fl_r..£ ... .. . . .......-n . L. .1335! ABSTRACT A RHETORICAL ANALYSIS OF THE PREACHING OF BISHOP FRANCIS ASBURY by Mark Brooks Lloyd From 1771 to 1816, the period in which America was emerging from colonialism, Francis Asbury traveled ,by horseback from settlement to settlement on the frontier over the rough terrain of mountains and valleys influenc- ing numbers of people with a significant message. The many people responding to his message were organized, first into religious societies, and later into churches, which became the Methodist church in America. The purpose of this study was to discover some of the factors in the preaching of Francis Asbury which made him the dynamic force he apparently was in American history from 1771 to 1816. The investigation of the preaching of Francis Asbury was limited to his biographers and to his Journal in which he recorded about two hundred outlines of sermons. Some were brief, others were more complete, but, in no case, was there a written manuscript of any one. In a rhetorical analysis of Francis Asbury's preaching, the purpose of his speaking, the qualities found in him as a Speaker, the sources of these qualities, the results of the possession of these qualities, his preparation for speaking, Mark Brooks Lloyd and the delivery of his sermons were dependent upon and limited by what he said about himself in his Journal and by what biographers said about him. The same limitations the most severe being in the evaluation of the materials of development , were imposed upon the analysis of Asbury's message: materials of personal proof, materials of experience, structure, and style. The following conclusions emerged from this study. First, because of his ability to preach a simple and direct message that his listeners could understand, to persuade his listeners to respond to his message and become Chris- tians, and to persuade the new converts to persevere in their new experiences, Asbury was an effective and a persua- sive speaker . Second, on account of his devotion to God, his faithful prayer life, his diligent study of the Bible, and his great love for people, Asbury was a great Christian. Third, by reason of the fact that he took the initiative to itinerate in order to preach his message to as many people as possible, that he possessed an unconquer- able zeal and faced many perils as an itinerant, that he traveled over the entire nation by horseback and carriage annually, that he persuaded many young men to enter the itinerant ministry, he can be acclaimed the foremost itinerant. Fourth, because of his ability to organize, to master and dominate events, marshal men, direct with authority and Mark Brooks Lloyd to inspire his subordinates to strive to reach goals, Asbury wasa gOOd leader. Finally, because of his ability to pull the struggling Methodist societies together before, during, and after the American Revolution, because of his ability to govern the preachers and the churches, because of his concepts of church government and of the episcopacy, and because of his ability to build a great ecclesiastical empire from six preachers and 600 members in 1771 to 700 ministers and 200,000 members in 1816, Asbury was an outstanding churchman. These five conclusions are interdependent in the following manner. Because Francis Asbury was a great Christian, he had a message that fulfilled the purpose for which he came to America: "I am going to live to God, and bring others so to do."l Because he communicated his message in such a way that many people accepted it and be- came Christians, he was an effective and a persuasive speaker. And, because he was an effective speaker, he was a foremost itinerant, a good leader, and an outstanding churchman. lClark, I, p. u. 1X IKHETORICAL ANALYSIS OF THE PREACHING or BISHOP FRANCIS ASBURY By Mark Brooks Lloyd in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Speech 1967 A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University COPYRIGHT BY QZMARK BROOKS LLOYD 1968 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I sincerely thank those who made possible a most enjoyable and profitable study: Dr. Gordon L. Thomas, my advisor, who encouraged me and provided excellent direction in the study. Dr. Kenneth G. Hance, who stimulated me to attempt a rhetorical study of this nature. Dr. David C. Ralph, who helped me in rhetorical analysis. Dr. Fred G. Alexander and Dr. Harry J. Brown, who gave me help ful suggestions . Helen, my wife , who always encouraged and inspired me to write on Bishop Francis Asbury. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS . . . . . . . . . . . . . ii Chapter I. INTRODUCTION. 1 Statement of Problem 2 Significance of Study 3 Review of the Literature 5 Primary Sources 6 Secondary Sources. 8 Limitations of Study 114 Plan of Study. 16 II. EIGHTEEN‘I‘H-CENTURY ENGLAND . . . . . . . 17 Political Conditions . . . . . . . . 17 Social Conditions . . . . . . . . . 19 Intellectual Conditions . . . . . . . 32 Religious Conditions . . . . . . . . 37 Evangelical Awakening . . . . . . . . Lil! Methodism . . . . . . . . . . 52 III. EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY.AMERICA . . . . . . . 56 Political Conditions . . . . . . 56 Physical and Economic Conditions . . . . 66 Social Conditions . . . . . . . . 69 Intellectual Conditions . . . . . . . 73 Religious Conditions . . . . . . . . 83 Methodism . . . . . . . . . . . . 89 IV. FRANCIS ASBURY, THE MAN . . . . . . . . 101 Biography . . . . . . . . . . . . 101 Itinerant . . . . . . . . . . . . 117 BishOp . . . . . . . . . . . . . 131 V. FRANCIS ASBURY, THE SPEAKER. . . . . . . 153 Time of His Speaking . . . . . . . . 153 Place of His Speaking . . . . .. . . . 1514 Kinds of Speaking . . . . . . . . . 156 Purpose of Speaking. . . . . . . . . . 156 iii Chapter Qualities Found in Francis Asbury as A Speaker. . Good Character. Devotion Integrity. Self—Control. Purity. Humility Patience Moral Courage Industry . . Self- -Discipline. Competence . . Intelligence. Understanding Good Will Sources of These Qualities Personal Religious Experience. Prayer Life . . . Bible Study . . . Results of the Possession of These Qualities Simple and Direct Preaching Unconcuerable Zeal " . Governing Power Preparation for Speaking Reading and Study. Knowledge of Men Intimate Relationship with God Discipline . . . . Delivery . Visible Code Appearance . Bodily Movements Facial Expressions. Audible Code Articulation and Pronunciation. Loudness Timing. Pitch. . Vocal Quality VI . THE AUDIENCE . Characteristics of Asbury's Audiences. Social and Economic Characteristics. Demographical Political. Industrial Agrarian . Psychological Characteristics. Beliefs . . . . iv Page 158 159 159 165 167 171 172 179 181 186 187 189 189 191 198 2014 20A 2014 205 206 206 209 211 217 217 219 220 221 221 222 222 2214 226 227 227 227 228 229 229 231 231 231 231 232 233 233 23A 23A A ___—‘ _____ ____- _ r— *— Chapter Page Interests. . . . . . . . . . 237 Types of BehaviOr . . . . . . . . 239 Apathetic . . . . . . . . . . 240 Disorderly. . . . . . . . . . 2A1 Well— Behaved . . . . . . . . 2A2 Physical Characteristics . . . . . . 245 Size of Audiences . . . . . . . . 2145 Appearance of Audiences . . . . . . 2A6 Types of Audience Occasions . . . . . . 2A7 Circuits. . . . . . . . . . . . 2147 City Churches . . . . . . . . . . 2149 Conferences. . . . . . . . . . . 250 Camp Meetings . . . . . 250 Influences of Audiences on ASbury' s Preaching and Message. . . . . . . . 25A VII. THE MESSAGE . . . . . . . . . . . . 269 Authenticity of Texts . . . . . . . . 269 Materials of Speaking . . . . . . . . 270 Choice of Topics . . . . . . . . . 272 Theological Content . . . . . . . . 275 Kinds of Sermons . . . . . . . . 283 Materials of Development . . . . . . 2914 Evidence . . . . . . . . . . . 2914 Reasoning. . . . . . . . . 296 Types of Reasoning . . . . . . . 296 Causal Reasoning . . . . . . . 296 Sign Reasoning. . . . . . . . 297 Reasoning from Example . . . . . 298 Reasoning by Analogy. . . . . . 299 Structure of Reasoning. . . . . . 301 Reasoning by Induction . . . . . 301 Reasoning by Deduction . . . . . 302 Explanation . . . . . . . 3014 Materials of Personai Proof . . . . . 308 Good Character . . . . . . . . . 308 Competence . . . . . . . . . . 313 Good Will. . . . .' . ,. . 318 Materials of Experience. . . . . . . 322 Motive Appeals . . . . . . . . . 322 Preservation . . . . . . . . . 323 Altruism . . . . . . . . . . 327 Pride . . . . . . . . 333 Conformity and Change . . . . . . 336 Sex . . . . . . . . . 339 Attention. . . . . . . . . . . 3140 Suggestion . . . . . . . . . . 352 Structure . . . . . . . . . . . . 368 Introduction . . . . . . . . 369 Attention Material. . . . . . . . 369 Chapter Orienting Material. Purpose Sentence. Partition Body . Plan of speech . . Statement of Main Points. Statement of Sub- Points Supporting Materials Example. . Comparison. . Factual Information. Definition. Testimony Restatement Conclusion Purpose- -Sentence Conclusion. Summary Conclusion. Appeal Conclusion Illustration- Quotation COnclusion. Transitions. Sign- -Po.st . Flashback- Preview Internal Summary Language and Style Requirements of Language and Style Instant Intelligibility Personal Address Informal Sentence Structure. Characteristics of Language and Style Clarity . . Forcefulness. Vividness. . Adaptability. VIII. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS Historical Background Francis Asbury, The Man Francis Asbury, The Speaker Francis Asbury's Audience. Francis Asbury's Message Significant Conclusions BIBLIOGRAPHY . vi Page 372 372 373 375 375 379 381 382 383 385 386 389 390 391 393 393 39A 39LI 396 397 397 399 399 A01 A02 A02 A05 A07 A08 A09 A10 A11 A1A A19 A19 A20 A21 A2A A25 A27 A28 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION From the time of the early Hebrew prophets to the present day there have appeared itinerant preachers with messages that have made lasting contributions to the people and to the culture of their times. If these men could be listed, there would appear the name of Francis Asbury, who was perhaps the greatest itinerant preacher in eighteenth— eentupy America . He discerned the needs of the peOple who were in the process of developing a new social order as they adjusted themselves to the physical conditions of the land, braved the elements of nature, fought the Indians, and struggled against the pains of becoming a new nation. Not Only to the colonists but to that ever increasing number of eople pushing westward on the American frontier, he adapted '1"? his message. From 1771 to 1816, the period in which America was emerging from Colonialism, Francis Asbury traveled by horse— tack from settlement to settlement on the frontier over the Esnrain of mountains and valleys as he took his message t3 the settlers and pioneers. He preached to the people, 9:3,», converts to the Lord, and organized them into ”Societies" that later became churches. A man, who Spent so much of his life itinerating in the primitive wilderness of America, who influenced numbers of peOple with his preaching, and who organized many churches in the new republic, must have had a persuasive message. A study of the preaching of this man should reveal a greater understanding of his message and of its place in public address. Statement of Problem While standing at his blacksmith's forge as a young man in England, Francis Asbury meditated upon the Scripture: "Go to the lost sheep of the house of Israel; and as ye go preach, saying, the kingdom is at hand; heal the sick, cleanse the lepers , raise the dead, cast out devils; freely ye have received, freely give." Matthew 10:7-8. He believed this to be the call of God into the ministry. Throwing down his leather apron , this young man left his blacksmith shop, and became the great herald of the gospel in America, visiting practically every community in the nation from Canada to Georgia as far west as Kentucky, and traveling an estimated 270,000 miles by horseback and carriage over almost impassable roads.l Everywhere he stOpped on the road he preached: some- times to a family with a few friends or to a group of neighbors gathered in some home, or in a courthouse, a barn, a barroom, Or in an occasional meetinghouse.2 It is estimated that he 1H. K. Carroll, Francis Asbury in the Making of American i'tethodism (New York: The Methodist Concern, 1923), p. 235. 21bid. , pp. 65-66. preached a total of seventeen thousand sermons in these places to many kinds and sizes of audiences during the forty— five years of his itineracy.l Therefore, the purpose of this study is to discover some of the factors in the preaching of Francis Asbury which made him the dynamic force he apparently was in American history from 1771 to 1816. Significance of this Study There must be reasons for the acclaim given to Francis Asbury. If it is true that he was a dynamic force in American history as the following quotations assert, it is a Signifi- cant study to attempt to discover the factors that made him great. "In regard to the Church, it may be said no man ever lived who projected himself further into the future of all that pertains to her genius, government, and institutions 2 than did Asbury . " "Francis Asbury was apparently the only man equal to the situation in America."3 His contemporary,itinerant preachers looked upon him with wonder and admiration, regarding highly his simplicity and dignity in pr-eaching.l'l "He seemed like a great military commander who had been crowned with many victories."5 1w. P. Strickland: The Pioneer Bishop: or The Life and Times Of FranCiS Asbury (New York: Carlton and Porter, 1858), p. A95. 21bid.’ p. 166. 3Carroll, p. 117. “Strickland, po 11. 5Carroll, p. 123. "Asbury was a good sermonizer. He knew how sermons ought to be made and how they should be preached. His comments on 1 sermons and preachers were keen." Duren, in his Francis Asbury, introduced his book with several quotations, some of which follow: "Francis Asbury is the most distinguished man that the Methodist Episcopal Church has ever produced, and the most important ecclesiastical personage that our country has ever seen . " ——Coggshall, in Methodist Quarterly Review "What a wonderful experience he must have had, this prophet of the wilderness! Who shall say where his influ- ence, written upon the immortal souls of men, shall end?" .—-President Calvin Collidge n. . the tale of the way in which Francis Asbury dragooned MethodiSm into becoming the thing he wanted it to be is a tale worth telling. As a study in personality, this imperious Marshal of the early circuit rider hosts offers a chance for a memorable 'psychograph' ." i—Hutchinson, in The Christian Century2 These are but a few among the many comments made about Francis Asbury. When one writer claims he was almost indis- censable to Methodism and another, that he was an arrogant lEzra Squiel" Tipple, Francis Asbury: The Prophet of the Long Road (New York: The Methodist Book Concern, 1916), 3,. 222. [Future references will be Tipple: Asbury.] 2William Larkin Duren, Francis Asbury: Founder of American Methodism and Official Minister of State (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1928): p. 2- \Jl GLSTT“. leCO (118 ICOlC, ne IT‘S'C US a Review of Literature A review of the literature relating to Francis Asbury ”.A‘Yh I (I (I £1) led that nothing has been written on the analysis and critiCism of his preaching. Eiographers have written descrip- tive evaluations of it, with little actual criticism of the sermon itself. Since a survey of the literature does not disclose the factors of the message that made Francis Asbury the dynamic force he apparently was in American history from 1771 to 1816 , a study attempting to determine these factors is in order“ and is justified. The literature about Francis Asbury can be categorized in the following manner. First are the primary source materials including the Journal that Asbury wrote himself, the revision made in 190”, known as the Heart g Asbury's , rhal, the more recent reViSion made in 1958 known as The Lgupnfiil and Letters of Francis Asbury, and the "Emory Collec— x‘wu ___. __:....—————-—- — H +—:A ,“n of Ix‘v-lanuscpipts. The secondary source materials contain two early histories where direct attention was given to ary, the biographies which have attempted to capture the rit of the man and to make him live anew, the recent research in the form of two doctoral dissertations, and a Primary Source Materials The Journal and Letters of Francis Asbury contain a record of his life and works in America from 1771 to 1815. It is probable that he kept a Journal for several reasons, suggested in some of the entries. The first of these is recorded September 12, 1771: "I will set down a few things that lie on my mind."1 These words were written a few days after sailing from Bristol, England. In his entry of July 214, 17714,he referred to this experience when he said on "Septem- ber 3, 1771, I embarked for America, and for my own private satisfaction, began to keep an imperfect Journal."2 Perhaps another reason for writing a Journal was to communicate to the world and to his friends the manner in Which he spent his time in America.3 Again, a further reason was that he believed that his Journal would be a contribution to Methodist history. A He realized that his itineracy was Closely related to the founding, organizing, and developing of Methodism in the New World. From this entry it is sug— gested that the life of Francis Asbury would in many ways be the life of Methodism as he knew it. Asbury's belief that his Journal would contribute to Methodism has been verified because it is practically the only record of the early days ‘ lalmer T. Clark, Editor-in-Chief, The Journal and Letters of Francis Asbury, Volume I (Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1958i, p. N. [Future reference will be Clark 1.] 2 Ibid., p. 125. 3Ibid. ulbid. , p . 519- .a-u .- .,..'. 5 .oo-' ... ‘V “ s- q- .a .‘ -n‘ .U. ._- .. -- ‘c - - ‘t . v- ‘~ ‘ ., ~. “ . . - _ \ » o “ ~. _ .u“ -l ww__¢ of Methodist history in the United States.1 During the lifetime of Francis Asbury parts of the Journal were cor- rected and printed by him, and the remainder was revised under his direction up to the year 1807. The Journal was then published from time to time, becoming the only memoir of the work of Francis Asbury for about seventy years.2 About ten years after the death of Francis Asbury, a quantity of material was assembled on him by Rev. Robert Emory. Presumably he may have intended to write a biography, but for some unknown reason this did not materialize. How- ever, these collections became quite valuable and are known as the "Emory Collection of Manuscripts," now in the posses- sion of the Drew Theological Seminary.3 In 1901; Ezra Squire Tipple attempted to revise Asbury's Journal . Not having the original manuscripts that had been destroyed by fire when the Methodist Book Concern burned in 1836, he used all the available materials, cor- recting as many errors as possible by consulting the pub- lishers of Hurst 0 5 History of Methodism. Hoping to make the work more accurate and readable, he omitted unnecessary dEtails, This is known as the Heart of Asbury's Journal.“ _ lEzra Squire Tipple, Heart of Asbury's Journal (New York: Eaton and Mains, 19014), p. x. [Future references will be Tipple, Heart . 21bit, 13. X1- 3Tipple, Asbury, p. 12. “Tipple, Heart, pp. xi-xii. Perhaps one of the greatest contributions to the literature on Bishop Francis Asbury is The Journal and Letters of Francis Asbury in three volumes, edited by Elmer T. Clark, J. Manning Potts, and Jacob S. Payton, published in 1958. They did not have the original manuscripts, but took the available printed materials that had been edited by several persons, and attempted to produce Asbury's Journal as accurately as possible and in a more readable form. The events as recorded in the Journal and the copies of the letters along with the many footnotes are likely the most accurate materials available at the present time on Francis Asbury.l Sicondary Source Materials The secondary source materials can be classified as histories, biographies, dissertations, and a novel. Histories ,.—-—'I'wo histories of the Methodist church emerged, the first; one written by Nathan Bangs in 1838, to be followed by a more extensive work by Abel Stevens in 1861;, Both of these histories contain an account of the 2 labors of Francis Asbury in America. BiOgraphies .---—Francis Asbury requested that no bio- graphy be written of him, because he believed the materials ¥ lClark l, p- X“- 2George G. Smith, The Life and Labors of Francis . asbur Bisho of the Methodist Episcopal Church in America 'xl'lashvillm Publishing House, M.E. Church South, 1896), p. v. in his Journal were sufficient for posterity. However, at the Annual Conference held in Baltimore, one year after Asbury’s death, 1817, Bishop McKendree suggested that a com- prehensive life of the late Bishop be written. The confer- ence concurred with his suggestion, appointed a committee, and gave authority to accomplish this ”important task. For seven years the matter rested in the hands of the committee, who did not get the biography written. The task then was given to Rev. William Beauchamp, who was one of the leading men of the conference at that time. But before he could commence the writing of the biography, he died.1 Another effort was made by appointing Dr. S. K. Jennings, a scholarly man of the church, to write the biography. But the fact that some of the men of the conference disliked his interpretation of Francis Asbury created a dispute and finally resulted in the discontinuance of the work.2 In 1852 William C. Larrabee wrote AsbuLy and His Co- Laborers, a two-volume work on the general but graphic events of Francis Asbury's life and the lives of some of his co- laborers.3 Six years later, 1858, William Peter Strickland wrote another biography, The Pioneer Bishgp. This was a more lTipple, Asbury, p. 12. 2Smith, p. v. 3William C. Larrabee, Asburyiand His Co-Laborers, Vol. I (Cincinnati: Hitchcock and Walden, 18527, p. 3. 10 complete work and gives a clearer picture of Asbury and the people with whom he labored in the building of an ecclesias- ical empire , known as Methodism, in the New World. Strick- land had the decided advantage of personal resources in some of the contemporaries of Francis Asbury, particularly Henry Boehm who traveled with Asbury for about five years. In 1872 Dr. Edwin L. Jones published The Character and Career g Francis Asbury, Illustrated ‘r_3_y_ Numerous Selections from his Journal , Arranged i_n Chronological Order. In 1879 Briggs wrote Bishop Asbury: g Biograghical Study for Christian Workers. Dr. George C . Smith, a Bishop for the Methodist Episcopal Church, felt that Francis Asbury should have a new biography, In 1898 he published his book under the title, Life and Labors of Erancis Asbury, Bishop of the Methodist Ep_iscopal Church 3:2 America. He relied heavily upon the Journal and the other available materials written on Francis Asbury at the time , In this biography he attempted to be as objective as possible ; he was neither an apologist nor an advocate.1 A brief biography, appearing in 1909, titled Francis m, was written by George Preston Mains, who attempted to give the salient characteristics, but not an exhaustive 2 account, of the life of the Bishop. R lSmlth, pp. v—Vi . " 2George P. Mains: Francis Asbury (New York: Eaton and hairlS, 1909), 13' 7° Il'l" p-O - v no. ' .0.- ‘ » - o o. - ._. ’ a ..I‘ . 11 During the same year, 1909, Dr. Horace M. Du Bose published his book, Francis Asbury: A Biographical Study. Believing that the life of Francis Asbury and the early history of Methodism are entwined, and that the name and work of Francis Asbury have been neglected in both national and church history and that a study of the biographies in early Methodist history would help to preserve Methodist ideals and develop a new evangelism, Du Bose attempted to write a biography to accomplish these goals.1 His book is more exhaustive than any of the previous works on Francis Asbury. The centennial year of Francis Asbury's death stimulated Ezra Squire Tipple to write a book known as Francis Asbury: The Prophet 9_f_ Lhe Lorg Road. Believing that Methodism had distinctive characteristics that differentiate it from other denominations and that Francis Asbury was one of the leading figures in the development of the church, he attempted to write an estimate of the man, not another biography, and 2 Published it in 1916. During the same year, 1916, Edwin Du Bose Mouzon wrote a small but comprehensive book with the title: Francis Asbury, A Pionee; Bishop of American Methodism. In this the lHorace M. Du Bose, Francis Asbury: A Biographical Study (Nashville: Publishing House of the M. E. Church, South, 1916), pp. 5-8 2Tipple, Asbury, pp. 13—11;. l2 author purports to portray the almost forgotten bishop as a great Christian, preacher, bishop, pioneer, and martyr to Methodism during the centennial. In the year 1923 Dr. Henry King Carroll authored Francis Asburl $11 the Making pf American Methodism. He wrote this from the point of view of church history, as the devel— opment of each chapter indicates. He was keenly interested in Asbury as a man, but his greater interest was in the church to which he was related. In 1927 Herbert Asbury, probably a distant relative of Francis Asbury, wrote A Methodist Saint: TIE I_._i_£e_ 5E Bishop m, because he felt that Francis Asbury had been neglected throughout the years, that he had not been given the place that rightfully belonged to him in history, and that his human attributes and his unusual powers as an itinerant had not been known. In the same year, 1927, James Lewis wrote another biography titled Francis Asbury, Bishop o_f the Methodist Egscopal Church , Lewis endeavored to portray Asbury as realistically as possible, placing him in» the world of his time, and in so doing he used the words of Asbury when he Could, believing that Asbury could describe his world best. Francis w: W 9_f_ American Methodism and Unofficial Minister 9; State is the title of William Larkin i / _ —._ lHerbert Asbury, A Methodist Saint: The Life 92 Bishop Asbufl (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1927Yf‘pp. vii- viii. l3 Duren's biography of Asbury that appeared in 1923. He be- lieved Bishop Asbury had not received his rightful and proper place in history as a great churchman and as a great national leader of” his time. Perhaps the most recent biography is Francis Asbury written in 1966 by L. C. Rudolph. By careful and thorough research and with a balanced interpretation of the man as he dimxwereCi riinn, the author attempted to reveal Francis Asbury's character and personality and to depict him as traveler, preacher, evangelist, educator, and bishop. Dissertations.——Donald Delbert Douglass, in 1957, wrote his Ph.D. dissertation at Boston University on the "Psycholog- ical Aspects of the Pastoral Ministry of Francis Asbury." As the title indicates the author was primarily interested in the psychological aspects of Asbury's pastoral ministry, referring only to his preaching ministry when needed. About the same time Donald M. Mauck wrote his Ph.D. dissertation at Boston University on Francis Asbury in dramatic form: "Glory for the Land, A New Play Based on the Life of Francis Asbury." Novel.——Norman E. Nygaard in 1962 wrote a brilliant biographical novel, Bishop pp Horseback, revealing Francis Asbury as a missionary of striking contrasts, who was dicta— torial yet dedicated, who was despotic yet devoted, who was stubborn yet affectionate, and who was ill yet vigorous. a». 14 Limitations of the Study This study of the preaching of Francis Asbury does not -rclude the period of his early life in England where he erved as a local preacher and as an itinerant under John Wesley. Rather it is limited to his preaching in America as recorded in his Journal, in his letters, in his biographies, and in the histories of the Methodist church. These limitations need to be considered carefully in the development of this study. Practically everything that is known about Francis Asbury, as a man, came from his Journal and his biographies. The time and place of his speaking can ‘A .49 established with little question because British and American church history, and perhaps political, social, and intellectual history can support these. But the purpose of his speaking, the qualities found in him as a speaker, the sources of these qualities, the results of the possession of these qualities, his preparation for speaking, and the delivery of his sermons are limited to what he said about him- self in his Journal and to what others said about him in their biographies . Likewise there are limits that need to be considered in the analysis of the audiences to whom Francis Asbury spoke. The most objective evaluation of the audiences is that of the historians, although such evaluation is general in nature. The evaluation of the audiences by individual persons, who heard him speak, is limited to his biographies l5 and to his Journal, and the evaluation of the audiences by Asbury himself is limited to the Journal. Furthermore, greater limitations are imposed on the study of Francis Asbury's message, because practically every- thing known about it is contained in his Journal and in the biographies . Since he preached extemporaneously from a text or an outline , he never wrote his sermons in full; at least there are no known manuscripts of his sermons in existence. However, there are two extant addresses, the "Valedictory Address to William McKendree," written in 1813, and the "Address to the Conference of 1816," written Just before his death. Both are epistolary in form and were read posthumously at the Annual Conference that convened in May, 1816. These are not included, in the analysis of the preach— ing of Francis Asbury because they do not represent nor are they typical of his preaching. In his Journal almost two hundred outlines and about seven hundred Scriptural texts of sermons are recorded. The limitations are not as noticeable in the theological content and the choice of topics because Asbury was rather vocal in his expression of- these. But the limitations are the most severe in the evaluation of the materials of development, materials of personal proof, materials of experience, arrangement, and style. This study could employ only the available informa- tion and draw conclusions based upon implications that were apparent in the texts and outlines. The method of operation 16 in this study, therefore, has to be within the bounds of these limitations. Plan of Study Chapter I will introduce the study and present the problem. Chapters II and III will give the time, the history, and the circumstances of the period in which Asbury lived. Chapter IV will introduce Asbury, the man. Chapter V will present him as a speaker. Chapter VI will discuss the audiences that heard Asbury speak. Chapter VII will analyze and evaluate the message including the theolog- ical content , choice of tOpics, materials of development, materials of personal proof, materials of experience, arrangement, and style. Chapter VIII will conclude the study. CHAPTER I I EIGHTEENTH -CENTURY ENGLAND Political Conditions Francis Asbury was born in a century filled with changes that almost completely altered the social, political, economic, and religious life of England. At the opening of the eighteenth century, England, Ireland, and Scotland were three separate countries; at the close of the century they wereiuuted, eat least nominally. Three silent revolutions imd.swept acrwbsss the British Isles: an agricultural, an industrial, arui a.religious. This was a period of confusion, tumult, and relxellion among the people. England was engaged in war during;rnost of the century: the War of Austrian Succession, the Seven Years War, the war with the American colonies, and the first part of the war with France.1 As a result of these wars she lost the American colonies and gained Canada, India, New Zealand, and Australia. In the days of Queen Anne, politics were looked upon as a game, with little regard to principles or the ultimate consequences of breaking them. Treason was not uncommon; 1J. H. Whiteley, Wesley's England (London: The Epworth Press, 19U5), p. 25. 17 l8 treachery, corruption, and bribery were usual practices that continued well into the eighteenth century. For instance, members of' the House of Commons obtained their seats by own- ing or managing rotten boroughs. "The spirit of political honesty and freedom, as the term is now understood, had not by 1720 begun even to glimmer upon the counsels of statesmen.’ The period of Walpole and the Pitts was a heyday of unchallenged abuses in all forms of corporate life. Holders of ecclesiastic, academic, charitable and scholastic endowments had no fear of enquiry or re— form. Schoolmasters could draw their salaries with— out keeping school. Universities could sell degrees without holding examinations or giving instruction. Parliamentary boroughs and municipal oligarchies could be as corrupt and ridiculous as they liked; it was enough that they were old. "Whatever is is right—— if it can show a charter" seems the watchword of the Eighteenth Century.2 In the course of the reigns of George I and George II a political aristocracy arose known as the "Whig Oligarchy.” This was a period in which the House of Commons gained more power, but the people had less because of the inconsistent representation. Later, when George III began his long reign in 1760, he further corrupted the House of Commons through his system of patronage. Also, during the first twenty years of his regnancy he attempted to restore the lost power to 3 the Crown. In the process of his rule events led to the last struggle between an absolute monarchy and a parliament lIbid., p. 169. 2G. M. Trevelyan, History of England,Vol. III (Garden Citi, N. Y.: Doubleday and Co., Inc., 1956), pp. 12-13. [Hereafter referred to as Trevelyan III.] 3Ibid., pp. 16—17. 1 .w—u-v -- we 19 that was responsible to the people. A new commonwealth was in the process of formation. "The four decades from 1765 to 1806 were gloomy, reactionary, distraught-~but at their close the new liberalism had gained a force it was never thereafter to lose . "1 Social Conditions Statistics are unreliable concerning the population during the eighteenth century, but it is estimated that there were between five and six million people in England at the opening of the century, 1700, and over eight million in 1801. The nation was enriched by the coming of the Hugenots from France. Numbers, perhaps around 50,000, fled from their country because of the revocation of the Edict of Nantes in 1865, migrated to England, and brought with them their skills in industry such as textile, glass, paper, and Jewelry.2 Another account of the population is an increase of from seven and one-half million to above fourteen million during the Reign of George III, a period of sixty years. This increase in population was due not only to immigration but also to improved standards of living, particularly noticeable the latter part of the eighteenth century.3 1Robert T. Oliver, Eour Who Spoke Out (Syracuse, N. Y.: Syracuse University Press, 19467, p. 3. 2Whiteley, p. 52. 3Treve1yan III, pp. 13u-135. fin." \’*‘w 20 In the eighteenth century three fairly well defined classes of people inhabited England: the wealthy patricians, the yeoman farmers, and the poor workmen. The wealthy class exploited the other two classes in order to obtain wealth, power, and prestige. The practice of patronage kept the wealth within a selected group who had a growing contempt for the lower classes. For instance, some of the nobility were given army and navy appointments; friends and poor relatives were given posts that yielded incomes. A person could hold more than one post, each one paying an income. One duke held fourteen income—producing posts during the same period of time. Furthermore, the social life of the court became the pattern for the nobility where principles of ethics and moral decency were ignored. "Broadly speaking these aristocrats were gay, superficially intellectual and mainly godless throughout the entire century, and'undoubtedly the “13301.1“ frivolled away their time in refinements of luxury and vice which they cultivated with excessive assiduity.“l Virtue was not expected of a woman of fashion nor was fidelity expected of a man. It seems that the social and economic corruption of the rulers contributed to the ineffectiveness of many of the statesmen, legislators, land- owners, and churchmen.2 To say that the nobility contributed little or nothing to the social structure of eighteenth-century England would J 2 lwmteley, p. 76. . Ibid., pp. 79-81. 21 be erroneous, because they were interested in culture and they befriended, encouraged, and fostered it. For instance, the nobility granted considerations and kindnesses to such men as Isaac Watts, John Locke, Hershel, Benjamin West, Buffon, Adam Smith, and Samuel Johnson. Members of the noble class loved beautiful architecture-—such as large many-gabled houses with projecting porches—~symmetrical forms of landscape gardening, elegant furniture and china, great and good music, and famous pictures of art. Both the men and the women of the nobility dressed elegantly and extravagantly , the men exceeding the women.:L In this same England the lower social levels-~those of the poor working class and the yeoman farmers—~ignored by the nobility except as a source of revenue, eked out a scanty living, in most cases, a mere existence. Their homes almost defy description. They lived in unsanitary cottages usually built of stone or brick with dirt and occasionally stbne floors. A cottage contained a living room and one bedroom for the entire family. It seems most of the people were accustomed to, and not disturbed by, foul smells, flies, vermin, pigs, and chickens in their homes.2 However, this statement of resignation or partial contentment of the lower classes changed with the immigra— tion of large numbers of peOple to the urban areas, because lIbid., pp. 81—103. 2Ibid. pp. 118-119. 3 22 of the need of employment in the new industrial centers, and the enclosure of the commons and the Open fields, where the yeoman farmers each had small plots of land to farm. These enclosures, or the collecting of the small plots of land to make larger farms,eventually benefited many people.1 Land— owners brought in better machinery for farming, introduced new crops, imported better breeds of cattle, sheep, and horses, all of which greatly improved agriculture in England.2 Since ‘trier enclosure of the land deprived the yeoman farmers of their small plots of land to farm, they were forced to cast their lots with the poor who were rapidly increasing. Work houses were established for them, where overseers were to provide raw materials for their employment. Oftentimes, though, the men and women were hired out to the farmers or factory owners and the children and youth were col— lected by contractors to work on the farms, in the mills, or in the mines . "The relative misery of the poor at this period as compared to that of their forebears is hard to estimate, for want of facts about earlier times. The absolute misery of many of them is a fact incontestable."3 The work houses were not much more than pens. Crabbe in ”Hm Village" pictured the occupants of a workhouse in the following manner: lTrevelyan III, pp. 1u1-1u2. 2Whiteley, pp. 126-127. 3Trevelyan III, pp. 140—1u1. 23 Theirs is yon house that Holds the Parish Poor, Whose walls of mud scarce bear the broken door; There, where the putrid vapours, flagging, play, And the dull wheel hums dolefully through the day; There Children dwell who know no Parents' care; Parents who know no Children's love dwell there. heart-broken Matrons on their joyless bed, Forsaken Wives, and Mothers never wed; Dejected Widows with unheeded Tears; And crippled Age with more than Childhood fears; The Lame, the Blind, and, for the happiest they, The Moping Idiot, and the Madman Gay. This picture is incomplete: food was not provided regularly and discipline usually was cruel. In addition to the responsibility of the inmates of the workhouses, the overseer had to contend with that innumerable group of beggars and ruffians who made their way in life by begging and stealing . The working conditions in the new factories were horrible. Overseers whipped their workers unmercifully as they labored in hot, unventilated rooms. For fourteen hours a day, except for two periods of thirty minutes each for lunch and tea, men, women, and children stood on their feet working.3 The plight of the children in this period was sad and almost hopeless if they lived. Mortality of infants was very high because they received such ill treatment from 1A. S. Turberville (ed.), Johnson's England: An gggwm of The Life and Manners of His Age, Vol. I (Oxford, Wdon Press, .1952), P- 303. \J 2Whiteley, p. 187. 31pm. , p- 129- I\_) 4? As a result about three out of every four children died before they reached their fifth birthday.1 Those who survived were placed into some kind of labor, starting at four or five years of age as chimney sweeps or becoming members of the children's work gangs.2 "Child—slavery” and "industrial—slavery," with all the evils associated With the industrial era and the factory system were bad enough in the eighteenth-century England, but "the slave trade, with its concomitant evils, was the root cause and nurs1ng mother of the worst industrial and commercial evils that grew up both around it and beside it."3 A tenant, who had been lured to incur a debt, when unable to pay, would be given the choice of prison or service on a slave ship; a sturdy young man, who had been enticed to run up a gin bill, when unable to pay, would be given the same choice. Then when Negroes were obtained from the African coasts in the most cruel manner and sold for slaves, the institution of slavery became more ruthless. After the second ship—load of Africans was sold as slaves at a great profit, the Stuarts recognized slave-traffic in commerce on high seas. The shameful means of capturing the Negroes and the barbarous treatment on the slave ships did not deter 1.1. Wesley Bready, England: Before and After Wesley (London: Hodder and Stroughton Limited, 19397, p. 142. 2White 1y, p. 131. 3Bready , p. 101. 25 ‘fimse vnno were plying this cruel trade to make exhorbitant amounts; of money.1 However, the importation of slaves made a marked impression, economically and socially, on England the early part of the eighteenth century. lhmmerous planters, having made fortunes out of "the Institution"—-then complacently described as "the great pillar and support of the British plantation trade in North America"-—returned to England, bought large estates, and brought over Negro slaves as their servants and menials. But more: being covetous of social and political power, and prepared to pay handsomely for both, they soon entered the market as bidders for "pocket" and "rotten" borough seats in Parliament, with the result that finally the price of market— able constituencies rgse from around 1,000 pounds to even 5,000 pounds. Notwithstanding, the slave holders had their problems in England, because a slave soon sensed the desire of all Englishmen to be free, so oftentimes ran away. The owners would advertise for run-away slaves, offering to pay hand- some rewards for their apprehension, but the efforts were unfruitful. Consequently, owners were forced to obtain more slaves to replace the fugitives who had escaped. "The net result was that slavery on English soil substantially in- creased."3 The institution of slavery was not arrested until 1772 when Lord Chief Justice Mansfield, in the famous Somer— sett case, . . . ruled that "slavery is not tenable in England," and that "as soon as any slave sets lIbid., pp. 101—10u. 2Ibid., pp. 103—104. 31bid., p. 1ou. 26 :foot upon English soil he becomes free." This verdict, :supported in 1778 by a large majority of the Lords of Session, put a peremptory stop to the bringing of slaves to England; but meanwhile,on Lord Mansfield’s own admission, there were already between 14,000 and 15,000 slaves in the country, and open slave sales had actually taken place in England.1 Sometimes concomitant evils are as great or greater than the first evil. Negro slavery had its effect upon the life of England; likewise kidnapping had just as great or perhaps a greater effect upon her life. The worst of this traffic was the kidnapping of hundreds of people, taking them to America,and selling them to plantation owners in Maryland and Virginia as indentured slaves for a period of from three to seven years. Redemptioners and convicts were sold in a similar manner.2 Another social evil of the eighteenth century was gambling, practiced by all and particularly by the wealthy class. Even the English government held lotteries to raise money to build Westminster Bridge and to found the British Museum.3 Perhaps the best example of gambling was "a mania of speculation, known as 'the South Sea Bubble,‘ [that] swept over all classes with peculiar ease in that first era of stock--jobbing..")4 The South Sea Company had been organized for the sole purpose of selling stock, a scheme that proved lBready, p. 105. 2Ibid., pp. 105-108. 3Ibid., p. 155. “Trevelyn III, pp. u6-U7. 27 Mlbe snaccessful. Within a year stocks soared, rising over 1000 per cent. The gambling craze inspired people who had littleernoney, to organize companies of ridiculous natures, sell stocks, and become wealthy. For instance, one promoter claimed he had a marvelous invention, the nature of which he would disclose later. Offering 100 pound stock for two guineas, he filled his bag with gold in one day and fled the country that night.1 The South Sea Company openly voiced its objections to these fraudulent schemes, which in turn, brought about an investigation of the sale of stocks of the South Sea Company. When it was discovered that these stocks, likewise, were fraudulent, the South Sea Bubble burst and left England in bankruptcy.2 Another social evil that pervaded English society was hanging. It seemed that for almost any violation of the law, the offenders, adults or children of both sexes, could be hanged. For instance, the following violations were punishable by hanging: to pick a pocket for an amount greater than one shilling, to steal a sheep or a horse, to snatch goods from someone and run away with them, to break a young tree, to snare a rabbit if on a gentleman's property, to blacken one's face and appear on the road, and many others, totaling about 160.3 lBready, p. 113. 2 Trevelyn III, p. 47. 3Bready, p. 127. 28 Often there were from seven to fifteen executions at the same time and place. At Tyburn, West London executions were held regularly every six weeks, known as "Hanging Shows," where spectators paid to have the best seats to see the event, and where multitudes crowded into the streets to see the procession of the victims to their death. Bready gave his impressions of the hanging shows and gallows processions in this manner: Always there is depicted a roaring sale of "sots comfort " (gin) from street barrows; always a drunken brawl; always a number of women with infants trampled down by the ruffian throng; always a trocma (sf hawkers, pickpockets, fakirs, and prostitdltes; always a rabble of leary-eyed and tattered urchins, looking for pelf; always a bevy bawlirm; out the sale of "Dying Speeches." . . . The march from Newgate to Tyburn took about three- quarters: of an hour. For a "good show" all the route partook of an extended carnival or fair. Hats, sticks, clubs, cloaks, and kerchiefs were waved high in the air; dogs barked and yelped; the half—inebriated roared and sang; swaggering men and women pushed around the death-carts to grasp the culprits' hands and commend their high spirits. Muralt, a traveler from Switzerland, gave his impres- sion of the gallows procession: The criminals pass through the streets in carts dressed in their best clothes, with white gloves and nosegays. . Those that die merrily, or that don’t at least show any great fear of death, are said to die like gentlemen; and to merit this encomium most of them die like beasts, without any concern, or like fools, having no other view than to divert the crowd.2 lIbid., p. 128. 2lbld. 29 An additional social evil that "reveals the thinness of the cultural veneer disguising the deep savagery of much of the eighteenth century"1 was the prisons. People of all ages and both sexes were thrown into dungeons or damp pits for debt, revenge, and pride, and were most cruelly treated. John Wesley reported a prison holding French prisoners in 1759: "About eleven hundred of them, we are informed, were confined in that little place, without anything to lie on but a little dirty straw, or anything to cover them but a few foul, thin rangs, either by day or night, so that they died like rotten sheep."2 Oglethorpe, Wesley, andHoward did much in revealing and relieving the torture and horrors in the prisons. Furthermuumu the social evil of lawlessness prevailed on the high seas where ships were raided and plundered by pirates and on the land where people were robbed constantly.3 The sports of this period, such as the torture of animals in bull and bear baiting, in cock-throwing, and in cock—fighting, reveal the coarse nature of the people.“ This period in English history was not only coarse, cruel, dishonest, and crime—infested, but it was also a drinking age when liquor flowed freely. A thirst for alcohol lBready, pp. 126-127. 2Ibid., p. 131. 3Botsford, English Society in the Eighteenth Century (New York: The Macmillan Company, 192u7, p. 194. “Ibid., p. 222. 30 had developed the previous century when the upper class drank toast 3 at their festive occasions. Consequently eighteenth-century England became a drinking nation consum- ing millions of barrels of beer, brewed in England, and great quantities of wine and brandy imported from France. Partly because of hostility toward France and partly desiring to stimulate the brewing of liquor in the home distilleries, the British government in 1689 prohibited the importation of liquor and asked for a small duty from the home distillers. Unwittingly , the legislators ushered into England, within a generation, the "Gin Age," which is characterized by cheap alcohol flowing everywhere. In 1684 liquor distilled in England totaled 527,000 gallons; in 1750 it totaled 11,000,000 gallons. Since gin could be purchased for as little as a penny a pint, it became the national drink consumed by men, women, and children. The drinking habit tied itself to practically every part of life. For instance, Parliament adjourned early because the members were too drunk to con- tinue business; and marriages were performed in the morning to insure sober senses of both the contracting parties and the parson. Also, liquor laid its corrupting hand on both industry and business. A person who attempted to be honest at his job soon became the prey of his drunken fellows, until he was forced to succumb to the same degrading prac- tices of drinking and dishonesty.l ‘ "The cardinal cause of lBready, pp. 145-19“ and Botsford, p. 70. .5. 31 the admitted social retrogression between 1720 and 1750 was the multi—headed liquor traffic, with its fiery spirits nd strong beers, and its innumerable ramifications in the nation' 5 work—a-day life . "1 Immorality could be expected in a careless, cruel, gin- drinking age .. It was found everywhere because the church and state not only condoned but made sport of immoral prac— tices. The poorer classes avidly read pornographic litera- ture and indulged in immorality.2 The following quotation summarizes the sordid aspects of the eighteenth century in its succinct style: It was a century when people seemed to live to eat raiflner than eat to live, and when England quali- fied.ruxrself for her sad preeminence as the most drunken nation in the world. It was a time when many aristocrats were sodden lumps of flesh preserved in alcohol, and when crudeness, unchecked passions, bitter feuds and love of cruel sports characterized the nuxjority of mankind. The century's sports, fairs and public entertainments were coarse beyond words IIts most popular books, poems and songs were mere licentious pictures; a kind of literary photography of all that we avert our eyes from in Nature. Adherants of parties and sects, representatives of different classes hated, loathed, despied, decried and calumniated one another. Religious strife and political differences were remarkable for the unredeemed, gratuitous vulgari- ties, clashing factions produced. In vain the really cultured protested against the prevailing practice of cursing and swearing; verbal refinement was not even thought of by the educated till the century was half spent. Its earlier journalists and pamphleteers freely indulged the blast and counterblast style of expressing their clashing opinions, whilst its later practitioners indulged in vulgar familiarity, nauseating innuendo, and were simply pert and fatuous, when they thought they were arch and facetious. 3 l Bready, pp. pp. 149—150. 2Ibid., p. 163. 3Whiteley, pp. 29-30. Qu4-—.| I" 32 Intellectual Conditions The coffee house had a more constructive function among the many changes in eighteenth-century England, playing an important role in the life of the business man, the profes- sional man, and the politician. The coffee house usually contained "boxes" that were high backed benches--—one on either side of a long table running between them. Here men of kindred interests would meet to discuss problems, transact business, to fellowship, and to entertain guests. Business organizations grew out of these meetings, debate societies were organized, and a number of leading men of this century acclaimed the value of the coffee house.1 Perhaps it is not too much to assume that from the coffee houses came men who were thinking and planning for the betterment of the social, economic, and intellectual life of England. Such thinking and planning was evidenced by a number of profitable changes which took place during the latter part of the century: improved standards of living came about because the factories made goods and clothing more available, the advancement of medical science resulted in better health, and people were becoming more humane and sensed the value of cleanliness. Improved transportation came first with the building of canal systems and later with the constructing of hard—topped roads. Perhaps one of the greatest industrial advancements was the replacing of char- coal with coal in iron-smelting.2 L 1 Whiteley, pp. 112-llu. 2Trevelyan 111, 13u-138. 33 Not only was the social, political, and economic life undergoing a radical change, but so too was intellectual life in England. Garrick and Mrs. Siddons in drama; Addison, Steele, Pope, Swift, Richardson, Fielding, Sheridan, Campbell, Coleridge, Scott, and Southey in literature; Kneller, Reynolds, Wilson, Romney, Gainsborough, Raeburn, and Goerge Morland in art; Arne, Boyce, and Attwood in music along with the foreigners Handel, Bach, Haydn, Mozart, and Beethoven, attest to the fact that greatness in the fine arts emerged from eighteenth-century England. Furthermore, in architecture the nation built Radcliffe Camera at Oxford and the Senate House at Cambridge. From science came the names of Davy, Newton, Priestley, Cavendish, Dolland, Hadley, and Harrison. In medicine there were the two Hunters, Cruikshank, and Haller. In the Parliament were Chatham, Burke, Pitt, Fox, and Sheridan. In religion there were John Wesley, Charles Wesley, and George Whitefield.l Education as a concept did not exist in the minds of most of the people of eighteenth-century England, particularly during the first part of the century. Because the poor looked upon their children as a means of added support for the family, they put them to work, often at the age of five or six years. The wealthy looked upon their children some- what as a disease: they got rid of their presence by obtaining ill-paid nurses and tutors to care for them.2 lWhiteley, pp. 26-27 2Ibid., p. 268. 34 Apparently on account of this perverted attitude toward the education of children, some people were concerned. John Locke in 1697 wrote Thoughts 99 Education that influenced some of the professional people. Among other books written throughout the years was Emil; by Rousseau, published in 1762. Rousseau advocated that all children should be nursed by their mothers, that all boys should be taught a trade, that parenthood was important, and that education should start with the children's needs. For the first time in history, children were recognized as individuals in society. Rousseau’s ideas and those of other Frenchmen were influ- ential upon English educational theory, but were not accepted by all.1 During most of the eighteenth century strict and-harsh discipline was considered the major part of the education of the young children. The teachers and parents for the most part remained convinced that what is good for the young must be un— pleasant, and that the ideal child was the one who showed marked signs of premature manhood. The old sour doctrine of "breaking their wills early", of "a child should be governed by fear" rather than by love were followed. Even a sensible, affectionate mother like Mrs. Wesley could give such advice as: "Let a child from one year old be taught to fear the rod and to cry softly; from that age make him do as he 13 bid if you whip him ten times running to effect it." Education in the universities in the eighteenth century was almost a farce. The only two universities for England lWhiteley, pp. 271-273. 2Ibid., p. 293. 35 anleales were Oxford and Cambridge, which were not well attended.because of poor teaching.l In spite of this, there were some eminent English scholars in this period. In addi— tion to these, there were also scholars in the countries of France, Germany, and Russia where academies of science, medicine, letters, art, and music thrived.2 Since children of wealthy Dissenters could not attend either Oxford or Cambridge university, Dissenting academies were organized, which served England well and gave a number of boys a good education for that day. John Wesley founded a school of this type known as Kingswood.3 However, the exclusion of the Dissenters from Oxford and Cambridge may account for part of the decline of these universities.“ Since the grammar schools were so inefficient during the eighteenth century, many of them had to close their doors. However, there were Girls' seminaries, sometimes referred to as "polite prisons," where parents could send their girls to be trained largely in deportment and the domestic arts.5 Perhaps the greatest gain in education in the eighteenth century was that of the Charity schools and the Sunday School. They attempted to give an education, consisting of reading, lTrevelyan III, p. 33. 2Whiteley, p. 276. 31bid., p. 278. “Trevelyan III, p. 33. 5Whiteley, p. 280. .. no - ,.1,. ”pa..- .. ..... H... .1. . ... h- .. . u. - .. ~- *1 , ~ .. . "‘ . a. . , . . . 'a. ‘1 ‘I “'q. ‘ o '. .‘-_ ‘9 .’-. -A . w ‘u - ‘ - - ~ . -. s 5 ‘s . \ . ~ 36 writing, arithmetic, and the catechism, to the children of the working classes.1 It is estimated that the Anglican chime?! in 1702 had 350 Charity schools with about 8000 stu- dents enrolled.2 Although good, these schools were limited because they were only for the poor. Sons whose fathers were in the trades and crafts had to seek their education elsewhere, if schools could be found. Millions of eighteenth- century children never entered a school of any kind, and those that did hardly received an education to make them capable for apprenticeship to a trade.3 Although others used the Sunday school idea, Robert Raikes has been given the credit for its founding in 1780. The school met one day a week both morning and afternoon to train children in the mere rudiments of education, the cate- chism, and the Bible, with emphasis on teaching the children to read.u So popular was his school that the London Society for Sunday Schools was founded. After a period of ten years this society reported 1000 schools with an attendance of 65,000 children.5 Since no secondary schools were available for most of the boys in the eighteenth century, the old apprentice system of the previous century proved to be useful for those boys who wanted to learn a trade.6 Francis Asbury became a« lTrevelyan III, p. 34. 2White1ey, p. 286. 3Bready, p. 168. “s. c. Carpenter, Eighteenth Century Church and People London: John Murray Albermarle Street, W., 1959), p. 228. 5Whiteley, p. 290 6Travelyan III, p. 35- .- 37 blacksmith apprentice and worked for several years in a foundry near his home. So far in this chapter an attempt has been made to descrilne the political, social, and intellectual life of eighteenth-century England. Politically, many corrupt prac- tices were condoned and practiced. Socially, the nobility amd the poor people lived in a society infested by immorality, gmMoling, drinking, coarse sports, slavery, lawlessness, and poverty; The economic conditions were mentioned as they related.to the social. Intellectually, many children were deprived of an education because of the social conditions; on the other hand, Charity schools and the Sunday school were created and became great benefactors to the children of the poor class of people. Furthermore, Dissenting academies were organized and served England well. In spite of the poor education in England a number of scholars emerged and contributed to the political, social, and intellectual life of England. Attention is now directed to the religious con- ditions as they were related to each of the above, but particularly to the social. Religious Conditions The Church of the eighteenth century received severe criticism by many people, among whom were Horace Walpole and Lord Hervey, who claimed the Church was corrupt, guilty of pluralism, and fostering proud and dishonest prelates. Critics censured the Church on account of the traffic in 38 listings, rapacity, and avarice practiced among the bishops and prelates on the one hand and the povertyand rxni—residency of the clergy on the other hand. Cathedrals lacked care: halls and rooms were cluttered by monuments; gaindens were grown on graves; churchyards were turned into pastures.l The Church became a, waxen image of a once true realigion, sunk in political insignificance, with powerless lxishops and ambitionless prelates. The clergy were looked upon as the most lifeless people on earth. In 1738 . . . Bishop Berkeley in his Discourse Addressed £9 Magistrates and Men 13 Authorit , de— clared that morality and religion in Britain had collapsed "to a degree that has never been known in any Christian country. Our prospect . . . is very terrible and the symptoms grow worse from day to day." The accumulating torrent of evil,'Which threatens a general inundation and destruction of these realms," Berkeley attributed chiefly to "the irreligion and bad example of those styled the better sort." If, however, his fears seem extreme . . . we turn to the writings and records of his contemporaries. . . . Wittingly or unwittingly, and from vastly different angles, Fielding, Defoe, Swift, Bolingbroke, Pope, Steele, Gay, Addison, Butler, Sterne, Walpole, and Johnson offer evidence of the moral and spiritual eclipse with which the earlier half of the eighteenth~ century was seriously threatened. Historians, too, of widely divergent schools, on this particular issue are singularly agreed. Examine Lecky, Stephen, Ranke, Macaulay, Rogers, Green, Overton, Abbey, Robertson, Trevelyan, Halévy, and Temperley and it will be found that none would seriously dispute either the justi— fication for, or the relative accuracy of, Bishop Berkley's verdict.2 The fact . . . of a phenomenal social and moral degeneracy at this period is disputable."3 There were many causes of this degeneracy, but three seem to be more unmistakable.Bready called them the "triple lWhiteley, pp. 295-297. ' 2Bready, p. 19. 3Ibid. # t... . *v“ o 4 .~ fi..- 0-,,J o 39 tragedies." The first "tragedy," or cause of the decline, was the anti-Puritan purge, which included several acts: the COrporation Act, the Act of Uniformity, the Conventicle Act, and the Five Mile Act. All of these acts "stabbed at the very heart of Puritan religion, Puritan ideals, Puritan education, and Puritan culture."1 In 1662 , the Prayer Book was revised with many alter— ations, having a definite anti—Puritan slant, by the Act of Uniformity. There were clauses in this. act which required. every clergyman and schoolmaster to "delcare his unfeigned assent and consent to the use of all things in the said‘book contained and prescribed, in these words and in no other."2 As a result of this Act nearly two thousand men were purged from the ranks of the clergymen, one-fifth of the total in England, because they could not for conscience' sake subscribe to the requirements? in the act and give absolute allegiance to the King. Some of the best men of the church were turned out, those whose zeal and labor had been felt across the country.3 "'The Church of England,’ says Green, 'stood from that moment isolated and alone among the Churches of the Christian world it sank into immobility . . . with the expulsion of the Puritan clergy all change, all efforts to reform, all natural development, suddenly~stopped'."LI It is lBready, p. 21. 21bid., p. 21. 31bid., pp. 21-22. “Ibid., p. 22. v... o... MO evident that the antinuritan purge was a real "tragedy" to the Church of England, because most of the men, who were forced to leave, sought employment in vocations other than the church. The second "tragedy," or cause of moral decline,was not as serious as the first, but had an effect for many years. It was the expulsion of a group of dissenting High- Church clergy, known as the non-Jurors, in 1689 and 1690. They claimed that James II was "the Lord's Anointed," even though he had ingloriously fled, and that the Crown did not belong to William III who was only a pretender. In order to give religious liberty to the Puritan Dissenters, William proposed a compromise, hoping it would be acceptable to the clergy. If the clergy would agree to the abolition of the Persecuting Code (Corporation Act, Act of Conformity, Con— venticle Act, and the Five Mile Act) he would excuse them from taking the Oath of Allegiance. However, the hierarchy and the squirearchy objected because they said it was tinc- tured with treason, so the oath was administered to the clergy, with the omission of the words, "rightful and lawful." Since the clergy would not accept William III as the ruler of England, four hundred of them refused to take the oath, even though the words "rightful and lawful" could be omitted. They were turned out of their offices. Among this group were eminent church men, such as Sancroft, the Primate; Bishop Ken, the hymn-writer; and William Law, the famous o .- ‘ -- V,‘. .- >4- . .4 .... vu- .,, .- ..., .o .. u .— - 41 mystic.l Bready summarized the condition of the Anglican Church by saying: With this second tragedy the Church found herself shorn of both left and right wings. Zealous priest and flaming prophet were now out off. The "moderate," "reasonable" men, the time—servers, self-seekers and pluralists——these all were left: but the wings of faith were gone.2 The third "tragedyfl'or cause of moral decline,was the suppression of Convocation, which followed further contro— versies among the clergy, the Crown, and leaders of the nation. The tension broke when Bishop Hoadly, in 1717, preached before the King on the "Nature of the Kingdom, or Church, of Christ." In the sermon "he claimed that Christ had not delegated His authority to any ecclesiastical system, and that the spiritual, invisible Church was the only true representative of Jesus Christ."3 Pressure came upon the King to censure Hoadly. Consequently the King granted the request to suspend Convocation by prorogation which really meant suppression of Convocation of the bishops and representatives of the Church until the middle of the nineteenth century.“ Bready said the "three tragedies" causing the decline of morals were completed: "Not only was the 'National Church' shorn of left—wing prophet and right—wing priest, even her vocal organs were torn from her."5 The implication is that lBready, pp. 2u—25. 2Ibid., p. 25. 3Ibid., p. 29. Ibid. 51bid. 42 if the Church could have been strengthened instead of weak— ened by losing many good men and if her voice could have been heard instead of silenced, the moral decline would not have been so great. The foregoing can give the impression that the Church of England was so evil and corrupt that no good could come from the organization. If the majority of the clergymen and leaders of the church are corrupt, and if the minority are not corrupt but are doing good, the conclusion can be drawn that the church is corrupt, when in reality it is onlyv partially true. At any rate, some good did come from the eighteenth-century Church of England. Near the beginning of the century, about twelve new churches were built; perhaps there should have been many more. Religious societies were formed from which sprang the Charity Schools, parochial libraries, missionary societies, and tract societies. There were many kind—hearted curates who served in the local parishes. Some of the influential men, such as Johnson, Smollett, and the Wesleys, remained members of and supported the Church. John Wesley saw good in the Church in spite of ignorance and inconsistencies. He commented: "In the present time, the behavior of the clergy in general is greatly altered for the better."1 Again, in 1780, he affirmed: I am fully convinced that our church (of England) with all her blemishes, is nearer the Scriptural plan than any other lWhiteley, p. 303. 143 Church in Europe, and to speak freely, I myself find more life in the Church prayers than in any formal extempore prayers of Dissenters."l Perhaps the belief in latitudinarianism, more than any other one concept, influenced eighteenth—century churchmen, such as John Locke, John Toland, Anthony Collins, Thomas Woolston, and Matthew Tindal, who wrote on various aspects of Diesm. They stripped Christianity of Christ, removed revelation from the Bible, ignored Christian experience, and denied the reality of prayer. All questions pertaining to religion were to be answered by reason, making it the guide to living. "Diesm accordingly merged into rationalism, rationalism into scepticism, and scepticism into cynicism,"2 making religion an intellectual discussion containing very little moral fiber to guide the actions of men. Following the Deists another group of men, the apolo- gists, sprang up. They attempted to deny the philosophy of the Diests and to defend the faith as revealed in the Bible. Would the church of the eighteenth century have met the social, economic, and political problems of another century? Or would the Church of any other century, say the twentieth, have met the deplorable conditions of the eigh- teenth century any better than the eighteenth-century Church lWhiteley, pp. 303—304. 2Bready, p. 40. AM did? 'These are unanswerable questions. It seems that the corrupnzion of the Church of England influenced, if it did not causeg the decline of morals in the eighteenth century. The cnnirch did some good in the organizing of religious societies that sponsored worthwhile enterprises, and in the servirug of a number of parishes by faithful curates. Deism emerged in this century and was answered by the apologists. All C”? these conditions became a prelude to the Evangelical Awakening. Evangelical Awakening Since the early days of the Christian Church, revivals have been.recurring factors in revealing and demonstrating the power of God working in the hearts of men. A need, the clinurte, and the leadership apparently accompany a revival, all of which were evident in the eighteenth century. The Pietist movement may or may not be a part of the Evangelical Awakening, depending upon the historian's point of view. Pietism, paralleling the Evangelical Awakening, if not a part of it, was dissatisfied with institutional Christianity and sought the original spirit of the gospel which was a personal experience with God, instead of a formal adherence to an institution.1 The relationship of the Puritan revolution to the Evangelical Awakening cannot be overlooked. The roots of lA. Skevington Wood, The Inextinguishable Blaze (Grand Rapids, Michigan: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., 1960), p. 28. 45 both seemed to be linked. Even the enemies of Methodism recognized this factor. Horace Walpole said, "This non- sensical New Light is extremely in fashion and I shall not be surprised if we see a revival of all the folly and cant of the last age."1 A third factor promoting the Evangelical Awakening was the formation of societies, or small groups of people meeting for the purpose of enriching spiritual life, the first organizations dating back to 1678. In the midst of all that occurred in eighteenth-century England, the number and quality of societies grew. There is a direct link be— tween the Evangelical Awakening and such societies as S. P. C. K. (Society to Promote Christian Knowledge), the one that Samuel Wesley founded at Epworth in 1701, the London societies where George Whitefield preached in 1737, and the Fetter Lane Society, the birthplace of Methodism and Moravian- ism.2 It may be difficult to believe that the Deists had a part in the chain of events leading to a revival. They did in this manner: Apologists arose in defense of the Christian faith, writing a number of books and articles which met the Deists through their own method--the use of reasoning. William Law, a non-Juror and a Christian apologist, insisted 1Wood, p. 29 (Quoted by Wood from Horace Walpole's correspondence, ed. G. S. Lewis, Vol. IX, p. 73). 2Ibid., p. 32. A6 in his two books Christian Perfection and the Serious Call on "that essential doctrine of the Gospel, the necessity of the inspiration of the Holy Ghost."1 He was a link with the Revival in that he believed the truths of Christianity were "being proved triumphantly against all the assailants of that day; what was most needed was an appeal which would stir men’s hearts and set them aglow."2 Through these two books he wielded a tremendous influence upon the leaders of the Evangelical Awakening. Many of the leaders of this movement refer to him and give credit to him for his part in the revival. John Wesley went so far as to acclaim him the "John the Baptist" of the Evangelical Awakening.3 Unexpectedly the dawn of the Revival in 1662 appeared in Wales, perhaps one of the most unlikely places for it to begin. Such names as Hugh Owen, Thomas Gauge, Griffith Jones, Howell Harris, Daniel Rowland, and Pryce Davies were among the eminent leaders of the Welsh Revival. Griffith Jones, even though known as an educator, "was a pioneer of field preaching. He anticipated the circuit system which was to become a leading feature of the Methodist section of the Movement."u The next contribution to the Evangelical Awakening, although indirect, came through the publications reporting 1John Overton, The Evangelical Revival in the Eight- eenth Centur (New York: Anson D. F. Randolph and Company, 1 , p. . 2Ibid., p. 9. 3Wood, p. 3“. “Ibid., p. AS. u? the revival held in Northampton, Massachusetts, in 1734—1735 under the preaching of Jonathan Edwards. Revivals had been held in Northampton by Solomon Stoddard and in New Jersey by the Tennent brothers previously, but the peak was in this revival, known as the First Great Awakening. Isaac Watts and John Guyse published Jonathan Edwards' account of the Revival, and John Wesley did likewise later. These publica- tions, which were widely read in Great Britain, were the next definite influence in the Evangelical Awakening in that country.1 But another contribution to the British Revival needs consideration: The Moravian. Seven years prior to the Awakening in America, the Moravians, a group of people at Herrnhut in Moravia (now a province of Czechoslovakia) were experiencing a modern Pentecost. These people became quite missionary in spirit, sending missionaries to Great Britain and America, an action which proved to be one of the main factors in the early part of the Revival.2 Count Nicholas Zinzendorf, who formerly was a Lutheran nobleman, holding an important legal post in the court of Saxony, became one of the prominent leaders of the Moravians at Herrnhut. As a mission of goodwill, he sent letters to the King, to the Queen, and to the University of Oxford relating the proceedings of the Moravian Revival at lWood, pp. 56—62. 21bid., p. 67. A8 Herrnhut. Later, in 1735, ten missionaries, under the leadership of Spangenberg, established a Moravian settle— ment at Savannah, Georgia. After receiving the sanction of Oglethorpe, the Moravians sent another group of twenty—six missionaries to Georgia, sailing on the same ship, the "Simmonds," as John Wesley, Charles Wesley, Benjamin Ingham, and Charles Delamontte, who likewise were bound for Georgia. In the meantime, James Hutton, influenced by the preaching of John Wesley, organized a society in London for prayer and praise to the Lord. Other societies sprang up in London, which proved to be among the major factors that brought about revival in Great Britain.1 Two years later, 1737, John Wesley, who had just re- turned from Georgia a disappointed and rejected man, met Peter Bohler, a Moravian missionary. Before Bohler sailed for South Carolina, he and Wesley drew up the plans and rules for the organization of the Fetter Lane Society that became the headquarters of the Moravian Church in Great Britain.2 Apparently revival was beginning in Great Britain in the religious societies. One significant conversion was that of George Whitefield, in 1735, while a member of the society,named the Holy Club. Soon after his conversion, which proved to be the next important step in the Evangelical Awakening, Whitefield was ordained deacon, began preaching, and had phenomenal success in England and later in America. 2 lWOOd, pp. 70-72. Ibid., pp. 73-75. 49 He has been given the credit for founding Methodism because he was the first eminent evangelist in Great Britain and he was the first man to inaugurate a number of projects that accompanied the Revival: (a) to use the aggressive type of preaching; (b) to use the open air to preach the gospel; (c) to gather converts into large crowds; (d) to employ lay preachers; (e) to itinerate; (f) to hold the first Conference (a meeting of the preachers) in Wales, 1743; (g) to go as a missionary to Scotland; and (h) to go to America to become a part of the Awakening there. Considered the master evangelist of his time, for four months he took the city of London by storm, winning many converts by his preaching.l He was the orator of the Movement. But he had neither method nor system. A great preacher he was, but not truly a "Methodist" from the point of view of organization.2 The next event to be considered, and perhaps the most significant in the development and progress of the Evangelical Awakening, was the conversion of John and Charles Wesley in 1738. Both had served the Church before this time: John, two years as a curate, Fellow of Lincoln, two years as a missionary in Georgia, but the Aldersgate experience for John Wesley was not only the turning point in his life but likewise in the history of the Revival. Throughout his whole career, John Wesley emphasized the necessity of helping and doing good for other people, which may have led him to stress 2 1Wood, pp. 81, 89. . Overton, pp. 32-33. 50 the doctrine of "Christian Perfection," defined in this way: "Loving God with all our hearts, and our neighbor as our- selves."1 Wesley had his weaknesses, differed with some of his contemporaries, made enemies with some of them, but he continued to show a spirit of love toward them. Take him for all in all he towers above all the leaders of the Evangelical Revival, not so much in saintliness, or in intellectual power, or in eloquence, or in sound judgment, or in single- ness of purpose, but in general force. If one man had to be picked out as the Reviver, that man's name would assuredly be John Wesley.2 Charles Wesley likewise held a prominent position in the Revival. The people of England, accustomed to liturgical worship, found it difficult to make adaptations in the more informal type of worship found among the Methodists. The hymns of the Wesleys took the place of the liturgy to some extent. The Methodists then became known for their singing. Charles was likewise a preacher in his own right, perhaps more diplomatic in his ministrations and more skillful in handling peOple than his brother, John. Often he was the link between George Whitefield and John Wesley.3 Another facet of the Evangelical Awakening is in Scotland. When George Whitfield arrived as a missionary, he discovered that a revival was in progress. However, he made his contribution as a revivalist. Later, starting in 1751, John Wesley visited Scotland for twenty-two years. His impact upon the country, particularly in the spheres of lOverton, p. 25. 2Ibid.,p.29. 31bid., pp. 34—36. 51 belief in the Christian doctrines and of practice in Christian living, was permanent.l "Perhaps the most sig— nificant contribution of the Evangelical Movement to the. continuing history of the Scottish Church lay in the impetus it supplied to the missionary awakening."2 To be considered next in the segment of the Evangelical Awakening is the revival in the established Anglican Church. This revival, not an aftermath of the Methodist Movement, but independent of it, transpired simultaneously with the Wesleyan revival. The approaches of the Anglicans and Wesley were different: the Anglican revivalist said that the parish was his world; Wesley said that the world was his parish.3 Names prominent in this movement are George Thomson, John Bennett, James Harvey, Samuel Walker (the leading ex— ponent of evangelism in the Anglican Church), William Romaine, Henry Venn, and William Grimshaw. None of these men were related in any way with the Wesleys. Each one preached a message denouncing sin and proclaiming the new birth, ex— emplifying the change that had taken place in his life. "The frivolity and moral looseness of former days disappeared. The playhouse and the cockpit were each compelled to close down Ibr lack of patrons."Ll This is the description of the change~in the community where Samuel Walker preached. lWood, p. 125. 2 Ibid., p. 126. 3Ibid., p. 133. ‘ Ibid., p. 1A0. 52 The cause of Anglican Evangelicalism was fostered in various parts of the country. Although the leaders were separated from one another by long distances and had little means of communication with each other, they were nevertheless united by the same Spirit who inspired the whole Revival movement. We are compelled to conclude that their collective achievement is to be explained only in terms of their submission to God.1 It seems the major factors contributing to the Evangel- ical Awakening in Great Britain were the Pietistic movement, the Puritan revolution, the organization of religious societies, the apologists, the publications of the First Great Awakening in America, the Moravian revival, and the Anglican revival. The Methodist revival will be considered next. Methodism The name "Methodist" was ascribed to all who were con- nected with the revival movement: the Moravians, Anglicans, Calvinists, and the followers of Whitfield and the Wesleys. The real "Methodists," the followers of John and Charles Wesley, are under consideration now. The real starting—point of Methodism lay . . . in the conversion of the Wesleys. . . . But from the constitutional aspect it could be argued that the significant date was the 1st rather than the 24th May, 1738. That was when Wesley and Bdhler drew up the rules for the Fetter Lane Society. Indeed Wesley himself traced the genesis of Methodism to this Moravian source. Its "first rise," he said was at Oxford in 1729, when the name Methodist was minted and cast at the members of the Holy Club. The second stage of development was in Georgia in 1736 when the Savannah society was formed. But the final and deter- minative step was taken in 1738 with the founding of the Fetter Lane Society.2 2 1Wood, p. 1A7. Ibid., p. 162. 53 Perhaps, one of the reasons for the success of the segment of the revival movement strictly termed "Methodist" was the open air preaching in the fields. Whitefield tried it with marked success. Wesley reluctantly assented to preaching in this manner, and to his amazement thousands came to hear him preach in this most irregular way.1 After a year of this kind of preaching both Wesley and Whitefield recognized the need of following up their work, for they discovered many of their apparent accomplishments were lost in a few weeks or months. So Wesley contrived the method of organizing the new converts into societies, to be re— visited later by the itinerant preachers for instruction and encouragement. "Wesley had the genius of making adapta— tions at the right time to accomplish desired results. He was more of an adapter than an innovator."2 This method of revisiting the societies soon became exceedingly difficult for the three main preachers, White- field, John Wesley, and Charles Wesley. When John Wesley discovered that lay preachers could instruct and encourage the new converts, he employed them to do the work. The traveling from society to society led to the creation of an itinerant preacher, who would cover a circuit containing a certain number of societies, usually from ten to twenty.3 lMatthew Simpson,A Hundred Years of Methodism (New York: Nelson and Phillips, 1876), p. 21. 2Wood, pp. 16u—165. 3Bready, p. 217. . 'r' u .. -... - a-w p u.. .'. ‘.-|.“ --.. . .._ ‘- ,‘ ~. ; 'Q ‘h ‘-. ', . -"- 54 Each of the societies was divided into classes, and the dasses into bands. The lay preachers assumed much of the responsibility of leadership in the societies during the interim between the visits of the itinerant preachers. John Meley drew up rules to control this unique organization and each member in it.1 Wesley withdrew from the Fetter Lane Society because of his disagreement with some of the theological concepts of the Moravians. The first truly Methodist Society was the Foundery Society in Moorfields, London, organized the latter part of the year, 1739. The Foundery Society represents Methodism in micro- cosm. The Rules of United Societies were simply an extension of this localized polity. Within the space of a few brief years there emerged all the main features of Methodism as it was to be. Not only was the condition of membership laid down and bands and classes formed, but the Love Feast, the Watchnight and the Covenant service were transplanted. . . . Lay preaching was regularized. . . . The first Methodist conference was held at the Foundery.2 Wesley insisted on a "conexional" system in order to keep his societies united. In spite of all the opposition the move- ment received, particularly during the first ten years of itinerant preaching, Methodism grew. The simple but exacting rules of the organization, the forceful leadership of John Wesley, and the cooperation of his ftfliowers contributed much to the rapid growth of l Jéames M. Buckley, A History of Methodism in the U. S. Vol. I (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1897), p. 103. 2 Wood, p . 169 . 55 Methodism until it became the largest and most influential of the segments of the Evangelical Awakening in Great Britain. One more division of the Evangelical Revival needs attention, though briefly, to complete the pattern of this movement in eighteenth-century England: The Calvinistic mission under George Whitefield and Lady Huntingdon. This section grew out of Methodism and separated from it over "the age-old controversy as to whether absolute sover- eignty of God's purpose is compatible with the freedom of man’s will."1 The division did not apparently hamper the spread of the revival for great benefits were received from the labors of both groups. It is evident that the political situation, the social conditions, the changes in economic life, the decline of morals, the demoralization of the Church of England, the antiquritan purge, the expulsion of the non-jurors, and the proroguing of the Convocation, all contributed to the Evangelical Awakening. All three of the major divisions-- Moravian, Calvinistic, and Methodist-—left a tremendous impact upon the life of Great Britain and upon the American colonies. Near the middle of this exciting century, Francis Asbury was born, reared, and spent several years working as a lay preacher and as an itinerant in Methodism under the leadership of John Wesley. lWood, p. 177. CHAPTER III EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY AMERICA Political Conditions Adventure, the prospect of finding wealth, the hOpe of economic security, the urge to obtain political freedom, the anticipation of religious liberty, and other motives impelled men into the unknown regions beyond the ocean. Those that could withstand the cold bitter winters wresting a liveli- hood from the soil, sometimes bleak and stony, usually bettered themselves economcially. From this beginning a long stream of migration continued until all the thirteen colonies were established.1 Each colony struggled in the formation of a government that would be satisfactory to both the colonists and Great Britain. Some colonies, such as Rhode Island, had a theocracy with church and state and ruled themselves as they desired. Another type was the proprietary colony, as Maryland, where religious freedom was achieved by the granting of a charter to colonize and govern according to certain stipulations found in the charter. Because of the distant location of the lSamuel McKee, Jr., American History to 1865 (Ames, Iowa: Littlefield, Adams and Co., 1958), pp. l7-21. 56 ,1 .- _ no- ”.6- . . .. .. ..,. 7.. u ...., . .. . .. , . ._V ' .. u. ._ ‘ .. -A - . -. . ‘4, ,.>‘ W., 'c. . --‘ - . ~. .“ ‘- ~ .‘ ‘ "- - \§ ‘ ‘ '. u '. ‘~ \ V s \ ~ .- . 57 American colonies from the parent country, and because of so many different aspects of a frontier culture, compared to seventeenth and eighteenth-century culture of England, the colonial governments grew and developed year by year in a manner that met their own needs and desires rather than those of the Crown or Parliament. Slow and difficult communi- cation contributed to this. Usually it took several weeks for correspondence to reach Great Britain, and sometimes months to receive an answer, a fact which forced the colonists to make decisions to meet their immediate needs. This growing independence made the new settlers feel that they were cap— able of handling their own affairs, politically and econom- ically. A nation assuming an imperliastic policy, as Great Britain did, apparently ignoring or not realizing how short- sighted her demands were, could expect difficulty in enforc- ing those demands. The Tories in America were in the majority before the Revolution, and would have supported the Crown had it not been necessary to choose either self-interest and profit on the one hand or loyalty and sentiment on the other.1 Britain's doctrine of mercantilism forced the issue. Theoretically a favorable balance of trade would result in self-sufficiency: the colonies would supply raw materials to Great Britain and the colonies would buy the manufactured lVernon L. Parrington, The Colonial Mind 1620-1800, Vol. 1 (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Co., 1927), p. 189. 58 goods. To enforce this doctrine a number of navigation acts and other regulatory acts were passed, starting in 1650, and continuing to 1764.1 During this same period Great Britain was in conflict with France. In_the early part of the seventeenth century, France established and monopolized the fur—trading business with the Indians. Settlers and missionaries were sent into Quebec and later into Montreal. Explorations accompanied by fur trading Opened up more territory to New France until, at the Opening of the eighteenth century, furetrading posts, mission stations, and towns dotted the valleys of the St. Lawrence and the Mississippi from the Great Lakes, south, to the Gulf of Mexico. For about three—quarters of a century, 1689-1763, the two nations, Great Britain and France were at war, each one attempting to obtain possession of the New World. The last struggle, known as the French and Indian War of 1754-1763, finally ended with the Treaty of Paris in 1763. Great Britain gained everything east of the Mississippi and practically all of Canada.2 The war left England with a heavy national debt. She believed that her American colonies should help pay some of this indebtedness since they benefited largely from the war. But Britain failed to sense that the American colonies were gradually moving away from the controls of the Crown and lMcKee, pp. 31-32. 2Ibid., pp. 36-A0. J... - - ”u. -.. u . o u... 7. ‘- . v.1 . ~o ‘ -‘ c ‘. V ‘. ‘Q i‘. < . ~V .‘Q ‘ ‘ , ,- ~ ~ » K o . . ~ . 59 Pmfliament and were becoming more independent so, when the matish government attempted to stop the widening of the gap unween the theory of mercantilism and the actual relation- amp to her in trading, by the Greenville legislation, 176A- lfifi, she met resistance. The goal was to raise half of the amt of the war, 300,000 pounds annually, by revising the gnevious navigation acts and by adding several new ones, in- cluding the Stamp Act. Resistance in the American colonies increased. Then came the Townsend Acts of 1767, another renewal of effort to raise the revenue to pay the Americans' share of the debt. These acts of taxation met with severe reaction. John Dickinson's Letters from a Farmer, discussing their injustice, Samuel Adams'Circular Letter, urging the colonies to defend their natural and constitutional rights, and finally, the Boston Massacre in 1770, are examples. The Townsend Acts were repealed that year and quiet prevailed for a period of about three years.1 The importation of tea renewed the conflict. The British East India Company made consignments of tea, with a tax of three cents a pound, to Boston, New York, Philadelphia, and Charleston. The principle of being taxed and the virtual monopoly the British East India Company would have on the tea market greatly incensed the Americans. The Boston Tea Party.followed by the accompanying punishments that Great Britain inflicted upon Massachusetts. In sympathy with their g lIbid., pp. 142415. 60 Meter colony, the other colonies rallied at the First Con— ‘Hnental Congress, held at Philadelphia, September, 177A, tm discuss the necessary measures to be taken. The position cfi'the colonies was drawn up in the Declaration of Rights amd Grievances. The next May, 1775, the Second Continental Cbngress convened. The Battles of Lexington and Concord had been fought. Tom Paine's Common Sense, published in January, 1776, which clearly presented the issues precipitat- ing the quarrel, seemed to crystalize the movement for independence. On June 6, 1776, a committee was appointed to draft a declaration and on July A, 1776, the Declaration of Independence was formally adOpted by the Congress conven- ing at that time for that purpose.1 "The Declaration was . at least to most patriots, a convincing apologia for separation."2 The next five years of war were most painful and trying. At the beginning of this period it looked as though the patriots would be defeated. If George III could have had the power, the Americans would have lost, but the main- land of Great Britain was threatened by invasion; Ireland was revolting; and national bankruptcy threatened Britain. When the British won battles in America, she could not hold the conquered territory because of an inadequate number of nmn in her army. If there had not been troubles at home, 1 Ibid., pp. A5-A7. 2 JOhn Richard Alden, The American Revolution (New York: Harper and Row, 1962), p. 83. 61 mfltain likely would have brought the rebellious colonies heck under her control.1 The American colonies had their problems and difficul- ‘ues during the war. An army had to be raised under most cnrficult circumstances: the farmers were not military men emd did not want to be; they had to give their time to the eumy because there was no money to pay them; and they would serve for only a short period of time. Each colony issued its money, making exchange of doubtful value. It looked as though, during the first part of the war, the American effort was doomed to failure. Credit should be given to General George Washington for his leadership throughout the war. Defeat and victory followed one another until the triumph at Yorktown in August, 1781, when Cornwallis and his army were forced to surrender.2 This decisive victory of the patriots and their allies led not only to the independence cn‘the American colonies, but it also set the pattern for other colonies to seek their independence from European control. Furthermore, the new United States gave to the nations of the world the example of a republican system of govermment that undermined the whole monarchial system that had prevailed for so many centuries in Europe. Hence, the Peace of Paris, 1783, became a turning point in history in ‘ J‘Ibid., p. 2A8. 2 McKee, p. 51. 62 more ways than one: it not only gave the American colonies their independence but it gave to the world an example of a republican form of government.1 The independent colonies had their problems as they struggled toward statehood. Immediately following the war was a depression. The Articles of Confederation, adopted in 1781, had weaknesses:_ the central government was feeble be- cause the colonies were reluctant to grant too much power to a central authority; the central government could levy taxes but could not collect them; it could not raise money to pay the national debt or to maintain an army and navy; it did not have powertx>regulate either foreign or domestic com- merce; and it could not command the respect Of foreign powers. However, the new nation did make some progress under the Articles Of Confederation. For instance, the federal government regulated weights and measures, devised a coinage system, created a system of surveying public lands through the Ordinance of 1785, created a territorial government for all rew territories, divided the Northwest Territory into statee, and extended civil rights to all the inhabitants of terenitories through the Ordinance of 1787.3 During the period from 1787 to 1789, the new constitu- tieni'was drafted, debated,and finally adopted. Washington was Erlected the first president of the new United States and lAlden, p. 268. 2McKee, pp. 53-5A. 3Ibid., p. 5A. 63 wmsinaugurated into Office, April 30, 1789. For eight yeme the Federalists held the national offices: Thomas Jafierson, Secretary of State; Alexander Hamilton, Secretary ofthe Treasury; Henry Knox, Secretary of War; and Edmund Rmflolph, Attorney General. Alexander Hamilton, an ardent karalist, was quite influential, first, as the leading fhmncier of his time, and second,as a foremost politician. Hewas largely responsible for the creation of the two major poutical parties, based upon the economic interests of the zuwion: the planting-shareholding-farmer group who became the Republicans, and the mercantile-shipping-financial group who became the Federalists.l Thomas Jefferson became the leading figure in the former group and Alexander Hamilton, in the latter group. The Federalist program funded the national debt, assumed the state debts, established a national bank, established a mint, and imposed an excise tax on liquor. When Jefferson was elected in 1801, the exponents of Jeffer- sonian Democracy rejoiced. In his inaugural address Jeffer- son "emphasized the equality of men before the law and the right of all men to participate in the control of the govern— ment."2 However, as a result of the previous administration of eigjm years under George Washington, the policies Of the Federalists were firmly imbedded in the new federal govern- ment. Consequently, under Thomas Jefferson's administration, g 1John C. Miller, The Federalist Era 1789-1801 (New Abrk: Harper and Row, 1960), p. 101. 2McKee, p. 67. 6A Here was more of a shifting of attitude toward the federal gmernment instead of changing old policies or initiating nmvones. Many of the old Federalist policies were retained. Fm2instance, the new administration continued to pay the nanonal debt, to perpetuate the United States Bank, and to reduce the army and navy.1 Jefferson, his cabinet, and Congress faced a different Lneblem involving relationships with Great Britain. The Ihdtish were impressing American sailors into their service, tadng them from American ships, and interfering with American commerce on the high seas, which agitated the American government. Later, some imperialistic minded men, known as War Hawks, elected to Congress in 1810, desired to invade Canada and Spanish territory to annex it to the United States. War was declared on Great Britain. After two years of fighting, the Treaty of Ghent was signed and ratified by the United States Senate on February 15, 1815. The United States and Great Britain restored peaceful rela— tionships as had existed prior to the war; the United States lost her Newfoundland fishing rights; and the American public lost its imperialistic ardor after the military reverses in the war.2 The War of 1812 stimulated an era of nationalism, starting about 1815. The various sections of the United g 1%.. pp. 57-67. 2Ibid., pp. 72-77. 65 States were tending to unite because of an emotional pride in a struggle common to all of them. Patriotic devotion conditioned the economic needs to the national welfare; men in politics attempted to advance the power and prestige of the new nation. The government strengthened the army and navy, established a second national bank, continued a high tariff to protect manufacturers, requested internal improve- ments for both agriculture and manufacturing, and built roads and canals to promote prosperity.l Politically, then, the American colonies had struggled to create a colonial government that would meet the needs of the colonists, and the desires and demands of Great Britain. The distance, slow communication, and lack of mutual understanding had driven a wedge between Great Britain and the colonies, making a gap so wide that the colonies had declared their independence and fought for it until they had won it from Great Britain. The new nation created the Articles of Confederation, and later the Constitution which had become the law of the land. George Washington had served as the new president, under whom strong Federalist policies had been enacted by the influence and leadership of Alexander Hamilton. Under the second president, Thomas Jefferson, a form of democracy that attempted to vest more power in the hands Of the people had been introduced. After another war with Great Britain in 1812, in which the lIbid., pp. 78-80. 66 Americans had been victorious, the nation attempted to build a spirit of nationalism. Physical and Economic Conditions America was still a primitive wilderness during the eighteenth century. With the exception of small strips of land cleared for farming, forests were everywhere, and minerals were hidden beneath the rocks and soil, ready to be discovered and mined. Two-thirds of the people lived along the Atlantic seaboard within fifty miles Of the tidewater. Travel was most difficult. Only three wagon roads crossed the Alleghany Mountains: one from Philadelphia to Pittsburg, a second from the Potomac to the Monongahela rivers, and a third through Virginia to the Holston River and to Knoxville, Tennessee, with a branch running through the Cumberland Gap into Kentucky. Nearly half a million people penetrated the wilderness, using these roads and blazing new trails until a wedge of sparse settlements had been driven into Indian territory. Incensed by this encroachment on their lands, the Indians were a constant threat to the colonists who had settled on the fringe areas of the frontier from the Great Lakes to the Gulf of Mexico. Since communication was very difficult between towns and communities, and the best was very slow, people learned to live unto themselves and developed a rugged individualism as they adapted to their frontier environment. Even on the seaboard, peOple could not communicate too well when the 67 average speed of travel was four miles an hour. Not only was travel difficult, but it was expensive-—six cents a male per person by stage. In no country were there so many physical difficulties to overcome, and apparently no con- viction that they could be overcome. Economic conditions paralleled the physical conditions in eighteenth-century America. Plenty of cheap land provided every American with a farm from which he could raise his living. The New England farmers contended with sterile and rocky soil as they attempted to grow their crops in the same manner and to use the same type of crude mach- inery that their forefathers had used many generations before. Livestock was unimproved and had to rustle for pasture. The middle colonies had more favorable climate and could raise better crops, while the southern colonies had a climate where tobacco, rice, indigo, and cotton were produced, mainly on large plantations.2 Most of the manufacturing came from the New England colonies, although some came from the middle group. To the advarmage of the American colonies there were marks of maturity economically, to the extent that they were the worlcvsleading center of iron production, held a leading positixm in shipbuilding, and did a profitable business in 1Henry Adams, The United States in 1800 (Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press, 1958), pp. l-ll. 2McKee, pp. 22-AA. 68 fish, pottery, agricultural products, rum, tobacco, lumber products, furs, and skins.1 This degree Of maturity in the leaders of the respec- tive colonies evidently aided them in dealing with both the immediate problems and the long—range ones. During the Revolution, luxury, extravagance, high prices, and profiteer- ing were evident. With the war came changes: liberalizing of franchises,emphasizing democratic political equality, abolishing of quit rents, breaking up and selling large con- fiscated Tory landholdings, removing of restraints on trade and industry, moderating the severity of penal codes, deplor- ing the lax morals, strengthening liberalism, and creating a spirit of independence and nationalism.2 The eighteenth-century town in America was crude and unimproved. Boston, for instance, had narrow, winding, almost unlighted streets paved with cobblestones, giving it the ap— pearance of an Old-fashioned market-town in England with little or no police protection.3 Philadelphia, on the other hand, was considered the most beautiful city in the world. The inhabitants apparently used their natural resources to a greater advantage than the people in the other colonies. It was the capitol until 1800, contained the national bank as welJ.as a private banking system, and advanced the promo— tion aruibuilding Of canals and roads for improving travel g lLawrence Henry Gipson, The Coming of the Revolution (New York: Harper and Row, Publisher, 1962), p. 13. 2McKee, p. 52. 3Adams, p. 17. 69 mm.communication. Other prominent towns of that day were Ihw York, Baltimore, and Charleston.1 Social Conditions The customs, manners,and characteristics of the people cm America in the eighteenth century are worth noting. Be— cause most of the peOple were farmers, who grew and manufac— tured practically everything they needed, nearly everyone had an ample supply of the necessities of life: food, clothing, and shelter. One Observer described Pennsylvania life, as he saw it, in the following manner: There is a contrast of cleanliness with its Opposite which to a stranger is very remarkable. The people of the country are as astonished that one should Object to sleeping two or three in the same bed and in dirty sheets, or drink from the same dirty glass after half a score of others, as to see one neglect to wash one's hands and face of a morning. Whiskey diluted with water is the ordinary country drink. There is no settler, however poor, whose family does not take cof— fee or chocolate for breakfast, and always a little salt meat; at dinner, salt meat, or salt fish, and eggs; at supper again salt meat and coffee. This is also the common regime of the taverns. Many of the travelers marvelled at, but enjoyed, the abun— dance and variety Of foods served for breakfast. In addition to coffee and salt meat there were all kinds of vegetables and Indian corn, the latter being the bread of the day and eaten at every meal. As to cleanliness, some of the critics faileni to observe carefully. As_a whole the peOple were neat arniclean compared to the standards Of other parts of the world. 3 __ 1 Ibid., p. 30. 3Ibid., p. 33. Ibid., pp. 20-26. 70 Americans were not temperate. Throughout the whole nfldon every grown man usually took his noon toddy, while nithe South and West, excessive drinking was common. Al— Umugh men were seldom seen drunk, yet they were affected km the continual use of alcohol.1 The state of manners and morals in this period has teen disputed. Dr. Dwight described the entertainment of the people in the following way: The principal amusements of the inhabitants are visiting, dancing, music, conversation, walking, riding, sailing, shooting at a mark, draughts, chess. . . . A considerable amusement is also fur- nished in many places by the examination and ex- hibitions of the superior schools; and a more con- siderable one by the public exhibitions of the col- leges. Our countrymen also fish and hunt. Journeys taken for pleasure are very numerous, and are a very favorite object. Boys and young men play at football, cricket, quoits, and at many other sports of an athletic cast, and in the winter are peculiarily [sic] fond of skating. Riding in a sleigh, or sledge, is also a favorite diversion in New England.2 The Virginians have been charged Of being fond of horse racing, betting, drinking, cock-fighting, and the roughrand-tumble fight. The latter was somewhat like box- ing today, with one exception: there were no rules.3 Whatever may be said of the manners and customs of the American people, one characteristic is found: the average American was active and industrious. NO immigrant could come tn) America and be a loafer; most of them came for much higher'lnotives. _ Ibid., p. 33. Ibid., p. 35. 1 3 Ibid., pp. 36-37. 71 Perhaps the greatest Obstacle facing the American pmmle Of the eighteenth century was the human mind. Too ofien conservative thinking people refused to deviate from we status quO or to accept new ideas. One example is the Mean ferry-boat invented and operated by John Fitch. After deerving the success of its operation, the people refused Mabelieve and accept it. Another example is given by Dr. IMight, who, criticizing Rhode Island because of her failure to complete a turnpike across the state, wrote: The people of Providence expended upon this road,as we are informed, the whole sum permitted by the Leg- islature. This was sufficient to make only those parts which I have mentioned. The turnpike company then applied to the Legislature for leave to expend such an additional sum as would complete the work. The Legislature refused. The principal reason for the refusal, as alleged by one of the members, it is said, was the following: that turnpikes and the es- tablishment of religious worship had their origin in Great Britain, the government of which was a monarchy and the inhabitants slaves; that the people of Massa— chusetts and Connecticut were obliged by law to sup- port ministers and pay the fare of turnpikes, and were therefore slaves also; that if they chose to be slaves they undoubtly had a right to their choice, but the free-born Rhode Islanders ought never to sub— mit to be priest-ridden, nor to pay for the privilege of travelling on the highway. This demonstrative reasoning prevailed, and the road continued in the state I have mentioned until the year 1805. It-was then completed, and free—born Rhode Islanders bowed their necks to the slavery of travelling on a good road.l American life was influenced greatly by the nearness of the people to the soil. This created an Obsession for land tfliat had a bearing on the social structure of the ‘ lIbid. , p. L15. 72 colonies and the social history of the period. For instance, the farmers in New England and the middle colonies raised crops that could come from that area only; and they developed a yeoman society using England as their pattern or base. In the southern states, Virginia, Maryland, and South Carolina, an upper planter class arose where the planters consciously attempted to imitate the county families of England. The ownership of land, with the use of slaves to cultivate it, was the key to social status. There were not many in this upper aristocratic class, but they were very influential as business men and as leaders in politics. William Byrd 11, Thomas Jefferson, and George Washington are examples of this rich planter class. Numerically there were many more small farmers than there were plantation owners in the South. It can be said that the soil was influential in the structuring of society in America.1 Another characteristic Of the society in eighteenth- century America was the dignity Of labor and the aristocracy of trade, particularly in the middle and northern colonies. Since work was scarce, the returns for labor were high. This created a relatively constant social and economic status. Benjamin Franklin's Poor Richard's Almanac, expressing the philoSOphy of work, was quite influential. Religion likewise did munch to foster thrift. The Puritans, claiming that in- dustrfiz evidenced godliness, had little sympathy for the ¥ lIkNUs B. Wright, The Cultural Life of the American leonies 1607-1763 (New York: Harper and Row, 1962), pp. 1-22. 73 hflolent person. This doctrine either invented or promoted the capitalist system. Many of the industrious Puritans had teen in the mercantile business in Britain. When they came Ulthe New World they soon rose to prominence, becoming the aristocracy in the north and producing a number Of leaders for the nation.1 Several non-English elements entered America, influenc- ing the social structure to some degree. The Dutch brought craftsmen, cabinet makers, and architecture. The French con- tributed a diversity of skills in the trades. The Germans gave the country better agriculture and handicrafts. The Jews provided business acumen. The Scots, tough, energetic, restless, and fearless,aided the pioneers in the conquest Of the Indian territory and contributed to American education and religion.2 Intellectual Conditions The Puritans took the lead in educational endeavors, for they believed the Bible had to be read by everyone in order for him to understand the way of salvation. Hence, it was essential that their children learn to read. Elementary Schools were founded in New England. However, it was more difficult to educate the children in the South because of the distances between plantations. As a result,children were either sent to England to be educated or taught by tutors at _ lIbid., pp. 23-33. 2Ibid., pp. 45-71. 7A kmme, the greater number receiving their training the latter way. The poorer children suffered for the want of an educa- tion; the slaves received none. However, every colony had some kind of education: elementary school, Latin Grammar school, Dame school, or private school.1 America inherited four distinct educational traditions from the Old World. The first was the idea that education should produce the gentleman-scholar; the second was a scientific and utilitarian ideal that education should be a means Of mastering the physical world; the third was the ideal that education was the means Of ethical, moral, and religious development in the church; and the fourth was the ideal that education should train citizens for the state.2 The early colleges were founded primarily for the purpose of meeting the third ideal: to train young men for the ministry in order to perpetuate religious development. However, during the eighteenth century a shift from this ideal was evident, as the secular curricula of the various colleges reflected.3 Treasured among the colonists were books that they .managed‘to bring with them or could obtain from England. Many Of them were theological in nature, particularly those owned by the settlers in New England, and many were of a lIbid., pp. 98-116. 2Russel Blaine Nye, The Cultural Life of the New Nation 1176-11130 (New York: Harper and Row, 1963), pp. 150-151. 3Ibid., p. 173. 75 practical nature, dealing with Christian living, although there were others of great value: encyclOpedias, histories, books on medicine, and science. During this early period there were a number of book collectors, the most noteworthy being Cotton Mather, William Byrd II, and James Logan. The impetus for a subscription library came from Benjamin Franklin who organized the Library Company of Philadelphia, which, according to Franklin, was the beginning of subscrip- tion libraries in North America. Gradually, books were brought together in other towns, but the most notable librar- ies started with the organization of the colleges during the Colonial period.1 "These libraries have improved the general conversation of Americans, made the common tradesmen and farmers as intelligent as most gentlemen from other countries. The writing of literature had a slow beginning. The early settlers were so occupied with clearing forests, raising crOps, and conquering foes that there was little time for literary pursuits. However, in both the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, quite a body of literature came from the New England states, mainly of a religious nature.3 After the American Revolution, writers searched for an American ideal upon which their literature could rest. The first great factor was the search for materials that the new lWright, pp. 126-153 2Ibid. , p. 1A8. 3Ibid., pp. 15A-17A. 76 American author could write about. Then came literature about the Indian, the frontier, the history Of the United States, events, opinions, American nature, and the like. The second factor was the drift to Romanticism in American Literature. During the eighteenth century a new form of writing became popular: the poem, novel, drama, and the essay. Of less importance to the reading public were the sermon, autobiography, travel narrative, and the journal.1 American literature from 1776 to 1830 was in large part derivative, imitative, dependent upon Britain for its standards and inspiration. It was, however, increasingly nationalistic in spirit, and consciously comitted to the use of native materials and the ex- pression of native attitudes. It was still ridden by a colonial complex, lacking in confidence Of its own literary tastes and ideas, fearful of not con- forming to presumably superior British literary norms. It was also primarily moralistic. Americans still believed that novels should instruct, dramas draw moral lessons, satires discover and castigate error, essays debate and argue, poetry please and teach. Few American artists attempted to create a literature for its own values. Little was done in drama to further culture in America. The first theater appeared at Williamsburg, Virginia,in 1716 or 1718. Strolling players appeared from time to time, but they were not welcomed in many places because of religious convictions against drama. By 17A0, Opposition to the thea— ters was gradually breaking down so that good productions, such assShakespeare, came to Yorktown, Virginia, and Charles— town, South Carolina. Amateur groups appeared with their lNye, pp. 2A2-251. 2Ibid., pp. 261—262. 77 productions. The first and only American drama written was the "Prince of Parthia" by Thomas Godfrey and was produced in the spring of 1767.1 The architecture of the homes of the early colonists had to be functional and simple, because they only had hand tools for construction. Brick houses gradually came into existence; stone houses were lacking, for the settlers had rm lime to make mortar. The Dutch houses were the most cnstinctive with high gabled ends. Public buildings, taking their designs from those found in England, multiplied rapidly during the eighteenth century. College buildings followed the same Georgian style.2 Science influenced all areas of life in Colonial America and in the United States. Discoveries in the New World stimulated scientific observation, speculation, and experimentation. The abundance and variety of flora and fauna aroused much curiosity, hence the first scientific investigations were in natural history. It was thought that the new herbs found in America had medicinal qualities and that they had the power to cure all ills, which aroused the Optimism and hope of scrofulous and gouty Europeans. An English merchant, John Frampton, capitalized the idea by giving the following enticing title to a translation of Nicholas Monardes' work on medicine: Joyful News out of _t__h_e_ 1Wright, pp. 176-186. 21bid., pp. 196-202. §\b 78 Engound World Wherein Is Declared the Rare and Singular Virtues g£_Diverse and Sundry Herbs, Trees, Oils, Plants, mulStones, with Their Applications for Physic as Chirur— gory the Said Being Well Applied Bringeth Such Present Femegy for All Diseases, a§_May_Seem Altogether Incredible (1577). "This book, widely read by Elizabethans,stimulated miinterest in collecting American products that persisted Inmil the end of the colonial period."1 Both the cultural and intellectual patterns of America were greatly influenced by science for the reason that the people believed that it would determine a solution to the social, religious, and political problems of their day. Again, they believed that science possessed nationalistic qualities,that it would be the instrument by which the United States would obtain leadership morally, politically, spiritually, and materially. The fact that Europeans looked upon American science as inferior, stimulated the scientists in America to make greater improvements in order to cope with their critics.2 The scientific method in America proved to be the adoption of the eighteenth—century Newtonian method used in Britain, which included the three basic components: experi— mentation, induction, and empiricism.3 A characteristic attitude of eighteenth-century science was the general ac- Ceptanceof four basic principles: k 1Ibid., p. 217. 2Nye, pp. 5A-56. 3Ibid., p. 57. .uv I. 79 A belief in the inductive method as opposed to simple authority; a belief in the Newtonian doctrine of a mechanistic universe governed by immutable, discover- able 1aws; a belief (tempered, but nevertheless pervasive) in the efficacy of scientific method as applied to the study of human relations and human problems; and a belief in the unity of science, implying a mechanistic relationship among all branches of knowledge.1 This faith in science became a buttress upon which rested contemporary belief in progress. Furthermore, science nede a tremendous impact upon orthodox theology, particularly Newtonian science, which led to the belief that God was the First Cause or was an Intelligent Agent.2 The war impeded the growth and development of science, but after it was over, the Old scientific societies were re- activated and new ones created. The branch of science that experienced most confusion was that of medicine, because the medical scientists possessed no body of theory or research techniques that were reliable. Experimentation was slow on account of the hostility against the use of the human body for experimental purposes. Some doctors believed in methods that were used as far back as Aristotle's time, the most popular, among the doctors in the eighteenth century, being the "Cullenian" and "Brunonian" theories, which held that disease was caused by too much or too little tension emanating from the brain. The cures to reduce this tension were opium, bleeding, wine, and aromatics. The cures to increase tension — lIbid., pp. 59-60. 2Ibid., pp. 60-61. 80 were fasting, cathartics, and sweating. It was stated in 1819, that the majority of the doctors at that time believed in and practiced "bleeding" and "sweating."1 Communication in Colonial America was both slow and uncertain. Under the most favorable circumstances it took from four to six weeks to cross the ocean. The colonies did not communicate between themselves until common foes thrust them together, such as the Indians with their con- certed attacks, and their fight for independence. On account of bad roads the postal system functioned poorly, operating at a deficit, until Benjamin Franklin and William Hunter became deputy postmaster generals in 1753. Facili- ties were then improved and time for dispatching mail was cut down.2 Printing was likewise slow because effective circula- tion of newspapers was dependent upon the postal system. The News Letter, published at Boston, in 170A, was the first successful newspaper. Others appeared and were published with degrees of success; but the most thriving of the news- papers was the "Gazette" edited by Benjamin Franklin. By the end of the colonial period every region had newspapers to irfibrm the colonists of happenings across the water and at.home. The various parliamentary acts preceding the Revolution, particularly the Stamp Act, and other political contrmrversies, stimulated publications.3 1 2 Ibid., pp. 73-76. .Wright, pp. 2A0-2A2. 31bid., pp. 2A2-2A6. n,‘ 1., e . ”4 81 Another part Of American life needs to be considered in order to Obtain a clearer concept of the "man" that eighteenth-century America was producing. It is the "man" that emerged from the process of conquering, eXpanding, and settling the frontier. The fur traders and trappers were the first to pene— trate the forests to Obtain furs and skins, killing and trapping animals themselves and establishing a trade with the Indians by exchanging trinkets for furs. They returned with their"treasures and sold them to European buyers at good prices. These fur traders attempted to understand the Indians and their way of life. Because of the valuable fur trade, the traders desired to disturb the Indians' economy of life as little as possible.1 Stimulated by the stories and descriptions of the West, miners struck out to find gold by panning the streams all the way from Georgia to California. When gold was found in the bed of a stream, a mining camp mushroomed into exist— ence in that area.2 As the farmers in the settled communities fenced their fields, the cattlemen were pushed back into the undeveloped lands to find pastures for their herds. This third class Of 1Thomas D. Clark, Frontier America (New York: Charles Scribners Sons, 1959), p. 10. LFuture reference will be Clark, Frontier.] 2Ray Allen Billington, The Westward Movement in the 'United States (Princeton, New Jersey: D. Van Nostrand Com- pany, Inc., 1959), P- 9. -. a ‘Q. .1: . ._’v ., . .‘ . . - ~‘. .3. ‘ .l. " . \ ., " ‘ . ‘.A v-" § I... I‘ ,, .', ... , c .. a. ‘ ‘0' I-- "'t-. v - f ".V’.. - O... 82 people did little more than the other two groups in develop- ing permanent settlements, but all three were a part of the pattern of settlement. The speculators, knowing that land was wanted by many people, followed the other groups and usurped large tracts ofland with the expectation of selling at high prices. IUcng with the speculators a fifth group of people, the puoneer or "squatter" farmers, pushed westward until they Ibund suitable spots for homes and farms. These American remads built rude cabins, started to clear the land, and reld it until neighbors moved in. They then sold out to the rext group of pioneers--the more stable farmers moving west to built permanent homes, while the pioneer farmers moved farther west to repeat the same Operation. The sixth group, the stable farmers, built their homes, cleared the land, grubbed out the stumps, built fences, and improved roads in order to communicate with the world east Of them. Over these roads came the last group in this pattern of settlement: the millers, distillers, merchants, lawyers, doctors, country editors, ministers, and many others. All of them were alert to the immediate and potential profits in the new town.1 This pattern, repeated over and over hundreds of times with variations, produced a "man" who was peculiarly an Amer— ican. This new product, forged by the frontier, was not a man who adopted European culture, but was a man possessing —k 1Ibid., p. 10. 83 a culture based upon democratic ideals and at the same time upon a rugged individualism. This frontier philosophy, that attempted to explain the kind of "man" an American was, moved eastward to the Atlantic seaboard until the whole of America was influenced by it.1 This concept holds that the American intellect is indebted to the frontier for its striking characteristics. That coarseness and strength combined with acuteness and inquisitiveness; that practical, inventive turn of mind, quick to find expedients; that masterful grasp of material things, lacking in the artistic but powerful to effect great ends; that restless, nervous energy; that dominant indivldualism, working for good and for evil, and withal that buoyancy and exuberance which comes with freedom--these are traits Of the frontier, or traits called2out elsewhere because of the existence of the frontier. Religious Conditions Another important part of colonial life is religion. Sunday was far more than a day to perform certain rituals. 1n the seventeenth century religion was a part of life seven days a week, its vitality permeating the whole social struc— ture throughout the Colonial period. The seventeenth century was an age of faith; the eighteenth did not deviate too far from it, as a whole, and some groups-—for instance, the Pres— byterians-—made religion a crusade for devotion.3 The Opportunity of owning land in the New World beckoned minority groups from Europe to come and to build lGeorge Rogers Taylor (ed.), The Turner Thesis (Boston: D. C. Heath and Company, 1956), pp. 1-16. 2Ibid., pp. 17—18. 3Wright, p. 72. 8A cemmunities where they could worship as they desired. They (Md not seek religious toleration; they sought freedom from civil authorities or from opposing sects. In many cases, afiter the colonistsbecame established, they were just as zealous, if not more so, in uprooting and driving from their mflonies any one who differed from their established religious decorum.1' Wherever members of the Church of England (Anglicans cn'Episcopalians) colonized in America, they took their church vmth them. They did not migrate in large numbers, but were scattered among the colonies, with Virginia having the greatest number.2 The country gentlemen of the South were usually members of the Anglican Church, which was tax sup— ported in America, as it was in England. The Society for the PrOpogation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts sent more than three hundred missionaries to America during the first seventy- five years of the eighteenth century.3 The Church Of England was important in Colonial America, having four hundred fifty churches and two hundred fifty clergymen at the close of the Colonial period. The Revolution seriously divided the Anglican Church. While no other one church had as many Loyalists in it, the majority of those who signed the Declara- tion of Independence were members of this same church. lIbid., pp. 72-73. 2Nye, p. 197. 3Wright, p. 115. 85 Furthermore, just as many revolutionary leaders came from Anglican Virginia as from Calvinistic New England, and more Anglican Tories came from New England and New York than from Virginia.1 From the point of view of time, the Roman Catholics labored longer than any other one group in America. They established missions and did a noble work among the Indians. The Catholics faced two major problems in their settlements in the New World. England was Protestant and attempted to establish the Church of England as the religion in the colonies. Most of the colonies, although some of them far from being Anglican, were anti-Catholic, with the possible exception of Maryland. Therefore, Catholic settlements were scattered throughout all of the colonies, wherever they would be tolerated. The other problem was the lack of guidance from the Church at Rome. The Catholics did not leave a religious impact upon Colonial America. In 1782, there were about twenty-five priests in the United States,2 and about the same time there were fifty churches.3 A dynamic religion, that influenced American History for many generations, came from New England Puritanism. Massachusetts Bay Colony was founded upon Calvanistic theology with the belief that all religious and civil lNye, p. 197. 2Ibid., pp. 198 and 200. 3J. Franklin Jameson, The American Revolution Consid- %§@d As A Social Movement (Boston: Beacon Press, 1956), p. 5. up: 86 questions could be answered in the Bible. As a result a holy commonwealth identifying church and state emerged, with membership restricted to those who could prove they were converted. This looked ideal. But trouble arose when unconverted people and those who were converted, but dif- fered in their interpretation of the Bible, wanted suffrage and a voice in the government. These peOple were not tolerated but were excommunicated. Nevertheless, New England and Puritanism had a tremendous effect upon many people who settled in America. During the thirteen-year period from 1629 to 16A2, approximately 20,000 Englishmen migrated to America, and practically all of them settled in the Massachusetts Bay Colony. The impact of Puritanism lasted for many years and could be felt as far south as South Carolina.1 The Puritans, in New England, as a whole, had become Congregational and at the end of the Colonial Period had about 658 congregations.2 Another strong and influential church in eighteenth— century America was the Presbyterian, numbering about 5A3 congregations.3 The Scotch Presbyterians proved to be in- dustrious, fearless, energetic, and thrifty. Consequently, tmey became wealthy. Churches and schoolhouses, becoming 1amherks of religion and learning, were built from the Emmern seaboard to the western frontier. John Witherspoon, \ lWright, pp. 77-81. 2Jameson, p. 85. 3lbid. 87 a minister for some time of the Presbyterian church in Paisley, Scotland, came to America to become one of Prince— ton's most effective presidents, proving himself to be a statesman in both church and state. For instance, he ob- tained the respect of the two factions existing in the Presbyterian church: the Old Side and.the New Light. The latter group, who were the revivalists resulting from the preaching of the Tennents, were expelled from the Presbyter- ian church in 17Al. The new group organized the College of New Jersey in l7A7 and grew so rapidly that they were about three times the size of the remaining group, known as the Old Side, in 1758.1 At this time John Witherspoon united the two factions and changed the College of New Jersey to Princeton, becoming its first president. Also, he was asked to be a member of the First Continental Congress and to be a signer of the Declaration of Independence. His contribution to both church and state was great. It would be difficult to overestimate the influence the Presbyterians had on colonial life, particularly in their part of converting the frontier into a civilized life.2 The Baptists, numbering A98 congregations,3 date their cndgin to 1639, when a group of the followers of Roger. WEUJams banded together and formed a Baptist church in L lWilliam Warren Sweet, Methodism in American History New York: The Methodist Book Concern, 1933), pp. 17-18. F'Uture reference will be Sweet, Methodism.] 2Wright, pp. 67-71. 3Ibid. 88 Providence, Rhode Island.1 Baptist churches of various kinds were organized with the greatest number in Pennsylvania about 1707. The Baptists had suffered through the years as one of the minority groups in both New England and Virginia. When the Revolution came they supported it wholeheartedly, feeling that they had nothing to lose and might gain with independence. At this time they were much stronger than in earlier colonial days because they were the chief ones to reap benefits from the First Great Awakening in New England Congregationalism and Virginia Anglicanism.2 Since the Baptists did not have an organized ministry, and since the congregations were rather losely organized, their religion almost became a folk religion and was welcomed by the frontier people. The Second Great Awakening, occurring during the close of the eighteenth and the opening of the nineteenth centuries, had a tremendous influence upon the life of the nation. In New England revival started under the leadership of Beecher and Finney. On the frontier there was James McGready, Barton Stone, and many others engaged in camp meetings. The Cane Ridge, Kentucky, revival of 1801, started by the Presbyterians, kindled revival throughout the Vflmfle frontier. Both Methodists and Baptists welcomed this approach to religion.3 The Second Great Awakening made a tmmendous impact upon the churches and the life of America, aChieving two lasting effects: \ l 2 Ibid., p. 84. Gipson, p. 11. 3Nye, pp. 216-218. 89 First . . . it meant that the Methodists and Baptists became the two most powerful American sects. During the period 1800-1830, Methodist membership increased sevenfold, Presbyterian quadrupled, Baptist tripled, and Congregational doubled. The Methodists gained 6,000 new members in the Western Conference in two years during the height of revivalism, and the Bap- tists added 10,000 to their rolls in Kentucky alone in three years. Presbyterian gains, while large, were more than offset by the divisions and schisms that beset them. Second, the Awakening meant that the United States, despite the shocks of eighteenth- century rationalism and.'infidelity,' remained pre— dominantly a religious-minded nation, with one emo- tional, pietistic, moralistic spirit that would color its social, political, and'economic thinking for generations to come. Other religious groups coming to Colonial America were the Quakers and other pietists, Mennonites, Dutch Reformed, and Reformed Lutheran. The Quakers and pietists settled mainly in Pennsylvania and the others were scattered through— out the other colOnies. Their contributions and influence on American life were not as great as the Anglicans, Puritans, Presbyterians, Baptists, and Methodists. The Methodists will be considered next. Methodism Sometimes movements and organizations have strange be- ginnings, which can be said of Methodism. Samuel Wesley, the father of John, spent the last days of his life publishing atmmderous book of six hundred pages titled, Dissertations lfllggrum Jobi, dedicated to Queen Caroline. After the deflfllof his father, John was appointed to deliver a copy to theQueen who received it with little enthusiasm. While in \ lNye, p. 219. II' ' It. 9‘ e .- ‘fi .6 v0 . v“‘ p w... . ... o.- b.- . .. . u... . .. u. A . c .. ' 1 J ~’A .- ‘ I... .n,. . .- ."- . .,‘ . .- 'o n I. 'I . . d"! 9O Inndon, John met General James Oglethorpe who was in the process Of organizing the fifth company of settlers to sail fbr Georgia. Looking for a priest to minister to the colo— nists and to serve as a missionary to the Indians, Oglethorpe offered the position to Wesley.1 John Wesley became one of the three hundred mission- aries the Anglican church sent to America. John met with little success while in the New World, due largely to his inability to understand the needs of the colonists and the ways of the Indians. He attempted to mold the people into a society patterned after the Holy Club and he was tactless in his attempts to enforce the rules of the society. How— ever, Whitefield later referred favorably to the missionary work that Wesley did in Georgia, for it was there that he organized his first class meetings. During these two years in Georgia, from 1735 to 1737, Wesley fellowshipped with Moravians and learned much that influenced his theological thinking.2 The first seeds Of Methodism were sown on Amer- ican soil. George Whitefield is the next link in the chain of events leading to the planting of Methodism in America. Afuu-a year Of very successful preaching in England, he cwmeto America in 1737, to continue the work in Georgia. \ lSweet, Methodism, p. 31. 1 2Frederick E. Maser, The Dramatic Story of Early Amer- canMethodism (Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1965), pp. 1A-l6. J . .2. .. . . e . .- u u. g u. no . 91 He proved to be as successful among the colonists as Wesley was a failure. The third visit of George Whitefield took him into New England where he met Jonathan Edwards and preached several times. This was at the peak of the First Great Awakening, about l7A2.l The message that George Whitefield preached was one of a conversion experience, the part of Methodism that he brought to America. However, in justice to the Tennent brothers, the men coming from the Log College, and to Jonathan Edwards, the message of personal salvation was preached by each one of them. Because of Whitefield's great oratory and because he was the first voice to be heard coming from the group that later became Methodists, he has been acclaimed the founder of Methodism. He did not bring to America a system of prayers and fastings but the message of Methodism.2 George Whitefield's organiz— ation of his converts was like a rope Of sand. He had no means of following his evangelistic work; his converts either drifted back into their former ways or were absorbed by other churches. As an organizer, he was not a true "Methodist." Emphasis needs to be placed upon the message that Whitefield and Wesley preached. It was the effective— ress of this message that created the movement that became Methodism. 3 lSweet, Methodism, p. 1A. 2Meser, p. 18. 3Sweet, Methodism, p. 38. es. I I II) [A 92 Almost twenty years elapsed and it looked as though the chain Of events, leading to the establishing of Methodism in America, had been broken. Perhaps one reason is that the type of immigration coming to America had changed—-compara- tively few Englishmen migrated to the New World between 1708 to 1775. Most of those entering during this period were German and Irish.1 Here again, the chain of events leading to the estab- lishment Of Methodism in America took a devious route in the following manner: John Wesley itinerated into Ireland regularly each year from 17A7 to 1789. These Irish visita- tions were the most fruitful of his ministry,2 perhaps for the reason of a discovery he made on one of his early tours. He visited Limerick county, where he found a colony of German Palatinates, who had been driven from their homes because Of the advancing of Louis XIV's army into Germany. They were a rough and wicked people but they responded to the gospel message. However, they were not happy in Ireland; so, a number of them migrated to America landing in New York in August, 1760.3 In this group were Philip Embury and his wife, two of his brothers, his brother-in-law, Paul Heck and the wife, Barbara.“ lSweet, Methodism, pp. A8—A9. 21bid., p, A9. 3Halford E. Luccock, Paul Hutchinson, and Robert W. GOC>dloe, The Story of Methodism (New York: Abington-Cokes- "WT Press, 19A9), pp. lAA-1A5. d ”w. J. Townsend, et al. (eds.), A New History of Metho- M. Vol. 11 (London: Hodder and Stroughton, 1909), p. 57. 93 Following is a graphic picture of Embury as he and his fellows embarked for the New World: He is . . . a tall, dark, lean figure standing in the center of a group of emigrants on the deck of a vessel leaving Limerick, Ireland, and preaching a farewell sermon to those on the dock, many Of whom are in tears. The vessel begins slowly to move from the wharf. The hoarse shouts of the captain drown out the voice Of the preacher. Sailors, their hair in pigtails, their brown feet bare, race about the deck, tugging at the rOpes. The broad white sales catch the breeze, billowing out with a report like a cannon. The preacher can no longer make himself heard. He raises his arms in benediction. Many on the dock sink to their knees, remaining in thatl position for as long as the vessel is in sight. With Philip Embury, licensed to preach under John Wesley, and placed on the reserve list for traveling preachers, in 1758,2 it looked as though the broken link in the chain of events leading to the establishment of Methodism in Amer- ica was about to be forged. But Embury was a diffident fellow. He united with the Trinity Lutheran Church in New York, likely because his forefathers in Germany were Lutherans. For six years he worked as a carpenter and a school teacher manifesting none of the Methodist ardor he had formerly experienced.3 The little group of Methodists became more and more identified with the nonreligious Palatinates until their ikflhodist resemblence and living were gradually disappearing. lMaser, pp. 2A-25. 2Ibid., p. 25. 3Sweet, Methodism, p.753. 9A It took someone like Barbara Heck to awaken them. One evening while visiting her brother, Paul Ruckle, she dis— covered him and several others sitting around a table gambling. In her indignation she swept their cards from the table into her apron and into the fire and started to exhort them to leave their evil ways. She then went to her cousin, Philip Embury's house and exclaimed, "Brother Embury, you must preach to us or we shall all go to Hell, and God will require our blood at your hands." "But where shall I preach?," he asked, "or how can I preach, for I have neither a house nor a congregation?" "Preach in your own house and to your own company first," replied Mrs. Heck.l It is likely that Barbara Heck assembled that first congregation consist- ing of five persons. Undaunted by discouragement the small congregation met regularly in Embury's home. Each week a few more were added to the group until it became so large that an empty room nearby had to be rented. In a short time a Methodist society was formed in New York.2 The next winter, 1767, one Sunday morning, a British officer dressed in full uniform attended the worship service. A chill fell on the congregation; fear pervaded the atmosphere. Hmithis British stranger come to dismiss them? But to their amaument he participated in the songs and prayers. At the chee of the service he marched forward and introduced K lTownsend, p. 56. 2Maser, pp. 25-26. 95 himself as "Captain Thomas Webb, of the king's service, and also a soldier of the cross and a spiritual son of John Wesley."1 Soon he was preaching. Before he left England he had been licensed to preach under John Wesley. The voice of Philip Embury gathered a congregation; but the sight of this army officer in full uniform placing his sword beside his Bible, and then preaching with Methodist fervor, drew large crowds. A second time the meetinghouse was too small to hold the people, consequently an old rigging-loft, where sails had been repaired, was rented.2 The Methodists in New York were becoming embarrased, as the crowds continued to grow, because the loft was too small and the congregation was too poor to build. However, under the aggressive leadership of Thomas Webb, who was both wealthy and generous, a church was built large enough to accommodate the crowds. It was called Wesley Chapel,3 later to be known as Old John Street Church. On October 30, 1768, Philip Embury preached the dedicatory sermon. Methodism was established in New York. Thomas Webb continued to preach and started to itiner- ate, going to Jamaica, Long Island. Later, he toured New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Delaware. He usually organized a class of Methodists on the first visit and on succeeding insits he would perfect the organization into a Methodist u¥ lSweet, Methodism, p. 1A6. 2Ibid., pp. lA7-1A8. 3Maser, pp. 26-27. 96 society. In a number of instances he appointed someone to care for the new congregation.l He did his best work in Philadelphia, drawing large crowds as he did in New York. As a preacher some said he was second to no one except George Whitefield. Although not the first one to preach and organize Methodist societies he has been considered the principal one in the founding of the Methodist church in America.2 John Adams, from Massachusetts, while attending the Continental Congress in 177A, at Philadelphia, heard Webb preach at St. George's. He described him as a speaker thus: In the evening I went to the Methodist meeting and heard Mr. Webb, the old soldier who first came to America in the character of a quartermaster under General Brddock. He is one of the most fluent, eloquent men I ever heard; he reaches the imagina- tion, and touches the passions very well, and expresses himself with great propriety.3 The next link in the chain of events leading to the establishment of Methodism in America was the preaching and itineracy of Robert Strawbridge. He was another one of Wesley's,Irish local preachers. This energetic, zealous preacher was not received in his home town, but was persecuted until he had to leave. Later he came to America and settled on Sam's Creek, about 30 miles from Baltimore, Maryland. The exact date of his coming has been a subject Of controversy, tum probably it was between 1760 and 1765. As soon as he — lBuckley, pp. 135-136. 2Townsend, p. 59. 3John Lednum, A History of the Rise and Progress of MEthodism in America7(Philadelphia: John Lednum, Publishers, Wfipfio. 97 built his cabin he held preaching services in it. Soon the crowds overflowed it making it necessary to build a log meetinghouse about a mile away.1 Not only did he preach here but he itinerated and organized societies structured after Wesley's plan. It has been claimed that these were some of the first Methodist societies organized in America.2 Perhaps, the greatest tribute should be given to him for recruiting preachers. For example, the following entered the itinerant ministry because of his preaching: William Watters, the first native born American traveling preacher; Robert Owen, the first native local preacher; Freeborn Garrettson; Philip Gatch; John Hagerty; and many others.3 Because of his independent spirit, Robert Strawbridge was somewhat of a thorn in the flesh to both Thomas Rankin and Francis Asbury. As a result, full credit is not given to him for the great pioneer work he did as a preacher and as a stimulus to young men to enter the itinerant ministry.“ By 1766, Methodism had come into Virginia at Leesburg under the leadership of Strawbridge or one of his itinerants. A society was formed and a lot purchased upon which was erected Old Stone Church. It was completed in 1770, and dedicated twenty years later as a Methodist church by Joseph 5 Pilmooru _ lSweet, Methodism, p. 51. 2Maser, p. 22. 3Wade Crawford Barclay, Early American Methodism 1769- lflflJ Vol. I (New York: The Board Of Missions and Church Emension Of the Methodist Church, 19A9), p. 23. “Sweet, Methodism, p. 52. 5William Warren Sweet, Virginia Methodism (Richmond, ‘Hrginia: Whittet and Shepperson, 1955), p. A6. [Future I'efer'encewill be Sweet, Virginia.] 98 With the consent of John Wesley two local ministers, Robert Williams and John King, arrived in America to work with the Methodists. Williams helped Embury for a short time in New York, until Boardman came, and then went south to assist Strawbridge in Maryland. Soon he plunged into new territory, preaching and winning converts, among whom was Jesse Lee. Taking William Watters with him, he went to South Carolina where they both succeeded in their preaching.l When Robert Williams died in 1775, Francis Asbury, preaching his funeral sermon, made this tribute to him: "Perhaps no one in America has been an instrument of awakening so many souls, as God has awakened by him."2 To John King has been given the credit of introducing Methodism into Baltimore. His excessive fervor seemed to preclude him from the service he might have rendered. It was to him that John Wesley admonished, "Scream no more at the peril of your own soul."3 In answer to the many appeals from the Methodists in America, John Wesley sent two missionaries Richard Boardman and Joseph Pilmoor, the first official Methodist missionaries, who landed at Philadelphia the fall of 1769. To their sur- prise Captain Thomas Webb handed over a plan of the American cflrcuit showing where Methodism had been established in New Yuk, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Delaware, and Maryland.“ ‘ 2 1Sweet, Methodism, p. 58. Clark 1, p. 16A. 3Sweet, Methodism, p. 59. “Ibid., p. 59. 99 Boardman went to New York. Little is known about his missionary work there, because all the available informa— tion is in his letters to John Wesley containing a record of his travels and information about his labors, which seem to be meager. He wrote about the eagerness Of the peOple to listen to his preaching. One of his converts, John Mann, became the leader Of the New York society during the Revolutionary War and later was among those who founded Methodism in Nova Scotia.1 Pilmoor remained in Philadelphia. Here he soon attract- ed large crowds until their meetinghouse had to be replaced with a large shell of a building that had been partially con- structed by a German Reformed congregation. The Methodists purchased it at the low price of 650 pounds.2 Pilmoor became restive under Boardman's plan Of ex- changing pulpits every three months between New York and Philadelphia. After additional help came from England, he made an extensive preaching tour in Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia. He formed a new society of twenty—six members at Norfolk, Virginia. Everywhere he preached great numbers came to hear him.3 Wesley's Conference in 1770, names for the first time We appointments of four preachers in America: Joseph Pil- mer, Richard Boardman, Robert Williams, and John King.Ll lMaser, p. A0. 2Ibid., p. 39. 3Sweet, Methodism, p. 61. “Ibid., p. 63. lOO Methodism thrived in America. Pilmoor enthusiastically wrote to Wesley pleading for more helpers, claiming there was enough work for two preachers in every place. At the next Conference, 1771, Wesley sent Francis Asbury and Richard White to America.1 The links in the chain of events leading to tht estab- lishment of Methodism in America were forged: Wesley's Mis- sion to Georgia; George Whitefield's preaching; the non- English sects and their preaching; Philip Embury, Captain Thomas Webb, and Robert Strawbridge's preaching and organiz- ing of Methodist societies; Robert Williams, John King, Richard Boardman, and Joseph Pilmoor's labors. This was the status of Methodism when Francis Asbury arrived in America, October 27, 1771. lMaser, p. A“. CHAPTER IV FRANCIS ASBURY, THE MAN Biography Francis Asbury was born in the parish of Handsworth near the foot of Hamstead Bridge about four miles from the city of Birmingham in Staffordshire, England, August 20 or 21, 1745. His parents, Joseph and Elizabeth Asbury, stable Englishmen of the yeoman class, gave Francis a heritage and an environment that were among the best for their social class. Joseph was a frugal gardener, supplementing his scanty income, received from his hire to the wealthy families of his community, by cultivating a few acres of land near his humble cottage. This gave him enough to meet the needs of his family so that they experienced neither riches nor poverty but were comfortable and contented.l Although not particularly pious, the Asburys attended the Church of England and became a part of the religious com- nmnity. However, a change came about in Elizabeth when their first child, Sarah, died. The mother grew solemn, started to amend evangelistic services, held by the sects, and sought fEUbwship of pious people. Consequently, she invited lCarroll, p. 16. 101 102 evangelical groups into her home to have services, particu— larly the Methodist classes and bands, which were smaller groups--subdivisions of the classes. Grief, which seemed to overwhelm her, and zeal, which seemed to possess her, caused Elizabeth Asbury to become a religious enthusiast-- almost a religious fanatic. She spent hours reading, meditating, and praying. It took a number of years for her to overcome her grief. During this period Francis was born. Referring to this experience of his mother, Asbury wrote in his Journal: "When a child, I thought it strange my mother would stand by a large window poring over a book for hours together."2 The following tribute to his mother, written in his Journal, upon her death January 6, 1802, revealed some of her characteristics and the influence she must have had on Asbury's life: How would the bereaved mother weep and tell of the beauties and excellencies of her lost and lovely child! [gig] pondering on the past in the silent suf— fering of hopeless grief. This afflictive providence graciously terminated in the mother's conversion. When she saw herself a lost and wretched sinner, she sought religious people. . . . Many were the days she spent chiefly in reading and prayer; at length she found Justifying grace, and pardoning mercy. . For fifty years her hands, her house, her heart, were open to receive the people of God and ministers of Christ; and thus a lamp was lighted up in a dark place called Great Barre, in Great Britain. She was an afflicted, yet most active woman, of quick bodily powers, and masculine understanding; nevertheless, lAsbury, pp. 3-A. 2Clark I, p. 720. 103 'so kindly all the elements were mixed in her,‘ her strong mind quickly felt the subduing influences of that Christian sympathy which ’weeps with those who weep,‘ and 'rejoices with those who do rejoice.‘ As a woman and a wife she was chaste, modest, blame- less; as a mother (above all the women in the world would I claim her for my own) ardently affectionate; as a 'mother in Israel' few of her sex have done more by a holy walk to live, and by personal labor to support, the Gospel, . . . as a friend, she was generous, true, and constant.1 It is apparent that Asbury's mother was the one who made the greatest contribution to his life. There is no record that his father was ever converted, although he did not oppose his wife in the evangelistic teaching she gave to her son. While Francis was still an infant, each day his mother read Bible stories to him, prayed on hour for him, and sang hymns, all of which became a part of his early train— ing. Little wonder it was that he could read the Bible at the age of six years.2 While a boy, he was always afraid he would'displease God. Later referring to his childhood days in his Journal, he said: I have neither dared an oath nor hazarded a lie. The love of truth is not natural, but the habit of telling it I acquired very early; and so well was I taught that my conscience would never permit me to swear profanely. Like any normal child he loved to play and attempted to satisfy this desire by associating with boys of his age. Inter playing with them he would return home uneasy and de— Mmssed. He said, "My foible was the ordinary foible of “E lClark II, pp. 333-334. 2Asbury, pp. 1-2. 3Clark I, p. 720. lOA children-—fondness for play; but I abhorred mischief and wickedness."l It is most likely that he classified play and mirth as mischief or perhaps wickedness. In his Journal he recorded a number of times that he had been too Jovial and was grieved because of it. When a child he was ridiculed often, perhaps because of some of his attitudes. He was called "Methodist Parson"because of his mother‘s inviting any one, who appeared to have religion, into her home.2 At the age of seven years Francis, who was much con- cerned about spiritual matters and had remarkable piety, was sent to school by his parents to receive a secular education. This strange, solemn child, whose ecclesiastical destiny seemed cut out for him, was misunderstood by a harsh and cruel schoolmaster. Unmerciful and cruel whippings from this tyrant drove him into despair until Francis not only dreaded but hated school. After three or four years of this treatment he left school, ending his formal education at the age of eleven years.3 In England, eighteenth-century children had to work ixi order to supplement the meager incomes of families. Francis' father would have gladly kept him in school, but wherthe dropped out, he had to work to earn his own living. Ike started by hiring out as a servant to a gentleman of rank and.nmmns in Staffordshire. He said that as he worked and lIbid. 2Ibid. 3Asbury , p . 8 . 105 lived with this family, "one of the wealthiest and most ungodly families we had in the parish," that he "became vain, but not openly wicked."l However, this training provided him with the gracious manners of the elite, and with the knowledge of how to stand against the wickedness of his environment, in much the same way as Joseph of old did in Potiphar's house. Francis, after working as a servant in this wealthy home for almost two years, wanted a change. His father desired that he go back to school and receive an education, but he refused on account of his former school experience. The next step for him was to apprentice in a trade. It was natural that the first place to turn for such an opportunity would be the famous forge in their neighborhood, a short dis- tance from Asbury's home. "At night the lurid flames, flash- ing up from its furnaces, could be seen along the whole valley, and by day its ponderous machinery and huge water- wheels aroused interest."2 It was at this forge, or foundry, that he obtained an apprenticeship to work with Mr. Foxall, Vnmo was the foreman of-the smith's department where they made and repaired tools used in other parts of the foundry. Mr. Foxall and his wife, who were Methodists, were intimate friends of the Asburys and treated Francis more like a son tharlan apprentice in a blacksmith shop. For six and one-half years he worked with Foxall in this relationship. lClark I, p. 721. 2Tipple, Asbury, p. A7. 106 Surely, God was in all this. What better training for future work could this Methodist lad have received? If God had designed him to do John Wesley's work in England, he would have needed John Wesley's university training; but for the pioneer work which God had in mind for him to do in America the years which he spent in the blacksmith's shop of that Old Forge, during which his muscles were strengthened and his bodily strength increased, were infitely more valuable to him than had they been spent in a university.1 The contribution of Mr. Foxall to Asbury's conversion is unknown. Likely he had some influence upon Asbury, even though he wrote later that his awakening came as a result of talking and praying with a pious man who was not a Methodist, a man who had recently moved into the neighborhood. This happened Just before he was fourteen years of age.2 The Asbury family attended the Great Barr Episcopal Church, but Francis was not satisfied with the church, refer- ring to the clergyman as the "dark priest." He left Barr Episcopal to attend the parish church of West Bromwich, where Rev. Edward Stillingfleet and his curate, Mr. Bagnall, preached plainly and enthusiastically.3 At this church he heard other notable preachers as Ryland, Venn, Hawes, Talbot, andiMansfield. Along with the concern that these Calvinistic Methodists aroused in the heart of Francis Asbury, his read— ing of Whitefield and Cennick led him to make further inquiry abcnu;the Methodists. His mother directed him to Wednesbury, about ten miles north of Birmingham to hear them there.“ lIbid., pp. 48-48. 2Ibid., p. A8. 3James Lewis, Francis Asbury (London: The Epworth Press, 1927), p. 18. A 4 Asbury, p. 9. 107 Through the ministry of John and Charles Wesley, a group of about three hundred fighting, gin-drinking people had been converted and organized into a Methodist society in Wednesbury. It was to this village that Francis Asbury went to attend his first Wesleyan Methodist services, hearing John Fletcher and Benjamin Ingham.l Later John Wesley preached at the same chapel, which proved to be a memorable day for American Methodism, for it was in that service that Francis 2 Asbury was "greatly touched of the Lord." At the age of fifteen years, all of his religious training seemed to culminate. While he and a companion were praying in his father's barn, he was definitely converted. It was then that he was able to believe that God had pardoned his sins and Justified his soul in believing. From that moment he was, as described in his own words, ‘happy, free from guilt and fear, had power over sin, and felt great in- ward Joy.‘3 Francis Asbury's Christian experience filled with Joy, rapture, and enthusiasm, was a characteristic Methodist con- version. Soon he began to sing: O, that the world might taste and see The riches of his grace! The arms of love that compass Te Would all mankind embrace. Asbury’s passionate desire to share "the riches of his grace" was encouraged by his mother when she asked him to read the Scrdlmures and lead the singing in the bi-monthly women's 1Ibid., p. 11. 2Luccock, p. 96. u 3DuBose, p- Ll- Tipple, Asbury, p. 50. u.¢‘- - .,...-v v 0". 7' .... u A. .n‘ I. ~ " 'Itv . . , ‘ . ' ‘ ._ \ v.. . '«.,__ “-u... d \ u. .. .. ‘ E n u.' . I ~' 5 . fl ._; '- 108 meetings. In these same meetings, he would explain the Scriptures and exhort his hearers to make decisions for Christ. Encouraged and inspired by the decisions made, he started to hold services on his own, first in his friend's houses, and later in his father's house. As people were converted, he organized them into societies according to Wesley's pattern. At the age of sixteen years he had launched out into his life—work, that of soul-winning.l Asbury continued to work at his Job as a blacksmith, and at the same time, to hold services four or five even- ings a week. As he prayed and exhorted, the people were amazed at his eloquence and fervency. Encouraged by this, at the age of seventeen years, he obtained a local preacher's 2 and license "from the preacher in charge of the circuit," expanded his ministry to the Methodist chapels, where he spoke to multitudes of people. Night after night he itiner- ated in the circuits of Derbyshire, Staffordshire, Warwick- shire, and Worchestershire. Little is known of his preaching on these circuits or how often he visited the societies.3 At the age of twenty-one years, in 1766, leaving his trade for the full-time ministry, he replaced a traveling preacher who had become ill,and itinerated for him nine months. The following year he was admitted on trial, in the Methodist organization, and was appointed to the 1 2 Asbury, pp. lA-lS. Strickland, pp. 38-39. 3Du Bose, p. 37- 109 Bedfordshire Circuit. After itinerating on this circuit for a year, he was admitted into full connection and ap— pointed to serve the following circuits: Colchester in 1768, Bedfordshire again in 1769, and Wiltshire in 1770, his last circuit in England. He seemed to have served the societies of these circuits well and made many friends in each one.1 The following year, 1771, he attended his first con- ference at Bristol. When John Wesley called for volunteers to go to America to serve as missionaries, Francis Asbury and Richard White offered themselves, and they were accepted. Asbury went back to his home in Staffordshire to say good- bye to his family and friends. While there he preached his last sermon in England--the only one of which a part has been preserved. It was on Psalm sixty-one, verse two: "From the end of the earth will I cry unto thee, when my heart is overwhelmed." Following is the outline: 1. Where should the missionary herald be? The end of the earth. 2. And whose heart should be overwhelmed, swallowed up, if not the heart of him to whom a dispensation of Gospel is committed? 3. And whence should he look for succour but to Christ, the Rock that is higher than he? 4. How should he obtain that succour but by constant, fervent prayer?2 Preparations for leaving were soon made. On Sept- mmer A, 1771, Asbury and Wright set sail for the New World. Whflxno more training than Asbury had, it seemed he was almost k lClark I, p. 722 and xii. 2Asbury, p. 18. 110 naive to attempt such a task. Doubtless it was his forti- tude, determination, and motive that impelled him forward, as he expressed in his own words. I will set down a few things that lie on my mind. Wither am I going? To the New World. What to do? To gain honor? No, if I know my own heart. To get money? No, I am going to live to God, and to bring others so to do. . . . If God does not acknowledge me in America, I will soon return to England. I know my views are upright now; may they never be otherwise. Asbury landed in Philadelphia, October 27, 1771. On the evening of his second day in America he preached his first sermon on foreign soil. The next day, accompanied by Pilmoor, he visited and became acquainted with the Methodist work in that area. In a short time he traveled north to New York to meet Boardman, who was in charge of the Methodist societies in America, expecting to receive his assignment and to start itinerating. However, he was disappointed when asked to remain in New York for the winter. Soon Asbury dis— covered that his concepts of itineracy did not harmonize either with his superior or with the people of New York. Boardman was weak in leadership, lacked resourcefulness, and had little initiative. Asbury recognized Boardman's failings, and his own restlessness, his genius for organization and ad— ministration, and his passion for spiritual perfec- tion to be gained through holy works, would not permit him to be long content with the conduct of the New York society.2 lClark I, pp. 4-5. 2Asbury, p. 74. ,.. ..¢ §\h 111 Eb expected trouble and he found it. He became incensed over the idea of all three of them, Boardman, Webb, and him— self, remaining in New York to serve the one congregation. Even though Boardman, his superior, insisted on this arrange— ment, Asbury refused. He claimed the New World was hungry for the plan of salvation as taught by the Methodists, and he determined that he would not sit in the city where he felt there was no need. On his own and with no permission, he borrowed a horse, and rode to Westchester to preach. Then he rode to West Farms, back to Westchester, then to New Rochelle, Rye, East Chester, Mamaroneck, Philipse Manor, and to other villages, preaching as he went. He claimed that he would show the other preachers they had to itinerate and that he would lead by doing it himself. This Journey was the beginning of a circuit and a life of itineracy that lasted for forty-five years. It was on this trip that Asbury be- came ill, because he refused to care for himself properly in the cold winter months in New York. He never fully recovered from this illness.1 Even when he was ill, he continued to preach. Dissatis- fied with the conduct of the members of the New York society, he scolded and berated them more than once for breaking the thhodist rules. As soon as he was well enough to travel, rm rode to Philadelphia, where Boardman was stationed (Board- mmiand Pilmoor exchanged pulpits every three months). k lIbid., pp. 75-77. h. 112 Asbury preached along the way holding services anywhere he could find a place. When he arrived, Boardman made the appointments for the next year, 1772. He, himself, would go to Boston, Pilmoor to Virginia, Wright to New York, and Asbury to Philadelphia. "Asbury was now alone in Philadelphia, with full power, and he began immediately to criticize the manner in which the society was conducted, and to rule its members with "1 characteristic severity. Concerning this he wrote in his Journal: I heard that many were offended at my shutting them out of society meeting, as they had been greatly in- dulged before. But this does not trouble me. While I stay, the rules must be attended to, and I cannot 2 suffer myself to be guided by half-hearted Methodists. Asbury and Boardman exchanged in July,l772. This pleased Asbury because he believed the preachers should change often. He preached each day as he traveled to New York. Soon he encountered trouble there when he insisted on the enforcement of the Methodist rules. His indomitable will remained unchanged, threatening to expel some of the members if they continued to disobey the rules. Wesley strengthened this acquired power by appointing him general assistant, and at the same time demoting Boardman to a helper. This pleased both Asbury and Boardman, for the responsibility of the over- sight of the Methodist work irked Boardman.3 ¥ lIbid. 2Tipple, Heart, p. 19. 3Asbury, p. 79. 113 The next year, June 3, 1773, Asbury met Thomas Rankin, Ckorge Shadford, and Joseph Yearby at Philadelphia. These nmn were sent by Wesley in response to the many pleas coming from America for more help. Because of Thomas Rankin's ex- perience and maturity, he was appointed to take Francis Asbury's position. Rankin, shocked at the irregularities among the societies and the preachers, called the preachers together to correct the situation. There were discussions and debates. Asbury was displeased with the waste of money am.energy among the preachers. He believed they should itinerate. He likewise was disturbed over the breaking of M>many rules. It is probable that the deliberations of this Conference of 1773 led to the birth of the Methodist church in America.1 Another conference was held in 1774 in which there was trouble among the preachers. They were dissatisfied with the administration of Rankin who insisted that the rigid discipline of the English societies had to be practiced in America. The preachers in America claimed there had to be adaptations. Furthermore, Rankin and Asbury were in con- flict because Rankin did not understand Asbury and Asbury did not want to obey Rankin's demands. Rankin's correspon- dence to John Wesley concerning the problems resulted in the calling of Asbury back to England, but the order from Wesley ¥ lTipple,Asbury, pp. 118-119. 114 did not reach Asbury for two months. In the meantime, political problems between the American colonies and Great Britain had been aggravated so that Asbury felt that he should remain in America to care for the three thousand Methodists scattered over the colonies.1 On account of illness, Asbury was unable to attend the Annual Conference held in l776. This conference was a most solemn occasion because of the tension between the colonies and Great Britain and because of the position of the Methodist clergy in America. John Wesley's publication of his "Calm Address to the American Colonies" had created preJudices against the Methodist preachers. In the minds of many Americans they were Tories.' To make matters worse for the Americans, some of the Methodist preachers spoke freely against the rebellious colonies. Francis Asbury contended that eventually both the American colonies and American Meth- odism would have to separate from Great Britain. Perhaps it could have been his foresight of the conditions of the nation and church, or it could have been an expression of his opposition to the actions of his English brothers in the ministry. Taking this position caused him to suffer. One by one the English ministers returned to England. By 1778, Asbury was the only English missionary left in America.2 Since many of the English preachers were Tories and an” except Asbury, had returned home, he was suspected of ¥ 2 lTipple, Asbury, pp- 122-126. Ibid., pp. 127-128. 115 being one. Then when he refused to take the Maryland State oath, for conscience' sake, he was forced to flee as a refugee to Delaware. Here he took asylum in Judge White's barn, his refuge for almost two years. His ministerial efforts would not be thwarted, however, because he had time for reading and writing, and furthermore, he soon discovered it was possible for him to itinerate within the state. During that period he won about eighteen hundred converts, established the Methodist work in Delaware, and proved that he was a loyal patroit.l Since he could not go to conference in 1779, part of it came to him. Asbury became the self-appointed superinten- dent, directed the preachers, and assigned them to their circuits. He contended, at this conference, that American Methodism would have to separate with English Methodism Just as the States had to separate from England.2 Methodism struggled and had a number of reverses during the war, with the possible exception of Virginia where the movement was thriving. One of the significant events of Asbury's life occurred in the year 1784. John Wesley, on September 18, ordained Thomas Coke and empowered him to ordain ministers in America, including Asbury. Wesley likewise despatched a message that became the "Magna Charta of American Methodism, the earnest Ofimdependence of Wesleyan societies in the United States."3 1 2 Ibid., pp. 129-131. Ibid., p. 131. 31bid., p.135. 116 A conference of all the American preachers was called to meet December 25, of that year, at Baltimore, Maryland. Sixty of the eighty-three ministers were notified.1 At this conference Francis Asbury was ordained deacon one day, elder the next, and elected and consecrated a superin- tendent, with Dr. Coke as the other. Asbury also witnessed the formation of the Methodist Church in America, indepen— dent of the Weslyan Methodists of England.2 Almost immediately, January A, 1785, Francis Asbury started his first Episcopal tour. He went south into Vir- ginia, North and South Carolina preaching everwhere he traveled; and he held his first Annual Conference in the new church at the home of Green Hill on April 19. From there he itinerated north through Virginia, to Mount Vernon where he, with Bishop Coke called upon George Washington, and then rode on to Baltimore, arriving June 1.3 As a bishop, Asbury's responsibilities and area of ser- vice increased. In 1789 he with three other Methodist circuit riders addressed the new president, George Washington. Later, 1797, Asbury was forced to succumb to his old illness and did not recover for over three years. Then in 1802 the death of his mother was a severe blow to him, for he had a very deep affection for her. In 1803, he adopted the camp meeting technique of evangelism that proved to be a forward step for ¥ lAsbury, p. 159. 2Tipple, Asbury, pp. 193-153. 3Ibid., p. 15A. .. . ‘- , w. . r' - . ,. ..\ . ,.-. .~.¢- - . l in n a .., 1 n. n I 'V O I -9 o. . ~'.. ». - gr 117 the Methodist church on the frontier. The General Confer- ence held in 1812, the first delegated conference of Methodism, was the last one Asbury attended. On March 2A, 1816, Francis Asbury preached his last sermon; and on March 31, 1816, he died.1 Itinerant When Francis Asbury arrived in Philadelphia October 27, 1771, America received an experienced itinerant who proved himself to be the most ubiquitous person in America during the eighteenth century. Since itineracy was a part of Methodism from its in— ception, it likely influenced the speaking and the messages of the early Methodist preachers. If this be true, an investigation and an understanding of the system of itineracy should render a greater understanding of the preaching of Francis Asbury. One meaning of the word "itinerate" is "to 2 travel from place to place preaching." This practice has prevailed,throughout the centuries in one form or another. For instance, St. Francis of Assisi, in the thirteenth century, traveled from town to town in central Italy preaching to the peOple, praying for them and asking alms from them. The manner of his visitations was somewhat of a circuit.3 lAsbury, pp. 30A-305. 2James A. Murray (ed.), A New English Dictionary on Eflptorical Principles, Vol. V (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1901), p. 5214. 3Luigi Salvatorelli, The Life of St. Francis of Assisi, EE?€% Eric Sutton (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1928), pp- . 2. 118 There were some circumstances present in eighteenth- century England that seemed to lay the foundation for itineracy during the Evangelical Awakening, particularly among the Methodists.1 One of these conditions was open-air preaching that George Whitefield and John Wesley employed successfully. Preaching in this manner forced them to travel to new areas. Since there was no physical plant, a church or meetinghouse, to centralize their efforts, much of their labor was in danger of being lost. Realizing this, John Wesley adopted the "society" as the means of holding the new converts together. Periodically the three Evange- lists: George Whitefield, John Wesley, and Charles Wesley returned to instruct and encourage the converts. In an un- believingly short period of time the numbers of these societies grew to such proportions that the three men could not meet their needs. A few of the Evangelical ministers of the Established Church helped, but they were limited because they could not leave their parishes to itinerate. Near the end of the year, 1739, Thomas Maxfield, a young convert, offered his services to Wesley. With reluctance and much misgiving, Wesley accepted him, instructing him that he was to exhort only and not to preach. Soon afterwards two other men offered their services and were accepted. When he returned from a tour of inland England, Wesley received the news that Maxwell had been preaching. Scandal- izmiby his conduct, Wesley's first impulse was to dismiss g lBready, p. 217. 119 rum, but before acting he paused to consider his action. Muee items arrested his attention: "First, his Mother's caution in young Maxwell's favor; second, the fruit of Abxwell's preaching-~for men and women had been converted Lmder it; and third, his own unanswerable logic—~namely, that "'those who were called of God, and not of man, have nwre right to preach than those who are only called of men and not of God.‘ 'It is the Lord,’ he said at last; '1et rum do what seemeth good'."l Another instance of a similar nature took place with John Nelson, a stone mason. After his conversion, he re- turned home to communicate his experience to his friends. Night after night people came to his home to hear him tell the story about his conversion. Before he realized it, he was exhorting and preaching to the people. Alarmed at the outcome, he sent for John Wesley to come to one of the meetings to hear him speak. As he sat at Nelson's fireside listening to a divinely inspired message, Wesley had to con— clude again, that God can use laymen for witnessing, exhort- ing, and preaching. "The evidence that a new dispensation had dawned was overwhelming, and the question of lay preach- in Methodism was settled for all time."2 Since lay preaching became an integral part of the Methodist organization in England, John Wesley divided the ¥ lDu Bose, p. 3“- 21bid., p. 35. ‘.I 120 lay preachers into two groups: the assistants and the rmlpers. Inasmuch as the itinerant preacher could meet any one society only periodically, because he had from ten to twenty societies on his circuit, the assistant was given charge of the society, to hold the regular class meetings, to exhort, and to instruct the people during the absence of the itinerant preacher. The helpers were to aid the assistants in any manner where they were needed. The assistants were required to attend the annual conferences that John Wesley held; the helpers were not.1 This system made it possible for John Wesley to recruit the best lay preachers for the traveling ministry. In this development of preaching, circuits, comprised of several societies, were created. Over each circuit was placed a traveling minister, or an itinerant, who regularly visited the societies, preached, instructed, and aided the lay preachers. Once a year all the itinerant preachers and the assistants met for the Annual Conference. Heretofore consideration has been given to the part of the definition of "itinerate" meaning: "to preach to the various congregations within the circuit to which he is appointed."2 But there is another part of this definition of "itinerate": "to go periodically from circuit to circuit as appointed."3 One of the purposes of the Annual Conference E lIbid., p. 35. 2Murray, p. 52A. 31bid. -__ 121 was to appoint the preachers to the circuits. These preachers, known as circuit riders, were appointed by Wesley in England to serve for one year, and in America by Asbury to serve for three or six months on a circuit. No minister could be appointed to the same circuit for any two consecutive periods. This had its advantages. Both Wesley and Asbury believed a preacher could be more effec— tive if he changed often. John Wesley said concerning this: "I know, were I to preach one whole year in one place, I should preach both myself and most of my congregation asleep."l The circuit rider was distinctively a part of the Methodist plan. It is evident that itineracy and Methodism were so ingrained that they were almost inseparable. The Methodist plan of itineracy was wonderfully adaptable to the spreading of the gospel in the New World because the circuit rider's goal was to take the gospel message to every man. The circuits were naturally quite large, containing between fifteen and twenty-five societies or preaching places. It usually took from four to six weeks for the circuit rider to visit all the societies on his circuit once. He preached every day, possibly with the exception of IWonday, when he wrote letters and prepared for the week ahead of him . 2 1Richard C. Underwood (ed.), Together Magazine, bkyvember, 1961, p. 20. 2Sweet, Methodism, pp. lAA-145. 122 The home of the circuit rider was on his horse and among the people he served day by day. His sole possessions were rarely more than a change of clothing, a Bible, a hymnbook, and perhaps a few books for sale--all packed in his saddle bags.l In the new communities of Kentucky and Tennessee, and later Ohio and Indiana, the Methodist circuit- rider was more familiar than the doctor; ten times more familiar than the governor. Astride a horse which could be depended on to plod ahead, day after day, for months on end, even if it seldom cantered; wrapped in a cloak which might be--and generally was--patched and patched and repatched until the confines of the original were not distinguished . . . the Methodist itinerant rode every trail, reached every cabin, and lifted new standards in every community of that magically expand- ing frontier.2 The itinerant found somewhat of an atmosphere of religion in many of the homes, in that a Bible was owned. In the schools it was read and prayers were offered at the beginning and end of the school day. But there was little real religion among the people. Wide-spread immorality was 3 prevalent; gambling and intemperance were found everywhere. Francis Asbury, in 1797, commented on the life of the peOple: I am of the opinion that it is as hard or harder for the people of the West to gain religion as any other. When I consider where they come from, where they are, and how they are, and how they are called to go farther, their being unsettled with so many obJects to take their attention, with the health and good air they enJoy, and when I reflect that not one in a hundred came here to get religion; but rather 1George T. Ashley, Reminiscences of a Circuit Rider (Los Angeles: New Method Printing Co., 1941), p. 12. 2Luccock, pp. 217—218. 3Asbury, p. 245. 123 to get plenty of good land, I think it will be well if some or many do not eventually lose their souls.1 The heroic itinerants not only faced a careless peOple seeking material gain, but they also braved all the handi- caps that nature had placed before them in an unconquered wilderness. An example is the Cataloochee Trail, now called the Asbury Trail, over a section of the Great Smoky Mountains where North Carolina and Tennessee meet. The twenty-three rugged miles of dense forests and mist-veiled peaks from Davneport Gap to Clyde taxed Asbury and other circuit riders more than once.2 It is most difficult to visualize the physical handi- caps the circuit riders encountered as they rode their circuits. Following is a description given by Francis Asbury when he crossed the mountains in 1790 to hold his first con- ference in Kentucky: I was strangely outdone for want of sleep, having been greatly deprived of it in my Journey through the wilderness. . . . Our way is over mountains, steep hills, deep rivers and muddy creeks; a thick growth of reeds for miles together; and no inhabi- tants but wild beasts and savage men. Some times, . . my ideas would be leading me to be looking out ahead for fences; and I would . . . try to recall the houses we should have lodged at in the wilderness. I slept an hour the first night, and about two the last; we ate no regular meal; our bread grew short, and I was much spent. 1Clerk, II, p. 125. 2Underwood, pp. 35-36. 3Clark, I, p. 636. 124 A further description of the perils encountered by itinerant preachers is given by Asbury when he recrossed the mountains, May 2A, 1790. He wrote in his Journal: We set out on our return through the wilderness with a large and hapless company; we had about fifty people, twenty of whom were armed, and five of whom might have stood fire. To preserve order and harmony, we had articles drawn up for, and signed by, our company, and I arranged for people for travelling according to the regulations agreed upon. Some disaffected gentlemen, who would neither sign nor come under discipline, had yet the impudence to murmur when left behind. The first night we lodged some miles behind the Hazel Patch. The next day we discovered signs of Indians, and some thought they heard voices; we therefore thought it best to travel on, and did not encamp until three o'clock, halting on the east side of the Cumberland River. We had gnats enough. We had an alarm, but it turned out to be a false alarm. A young gentleman, a Mr. Alexander, behaved exceed- ingly well; but his tender frame was not adequate to the fatigue to be endured, and he had well-nigh fainted on the road to Cumberland Gap. Brother Peter Massie was captain; but finding I had gained authority among the people, I acted somewhat in the capacity of an adJutant and quartermaster among them. At the foot of the mountain the company separated; the greater part went on with me to Powell's River; here we slept on the earth, and next day made Grassy Valley. Several of the company, who were not Methodist, expressed their high approba- tion of our conduct and most affectionately invited us to their houses. The Journeys of each day were as follows: Monday forty—five miles; Tuesday fifty miles; Wednesday sixty miles. Tursday, 27. By riding late we reached Capt. Amis's where I had a bed to rest on. Francis Asbury encountered many hardships and priva- tiorm. In addition to the almost impassable roads over whicflxhe traveled, he often had no food, or now and then wilxi berries, or, at other times, corn that he boiled over lClark, I, pp. 640-6A1. o