82e Emma aTHelm‘, pe 81:

degano dechisto miti Deotrichhe
her was so folches at ente; imi was so fehta ti loop:
chud was her . . . chonnen mannum

(Des Hildebrandslied, 11. 26-28)
3Braune and Helm, p. 82:

 

'mit geru scal man geba infahan

ort widar orte . . . .' (Des Hildebrandslied, 11. 37-38)
hBraune and Helm, p. 82:

do stoptum to samane staim bort chludum,

heuwun harmlicco huitte, scilti,

unti in iro lintun luttilo wurtun,

giwagan miti webmnn. . . . (Das Hildebrandslied,11. 65-68)

1h?

The second plot has come down to us in the Latin hexameters of
waltharius and in the Anglo-Saxon Whldere, which represents what is
left of an Anglo-Saxon epic. The latter work is older in form than
the former and of more pertinence here. The Whldere tells how Attila
the Hun took hostages from the rulers of various kingdoms to insure the
payment of tribute. The hostages were raised as wards of Attila and
given the best of training and treatment. Three of them developed a
close relationship; Hagen, hostage from the Frankish king; Hiltigund,
daughter of the Burgundian king; and Whlter, son of the king of Aquitaine.
Hagen and walter are blood brothers, and all three are friends in
captivity. When Gunther succeeds to the Frankish throne, Hagen escapes
to join his master. Whlter and Hiltigund also find the opportunity to
escape as a betrothed pair, and they take treasure with them.

When Gunther learns of their presence in his domain, he sends
his vessels to capture the treasure and the maiden. Hagen fails to
dissuade Gunther from executing his plan and must go as part of the
rations of twelve warriors. Welter selects an excellent spot for
defense and kills eight of the warriors, including the son of Hagen's
sister, who failed to listen to Hagen's advice. In the next assault
walter kills three more and only Gunther, Hagen, and Whlter are left.
Hagen is obliged by family loyalty to fight his friend and is commanded
by'Gunther to entice Welter from the protected Spot by a feigned with-
drawal. When Welter and Hiltigund continue their Journey, the two men
attack Welter. In the fight all three are mutilated in some way, and

Hiltigund has to care for them. Only their serious wounds limit

1118
the immoderate and excessive demands of the code and permit the restora-
tion of peaceful conditions.

The third work is an almost complete poem that grows out of a
specific historical event, but the tone and treatment are vibrantly
heroic. The 9.219;! 35 5.21.922 comes from material much later than
Beowulf, but the attitudes and values are closer to more primitive
heroic material. The poem tells the story of Byrhtnoth, an aaldorman
of Aethelred, who owes to his lord the power of his sword and the skill
of his leadership. When the Danes invade fiethelred's territory,
Byrthnoth gathers his warriors to make a stand in the estuary of the
Blackweter Just below Holden. Their stand is heroic but unsuccessful,
yet out of a glorious defeat comes a splendid epic lay.S

The opening passage presents a young English nobleman releasing
his hawk and leaving his pastime of falconry because he knows Byrhtnoth,
who is rallying his retainers to defend the land, will expect bravery
and devotion to duty free his mrshalled forces, which he has organised
and constantly encourages with strong personal leadership. Once his
forces have been placed, Byrhtnoth Joins his trusty hearth-camanions
to nest the attack. When the Vikings come, they stand upon the river
bank on the other side of the ford and shout across a demand for tribute,
which if given will speed the invaders on their way. Byrhtnoth has not

5historical accounts suppleaent the material of the pose. The
Parker manuscript (dated 993) of the An os-Saxon Chronicle gives a short
account of how a Dane, Olaf, harried a region near—Maldon, where
Aethelred's ealdornan opposed him and lost his life. A Life of
Archbish Oswald of York, written soon after the battle-753113 of

o ewe-dame. The twelfth-century Histories of Ramsey

(cu. m) and Ely (II, 6) refer to the battle. Wle and
Byrhtnoth are mentioned by Florence of Worcester

 

11:9
gathered his forces to pay tribute and contemptuously spurns the Viking
demand with a spirited ironic challenge:

'Hear you, sea-rover, what my people say?

The tribute they‘ll send you is tribute of spears,

Ancient word-edge and poisoned point,

weapons availing you little in war:

Pirate messenger, publish this answer,

Proclaim to your people tidings more grim:

Here stands no ignOble earl with his army

Guarding my lord AEmhelred's country and coast,

His land and his folk. The heathen shall fall

In the clash of battle. Too shameful it seems

That you with our tribute should take to your ships

Uhfought, when thus far you've invaded our land.

You shall not so easily' take our treasure,

But sword-edge and spear-point first shall decide

The grim play of battle, ere tribute is granted.' ‘ 6
( 11313 Battle 55 Maldon, p. 162)

The tide in the estuary at first prevents close coMbat, but when
the ebb-tide uncovers the bricg that parallels the shoreline Byrhtnoth

posts his bravest men there to hold the ford. This they do so admirably

scharles w. Kennedy, "The Battle of Maldon," in An Antholo of
Old English Poetry (New York-719557, IDIOT-1m. mgflsrr‘gnes are-
?;6m that source and original lines are from this source: E. V. Gordon,
ed., The Battle of Maldon (London, l96h), pp. b1-62. For the translitera-
tion {HE'IEEIEZSEEon voiced 333 is transcribed as th and the as as 22.

Gordon, Maldon, pp. bS-h'l:

'Gehyrst bu, egglida, hwae his folc segeth
Hi willath saw to gafole garas syllan,
aettryne ord 7 ealde swurd,
S; heregeatu be eow set hilde me deah.
Brimmana boda, abeod-eft ongean,

sege pinum leodum miccle lapre spell,
past her stynt unforcuth eorl mid his werode
pe wile gsalgean opal-pysne
A redes eard, ealdres mines

ale 7 foldan. Feallan sceolon

hag pone aet hilde. To heanlic me binceth
past ge nid.urum sceattum to scype gangai
unbefohtene ne ge bus feor hider
on urne card in becommon.
Ne sceole ge swa softe sinc gegangen:
us sceal ord 7 ecg ggr geseman,

grim guthplega ggr we gofol syllan.‘ (Maldon, ll. hS-él)

150
that the invaders have to request permission to pass over the ford to the
mainland so that they may join in battle there. Byrhtnoth, with pride
in his force and unmeasured over-confidence, permits them to make the
crossing.

Byrhtnoth's magnificent defiance is the only response that honor
and duty permit, and his warriors can scarcely prove their mettle without
engaging the enemy. No one stands beside Byrhtnoth and suggests that he
is acting without m. Indeed, none of his men would understand such
an idea, and, if they did, would not expect it of him, nor he of them.
They live by an absolute which demands only that they exercise skill,
courage, bravery, and fortitude without restraint even in the face of
death. Byrhtnoth lives fully by that code, and he and his companions
die for that code.

Though the death of Byrhtnoth prompts Godric and his brother to
flee to safety, the others are moved to greater deeds and vows of
vengeance or death. Aelfwine reminds the retainers of their mead-hall
boasts and urges than to avenge their lord or die in the attempt. As
the band of retainers is gradually decimated by the superior numbers of
the Vikings, aged Byrhtwold joins the battle and fights shoulder to
shoulder with the young and the strong. He furnishes the final clarion
call to fortitude and heroic death: a call "whose echoes will never die
while friendship and loyalty are dear, and men defend the things they
love.7

3,, 7cm“ “may: 22: M mam £9.22: (New York, 1916),
p. e

151

'Heart must be braver, courage the holder,

Mood the stouter as our strength grows less!

Here on the ground my good lord lies

Gory with wounds. Always will he regret it

Who now from this battle thinks to turn back.

I an old in years; I will never yield,

But here at the last beside my lord, .

By the leader I love I think to lie.' (Lbs Ba____t__tle 93 M_a_l___don, p. 169)8

It is to the strains of this unadorned and moving credo that
Byrhtnoth's band assures itself a glory that outlasts the defeat and
death that is the lot of his retainers. The lines remain forever

. . . an unforgettable assertion of man's unconquerable courage

in the face of adversity and earthly defeat. They embody the spirit
of that ultimate choice by which death is eagerly preferred to

those capitulations which surrender integrity. They set the mood
for all hours of heroic striving in which deep-rooted and unshake-
able devotion to a moral imperative breeds a contempt for the odds
of battle.9

The fragments of Das Hildebrandslied, Welders, and the Battle 9:
Maldon all have a single common characteristic. All concern the obliga-
tions of the warrior to his overlord, to his fellow warriors, and to
the code of which they all approve, by which they all live, and for
which they are willing to die. That code is an absolute which demands
only the unrestrained expenditure of their skills, their energy, and
their devotion in the service of their overlord. Det’mesureI actions are

standard and expected and there is no room for or comprehension of

I
inesure conduct.

8Gordon, Maldon, p. 61:
'I-Iige sceal Se Heardra, heorte be cenre,
mod sceal be mare, be ure maegen lytlat_h_.
Her liLh ure ealdor eall for-heawan
god on grsote, a mag gnornian
se the nu fram bis wigplegan wendan penceth.
lo eom frod feoree. Pram ic ne wills,
Ac ic me be healfe minum hlaforde,
be swa leofan men licgan pence.' (Maldon, 11. 312-319)

9Kennedy, pe 3’48 0

152

When Hildebrand's lord is exiled, there is no provision for
releasing hin.fron his obligations because he has a wife and child.
Honor demands that he follow his lord regardless of the consequences to
hhmself and his family; When he encounters his son, there is no way
to let familial ties and paternal affection set aside the obligations
to the comitatus. Both.most give their full and unrestrained energies
to this harsh but honorable code. Such circumstances provide the tragic
core of many'medieval works.

In like manner, when Gunther decides he wants Hiltigund aid the
treasure she and Walter have with them, Hagen.nmst attack his dearest
friend. No words can keep Gunther’from carrying out his plan, and no
words can restrain Hagen's nephew from braving the deadliness of Whlter's
sword. Such unrestrained seal brings about the death of Hagen's nephew,
and Gunther's reckless self-assertion results in the death of his retainers.
Their innoderate insistence on the obligations of the code causes all
three to be maimed in some way. i

The Hattie. g_f_ m differs only in situation and degree.
Hildebrand and Hagen do not purposely choose the circumstances under
which they must attack someone for when they care. .In a sense,
Byrhtnoth's action is more de’mesure’, for he does choose the circumstances.
His granting of the Viking request results from dinesure, a dimesure
of excessive pride in his own strength and in that of his hearth-
companions. It is demesur; in the sense that he is carried beyond the
bounds of sensible precaution when he gives up the advantage of defend-
ing the ford from the 25325. In addition to the responsibility of

furnishing the example of strong personal leadership, one might expect

153

some sense of responsibility toward his mm and his lord. Once Byrhtnoth
has permitted the Vikings to cross the ford, that decision can only lead
to tragedy for himself, his men, and his lord. But in the world he
lives in, none of his hearth-companions or compatriots blames him for
his action or expects him to act in my restrained or moderate way. He
and his companions live for and die by the de’mesure’ deed that glorifies
the individual and the code without concern for the well-being of the
group. The _Bittlg £1; 119M is probably the most complete and best
exemplar of primitive heroic song, i.e., the epic lay, and it differs
significantly from the more elaborated epic in which the glory of the
individual and the welfare of the group coincide. The Battle _of m
emphasizes the individual response and the tragic circumstances rather
than individual-group relationships.

What has been said of the we of 11315132 is equally true for
Das Hildebrandslied and Waldere. The inhabitants of that primitive
heroic world live in and for unrestrained self-assertion or de’mesure.
They have no conception of, understanding about, or need for disciplined
self-restraint. Indeed, if any of the principals were to act with m,
such action would be neither comprehended, nor approved, nor praised by
their companions. Any honor or fame they might hope to gain would be
lost by such conduct. Even though some of the standards and ideals of
that primitive heroic world are kept alive in Beowulf, the great socio-
literary distance between the works just discussed and Beowulf will be
readily evident upon exaadnation of the latter work.

15h

Beowulf: From Heldensleben 23 Epic

 

 

Friedrich Klaeber's great study of Beowulflo established the

basic conception of the work as Heldensleben, for the German scholar

 

saw the work as two distinct parts joined loosely and held together by
11
the person of the hero. However, Klaeber, like'w. P. Ker, considered
the second part to be a late-conceived sequel to the first and not part
of the original plan. But J. R. R. Tolkien's more recent view12 has
been widely accepted by major modern scholars. 0f Beowulf he said:
It is essentially a balance, an opposition of ends and beginnings.
In its simplest terms it is a contrasted description of two moments
in a great life, rising and setting; an elaboration of the ancient
and intensely moving contrast between youth and age, first
achievement and final death.13
R. w. Chambers1h and Kemp Malonels approve of Tolkien's viewpoint.
No discussion or study of the poem can be very meaningful if it neglects
either Klaeber's or Tolkien's views. However, it is both possible and
fruitful to accept both views and go beyond them to arrive at a fuller
conception of the structure and significance of Beowulf.
10Friedrich Klaeber, Beowulf and the Fight 32 Finnsburg (Boston,
1922; 3rd ed., 1936; supplements, 1981, 19305. All citations of Anglo-
Saxon lines in Beowulf come from the 1950 edition.

11w; P. Ker, Epic and Romance (2nd ed., London, 1922), on. 90,
111, 160-161.

12J. R. R. Tolkien, "Beowulf: the Monsters and the Critics," in
Proceedings 23 the British Academy, XII (1936), 271-272.

 

 

 

13Quoted by Arthur Brodeur in IEE.§E§.2§ Beowulf (Berkeley,
Ca1., 1960), pp- 71-72-

1hR.‘w. Chambers, Beowulf, 53 Introduction tg the Study of the
Poem (Cambridge, England,fiI9§TTf --——'—--——-

 

15Kemp Malone, "The Old English Period," in Literary History of
England, ed. Albert Baugh (New York, l9h8), pp. 3-95:"1 _—

 

155

The Beowulf plot consists of three major events in the life of
a great heroic figure, but three events in a hero's life hardly consti-
tute a Heldensleben. However, at both the Danish court and in the
hero's own land, the author provides additional information to tell the
reader what Beowulf is, what he was, and, suggestively, what he will be.
Once his overlord and the son of the overlord have died, Beowulf changes
from ideal retainer to ideal ruler. In that role he gives his life to
defend his land and peOple. The total effect of the three major events
and the many subsidiary details furnished.with each adventure is to
present the story of an exemplary and heroic figure. Though the closing
lines indicate the importance the poet gives to the heroic and exemplary'
attributes of the hero, the details presented along the way reveal that
Beowulf was not always an exemplary or heroic figure. The total structure
and significance of the work can best be presented by examining how the
details presented as adjuncts to the three principal heroic deeds develop

the central narrative framework into a Heldensleben of’a definite kind

 

and then go beyond that to create a work of epic scape and structure.
The qualities and values developed and given prominence within that total
structure determine the purpose and significance of the work.
When Beowulf hears of the trouble at Heorot and prepares to go
to Hrothgar's aid, the poet begins to present the hero's qualifications
by telling the reader:
He was the mightiest man of valor

in that same day of this our life, 16
stalwart and stately. . . . (Beowulf, 11. 196-198)

16Francis B. Gummere, "Beowulf,” in.The Oldest English Epic
(New'York, 191k), PP. 22-158. All English quotations come from.Gummere's

 

156

When they step ashore in Hrothgar's land, the guard who greets them
describes Beowulf as a peerless warrior. When Wulfgar tells Hrothgar
of their arrival, he too praises the impressive appearance of Beowulf.
Hrothgar recognizes the son of his old friend and describes the great
strength of Beowulf, of whom he says:

'. . . . «he has thirty men's

heft of grasp in the gripe of his hand,

the bold-in-battle. . . .' (Beowulf 11. 379-381)17
Like all epic heroes, particularly Germanic, Beowulf is not bashful
about proclaiming his talents:

.0 e s 0 Fans 8 P137“?! 18
have I gained in youth: . . .' (Beowulf, 11. boa-1:09)

Then he relates how he fought and captured giants and slew sea-beasts
in the service of his people. Having offered his warrior credentials,
he asks Hrothgar to accept his offer to fight Grendel. For the combat,
Beowulf scorns the use of weapons and proposes to match strength with
the monster.

After Hrothgar's gracious welcome, Beowulf is insultingly
challenged by envious Unferth, who charges both Beowulf and Brace with

arrogance when they undertook their famous swim. The insult comes in

 

translation and the original lines will be taken from Klaeber's edition
of the poem (cited in footnote number 10). Klaeber, p. 8:

se wa_gs moncynnes m_a__egenes strengest

on been daege pysses lifes,

301's- and leash. (Be____o__w., 11. 196-198)

_ 1"Klaeber, p. 15:

.0 e o 0 p801? he britigea

manna maegencn-aeft on his smundgripe
heabororhggbbe, . . . .' (Beow., 11. 379-381)

18Klaeber, p. 16:
' . . . . haebbe ic maertha fela
ongunnen on geogofie . . . 7 (Boom, 11. 1108-2409)

157
Unferth's declaration that Breca was stronger and better and defeated
Beowulf. But the hero of the Geats is not one to let his honor be
sullied. With vehemence, but not with unrestrained anger, Beowulf sets
the record straight in the disciplined and restrained fashion that
characterizes most of his conduct. In his almost natter-of—fact way of
setting forth the details, the Geat hero admits to the youthful
exuberance which prompted the contest. But the details Beowulf adds
about the swim and the dangers faced enhance his heroic qualifications.
He also repays Unferth in kind by reminding him that neither Breca nor
Unferth can claim such deeds as he pa'formed, and he also reminds all
present that nobody can charge him with the killing of kinsmen as they
can Unferth. He adds the soup 23 3222 by pointing out that Unfarth has
done nothing to put an end to the evil of Grendel, but that he has come
to fight the monster. The encounter with Unferth serves to characterize
Beowulf by suggestive contrast and is only the first of a number of such
suggestive contrasts presented in the work. In addition, that encounter
provides details essential to the development of the Heldensleben.

 

After Beowulf'e victory over Grendel, one of Hrothgar's men
composes a lay about the deed. In that lay the composer compares Beowulf's
deeds to those of Sigmund.” The deeds of the latter include the slay-
ing of a dragon and the acquisition of a treasure. In addition to
ranging Beowulf with the great heroes of Germanic legend, the account,
particularly that of the dragon, suggests a dramatic foreshadowing of

19'I'hough Sigmund is an outstanding Germanic hero, the deeds
alluded to appear to be those of his son, who is Sigurd in the

Volsungasaga. The same deeds are performed by Siegfried of 23s
Nibollmgenl Ode

158

Beowulf's later experience. That account also introduces the figure
used as the bad.examp1e, the anti-type Heremod, who might have rivalled
and surpassed Sigemund but did not. The details are presented as part (f
a later event.

When Hrothgar reports the visit of Grendel's dam to Heorot and
asks for Beowulf's help, the Geat hero responds affirmatively with a
vigorous statement of his personal heroic code and later shows his
exemplary character by arranging for the care of his retainers in the
event he should perish in the fight. He also makes certain that his
obligations to Hygelac will be carried out by requesting that his over-
lord be sent the gifts Hrothgar presented to him.

A At the celebration after Beowulf's second victory, Hrothgar
delivers his sermon on pride and avarice (ll. 1700-178b). In it, he
returns to the earlier allusion to Heremod. The Danish king reveals
how Heremod fell short of his great promise and potential by growing
slack in battle, by neglecting the welfare of his peeple, and by'
becoming a tyrant. Hrothgar praises Beowulf and hopes that he will com-
bine his "mighty strength with mood of wisdom," unlike Heremod, who
failed to do that and brought trouble to his land and dishonor to
himself. Hrothgar relates:

'He slew, wrath-swollen, his shoulder-comrades,
companions at board'. So he passed alone
chieftain haughty, from human cheer.

Though him the Maker with might endowed,
delights of power, and uplifted high

above all men, yet blood-fierce his mind,

his breast-hoard, grew; no bracelets gave he

to Danes as was due; he endured all Joyless
strain of struggle and stress of woe,

159

long feud with his folk. Here find thy lesson!
0f virtue advise theei' (Beowulf, 11. 1713-1723)

20

Though Beowulf had not given the least evidence of such unrestrained
self-assertion, Hrothgar offers the story as an example of action that
a leader, a man of worth would shun. Hrothgar knows that success and
fame such as Beowulf has earned by his acts can readily lead to over-
weening pride and arrogance that destroys both the man possessing it
and the peeple who depend.upon him. Consequently, Hrothgar urges
Beowulf that he must exercise disciplined self-restraint to curb any'
excesses. By the very fact that Beowulf has not and does not later
act in such fashion, the episode serves by contrast to show his
exemplary character.

When Beowulf prepares to leave Hrothaar's court, his parting
from‘Unferth is quite in contrast to the greeting given by him at
Beowulf's arrival. Beowulf returns the sword Unferth loaned him and
says nothing about its failure to serve him. He very graciously and

magnanmmously'praises it and thanks the owner for its use. To Beowulf's

courteous and dignified leave-taking speech Hrothgar responds with high

praise by saying,

‘20Klaeber, p. 6b:
'breat bolgenmod beodgeneatas,
eaXlgesteallen, op past he ans hwearf,
magre beoden mondreamum.from,
‘theah be hine mihtig God maegenes wynnum,
eafepum stepte, ofer ealle-men
forth gefremede. Hwagbere him on ferhpe greow
breosthord blodreow; nallas beagas geaf
Denum 33fter dome; dreamleas gebad,
bggt he paes gewinnes weorc browade,
leodbealo_longsum. Du be leer be hon,
gumcyste ongit! . . . .' T'B'eow. 11. 1713-1723)

160

's . . . No eager counsel

from so young in years e'er yet have I heard.

Thou art strong of main and in mind art wary, 21

art wise in words. . . .' (Beowulf, 11. 18b2-18h53
After a sad parting, the "lord unpeered" returns to the land of the
Geats to report his experiences and to offer to his overlord, Hygelac,
the gifts he received from the Danes.

The accounts of his conduct and the supplemental episodes

connected to his visit to Hrothgar's court fill out the Heldensleben

 

and establish Beowulf as a mighty warrior and an exemplary retainer.
Even before any account has been given of his physical prowess, Beowulf
is reported as a commanding figure. His tremendous physical strength,
his courage, his endurance, and his concern for personal honor and fame
are established by his conduct and action prior to the encounter with
Grendel. Hrothgar tells of his superior strength, and his account of
the contest with Breca supports what Hrothgar said. The same account
also establishes his courage and endurance. The vigorous defense of
his honor shows Beowulf's great concern for it, but, even in the face
of Unferth's insulting charges, he does not display unrestrained self-
assertion. Though he admits to reckless and unrestrained exuberance in
his youth, all his actions at Hrothgar's court show him to be a man of
disciplined self-restraint, of moderation, of’mggugg. In addition, he
is sociable, urbane, tactful, and magnanimous. He supports every declared
claim to fame by his performance in both battle and mead-hall. He
21Klaeber, p. 65:
' . . . . ne hyrde ic snotorlicor
on swa geongum feore guman.bingian

bu eart maegenes strang, end on mode frod,
wis wordcwidai . . .' (Beow., ll. 18h2-18h5)

161
proves that he is the exemplary retainer and warrior and is therefore
worthy of being a part of the select circle of Germanic heroes.

Viewed in terms of Beowulf's behavior at Heorot, Hrothgar's
admonition to Beowulf seems almost gratuitous. But in view of the
self-assertive tendencies any man of mettle has to struggle with, that
advice can be expected of the older warrior. Hrothgar seems to foresee
the possibility of great leadership in Beowulf, and he knows the danger
of excessive pride to the individual and to the well-being of the group
which depends on the individual ( as his example shows). His advice to
Beowulf is offered so that his young friend may“use it to achieve his
full potential, as Heremod did not.

When Beowulf returns to Hygelac's court, he continues to be the
ideal retainer. At this point the poet offers praise of Beowulf's
character, but he also includes a contrast of the hero's present
stature and a time before Beowulf had any’reputation or status among
the Goats: ’

Thus showed his strain the son of Ecgtheow

as a man remarked for mighty deeds

and.acts of honor. At ale he alew'not
comrade or king; nor cruel his mood,

though of sons of earth his strength was greatest,
a glorious gift that God had sent

the splendid leader. Long was he spurned,

and worthless by Geatish warriors held;
him.at mead the master-of-clans

failed full oft to favor at all.

Slack and shiftless the strong men deemed him,
profitless prince; but payment came,

to the warrior honored, for all his woes.-- (Beowulf, 11. 2177-2189)22

22Klaeber, pp. 81-82:
Swa bealdode bearn Ecgtheowes,
gmma guthum.cuth, godum dggdum,
dreah sifter dome; nealles druncne slog
heort§:§eneatas; nags him hreoh sefa

162
In view of this undesirable reputation the deeds described by Beowulf
at Hrothgar's court must have taken place after this period, but before
Beowulf's trip to Denmark. When Beowulf puts the treasure he won at
Hygelac's disposal, the poet commends such conduct.

Before presenting the third major act of heroism performed by
Beowulf, the poet presents various examples of Beowulf's service to
Hygelac and later to Heardred. When Hygelac makes a bold raid into
Frankish territory, the king of the Geats is killed by Daeghrefn. In
recalling his life and deeds just before he goes to meet the dragon,
Beowulf tells how he killed Daeghrefn and survived the destruction by
an epic swim from Frisian territory to Geatland with thirty coats of
mail on his back. Though Hygd offered him marriage and the rule of the
land, Beowulf remained the ideal retainer and declined to replace
Heardred. Instead'he served the son as he had served the father. Not
long after Heardred gave refuge to hmnd and Eadgils, who had fled
from Sweden after a: unsuccessful plot against their uncle Onele.
However, the uncle pursued them into Geatland and Hearde was killed
in the fighting. As a result Beowulf became the ruler of the Geats
and supported Eadgils to help him regain the Swedish throne. That action
produced the peace that existed between the Swedes and the Geets during

Beowulf's reign.

 

ac he mancynnes maeste craefte
ginrggstan gife, 5; him o‘a sealde,
heold hildedeor. Hean wees lange,
ne hyne on medobence en's—hype Geata bearn thodne ne tealdon,
drihten Wedera micles wyrthne '—
swythe (wen)don, gedon wolde:
eetESling unfran. past he sleac wggre,
median menn Edwenden cwom torna gehwycles,-
(BMe, 11. 2177.21.89)

163

When the devastation of the dragon ends the long reign of peace,
Beowulf dons his armor and prepares to fight the monster. He instructs
his retainers to leave the fighting to hum and await the outcome. But,
when Beowulf is in grave danger, all of them except Wiglaf run to the
safety of the woods. Beowulf's nephew lives up to the highest demands
of the Germanic comitatus in both word and deed. He reminds the
retainers of their oaths, of the'benefits received from Beowulf, and of
their obligations to warrior honor. Be urges them to aid their lord
and declares his intention to stand by Beowulf and die with him if
need be:

'. . . For God is my witness

I am far more fain the fire should seize

along with my'lord these limbs of mine:

Unsuiting it seems our shields to bear

homeward hence, save here we essay

to fell the foe and defend the life

of the weder's lord. I wot 'twere shame

on the law'of our land if alone the king

out of Geatish warriors woe endured

and sank in the struggle! my sword and helmet

breastplate and board, for us both shall serve!‘
(Beowulf, 11. 2650-2660)”

He follows his exhortation with personal example, and together Wiglaf
and Beowulf kill the dragon.

23Klae‘ber, pp. 99-100:
'. . . . ‘ God wat one mec,
past me is micle leofre, past minne lichaman
mId'mdnne goldgyfan glad fasthmie.
we bynceth me gerysne, best we rondas beren
eft to eZFde, nemne we aEFor maegen
fans gefyllan, feorh eaIEian
'Wedra theodnes. Ic wat gears,
past nEEron ealdgewyrht, past he ana scyle
Geatu‘duguthe gnorn prowIEn,
gesigan aet saecce; urum sceal sweord ond helm,
byrne ond'beadiscrud bam.gem§2ne.' (Beowz, 11. 2650-2660)

16h
Grievously wounded and knowing he will die, Beowulf can face
death with the sure knowledge of a life of accomplishment and honorable
service to warrior ideals and to his people. His summary of his life
shows Justifiable pride in the disciplined self-restraint that has
avoided the excesses which bring chaos and disorder to an individual
and to the peeple who depend on him:

'. . . . This peeple I ruled

fifty winters. No folk-king was there,

none at all, of the neighboring clans

Who war would wage me with ' ‘warriors' friends"

and threat me with horrors. At home I bided

what fate might come, and I cared for mine own;

feuds I sought not, nor falsely swore

ever on oath. For all these things,

though fatally wounded, fain am I!

From the Ruler-of—Man no wrath shall seize me,

when life from my frame must flee away, 21:
for killing of kinsmeni . . .' (Beowulf, 11. 2732-27h3)

Beowulf's last acts are to arrange for his tub and give to
loyal Wiglef his golden collar and helmet, breastplate, and ring. Then
passes from life he of whom his hearth-companions said,

Of men he was mildest and most beloved,
to his kin the kindest, keenest for praise. 25
(Beowulf, 11. 3781-3782)

ZhKlaeber, p. 103:
'. . . . Ic thee leode heold
fiftig wintra naes se folccyning,
ymbesittendra 271g there,
be mec gu_t__hwinum gretan dorste,
egesan _t_heon. Ic on earde bad
maglgesceafte, heold min tela,
ne sohte searoni-t_has, no me swor fela
ath_a on unriht. Ic thaes ealles magg
feorhbenmm seoc gefeen habban 3
fortham me witan ne thearf Waldend fire
morthorbealo mega, _Eonne min sceaceth
lif—Ef lice. . . . (Beowz, 11. 2732-27b3)

2SKlaeber, p. 120:
manna mildust ond mon(£_hw) agrust,
leodum li_t_h_ost ond lofgeornost. (Beow., 11. 3181-3182)

165
But before he left he had slain another monster and settled the
"chaos-disorder" condition created by the dragon. Unfortunately, his
death also presents the possibility of an even greater ”chaos-disorder"
condition when the Swedes and the Merovingians renew their feuds against
the Geats. The implications of this are germane to a later stage of
the discussion.

Every act of Beowulf is consistent with his personal honor and
fame, but they are performed only in the best interests of and for the
well-being of the group. After his period as a "male Cinderella" and
his youthful exuberances with Breca, there is never a trace of over-
weening pride or ruthless self-assertion. Without having an awesome
destiny imposed on him, Beowulf becomes the epitome of disciplined
self-restraint, the ideal man of was. And with such conduct he has
upheld the highest standards of Germanic heroic society as both retainer
and overlord. ‘

The standards of Beowulf are not those of the more primitive

heroic society presented in Das Hildebrandslied, Welders, and even the

 

later £939.! of 32.1.92. In those works no more would have been denanded
of Beowulf than the uncomplicated heroic responses of the cmitatus
idealo-emercise of courage, strength, and loyalty in the defense of
comrades, lord, land, and honor. He does exercise such qualities, but
he also demonstrates more complex responses.

If he had responded as Hildebrand, Gunther, or Byrhtnoth, he
might well have answered Unferth's insulting behavior with violence and
bloodshed. Instead, he deals with the situation forcefully and intelli-

gently to deflate the pompous Danish courtier and protect his honor.

166

Without creating trouble in Hrothgar's court, he affirms his warrior
qualifications and enhances his stature. If he had reacted as Walter
or Aelfwine, he might well have fought the Franks until his corpse
lay beside Hygelac's in the Frankish land. The poem does not provide
enough details of the raid to indicate why he did not fight to the
death, but it does show that he avenged the death of Hygelac before
escaping. Nowhere does the author suggest that it was wrong for him
to flee the battle, and Hygd and the Geats never condann him for flee-
ing. If he had conducted himself as Hygelac, he might well have led
his warriors to danger and death as Hygelac had done in raiding the
Frankish territory. However, Beowulf avoided such behavior and explicitly
mentions the importance of this in his final emery of his life. He is
proud of his deeds of strength and courage, but he is more proud of
never having killed a kinsman and never having created strife at home or
abroad by his leadership.

These contrasts between the direct and uncomplicated response of

the heroic figures of Des Hildebrandslied, Welders, and Battle gf_ Haldon

 

and the more deliberated actions of Beowulf reveal the changing social
circumstances of heroic values. The comitatus ideal of early Germanic
heroism has been filtered through more developed ethical attitudes and
so modified as to require a hero with the conduct and qualifications of
a Beowulf.

Though there is never any evident tension between self-restraint
and self-assertion for Beowulf (except briefly in his youth), the tension
is exhibited within the work by contrasts between Beowulf and other
characters, and (in one passage) between the youthful Beowulf and the

167
mature Beowulf. Nearly every episode or allusion worked into the fiber

of the central Heldeneleben reveals the tension and serves a two-fold

 

expansive function. The flzting between Beowulf and Unferth provides
two contrasts that highlight both Beowulf's superior physical and moral
qualities: the former over Breca and both the former and the latter
over Unferth. The latter contrast is reinforced by the magnanimous
conduct of Beowulf just before he leaves Hrothgar's land. The episode
also shows the self-assertive youth Beowulf as contrasted with the
self-restrained warrior he became, and by so doing it expands the

Heldensleben. Finally, the information about Breca and Unferth further

 

expands the work to build up the general picture of Germmic heroic
society. That picture is later completed by other episodes which serve
the same purpose.

The allusions to Sigmund and Hermod serve such a purpose, and
the story of Herenmd provides Hrothgar with an m for his semen
on pride and also highlights by contrast the exanplaryconduct of
Beowulf. Hrothgar's words effectively condemn Heremod's self-assertive
actions, and Beowulf's disciplined self-restraint, both earlier and
later, is favorably presented and praised by the author's implied
point of view. The poet's account of Beowulf's "slack” youth shows, by
contrast with what he became, precisely what conduct the poet ( and
perhaps the society he represents) finds laudable. Wiglaf's participation
in the fight with the dragon serves a two-fold purpose. First, it is
part of the expanded milieu of the enlarged Heldensleben. W'iglaf was
the son of Weohetan, who was involved in the trouble between the Swedes

and the Geats. Weohstan had slain Eanmund in Onela's service during that

168
conflict and had to seek safety in Geatland when Eadgile was settled
on the Swedish throne. Furthermore, Wiglaf‘s courage and his loyalty
to his lord contrast with the conduct of the ten retainers who ran away,
and the contrast condoms their action but praises Wiglaf's.
In this manner the episodes directly related to the Beowulf

Heldensleben provide highlighting by contrast for Beowulf's exemplary

 

conduct and also expand the scope of the work beyond a simple

Heldsnsleben. Most of the other supplemental episodes introduced into

 

the account of Beowulf's three major deeds further expand the scope of
the poem.

The first of these is the introductory section (11. 1-52) which
gives the genealog of the Scylding line up to Hrothgar. The second
concerns Ecgtheow's feud and his relations with Hrothgar (11. 169-1172).
The third, which is presented in several places (11. 1202-12113; 2200-
2323; 235hb-2396; 291013-2998), gves details about Hygelac's disastrous
raid in Frankish territory and about Beowulf's service to Hygelac and
Heardred while they were alive. Part of that account reveals how
Heardred gets involved in the Swedish power struggle by giving refuge to
Eanmund and Eadgils. The fourth episode (11. 21.28-2508") adds more
information concerning Beowulf's services to Hygelac during the raid on
the Franks, but it also tells of the family background of Pygelac and
the early wars betwmn the Swedes and the Geats. The fifth episode
(11. 1999-2069) is part of Beowulf's report to Hygelac. This gives
details of the Danish-Heathobard feud and Hrothgar's attempts to settle
it by the marriage of P‘reawaru to Ingeld. Beowulf sees things quite

clearly and predicts that Freawaru will not be the "weaver of peace"

169
Hrothgar hepes she might. All of these supplemental episodes serve to
relate the Beowulf poem to the broader vistas of the epic world of
Germanic heroism. But they also do this in a very definite direction.
This will be seen by a further examination of-theu and of others related
to them. ‘

The sixth episode (11. 1069-1159‘) also serves to expand the
background of the work, but it adds something more. This episode is
the often discussed Finnsburg tale, which recounts the Danish-Frisian
feud, its tenporary settlement, and the later savage eruption of
destructive vengeance. Although certain details about Hildeburh are
not available, the whole Finnsburg tale serves as an allusively sug-
gestive parallel to the Danish-Heathobard feud which Beowulf predicts
will erupt again. With suggestive foreshadowing, the poet very early
makes an allusion to the later burning of Heorot (11. 82-85) . Danish

history, as Klaeber shows,26

reports that despite the marriage with
Freawaru, Ingeld later invaded Danish land, and, though routed, be
burned Hearst. Though Hrothgar survived this trouble, his heir
Hrsthric was less fortunate. During Beowulf's visit to the Danish
court, the poet introduces several references to the peace between
Hrothgar and his nephew Hrothulf. In these references (11. 1017-1019,
1162-1165, 1180-1187) the poet indicates that conflict has not yet
developed, but that it will come. The third reference supports this
likelihood, for Wealtheow makes an ingratiating plea to Hrothulf for

kindly treatment of her sons in the event of Hrothgar's death. Francis

261(1aeber, p. xxxvi.

170

Summers interprets this as an indication of the distrust she and
Hrothgar share about Hrothulf.27

In his connected summary of the details concerning these allu-
sions,28 Klaeber indicates that Hrothulf seizes the kingship after
Hrothgar's death and kills Hrethric. Though Beowulf does not deal with
further consequences of these events, Hrothulf later falls from power
when Heoroweard asserts his rights: rights which had been passed over
when his father Heorogar died and Hrothgar became king.29 Thus the
result of a number of supplemental episodes related in conjunction with

Beowulf's three major deeds is to expand the Heldensleben to epic scope

 

and to suggest the tragic chaos and disorder which is ahead for the
Danes and the Geats. Beowulf predicts some of the troubles to come and
others are alluded to in the context of the work.

The self-restraint and.mggurg of men like Hrothgar and Beowulf
brought harmony and order to the Danes, but when these men are gone
self-assertive men like Hrothulf and Ingeld will assure the return of
chaos and disorder to the Danish land: darkness will descend upon them.
In similar fashion, the harmony and order Beowulf created for the Geats
will be ended after his death when the Swedes and the Franks will rekindle
old enmities that had been allayed because Beowulf's strength and ability
protected his land and because he had not sought aggressive ware abroad.
The poet reports this in Beowulf's final reminiscence after his fatal

encounter with the dragon (ll. 2732-27b3). Later, through the herald who

27Gummere, p. 75.
28Klaeber, p. xxxvi.

29Klaeber, p. xxxvi.

171
reports the tragic results of Beowulf's defense of his land, impmding
doom is announced for the Geats (11. 2892-3030).

The consequences of all the preceding discussion are pertinent
to a totally integrated view of the structure and significance of
Beowulf. The poet begins with two focal points, the land of the Danes
and the land of the Geats. In these two areas he focuses attention
upon three major deeds of Beowulf: the destruction of Grendel, the
battle with Grendel's dam, and the fatal struggle of the hero with the
dragon in his own land. Around these three events he builds a
Heldensleben by adding allusions and references to other events before

 

the visit to Hrothgar's court and also after the hero's return to

Hygelac's court. But the creation of the Heldensleben is not the princi-

 

pal purpose of the author, for he goes beyond that. Some of the accounts
of Beowulf's deeds serve to situate him fimly in the world of Germanic
heroism. However, the poet makes a point of presenting him as something
more than a Sigemund, or a, Hrothgar, or even a Hygelac. In the presenta-
tion of the three major deeds of Beowulf, the hero is depicted first as
an ideal retainer and later as an ideal ruler. His a ctions are those
of the exenplary hero, and some of his earlier deeds denonstrate that
he was not always the hero of self-restraint and discipline. Those
earlier deeds and the deeds of some Germanic heroes are presented for
effective contrast with Beowulf's achieved excellence. Major contrasts
are made by the account of Beowulf's "slack" youth, by the allusive
reference to Heremod's heroisme man e’, and by the flyting with Unferth.
The importance of moderation and restraint to the poet is made

evident by Brothgar's sermon on pride and avarice, which, though seemingly

172

gratuitous in light of Beowulf's exemplary conduct, is delivered.with
the best of intentions by Hrothgar. ‘Minor suggestive contrasts are
apparent even in Hrothgar's relations with Heoroweerd, who was pushed
aside when Hrothgar came to power, and with Brothulf, who has reason to
create trouble for Hrothgar'e sons. Another suggestive contrast is
offered by Hrothgar's well-intentioned, but ineffective, manner of
trying to settle the Danieh-Heathobard feud by the marriage of Freewaru
to Ingeld. Beowulf solved two major "chaos-disorder" conditions for
the Danes, but he will not be around when the self-assertive forces of
Heoroweard, Hrothulf, and the Heathobarde are unleashed to bring chaos
and.disorder to the Scylding line.

In his own land the excellence and superiority of Beowulf are
presented by the contrast between what he once was and what he one
to be. Though.flyge1ac is honored and respected by'Beowulf and his
people, he is not quite the equal of Beowulf in heroic qualities
or exemplary attributes. This is subtly but clearly indicated by the
results of Hygelac's acts and leadership as contrasted with Beowulf's.
Hygelac's self-assertive behavior furnished part of the badkground of
hostility between the Swedes and the Geats, but Beowulf's leadership,
after the death of Hygelac and his son, created a lengthy peace between
the two lands. Hygelac'e reckless expedition into the'Merovingisn
territory also resulted in his death and in the destruction of his
forces. All indications suggest that Beowulf alone escaped the slaughter
after having avenged the death of his lord.

After his return to his homeland, Beowulf's military skill,

wisdom, and exemplary leadership assure peace in his land until his

173
death in the fight with the dragon. After his death, the herald who
reports the sad news also reveals the fear of the Geats. In so doing,
he indicates the significance of Beowulf's death and the meaning of his
life: without the qualities of Beowulf to guide them, the Geats will
become prey to the suppressed, aggressive hostility of the Swedes and
the Franks. Chaos and disorder will descend upon the land in the

Heldendaemmerung to come. As a result of this and the similar chaos and

 

disorder which came to the Danish land after Beowulf's departure, the
total story-structure is evident. The three major deeds in the life of

Beowulf are expanded into a Heldensleben, which is further expanded to

 

epic scope by added episodes that make Beowulf a part of the select
membership of Germanic heroism. Not only does he share all the best
abilities and skills of the primitive heroic figure, but he also
possesses all the moral and ethical excellence of the exemplary hero.
In his final commentary on his life, Beowulf makes a point of sugges-
tively comparing himself to others who, by aggressively self-assertive
acts or by failure to exercise moderation and restraint, brought trouble
to themselves or their heirs. Though he makes no direct reference to
anyone, Beowulf is proud of the fact that he has taken care of’matters
at home and not gone looking for trouble. He may be alluding to the
trouble Hygelac created by his raid against the Franks or some similar
situation. In any event, chaos and disorder is to be the lot of both
the Danes and Geats when there is no exemplary figure like Beowulf to

transform the chaos and disorder. Thus the Heldensleben of Beowulf and

 

the expanse of the Germanic heroic world are encircled by the controlling

frame of a Heldendaemmerung that parallels the Goetterdaemmerung of

 

 

Germanic mythology.

SECTION THREE

MEDIEVAL LITERATURE

Chapter II

"Douce France" and La Chanson d3 Roland

 

Plot Structure

 

Though various critics and commentators have discussed the
importance of mesure and demesure in La Chanson g2 Bgland, they have
done so only in a limited way or as part of some other aspect of the
work.1 The purpose of the following discussion is to show that these
concepts are far more significant to the total structure and meaning
of the work than has yet been demonstrated.

The story element is developed in nine steps of plot incidents
arranged in evident dramatic fashion: the unsatisfactory situation for
Marsile and Charlemagne, the delivery of Blancandrin's plan to the Franks,
the reception of the plan and the choice of an emissary, the trip of
Ganelon and his treachery, the selection of the rear guard, the destruc-
tion of the rear guard, the vengeance of Charlemagne, the trial and
punishment of Ganelon, the new task of Charlemagne. However, the
handling and treatment of these steps gradually reveals the full struc-
tural framework of the epiC.

1Three such discussions appear in the following works: Joseph
Be’dier, Les Legendes Epiques (Paris, 1912), III, too-libs; Alfred Foulet,
"Is Roland Guilty 6? Desmesure?, " Romance Philology, X (1956), th-lhB;
Alain Renoir, "Roland's Lament: Its Meaning and Function in the
Chanson de Roland," Speculum, XXXV (1963), 572-583. Though Renoir's
discussion i§_meaningful for this thesis, he discusses mesure only as

part of the significance and function of laisse CXL in respect to the
unity of tone and structure in the first half of the poem.

 

17h

17S
Circular Growth and Multiple oe’mesure

 

the structural framework, for they put the reader 3.2 medias res of the

 

general "chaos-disorder" condition of the Moslem-Frankish war. At the
center of that part of the frame the author presents the situation of
Harsile and his forces as an "affliction" (from Harsile's point of view).
However, it is also evident that the French, particularly Charlemagne,
consider the situation as quite undesirable, though for very different
reasons. For Marsile and his forces, the "affliction" is the presence
of Charlemagne in Spain and around Saragossa. For the French generally
and Charlemagne especially, the undesirable situation is still to be
away from "douce France" after seven years of weary war. Because both
leaders would like very much to alter the situation, the specific cir-
cumstances presented at the start furnish an incipient "chaos-disorder"
condition at the center of the story-structure framework.

Blancandrin's proposal to Marsile in the third .1923: offers
great advantages to both leaders. Charlanagne will get the surrender
of Harsile, considerable wealth, the promise of Marsile's conversion,
hostages to bind the agreement, and the chance to return to France.
Hareile will get Charlemagne out of Spain and have a chance to make
plans to reverse the defeat and avoid death or conversion at the
hands of a Christian conqueror. Marsile has no compunctions about
breaking any promise he might make or about callously sacrificing the
hostages , for he obviously considers his life and the lives of his
warriors more important than the deaths of whatever hostages he may send.
He accepts the plan eagerly and camissions Blancandrin to deliver the

176
proposal to Charlemagne. This requires the first of several shifts from)
the Moslem camp to the French camp, and those shifts are handled by
the same shuttle-focus technique that has been seen in the other epics.
In the latter portion of the work, the shift will take the reader from
where Roland is to where Charlemagne is, as well as from one group to
the other.

When Blancandrin delivers the proposal to Charlmagne, the
incipient ”chaos-disorder" situation becomes a growing "chaos-disorder
condition for the French. Charlemagne indicates at once that he has some
reservations about trusting Marsile, but he places the proposal before
his council of nobles. Charlemagne admits that he is not sure of
Marsile's true purpose, and the French are unanimous in declaring that
they must be on their guard. Then Roland, Charlanagne's outstanding
warrior, hears the plan and attacks it with fury. In so doing he
begins to display his proud, brash, and often arrogant nature.

Roland's unrestrained outburst surprisingly contains some sound
advice that the French cannot trust Harsile and the Paynins. He
reminds them of Marsile's previous treachery and urges his lord:

'Spend all your life, if need be, in the sie ,
Revenge the men this villain made to bleed!'

In view of the wariness expressed by Charles and the Franks, one might

expect ready agreement to Roland's advice. However, the Franks are

2Dorothy L. Sayers, tr., The Son of Roland (Baltimore, Maryland,
1960), p. 58. English quotations-Til e'Trom this source, and French
quotations will be from the following source: Joseph Bedier, ed., La
Chanson 23 Roland (65th ed., Paris, 1963). Bedier, Ch. de Rol., 11'."
Eli-213: _ _ '—
‘Metez le sege a tute nostre vie,
Si vengez cels que li fels fist ocirel‘

177
silent. Perhaps they feel that his declaration reveals his de’mesure’
fondness for battle; perhaps his outburst is too blatantly self-assertive
or egoistic for them; perhaps they are less keen about fighting than
they were earlier. In any event, there is no reaction until Ganelon
speaks.

Cenelon starts with a reasonable warning that the reckless and
proud should not be heard. He urges the king to seek his om welfare, and
Charlemagne virtually follows that advice through most of the epic.
Ganelon's warning soon develops into a tirade of unrestrained vindictive-
ness against Roland, and the violent manner with which he delivers it
reveals he is quite as démesure/ as Roland. Despite this evidently
excessive conduct, Charlemagne and the Franks approve Ganelon's words.
hidently, they listen to what they want to hear, for even the pre-
sumably wise Naimon supports Ganelon's position. That support is enough
to make the assembled Franks forget their suspicion of and experience with
Marsile. One must assume that they are so eager to return to France
that their eagerness makes them a bit short-sighted. Even the venerable
and experienced Charles exercises no discriminating judgment in evaluating
Ganelon's advice. As a consequence, incipient chaos and disorder move
in the direction of real chaos and disorder for the Franks.

Charlemagne exercises even less discrimination in the choice of
an ambassador to Marsile‘s camp. Considering his reservations about
Mareile and his responsibility to his warriors and his land, one might
reasonably ezqaect him to want an experienced and skillful ambassador
who might tactfully accomplish the mission. Yet Charlemagne refuses
offers from both Turpin and Naimon, men who seem ideally qualified for such

a task. In fact, he is thoroughly self-assertive in refusing to let

178
any of the Peers undertake the mission, and he is even rudely commanding
to Turpin. Such behavior can only be the result of a great self-assertive
desire to accept the plan despite his suspicion and fear that something
may go wrong.

Charlemagne then asks the Peers to select a baron for the
mission, and Roland, with no apparent suggestion of malice, proposes
his stepsire. Considering the ruler's request, Roland's choice seems an
excellent one. The mission may be fraught with danger and death, but
almost any noble warrior or loyal retainer should accept it as a duty‘
to his lord and an honor to enhance his personal glory. However,
Ganelon appears to consider Roland's proposal purposely‘vindictive rather
than naively'brilliant, and does not accept it in heroic fashion.
Obviously in the throes of unrestrained personal hatred for Roland, he
takes it as an attempt to get rid of him. His vehemence in venting his
anger by'a threat to bring ruin to Roland suggests a vicious nature and
a lack of 535353. ,

Charlemagne could perhaps overlook such behavior,‘but one has
difficulty understanding how he can overlook Ganelon's threat to play
some deadly trick to satisfy his "unbounded rage." Charlemagne not only
permits him to go, but he orders him.to go. How he can entrust such a
mission to one so obviously immoderate in his passion is comprehensible
only if we regard it as a point of honor with Charlemagne once he has
made his request and his nobles have approved Roland's choice.

Just after this point in the action, the potential chaos and
disorder for the Franks virtually'becoaes kinetic chaos and disorder as

a result of what Charlemagne fails to do in respect to the RolanddGanelon

179
animosity. Charlemagne might be expected to realise the disastrous
possibilities of the conflict between the two men, but he does nothing
to restrain either of them. Roland, who is naive in many respects,
knows how to make use of Ganelon's pride. He taunts Ganelon by
declaring a good man is needed and by offering to replace Ganelon.
Roland's taunts and laughter in the face of Ganelon's threats build
Ganelon's rage to explosive proportions. Yet, at the end of 23.3.9.2
twenty-two and in the following 33.1.29! he curbs his anger and offers
what sounds very much like a plea for Charles to change the decision.

However, when Charlemagne cmmnands Ganelon to go, the latter
loses all sense of restraint and unleashes one of the most blatant
demonstrations of demesure in the poem. His vile oath of revenge extends
his personal quarrel with Roland to include Oliver and the other Peers.
Such action is a gross and unforgivable insult to ruler, to country, and
to the warrior society of which he is a part. That action should cer-
tainly rule out Ganelon as one worthy to perform the mission. One would
expect that Charlemagne might think of the best interests of the group
and reconsider the matter. Though Charlemagne tells Ganelon his passion
is too hot, the king does not replace him.

Charlemagne turns over the glove of responsibility and Ganelon
promptly drops it. All are aghast at this ill-omen, but Charlemagne
disregards the incident. Even when Ganelon assures them they will
experience misfortune, Charlemagne neglects that warning Just as he had
neglected other warning omens. His self-assertiveness and, very
likely, his desire to reap the benefits of Blancandrin's tempting plan
combine to eliminate the exercise of whatever mesure Charlemagne might

 

otherwise have. The quality, extent, and nature of his self-assertion

180
are not the same as that of Ganelon or Roland, but Cha rlemagne's some-
what passive dénesure places Ganelon in exactly the position that will
permit him to plan the treachery and assure extensive disaster for the
Franks.

Ganelon's visit in Marsile's camp affords the pagans a chance to
make Blancandrin's plan even more useful to them than originally
anticipated. In addition, it reveals the extent of Ganelon's cunning
and treachery. Like Blancandrin, Ganelon appears to know his cum.

Canelon's every action and word is a craftily designed "deadfall"
for Marsile. He stresses the ignominious defeat and treatment that the
agreenent will cause Mareile. He makes it clear that Marsile will have
to share Spain with his hated foe, Roland. He supplies every bit of
information Marsile desires, but carefully arranges his praise of
Charlemagne and the Peers to suggest that Roland, Oliver, and the Peers
are the major obstacle the Moslems must eliminate. Step by step,
Ganelon makes sure that Marsile will be receptive to his suggestions of
treachery (a superb bit of double irony). By convincing Marsile that
he can make sure that the Peers are in the rear-guard when Charlemagne
heads back to France, he offers Warsile a way to destroy that obstacle.

' Ganelon convinces Marsile that the proposed actions will end the
capability and desire of Charlemagne to oppose Marsile. The latter
readily approves of Ganelon's plan because it offers him the same tempta-
tion Blancandrin's scheme had offered Charlemagne--wealth, honor, and
the end of the war on his terms. He therefore acts without _m_e_s1_1r_g in
accepting the plan and Ganelon's assurance about Charlemagne's reaction
to the loss of the rear-guard and the Peers. It would be sheer folly to
think that Ganelon really believed the king would act as he has led

181
Harsile to believe. Ganelon's gambit is based on his thorough under-
standing of the demesure desires of the two men to satisfy their wishes
and exercise their self-assertion. Ganelon's mental gymnastics depend
on his understanding of the two men and their psychological attitude
about the loss of their chief warriors. Marsile is warned that he will
lose many of his men in the attack on the rear-guard, but he is quite
willing to make that sacrifice. Perhaps because he is willing to lose
his men he may think Charlemagne will take the same point of view. He
does not understand the bond that exists between Charlemagne and the
Peers, and Ganelon does not enlighten him. Marsile accepts Ganelon's
evaluation and in so doing assures the success of what one can only
comprehend as brilliantly executed double treachery on the part of
Ganelon.

After Ganelon's return Charlemagne has two dreams (laisses S6
and 57) which symbolise Ganelon's treachery and the trouble ahead, but
he says or does nothing. He does not assign the Peers to the advance
guard, where they normally serve, nor does he designate them for other
special tasks. By throwing the selection of the rear-guard open to
suggestion, Charlemagne affords Ganelon the chance to propose Roland
and the Peers. ENen though Charlemagne calls Ganelon a "fiend incarnate"
possessed by malice, he does nothing to reject the choice.

subsequent developments have been prepared for earlier. Oliver's
comments during the selection of the emissary pointed out Roland's
extreme pride and stubborn mood, qualities which Roland actively
demonstrates at this point and which Ganelon uses to his advantage.

Roland does not trust Ganelon's motives, but he gladly'accepts the task

182

as an honor and duty; He reminds the assembly'that he will not allow
the symbol of responsibility to fall in the dust as Ganelon did.
Roland's pride puts him just where Ganelon wants him. Roland asks for
the symbols of responsibility, and Charlemagne, evidently thinking of
the evil omens contained in his dreams, weeps as he delivers them.
The king's only effort to provide some surety against the omens is an
ineffective suggestion that he leave half his army with the rear-guard.
Roland proudly and indignantly rejects this proposal with

'. . . No, I never will consent;

May God confound me if I shame my descent.

A thousand score I'll keep of valiant French.‘

(s33 g_f_ m, 11. 787-789)3

Despite the foreboding in his breast and despite his revelation to
Naimon that by "Ganelon fair France is ruined quite,“4 Charlemagne
merely weeps and heads for France.

At this point the very active de’mesure of Marsile, Ganelon, and
Roland has combined with both the active and passive demesure of
Charlemagne to virtually assure the tragic events at Ronceveaux. Only
the major self-assertive act of Roland is needed to arrange the destmc-
tion of the rear-guard. That act comes all too soon.

At the sound of the enemy's advance Roland, superbly cocksure
and ever eager for a fight, proclaims the code he lives by:

3Sayers, p. 82/Be’dier, p. 68:

'. . . 'Jo n'en ferai nient.
Deus me cunfunde, se la geste en desmentl
.XI. milie Francs retendrai ben vaillansfl

hSayers, p. 62.

183
'Men for their lords great hardship must abide,
Fierce heat and cold endure in every clims,
loss for his sake, if need be, skin and hide.‘ S
(S ong_ of R_g____land, 11. 1010-1012)
Oliver indicates the advancing mass and suggests Ganelon has betrayed
them, but hardheaded Roland will have no mi spoken of his step-sire.
Oliver's report of the Moslem strength draws a typically heroic and
demesure’ response from the Franks:
. . . 'Foul shame it were to flee!
We're yours to death; no man of us will yield. '
(Song__ of L___oland, 11. 10147-th8)6
Thus Oliver, who realizes the possible consequences of such absolute
de’mesure and knows the value of mesure, urges Roland to sound the
oliphant and summon needed aid. Pride-swollen in his individual might
and recklessly demanding in his concern for personal glory, for the pride
of his lineage, and for his country's honor, Roland scornfully refuses
with a further declaration of what he believes. He asks God to forbid

'That e'er by me fair France should be disfamed!
I'd rather die than thus be put to shame;
If the king loves us it's for our valour's sake.‘
(Song__ of Rolan_____d_, 11. 1090-4092)7

Roland and his fellow Peers certainly prove their valor in the

battle that follows. At the very start of it, Harsile's nephew Adelroth

SSayers, p. 9l/Bgdier, p. 86:
'Pur sun seignor deit hom susfrir destreis
E endurer e granz chals egrans freis,
Sin deit hom perdre e del quir e del peil.‘

6Sayers, p. 92/Be’dier, p. 90:
. . . 'Dehet ait ki s'en fuit!
Ja pur murir ne vus en faldrat uns.‘

7Sayers, p. 9h/Bgdier, p. 9b:
'Que ja pur mei perdet sa valur France!
Mela voeill murir que huntage me venget.
Hr ben ferir l'enperere plus nos aimet.‘

18h

proclaims a bitter truth they cannot accept or comprehend:
'l’ou've been betrayed by him that should protect you,
Your king lacked wit who in the passes left you.‘
(Son on__g of §_____oland, 11. 1192-1193)8
Roland, angered by such an insult to his king, slaughters Adelroth,
denies the charge, and assures his men that right is on their side.
Adelroth may have wrong on his side, but he could not be more right
about Charlemagne, who has not exercised any degree of mesure and whose
passive détesuze well deserves the word fols applied to him.
The savagery of the battle gradually forces Roland to admit
to himself and to proclaim openly the baseness of Ganelon's deed. when
the Paynim blades have reduced the rear-guard to sixty, Roland's
awareness of the tragic deaths leads to his first big step towards
understanding and humility. He asks Oliver if they should report their
desperate situation. With the chilled edge of irony, Oliver throws
back at his friend the words and sentiments Roland had used to reject
his friend's suggestion. Roland now wants to sound the oliphant, but
Oliver, with bitter irony, again throws his friend's word back at him:
a e 0 'It “Uld ‘3. £011]. “”31“,
And to your kindred the reproach would be great:
All their lives long they'd not live down the shame.‘ 9
(Song g_f_ Roland, 11. 1705-1707)
Then gentle Oliver unleashes his pent-up anger and, with blunt
I
bitterness, points out Roland's deaesure in having refused to sound the
8 I ‘
Sayers, p. 98/Bedier, p. 102.
'Trait vos ad ki a guarder vos ont.
Fols eat 11 reis ki vos laissat as pore.‘
9Sayers, p. III/Bedier, p. 11th:
. . . 'Vergoigne sereit grant

E repruver a trestus vos parens;
Iceste hunte dureit al lur vivant!'

185

oliphant earlier. Roland, sensing the anger and rebuke in his friend' s
voice, must know the reason for them. Oliver obliges by detailing the
nature of Roland's de’mesure:

. . . 'Companion, you got us in this mess.

There is wise velour, and there is recklessness.

Prudence is worth more than foolhardiness.

Through your o'erweening you have destroyed the French.‘

(_s_o_x_:g_ of Ro___l_.__and, 11. 1723-1726)10

Bishop Turpin halts the quarrel and urges Roland to blow the oliphant
so that Charlemagne may come to avenge them and give them proper burial.
Roland, in his typically unrestrained fashion, blows so vigorously that
he bursts the veins of his temples and does what all his enemies could
not do.

Despite Ganelon's efforts to urge him otherwise, Charlemagne
responds to the "desperate lament" of the oliphant and heads for
Ronceveaux. Ganelon's outburst reveals clearly his deceit and takes
Charles a step closer to recognition of his responsibility in the events.

At Ronceveaux Roland, sobered by Oliver's words and the carnage
around him, begins to perceive his dénesure and its consequences. He
reflects upon the brave deeds and service his dead companions gave to
France, which has been deprived of their skill and bravery. His reflec-
tions make him understand and admit, with chastened humility, his
responsibility for their deaths. When Oliver is wounded and , in his
blindness, strikes Roland, the latter no longer demonstrates the wild

10Sayers, p. l3l/Bedier, pp. 11411-1116:

. . . 'Cmrrpains, ves le feistes,
kar vasselage par sens nen est volie;

Niels valt mesure que no fait estultie.
Franceis sunt mora par vostre legerie.'

186
and reckless response of pride one has come to expect of him; instead,
Roland, with questioning tenderness, asks why he did it. Oliver's
reply settles the matter, and the two friends part with great affection.

Roland performs all his final actions: in the same hmnble spirit
of contrition. When he alone remains alive, he places himself facing
Spain and the slaughtered enemies, as befits a warrior. However, this
last act is without the £133 and panache of the willfully brash knight
he had always been. The mechanical reflexes to set himself facing the
enany are there, but the demesur; spirit is no longer there. With
grieving penitence and abject Inlmility, he offers his glove to the
service of God.

Charlemagne reaches the battlefield when it is too late to help
any of his Peers, and the carnage he sees makes him reproach himself
for not having been with them. Before he can bury his dead warriors
Charlemagne must avenge his rear-guard by destroying Harsile's forces.
That task is quickly performed and Charlemagne returns to Roncewaux,
where he takes the final step toward realisation of the consequences
of what he has done and what he has failed to do.

Roland's death affects him so profoundly that he declares:

'Roland, my friend, God have thy soul on high
With the bright Hallows in flowers of Paradisei
Thy wretched lord sent thee to Spain to die!
Never shall day bring comfort to my eyes.

How fast must dwindle my joy and my might!

None shall I have to keep our honour bright!‘
(Son n__g of Rol___a__nd, 11. 2898-2903)11

11 ’

Sayers, p. 162/Bedier, p. 2110:

'Ami Rollant, Deus metet t'anme en flora
Bl pareis, entre les glorius!

Cum on Espaigne venis a mal seignur!
Jamais n'ert jurn de tei n'aie dulur.
Cum decarrat ma force e ma baldur!

N' en avrai ja ki sustienget m'onor.‘

18?
Furthermore, he realizes that the consequences of his conduct will always
be with him:
'All my life long in sorrow must I reign.
Nor any day cease grieving and canplaint.‘ 12
(5935 3;; m, 11. 291h-2915)
He grieves for his household and for desolate France, but that grief
must be put aside to meet the onslaught of Baligant's pagan reinforcements.
Charlemagne's victory over Baligant's forces is quick and decisive, and
with that victory he settles most of the chaos and disorder created by
the combined demesure of Marsile, Ganelon, Roland, and himself. Only
the matter of Ganelon' s punishment retains.

Ganelon's punishment does not turn out to be quite the simple
matter of justice one would expect. when Charlemagne convenes the
nobles to judge Ganelon, that wily baron justifies his actions by his
hatred for Roland and insists he did not betray the state. Pinabel and
his followers support Ganelon with a show of strength and a demand that
he be freed. This creates a serious rift in Fralch chivalric society
and becomes a "chaos-disorder" condition for that society and for
Charlemagne's authority. Charlemagne asserts his authority to punish
Ganelon's treachery, but only Thierry supports his ruler. Thierry
declares that Ganelon had no right to be disloyal to the king and to
French chivalry no matter what his motives were. Then he demands punish-
ment to fit the deed and declares he will support his position by
meeting Pinabel in combat. Thierry's victory in the trial by combat
supports Charlemagne's judgment, and Ganelon and the pledges receive the

12Sayers, p. lOZ/Bedier, p. 2142:

'A grant dulur tendrai puis mun reialme;
Jamais n'ert jur que ne plur ne n'en plaigne.‘

188
punishment accorded to traitors and knaves. Thus "treason destroys
itself and others too." (§ggg‘3£‘§gl§§g, l. 3959)13

Charlemagne seeks his rest after a trying day, but for him there
is to be no rest. Both his positive and his passive self-assertion have
permitted favorable circumstances for Ganelon, Harsile, and Roland to
exercise their demesure. Those circumstances and their demesure resulted
in the tragic slaughter of the rear-guard and left Charlemagne with
considerably less skill and leadership to fight the enemies of
Christianity. Consequently, he must himself fill the breach and.unrelent-
ingly press the fight against the Heathens. No longer will he be per-
mitted the self-indulgence of keeping his ease by'neglecting the reasoned
and prudent steps which could have served the wellébeing of the Peers,
of his entire army, and of "deuce France." Though he may grumble that his
life is weary, Charlemagne will answer the call to duty with no trace
of demesure.

Whether by calculated design or fortuitous circumstance, the
author of La Chanson 22 Rglgnd created a total structure for his epic
that is remarkably'similar to that of The Iliad. There are other
modifications or expansions to the structural framework and the narra-
tive handling of the Iliadic model, but the basic manner of expensive
circular growth is the dominant characteristic. The significant
modification to this is that the circular growth results from multiple

demesure rather than the double demesure of The Iliad.

«

13Sayers, p. 201/Bedier, p. 328:
'Ki bums traist sei ocit e altroi.‘

189

As in The Iliad, thé'poem starts at a particular point of time
in the martial conflict between the two forces, the Franks of Charlemagne
and the Paynims of Marsile. The designated point of time provides a
specific set of circumstances within the general situation of the
FrankishéMoslsm struggle for Spain: neither leader likes the current
status of the war.

The apparent impasse at Saragossa represents a "chaos-disorder"
situation for both Marsile and Charlemagne; Charlemagne would like to
end hostilities and get back to France, and Marsile would like a respite
to arrange more favorable conditions for himself. Both react in a
generally dgnesure’ way to Blancandrin's plan, and the subsequent results
of their desires to arrange the details transform the "chaos-disorder"
situation of the opening into a far greater condition of chaos and
disorder for both sides, particularly the Franks.

The efforts to get agreement on the plan require an exchange
of emissaries, and that exchange brings into play the shuttle-focus
technique that shifts action back and forth between the two camps (and
later from where Charlemagne is to where Roland is). That exchange also
introduces the other elements of demesure which convert Blancandrin's
plan from a simple deceptive ruse to a complex scheme of deception
and treachery that will have tragic consequences for the Peers,
Charlemagne, French chivalry, "douce France," and the Christian world.
The double dénesure of Charlemagne and Marsile is added to the double
demesure of Ganelon and Roland, and the resultant complex of multiple
demesure expands the initial chaos and disorder to involve the Peers,

French chivalry, France, and the Christian world.

190

Like Oedipus in Oedipus R25 and Gloucester in E125 Lear,
Charlemagne is figuratively blinded even when he sees what he should
do. For this reason, Charlemagne's positive déhesure (in respect to
his self-assertive desires) and passive demesure (in respect to his
failure to take mg action when he should) permit the unrestrained
self-assertive conduct of Marsile, Ganelon, and Roland to make
inevitable the tragic consequences at Ronceveaux. Only when he has seen
the tragic results of his action and inaction (as Achilleus after the
death of Patroklos) does Charlemagne take positive action.

Like Achilleus, Charlemagne needs something catastrophic to shake

him.out of his entgtement, his particular brand of déhesure. As Roland

 

had earlier experienced the knowledge of what his self-assertion pro-
duced, so does Charlemagne learn to recognize his failure. However,
where recognition had come to Roland as he observed the decimation
of his fellow warriors, it comes to Charlemagne in four steps.
Charlemagne's first step comes when the sound of the cliphant
proclaims Ganelon's treachery and starts the Franks away from France
and toward Ronceveaux. At this point, the French leader is sure of
Ganelon's treachery, but he does not realize his personal involvement.
As he gases on the lifeless bodies of Roland and the Peers, he takes
his second step; he grieves that he was not with them during the attack.
Though he does not dwell upon the details, his remarks here and later
clearly suggest that he regrets his failure to heed the disquieting
presentiments he had and to exercise the mggurg he sensed was needed.
The third important step occurs after he returns to bury his dead
warriors. The sight of them.moves him to tears, and he reproaches himself

for his responsibility in their deaths. He has avenged them.by positive

191
action, but he can never bring them back. However, his positive actions
against‘Marsile and later against Baligant halt and reverse the spread
of chaos and disorder for the Franks and for Christendom. Further
similar action in declaring the treason of Ganelon and demanding proper
punishment settles the rift in French chivalric society and restores
concord to "douce France" (thanks to the stellar performance of Thierry,
his champion).

However, Charlemagne is still.left with the bitter fruits of the
harvest sown by his failure to exercise 5252:: in the negotiations with
Marsile. He achieved his desire to return to France, but at the expense
of the flower of French chivalry. Now he must take the place of the Peers
and leave "fair France" to meet other pagan forces which threaten his
land and the Christian world. Charlemagne's final and full recognition
of his demesure shows in his actions when he is summoned to meet the
new threat; he grieves about the weariness of/his life, but he goes to
perform his duty.

The statement of the final action and the conclusion of the week
is that there is not and there will not be any further denesure. The
consequences of the multiple demesure of Charlemagne, Marsile, Roland,
and Ganelon have provided explicit disapproval of such unrestrained ‘
self-assertion and given both explicit and implicit approval of 232353.
Marsile, Roland, and Ganelon are responsible for much of what has happened
by reason of their unrestrained excesses, but without the active and
passive demesure of Charlemagne their conduct alone could not have created
the tragic events at Ronceveaux. They have suffered for their self-
assertion, but Charlemagne will continue to suffer for his by leaving

"douce France" so that he may serve her and the Christian community of Eunxe.

192

Though the first half of the poem puts the emphasis on the con-
flict between the Franks and the Paynims of'Marsile, the latter half of
the epic reveals the larger issues that constitute the controlling
frame of the storybstructure framework. The suggestion of the Christian-
Pagan conflict is always in the background of the Charlemagne-Marsile
struggle, but it comes to the foreground of the poem after Charlemagne
has destroyed‘Marsile's forces. After that task, the Frankish leader
must confront even greater Pagan forces: first Baligant's army and
later the army besieging King Vivien. In addition, Charlemagne must
restore feudal order to French chivalry. Thus the social and political
wellebeing of French chivalry and Christian Europe becomes the con-
trolling frame within which the story, action, narrative growth, scope,

and significance of the epic develop.

SECTION THREE

MVDIEVAL LITERATURE

Chapter III

Russia's Heroic Literature

Medieval Russia produced a nunber of historical and literary
docmoents, and two of then occupy a special place in Russian chronicle

and literature. The Kiev Chronicle of 1111-1202 and the Slovo _0_

 

ELI”! Igoreve (M M HEEL? Armament) are, in a sense, the opposite
sides of the same coin. The first is both an historical chronicle of
literary worth and a source for Russia's chief contribution to medieval
heroic narrative. Consequently, a discussion of the 1231 Chronicle will
illustrate the tragic, elanents it contains and furnish important back-

ground for The Word About Igor's Armament.

 

1h: Kiev Chronicle

 

The Kiev Chronicle records the details of Igor Svyatoslavich's

 

expedition against the Polovtsy, a marauding tribe from the Russian
steppes. In the year 6693 (1185), Igor, son of Svyatoslav, rides out
of Novgorod on April 23 with nephew Svyatoslav Olgovitch, son Vladimir,
and a Kovuan (Finnish) chief, Ostin Oleksich. They begin collecting

a druzhina:l to head for the Don River basin, which they hope to wrest
from the Polovtsy.

lThe druzhina is the Russian equivalent of the comitatus, the
retinue, the association of hearth-companions.

193

19h
As they approach the Donets River, all are dismayed by the strange

appearance of the sun that hangs in the sky more like the moon than the
sun. They consider it an ill-omen, but Igor tells them: .

'Brothers and drushina! Nobody knows God's mystery, and God is

the creator of mystery as well as of all His world; but we

shall find out in time whether God means our good or our

evil.'2
Having come too far in their eagerness for glory, they cross the Donets
and go on to Oskol, where Igor's brother Vsevolod joins them. They
then push on until the vanguard sights the massing enemy. To retain
their tactical advantage they must ride against the foe at once, but
they delay the attack by their indecision. Igor urges:

'If we Seturn without fighting, our shame will be greater than
deaths.

Spurred on to déiesure’ action by their code of honor and desire for
glory, they contact the enmy, enjoy an initial success, and plunder
the Polovtsy tents.

Igor offers praise to God for their success, but he is uneasy
about their position. He considers the possibility that the enemy might
not have been fully assembled for the first encounter and thinks it
prudent to move on and avoid the risk of being caught by a superior force.
However, Svyatoslav insists that his men and horses are too tired to
travel, and they make camp. Thus imprudence prevails over the m,
action Igor had suggested.

2Leo Wiener,ed ,Antholo ofRussian Literature (New York, 1902),

Vol. I, p. 73. All quota nEEiih are from this source unless
otherwise indicated.

 

Mener, Vol. I, p. 73.

19S
Their rest that night is dearly purchased. The next morning
they are surroinded by a large force. Instead of staying on horse-
back and seeking safety, the princes dismount and head toward the Don
with this thought in mind:

If we remain on horseback and leave our soldiers behind, we shall
have sinned before God, but let us live or die togetheri.h

In the battle Igor is wounded and the Kovuans desert. Igor
attempts to bring them back, but he fails. When he returns to gther
the others, the Polovtsy capture all of them. His capture leads him
to reflect upon the actions which caused slaughter and bloodshed in
the Christian land, as well as upon how

The Lord has repaid me for my lawlessness an my meanness,
and my sins have this day come upon my head.

The initial success is thus followed by the pagan victory, and the
princes are led into captivity.

At this point the chronicle shifts back to Rus, where Vsevolod's
cousin, Svyatoslav, has been trying to raise adequate forces to attack
the Polovtsy. At Chernigov he learns that the brothers attacked with
dire consequemes for them and for their forces. Displeased by their
reckless action but yet coucemed about them, Svyatoslav eXpresses his
desire to see the pagans crushed and also criticizes the dénesure of
the brothers:

'But they, impulsige in their ymth, have opened the gates into
the Russian land.‘

hWiener, Vol. I, p. 714.

sWiener, Vol. I, p. 7b.

6Wiener, Vol. I, p. 76.

196

News of the defeat spreads sadness through the land, and the
saddened land grieves more for the princes that for the relatives and
friends lost with the druzhina. While the Russians talk indecisively
about defending their land, the Polovtsy move quickly to the attack
in two groups. 2

One group attacks Pereyaslavl, where Vladimire meets the pagans,
turns them back once, and then sends to Rurik, David and Svyatoslav7
for help. David, whose men had defended Kiev, says his forces are too
exhausted to look for another war and leads than elsewhere. Then
Svyatoslav and Rurik head for the Dnieper River without him. The
Polovtsy hear of the fires moving against them, leave Pereyaslavl, and
attack Rimov on their way. Vladimir again requests aid, but Svyatoslav
and Rurik, delved by David's apathetic blundering, are too late to
help. During this time, the second group of pagans lays waste to
Putivl, burns the villages and castle, and returns to the steppes.

The chronicle then returns to Igor, who, in the care of a
special guard, enjoys consida'able freedom of movanent as a prisoner.
Igor makes the acquaintance of one of the guards, who, as the result
of a "blessed thought," tells Igor he intends to go with him to Russia.
Calmly, but with an excess of pride and tenor, Igor declares he has no
intention of debasing his reputation by escaping to Russia:

'For glory's sake I did not run away from my druzhina and em now

I will not walk upon an inglorious road.‘8

7This Svyatoslav should not be confused with Svyatoslav Olgovitch,
who was with Igor. This is the uncle of Igor and Vladimir. The Vladimir
maitioned here is a noble warrior of Kiev and not Igor's son.

8Wiener, Vol. I, p. 79.

197
However, his advisers convince him that God wants him to escape and
that to refuse to do so would be a demesur; deed of proud thought not
pleasing to God:

You harbor a proud thought and one that is not pleasing to God;
you do not intend to take the man and run with him, but why do
you not consider that the Polovtses will return from the war, and
we have heard that they will slay all the princes and all the
Russians, ani there will be no glory for you, and you will lose
your life.9

Their advice suggests that escape would be an act of mesure to return
to the homeland that needs him. Their argument convinces him, and,

aided by Lavor, Igor escapes and brings Joy to the Russian land by his

return.

Slovo Q Polka Iggreve
The Russian heroic poem Slovo Q Polku Igoreve (Word About Iggr's
Armament)10 recounts the same events as the chronicle with considerable

9Wiener, Vol. I, p. 79.

10A. C. Orlov, ed. and tr. , Slovo O Polku I ve (Noskva, 1938).
On the basis of historical fact and the cB'ntmt o e poem the work
cannot have been written earlier than the latter part of 1185, probably
shortly after the failure of Igor's campaign, nor can it have been
written much later than the latter part of 1187 or the early part of
1188. The oldest known copy, which was discovered by Count A. I. Musin-
Pushkin in 1795, has been established by paleographic and philological
methods as a sixteenth century manuscript; however, this source was
destroyed in the Mos c'ow fire of 1812 and extant sources are derived from
a copy of it made for Catherine II or from the printed copy made of
it in 1800. Full details are presented in Gudzy's Histo 2.: Earl
Russian Literature (see footnote 37). All quotations n e or
are from Orlov' s edition of the poem. They are given in translit erated
forms based on the needs of typing rather than upon phonuic or phonological
criteria. In the transliteration of the Russian lines Cyrillic letters
are replaced by Latin equivalents. For the Russian she the Latin sh is
used. Latin 1 is used for Russian short 1. Latin ‘33 also used for the
Russian oo as in k. For the Russian of Latin 1* s used. For the Russian
tseh the-Tatin ts used. For the Russian shah Latin sh is used. For
ESE-Russian sthZh the latin combination shch used. “For the Russian
rih Latin THEE a circumflex over it is used. For Russian 0 the Latin
s used. For Rusian h the Latin 2 is used. For the Russ an hard
s gn an; apostrophe is us . For the Russian soft sign this symbol is
“a“, e

198
rhetorical and poetic embellistnent. There are also differmces of form,
structure, and content. The thirty—five divisions of the pom can best
be divided into four general sections: the march toward the Don and
the initial success against the Polovtsy, the second encounter and the
capture of the princes, the grief of the land without its prince, and
the escape of Igor which returns Joy to the land.

The first two sections of the poem indicate the general theme,
Igor's campaign against the Polovtsy, and the third section indicates
the specific situation from which the action develops, the desire of
Igor to regain access to the Don. These three sections fhmish part
of the story-structure framework. The "chaos-disorder" condition of
the conflict between the Russians and the Polovtsy provides part of the
external frame. At the cmter of the frame is the circle that represents
the particular "chaos-disorder" situation created by the conflict: the
land of Russia is denied access to its beloved Don basin and desires to
do sonnething about the situation. Between that center and the circle of
the outer frame develop the action, narrative development, and whatever
epic scope the work attains. Most of these grow out of what Igor,
Vsevolod, and their fellow warriors do.

Igor, who desires to emulate the deeds of his relative Vladimir
and win fame for himself and his men, decides to lead an expedition
against the invaders from the steppes and regain access to the Don.

Re gathers a retinue which includes Svyatoslav, his own son Vladimir,
and a Kovuan chief to join the expedition. On Me way to Join with the
forces of his brother Vsevolod he experiences the first hint of disaster.

The bright sun is suddenly covered by an eclipse, a definite omen of

199
evil for them. Nevertheless, he says to them,
'0 brothers and druzhina! It is better to be cut to pieces than to
be made a captive! Let us, 0 brothers, mount our swift horses that
we may behold the beautiful Don.‘11
His code and theirs urges that the heroic deed should be attempted
regardless of the consequences. The poet explicitly tells the reader
that the men was screened from Igor's mind because of his great desire
to "drink a helmetful of the Don.” For that reason,

They race over the fields like gray wolvgg, seeking honor
for themselves and glory for the Prince.

As Igor leads his men toward the Don, all the animals try to warn them
of the misfortune to come. But the warriors ignore Nature's warnings
and head for the enemy. To the other omens the post adds the refrain,
"0 Russian land, you are already behind the mound.”13 That refrain

of impending grief saves as a dramatic foreslmdowing of what is to come
in the action and also as a coment of retrospective regret on the part
of the poet, who speaks as a representative Russian.-

Their first clash with the pagan steppe-dwellers is a resounding
success and they drive the enemy from the field toward the Don. Booty
and all the pleasures and privileges of victory are theirs. In view of
the chronicle material, one on assure that the same imprudent action

llmener, p. 82/Orlov, p. 66.

'Bratie i zhino! lytzezh' bi potyaty bfti, nezhe
poloneny ti 3 a vsyadem, bratie, na svoi b'rsiya
kmoni, da posrim' sinego Dony.‘

12Wiener, p. 83/Orlov p. 67.

. . . sami skachyuth, ski ser‘i‘i vl'tzi v' pole,
ishchychi sebe chti, a mam slave.

”Wiener, p. Bit/Orlov, p. 67.
O, Ryskava zemle! yshe as shelonwanem' esi!

200
shown there is understood to be in the background of the poem. In any
event the dawn of another dq has something different to offer.
That dawn greets then with portent evil:

. . . a bloody dawn announces the dw. Black clouds

come frm the sea and try to veil four sons, while blue

lightning quivers through them. There is to be a mighty

3:13:61. , and the rain is to go down in arrows by the great
The poet repeats his sad refrain and Nature furnishes more grim proof
of imdnent tragedy. The winds blow arrows from the sea on Igor's
valiant forces; the earth groans, the rivers flow turbid; dust covers
the fields. The massive force of the Polovtsy buffets the courageous
band, and

the devil's children fill the field with their

ménbgchfirgrige Russians line it with

They battle for three days, and the dark earth beneath the

hoofs of the horses is planted with bones and arrosed in blood to
yield a harvest of grief for the Russian land. Then, on the third
day at noon, the statuards of Igor fall. Thus, on the banks of the
rapid Kayala,

. . . the brave Russians ended the feast; they
gave their host their fill to drink and themselves fell

lhmmer, pp. 8h—85/Orlov, p. 68.
Drygago dni velmi‘rano krovaviya sori svet'
povedayut'; c 'niya tychya s' morya idut',
xotyat' ti d solntza a v' nix' tre-
peschcyt' sinii ml'nii. B ti gromy velikomy!
Itti dozhdyu strelami s' Deny velikago:

lsWiener, p. BS/Orlov, p. 68.
Deti besovi klikom' polya pregorodishg, a xrabrii
Rysitzi pregradisha chr'lenimi shchiti.

201

for the Russian land. The grass withered trig sorrow, and
the trees in anguish bent down to the earth.

In such a fashion does Igor's dénesure bid for honor and fame bring

himself, his men, and his land to distress, for

has

Sadness spread over the Russian land, and a heavy
gloom. The princes fostered discord among themselves,
and the pagans victoriously overrun the country,
receiving tribute. . . .17

The poet also rakes it clear that the de’mesure of the princes
brought dishonor to the land, for

It is Igor and Vsevolod, Svyatoslav's brave sons,

who through discord have wakened dishonor which their
father, Svyatoslav of Kiev, the great, the mighty,
had put to sleep.18

As a consequence,

Don

Hers Igor was unseated from his golden saddle and placed
upon the saddle of a slave.

Thus Igor's well-intentioned desire to regin access to the

has been thwarted by his excessive pride and ill-considered

execution of his self-assertive desires. Instead of relieving the

“Wiener, p. 87/Orlov, p. 69. A
Ty pir' dokonchasa xrabrii Wsichimvati popoisha,
a semi polegosha as zemlyu Ryskyyu. Nichitb trava
zhaloschami, a drevo s tygoyu k' zemli preklonilosh.

”Mater, p. 87/0rlov, p. 70.
Toska razliyasya po Ryskoy semli, pechali shirna
yteche sredE zeefli msfii. A knyazi sami na sebe
kramoly kovaxyg a poganii semi (s') pobedami
karishchyshche na Ryskyyu sanlyu, emlyazq
dent po bele ot' dvora.

18Wiener, pp. 87-88/Orlov, p. 70.
T11 be the xrabraya Svyat'slavichya, Igori i Vsevolod',

yzhe 12w y‘budist: kotorucgn. Ty byashe yspil' otetz' ix'
Svyat'slavfi grosniy vel y Kievisk‘iy grozoyu.

19Wiener, p. 88/Orlov, p. 70.
‘Iy Igori mast visede is sedla slata,a v' sedlo koshchievo.

202
chaos and disorder of the land, his actions and those of his fellow
princes have made matters worse by depriving the land of those
warrior leaders needed to provide the unity and fighting strength
to combat the pagans. Just as personal and, self-assertive dénesure
on the part of Achilleus brought grief to his fellow warriors, so do
the actions of Igor and the princes create trouble for the Russian land.
After the capture of the princes, the poet takes the reader
back to the Russian land to present the reaction there. Great prince
Svyatoslav pours out his "golden words" that are mingled with tears
and criticism concerning the dgnesure of the "falcons," who sought too
eagerly and recklessly honor and glory. In his references to Boysn
the poet had provided a brief change of focus, and in the central part
of the poem the reada' is shuttled back and forth in time and space
by the comments of Svyatoslav and the poet.
Svyatoslav's words are meant for Igor and Vsevolod when he says:

'Too eagerly did you begin to strike the land of the Polovtsy

with your swords, and to seek glory for yourselves. You

were vanquished ingloriously, for ingloriously have you spilled

the blood of pagansl'zo
Svyatoslav clearly places the responsibility on the reckless self-
assertion of Igor and Vsevolod, who, with willful pride and lust for
fame, said,

'We alone will vanquish! Let us ourselves gain the future glory,

and share the glory of our fathers!‘21

2C’Wiener, p. 89/Orlov, p. 71.
'Rano esta nachala Polovetzkyyu zemlyu mechi tzveliti,
a sebe slavi iskati; n' nechestno odoleste, nechestno
bo krovh pogsnyyu proliyaste. '

21Wiener, p. 89/0r1ov, p. 72.
'Myzhaime sya sami, prednyuyu slavy sami poxitim‘ , a zadnyuyu
si sami podelim'.‘

203

Svyatoslav laments for the land that has no adequate protection because
the princes of the land are not taking proper action. Instead, they
are feuding among themselves.

To Svyatoslav's lament the poet adds. apostrophes to the current
princes of the land, who are also urged to Join forces so that they
may avenge the insult to the national honor. Both Svyatoslav and the
poet present accounts of past sorrows created by various warriors
guided by self-assertive desires, but at the same time they also offer
accounts of bravery aid selfless conduct for the welfare of Russia.

Those accounts, coupledwith an earlier reference to the feuds
stirred up by Oleg Malglory (in the poetic exordium at the beginning),
serve two functions. In general, they give some epic scope to the poem
in the same way that the historical and legendary inserts into the story
provide epic tenaansion in Beowulf. In more specific fashion they serve
as either examples of discord created by self-assertive conduct or
successful ha'oic action motivated by the well-being of the social group.
The princes of the poet's time are urged to emulate the bravery of their
ancestors, who put their courage and skill in the service of the land,
rather than to follow the conduct of those warriors who created feuds
in the land for their personal benefit. An examination of them will
show how they are used.

When Svyatoslav reacts to the news of Igor's rash expedition
and its dire consequences, he laments that he no longer sees the power
of his strong, rich, and most war-loving brother Yaroslav going against
the enemy. He praises the Chernigov druzhina which served Yaroslav

and went against the enemy without bucklers, with knives in their boots,

20b
and vanquished amiss with war cries that echoed the ancestral glory.22
Svyatoslav regrets that the present-day warriors are not properly
responding to the glory of their ancestors or the needs of their land.
The author follows Svyatoslav's lament with extended apostrophes
to the contemporary princes of the land. His first is made to prince
Vsevolod, whom Vladimir Nabokov identifies as Vsevolod of Vladimir
(a town in the Susdal regon) , a powerful prince descended from
Vladimir Honamachus .23 He praises the great ability of Vladimir
sui asks him why he does not think of caning from afar to protect the
golden throne of his father. The praise does not stress specific
military talents, but merely sugests great strergth and power. The
poet says that Vladimir could scatter in drops the Volga with his cars,
and that with his helmets he could scoop the Don dry.2h He gapeals to
Rurik and David to use the bravery of their warriors to avenge the
Russian land and the womds of Igor. Iubedded in the appeal is a
request to forget their personal differences with Igor and thirk of
the Russian land.2S
22Orlov, pp. 71-72.

'A yzhe ne vizhdy vlasti silhnago i bogatago i mnogovoya brats

moego Iaroslava s' Chernigovbskimi bilyami . . . tii bo bes

shchitovfi c' sasapozhniki klikom' pl 'ki pobezhdayut' ,

svowachi v' pradednyuyu slavy. '

23Vladimir Nabokov, tr. , The Song of Igor's Campaign (New
York, 1960), p. 120.

alyrlov, p. 72. ’ 1‘
Velikiy knyazhe Vsevolode! Ne misliyu ti preleteti izdalecha
otnya slats stola poblyugti} Ti bo mozheshi Volg vesli
raskropiti, a Don shelomi viliyati!

25Nabokov, p. 121. Nabokov reports a feud between Igor and
these two princes (who had earlier fought the Polovtsy) seven years
before the time of the poan.

205

The next appeal is made to Yaroslav of Galich, a great warrior
and the father-in-law of Igor. The poet cites the bravery shown when
Iaroslav dared the Hungarian mountains with his iron warriors, when he
barred the path of the Hungarian king, when he closed the gates of the
Danube by tossing great missiles through the clouds and setting up his
courts to the Danube shore. Since he shoots at sultans in far lands,
he is asked to shoot his arrows at the pagan scoundrel Konchak and
thus avenge the Russian land and the wcnnds of Igor.26

The poet next urges Rman and Mstislav to stir up tteir bravery
and put on their famous war equipaent. They are asked to shake the
land as they have often done before and make the pagans bow down their

27

heads and drop their spears as so many foes had done. In addition,

the sons of Mstislav are urged to arm against the Polovtsy, and all the
Russian warriors are urged to emulate Izyaslav, who responded to the
needs of his land when no others did and died courageously in defense

of his people. Yet the poet seems to feel that his words fall on

deaf ears, for he ends the apostrophes on a sad note. He tells Yaroslav

and all the descendants of Vseslav that it is time to lower their

26Orlov, p. 72.
Galichki Osmonisle Iaroslave! vigoko sedi hi na svoem'
slatoko nnemfl stole, podper' gori Igorhs i svoimi
ahelea pl'ki, sastupiflakorolevi pytb, zagoriv'
Dynayu vorota, cha bremeni chrez oblak‘i, sy ryadya
do Dynayu. Groz tvoya po aenlyam' tekytfi; otvoryaeshi
Kievy brats; strelyaeshi s' otnya slate stola sal'tani
sa semlysmi. Strelyay, gospodine, Konchaka, poganogo
koshcheya, as zenlyu FUskyyu, sa rani Igorevi, byego Svyat'slavlicha!

2701-107, me 71‘720 fl
Syti bo y vayu sheleznii parobtzi pod' shelomi latinlskimi.
Tami i'resny zemlyu, i mnogi strani, Xinova, Litova, Xatvzyazi,
Deremela i Polovtzi sylitzi svoya povr'go ha, a glavi
svoya podklonisha pod tii mechi xaralyshn i.

206
banners and sheaths their battered swords because they have fallen from
the ancestral glory. They have done this by anulating those who pro-
voked feuds, rather than emulating their great ancestors wts fmght the
enemies of Russia. In fighting among themselves the present-day princes
have allowed the pagans and their violence to enter the hissian land.28
Following the apostrophe to present-day princes, the poet
presents an illustrative story of Vseslav, who is praised for his great
courage and feats of magic but whose self-assertive deeds shattered
the glory of the great Russian heroes, Iaroslav and Vladimir I. Vseslav
brought death to many Russian heroes befa'e he was finally defeated by
the three sons of Yaroslav.29 For effective contrast with. this story of
the self-glorifying knight, the poet adds a regret that Russia is now
without the kind of leaders they once had, such as Vladimir of olden
days (probably Vladimir I). The poet praises him because he could not
be pinned to the Kisvan hills (by eneaw spear a' sword). His banners
always flew proudly with honor to himself and to Russia. Now his
28Orlov, p. 72.
Iaroslave i vsi vnytze Vseslavii Izhe ponizite styasi svoi,
vonzite svoi mechi verezheni; yzhe bo viskochiste iz' dedney
slave. Vi bo svoimi kramolami nachyaste navoditi poganiya na
senlyu Mskyyu, na shisnb Vseslavlyu; kotoroyu bo beshe
nasilie ot' semli Polovtzkii!
29Nabokov, p. 125. Though he is a great-grandson of Vladimir I,
r Vseslavtook advantage of an insurrection to push Izyaslav I, of the
house of Iaroslav, off the throne. He fought with other princes for

power and was rented by the sons of Yaroslav in a battle on the river
Nelliga near Minsk.

207

banners have come dorm to Rurik and David, and they do not give to the
plumes the honor and dignity which he gave to than.30

The central portion of the poem closes with a charming and
poignant lament by the wife of Igor, who gropes for understanding of what
happened to Igor and his men.

The final section is brief, moves in hurried pace, and ends with
a partial reversal of circumstances. Without a hint of explanation

the poet informs us:

God shows to Igor a way out of the land of the Polovtses 31
into the country of Russia to his father's golden throne.

When Ovlur, a friendly Kmnan (Polovetsian tribe), urges him to consider
the matter, he agrees to leave. From the account of the chronicle, we
would assure that the planning made and the urging to convince Igor that
he should escape also take place here. The chronicle tells us that Igor
balked at the idea of escape as being unworthy of his nobility and honor,
but that persuasion rid him of his "proud thought" and he agreed to flee.
In the poetic account what takes place before the escape is merely
suggested, and only the positive act is related.

On the escape route all Nature helps the two men by furnishing
sustenance, shelter, and concealment from the eneny. The birds which

ordinarily make so much chatter renain silent so that the two men may

”OTIOV, P. 7he
'0! stonati Ryskoy semli, powanyvshe pr'vyyu godiny i pr'vix
knyaseyi Togo gtarago Vladimira nelfize be prigvosditi k1
goram' Kieviskim'. Sego to nine stasha styazi Ryurikovi,
a drysii Davidovi; n'roz‘no sya im' xoboti pashyt'.

Kopia pmt' . '

31Wiener, p. 9h/Orlov, p. 75.
Igorevi knyazyu bog' pytl kashet' iz' zemli Polovetzkoy

na semlyu Ryskyyu, k' otnyu slaty stoly.

208
hear the pursuers, Gas and Konchak. Other birds peck out messages to
show Igor the way. His pursuers, apparently convinced that they cannot
recapture Igor, discuss whether or not they should kill the fledgling

32

Vladimir or enmesh him with a fair maid. - Gza astutely observes:

'If we enmesh him with a fair maiden, we shall have neither
the young falcon, nor the fair maiden, and the birds will attack
us in the Polovts p1ain.'33

When that happens the Polovtsy may not fare so well.

With Igor's safe return, the "chaos-disorder" situation created
by Igor's demesure conduct in carrying out the raid on the-Polovtsy
has in part been changed into a situation of order and harmony in the
Russian land. That change is affected only because Igor has discarded
his self-assertive motivations and followed the group interest in
breaking his confinement and returning to the land of the people #10
need him. Though the original "chaos-disorder" condition relative to
the Don has not been changed, the return of Igor and the remark of
Goa concerning young Vladimir clearly suggest that such a condition can
be and may be changed.

32All details are not clear, but this conversation and the poet's
reference to the "glory" of Vladimir shows that the poet knew Vladimir
was alive and married (by Kuman rites) to Konchak's daughter during a
pleasant captivity frcm which he returned (smnmer 1187) . The Ipatiev
Chronicle reports that Vladimir returned to Novgorod-Savers): with wife
and child in September 1187. A Christian wedding was then performed
and Konchak's dmghter was baptised, according to Tatishev's Histogz
of Russia, as Svoboda or Liberty.

33Mener, p. 9S/0rlov, p. 76.

'thhe ego opytaeve krasnoyu devit eyu, ni

nama bydet'sokolfitsa, ni nama krasn devitze,
to pochnyt' nayu ptitsi biti v pole Polovetzkom' .'

209
The conclusion of the poem is relevant to such a possibility,
for Igor's return to the Russian land spreads joy among his people.
The concluding lines show how the land welcomes its prince and salutes
the brave men who defend it against the enemy:
Hail, princes and druzhina, who battle for the Christians
against the pagan host. Glory to the princes and the druzhina!
Amen'.3h
These final lines suggest something like the effect at the end
of _L_a Chanson d: m, for they concern the social and political well

36 and

being of the land. D. s. Mirsky,35 Adolf Stender-Petersen,
N. K. Gudzy37 have all commented on the work as a patriotic plea for
conduct and action motivated by the needs of the political and social
organization. Mirsky says that the spirit of the work is a blend of
the warrior spirit of the aristocracy 81d a wider patriotic outlook that
puts eelfosacrifice for Russia above self-assertion for individual
glory.38 Guizy calls the poem a poet-patriot plea to the nobles to end
the disunity and quarreling that resulted fraa individual motives which
were both commendable and disastrous.39 Stender-Petersen also
3hwiener, p. 96/Orlov, p. 76.

Zdravi kniazi i drughinanpobaraya sa '

xristhyan na poganiya p1 ki! Knyazem

slava a druzhine. Amin' .

35D. S. Mirsky, A History of Russian Literature (New York, 1958)
pp. 13-17.

36 Adolf Stender-Petersen, Geschichte 5335 Russische Literatur
(Muenchen, 1957), meter Band, pp. 121-135.

37 N K Gudzy History of Earl Russian Literature tr Susan W
O 0 ’ , O 0
Jones (New York, 1910), pp. SEE-3181.

38M1r8ky, ppe 13’17e

 

39Gudzy, pp. 162-163.

210

emphasizes how the eogism and self-assertive behavior of the princes are
criticized by the poet. He analyzes the historical and social circump
stances of Kievis struggle with the invaders from.the steppes and thus
shows why the unknown poet could not help but present a.p1ea for unity
and a warning against the reckless satisfaction of individual desires.
Of the poet's approach to the material, Stender-Petersen says:

Kain wunder such, dass der Verfasser des Igor‘Epos

den eigenmaechtigen, tragischen Zug einer Teilfuersten

gegen die Steppennomaden besang und mit sugleich gegen den

wilden feudalen Egoismus und Individualismus schliesslich

sur niederlage des Staates in den inner schwerer werden

gzimgizgézigu:ageingigiiznflgn tuarkischen wandervoelkern

All these comments support the point that the core of the poem

manifests the tension between unrestrained self-assertion and more
disciplined, restrained conduct and action to serve the best interests
of'the social and.political community. The poet cannot and does not
totally reject the principle of honor and fame by which.the warriors
live. Nor can he reject the warlike qualities of courage, daring, and
knightly intrepedity which are attached.to that principle. Yet as a
representative Russian concerned about the civic well-being of the
land, he must and does criticise excessive self-assertion‘which neglects
the needs of the land for personal self-glorification. Thus m,
disciplined action and conduct, is praised and urged,‘but unrestrained
self-assertion is criticized and rejected. The warrior-knight must

put his principles and abilities in the service of the civic body.

hoStender-Petersen, p. 133.

211

mg 3.9.2129. in Miniature

The 1952 5.929.? ;g_o_r_'_s_ Armament develops around the same general
framework and uses the same type of narrative development as do the
Beowulf and La Chanson 13 M. Though it aims at epic scope, the
work does not develop the scope or breadth of any of the works discussed
earlier.

The reader is not at once plunged in Leila: 3.32! but only a
brief poetic exordimn introduces him to the two parts of the basic
framework around which the development and the scope are achieved.
Russia's conflict with the Polovtsy provides an external circle of the
story-structure framework. At the center of that part of the frame is
the circle which represents the particular "chaos-disorder" situation
from which grow the action, narrative development, and the scope of
the work. Because the Polovtsy have invaded the Don river basin, the
Russians are denied access to their beloved river. Prince Igor decides
to attack the Polovtsy and regain control of that area. For that purpose,
he gets together a druzhina and, with three other princes who are as
excessively eager for fame and glory as he is, attacks the Polovtsy.
His concern (and theirs) for personal fame results in a rash and reckless
bid for glory. He and the princes are captured, and their capture brings
grief to the land. As all warriors in an heroic society, they are con-
caned with personal honor and fame, with living up to or surpassing
their famous ancestors, and, to varying degrees, with the welfare of
their land and people. Within the poem both the poet and Svyatoslav,
an older warrior and leader who had earlier defeated the Polovtsy and

other enemies, present the point of view that Igor and the princes have

212
concerned th enselves too much with their personal self-assertion and
thus deprived the land of its leaders. Both the poet and Svyatoslav
lament the lack of proper heroic action to help Igor and the captured
princes. In doing so, they refer to both past and present heroes or to
warriors who created disorder in the land, as sane of the presmt warriors
are doing to satisfy their self-assertive desires.

All of these illustrative inserts, allusions, and developed
exggpla serve several purposes. They are designed to urge the present-
day princes to follow the fine example of their ancestors the dedicated
their valor to the service of the land rather than fighting among them-
selves for personal benefit. Thus the examples criticize personally
oriented and self-assertive conduct while urging disciplined action
for the well-being of the Russian land. Some of them also serve to
praise the great strength and bravery displayed by present-day heroes,
who are urged to use their gifts for the well-being of the group. In
general, they also provide breadth and scope beyond (the action of the
campaigi of Igor. These various additions arr! inserts present a gallery
of Russian heroes (and troublemakers) from the line of Vladimir I to
Igor's time. Even though these additions ani inserts are reinforced
by the introductory references to Boyan, the poet of a shadowy and
legendary past, the reader never gets the impression of the epic breadth
and scope of the Homeric works or even of Beowulf.

With the princes in Russia quarreling among themselves, the
Polovtsy bring havoc to the Russian land, which laments for Igor and
the princes in captivity. Thus Igor's abortive attack against the

Polovtsy created a more serious "chaos-disorder" condition flan that which

213

existed at the start. This grievous condition for the Russian land
is partly reversed by Igor's escape and return to the land which so
needs him. That escape brings joy to the land and also provides
the possibility (as Gza has astutely observed to Konchak) that the
Russian princes may be unified and defeat the Polovtsy another time.

It is possible to consider the "blessed thought" which started
Igor on his way home as being somewhat akin to the "will of Zeus" in
_Th__e_ _I_]_._i_a£ or the actions of the gods in _T_l'_1_e_ Odgsey and the Aeneid to
get Odysseus and Aeneas on their way to their destinations. The evidence
to affirm this is rather meager, except for the closing lines which link
the political cause of Russia with the greater cause of Christianity
against the pagans, as in _15 Chanson 93 M. This is certainly
consistent with the Russian theological point of view of the period.
If this slim.evidence is acceptable, then the outer circle of the
external frame represents the political hegemony of Russia (in the
Black Sea area) rather loosely and wistfully joined to the theological
sovereignty of Christianity over the pagan invaders. However, the
superficial nature of Christianity in the work rules this out as a serious
consideration.and leaves only the civic and political well-being of
Russia as the controlling frame of the storybstructure. This is quite
compatible with the usual critical opinions that the poem is more a lament
than an epic or a heroic poem. The poem is, as has been suggested above,
epic or heroic poetry in miniature, and the overall story-structure
framework of m M £59113 Armament is sirdlar to that of the other

epics.

at

In the presentation of the additions and inserts, as well as
during Igor's captivity, the author shuttles back and forth in both
time and space with some atteniant retrospective and prospective
narration.

From the start of the action until the return of Igor to his
homeland, the poem has much to say about de/mesure and m. When
Igor leads the princes aginst the Polovtsy to free the Don basin,
his intention is commendable, but he and Vsevolod in their déneeuré’
desire for personal fame and glory lead their forces on despite the
omens and warnings. Even before the battle is over, the poet begins
to cite examples of other warriors whose rash conduct brought distress
to the land. When the banners of Igor fall on the third day, the poet
describes the woe that comes to the Russian land and blames Igor and
Vsevolod for having stirred up the violence that ind been curbed by
Svyatoslav III. The implication is that their self-assertive desires
led them to act rashly and neglect the best interests of their men and
their land. When Svyatoslav III gets news of their defeat and capture,
he clearly charges that they acted rashly and recklessly just to achieve
selfish fame and glory. Here, and in the other illustrative inserts
related to the defeat of the princes, a point of view is developed by
contrasting approval of the 29.5.93: acts of Svyatoslav III and others
and censure of the donesur; conduct of Igor, Vsevolod, and others whose
self-assertive acts created discord in the land.

From the details furnished by the chronicle account we know that
Igor continued his self—assertive position until convinced that the

needs of the land were more important than his sense of honor. In the

215
poem there is no wavering betwaen two courses of action. Presumably,
what he had heard of the havoc created by Konchak in the region of
Pereyaslavl prompted him to listen to the "blessed thought" and escape
so that he might help his people and eliminate the discord.

Thus, in respect to organization of the action, direction of the
plot movement, and the included contrasting examples, the significant
overall statement of the work is praise and approval of m group-
oriented values and needs, but criticism of dénesure’ self-assertive

demands and values .

SECTION TFREE

MEDI EVAL LIT EPATURE

Chapter IV

Poema Del Cid: Honor in Exile

 

22113 23 Greatness

Favorable conditions for the development of heroic poetry and
epic existed in Spain as early as the fifth and sixth centuries, when
the Vandals and the Visigoths came to the Iberian peninsula,1 and even
earlier according to some documentary evidence.2 However, no examples of
any early period have been preserved. The earliest and most developed
example of heroic narrative comes from the middle of the twelfth century
and grows out of the Moslem.penetration into the Iberian peninsula from
771 until as late as 1212. This outstanding example of medieval Spanish

heroic narrative is the Poema del Cid (also called Canter del Cid).3

 

 

Like the Russian Whrd About Igor's Armament, Poems del Cid is

 

based upon historical people and events. Just as there is a considerable

amount of extant material about Charlemagne and Igor, so is there a great

1Crane Brinton, J. B. Christopher, and R. L. wolff, A Histo , of
Civilization (Inglewood Cliffs, New Jersey, 1958), Chapter V, pp. 165:207

 

2J. D. M. Ford, Main Currents of Spanish Literature (New'York,
1919), pp. 3-6. Ford reports Strabo'§_account of aghistony of verse
compositions that was already 6,000 years old in Strabo's time. He
also tells of the war songs of the Lusitanians described by Diodorus of
Sicily and of the military funeral dirges recorded by the historian
Appianus.

 

 

3The Poema del Cid has been assigned various dates between 1135
and 1175, but the date given by Menendez Pidal, 11h0, is usually accepted
by most scholars. The manuscript was copied from an older manuscript
in 1307 and published in 1799 by T. A. Sanchez.

 

216

217
deal of material, both favorable and unfavorable, about Roderigo de Vivar,
the historical figure whose life and deeds were transformed by an unknown
poet into the heroic proportions of the Cid. The deeds and misdeeds of
Roderigo appear in numerous chronicles and accounts that present every
possible aspect of his life and tlmes.h
Critical scholarship on Poems 293:. .939. is less abundant than on
other epics, but one much debated point concerns the structure of the
work. The many critical disagreemnts about the structure of the peas
may be sumed up in the words of J. M. Cohen and James Fitmurice-Kelly.
Cohen says of the poem
The Canter del Cid is a far more economical poet than the
Chane—Ton e Elam“; but it is less well constru ted. It falls,
5 Tactffnto two barely related halves, . . .
Fitmuri ce-Kelly offers this judgment:
There is a unity of conception and of language which forbids our
accepting the Poona as the work of several hands; and the division
of the peas into separate cantares is manag with a discretion
which argues a single artistic intelligence. ~
Neither of these Judgments is supported by extensive discussion, but the
analysis that follows will disagree with most of Cohen's statement,
support the view of Fitzmaurice—Kelly, and go beyond his view.
h‘l‘he best source for those interested in a more thorough view
is the Eliglish translation of Ramon Hmendes Pidal's two-volume work
La £35251; del Cid (Madrid, 1929). This work is Pidal's The Cid md ii:
a , .‘H': S'fi'iderland (London, 1931:). For a more linTESdT'EuT
orough review, the reader may consult the introduction of W. S.
Merwin's verse translation of Pidal's Spanidi edition of the poem:
w. 8. Erwin, ed. and tr., Poem 23 the Cid (New York, 1962). Bout
uglish and Spanish quotations are Hat-fierwin's book.

5J. H. Cohen, A Histgz 93 Western Literature ( Chicago, 1963),
one I, pp. 20-21.

6James Fitmaurice-Kelly, _A_ Histogz 21: Banish literature (New
York, 1928), p. 50.

 

 

218

As Fitmaurice-Kelly indicates, the poem has three principal
divisions or cantares: Destierro gl_e_1_ C_i_d (Exile 2.1: the gig), Bodas
221.22% 8‘ 9.2.1.932 (_Hddin £9.2de hters 2222219), and}:
Afrenta 92 Cogp_es (The outragg 23’. Cgpes). These divisions do mt reveal
all the heroic aspects of the work, nor do they indicate the full sig-
nificance of it. These aspects will be found in the reason for tie
exile and in the consequences of the outrage at Corpse.

The title of the first center clearly suggests the central
situation that dainates the poem: the exile of my Dias by his overlord
and monarch, King Alfonso. Hint Ruy Dias does and how he does it gives
the work its special qualities and significance. In a situation that
is quite similar to that of many of the French chansons d2 geste,7
Ruy Dias does not take action that widens the rift between himself and
his lord; instead he rebuilds, step by step, his wealth, his military
power, and his bonds with lord and land. His restored glory produces a
temporary and false lull in the hostile actions of the enemies who have
been responsible for his smile, but the Infantes prove that varlets will
be varlets. Their reckless and cruel conduct brings danger and

7This situation parallels in various ways several of the chansons
de este concerning Charlemagne (or his sons) and his vassals. Some of
these show the trouble that develops between lord and vessel and the means
of reconciliation. Examples of such estes are Floovant, Huon de Bordeaux,
Renaus £13 Montaubon, Chevalerie 0 er __e_ anaaarcES, and, GF'a—rt-He
RousiIlon. To other estes tron e evelops, the vessel ma, and
than the vassal exerc es s self-assertion to the point that there is
no chance of reconciliation. Ebcaniples of such estes are Gormont et
Isembart, and Raoul £13 Canbrai. The Courronemen _3 Louis In the William
if 5Fange cycle tells of the hero's great prowess sn’dm loyalty to
Charlemagne's son, Louis. For details see Joseph Bedier, Les Légendes

icues (3rd ed., Paris, 1929), Tomes I-IV. See also UrbarT'T. fioIEs, Jr.,
H's o 95 935 French Literature (New York, 1937), Chapters VIII-Ix,

3p.» .

 

 

 

 

219
destruction to them, to their family, and to their supporters. The Cid,
on the other hand, rises to greater glory and eminence than before, and
all is set right in Alfonso's kingduc and court. This is the gist of the
story elenent of the epic, but we are more concerned with the specific
how an! why of structure and content.

The main parts of the story-structure framework are indicated by
Pidal's reconstruction of the opening part of the poem free: the account
in _L5 Cronica g: m M (Chronicle 3; TM 5333). That recon-
struction in verse tells how tie Cid has been exiled became his eneliea,
Garcia Ordohez and the Heirs of Carrio/n, created trouble for him at ‘
court, most likely from envy of his ability and fans. Their efforts
resulted in exile from his honor, his lord, his family, and his land.
This is the essential "chaos-disorder" condition at the center of the
work, and armnd it develop the action, narrative movement, epic scope,
and significance of the pea.

The actions of Ordo‘nes and the Heirs arise from their self-
aasertive desires to be pro-eminent at .Alfonso's court. When they per-
suade the king that the Cid has been disloyal, Alfonso asserts his
authority as king and liege-lord to souls his foremost vessel. Without
land, possessions, or the right to retainers, the Cid must leave Csstile
and his family. If he does leave, Castile will be dmied his strength
and leadership to confront her enemies. In this respect, Alfonso fails
to consider the well-being of his kingdom. As a loyal retainer, the
Cid prepares to go into exile, but he first calls together his retainers
to tell them of the king's edict. Even though any who go with him will
lose their wealth and land, his retainers affirm their determination to

220

go with him, and though the words of Alvar ra’zi‘éz, their code of
loyalty:

'We shall go with you, Cid, through deserts, through towns,

and never fail you while we are whole in limbs

with you we shall wear out horses and beasts of burden

and our goods and our garments 8

and serve you always as faithful liege men.‘
Though grieved at the sight of his confiscated and barren palaces, the
Cid blames neither his king nor ids God. He praises God, and, in words
well chosen and measured, places the blame on his enemies. Tint action
establishes the piety and moderation which dominate his character, even
though at times he can be proud, realistic, calculating, and ruthless.

0n the way to Burgos, Ruy Dias promises that those who follow him
will return to Castile heaped with wealth and honor. The people of
Burgos do not like Alfonso's decree, but most of then fearfully obey it
by denying any sort of comfort or aid to the Cid and ids men. Without
solicitation, Martin Antolinez decides to disobey the edict, furnish
provisions for the'Cid, and risk the wrath of the king. I The Cid shows
his cunning and practical sense when he enlists Martin's aid to dupe the
Jewish money-lenders, Raquel and Vidas, to get the funls needed to mwort
his troops. He is not very easy about it, but he lets them believe two
coffers filled with sand contain‘wealth he cmnot take with him. Martin's
clever handling of the nutter secures six hundred marks for the Cid and
the tine needed to build up his forces and his wealth. Prior to this
deprture from Burgos, Ruy Dias visits the cathedral, prays for aid, and
3mm, p. 37/p-36:

'Convusco ireaos, Cid, por yermos e per poblados,

Ca nunca vos fallescerenos en cusnto seamos sanos

Convusco despenderemoa laa nulas e los cavallos

e los averse e los panes
sissipre vos aervirmos can leales vaseflos.’

221
prunises wealth to the church. He also visits his fanily and arranges
for their care by the Abbot of San Pedro of Gardens.

Despite the king's edict, the knights of Burgos flock to the
Cid's banner and are promised ample rewards for. their services. During
his last night in Castile, the angel Gabriel appears before RW Dias
to console him with these words:

'Ride forward Cid, good Campeador

for no man ever rode forth at so propitious a moment;

as long as you live, that which is yours will prosper.‘
All along the route toward the Moorish kingdom of Toledo many lmights
and foot-soldiers Join the Cid's band.

From that point on, the rest of the first 2521533: and the second
one reveal the ever-growing success of the Cid in military strength,
wealth, and fame. Led by their brilliant and skillful leader, the
Cid's forces win battle after battle by superior tactics and daring.
The Cid is deadly against his enemies in battle, but magnanimous in his
treatment of them after the victory. He is just and generous to his
followers, who grow rich with each success.

After the capture and successful defense of Alcocer against
a large enemy force, Ruy Dias sends Minaya to report the victory,
deliver money to the church at Burgos, and take a gift to Alfonso.
This provides the first of several shifts from where the Cid is to the
court of Alfonso, which is where he wants to be, should be, and eventually
will be (figuratively, if not actually). There Minaya delivers his

9Merwin, p. 65/13. 61;: _

'Cavalgad, Cid, e1 buen Campeador, , ,'

ca nunqua en tan buen punto . cavalgo varon;
mientra que visquieredes bien se fara’ lo to.‘

222

news and presents the gift. Alfonso accepts the gift, tut he says it is
too soon to extend mercy to one he has banished. Though he does not
yet pardon Ru Dias, he does pardon Hinaya and return to him his lamds
and honors. In addition, he tales a further step toward eventual
reconciliation by permitting all Castilians who wish to join the Cid to
do so without fear of dishonor or loss of possessions. In thanking
him, Hinaya astutely observes:

"Thanks, thanks, my king and natural la‘d;

You concede this now, later you will grant more;
with God's aid we shall do such things as will persuade you.

.10
The focus then returns to the Cid's camp, where Ninaya delivers two
hundred new warriors to the Cid's mesnada (retinue).

Just before the end of the first center, the Cid emits the sole
act that could be conceived as a disloyel action against the king; he
raids the lands under the protection of Cmnt Raon of Barcelona, a
need of Alfonso. However, Ruy Dias does not treat that conflict as
anything but a personal dispute between himself and Raon. Despite his
ever-growing strength and prestige, he never once considers any action
against Alfonso; he has no wanton pride 3‘ excessive arrogance tht
leads to de’nesm'; deeds.

The second 2239'. presents his stunning successes at Murvledro
and Cebolla, but those victwies are only steps in the campaign to take
Valencia. The Cid makes know: his intention to win Valencia for

10

Kerwin, p. 101/p. 100: _
'Grado e gracias, rey some a senor natural;

esto feches agora al feredes adelant;
con dioa nos guisaremos come vos lo fagades.’

223
Christianity by sending word to Aragon, Navarre, and Castile that:

'Whoever would leave his toil and grow rich,

let him come to My Cid, whose taste is for battle.

He would now lay siege to Valencia to give it to the Christians.n
Many warriors answer the call, and the Cid's siege forces the Moslems to
surrmder Valencia. This victory and the successful defense against a
Hoslem siege constitute the height of Ruy Diaz's military achievements,
and he will henceforth make Valencia his permanent center.

After the victory Hinaya again travels to find Alfonso, deliver
gifts to him and to others, and request permission for the Cid's family
to Join him in Valmcia. Minaya finds Alfonso at Carrio’n and performs
his duty. The Cid's enemy, Garcia Ordonez, is not hmpy about Ruy
Diaz's success. When Order/1e: makes uncomplinentary remarks about the
Cid, Alfonso rebukes him with the cement, "Leave off such talk;/
in whatsoever he does he serves me better than you do."12 Minaya
then presents the Cid'e request, which Alfonso quickly grants. Further-
more, Alfonso rescinds all the terms of prescription placed upon those
who Joined the Cid. Alfonso also encourages those who wish to Join the
Cid, for he now realises, "We shall gain more by this than by dis-

affection. "13

llnemn, pe 127/13. 126‘
'Quien quiere perder cueta e venir a rritad,
viniesse a mic Cid que a eahor de cavalgar;
cercar quiere a Valencia pora cristianos la dar.‘

12mm“, pa 139/p. 138:
'. . . dexad essa razon
que en today guises mijor me sirve que vos.‘

13Merwin, p. lhl/p. 11:0:
'Mas ganaremos en esta que en otra desamor. '

22b
/

The Hiers of Carrion, tho realize the Cid is approaching
reconciliation with the king and who always look for ways to promote
their personal interests begin to consider the advantages of marrying the
daughters of Cid. Minaya, who has fulfilled his mission and prepared
the Cid's family for their trip to Valencia, agrees to deliver the
ingratiating words the Heirs wish to seal to Ray Dias; however, his
response to than indicates that he understands the implicit hypocrisy
in their message.

With fitting pomp and splendor, the Cid and his family are
reunited, and Buy Dias comes closer to his greatest desires. A new
attack on Valencia by the King of Morocco gives the Cid an opportunity
to display his skill for his family, completely devastate the huge
Moslal army, and make every one of his retainers quite wealthy. The
Cid's share provides a rich dowry for his daughters and his wife's
ladies-in-waiting; it also assuru another splendid gift for Alfonso.

Minaya again delivers the gift to the king's court, as well as
renewed pledges of loyalty from the Cid. Alfonso is my pleased, but
the news arouses the agar and envy of Garcia Crdohes and the Heirs
of chn. They realize that the Cid's continmd success will be at
their emense. They have added reason to think so when Alfonso shows
himself more benevolent toward Ruy Dias and bestows gifts on Minaya and
Pedro Benméez. The Heirs determine to bolster weir position by having
the king arrange a marriage with the daughters of the Cid. Alfonso
agrees to arrange the marriage and plans a meeting to pardon the Cid.

Riv Dias does not look favorably on the marriage, but he is willing

to do what the king wishes. After making prudent arrangements for the

225

protection and care of his tom, the Old travels to the banks of the
Tagus. There the reconciliation of lord and vassal takes place amid
great sermony and splendor. With his select knights, the Cid prostrates
himself before Alfonso and

. . . on his knees and hands he knelt down on the ground;

he took the grass of the field between ids teeth

and wept from his eyes so great was ids joy.1'4
The Cid is now back where he belongs, both physically and figuratively.
By discipline, restraint, and concern for group values and relationships,
Ruy Dias has transformed part of the "chaos-disorder" condition created
by the self-assertion of ids enemies and, perhaps in a more passive
sense, that of the king.

Alfonso's words of pardon delight all but Garcia: Order/nee and the
Heirs of Carrie/n. When the king proposes the marriage of the Cid's
daughters to the Heirs, Roy Dias skillfully suggests that the girls are
not ready for marriage; however, he says he will accept Alfonso's
decision to give them in marriage. At the same time, the Cid pointedly
makes it clear to the king and the assembly that "It is you, not I, who
have married my daughters."15 He also refuses to hand over the dalghters
from his om hands, but he gets the king to appoint Alvar Fanez to
perform the task as the king's representative. After his return to
Valencia, the Cid reports the marriage arrangements and makes it evident
that he agreed to them in deference to the king.
therwin, PP. 183.185/Pp. 182-181;: /

los inojos e las manos en tierra los finco,

las yerbas del camps a dientes, ’las two,

110me de los ojos, tanto avie e1 gozo mayor;

1549M“, pe 189/1). 188:
'Vos casades mis fijas, ca non gelas do yo.‘

226

The marriage of his daughters to the Hairs puts the Cid almost
at the peak of his glory; however, at this point, the Cid has reversed
the effect of self-assertive action by his enemies, but he has not
dealt with the source of the troubles. Part of the "chaos-disorder”
condition remains and it has importance for the Cid, for Spanish chivalry,
and for Alfonso's kingdom. Despite the marriage, the enmity of Garcia
Ordones and the Heirs remains as a sauce of trouble for all three of
these.

Soon after the wedding, the sons-in-law, who have been given into
the Cid's care to serve as they should their father and to honor as they
should their lord, begin to Justify the Cid's misgivitgs about the
wedding. For that reason the third 2.32295 presents the further dis-
honorable acts of the Cid's enemies, their consequences, their punish-
ments, and the total transformation of the chaos and disorda' into order
and harmony.

The Heirs show their cowardice when the Cid‘s lion gets loose,
and they are rocked and shamed by the Cid's vassals, though not by the
Cid. They dmonstrate both greed and cowardice in the fight‘against
King Bucar. They want to share the wealth to be won, but they do not
want to take the risks. When they go into battle, it is glite 21:; %°
Don Fernando asks the honor of striking the first blow, but when he flees
from the foe, Pedro Bermidez must do what he cannot do. Pedro is
devoted enougi to the Cid is cover up the cowardice and let Fernando take
credit. for killing the Moor. The Cid's warriors rout the sunny, and the
Heirs share in the booty without having deserved any part of it. The
Cid does not know the truth, but all ids vassals know how little the

Heirs deserve any honor. Their continued mockery torrents the Heirs

1"

227
and prompts them to take their undeserved wealth to Carrion and to plan
shameful acts against their wives. Their greed, vanity, and egoism
are quite demesure’. Though hatred, evil, and treachery rule their
thoughts, they accept the gifts and honor the Cid accords them.

On their way to Carrie/n the Heirs repay the hospitality of
Abengalbon by trying to kill and rob their host. The plot is reported
by a servant, and the Cid's Moorish friend restrains himself from
violent action only out of respect for Ruy Dias. The Heirs commit an
even more wanton and reckless deed in the oak forest at Corpes. There
they spend the night

with their wives in their arms showing the: love316
yet they meant to do them evil when the sun rose.

At sunrise they send the others ahead, strip their wives to their
underwear, and beat them cruelly. The girls ask for a merciful death,
but the Heirs are interested only in the unrestrained assertion of
their pride, greed, and egoisl. They leave the girls to die.

I However, the daughters of the Cid survive their harsh treatment
because Feliz Mum~oz, suspicious of the Heirs returns to the oak grove,
revives the girls, and takes them to safety. The Cid grieves when he
learns of the outrage, but he does not rush after the Heirs in anger and
destroy them, as he could easily do. He ponders a bit and promises to
avenge them in these words:

'I swear by this beard, which no one ever has torn

these Heirs of Carrion shall not go free with this
as for my daughters I shall yet marry them well!‘1

16Merwin, p. 233/p. 232: ’
con eus mugiares en braces demeatranles amor;
,‘ mal gelo cunplieron quando salie e1 sol!

17Merwin, pp. 2h1-2h3; pp. 210-th:
'per aquesta barbs que nadi non nesso,
non la logardn ifantes de Carrion;
que a mis fijas bien las casare yo!‘

228

The Cid, true to his word, takes immediate sction.by sending
Mud? Gustioz to seek justice of the king. The Cid's handling of the
marriage arrangements has assured Alfonso's aid because the outrage
against the girls makes the deed of the Infantes a flagrant insult to
the king who had given them the girls in marriage. Alfonso responds
to the Cid's plea by convening a court which all the vassals must
attend.

The Infantes try to avoid the trip to Toledo, but Alfonso tells
them refusal to attend will result in disgrace and exile. Garcid'
Ordonez supports the Heirs by calling together all the enemies who have
abused and hope to abuse the Cid. For such a contingency the Cid
prepares by arming a hundred of his best knights. ‘

At the assembly the Cid declines the place of honor next to
Alfonso, for his primary purpose is to press his claims against the
Infantes. Each charge he makes is more serious and.more damaging to
the Heirs, who are forced to return Colado and Tizdh, the swords given
to them by Ruy Dias. They are also ordered to pay back the dowry money;
Having won his civil claims, the Cid openly proclaims their greatest
infamy and demands satisfaction. Asur Gonzalez insults the origins of
the Cid and thus becomes involved in the challenges to combat made‘by
Pedro Bermfidez, Martin Antolinez, and.Mufib Gustios. As a result of the
challenges all details of the Heirs' cowardice and treachery are made
public, including those which the Cid did not know about. Minaya offers
a challenge that is accepted by Gomez Pelaez, but the king approves only'
the combats of the Cid's three champions. In the course of these
activities messengers from Navarre and firagon come to arrange marriages

between the princes of their lands and the daughters of the Cid.

229

The Heirs try to have the swords colado and 1126;, now the property
of Bermudes and Antolines, banned from the fight, but their request is
denied. Bermudas unhorses Fernando and wounds him with his spear, and
the sight of 1126:: in Pedro's hand makes Fernando yield at once.
Antolines wounds Diego Gonzales with Colado and, when Diego refuses to
use his sword, strikes him.an insulting blow'on the posterior with the
flat surface of Colado. Diego retreats outside the combat markers and
thus admits defeat. Mo Gustios has the only brave opponent, Asur
Gonzales, the father of the Heirs. Asur fights bravely'and honorably,
but Gustioz wounds hill.

The Heirs leave the field in disgrace and.the Cid returns to.
Valencia with the knowledge that his daughters have‘been avenged, his
enemies disgraced, and his personal honor lifted to a new'lewel. When
the poem describes the second wedding of the Cid's daughters, he provides
a summary that shows how'completely'the "chaos-disorder" condition has
been changed into one of order and hanony. The poet compares the two
marriages and then tells us: .

See how’he grows in honor who in good hour was born;

his daughters are wives of the Kings" of Navarre and Aragon.
Now the Kings of Spain are his kinsnen, 18
and all advance in honor through Hy'Cid the Csmpeador.

The phrase "he who was born in a good hour" suggests the singular
and distinctive quality of both the Spanish hero and the epic peel
written about his. Throughout the first two cantares the focus is on

18Merwin, P. 301/b. 300:

Veed qual ondra crece a1 que en'buen era nacio.
quando senoras son sues rifles de Navarre e de Aragon.

Qy los reyes d'Espana sos parientes son,
a todas alcanca ondra por el que en bueno nacio.

 

17

 

230
the efforts of the Cid to change the "chaos-disorder" condition produced
by the self-assertive acts of his monies, who have influenced Alfonso
to exile Ruy Dias from all that is irportant to him. The Cid, by the
exercise of epic moderation and complete loyalty to the king who has
unjustly exiled him, methodically transforms the chaos and disorder in
his life to regain his proper position in Spanish feudal society.
While doing this, the Cid demonstrates that he is the exemplar d that
society, and the means by which he gains honor in exile expands the
geographic scope of the poem; this, in turn, creates the epic scope
of the work as he encounters and conquers all the foreign enemies of
his ruler. Toward the end of the second gangs}; and in the third m
his success in re-establishing himself creates a broader, more important
goal for him. His success forces the Ialevolent nature of his enemies
out into the open and causes than to perform actions which, though
directed at the Cid, dishonor Spanid: chivalry and insult Alfonso's
authority. The Cid, in seeking redress for the outrage against his
daughters, discredits his enemies and removes their malignant influence
from Alfonso's court. In this fashion, the dominant external frame of
the story-structure framework is gradually revealed to be the political
and moral stability of Alfonso's court, which the Cid's actions protect
both from without and within.

In one sense, the Cid is also a defender of Christianity against
the pagans Just as Roland is, but the fierce loyalty of the Cid to the
feudal system dominates all else. Like Aeneas in the major part of the
52133.2, the Cid is an mplary figure, but with a difference; he needs
nobody to renind him of his duty to God, to his family, to his overlord,

and to the men who serve him.

231

Like Beowulf, Ruy Dias is both the ideal retainer and the ideal
leader. He is the epitome of self-restraint and m in his conduct,
and by such conduct he transforms the ”chaos-disorder" conditions created
for himself, for his followers, and for the court of Alfonso. His
self-restraint and m are not Just approved and praised, for the
author virtually insists upon and glorifies them. Thus the range of
heroic values has been skewed much more in a particular direction than
in the Homeric poems. The nonnative values become .the £i_n_e_ 3'93 92
of late medieval epic. The Cid, like Aeneas, is at best on the very
fringe ofthe heroic world and M 9.2 93.3 is on the outer perimeter
. of epic and heroic narrative. This aspect of the work will later be

developed elsewhere.

Iliadic Configuration and OQEsean Parallel

Once the poem has been viewed in perspective it is evident that
the organisation, developnent, and structure reflect certain aspects of
both Homeric poems. The teminal story-structure framework, despite
some differences of handling, is essentially that of 11113 M' The
story elatent, however, parallels that of 1h: 0d sse , for the Cid, like
Odysseus, has been separated from everything that is important to him.
Consequently, his efforts will be to return to those things which have
meaning for him. Unlike both The Iliad and _Thg m, the start of
the work indicates only part of the framework: the central chaos and
disorder produced by the anti-Cid faction which has caused Ruy Dias to
be exiled from his proper place in Spanish feudal society. The narrative
action and deve10pment that takes place to return the Cid to his rightful
place in Alfonso's court gradually reveals the other parts of the story-

structure framework and also produces the epic scope.

232

As the Cid systematically undertakes to transform the circum-
stances of his exile, the Spanish-Moorish conflict assmnes importance in
the poem; in fact, that conflict becomes a second frame in the total
framework. The Cid's victories win back his honor and position, and
each one of them reduces the dangers from the Moors. At the same time,
those successes increase the possible danger to the Cid and to the court
of Alfonso when the Heirs of Carrio’n and the anti-Cid faction feel their
positive: threatened. As a result the latter part of the work shifts
the emphasis to the conflict between the Cid and his enemies, whose
actions make them enemies of the royal power. Their excessive self-
assertion brings about their fall from favor, and the Cid, by seeking
justice for what they have done, achieves his own ends and removes
their pernicious influence from Alfonso‘s court. His actions thus
establish the worth of true feudal loyalty and help to secure the
well-being of Alfonso's court both from within and without. What the
Cid establishes by disciplined self-restraint and m becomes the
external controlling frame of the story-structure framework.

During the Cid's exile before he wins his way back to his proper
position, the poem has a dual focus: where the Cid is and where he wants
to be and eventually will be again. The shuttle-focus technique moves
the reader from one place to the other and back again. There is
virtually no flashback, but there is a great deal of foreshadowing in
respect to the eventual reconciliation of overlord and vassal.

The nature of the "chaos-disorder" conditions of 1925 9.9.1.. C_i_d_
is somewhat different from that of other epics. Only the exile of the
Cid is an actual "chaos-disorder" condition for him and for his family.

233
However, the reason for it produces a potential condition of chaos and
disorder for Alfonso's court and for his land. The anti-Cid faction
which caused the exile of Ruy Dias is proven to be a weak and incompetent
group little concerned with their feudal obligations and apparently
little concerned with the well-being of the land. Their extreme self-
assertion in having the Cid exiled creates a potential "chaos-disorder"
condition for the kingdom because the greatest military strmgth of the
land depends upon the Cid and his loyal retainers. Because the Cid was
as devoted to the feudal system and to his ruler as his vessels were to
him the potential chaos and disorder never became actual. Even though
unjustly exiled, the Cid devotes his disciplined efforts to fighting the
enemies of Alfonso. This devoted serviceito the group cause wins every-
thing the Cid as an individual can desire. His exercise of epic modera-
tion either transforms what "chaos-disorder” situations develop or
prevents the potential ones from developing as they night. His epic
moderation both creates and maintains order and harmony'in his on life
and in that of his land.

Though the poem does not make an eaqalicit point of the importance
of resolving the conflict between the Cid and his enemies, the resolution
of that conflict is quite important in the poem. The work stresses the
importance of that resolution to the Cid, but within the context of the
poem the ending of the conflict assumes great significance for Spanish
chivalry and Alfonso's kingdai. The Cid, who appears to have some self-
assertive tendencies, never indulges them to any great extent. If he
were to behave as Agamemnon, Achilleus, or even the Odysseus of the
early part of The M, he could tear apart the fabric of Spanish

 

23h

 

chivalry and also create serious problems for Alfonso. However, he does
neither of these; instead, the Cid's exercise of epic moderation keeps
the excessive self-assertion of the Gonzalez clan from corrupting Spanish
chivalry and assures the wellébeing of Alfonso's court.

Though the overall story-structure framework parallels that of
The Iliad, there is a significant modification in the action and develop-
ment taking place within the framework. Where The Iliad presents an
expanding circle of chaos and disorder that is eventually stopped and
reversed by the actions of the principal figures, £2213 _d_e_l Cid presents
an expanding circle of growing success that slowly and systematically'
reverses the initial "chaos-disorder" condition. In the process the
Cid's actions and conduct'brtng out into the open the other "chaos-disorder"
conditions so that the conduct of the Cid's enemies becomes an overt
betrayal of proper chivalric principles and feudal loyalty; Conse-
quently, the Cid and his warriors become the champions of chivalric
honor and feudal loyalty, and their victories complete the transforma-
tion of chaos and disorder at all levels.

The heroic qualities are not played down or disregarded, but they
are presented with a different orientation from that of 222.22i293 they
are generally'presented without the excessive or exaggerated manner of
earlier epics such as _I_.a_ Chanson g: M.

The Cid and his forces oppose greater numerical forces, but they
cut down the odds by tactical skill and daring, or‘oy surprise and speed
in splitting the enemy forces and out-maneuvering them. There are no
accounts of each hero slaughtering hundreds of the enemy at one time; the

emphasis is on group tactics and group success rather than on personal

235

superiority'and glory. The individual knights may demonstrate outstand-
ing strength, courage, and skill, but these qualities are put in the
service of the social and political groups The hero and the heroic
values have moved about as far away from the relative freedom.of the
Homeric position as it is possible to go and still deserve the appella-
tion heroic. The warrior society, individually'and collectively, has
come to accept and exercise epic moderation and group-oriented values

rather than personal and private motivations for fame and glory.

SECTION THREE
MEDIEVAL LITERATURE

Chapter‘v
The Perspective of‘Hedieval Epic

Introductorz*0omments

 

The examples of medieval heroic narrative presented in the pre-
ceding sections have been analysed with the intention of providing a
thorough explication of the individual works and a general overview of
representative medieval epic. The analyses have been organized with
the following points in mind: the central pattern of chaos and disorder
in the work, the story element and development, the action and plot
movement, the narrative methods and development, the growth to epic
scope, the values and standards of the principal figures and the social
group, the total story-structure framework, and the significance
developed from all of these. is a result of these analyses, it is
possible to make valid conclusions about the nature, structure, and

significance of heroic narrative in the Middle Ages.

Beowulf

Beowulf presents at its center three specific "chaos-disorder"
situations for which the hero is not responsible but which he does
transform by his skills and personal qualities. These situations form
the core of a Heldensleben about the life and deeds of Beowulf, and the
epic develops around that core.

The three situations of chaos and disorder occur in two fixed

locations and time periods: several deys at the Danish court of
236

237

 

Hrothgar and some threescore years at the Geat court of Bygelac and
Beowulf. The poet, in presenting the three situations and the means
by which Beowulf transforms then, adds further details about the hero's
life. Those details give a relatively complete picture of Beowulf's
life, and by annular expansion the three situations develop into the

cmtral Heldensleben. However, some of the details about Beowulf

 

combine with other supplementary and complementary incidents to provide
additional locations and a less restricted time span, and these extend
the heroic environment in time and space. Thus they continue the annular
growth and build the epic scope. More importantly, they do so from a
particular viewpoint.

The three specific situations show Beowulf both as ideal retainer
and ideal ruler. However, other details of his life show that he once
fell short of being even a typical or representative warrior. Still
other incidents and details show the reader how Beowulf became the
emplary figure he is at the time he performs the three central feats
of the poem. In addition to the details about Beowulf, the supplementary
and complementary incidents are added to the basic story elements.

These incidents serve two important purposes. First of all, they
extend the heroic background in both time and space; consequently, they
provide the epic scope of the work by making Beowulf part of the brother-
hood of Germanic heroic society. Secondly, they provide examples of
unrestrained self-assertion, or dénesure, that serve to highlight the
exeaplary character of Beowulf. The mature, Beowulf is shown in contrast
to his two earlier selves, the "slack" youth and the reckless darer of
the Breca incident. He is also contrasted with other figures of past and

present times who were guilty of various degrees of reckless, self-assertive

238
action: Unferth, Here-mod, Hrothgar, and even Hygelac. By their
unrestrained conduct all of these men brought various sorts of chaos
and disorder to themselves and their lands during their lifetime or
after their deaths.

On the other hand, Beowulf never caused his land, his family, or
his people to suffer from his actions. By means of his heroic quali-
ties and his disciplined, restrained behavior, he combatted the self-
assertive deeds of others to become the eatenplm'y retainer and, later,
the ideal ruler. He was thus able to maintain peace in his land for
many years. When trouble, in the form of. a dragon, came to devastate
his land, that trouble resulted from another's actions and not from his
actions. He ends the menace of the dragon by giving his life for his
land, but he cannot shield his people from the chaos and disorder which
will come after his death; the seeds of trouble which Hygslac and
others had planted earlier by their self-assertive acts against the
Swedes and the Franks will bear bitter fruit for the seats.

Beowulf had also earlier rid the Danish land of its monsters, but
he could not save them from the self-assertive forces that were to be
let loose after Hrothgar's death. From what takes place in the land of
the Danes and the Geats, it is apparent that the monster threat in both
' lands was less of a problem than the troubles created by the reckless,
unrestrained behavior of men.

In effect, the central tension of Beowulf is an external tension
between imoderate self-assertion and disciplined, restrained, group-
oriented behavior. The latter conduct is not only approved and praised
in the work, but is also amplified by the here. When such influence
and strength are missing from the political and social milieu, the forces

239
of self-assertion bring with them chaos and disorder in the

Heldendaemmerung that parallels the Goetterdaemmerung of Germanic

 

mythology. The Heldendaemmerung‘brought on by the demesur; actions
becomes the controlling and encircling frame of the story-structure
framework.

The preceding discussion shows how the Beowulf poet has built
his epic. He has deve10ped three "chaos-disorder” situations into a

Holdensleben by adding episodes from Beowulf's life. The hero's actions

 

and behavior show that the author wants to present a special Heldensleben,

 

for Beowulf's performance is exemplary. This aspect of the poem is
further strengthened by the comparisons and contrasts between the hero's
conduct and the action and behavior of those motivated by immoderate
self gratification, or demesure. These comparisons and contrasts are
part of the illustrative episodes that expand the material in time and
space to create the epic scope of the work. The three "chaos-disorder"
situations are only means to get to the essential thematic core that
demonstrates the overt tension between mgggré and demesure behavior,

and the author reserves praise for the former and censure for the latter.
Beowulf's deeds are important, but they are less important than the
values which determine his conduct. While those values are exercised
chaos and disorder are held in check, but when they are not the chaos
and disorder resulting from immoderate self-assertion descend upon the
land. This aspect of Beowulf reverses the usual pattern in the resolu-
tion of the m—dénesure tension, and, in so doing, emphasises more

forcefully the value of mesure conduct, or epic moderation.

 

21:0

Chanson _d_e_ m

Except for the evident dramatic handling of the plot, the Chanson
do 321.1113 is the medieval epic nearest to the geieral pattern Bonner
used in The 223' The general conditions of the struggle between
the Franks and the Moors have created a specific {'chaos-disorder"
condition that both Marsile, the Moslem leader, and Charlemagne, leader
of the Franks, would like to change. Charlemagne, wearied by seven
years of war away from his beloved France would like to be .able to
return there in honor, and Marsile would like nothing more than to have
him and his army out of Spain. Blancandrin's proposal, though devised
to benefit Marsile, provides a solution for both leaders. . All the
Franks know that they should not trust Marsile, Charleuagne knows it
very well, and Roland warns the Banks in his vigorously aggressive
fashion; yet they do exactly what they know they should not do.

The council of the Franks to decide what course to take and
whom to send to Marsile's camp produces the overt hostility between
Roland and Ganelon. This adds the self-assertive wishes of Ganelon
and Roland to those of Marsile and Charlemagne. Ganelon's unrestrained
emotional outburst should be enough to disqualify him fa- such an
important mission, but the presmnably wise and vulerable leader of the
Franks shows little wisdom in ordering Ganelon to go. Charlemagne
denonstrates even less wisdom in pemitting him to go after Ganelon's
malevolent attack on Roland and the Peers and after the warning omen
of the dropped glove. Charlemagne's conduct can only be emplained by
an excessive desire to return to France. In this sense his action is

at least passive self-assertion and certainly dénesure’ conduct. Once

21.1
the king pemits Ganelon to go Blancandrin and Ganelon can arrange the
treachery that will so greatly affect French chivalry.

In Marsile's camp Ganelon adds the necessary elements to get his
revenge on Roland and the Peers, but the plan now satisfies Harsile's
fondest desires more completely than the original form. it this point,
chaos and disordu' are only potentialities created by the multiple
self-assertion of Charlemagne, Marsile, Ganelon, and Roland. Poten-
tiality becomes certainty when Charlemagne does nothing to keep Roland
and the Peers from being assigned to the rear-guard or to assure an
adequate force against any surprise attack. There is a modicum of
reasonable argument in Bedier's explanation that Charlemagne could not
do much to avoid the designation of Roland and the Peers to the rear-
guardgl however, there can scarcely be any valid argment to Justi-
fy Charlemagne's failure to insist on a larger force.

Under other circumstances, Charlemagne's action would be under-
standable, but in this case Charlemagne knows that Marsile is not to
be trusted. He also knows that Ganelon has both threatened and promised
trouble for Roland and the Peers. Charlemagne's dreams, which can
hardly represent anything but his subconscious thoughts, have warned
of the treachery. Charlemagne's failure to act as vigorously and posi-
tively as he did in refusing to let any of the peers serve as ambassador
to Marsile can only be eXplsdned by his desire to accept the great booty
and the chance to return to France. Though of a different sort, his
action is nearly as demesurel as that of Roland and Ganelon. Charlunagne's

failure to do what he clearly realizes he should do permits the more

1 I I /
Bedier, Egg Legendes Qigues, Tome III, Isa-Mb.

 

2142
vigorous d/euesure of Roland to assure the success of the plan conceived
by Blancandrin and further developed by Ganelon's treachery.

In this manner the original "chaos-disorder” condition grows
annularly into successively larger conditions of chaos and disorder fit
the Peers, for French chivalry, for "dance France," and eventually for
Christendom. Charlemagne's failure to act loses for him the finest
fighting force of France and-puts upon his shoulders the task of
avenging the rear-guard, crushing the hair's army, punishing Ganelon'e
treachery, and going forth from France to fight the enemies of
Christendom.

The full impact of the consequences of Charles' behavior comes
when the king demards Ganelon's pmiehent. Ganelon refuses to accept
the accusation of treachery, and he secures strong support. No Roland,
no Oliver, and no Peers stand ready to champion Charlemagne, and only
at the last mment do Thierry's cmbat and victory save the honor of
French chivalry and Charlemagne's kingdom. When new pagan forces
create trouble, there are no Peers to send to quell their disturbance
and Charlemagne himself must lead the forces of Christianity. The
annular growth and develOpment of the poem show the controlling frame
of the story-structure framework to be the political well-being of
France and of Christianity.

Several aspects of _L_a_ Chanson 93 Roland are significantly differ-
ent from those generally revealed in heroic narrative and epic. The
shuttle-focus technique is used to switch from one place of action to
another, but there is very little retrospective or prospective narration.

Brief flash-backs present a few of the earlier deeds of Roland, and the

2113

comments of the principal figures foreshadow the fate of Roland.
Charlemagne's dreams and visions foreshadow events to come, but they
are not developed units of narration such as the vision permitted to
Aeneas during his visit to Hades. The French epic uses no supplementary
or auxiliary incidents to expand the scope of the work in time and space.
The poem achieves epic scope because the author indicates the relevance
of the acts and conduct of the principal figures to the well-being of
French chivalry, France, and the Christian struggle against the pagans.

Ebtcept for these variations, the story-structure framework,
the narrative development within the framewrk, and the halting and
transformation of spreading chaos and disorder are all very much like
that of The £1332. Unrestrained self-assertion spreads chaos and dis-
order throughout the social and political environment, but restrained,
group-oriented action and conduct halt the spread of "chaos-disorder"
conditions and transform them to order and harmony: m, or epic

moderation, can and does combat multiple de’mesure.

§_l_.9_v_o Q £31353 Igreve

Russia's example of heroic narrative is essentially a lament
about a single heroic action, but the treatment given the material
develops that action into something more than a lament and something
less than an epic. r

The general ”chaos-disorder" conditions of the Polovtsian-Russian
struggle has created a specific "chaos-disorder" condition for Prince
Igor and the other Russian princes. They want'to enjoy access to their
beloved Don River basin and to gain the fame of making such access

possible by defeating the Polovtsy. Their reckless desire for glory and

2M:

fame results in defeat and capture. That defeat and capture prompts
the central lament of Svyatoslav, who criticizes their dénssure’ conduct
and its consequences. Svyatoslav also condemns the self-assertion of
the other princes who fight among themselves when they should be uniting
for action that would benefit the Russian land rather than the Polovtsy.
He does this by citing examples of Russian urriors who served the best
interest of their land without excessive self-assertion and also by
contrasting them with others who have demonstrated or are dmonstrating
the same reckless behavior as Igor and the captured princes. The post
also presents illustrative incidents of both de’l’nesure and w: conduct.
All the illustrative incidents are presented by shuttle-focus movment
backward and forward in time, and there is also movement in space from
the Russian homeland to where Igor is located.

These supplanentary and canplementary episodes serve two func-
tions. They expand the scope of the work in time and space to give a
view of Russian heroic society from the days of the earliest warrior
figures up to the contaaporary period of the poem. They are given sig-
nificant focus and emphasis by the criticism of rash and self-centered
behavior and the praise of warrior talents devoted to the service and
well-being of the group. As a result of the pattern of the action (fra
reckless attack to initial success and then to the defeat and capture
of the princes), the initial "chaos-disorder" condition expands in
circular fashion to involve the knightly society of the past and present
and the general safety of Russia. The supplementary and complementary
episodes further broaden the scope in general epic fashion and create
a work that is truly an epic in miniature.

2145
Lane as. 9.12.

Spain's major example of epic poetry continues the development of
group-oriented values and carries that aspect of heroic narrative to its
limits. The "chaos-disorder” condition at thecenter of the work is quite
unusual, for the hero begins in disgrace and exile. That situation,
which is not the result of any wrong done by the Cid, separates him from
nearly everything meaningful to him: from Burgos, from his family, frm
his land, and from his king. His enemies, Don Garcia and the Heirs of
Carrion, caused his exile because of their envy and self-assertive desires.
With nothing left him but his personal reputation and the loyalty of his
retainers, the Cid might very well strike back at his enemies or rebel
against his king. He does not even consider these actions, but he does
take positive and concrete steps to reverse the chaos and disorder created
by the deceit of his enemies and the willing accord of his sovereign.

Thus the deve10pnent of the story element, action, narrative method, scope,
and meaning of the work will be by annular expansion around the central
situation of the undeserved exile. Step by step, the Cid will 'reverse

the conditions of his exile and by so doing force his enemies to actions
that bring their downfall.

The Cid's means of doing this is a carefully prepared series of
military campaigns of ever-increasing scale and degree of success. His
victories provide positive daonstration of his worth as a warrior and
a loyal vessel, and, at the same time, they show his intense regard
for his followers, his land and people, his religion, and his ruler. He
subordinates what self-assertive tendencies he has to group values and

needs, and by service to the latter he achieves his personal fame and

21:6
glory. He experiences no tension between self-assertion and self-
restraint, but the tension exists between his disciplined self-restraint
and the unrestrained self-assertion of his enemies.

His successes and the cmduct that accompanies them re-establish
the bonds with king and kingdom. As a result, his enemies take action
that reveals their unworthiness as knights, their pettiness as mm,
and their arrogant disloyalty to their sovereign. Their wanton self-
seeking becomes inimical to the best interests of Spanish chivalry, of
the king's court, and of the kingdom of Alfonso. The Cid, by his
disciplined restraint and moderate conduct, crushes their reckless
self-assertion and the harmful results it has brought to Spanish chivalry
and to Alfonso's court and kingdom.

The Cid thus becomes the exaplar of Spanish and feudal chivalry,
the epitane of epic moderation. He has in effect reached the position
of Aeneas in the M and gone beyond it. Aeneas had been given the
awesome responsibility for the re-settlement of Troy and the founding of
the future Rome, but he had reluctantly put aside his personal desires
for the group welfare. When he finally shouldered his burden fully, he
subordinated his fondest desires to the needs of his destiny. By so

doing he appeared as something of a tedious hero through part of the Densid

 

and somewhat colorless when compared to the verve and dash of the more
self-assertive Turnus. As a consequence of the special talents and
qualities Aeneas needed for his task, he could not be the colorful hero
of the Trojan war. Because of the importance of new and less self-

centered values, he had nearly passed beyond the extreme limits of the

2h?
prflmitive heroic values of the old heroic world, a world in which
Achilleus was the alpha and Aeneas the 22353.

This comparison is equally'true of the Cid's position in respect
to the more primitive heroic figure, but with some differences. The
Cid, without having any'demanding destiny imposed upon him, acts with
epic moderation from the start. For'him.there is no tension between
the self-assertive and the self-restrained position; he acts with disci-
pline and restraint against the external forces of self-assertion, and
he achieves personal fame and success within the framework of group
needs and values. The reason for this in respect to both Aeneas and
the Cid is that the mean between self-assertion and self-restraint has
shifted so far in the direction of the latter that it has become almost
a prescribed choice. When that happens epic and heroic narrative
virtually cease to exist as such and become something else. The
ramifications of this are relevant to a later stage of the discussion
and will be treated there. i

The organization, deve10pment, and structure of 121m: 921-. C_i_d_
reflects certain aspects of both 222.21222.‘nd.222 nggggz. Though there
are some minor differences of handling, the terminal story-structure
framework follows that °f.232.22122' However, in respect to the story
element, the Spanish epic more closely resembles The My. Both
Odysseus and the Cid are separated from all that is meaningful to them,
and their exercise of moderation and discipline (earlier or later) per-
mits them to return to their proper positions and functions in their lands.
There is, nevertheless, a difference in respect to the revelation of the

controlling frame of the storyastructure framework.

 

2&8

In both The Iliad and.zhg'0dzesgy the full storybstructure
framework is revealed at the very start of the poem. The opening'book
of The Iliad indicates that the "will of Zeus" and the Agamemnon-Achilleus
conflict will be the major parts of the framework within which all elements
of the epic will be develOped. From the first book of The Odyssey the
reader is clearly aware that the controlling frame of the poem involves
both the return to Ithaca and the effective handling of the chaos and
disorder existing there. On the other hand, ZEEEEHQSl gig at first
appears to concern only the reversal of the Cid's situation; howewer,
in the third m, confrontation with his enemies becmes important to
the Cid, to Spanish chivalry, and to Alfonso. Only then does it'beeome
apparent that the security and.welfare of the social groups of‘which the
Cid is a part determine the controlling frame within which the story'
element, action, narrative movement, scope, and meaning of the work are
developed.

The special quality of the story element in M del C_i_d_
eliminates various elements of epic method. Flashback and foreshadowing
are absent, and there are no developed units of retrospective or prospec-
tive narration. No supplemental or illustrative incidents are used in the
developeent of the story element or narrative method. There is no need
for, or use of, the catalogues of heroes, which, however altered they’may
be from those of'classical epic, still have a small part in other medieval
epics. However, one element of epic technique remains unchanged: the
separation of the Cid from all he values provides the reason for shift-
ing the focus from where he is to where his king is. Ekcept for this,

the pace and the development are rapid and direct, and the narrative

2h?
development and scope expand to the limits of the Spanish feudal world
of which the Cid is the ideal hero, the exemplar of epic moderation.

 

Overall Perspective

‘ Medieval epic and heroic narrative, as demonstrated by these
characteristic works, present a delightful combination of diversity and
similarity. The general pattern of the story-structure framework is
similar in all four poems. Each of them has a "chaos-disorder” condi-
tion (or set of conditions) at the narrative core, and this condition
is important to the hero (or heroes) and to the social group of which
the central figures are a part. Unlike classical heroic narative, in
which the controlling external frame of the storybstructure framework
is evident from the start, the controlling frame of medieval heroic
narrative is presented in developmental fashion; consequently, it is
not evident until the end of the work. Within this general framework,
the narrative cores of the poems are developed by expansive annular
growth. The nature of the controlling frame and of the tension at the
center of the narrative core determines what minor variations exist
within the general pattern. The central tension of each work determines
a great deal about the action, narrative development, scope, and
significance of the individual poems; however, the handling and use of
the central tension leads to one major aspect the works have in common:
the importance of epic moderation.

Beowulf shows this aspect in two ways. No internal tension

between unrestrained self-assertion and group-oriented self-restraint
exists for the hero of the central episodes of the poem, but the

supplemental episodes from his past demonstrate that he was not always

 

250

the restrained and disciplined hero of the three major episodes.

 

However, the external tension between his epic moderation and the self-
assertion of others is the primary emphasis of the poem. This is true
not only of the central incidents, but also of the supplemental illus-
trative incidents which contrast Beowulf's behavior with the conduct of
other Germanic heroes. One need not agree completely with L. L.
Schuecking's interpretation of this aspect of Beowulf,2 but it is diffi-
cult to deny that the author has consciously made Beowulf the hero of
epic moderation and the champion of group-centered values against
selfish desires and standards. The action, narrative method, scope, and
significant values of the work develop from the core of central tension
between group-centered self-restraint and individual self-assertion.

£3 Chanson 93.591329 demonstrates the same characteristics in
two ways, but it does so in a more complex fashion than the other epics.
The initial "chaos-disorder" condition represented by the Marsile-
Charlemagne conflict is, at least at first, a condition involving both
self-assertion on the part of the two leaders and apparent concern for
the well-being of the groups they lead. However, it soon becomes
apparent that Marsile has no real concern for his group and that
Charlemagne fails to act in the best interests of his group. Their
self-assertiveness produces the circumstances favorable to the self-
assertive conflict between Roland and Ganelon, and the results of that
contention enlarge the pattern of chaos and disorder for both sides,
mmoh as a similar contention does in The lligd.

2Schuecking, "Das Koenigsideal in Beowulf," pp. l-lh. Professor

Schuecking develops the very tenable thesis that the poem was designed
to serve as a handbook for princes.

251

The disastrous confrontation at Ronceveaux and the consequences
to both forces there expand the action to massive proportions. Roland's
continued unrestrained self-assertiveness at the pass rejects the sensible
plea for group-oriented moderation made by Oliver. As a result Charle-
magne and France lose the services of the elite force of French chivalry.
Charlemagne's combination of active and passive de’mesure costs him a
great deal, for he must correct the situations his conduct produced;
he must become the active force to avenge his warriors, to destroy the
pagan forces of the flair, to restore order in French chivalry, and
later to leave "douce France" to defend France and Christianity against
the pagan world.

In such fashion the action, narrative movement, scape and sig-
nificance develOp in annular fashion around the complex core of external
and internal tension between individual self-assertion and group-centered
restraint and moderation. Because the material makes France the
defender of Christianity against paganism, the development to full epic
scope can be achieved with almost no retrospective or prospective
narration and without supplemental episodes.

In much the same fashion 31333 9 Elk: Iggreve demonstrates
similar characteristics, but it does so more in the manner of Beowulf.
Prince Igor reacts to the chaos and disorder “created by the Polovtsy
invasion of the Don River basin, but his reaction to that situation is
dominated more by self-assertive wishes than group-centered restraint
and discipline. His conduct expands the scope of chaos and disorder by
causing the destruction of the retinue and the capture of the princes.

Thus an act intended to reduce the danger to the Russian land increases it.

 

252

The unknown author of Slave; 9 PM Igreve uses the act of
unrestrained zeal to enlarge the scope of the action by connecting it
to past and present examples of both self-assertion and self-restraint.
These examples permit him to achieve a suggestion of epic scope in
miniature and to urge the exercise of group-centered self-restraint on
the part of the princes. Further approval of and support for such
conduct is reinforced by the decision of Igor to respond to the needs
of his land and escape so that he may give back to the people the strength
of his leadership. Without the tension created by the examples of
warrior behavior the poem would be only a limited account of one heroic
failure. With the tension and the expansive narrative technique the
poet creates a miniature epic.

Spain's £9.92. .d_e_l_ gig not only illustrates the same charac-
teristics as the other three works, but it also carries them to their
ultimate limits. The chaos and disorder at the center of the work is
the result of self-assertive tendencies of the enemies of the Cid and
of the ruler who is influenced by those enemies. The Cid is not without
passion and he does have good reason to exercise considerable self-
assertion against his memies and his king for the exile to which they
sent him; however, he does not display such conduct. He meets their
unrestrained self-assertion by the most thorough epic moderation of all
heroic narrative. This produces the central tension of the work, and that
tension determines the action, narrative develoment, scape, and sig-
nificance of the poem. By his epic moderation the Cid reverses the
conditions of his exile, reveals the dangerous evil of his enemies,
destroys that danger, and returns order and harmony to Spanish chivalry

and Alfonso' s kingdom.

253

The observant and interested reader of medieval heroic narrative
will be led to some significant conclusions. He will note that medieval
epic and heroic narrative show a remarkably unified, though not identical
pattern. At the center of all medieval heroic. narrative he will find a
condition of chaos and disorder which affects the heroic figures and the
social units of which they are a part. That condition (or set of
conditions) results from a tension between uncontrolled self-assertion and
group-oriented, disciplined self-restraint; however, the circumstances
of the tension differ from those of classical heroic narrative.

In classical heroic narrative the tension generally exists within
the individual hero but sometimes can be found both within the heroic
figure and between him and another personage or group of individuals.

On the other hand, medieval heroic narrative generally presents an
external tension between the central figures and only occasionally
presents or implies an internal tension for the hero. For this reason
the "chaos-disordera conditions of medieval heroic narrative are the
results of the self-assertive positions of the principal figures and
must be opposed and reversed by the disciplined, group-oriented self-
restraint of the hero or other central personages. The importance of
the self-restrained position of epic moderation is generally presented
in more explicit terms by medieval heroic narrative than it was in the
classical literature, where it was an implicit part of the work.
However, the tension between heroic self-assertion and epic moderation
furnishes the literary core of all medieval heroic narration, and from
and around that core grow the story elasent, the action, the plot
movement, the narrative development, and the epic scope. That growth
depends upon the handling and resolution of the tension to transform

25h
the "chaos-disorder” condition, and the my the tension is handled
and resolved determines the major significance of the work.

The handling and resolution depend upon a guiding and controlling
set of values which are both ethical and social in nature and which are
held by the poet and the society for whom and about whom he is writing.
The guiding and controlling set of values produces a story-structure
framework that includes the "chaos-disorder" condition, the tension
between self-assertion and self-restraint, and a controlling frame for
the works. The growth of the story element, action, plot movement,
narrative development, and epic scope fills out the story-structure
framework.

There are variations in respect to most of these elements of
heroic narrative, but the general pattern of growth is by outward annular
growth. This pattern of outward growth my be accomplished by the use
of supplanental incidents, as in Beowulf and M _O_ {1ng! Imeve, or
by some other means of eaqaanding the physical and social scope of the
work, as in _I_.a_ Chanson _d_g M and M 22; 21.51. In either case
the handling of the tension presents the same point of view, for self-
assertive tendencies enlarge the conditions of chaos and disorder while
the exercise of self-restraint, or heroic moderation, stops the spread
of "chaos-disorder" conditions and transfoms them.

Either implicitly or eaqalicitly, epic moderation is approved and
praised by the contrast between the results of excessive self-assertion
and those of disciplined self-restraint. Though the excesses of the
heroic principals may make thus commanding figures, such excesses are

condemned by the poets of all the works. Such condemnation may be

255
presented in both an oblique and direct fashion (as in _Lg Chanson 23

 

M and S1333 9 PM Igoreve) or in both a direct and representational
manner (as in Beowulf and Poems del Cid). In La Chansons-12 m and
Slovo 9 P331 Igoreve the excesses of the principal figures are subjected
to criticism within the social texture of the work; in Beowulf and

Poema 9.92: gig the hero is the representative of epic moderation and other

 

principal personages are criticized for their excesses.

In all cases the criticism is based upon the harm done to the
well-being of the group which is dependent on the deeds and conduct of
its heroes. Mere heroic exuberance and personal drive are not enough;
the poet, speaking for the society and times for which he writes
insists upon the exercise of epic moderation for the group well-being.
Epic moderation is the only socially valid choice permitted to the

medieval heroic warrior.

SFCTION FOUR
HFROIC NARRATIVE IN FULL PERSPECTIVE

Epic and heroic poetry have for many years provided much to
delight and stimulate both general readers and scholars. Quite
fortunately no restrictive or formalistic criteria were imposed on
heroic narrative during a major part of its chronological span, and
yet it deve10ped a remarkably effective configuration, a significant
structure, and a characteristic spirit that set it apart from other
types of literary creation.

Homer's epics provided the essential ingredients and inherent
possibilities of epic-heroic poetry, and, even after Horace and others
set down formalistic principles, heroic narrative never wandered far
from the content and structure of Homeric epic. The ingredients and
possibilities Homer provided probably account for both the remarkable
diversity and surprising unity which characterize classical epic.
Indeed, even though it is not possible to establish clear and precise
relationships between classical and medieval epic poetry, medieval
heroic narrative contains the same ingredients found in Homer's poems
and continues to develop the inherent possibilities of Homeric epic.

Both the ingredients and possibilities of Homer's poems have been
discussed in the developing sections of this study, but they may be
usefully mentioned again before offering relevant conclusions about them.
The story element is never the major focus of heroic narrative, but
there is a story situation irxall epic and heroic poetry. The story
situation of heroic narrative concerns a central pattern of chaos and

256

257
disorder experienced and often created by the hero or heroes for himself
and his social group, and the nature of epic is to show the reasons for
the situation, to demonstrate the effects of it, and to effect a
transformation of the chaos and disorder. These steps provide the
action and plot structure developed by the special narrative techniques
of epic and heroic poetry. These steps also produce a pattern of growth
to epic scope, and that pattern creates a particular configuration and
a characteristic total story-structure framework. The values and
standards of the individuals and the group are presented by these steps
within that characteristic framework. The significance of heroic
narrative develops from the handling of all these aspects.

The deve10ping sections of this study support certain conclusions
about the inter-relationships between form and structure and theme and
idea of epic-heroic poetry; these, in turn furnish meaningful comment
on the development and significance of the genre.

The following conclusions may be made in respect to the inter-
relationships of all four aspects of heroic poetry:

(1) Both classical and medieval heroic narrative demonstrate a
circular, concentric type of story-structure framework.

(2) The story element, action, plot movement, narrative develop-
ment, and epic scope are framed within that story-structure
framework.

(3) Some events of the action and plot movement may appear to be
linear in structure, but the over-riding pattern of growth for
heroic poetry is annular-~usually outward or expansive, some-
times inward or recessive, or a combination of both.

(h) Heroic narrative never has just one geographical or situational
focus; it usually has two and, on occasion, more.

(5) The time frame of heroic narrative is normally extensive,
except for the Poema del Cid in which it is quite restricted.

 

258

(6) The result of these last two and of the in medias res technique
(which is not uniformly characteristic of_heroic narrative)
is that a shuttle-focus technique is used in all heroic narra-
tive to change the geographical or situational focus, or to
switch the action in time.

 

(7) The three preceding conclusions help to establish the epic
scope of heroic narrative, and are often aided by such devices
as various types of catalogues and the supplementary or comple-
mentary incidents added to the basic story element. Such
complementary and supplementary incidents are generally part
of the shuttle-focus technique of the narrative deve10pment.

(8) All heroic narrative has a central pattern of "chaos-disorder"
conditions that results from reckless and unrestrained self-
assertion.

(9) The hero (or heroes) of the warrior society live in a tension
(usually implicit but sometimes explicit) between unrestrained
self-assertion and disciplined self-restraint.

(10) Group—oriented, disciplined self-restraint is the conduct
needed and approved, either implicitly or explicitly, to
combat uncontrolled self-assertion.

(11) The tension between undisciplined self-assertion and
disciplined self-restraint is the significant literary core
of heroic narrative.

(12) Every example of heroic narrative reflects the need of some

v adjustments between the two poles of conduct, and the extent of
this adjustment reflects the changing social backgrounds and
the consequent transformation of the genre.

The last two of these conclusions take one back to the first two, and
further discussion of the last two seems both warranted and required
to set forth relevant comments about the heroic figure, the heroic
environment, and the significance of heroic narrative.

The central figures and the environment of epic and heroic
narrative are neither exclusively representative of primitive heroic
standards and values nor fully characteristic of a more developed urban
society. The Iliad, which should presumably reflect the‘Mycenaean age,

reflects more than that in the characters and general background. 'Most

of the heroes, as one might expect, demonstrate pride and prowess in

 

259

and for the-selves, for their tribes, and for their families. Except
for these obligations, they can be expected to have considerable freedom
of choice and action. They do have, but they respond to other delands
and obligations.

There are several reasons for this. As members of the confederap
tion of tribes they have pledged their oaths to fight beside their
fellowdwarriors with all the courage, skill, and endurance they have to
assure the fall of Troy. For their contributions to the general cause
they expect to win fame, glory, and proper rewards. They have no
obligatory political commitment, but they do have obligations to the
principle of 35332, the code of honor they all share, and to the standards
of their‘warrior society. To satisfy all their commit-eats requires a
fine balance between personal desires and expectations and group needs.
That balance determines the central tension of heroic narrative, and
adjustsents of the balance show the variations of heroic narrative and
reveal the significance of epic and heroic poetry. I

Agamemnon and Achilleus are probably'nore like the Mycensean
warrior than the other Greeks, and their self-assertion provides the
central tension of the poem. Agamemnen's self-assertive conduct in the
Chryses incident brings grief to the Greeks, and Achilleus, concerned
for his fellow warriors, takes steps to end their troubles. His efforts
lead to conflict with Agamemnon, who responds by disregarding (as he
had in the Chryses incident) the warrior standards and also degrading
the principles of'gggtg. Achilleus therefore sakes himself a test case
for the absolute standards of the heroic society and the absolute

principle of the code of arete. The bitterness of their personal

260

contention causes both men to push self-assertion to such an excess
that the well-being of the group suffers. Neither man is condemned
until their conduct affects other obligations and considerations of the
warrior society. Then their absolute positions are both implicitly and
explicitly criticized by the warriors around then. Nestor, Phoinix,
and Diomedes all support the normative position between self-assertion
and self-restraint, between individual demands and group needs. Neither
moves from the absolute position until it is nearly too late for
Agamemnon and quite too late for Achilleus.

Agamemnon grudgingly admits how‘wrong his actions were only when
it is necessary to get Achilleus back and.thus assure the success of
the expedition. Achilleus alters his own position only after his
conduct has cost the life of his best friend and alter 23:; however,
even then he merely switches from one absolute to another. What‘he had
desired no longer seems inportant after the death of Patroklos, and he
cares for nothing except the absolute of vengeance. Achilleus, by
seeking his absolutes, nearly destrqys his moral self; however, he
preserves the principles of‘grgtg, and, at the last nonent, saves his
moral being. Achilleus supports and validates the principles of the
code, but he learns that the price for the absolute of self-assertion is
the absolute, death, for himself and for Patroklos. After transferring
his‘wrath to the Trojans and Hektor, Achilleus reaffirms the principles
of the code in his treatment of Aganennon at the funeral games of
Patroklos. Then he saves his moral self by responding to the pleas of
Prism for the return of Hektor's body and its right to burial. However

reluctantiy or tardily they may do so, both Agamemnon and Achilleus must

261

 

exercise epic moderation to combat the results of their heroic excesses
before the chaos and disorder created by their actions can be controlled
and transformed.

The Eliad does not present the tension between heroic excess and
epic moderation in.a forthright didactic fashion, but in an implicit
balance between heroic self-assertion and heroic self-restraint, or epic
moderation. The poet thus manages an adjustment between the values of
Vycenaean times and those of his own time, a period when the less
complex standards of the Mycenaean Age no longer serve the needs of a
society in which the city-state is deve10ping.

Hektor and Odysseus are just as much city-state heroes as they
are Mycenaean warriors. They both share with the Mycenaean stalwarts
the gusto and dynamic energy for fighting, for fame, and for glory;
however, they add to these other qualities and motivations. Hektor also
fights for his city and his peOple, and his obligations to them are as
compelling as his self-assertive desires. To those obligations he devotes
his life and his death.

Odysseus shares similar motivations, but in a different way.
Though he is not fighting to save Ithaca, he defends the organizational
principle of adherence to one responsible leader-~a principle important
to the well-being of the Greek confederation and to his kingdom. Since
the tribes of the confederation had agreed upon Agamemnon as overlord
of the expedition, Gdysseus never deviates from that policy. He soundly
affirms the principle in Book Two and elsewhere. He declares he will
find no fault with Agamemnon and insists that there can be only one
leader. When Thersites has the presumption to question Agamemnon's

authority and to criticize his actions, Odysseus thrashes him for it.

252

Odysseus also posseses intelligence, cunning, and diplomatic
talents which he uses to assure his self-preservation and the well-being
of the group. Quite unlike Achilleus and Agamemnon, he is not a warrior
of self-assertion; in fact, his behavior more nearly represents the
epic moderation which is implicitly approved in the texture of the work,
but without didactic insistence. As a character of 2:2,El129’ Odysseus
straddles the distance between the Mycenaean period and the later city-
state society.

The Odyssey presents the tension between self-assertion and
self-restraint in a different way and with more emphasis on heroic
moderation. Odysseus is much the same person he was in The Eliad, but
he does not start out as an exemplar of epic moderation. In fact, the
tension between self-assertion and self-restraint is the distinctive
aspect of his character during his wanderings from Troy to Phaeacia.
Many of the frustrations and obstacles experienced during that period
result from his self-assertive actions, but others result from the
self-assertive acts of his men. Consequently, the first half of :22
Odyssey presents the central tension in two ways. Internal tension
is evident in his cautious and prudent action at times and his unwise
or unrestrained conduct at other times. Fxternal tension is seen in
the unrestrained acts of his men and the disciplined measures Odysseus
takes to save his men from the consequences of either his or their
self-assertion.

The second half of The Odyssey shows the hero as an exemplar of

 

epic moderation, for every action taken after he reaches Phaeacia assures
his self-preservation and the well-being of his kingdom. His exercise of

epic moderation after reaching home puts an end to the chaos and disorder

 

263
created in Ithaca by the self-assertive behavior of the arrogant, wanton
suitors. ‘With heroic self-assertion he helped to create chaos and
disorder, but with epic moderation he transforms them.to order and
harmony at all levels. By the way Odysseus reeestabliShes his identity
as father, husband, son, and ruler, he becomes the ideal hero of the
city-state.

The tendency toward moderation continued in Greek literature
throughout the period of the pglig and acroEolis during the Periclean
Age. Yet, deSpite its development into the reiterated refrain of
Greek tragedy, "nothing to excess," and its importance in Aristotle's
Nicemschean Ethics, the tendency‘was not followed in Greek social and
political life. The same sort of self-assertion shown by Agamemnon and
Achilleus was practiced by the rival city-states, except for short
periods when they joined forces against a common enemy. The eventual
result of such self-assertive rivalry was the subjugation of Greece by
Phillip of Macedonia.

After three hundred years, heroic moderation was again expressed
in Virgil's éiflfiig' The circumstances of Virgil's life and of the Roman
nation at that period were quite propitious for a heroic figure who could
bridge the gap between the Greek world of'the city-state and that of
Augustan Rome. Virgil found the requisite potential for such a hero
in the personage of Aeneas and made him.into the ideal here of Augustan
Rome.

Aeneas possessed the best qualities shared by Greek and Trojans
alike. He had the same driving urge for glory as Achilleus, and he
possessed the same concern for family and race as Hektor and Odysseus.

The former quality had to be restrained and directed toward less

 

26h
self-assertive ends; the latter had to be connected to a more glorious
destiny than that of either Hektor or Odysseus. Virgil did both of
these by having Aeneas develop intellectual skills, the diplomatic
touch, and resiliency in the face of hardships and obstacles. However,
in respect to the first two of these, Aeneas demonstrated fewer scheming
and crafty manipulations than Odysseus, and, in respect to the third,
the reader seldom feels keenly the struggle of Aeneas in the way he
feels that of Odysseus. chept for the Dido-Aeneas relationship,
the reader must accept the idea that Aeneas has had a struggle to
become something more than he was. The reader must also accept the idea
that Aeneas has developed administrative and organizational talents he
needs for his task in Latium. This may well be the reason for Virgil's
dissatisfaction with his work, for it is not easy to reconcile the hero
of the last days of Troy with the almost anti-heroic figure of the
wanderings and the assured, disciplined leader of the Iliadic portion of
the poem.

The controlling purpose of Virgil's work helps to reconcile the
problems concerning Aeneas, for Virgil had to bring to Latium a hero with
the intellectual gifts, the administrative and organizational talents,
and the martial tsghne to assure the future of Rome. Virgil first
converts the rashly self-assertive hero of Troy into a reluctant leader
of his people by using the deep regard Aeneas has for family and race.
Around these qualities Virgil builds the complex 213233 needed to combat
the £3323 and violentia created by Juno and Turnus. That 213133 develops
during the Trojan wanderings. Then Virgil must have his hero finally and
fully accept the responsibility of his destiny; this takes place after

the visit to Hades. From then on, Aeneas' exercise of epic moderation,

265

 

an important element of his ietas, meets all the problems created by
the representatives of self-assertion and puts an end to chaos and
disorder.

The transformation of Aeneas from the headstrong warrior at Troy
to the self-effacing founder of Rome swings the balance between self-
assertion and self-restraint so far in the latter direction that the
warrior figures and the values of the heroic society are nearly destroyed.

Aeneas in the Aeneid, as Odysseus in The Odyssey, had to give up a great

 

part of his old heroic self to become the exemplar of epic moderation
and the ideal Roman hero; consequently, Aeneas and the Aggeid_exist at
the very fringes of epic heroism and the heroic society. The society
for which Aeneas has been remade by Virgil needs and uses only those old
heroic qualities which it finds acceptable and discards the rest.
Heroism and the heroic qualities have undergone a subtle and gradual
transformation to satisfy the needs of social development from Mycenaean
times to the Home of Augustus Caesar, and the heroic figure no longer
has much freedom of choice between self-assertion and self-restraint.
Epic moderation is expected and demanded, and only within the framework
of group-oriented values can the hero expect to earn fame and glory.

Medieval epic does not start at the point of deve10pment reached
in the 532219; instead, the general development seen in classical epic
appears to have been paralleled in the later works. This is not readily
evident if one goes directly from Virgil's poem to the primary example of
Germanic epic, Beowulf. However, it is evident if one considers other
examples of early Germanic heroic narrative. Two of these draw their
subject matter from material older than that of Beowulf. BEE

Hildebrandslied and Welders both draw upon material of the fifth century.

 

266
The third work, EEEELE.2£.E§£§2§9 comes from material much later than
Beowulf, and it is a more complete work than the other two fragments.
All three of these poems afford examples of a more primitive heroic
environment than does the heroic poem about Beowulf.

Both central figures of Das Hildebrandslied respond to the Germanic

 

warrior code with unrestrained zeal. Hildebrand leaves his wife and
young son to follow his lord into exile, and, when his son has grown to
manhood, they are pitted against each other in combat. The harsh demands
of the code allow no retreat from the exercise of self-assertive fame
and glory; one of them (apparently the son) must be sacrifiCed to heroic
self-assertion. .
All three of the principal heroic personages of the waldere
reSpond to the excesses demanded by the code. When Hagen's overlord,
Gunther, decides he must have waiter's maiden and his treasure, Hagen
must attack his blood-brother whether he wants to or not. Because
Walter kills Hagen's nephew family loyalty insists that Hagen avenge his
kinsman. Once Gunther sets his plan in motion, he must complete it
regardless of consequences. Fatal results to all are avoided only
because the three men are so maimed they can no longer fight. All
three satisfy the dehesuré demands of their warrior code with tragic
results.

In The Battle 2; Maldon Byrhtnoth defends Aethebred's land

 

against the raids of the Vikings. He does so in such completely
self-assertive fashion that he gives up the defensive advantage of the
bgigg to demonstrate his heroic mettle and that of his hearth-companions.
All but a few respond to the harsh demands of their warrior code and die

in defense of the self-assertive action they approve.

267

These three works represent the most primitive material of all
heroic narrative. There is no tension between heroic self-assertion
and heroic restraint. The warriors of that more primitive heroic
society neither understand nor practice the latter behavior, for their
code demands only the uncomplicated, unrestrained display of skill,
strength, endurance, and courage. By such display they assure their
permanent fame and glory among their kinsmen and people.

The situation is quite otherwise in Beowulf, which, though it
represents early Germanic epic, is quite close to the Aeneid in some
respects and to Homeric epic in others. The poem presents much the same
type of heroism and heroic values that Virgil used to tell of Aeneas and
his divine mission. However, the author of Beowulf presents the hero as
the exemplar of epic moderation, both as ideal feudal vassal and ruler.

Nevertheless, the mesure-demesure tension is very much a part of the epic,

 

for it is demonstrated in two ways. Some of the supplementary episodes
attached to the three most important deeds of Beowulf show that he, like
Aeneas, was once a warrior of self-indulgence and self-assertion. Thus
there is a suggestive tension between what he was and what he became.
There is also an external tension shown in the pointed contrasts between
the destructive self-assertive acts of other Germanic warriors and the
constructive exercise of epic moderation by Beowulf. Like Homer, the
unknown author of Beowulf does not make a blatantly didactic demand for
epic moderation; yet he implicitly approves and praises disciplined self-
restraint and group-oriented conduct as opposed to personal egoism.and
private glory. When the hero of epic moderation is no longer around to
Oppose the consequences of heroic self-assertion, the dark night of the

Heldendaemmerung will descend upon the Danes and the Geats.

 

 

268

The Chanson QEHEEEEEE parallels Thg‘lligg in.nsny respects, but
the handling of the‘mggggg-dghesure tension is by far the most complex.of
all heroic narrative. As 1”.IES.IEE£§’ there is double déhesure in the
self-assertive desires of Marsile and Charlemagne. To this the author
adds the reckless self-assertion of Roland and Ganelon. Set against these,
though not adequate to balance such extensive dehesure, is the 253252
suggested by Oliver to Roland and that which is implicit in the action
Charlemagne fails to take to combat his own self-assertive tendencies and
these more positively self-centered acts of Roland and Ganelon. Thus
double demesure is added to double demesure to produce multiple demesure,
which creates catastrophe for the Peers, for French chivalry and ”douce
France," and for Charlemagne. Roland and Charlemagne are both led to
realize how’much their self-assertion contributed to the tragic conse-
quences. Roland, like Achilleus, learns it quite too late for his own
'well-being and that of the Peers. Charlemagne, like Agamemnon, learns
it almost too late for French chivalry, "douce France,' and Christianity.
The author of Lg Chanson 92 Roland, like Homer, is not’insistently
didactic about epic moderation, but throughout the texture of the poem
he very clearly provides praise of disciplined, group-centered action
as opposed to personally oriented heroic excess. Eventually it is
epic moderation which halts the spread of chaos and disorder and eliminates
the disastrous consequences of self-assertive action.

Russia's miniature epic more explicitly condemns unrestrained
self-assertion than any other example of heroic narrative. A major
self-assertive act is the central subject of the poem, and both the poet
and a contemporary heroic figure, the great Svyatoslav, criticize the

well-intentioned but recklessly self-centered action of Igor and the

269

 

other princes. Praise of disciplined, group-oriented action is achieved
by illustrative episodes that contrast the actions of self-assertive
heroes of both past and present to heroic actions that are more disci-
plined and group-directed. Igor and the other Russian princes are urged
to emulate the latter actions. Igor follows that advice to the extent of
subordinating his personal pride to the needs of the people by escaping
and returning to lead them. One can note that the manner of handling

the mesure-demesure tension is most like that of Beowulf, except that

 

the "bad" example serves as a point of departure for a contrast between
the "bad" example and the "good" examples, or for comparison with other
"bad" examples. In this way the author provides a more positive insistence
on epic moderation rather than heroic excess.

The final import of Egema‘del 91d is much the same, but the author

arrives there by a modification of the methods of The Iliad, The Odyssey,

 

and the Aeneid. In respect to the mesure-demesure tension the poem is

 

most like the Agpgid, but it is further developed in the same direction.
The hero is not tailored by the author to become the epitome of epic
moderation, but he is presented as the personification of such conduct.
The tension is totally an external one between the central figure and

his enemies, whose thorough self-assertion causes the chaos and disorder
which the Cid's exercise of epic moderation combats and transforms.

Like Aeneas in the latter half of the £32312 and Beowulf in the central
episodes of the Germanic epic, the Cid is the ideal warrior and the ideal
ruler. Unlike Aeneas, he needs no awesome destiny placed on his shoulders
to make him become the exemplar of self-restraint and self-effacement;

furthermore, unlike the many vessels of Charlemagne who were wronged by

270

their ruler, the Cid does not turn against the feudal system and his
king. Instead he combats the self-assertive deeds of his enemies by
epic moderation, and in so doing he assures the well-being of his
family and his region, as well as that of Spanish chivalry and Alfonso's
court.

The Cid's thorough subjugation of personal desires to the needs of
the social group puts him in the same position as Aeneas in the Iliadic
portion of the Roman epic, and for that reason the Cid, as epic hero,

and the Poema del Cid, as late medieval epic, stand at the periphery of

 

epic heroism and heroic narrative. The balance between heroic self-
assertion and heroic self-restraint, between deg/mesure and Eaten—é action
has moved so far in the latter direction that epic moderation is the
only valid choice permitted. The force of social developments and

needs has again pushed heroic narrative to its ultimate limits, for
beyond this point of development epic and heroic poetry as such cease to
be.

Whether or not heroic narrative was developed for conscious
political or ethical purposes may not perhaps be conclusively determined,
but there can be little doubt that epic and heroic poetry have from the
beginning mirrored the social and moral development of society. This

is eminently clear from.Th§ Iliad to the Poems del Cid, for every

 

example of heroic narrative that can claim any degree of epic scope
manifests either an implied or overt point of view recommending, praising,
or demanding epic moderation from the hero for the good of the group and
the individual. The extent to which each poem does this and the way each

one does it show the transformations in the heroic figure and the heroic

271
values as they conform to the needs of a developing society. That
develOpment moves away from the relative freedom of the Mycenaean
warrior toward more complex demands on the heroic figure, both for his
own well-being and that of the social group.~ That development is a
gradual evolution from the absolute self-assertion of Achilleus to the
virtually absolute self-restraint of Aeneas. Hektor in The Iliad and

Odysseus in The Odyssey represent steps away from personally-oriented

 

action toward group-directed conduct for the benefit of the 22133, but
without total self-effacement. Aeneas, in the figpgid, repeats the
steps of Hektor and Odysseus, but he is also made to take the final
step toward virtual self-effacement, not just for tribe and 22112 but
for race and nation. He becomes not just the one who exercises epic
moderation for the interest of the group, but the very epitome of epic
moderation. Personal fame and glory, which was the primary motivation
of earlier heroic figures, must now be achieved within the confining
restrictions of the group demands. The heroic figure has been retailored
with talents and virtues appropriate to a more complex task than that of
the Mycenaean warriors. Only the fact that certain primary heroic
qualities are still needed by his society, and consequently left to him,
keeps Aeneas within the domain of the heroic warrior society.

Medieval epic poetry recepitulates the development of classical
heroic narrative, but not in the step-by-step movement of Homeric and
Virgilian epic. The French epic presents epic moderation much like The

Iliad; Beowulf and Slovo 9 Polku Igoreve somewhat approximate the

 

 

 

position of The Odyssey; the Poema del Cid nearly duplicates the Aeneid.

 

272

The Chanson d§_figlagd_closely parallels :29 Iliad in the way it
presents heroic moderation, for it depicts a warrior society that tends
more toward self-assertion than group-oriented self-restraint. Yet the
entire structure and movement of the narrative leads Charlemagne and
Roland to realize what their demesure actions produced. Within the
texture of the work there is both overt criticism of demesure (of
Roland by Oliver) and implicit criticism of such action (in Charlemagne's
realization of what his actions did to the Peers and later in the burdens
placed on his shoulders), but, as in.The Iliad, without insistence upon
epic moderation.

Theesecond step away from heroic self-assertion comes in the

Reowulf and the Slovo Q Polku Igoreve. Beowulf shows the hero as the

 

"good" example of how to use epic moderation for the benefit of self
and land, but the poem also shows he was not always such an example.
Furthermore, the work presents many other heroic figures as "bad" examples
of self-assertive conduct. The contrast between what Beowulf is and was,
or between what he is and others are not, serves to recommend and advise
group-oriented self-restraint as desirable 252/2222 publico.

The Russian poem reverses the method to arrive at the same end.
The self-assertive deeds of Igor and the princes are presented as the
"bad” example and, supplemented by other "bad" examples, are contrasted
to supplementary "good" examples of epic moderation, which is urged upon
Igor and the princes for the well-being of the land.

Finally, the Poema del Cid very nearly copies the Aeneid in

 

relation to the presentation and importance of epic moderation. In

fact, it goes beyond the Aeneid, for the hero does not have to be

273
retailored in the course of the poem. Nor does he have to be given
any demanding or awesome destiny such as Aeneas. From the start he is the
exemplar of epic moderation, even in circumstances that could well call
for heroic self-assertion against his overlord and his enemies. Fe
responds completely to the social demands of his feudal chivalric
society and there is no tension for him; the tension exists only
between the self-assertive deeds of his enemies and his use of epic
moderation to restore his position in the feudal society. By so doing
he restores order to that society and his lord's kingdom.

The full perspective of heroic narrative now becomes evident.

Both classical and medieval heroic narrative chart the course of the
tension between unrestrained self-assertion and disciplined self-restraint,
between demesure and mgsugg, and that course responds to the changing
needs of society. As a result, epic-heroic poetry develops great sig-
nificance as a mirror of the moral maturation of the society.

This is somewhat surprising when one considers the tremendous
inversion and distortion of history that takes place in heroic poetry.
Yet, however much epic-heroic poetry may invert or distort the external
aspects and details of human history, it records most clearly the
necessary, though somewhat sad, journey of the heroic figure from the '
absolute of self-assertion to the absolute of self-restraint, and
even of self-effacement. Every step of that moral journey requires that
the hero give up a part of himself and a part of his heroic verve and
‘elan for the well-being of his kingdom, his race, or his nation. when
the hero has taken that final step, as Aeneas does in the Iliadic portion

of the Aeneid and as the Cid has from the very beginning, the splendor

27h
and glory of epic heroism.have been covered by the penumbra of social
development that has little room for the cannanding epic figure. The
epic here has fulfilled his function and the literary medium which has
recorded his transformation has reached its limits; both of them will,

unfortunately, soon cease to be.

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