"' "135;. SPANISH-ANGLO ETHNIC CLEAVAGE IN A NEW MEXICAN HIGH SCHOOL Thesis for the Degree of Ph. D. MICHIGAN STATE COLLEGE Nellie Holmes Loomis 1955 THE-.9, This is to certify that the thesis entitled Spanish-Anglo Eth ic Cleavage in a New Mexican High School presented by Nellie Holmes Loomis has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for PhoDo degree in SOCiOlO’f Y '8' AHtllI‘ODOlOFy Major professor Date ME?! 17. 1955 0-169 SR‘NISHH‘NGLO ETHNIC CLEAVAGE IN A NEH'MEJICLN HIGH SCHOOL By Nellie Holmes Loomie A THESIS submitted to the School of Graduate Studies of Michigan State College of Agriculture and Applied Science in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Sociology and AnthrOpology 1955 " ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The author wishes to express her sincere appreciation for the helpful suggestions and guidance offered by members of the Department of Sociology of’Michigan State College. She is particularly indebted to Dr. Charles P. Loomis and Dr. Charles R. Hoffer. Grateful acknowledgment is also due to the late Dr. Louis'Hirth for the inspiration afforded by his boundless enthusiasm and interest in the problems of minority peoples. The writer also wishes to thank the superintendent and other members of the faculty of the Las Cruces high schools for their cosperation in making possible the administration of questionnaires in their classrooms.' 11 285278 VITA Nellie Holmes Loomis candidate for the degree of Doctor of PhiIOSOphy Dissertation: Spanish-Anglo Ethnic Cleavage in a New Mexican . High School Outline of Studies Major subject: Sociology Minor subject: Social Psychology Biographical Items Born, December 17, 1908, Clare, Michigan Undergraduate Studies, Michigan State College, 1927-31 Graduate Studies Michigan State College, 1931-33, 19h8-h9, 1953-Sh University of Chicago, 1936, 19h8 University of’Michigan, 1951 Experience Graduate Assistant, Michigan State College, 1932-33 Assistant State Supervisor of Rural Research rim, 19311-36 Instructor, Mic higan State College, 1915 , 19116-10 Social‘Worker, Ingham County'Bureau of Social Aid, Michigan Department of Social Welfare, 19SO~51 Child ngfgge Wbrker, Michigan Department of Social welfare, l9 1- Member of Phi Kappa.Phi, Tau Sigma, American Sociological Society, American Association of Social workers, Michigan We1fare League iii SPANISH-ANGLO ETHNIC CLEAVAGE IN A NEW MEXICAN HIGH SCHOOL By Nellie Holmes Loomis AN ABSTRACT Submitted to the School of Graduate Studies of Michigan State College of Agriculture and Applied Science in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DmTOR 0F PHILOWH! Department of Sociology and Anthropology Year 1955 Approved ABSTRACT Data collected by means of a questionnaire administered by the writer to students in the Junior and senior high schools of Las Cruces, New Mexico, were analyzed to determine the extent and nature of Anglo- Spanish ethnic cleavage. The primary focus of the study was not the high school age group per so, but rather the consideration of Anglo- Spanish cleavage in a geographical area characterized by a high con- centration of Spanish population. A.discussion of the historical and cultural background of the Spanish-speaking people of NeuLMexico was included in the study, since this information is essential to the understanding of Spanish-Anglo cleavage in the state. The sociemetric analysis of the data was based on Criswell's double ratio of self preference. Indices of self preference were classified in two categories: those based on friendship choices, both at school and at home, and those based on choices involving prestige values. The study revealed that this distinction was important. The data indicated marked.Anglo-Spanish cleavage and confirmed the minority status of the Spanish group. Both Anglo and Spanish students exhibited a significantly high self preference in their choices of companions at home and at school. In their choices of companions, the minority group generally displayed in-group feelings more intense than those of the Anglo students. The in-grcup feelings iv of the Spanish girls, as expressed in friendship choices, was particu- larly'marked, which was probably in a large measure due to the tradi- tional position of women in the Spanish culture . By the same token, their self preference relative to prestige choices was comparatively low. In choices involving prestige values, the self preference of Spanish students in all grades was less marked than in their choices of companions, and was generally lower than that expressed by the Anglos . In addition to items designed to elicit responses to be evaluated by’means of sociometric techniques, statements were included in the questionnaire which permitted verbalization of the student's prejudices against association with the out-group in situations involving resi- dence, employment, and acceptance of a position subordinate to a member of the out-group. In their verbalisation of inter-group prejudices, the Spanish students expressed less pronounced feelings than did the Anglos against association with the out-group. This study points up the need for further research in the area of Anglo-Spanish relationships in NewfiMexico, particularly with refer- ence to the meaning that the ethnic cleavage and the minority status of the Spanish have for both groups. TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER Page I INTRODUCTIONoooooQoooooooooeoeooeooooooeoeeeooooeoooooo 1 The PrOblemOOOOOOOOe...00.000.00.00.000000000000a... 3 Related Studieaoooooogeoeooooo-eooeoOeeooooooeoooQOo h II THE CULTURAL BACKGROUND OF THE SPANISHéSPEAKING PEOPLE D: SQ’THMRN UNI‘l‘m SI‘ATESOOOOOOOOO0.000.000...0.... 9 ‘What are the.Major Differences in the Culture of the Latin.Americans and the Anglo Americans?......... 9 ‘What are Some of the Broader Differences in Latin American and Anglo Culture in the‘western Homisphere7...................................... 11 Kluckhohn's Manama Configuration................. ll Kluckhohn's Costumbrea Configuration............. 13 The Familia Configuration........................ 13 Kluckhohn's Comba Configuration.................. 15 The Miedo Configuration.......................... 15 Loomis' Discussion of the Nature of Latin Ameri- can Culture................................... 16 The Church....................................... 17 Attitudes toward Money........................... 18 Isolation........................................ 18 The Class System Among the Spanish-speaking people of New Mexico.................................... 21 The Border.......................................... 28 III THE SPANISH-SPEAKING PEOPLE AS A MINORITY GRGJP. . . . . . . . 3O Definitionsgggoooeeeeeeeooooeoeoooooeoooooeooeoeoooe 30 compoaitiOn 0f the Groupoooeeoeoooeeooooooooooeeoeee 31 BXtent 0f Acculturationeeeoooeeeooeeeeoooooooeoooooe 37 $gregation..00.0.0.......O'CCOOCOIOC.CCOOOOOO0.0... ho Discrimination in the Schools....................... bl Occupational Discrimination......................... hS The Measurement of Ethnic Cleavage.................. h9 Iv PUILPOSEmPimHODOOOOO00......OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOIOOOO S2 Purpo$00000000OOOIOOOOOOOOOO. OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOIOOOO 52 flew Cleavages between Spanish-Speaking and Anglo Students Were Measured.............. 53 vi TABLE W CONTMS - Continued An Illustration of the Calculation of.Measures of Cleavage.......................................... The Calculation of the Chi Square Measure... ....... .. Calculations of the P for the Chi Square Measure..... Calculation of Criswell's Double Ratio of Group Preforenco........................................ Collection of the Data............................... V SCCImETRIC ANALYSIS CF ETHNIC CLEAVAGE IN LAS CRUCES AS RELETED IN INTERACTION OF HIGH SCHOOL STUDENTS... ...... The Ecology of the Southwest as Related to the School Study...................................... Las Cruces, NewfiMexice............................... The Measurement of Ethnic Cleavage in Las Cruces Junior and Senior High Schools.................... Friendship Choices................................ Prestige Cheicos.................................. Verbalisation of Inter-Group Attitudes............... VI SCME IMPLICATIONS FRCH THE STUDY AND SIOGESTIONS FOR mmm MMH.OOO.OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO VII my AND CONCUJSIONSeeooeoooooooeooooooeoooeoooooooooo BIBLIOGRAPIHHHH ...... ....... ”MIXCOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOCOO vii 59 61 62 62 67 83 88 91 9S , TABLE I II III VI VII VIII II III LIST OF TABLES Characterisation of Spanish—Americans by Class, Taos County, New Mexico............ OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO00.0.0.0... Occupational Patterns: Selected Combinations of Occu- pational Categories, Suggesting Differential Status, for White Persons of fiaanish Surname and Total Population, in.Five Southwestern StateS, 1950........................ Self-Preference Ratios in Anglo Groups, Based on Choices of School Friends, Limited to Choices of the Same Sex.... Self-Preference Ratios in Anglo Groups, Based on Choices of Companions at Home, Limited to Choices of the Same Sex Self-Preference Ratios in Spanish Groups, Based on Choices of School Friends, Limited to Choices of the Same $XOOOOOOOOOOOOODOOOOOO.00......0....OOOOCOOOOOOOOOOOOOO. Self-Preference Ratios in Spanish (h'oups, Based on Choices of Companions at Home, Limited to Choices of the weaxOOOOOOOOOCOCOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO....0... Self-Preference Ratios in Anglo Groups, Based on Choice of Representative to the Governor, Limited to Choices of the we $100.00...OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO...OOOOIOOOOOOOOOO Self-Preference Ratios in Spanish Groups , Based on Choice of Representative to Governor , Limited to Choices of the we h‘OOOOOOGOOOOO0.00.0000...0.0.0.0...OOOOOOOOOOOOOOO Self-Preference Ratios Based on Choice of Representative to Governor............ Self-Preference Ratios Based on Choices Involving Pres- tiy Fmtors...OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOCOOOOOOOO.00.0.0.0...O Responses to Statement: 'If I took a job, it would make no difference to me to what race my boss belonged" Responses to Statement: I'It is all right with me if more people of a racial group different from mine move into my neigllbormOd"..C..............OCOOOOOOOOCOOOOOOOOOOOOO viii Page 211 36 72 7h 75 75 77 77 78 78 80 81 LIST OF FIGURES .Figure 1. Comparison of Spanish Class System with Angle Class System in New MoxiCO...................................... 2. Total Pepulation and Number of White Persons of Spanish Surname in Five Southwestern States, 1950................. 3. Spanish-Name Peeple in the Southwest...................... ll . Percentage Distribution of Spanish-speaking People of NwMefico,1950......OCOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO... 5. Population Centers of Dona Ana County..................... Page 22 33 33 69 70 CHAPTER I ' INTROIIICTION With the United States assuming a leadership role in a world emphasizing more and more the necessity for sceperation between all nations, races, and cultures, we have as a nation been forced by internal and external pressures to examine our attitudes toward minor- ity groups" within our own boundaries . By friends and enemies alike we have been criticised for our treatment of the Negro, for example, and we must aclmowledge our vulnerability to this sort of attack. The Negro himself, who may have become relatively accepting of his position in the United States, has found a new freedom and self-respect in foreigl countries to which he has been sent as a amber of the armed forces. Having experienced freedom from racial prejudice, it is not surprising that he is discontented'with his treatment when he returns to his home, that he feels more poignently his minority group status. Our attitudes toward minority groups at home also Jeepardises our relations with other nations with whom we wish to cooperate. Countries composed of peeple whom we accord minority status, with all its impli- cations, in the United States, can scarcely be expected to have confidence in our expressions of goodwill toward them on their native soil. When nationals from such countries traveling in the United States are exposed to discriminatory practices particularly prevalent in some geographical areas, their confidence in the United States must be badly shaken. The rapidly increasing volume of literature regarding racial issues attests to the fact that intellectually we are trying to accept racial and cultural differences, even though our emotions may lag behind our reason. Much of the literature is, of course, of a highly subjective nature, but students in the field of race relations are naldng very real contributions to our thinking. Because of historical factors , the high visibility of Negro differences, and the sine and wide distribu- tion of the Negro population, that group has received more attention than other minority groups in our literature . Consideration of Spanish-Americans as a minority group has been confined largely to the Southwest and California, where this population is concentrated, and to studies of migrant laborers, many of whom are of ananish extraction. The more obvious indices of discrimination, such as those associated with employment, standards of living, and educational facilities have received the greatest emphasis. Synpathetic presentations of various aspects of wanishainerican culture, both from a contemporary I and a historical point of view, have also made a contribution to the Anglos' understanding of these people, helping them to appreciate the contributions that the Spanish have made to our culture and to realise more fully the problems involved in their efforts to adjust to Angle ways of thinking and acting. The recent emphasis on the inportance of the relationship between the United States and Latin American countries has also fostered and increased awareness of the Spanish heritage on the part of people in the United States. THE PROBLEM Although many evidences of the minority status of fiaanishdnericans exist in the Southwestern United States, there have been few attempts to evaluate scientifically the nature and extent of the cleavage between the Spanish and Anglo groups. The purpose of the present study is to measure ethnic cleavage between Angle and Spanish students in Junior and senior high schools of Las Cruces, New Mexico. The primary focus is not the age factor, but rather the nature and extent of cleavage. The high school group was selected because of its availability for study and because it reflects in a measure the attitude of the adults in the comunity. A questionnaire was constructed to obtain answers to the following questions: ‘ 1. Is there significant Anglo-Spanish cleavage in the high school age group? ' 2 . Does the minority group display a lower self-preference than does the dominant group? 3. Is there any significant change in the ratio of self-preference on the part of either minority or dominant group as the students love to higher grades? 1:. Are there differences between the sexes with respect to prefer- ence for their own ethnic group? 5. How do friendship choices canpare with choices involving prestige factors, with respect to the mount of self- preference expressed? To to test 1 . 2. 3. find answers to these questions, it is proposed in this study the following hypotheses: A significant cleavage exists between the Anglo students and the Spanish students in Las Cruces High School. Although the minority group, the Spanish students, prefer their own group to a lesser degree than do the dominant group, the Anglo students, they nevertheless will express significant self-preference. Although the in-group tends to become more solidary with increase in the age of the student, it will have neared the adult level by the time the student reaclns Junior high school, therefore there will be little difference between Junie) and senior high school students in this respect. Because of the position of women in the Spanish culture, the Spanish girls will show a higher self-preference than Spanish boys or Anglos of either sex, particularly in the Junior high school grades. The minority group will display a more marked self-preference in their friendship choices than in choices involving prestige factors. The Anglos will manifest equally high self-preference in both areas . ‘ RELATED SNDIES The literature relating to race relations in general is voluminous and varied. fincific discussions of Anglo-Spanish relations in the Southwestern United States, however, are limited in number} Similarly, there is fairly extensive literature regarding sociome try and the various techniques developed by its exponents , but much more attention has been devoted to the definition of status , role, and clique groupings than to the measurement of cleavage between social groups. Early ‘ See Chapter III for reference to publications on this subject. studies of Moreno and Jemlingsa gave some incidental consideration to the matter of cleavage , but the earliest intensive study of ethnic groups was that published by Criswell. in 1939.’ This represented an attapt to measure Negro-Emits cleavage in a classroom situation. Three schools in New York City, which she designated as A, B, and C, from which respectively the following nunber of pupils were included in the study: 1112 in kindergarten and grades one through eight, using the entire '8' or more advanced half of each grade, 1557 in grades LB, SB, and 63, and 717 including children in the ldndergarten through grade 63 , with the exception of one first grade class. 0f the fifty- two classes tested in schools A and C, h? were interviewed. No inter- views were conducted in school s. School A was studied in 193b, schools B and C in 1936. In school 1, “lb per cent of the pupils were Negro, in schools B and C the percentages were I“! and 26 respectively. The ”sociometric test” was administered in group form to children above the second grade and was gven individually to the younger children. The "test" requested the names of the children the respondent would like to sit by. After all. the names were written in, the child was asked to underline the boy or girl he would most like to sit by. Later interviews, lasting fron ten to fifteen minutes, were given to ascertain why the choices were made . Nine men interviewers were used. 3 Smssarixed in J. L. Moreno's We Shall alrvive? Beacon house, N. 1., 1953. ’ Joan Banning Criewell, "A Socionetric Study of Race Cleavage in the Classroom," Archives of PsEholog, No. 235, January 1939, p. 19. Thus Criswell pioneered in the measurement of inter-racial cleavage in deve10ping the concept of the ”self-preference ratio" . The computa- tion of the ”self-preference ratio” and the use of the chi-square test to detensine the probability of such self-preference occurring by chance will be presented in a later chapter, in which the methods used in this study are considered. The results of the ”sociometric test" obtained by Criswell are as 4 follows a 1. (banner school classes ranging frm nine per cent Negro to ninety-five per cent Negro were analysed socionetrically , to detemine the currents of attraction and repulsion flowing between the two races . 2. Owing to the relative smallness of inter-sexual choice, chief uphasis was placed on the study of unisexual groups which separated off within the class. These groups ordinarily con- prised about eighteen individuals. 3. The nethod of neasurement employed was the comparison of the actual distribution of intra-racial choice by any race group, with the theoretical distribution. This enabled the experi- nenter to discover to what extent each race group was favoring itself. 1:. No age level was characterised by homogeneous bi-racial group- ings , since there was evidence of self-preference in the white race from kindergarten on. The three younger grades came nearest to racial fusion nainly because of the inter-racial friendliness of Negroes . Mutual withdrawal of racial groups became consistent at grade five . S. The development of race cleavage is not only a natter of de- crease in the total value of inter-racial choice . It also involves change in the organisation of the class in terns of prestige relations . In younger children, there is more inter- relationship between pOpular najority members and the ninority group . In grades four and five there is little reciprocation of interest between minority and popular naJority labors. By ‘ Ibid., pp. 80 and Bl. grade six, the two groups each tend to attach special prestige only to their own medaers. 6. Skin-color cleavages appear in majority-colored classes. With increase of age each color group tends to prefer itself and show most rejection to the group farthest removed in color. Thus whites prefer light Negroes to medium and reject dark most. Dark colored prefer themselves and reject whites most strong-Y. Association between white and light is closest in the first three grades. 7. There is a sex difference in response of the majority to size of minority group. Girls accept small minorities more readily than large minorities, while conversely boys more easily adjust to large minorities than to small ones. 8. White children surpass Negroes in self-preference and show more assimilation of cosmunity attitudes than do colored children. 9 . Inter-racial relationships are on a more intimate basis in minority-colored classes, since whites are apparently able to choose more spontaneously into the Negro group . 10. In white children, race motivations occur more frequently in minority groups, while race rejections are more prominent in majorities. Thus the racial character of a group becomes more conspicuous when it is of relatively alall size . 11. Race and color preference are present in inter-sexual choice even in the primary grades . Colored boys prefer white girls in the first two grades, then shift to light girls. Colored girls prefer light boys until grade four, then medium boys . mite boys and girls prefer their own race but choose Negroes as late as grade six or seven. By grade eight inter-sexual choice has almost completely ceased to cross racial lines. Although Criewell's study adds to the scientific knowledge of Negro- Mlite relationships, its outstanding contribution is in the area of methodolog. Variations of Criewell's techniques have been applied in a few instances to classroom situations, but the method which she employs in this research has not as yet been extensively applied to race rela- tions . The present study attempts to further explore the possibilities of Criswell's approach to cleavages between ethnic groups in which a racial element is involved but is less pronounced than in Negrodflhite relations . CHAPTER II THE CULTURAL BACKGRWNU (I THE SPANISHoSPEAKING PEOPLE IN SGITI'MESI'ERN UNIT- STATES that Are the Major Differences in the Culture of the Latin Americans and the Anglo Americans? Loomis and Schuler‘ combed the literature by Anglos about Latin America and by Latin Americans about the United States to develOp a list of items which might be used in comparing the cultures of the. English-speaking countries with the cultures of the Latin American countries of the Western Hemisphere. From the literature 96 items were selected. This list of items was submitted twice to a group of Latin American students coming to the United States to study mder a special program of the United States Department of Agriculture, first on their arrival to the United States and again a year later, when they were about to leave to return to their native countries. Instruments were constructed in such a manner that each item could be scored as to the degree of typicality to the United States or to the trainse's country. The following items were scored as being most typically Latin Anerican upon arrival of the trainees in the United States: 1. Chaperonage of young women. 2. Tendency of poorest families to possess no education. 3. Tendency of lower classes to be characterized by miserable conditions. vw .— ‘ c. p. Loomis and'E. A. Schuler, "Acculturation of Foreign Students in the United States ," Qlied Anthropolog , Spring 191:8, pp. 17 ff. 10 h. Taldng chances in the lottery. 5. Equality of treatment between Negroes and Whites . 6 . Tendency to value punctuality too little . 7. Indulgence in the sport of cock-fighting. 8. The observame of religious holidays . 9; Personal giving to unfortunates . 10 . Tendency for the country and city people to be very different. 11. Tendency to acquire position through inheritance. 12. Respect for the sanctity of marriage. 13 . Tendency of govermental officials to accept bribes. 1h . Hampering of the development of popular education by church influ- ences. ’ Since the trainees consistently rated these as much more typical of their own countries than the United States, not only upon arrival but also on leaving the United States one year later, it may be asmed that the items represent various aspects of Latin American culture and are relatively atypical of the United States. On the other hand, the 62 trainees indicated that of the 96 items the following were most typical of the United States and relatively less typical of Latin America. 1. The practice of chewing gum. 2. Worship of speed. 3. Freedom of women. 14. Proficiency in handling machinery. 5. Ease of obtaining divorces . 6. The tendency of science to deal. with practical 2 problems. 7 . Devotion to the game of baseball. 8. Tendency to contribute materially to the body of science. 9. Tendency to be sharply aware of time. 10. Tendency to deal with problems scientifically. 12. Sexual freedan of women before marriage. 13. Tendency to educate boys and girls in the same classrooms. 1h. Tendency to regard practical utility as highest criterion of value. 1 I‘ll Ii l I!“ Ilia-l slalllulsll‘llllllll 11 What are Some of the Broader Differences in Latin American and Anglo Culture in the Western Hemisphere? Florence Kluckhohn ,. from a cultural anthrOpolOgical study of a small village in West Central New Mexico attempted to specify the central themes of configurations of the villages of the area. Accord- ing to Kluckhohn, the comuunity she studiedg, Atarque, and others of the Southwest display "the existence of numerous 'values' which have been subsumed under four main configurations , four sub-configurations and one special configuration which, while not a sin-native principle, is yet pervasive enough to be regarded as a corporate part of each of the main configurations: 1. Hanan configuration a. Acceptance sub-configuration 2. Costumbres configuration a. thocentrism sub-configuration 3 . Familia configuration a. Faternali- sub-configuration b . Seniority sub-configuration h. Combs configuration Hiedo-pervasive configuration ." Kluc khohn' s Manama Confi gLration, The essence of this configuration is the lack of conception of future time. It implies inability and/or lack of desire to discount ' Florence Rockwood mckhohn, Los Ata nos, ifi of Patterns and Confi ations in a New Mexico ' . lie h. . seer- on c e 0 age, ambri e, ss., 19 , p. 12. Defining con- .9 figuratione as structural principals ”behind” groups of patterns, the principles which constitute the “system of unconscious meanings ," Kluck- hohn goes on to say that "Confi ations of the covert culture are of another order of abstraction for 1they are generalizations from behavior." She canpares these configurations with Pareto's 'residues,' Parson's 'ultimate value attitudes ," Sapir's "system of unconscious meaning" and Benedict's 'unconscious camons of choice." 12 present pleasures for future pleasures. To bolster her claim for the importance of the manana configuration Kluckhohn quotes Arthur Campa: To a Heiicano the future is an unreality of which he is conscious only insofar as it can be projected into the present. ...the future is attacked with a fatalism that is little short of a roulette wheel philosophy. A ver ue Dios nos da. . . .Vhen the present is past it forms the basis of romanticism, a romanticism that is based upon that which once was a reality. a The Kluckhohn Acceptance sub-configuration merely means that the people "accept" life as it comes. There is little effort to change the main course of events . The manana configuration as described by Kluckhohn is supported in another Ph. D. thesis describing villages of the Spanish-speaking Southwest. waiter writes, ' Living in poverty, they are reconciled; subject to an English-speaking nation and state , they accept their fate with resignation; lagging in all the material and esthetic arts , in science, and capable leadership, they shrug their shoulders and postpone unusual efforts until manana. This is not in- tended as an indictment of the people. It is simply too sig- nificant as a phenomenon to go without notice.‘ ’ Arthur L. Cape, I'Manana is Today ," New Mexico terl , Vol. up D. 5. Campa, a student of the Spanish language, claims “it there is support for the manana idea in the language usage of the people. He points out that in recent years the future subjunctive has disappeared from the language, and the future tense of the language is formed with the present of the auxiliary. Moreover, the simple present is used constantly to express future time. “ Paul Alfred Francis filter, Jr. “A Study of Isolation and Social Change in Three Spanish Speaking Villages of New Hexico," unpublished doctoral dissertation, Stanford University, 1938, p. 53. Walter writes ”In certain ways all three of the villages which have been studied are representative of the whole culture ofitha 173,000 Spanish speaking people of New Mexico." (p. 278). 13 Kluckhohn's Costunbres Configg ation According to flucldzohn, there is abundant evidence for stating as one of the aost fundamental configurational ...principles in Spanish- Anerican culture thorough-going traditionalim. 'Essos s91; costumbres ," is the usual answer to questions as to why the behavior patterns are as they are. "Las costusbres are the reason, and still more important, the authority for action.” In this manner she explains the costumbres configggtion. The ethnocentrisl sub-configuration supports the Latin way of life as opposed to the Anglo. Some Anglo cultural items are excepted as, for emple , the ordering of goods from nail order houses and having the children learn hglish. But those traits which violate the central configurations are not accepted. Also as a part of this sub-configura- tion, in-group loyalty is mentioned . The Fanilia Confi aviation, This configuration, which characterizes most rural cultures, is based upon the feeling that one's first loyalty and responsibility is directed toward Iabers of the imediate or extended family, am this principle extends to all persons related by blood or marriage. This configuration is based for the most part on the concepts of paternalism and age seniority. Paternalin sub-configuration is described as a ...nore or less general naledmdnanee and a leading role being accorded to the father-person._ The father-person is all important in the culture . The paternal head of the fanily has an almost absolutistic power in most family affairs, the village patron, or his substitute, has rather far-reaching powers over the whole village, and in some spheres of behavior considerable power is exercised by still another father-person, the church %. The extension even goes beyond the real world to inc u saints of the Catholic Church. The sub-confimation seniority is related to the importance of the. older brother. Walter expresses these ideas a little differently: I'The traditional family of the Spanish speaking people is a miniature pajrongpeon pattern, ‘dth the 113393 occupying much the same place as is held by the m in secondary group relationships, and all others cast in the roles of 2329;! Walter goes on to maintain that the priest holds a m relationship to his flock. It is not unusual for members of a family to have a six or seven room house divided among them, each receiving one room! Where the house is too mall for such disposition a single room may be divided so that each heir receives one vigaa or a portion of the room. The land inheritance of a young man may consist of the area upon which a single tree grows. And at least one case is known there an heir inherited the fourth part of a tree'.‘ The organisation of communities has followed the old Spanish tron- on pattern, which is related to the fmeily and household pattern. In each village and settlement there is one man who is looked to as a power, a leader, and a protector. he is usually an old man, and the distinction is likely to remain in one family, passing from father to eldest son. The family is usually one of comparative wealth. In most matters, the word of the village patriarch is law.’ They do not understand the doctrines of individual initiative and self-reliance so much emphasised in the American creed. In the communities where there is a resident priest, as in Alameda, authority and responsibility are divided. In matters secular, 5 A viga is a beam supporting the roof. They are usually spaced evenly across large rooms. ' ' For interesting examples and discussion, see Louis H. Warner, “flag-End Hijuelas, " New Mexico Historical Review,Vol. 7,1932, pp. 9. ’ P. A. F. Halter, Jr., 22. 21.3., p. 72. 15 economic , and political, the gefe Eglitico is supreme: in matters ecclesiastical, moral, and f i , the priest is the authority, beyond what appeal is unthinkable .° Quckhohn's Couba Configuration 'The Spanish word, 29223 in one of its meanings has somewhat the same denotation that drama or histrionics has in Ehglish. As a con- figuration it is meant to connote the Southwestern Helicano's great love of a good time and his fondness for dramatising all events, even the smallest and most ordinary." Perhaps Walter9 has given the strong- est argument for this configuration. The Spanish-speaking peOple are more volatile than their neighboring culture groups . They enter into their gaiety whole- heartedly; they sing more, dance more, and gossip with greater fervor than the American, even though they play lees. Although their food is poor and their diet monotonous, they enjoy eating as a social event; and while their ‘wine is oflow grade, and they can afford only the cheapest beer, they relish them thor- oughly. Their worship is fervent . Their sorrows apparently strike deeply, and in time of illness, death, or misfortune within the )dnship group, they mourn tearfully and loudly. They can rise to heights of righteous indigzation over the smallest slight, and gracefully forgive the greatest insults. Usually they are aloof from English-speaking people, but when contacts are unavoidable they are hospitable, and extremely polite. They are intensely loyal to leaders and accepted friends, and bitterly hate their enemies. Despite these qualities which tend often to disturb the peaceful tenor of events, life for them is essentially serene, and its events are God-willed, always planned for the best by Powers wiser than they. The Hiedo Configration The Hiedo Configmtion is not given the status of the preceding major configurations but is used by Kluckhohn to stress a strain of ' Ibid., p. 7b. 9 Ibid., PP. 89-90, m 261. 16 apprehension which is frequently a motivation for activity or in- activity . Loanis'}iscussion of the Nature of Latin American Culture In a discussion of Extension Hork in Latin America, Loomis1° called attention to the necessity for Anglo agricultural extension workers to recognise certain differences between Latin America and the United States . Although the independent peasant who furnished the basis for the development of much of the agricultural supremacy of the United States may be found in considerable nunbers in Costa Rica, Southern Brazil, parts of Argentina, Chile and Colombia, the more typical Latin American arrangement is characterised as the neon-patron relationship existing among a large proportion of the agricultural population of Latin America living on the huge estates controlled by a few wealthy . landlords. When the cultural patterns of the finnish-speaking people of the Southwestern United States were set this peon-pgtron relationship prevailed, resulting in its peculiarly subservient attitudes. "First there is a certain submissiveness resulting in a willingness to permit, without question, both church and lay dignitaries to determine individu- al action. There seems to exist a sort of potential eon- tron re- lationship in lay affairs and in other matters of the Edi-3, or priest, and his counsel is accepted with less questioning than is the case in *— lo Charles P. Loomis, "Extension Work in Latin America ," in Edmund de S. Brunner, _e_t 2:1.- Farmers of the World: The Develo nt of A ri- cultural Extension. New York: Columbia UEversIty Press, 1W3, pp. 11 , ff. l7 comparable situations in Anglo-American culture.“1 Other character- istics were also described, such as existence of a marked lack of a feeling of local responsibility for local and national welfare, re- flected, for example, in the unwillingness to levy reasonable taxes or assessments to support local and other agencies. In few countries is familism stronger. Professional competence is commonly less im- portant in attaining prestige or obtaining a position or job than hav- ing the right family connections. The village settlement pattern is more prevalent in the Latin American than in Anglo culture. ”In most of the Spanish colonial cities the dimensions of the blocks, the width of the streets, and even the arrangement of the government buildings and the pleas were all standard- ised....features which characterize Spanish cities from California to the Straits of Magellan."n Most of the villages are formed about a plaea. The village form of settlement is even more common in the Southwestern United'States than in Brasil and Argentina.n The Church According to Loomisr I'By far the most important formal social organisation larger than the family in Spanish-speaking villages is the church. The importance of this agency and the importance of eliciting ‘1 Ibid., p. 119. 18;. Preston James, Latin America. New York: Odyssey Press, 19142, p. . 13 T. Lynn anith, "The Locality Group Structure of Brazil," American Sociological Review, Vol. II, No. 1, Feb. 19%, and Carl C. ay or, oc ity Groups in Argentina " American Sociolo cal Review, Vol. II, No. 2, April 19th. ’ £1— 18 the cooperation of the priesthood in extension and rehabilitation work camot be overemphasized.‘ In the Southwest United States, according to Nc‘Nilliatns: One can even detect an ethnic cleavage :dthin the Catholic Church. For the larger communities usually have one church for the hglish-speaking, another for the Spanish-speaking. From the earliest times, the Protestant sects have separated Spanish- Americans from the Anglo in their churches, schools, and other institutions. Host of the larger towns are divided into an 'Old Town' and a 'New Town,‘ or an Anglo and Hispano section, with the high school being customarily located in the 'new' or Anglo community. The cleavage is most apparent ani the group- consciousness of the Spanish-speaking people is most pronounced 14 in the areas which have received heaviest Anglo-American influx. Attitudes Toward Home; Because the aaanish-speaking people of the Southwest of the United States 'have lived for centuries outside the realm of an industrial and highly competitive money economy they cannot be expected to manifest the modern businessman's attitudes toward money and the various aspects of money, such as interest)" Isolation Walter“ maintains that the most important conditioning element in the culture of the Spanish-speaking people of the Southwestern United States is isolation. 'Hany reasons have been advanced for the way in which the destiny of this people has unraveled. Some comentators is Carey McUilliams. North From Mexicg. New York: J. B. Lippin- cott, l9h9. " c. P. Loomis, pp. 931., p. 12h. " A. F. Walter, Jr., 22. £12., p. 53. 19 1e blame racial deterioratiom“ some, the land inheritance system; 19 3 some the old encomienda and peonags institutions. 0 While all these and new other factors must be considered, the one obvious and indis- putable element in the situation, so far at least as New Mexico is concerned, is isolation.“ How Nalter's emphasis upon isolation is related to comparable concepts used by Kluckhohn is illustrated by the following quotation from him: ...in the whole problem of assimilating the Spanish speak- ing peOple into the American way of life, due regard must be given to the foundation institutions of the Spanish speaking culture . So long as the interlocldng tron— eon pattern, church organisation, and family can be kept re atively intact, the process of change promises to work itself out with a minimum of social disaster. As soon as this fundamental group of insti- tutions is seriously disturbed, demoralisation is to be antici- pated.'1 Walter has considerable proof of the importance of isolation as a determinant related to the present state of culture among the Spanish- spealdng people of the Southwestern United States. Thus he writes: 'In language, the people speak an idiom more archaic than the Spanish ‘7 Notably Harvey Fergusson, Blood of the Conqueror! and Rio Grande . “ Notably Louis H. Warner, "Wills and Hijuelas,” New Mexico Historical Review, Vol. 7, 1932, pp. 75-89. 1" Lansing B. Bloom, and Thomas C. Donnelly, New Mexico History and Civics. Albuquerque, 1933. For more detailed accounts and sources, see: Ralph hereon Twitchell, “#3 Facts of New Mexico Histog and Hubert Howe Bancroft, Histoy of r sons and "ledge. '° Cecil V. Romero in "The Riddle of the Adobe ," New Mexico Histori- cal Review, Vol. 1:, 1929. “ Walter, g. 533., p. 282. Iii}. . . III-{Ii 20 found elsewhere in the world.” Their folklore and drama are the purest survivals of Siglo de Oro Spain which can be found.” Such religious practices as those of los Hermanoe Fem“ are closely aldn to the practices of southern European flagellants of the Fifteenth Century.” Their agricultural methods and household industries belong to the civilizations of past centuries.” The strange survivals of belief in witchcraft recall the days preceding the Inquisition. "The cult of the Penitentes” is still found in many of the remote villages. But where contact with civilisation is frequent, the curiosity of Anglos has either caused them to disband, or driven then to cover so that their practices are a closely guarded secret. This cult originated as a lay brotherhood of Franciscans in fifteenth-century Spain, and its survival in New Mexico and southern Colorado is vestigial." Until the turn of the Twentieth Century, the Penitente order was widespread in New Mexico, from El Paso to the northern border. There were few as Aurelio N. Espinosa. “Spanish Folklore in New Mexico ," New Nexico Historical Review, Vol'. 1, 1926, pp. 135-155. ” Ibid. as The Penitent Brotherhood , a lay Franciscan order founded in Spain in the Fifteenth Century, still active in New Mexico. as Charles F. mesis, Mesa, CgmnI and Pueblo. New York: Century Company, 1925. 3‘ See New Mexico State Planning Board Second Pro gress Report Santa Fe, 1936; and United States Soil Conservation Service, Tewa 3131:: Survey. '7 Penitente , shortened form of Los Hemanos Penitentes , "The penitent brothers ." . as Bloom and Donnelley, 93. 233., and Ralph E. Twitchell, Old Santa Fe. 21 settlements without local chapters and membership was a prerequisite to a political career.” In these more remote villages’o there are still maintained moradas, the via doloroso , calvarios , and the hermano mayor is usually the local .w31 2.2222 The Class System Among the Weh-spealdng Peeple of New Mexico Senter,’a has described the class system among the Spanish-speak- ing villagers in New Mexico. The description is applicable to the older settlements throughout the Southwest. Figure 1 describes and compares the class system in three situations. First, there is the class system of the villagers of northern New Mexico, whom he calls Hanitos. Second, there is the statewide class system of Spanish Americans, including the towns and cities. Third there is the statewide Anglo class system. '9 Frank H. Blackmar, Spanish Institutions of the Southwest. '° Notably, Truchas, Santa Barbara, Penasco, Dixon, Tree Piedras, and San Mateo. a1 Horada, the ceranonial house, usually a two-room, windowless adobe struc’EEe. Via doloroso , 'the way of sorrows ," path by which processions pass, the members whipping and otherwise torturing themselves as they march. Calvario, a hill near the morada, which is the terminus of processions, m, at times, 'crucifffl'ons" take place. Hermano mazgr, "elder brother ," chief officer of each local chapter. ’3 Donovan Senter, "Acculturation Among New Mexican Villagers in Comparison to Adjustment Patterns of Other Spanish-speaking Americans ," Rural Sociolgy, Vol. 10, No. 1, March 19145, p. 36 ff. 22 Class System Statewide Statewide of the Village system of Anglo Spanish Class System ‘ Americans ‘ ‘ Figure 1. Comparison of Spanish Class System with Anglo Class System in New Mexico.“ ' As indicated in the triangle, in Figure 1, the three systems exist- ant in the state interlock, but with the villagers losing approximately one half class in status when considered in the state-wide Nanito system, and those classified according to this' second systm losing approximately one half class in status when set into the Anglo system. Thus an in- dividual who is comidered to be of upper class in a village is considered to be of upper middle class position in functional status as well as in comparison to the range of positions possible within the entire village 9 ” Ibid. 23 papulace of the state . That individual is placed in a lower middle class position when considering the people of the state from an Anglo viewpoint. Only a few village families at the top of the upper class do not suffer this class drOp in moving between status systems. 2h TABLE I CHARACTERIZATION or SPANISH-AMERICANS BI cuss, nos comm, as: umco Village Lower Class Village Lower Middle Class Attitude Toward Anglos Attitude Toward Time Language Economic Status Education Religion All Anglos are consider- ed to be wealthy people who should be preyed upon since tkmy do the -sametothe villagers. Consider the present only. Spanish with very little knowledge of English Very poor. hall adobe huts and enough land for a garden. Mostly day laborers and farm hands. WPA work was accepted. The older folks are illiterate and many of ' the children drop out of school at about the third grade level. Penitente society, rites, etc. frequently more im- portant than the Catholic church organization. Admire the Anglo an! would like to resemble him . Usually resent- fully sensitive about their cul- tural background, which they term! to glorify by speaking with reverence of. "the good old times.‘ They look forward to improving their status tin-ough financial advancement . To be an Anglo is , to them, to knowhow to earn money. Speak English, although most do not require it to be spoken in their homes. Fairly good. Men have Jobs in Anglo business concerns or own fares on which the FSA has given aid . Control local political Jobs and distributed BPA money. The older people are illiterate or have a poor education but most of them took what was locally available during their youth. Catholic or Protestant. They usually consider the Penitentes to be of lower class. Host of the peeple regularly attend uses but avoid Penitente ceremonies. A a Typical suburban lower class (middle class in the village: (1) In- dividual usually carries a chip on his shoulder when dealing with Anglos. Thinks they are snobbish, rich and to be fleeced. (2) Live in present; plan for imediate future only. (3) Host oldsters illiterate. - Children go to 6th or 8th grades and a few start high school. (h) hale head my “A u._ ——-. in“. “a, * ——-.— M Upper-Middle Class of Towns and Upper Class of Villaggg .— ‘Completely oriented to Anglo ways. They are the key men used by Anglos attornpting pro- grams to aid the village pepulation. Anglos fail to realise that many persons of this class distrust and disdain the lower classes. They live for the future but think most of economic and political advancement. They like to consider themselves as part of the Anglo culture but want to retain the colorful old trappings of the Spanish. 'English predainates’ but people speak both languages by necessity in their contacts with the two peeples. Most well-to-do Spanish Speaking people in New Mexico . Hold political , goverment , public utility positions, or are land owners. Houses are either very Anglo or copies of Anglo attempts at Spanish-Pueblo architecture. ‘Fairly well educated with high school or col- lege for younger people . Do not deny Spanish background but emphasise their having risen above it. In a sephisticated way they con- sider themselves authorities on Spanish , language and customs. Nay be collectors. Catholic or Protestant. To mesh better with Anglos, some change from Catholic to Protes- tant. Villagers who become state leaders associate with the Church and may be town mem- bers of church organisation such as Knights of Columbus. Upper Class (All NJ.) W W Consider themselves above most Anglos. They have friends among the upper classes in Nexico and the United States. Clarify the .past but are fighting to hold their posi- tion in the present . English is more used than Spanish but they feel it necessary to know Spanish because of pride in back- ground. Some are wealthy, some moderate- ly so. Homes are careful repli- cas of old Spanish or upper class Anglo homes. Some of the girls and most of the men attend college, Many attend outside the State avoiding local prejudice . Some become special— ists in subjects relating to their own peeple . Usually Catholic @ontinued next page) not be Penitente. Penitente and church functional in daily ratily life. (5) Spanish life pattern dominates, especially in crises-erratically accultur- atsd toward Anglo customs: ed hand laborer. (6) Only Spanish spoken at home. Adobe homes with Anglo-type furniture, etc. (7) Poor, unskill- (8) Clothes chap, poorly cared for. Darker but shades of color not thought to be important . Adapted from Senter. 2_6 TABLE I - Continued Social Physical Character- istics Village Lower Class More like that of the Pro-Anglo era in the operation of ceremonies of family and kinship, especially during crises. Dark skin common, cleanli- ness varies. Cheap clothes worn; are rarely cared for. Village Lower’Hiddle Class 4-4; - Kinship system of extended family dominates. To be like Anglos some families try to hold apart from the rest of the village. They adopt Anglo customs such as showers for the bride in place of the old family engagement party of Spanish culture. Slightly lighter in complexion than most of the villagers prob-' ably having less Indian blood. They take good care of their clothes and, in a limited way, try to copy prevalent Anglo styb les. By having more money and education about health they buy better diets and having more con- fidence in the Anglo medical system they manifest less malnu- trition than lower classes. Upper-Middle Class of Towns and _ - Upper Class of‘Villgggsg__ Emeept for.political expediency hold apart from lower class villagers. Younger peOple , especially, have accepted Anglo ideas. Cling to Spanish when it appears sophisticated to y do so. Really'hold too many Spanish customs to be secure in their Anglo orientation. Healthy with adequate nutrition , medical care , and treatment. Their clothes are good and their grooming careful. 27 tUpper Class (All N.M.) Highly'sensitive to kinship re- lations in other upper class families. Relatives in lower classes employed in political position leading to accusation of nepotism. Essentially'like Anglos in physical type and dress. Leadership for centuries in N. H. preserves refinement and sophistication of their ancestors. 28 Table I“ describes the various characteristics of the village lower class, village lower middle class, upper middle class of towns and upper class of villages, and the upper class of all New Mexico. The Border A word concerning the line which supposedly divides the United . States and Mexico is in order. The Rio Grande, as it flows from El Paso to Brownsville, does not separate pecple. It draws them together. The towns along the river, as along the entire border, are, as Carey lIIcWEIllimnsus says, kinds of Siamese twins . The pulsation of interaction is evident between El Paso, Texas, and Jaures, Mexico; Islets and Sargassa; San Bliaario and Lama Colorado; Del Rio and Villa Acuna; Eagle Pass and Reimosa; Brownsville and Matamoros. Of com~se, most of the border rivers in heavily settled valleys of the world form very poor division lines for political systems. In most cases the valleys are essentially one culture and form natural comunities extending on both sides of the river. This is true of the Rio Grande. Using it as a boundry creates "unnatural divisions“ of comunities. As one travels west from El Paso along the border, the desert mines serve to draw pecple together. Maw towns west of El Paso are also twins, in some instances carrying similar names. There are Douglas, Arizona and Agua Prieta, Mexico; Mace, Ariaona and Maco, Sonora; Nogales, “ Charles P. Loomis, Studies of Rural Social 0r aniaation in the United States Latin America and firm . ER 531%, ficHgan: Eat; Eofiege BooE Rare, 1355', pp. £2557. 1" 92. 1133., p. 61. 29 Arizona and Nogales, Mexico; Calexico, California and.Mexicali, Mexico. Fromvillagetovillageandtomtotownthe ebbandflowof lifeand trade across the border continues, notwithout frictions and tensions, but still not over the barriers between countries which one finds be- Ween such countries as France and Germany. 'As Hcmlliams says, "Anglos and Hispanos_have fought and quarrelled along the border as only close relatives can quarrel, but they have not faced each other across a fixed boundary with the sullen and undying enmity that the Germans and the French have faced each other across the Rhine . Borderlands units as . well as separate; they make for fusion rather than total acceptance or ’ rejection. Differences tend to shade off in such a complex manner that soon various combinations of the two major types have appeared, and with the emergence of these intermediate types the two antithetical elements have been inextricably bound together . There is no stronger bond between Mexico and the United States today than the living and organic union of the two cultures which exists in the borderlands. The process by which this union has been effected can never be reversed, for it is a product of the similarity, the oneness, ofthe environ- ment as .‘ Ib- me, p. 620 CHAPTER III THE SPANISH-SPEAKING PEOPLE AS A MINORITY GROUP The. purpose of- this chqater is to present a brief description of the Spanish Americans in the southwestern United States, with particular reference to the indications of their status as a minority group. Seen against this background, the analysis of the data will be more meaning- ful to the reader. One New Mexican author gives a hint of the difficulty likely to be encountered in attempting to achieve this purpose: The task of portraying the‘ present status or the citizens ‘ of Spanish descent in New Mexico....is a difficult and 'a highly complicated one . There are mam rmnifications of the questions involved, and issues arising from those questions present per- plexing social and economic problems. It needs to be pointed out that no organised effort has ever been made to compile and . present information with reference to these questions. Isolated agencies and individuals have made researches and, on occasion, have inaugurated action pregrams of limited scOpe. At no time, however, have these efforts been coordinated nor has Joint study ever been given to the various phases of the minority problem of the area by those who have devoted time and effort to its study.1 Definitions One of the difficulties encountered in an attempt to describe the Spanish speaking people, particularly when one uses quotations from various sources, 'is the fact that there is so little concensus as to 1 George I. Sanchez, For tten Pe 1e, Alburquerque: The University of New Mexico Press, 191:0, pp. 58-29. 31 the correct name to use in reference to this group. To the man in the street, they are generally known as "Mexicans" , but this term has two disadvantages: first, it is inadequate because it fails to describe those descendants of the early Spanish colonists whose residence in the southwest antedates the entry of that area into the United States; second, the term is all too often used as a tem of approbrium, often accompanied by such adjectives as ”dirty". One author, Sanchez, in his book on Taos County, New Mexico, generally refers to them as “New Mexicans" . Probably the most accurate and inclusive “terms are “Spanish Americans“ or "Spanish speaking pecple“, which terms will be used through- out this paper excepting in those instances in which one of the other terms is used in a direct quotation or where reference is made to those who are without question natives of Mexico. The English spealdng peOple will be referred to either as English speaking people or as Anglos, which latter is the term used generally throughout the southwest. Composition of the Group Although until recently the problems of the people of the south- westem United States who have their roots in the Spanish culture have had very little recognition, we can safely classify these pecple as a minority according to Wirth's definition of a minority as "a group of pecple who, because of their physical or cultural characteristics, are singled out from the others in the society in which they live for dif- ferential and unequal treatment, and who therefore regard themselves as 32 objects of collective discrimination}. In this case, the character- istics differentiating the Spanish from the Anglos. are both physical and cultural, as we will later point out in some detail. There-is as yet not a great number of scientific studies to guide us in determin- ing with any precision the exact relationship of this group to the superordinate Anglo group in that area, but with the increasing interest in Pan-Americanism, in the interest of improved relations with our Latin AmeriCan neighbors, we have been forced as a nation to give some atten- tion to those of Spanish origin within our own boundaries. The magnitude of the problem in New Mexico, where 36.5 percent of the papulation, according to the 1950 census, were classified as persons of Spanish surname, is staggering. Figure 2,3 shows graphically the situation as revealed by the 1950 census; of all the states bordering on Mexico, New Mexico has by far the largest proportion of persons of wanish surname. In Figure 3,‘ the distribution of the areas of highest concentration of population of Sianish surname is shown by counties. Although the pro- portion of Spanish peOple in the counties bordering on Mexico ranges from 25 to 75 percent, the counties where over 75 percent of the pepulation is Spanish are clustered in the northern, more isolated part of the state. 4 ‘ Ralph Linton and Louis wirth, 'The P roblem of Minorit Grou s in The Science of Man in the World Crisis, y p ’ New York: Columbia Universit Press, 1913, p. 357. y ' Robert H. Talbert, S’pagish-Nane Peeple in the Southwest and we st. Forgo‘Worth: Leo Potishman oundation II'exas Christian University, 1 , P. ‘ Ibid., p. 21. umber (in Thousands) (unovnu Texas \ Colorado Arno-u 7cm [cszhrn . r I .,,._ k. ,c ’ h. a: Figllrol Tutu] I’Hi'iz“ Spanish Stu-11mm- m {“in Stumgm-dvrn Stat-'5. Win. (1)Tah191; <3? THMI‘ Hr “qua ? Ermine vah 2‘. Po: ,n-I e: Mm. VI 1mg! Pwalnll» n M Spanish Sid-7‘. 195M -vurev';m'o-Ilwo 33 'J Hm. SE3» lo .3)". Iowa um um. v ..itmn 11ml NM“: -r of Whilv l'vr'wns «if A-‘VwH‘rl‘S’ H— _PCM'.‘QNL Vie! LVELS F3“ 33 Most of the Spanish Americans of the southwest came from Mexico, especially the northeastern states of Mexico and the Mesa Central. “The numbers of Mexicans emigrating from south of Mexico City are almost insignificant. Disorganization of the old structure of society has proceeded far more slowly. in these parts than in the north, and there are fewer large estates worked by hordes of peons. These reasons are much more important than increased distance as an explanation of failure to eudgrate.“5 The peak of the pro-war immigration of Mexicans was reached, according to Paul Taylor, in 1929, but during the depression may returned to their homes in Mexico. The demand for farm labor during the war occasioned another wave of immigration into the United States, both legal immigration and the entrance of many ”wet backs" . There are, in addition to those of definitely Mexican origin, numbers of persons culturally alanish, whose mother tongue is Spanish, whose ancestry is Spanish or Mexican, and whose forefathers for genera- tions have inhabited the area, These Spanish Americans live generally in rather isolated settlements in northern New Mexico or southern Colorado, where their ancestors settled early in the Spanish colonial period, before the coming of the Anglos. There has been very little recent mi- gration into these areas because there are no incentives to lure new- comers. Generally spealdng, the Spanish Americans here live on a sub- sistence level, engaging in small-scale dry-land farming. They retain to a great extent the culture of sixteenth century Spain. Their contacts with the Anglos are generally very limited. 5 Paul s. Taylor, Mexican Labor in the United States. Berkeley: University of California Press, will: p.735? 35 Although the Spanish Americans and the Mexicans recognize a definite cleavage between their two groups, they are generally all classified as Mexicans in the mind of the average Anglo. In any case, from the viewpoint of race, both groups are made up largely of hybrids representing the mixture of the Spanish conquistadors and colonists with the various Indian tribes found in Mexico and the United States. They are also cultural hybrids, representing the mingling of Indian ways with the culture of the sixteenth century in Spain. Their language is some form of Spanish, often richly inlaid with Indian words. Mary of the villages of the Spanish Americans are so isolated that a large part of the population, especially women and children, speak no English in spite of the fact that New Mexico has a law stipulating that only higlish can be spoken in the schools of that state. Obviously, few people worry about the observance of that law in the spatially and cul- turally isolated communities, and many a Spanish-American boy entered the army with little or no knowledge of English. There is residential segragation also in the towns. To what extent this is imposed on the minority group by the Anglos and to what extent it is voluntary segregation or the result of economic conditions, is tmknmm. However, the segregation is obvious to the observer. For example, in Las Vegas, New Mexico, the river separates the Old Town of the Spanish hericans from the New Town of the Anglos. Almost invariably the Spanish settlement is patterned on the old design, with the Plaza the center of canmunity life, the Catholic Church holding the place of honor on the Plaza. 36 ‘Ihe majority of the amnish Americans are engaged in agricultural or unskilled labor, although there are a few who have risen in the social and economic scale, largely through education. "West of the black belt, Mexicans have filled the labor demand met in the Old South by Negroes."6 Of course, one of the ways in which the Mexican seeks economic betterment is to move north to industrial areas, but these migrants are not included in the present study. Robert H. Talbert makes a comparison of the occupational patterns of persons of Spanish surname with those of the total population in the five southwestern states in which the Spanish population is most concentrated. He derives the following table from the 1950 census:7 TABLE II ocwmnom Firms: mun camnunons w OCCUPATIQIAL CATEGORIES, smeasrmo 911.?an sums, FOR wane masons or amuse smear. nu) Tom Pmnon, m FIVE sw'rmssrm sums, 1950 was Writers! rout—W rkers Spanish TOE! _§panish Tot-KI State Surname P ulation .an'nane PoElJtion Ifliona 7 3 53 2 .3 California 9:6 25:2 31:32 11.3 Colorado 11 . 8 29 .8 39.2 11 .6 New Mexico 19 .l 30 .3 30 .8 15 .6 Texas 10 7 27 2 h0.8 1%; a High status Rom” , "Profession-:1, tecfluflc workers ," 'Famers and farm managers ," "Managers, officials and proprietors, except farm." 1-! Low status includes, "Private household workers," "Farm laborers and foremon,‘ I'Laborers , except farm and mine ." ‘ Ibid., p. h9. ’ Talbert, 23. 933., p. 69. 37 In general , employed persons of the Spanish group tended to be concentrated in the unskilled and send-skilled occupations to a greater extent than-was true of workers of the total popula- tion. . . . This table provides per cent contrasts for two combinations of occupational categories. The 'high status' combination gen- erally includes those occupations requiring professional, techni- cal and/or managerial skill. The 'low status' occupations would normally require little special training. But more important than the relative training and eldll required is the differing status and remuneration connected with the two groupings . For each state, the Spanish group in comparison with the total population had a lower per cent in the 'high status ' combi- nation and a higher per cent in the 'low status' jobs. However, . it is important to note the relative percentages for the differ- ent status in combination . From these data it appears that the persons of Spanish sumame in New Mexico had a sanewhat higher status . . . than was true for Spanish group workers in other states.° Extent of Acculturation Probably the most concise statanent of the attitudes of a Spanish American population toward the superordinate group and toward the other members of their own group is presented by Donovan Senter.9 He character- izes the Spanish Americans by class in Taos County, New Mexico, Were they have been living since the Spanish colonial period and where they constitute over 90 per cent of the population. Senter's findings indicate that the extent of acculturation tends to vary with the social class to which the Spanish American belongs, with the greatest desire for acculturation appearing, as one would expect, in the middle class .. Both the lower and upper classeamake conscious ' Ibid., pp. 68-69. 9 Donovan Senter, Villages of the Saints, Unpublished manuscript. 38 efforts to preserve their Spanish heritage and are extremely resistant to all but the most obvious cultural traits of the Anglo group. This is, of course, much more in evidence in the isolated villages than in the towns, where the Spanish are constantly exposed to the Anglo culture. The two most obvious ways in which the Spanish-speaking people try to shed their minority status and become acculturated, beyond the superficial physical changes such as adoption of Anglo dress, food, standards of housing, etc . , are through education and participation in politics. Because of the strong family ties existing among the Spanish Ameri- cans, it is possible for the members of the group to rise in the social and economic scale through participation in politics. In many villages the entire pepulation is united by blood ties, and these relationships extend into the nearby towns . This close relationship is evidenced by the amazingly efficient grapevine, through which people in extremely iso- lated villages come to know in an incredibly short time what is happening outside . The close relationships between villagers and townspeople is shown by the fact that men who are running for political offices in the town, for which the villagers have no vote, nevertheless spend consider- able amounts of money putting on fiestas in the villages as part of their campaigns. The reason they feel Justified in making these apparently useless expenditures is that the villagers all have relatives in the town in which the politician is seeldng office, and he knows that they will influence the votes of these relatives. 39 The descendants of the Spanish colonists of New Mexico are to be found in every walk of life. The conditions arising out of the adjustments which resulted from the develOpment of the region within the last ninety years have had varying effects upon the ‘pOpulace . Some managed to retain their land holdings and are in comfortable circumstances as farmers and as ranchers. Some have taken advantage of new economic Opportunities and have proven successful in business. A few have seized upon educational ad- vantages and are to be found in the professions and in government. Many make their living as clerks and as sldlled workers. While due recognition must be made of the successful manner in which some mentors of the group have adapted themselves to the new environment, it is to be observed that the great masses of the pecple constitute a severely handicapped social and economic minor- ity. Generally speaking, their status is one of privation and want, of cultural inadequacy and of bewilderment . Neglected for more than two hundred years as garnish colonials and Mexicans, their cultural situation was not greatly improved by the territor- ial regime. In fact, the little improvement that took place through the limited educational efforts that were made in their behalf was more than offset by the social‘ and economic decline that resulted from the influx of new pecples and of a new economic order. The evidence of decline and deterioration is best observed in situations faced by those rural sections of the state where New Mexicans represent a substantial sector of the population, though such evidence is not lacking in the towns and cities. Almost a hundred years after becoming American citizens, a broad gap still separates than from the culture which surrounds them. In lieu of adequate instruction, they rave clung to their language , their customs, their agricultural practices, Though no fault can be found with a society because it seeks to perpetuate worthy elements of its culture, it is to be regretted that, in this instance, the process has not been accompanied by suitable adaptations. The New Mexican often carries on inferior and obsolete prac- tices and beliefs because he has been permitted, and forced, to remain in isolation. 0f necessity, he has persisted in a tradi- tional way of life that is below current standards. His language has suffered by disuse, yet he has had little chance to learn to use English effectively. His social status reflects his economic insufficiency. His lack of education handicaps him in the exercise of his political power. That same lack makes him a public charge once he has lost his land, his traditional source of livelihood. Midst the wreckage of his economy and his culture, and unprepared for the new order of things, he is pathetic in his helplessness-- a stranger in his own home.io -_ 1° Sanchez, 22. 921-, PP. 27-28. 140 Se gregation The experiences which trouble the Mexican-Mericans most are those in which citizens of the United States continually treat them as 'Mexicans' . They are native-born, and as such are citizens; they have learned English, acquired occupational skills, and understand something of 'American' standards; but when they .aspire to recognition they are stunned by being labeled 'foreigners,‘ or worse still, 'dirty greasers.‘ Liloe 'American' youth they run the gamut from the finest types of human character to low-grade individuals. Harv '1mericans,‘ unfortunately, do not discriminate; they treat all as inferiors and as foreigners.ii Instances of discrimination against Spanish speaking people in the southwest are myriad. Probably the most obvious form of discrimination is actual segregation, and although the Spanish Americans in the south- west are not as openly segregated as are the Negroes in the deep south, there does exist a certain amount of segregation. is have mentioned above residential segregation, and it is a matter of record that 'often such business establishments as restaurants and places of entertainment post notices to the effect that only white customers are allowed, by which they mean to exclude not only Negroes but also Mexicans. Some post more specific notices, such as one place which is said to'have a sign to the effect that they do not admit I'I‘Jegroes, Mexicans, or dogs without collars ."u Of the states of the southwest, the one most often cited as being unfair to the Spanish speaking population is Texas . It is, of course, through Texas that most of the immigration from Mexico takes place, 1. 1' Emory S. Bogardus, The Mexican in the United States. Los Angeles: University of Southern CalifoF'rEa Fess, I933. is Manuel Ganio The Mexican Immigant. Chi o: The Universit of Chicago Press, 1931;. cag y regardless of the ultimate destination of the migrants, and several writers on the subject suggest that the feeling against the Mexicans is strongest in those parts of the state in which most migratory workers are found. Time magazine, in February, 19%, reprinted a cartoon by Garcia-'C'Ebral in which Cantinflas, famed Mexican comic of stage and screen, was the character portrayed. In the first panel, Cantinflas was meditating upon a sign displayed by a Texas cafe which read: We Mexicans Served. ' The second panel showed Cantinflas putting the finishing touches on a sign over a u Hencan restaurant which said: 'Here We Serve Amroneo-Even Texans.‘ It may be said that the Mexican stereotype in Texas is as much a matter of class as of nationality, culture, or race, but lure as always the stereotype which may to a large extent originate in class differencesis extended to include all classes if they bear the physical and cultural characteristics associated with the stereotype. Any number of cases might be cited in which upper-class Latin Americans travelling in the southwest, particularly in Tens, were embarrassed by discrimina- tory treatment at the hands of the Anglos . Discrimination in the Schools In the schools, too, there is evidence of discrimination and even segregation, although the law of New Mexico, for example, specifically states that Negroes may be segregated but children of Spanish descent may not. In some cases the segregation in the schools results from residential segregation, but the quality of education offered in areas 1' Pauline R. Kibbee , Latin Americans in Tens . Albuquerque : The University of New Hence ness , , p. . I42 predominantly Spanish is often inferior to that offered in areas in which the Anglos are in the majority. The educational level of the Spanish speaking population is most vividly portrayed by school statistics. Though children from this sector. of the pepulation [of New Mexico] constitute one-half of the public school enrollment, they make up less than one-fifth of the enrollment in the twelfth grade . Of almost sixty thousand Spanish-speaking children enrolled in school, more than half are in the first three grades. Over one-third of the total enrollment of these children is found in the first grade. In every grade beyond the first, more than 55 per cent of the children are more than two years over-age for their grade . Generally speaking, the achievement of the Spanish speaking child in school subjects is not only far below national standards but also below state averages. The explanation for these conditions is to be founi in the nature and quality of the educational facilities available to these children. In the counties with the largest proportions of Spanish speaking people , school terms are shorter, teachers are less well prepared and their salaries are lower, and materials of instruction and school buildings are inferior to those found else where in the state. As a matter of fact, careful analysis reveals that as the percentage of Spanish speaking population increases, educational Opportunity decreases . ' The special nature of the problem of educating this cultural minority has never been properly recognised by the federal and state governments. Educational practices in Nei Mexico have been patterned after those develOped in the Middle West and in the East for peoples and conditions vastly different from those ob- taining here. . . .The use of standard curricula, books, and materials among these children is a ridiculous procedure. . . . In the school year 1937-1938 New Mexico spent $51 per pupil in average daily attendance for the total current expenses of the public schools. That year each of the four counties with the highest percentage of flourish speaking population spent less than $35 per pupil--less than half the amount spent by the county with- the highest expenditures. As suggested above, this discrepancy is due in large part to the inequitable manner in which state school revenues are distributed. For example, the first distri- bution of the state publis school equalization fund in 1939-110 gives the four most 'Spanish' counties less than $50 per classroom unit. In that distribution, the average for the state is about $90, one count (among the lowest in proportion of Spanish speak- ing population receiving about 3160 per unit . Several counties (all with a low percentage of native pepulation) received well over $100 per unit.14 1‘ Sanchez, 92. £11., pp. 30-33. 1:3 The quality of the teaching and the qualifications of the teachers in some of the schools for Spanish speaking children is illustrated in El Cerrito, one isolated wanish American village studied in some detail. The principal of the school has never attempted to organise any activity that would improve his working relationships in the community. In fact, his training and background would be far from suitable for such an endeavor. He was born in El Cerrito and attended the local pads school. Four years of high school and a stunner term of college in Las Vegas completed his train- in O O O 0 g . . . Although a State law requires that nothing but English be spoken in the schools this regulation is not adhered to. Know- ledge on the part of the children that the teacher understands Spanish tempts them to speak it. In case they cannot make them- selves understood in mglish they are likely to use their natiwe tongue. In addition, teaching techniques and materials are not adapted to the peculiar problems met in the local school situation. The sole means for imparting knowledge is the group of standard text- books. Any other equipment is devised by the teachers and fashioned out of cans, boxes, and other crude materials at hand. No con- sideration is given to the fact that the pupils are learning a new language in addition to stock material which they are expected to master. Such subjects as geography, history, and health are taught in tenns that are foreign to them. During tin school year 1939-h0, the pupils of El Cerrito worked out posters and other projects based on such subjects as transportation in Boston and the importance of navigation in the growth of Chicago.“ InTens, too,‘ . . .with frequent outstanding exceptions, our elementary teachers have been lac king entirely in a knowledge and understand- ing of Latin American children; and until the very mcent past, the teacher-training institutions in Tens were not actively aware of the fact that the successful instruction of Spanish speaking children requires special teaching methods and classroom materials, in addition to a general and fairly comprehensive knowledge and understanding of their social characteristics and economic back- ground. Add to this the fact that, in many Texas school districts, teachers in segregated schools receive from 31:00 to $600 a year 1‘ C. P. Loomis, Studies of Rural Social Or anization in the United States Latin American— . Est Lansing, c gan: a o ege hook Etc—are, I955, pp. 5:825:13. less salary than those in the other schools and it is readily understandable why, for the most part, the inferior academic qualifications of teachers of Latin American children act as a deterrent to both attendance and progress.“ In a study to detemine to what extent the public schools of Texas meet accepted educational standards with regard to Latin American children, the reasons given by school superintendents for segregating Spanish speaking children were as follows: Local prejudice and inability to speak English . Latin Americans favor the plan; children are much more at ease and they will naturally segregate anyway. They are not at the disadvantage of being graded in English on the same standards as Anglo Americans who are speaking their native tongue . Public opinion. ' Children with language difficulty can be given special treat- ment and special methods in teaching may be employed. So many in the first grade, and need cleaning up to be taught. Lack of mglish language knowledge. School board is antagonistic toward housing in the same building. Language handicap is the reason in the school minutes . These children need five or six years of Americanisation before being placed with American children. Their standard of living is too low--they are dirty, lousy, and need special teach- ing in health and cleanliness. They also need special teaching in the Eiglish language .17 Some Anglo Americans are afflicted with prejudices and dis- torted opinions , growing out of ignorance and complete lack of understanding, strongly supported by the widely accepted theory that "Mexicans' , aside from being congenitally inferior, are, by' nature , notoriously cheap competition and tend to lower wage scales in am locality. Unfortunately, some school boards re- flect these local prejudices and misconceptions.» 1' Kibbe, 22. 313., pp. 102-103. 1" Wilson Little, $anish-%%igg Children in Texas. Austin: The University of Texas ress, . pp. - . 1" who, 92. 323., p.97. 1:5 The following cements of a superintendent of schools in a New Mexico town throw light on various aspects of the minority problem in the schools: My predecessor discouraged non-English young pecple from entering High School. I like to think that I am progressive in this respect. In the few years that I have been superintendent here the enrollment of Spanish speaking students in the high school has increased from almost nothing to about 15 percent. In the lowest grades we have about 60 per cent Spanish, which progressively decreases as the students approach high school. We have a long way to go, but we have started. My new principal comes from Spanish speaking stock, but is accepted by the Anglos. To him goes most of the credit for the increased Spanish speaking enrollment in high school, but not all. The athletic coach who was here when I came wouldn't let the Spanish speaking boys try out for the teams. My new coach is from T . He is an Anglo but at they play Anglos and Spmsfi speaking boys together. In fact, he played on a famous mined team before he became a coach. Here he encourages the Spanish speaking boys to turn out. He has discovered some championship material among then and he has raised the status of the Spanish speaking boys in the whole town.19 Occupational Discrimination Occupationally the ficanish American is also disadvantaged. The descendants of the colonizers of New Mexico constitute an underprivileged socio-economic minority in the state. As the cannon day laborer and subsistence farmer, the economic status of the native New Mexican puts him at the disadvantage felt by similar classes elsewhere in the country. In addition, it is quite appar- ent that, in New Mexico, this group suffers additional handicaps that are products of the cultural gap that separates the New Mexican from other Americans.“ In the case of both the Spanish and the more recently arrived Mexi- cans in the southwest, farming is the principal occupation , and the status of most of those thus engaged is that of farm laborer. 1'9 Looms, 22. £223., P. 339. 3° Sanchez, 92. 913., p. 3b. 146 The tasks performed in the Southwest determine both the demand for Mexican labor and the seasonal migratory character of the labor secured. ,In the Imperial Valley they pick cantaloupes, harvest lettuce, pick cotton, grapefruit, and truck. In the winter garden district they clear the land, transplant, harvest, and load onions. In other parts of Texas they cultivate and pick cotton, and in the beet country they block, thin, and hoe beets in the spring and pull and tap them in the fall. . . . The work in Colorado is even more seasonal since the crops are not so diversified and since the basic labor of preparing and tilling the soil is done by local labor, and outsiders are only hired for planting and harvesting operations .21 The situation of the descendants of the Spanish colonials who have lost much of the land given tram under Spanish and Mexican grants before the area became a part of the United States is an old story to those acquainted with the Southwest. Suffice it to say that these farmers have lost most of their grazing land, on which their livelihood depended, through their lack of understanding of the highly competitive Anglo cultm'e. They were given relief by several of the New Deal agencies, and it was partly through studies undertaken as a result of contacts made by those agencies with isolated Spanish American settlements that we are beginning to understand the seriousness of their economic problems. Loath to leave their old homes and the security offered by their own village relationships , they have held tenaciously to the little plots of irrigated land left to them. They have had to depend for their small cash income on work outside the village during at least a part of the year, although they would prefer making their living by the production of livestock as they did in the past. '1 9233-: P- 39- h? In industry, most of the occupations open to the Spanish spealdng workers have been in the unskilled category, and even these are ex- tremely limited because of prejudiceagainst hiring them in many industries: ". . . the Mexican begins the cycle at the same place but a few years behind the Negro)“ Many Spanish Americans have been employed on the railroads as section laborers, but the Railroad Brotherhood group of unions has re- fused to extend membership to Latin Americans and they are excluded from such occupations as railroad engineers, firemen, brakeman, and conductors. . As in the case of the Negro in industry, while lack of education might be advanced as one reason for the widespread employment of Latin Americans in the most difficult and least remunerative capacities, this does not explain the situ- ation fully nor satisfactorily. There are too many instances where Latin Americans have been denied opportunities for advance- ment, simply because they happened to be of Mexican extraction.” If the scape of this discussion permitted, many cases of such discrimi- nation are available and could be cited. We will simply offer as a brief My of the situation the official statement made by a special assistant on Latin American problems to the chairman of the President 's Committee on Fair Esployment Practice: Less than 5 per cent of the total number of persons of Mexican extraction in Texas are employed at the present time (September, 19th) in war and essential industries. Such in- dustries as have given employment to Mexican labor have as V T. J. Woofter, Races and Ethnic Grcug in American Life. New York: McGraw-Hill,_l§33, p. 86. a: Ibid., p. 1141. 1:8 restricted them to cannon or unskilled labor jobs, largely, regardless of their ability, training, or qualifications. In the oil, aircraft and mining industries, in the numerous mili- tary installations, in the munitions factories and shipyards , and in the public utility corporations, such as gas, light, and transportation companies, their employment has been limited and their opportunities for advancement restricted.“ Since the beginning, the lot of the Latin American worker employed in Texas industry has been an unhappy one. this Oppor- tunities for employment have been, and are now, extremely limited. His chances of promotion in his occupation are curtailed, and his wage rates are generally established on a discriminatory basis. Some improvement was noted during the war; however, it is an indisputable fact that a majority of Texas industries still follow the practice of discriminating against Latin American workers, with regard to employment, wage scales, and Opportuni- ties of promotion.“ During the war some. Spanish-speaung boys were trained under govern- ment programs in semi-skilled or skilled occupations, and a few were accepted for these Jobs in the shipbuilding and airplane. industries in California. However, the great majority of those employed even in de- fense work were employed at unskilled or urxiesirable Jobs, and usually they were not up-graded as rapidly as were Anglos in similar Jobs. Some few Spanishdnericans reach white-collar or even professional status, especially as teachers in segregated schools, but Kibbe says of the situation in Texas: High school and even college graduates, if they are of Mexican descent, often find it difficult to secure employment in the field of their choice. The Spanish-teaching program in Texas public schools has been retarded by lack of qualified teachers, yet young Texans with a native knowledge of Spanish, " Kibbe, 2p. £13., p. 163. as Carlos E. Castaneda, “Sane Facts on Our Racial Minority ," The Panelineri'tgan, Vol. I, October, 19%, pp. 14-5. 1:9 and graduates of the State 's teacher-training institutions , have run up against the blank wall of prejudice in many school dis- tricts and have been forced, at length, into other employment. It is a rare occasion when a Latin American stenographer, effic- 1ent thong: she may be, finds herself acceptable as an employee to am but a Latin American business man or a firm engaged in foreign trade . To cite an instance, the United States Enployment Service office in Austin, one day in November, 19115, received a telephone call from a woman department head at the University of Texas. She expressed the desire to employ a trained secretary-assistant and was told that, fortunately, the application of a young lady who possessed all the required qualifications had just been received and that she held a degree from the University of Texas . The prospective employer was delighted, am inquired as to the girl's name. when informed that it was 'Martines ' , she ex- claimed: Why, I wouldn't have a Mexican in my office! I want a white girl'.’ae The Measurement of Ethnic Cleavage Although we may find references to many examples of segregation and other forms of discrimination against the Spanish Americans to indicate their minority status, very little has been done in the way of scientific efforts to measure cleavages between that group and the Anglos . A beginning has been made in this direction in one study of ethnic cleavages in two New Heucan high schools, the Las Cruces High School and the Taos High School. In the former high school, in the southern part of the state, almost two thirds of the students were Anglos, whereas in‘ the Taos thigh School, in northern New Mexico, slightly less than one quarter of the students were Anglos. In both cases cleavages between the two ethnic groups were highly significant as measures of Kibbe, 92. 233., p. 157. 50 in-group tendencies. To further substantiate the results of this study, it was noted that in spite of the fact that the two ethnic groups attended the same high schools, in neither town have there been many mixed.marriages in recent years. Unfortunately, cleavage data were not obtained from which to calculate cleavage scores for the lower grades in Taos and Las Cruces. such data would.make it possible to generalise - concerning the relation of age to ethnic prejudices. One small sample of grade school children in Las Cruces was studied. The cleavage measures . . . suPport the general theory that cleav- ages increase as the students progress through school.87 More conclusive data on this phenmenon would be extremely useful in the study of the Spanish Americans in the Southwest as a minority group. There is obvious need for further research on cleavages existing between the Spanish and Anglo groups: a scientific approach to their origins and.manifestations; their effects on the two groups and the re- lationships existing between them; the extent and effectiveness of any- efforts being made by either group to minimise the inter-group tensions. It seems particularly important that the approach to these prob- lems should be a dynamic one and should take into consideration the historical background as well as the present trends. It is necessary to see where we hate been in order to see where we stand now'and in what direction and at what rate we seem to be moving in our inter-group relationships. It is also evident that the sociologist alone cannot expect to arrive at.a valid evaluation of the Spanish.American-Anglo relationship 3" Leonie, 22. 933., p. 31.6. 51 in the Southwest, but must cOOperate tdth the economist, the histor- ian, the anthropologist, the psychologist, and the political scientist to achieve this end. 011mm IV PURPOSE AND METHOD Purpose The imediate objective of this study was to measure the cleavage between the Anglo am the floanish students in the Las Cruces junior and senior high schools. The sample was not selected from the student body because of any wish to emphasize relationships in this age group per so. However, the school situation offered a readily accessible sample for the administration of the questionnaires, such elements as age, educa- tion, and residence were fairly uniform throughout the sample, and the students, in the familiar setting of the school room, where they were accustomed to respond with slight hesitation or reservation to question- ing, were probably less inhibited in their responses than the adults in the general population would have been. The focus of the study was the measurement of Anglo-Spanish cleavage . It was hoped that the sample employed would provide a clue regarding Anglo-Spanish cleavage in the comunity as a whole and that the findings might suggest the direction which further study of this phenomenon might In many sociometric studies the emphasis is upon the effectively take. However, the foci here role and status of the individual in his group. were the ethnic groups as they interact, rather than the place of the individual in the group. 53 Simple observation would suggest that cleavages existed between the two ethnic groups in Las Cruces. It was expected that the present study would confirm this observation, would suggest the width of the chasm, and would reveal the relationship of various social situations to the magnitude of the cleavage. Specifically, it was expected that this study might demonstrate objectively that: l. The Anglo-Spanish cleavage did exist in Las Cruces High School. 2. Both Angle and Spanish students would reveal in-group feelings, but that these feelings might be less pronounced in the minor- ity group . 3. The self preference among the Spanish students would be higher in situations involving friendship choices than in situations involving prestige choices. 1;. In the area of personal relationships, the self preference of the Spanish would not be significantly lower than the self preference of the Anglos. S. In the areas involving'prestige factors, the Anglos would tend to show higher self preference, than would the Spanish. 6. Because of the position of women in the Spanish culture, the Spanish girls would revel a higher self preference than any other group studied in the selection of companions , but the lowest self preference of any group wdth respect to choices involving prestige. How Cleavages Between Spanish-spealdng and Anglo Students Vere Measured Sociometry provides an effective means of measuring cleavages and studying the treatment accorded minority groups. As previously men- tioned, of the various sociometricians who have devised measures , Sh Joan Criswell's1 are the best known and probably the most useful. In all the measures of cleavages developed by the socicmetricians, the actual number of choices of one group, let us say the Spanish-speaking students in a high school, are compared with the number which should have been made if only chance had operated. Actually, the first measurements of this type were made by comparing the actual choices of it” one group for members of its own group and other groups with the chance distributions which resulted by drawing ballots by means of a shuffling apparatus . The frequency distribution of choices which Moreno and ‘r-‘w‘ as... a. Jennings obtained by drawing ballots at random was plotted on the same chart with the theoretical distribution which Lazarsfeld predicted by an expansion of the appropriate binomial, and the deviation of the distribution of ballots from the theoretical values was tested by application of cm square.” Criewell's “double ratio'I or group preference ratio as used in the work below is calculated as follows: The actual choices the members of a group, say group A, make within this group, i.e., the in-group choices, are divided by the choices members of group 1 make outside, to produce the actual or obtained ratio of preference. This ' is then 1 Joan Kenning Criswell, ”a Socicmetric Study of Race Cleavage in the Classroom," Archives of Pa holo , No. 235, January 1939, p. 19., 'Sociometric Methods of Keasuring Soup Preferences ,' Socicme , Vol. VI, No. 1;, November 191;}, pp. BOO—hOl, and ”Sociometfic fissurement and Chance,“ Sodomy, Vol. VII, No. 1;, Nov. 19th. p.'h18. a J. L. Moreno and Helen H. Jennings, 'Statistics of Social Con- figuratione ," Sociometry, Vol. 1, Nos, 3 and L1, January-April, 1938. See also Sociometry Honograph No. 3, Beacon House, New York, 19141;. 55 divided by the expected or chance ratio, which is the expected number of choices group 1 members would make in group A if only chance were Operating, divided by the expected number of choices group 1 members would make outside group 1 if only chance were operating. in index greater than 1.00 would denote preference for the group represented; a value of less than 1.00 would indicate that the membership repre- sented in the lower term or the out-group was preferred. ...‘.A_ 1. we- In deriving the index of preference , the expected distribution of choices is determined on the basis of the numbers of persons in each HF?“ group of the test population under consideration. Thus, according to Criswell's notation, in a population of N numbers, consisting of groups 1 am 2, having a; and aa members respectively, the probability that a member of group 1 will make an in-group choice; i.e., choose apersoninhisowngroupis equaltoH. The probability that he will make an out-group choice; i.e., choose an individual in group 2, is equal to H . The subtraction of l is made in the preceding expressions to take account of the fact that an individual camot choose himself. 1; - If group 1 makes a total of t choices, then I: _ 1) tN-a) is the number of expected in-group choices, and is the number of expected out-group choices. By dividing the first expression by the second we obtain for group 1 the chance ratio of in-group to out-group choices: E-‘l-l N-fll in" l [iiill' Ilii 56 Group 2's equation is obtained in the same manner, substituting a, for al. Also, if there are in the population several groups having a1, a3, a, etc. members, the E formula used in measuring the amount by which, for instance, group 1 prefers itself to group 2 is: 81-1 ‘3 E- We may now present an example of how the "double ratio” group preference index is computed. Let us asstnne that there were 100 Anglo and 100 Spanish-speaking students. Let us suppose that the 100 Anglos made 1; choices each or a total of hOO choices. Of these assume that they gave 100 to Anglos and 300 to Spanish-speaking students, a very unlikely situation. The expected or chance number of choices which should go from the Anglos to the Anglos, i.e. , the in-group choices, is determined by the formula above 1"(‘1 "- 1) . Substituting '9 my. N - 1 A 1400 £1004.) or 199. The expected or chance number of choices which should go from the Anglos to the Spanish-speaking students is determined by the above formula. “’1 - “1) Substitutin . g we have 1400 200-100) or 201 , 5 - I Azi'oo-‘T— We then calculate the actual or obtained ratio by dividing the actual in-group choices of the Anglos, i.e., 100, by the cut-group choices or the choices which went to the Spanish-spealdng students. This ratio is 100/300 or 0.333. This ratio is then divided by the expected or chance in-group choices of the Anglos to the expected 57 out-group choices directed toward the Spanish-speaking students, making the ratio 199/201 or 0.96. Thus 100/300 divided by 199/201 is the ”double ratio“ measure of group preference of Anglos for Anglos . In this case it would be 0.33 e 0.96 - 0.31:. Since 1.00 would equal a condition of equal preference for the inf-group and the eutogroup , this hypothetical case would demonstrate a preference for the out-group far above the preference 'for the in-group. By reversing the hypothetical choices and using the same numbers so that the 100 Anglos give 300 choices to Anglos and only 100 to the Spanishrspeaking students, the "double ratio" measure of the Anglos' preference for themselves becomes 3.30, a score much more nearly in line with reality and demonstrating preference for the in-group. A Chi square test of the significance of the difference between the observed and expected frequencies is easily appued.’ Such a test will demonstrate whether or not the differences between observed and expected frequencies on which the double (group self-preference) ratios are based. are significant. According to filedecor‘ Chi square should not be applied to groups in which any of the expected values are less than 5, since the test is not reliable in' such cases. Chi square is A , _ a ’ Chi square - SILT—rd , where f represents the observed fre- guency in each cell and 0 fo the expected frequency in each cell. Margaret Jamen Hageod, Statistics for Sociologis, New York: Reynal and Hitchcock, l9 , p. . “ G. W. Snedecor, Statistical Methods. Ames, Iowa: Collegiate Press, 1937, p. 160. 58 more reliable when applied to groups in which none of the eaqaected values is less than ten.‘ Since the Chi square measure is the difference between the actual nunber of choices and the expected number of choices squared and divided by the expected number of choices for the in-group plus the same statistic for the out-group, we may calculate the Chi squares for each group. It is possible to ascertain how frequently a Chi square score may be expected to occur due to chance out of 100 similar suples. ' It has become customary to consider a difference reflected in a Chi square score which could occur by chance only once in 100 times as L significant and for some purposes scores which could occur due to chance 5 out of 100 times are considered significant.6 , The Chi square measures and preference ratios in the above hypo- thetical problem were calculated from the following data, assuming that half of the 200 students were Spanish-speaking and half English- speaking: ‘ Joan Henning Criswell, ”A Sociometric Study of Race Cleavage in a Classroom". Archives of Fe cholo , R. S. Hoodworth, ed., No. 235. New York, 1939, p. 1;. _ 5 Criswell makes a correction to the Chi square. She uses Yates' correction for continuity (subtraction of .5 from the obtained devi- ation) in cases where there is one degree of freedom and one or both of the expected values amounts to less than 50. See Snedecor, gp. cit., p. 161 and Griswell, ibid., p. 22. The number of degrees of freedom-IT— may be calculated by the formula: number of Degrees of Freedom - (s - 1)(t - 1), in which s is the number of rows and t is the number of columns in a contingency table. See Margaret Jarman Hagood, 22. 3.12., p. 522. 59 Direction of Choice Observed Number Expected Number of Choices of Choices English to English 100 199 English to Spanish 300 201 Total number of choices of 1100 1400 English students The table has two rows and two columns, therefore, since the total does not vary, knowing the number in any one cell makes it possible to determine the others. Whenever knowing one cell makes it possible to fill in all other cells in a table, there is only one degree of freedom. Substituting in the formula given in footnote ‘8 , Degrees of Freedom - (2-1) (2-1) - 1. It is necessary to know the number of degrees of freedom from tables from which Chi square measures are computed in order to read the probabilities for Chi squares from the Chi square distribu- tion table. . In action programs designed to reduce cleavages or to adjust to them, or in studies designed to ascertain the magnitude of cleavages between various groups, the calculation of accurate and meaningful indices of cleavage with the leasrt possible expenditure of effort is important . An Illustration of the Calculation of Measures of Cleavage We may take data from the earlier study of the Taos High School to explain the meaning of each measure. There were 30 English-speaking and 101 Spanish-speaking students in the high school in l9h8 when the students were requested to'write in names of boys or girls you pal or play with most at school. Put the name of the person you play with most on the first line." The Farglish-spealdng students made a total of 136 choices. One hundred eight of these went to their in-group, the English-speaking students, and 28 went to the out-group or the Spanish-speaking students. Now if these had been distributed accord- ing to chance, as calculated above, the English-spealdng students would have given only 30 choices to their in-group and 106 to the out- group. Before calculating Criswell's double ratio measure of group preference we may ascertain whether or not the difference between the observed and expected frequencies are great enough not to be due to chance . The Calculation of the Chi Square Measure In the case before us it is obvious that they are, but the Chi square measure will indicate the magnitude of the differences, The Chi-square measure of the difference in the observed and expected frequencies in the above case of. Taos High School is calculated as follows. The expected number of choices the Ehglish-spealdng students would have given the English-speaking students is subtracted from the actual choices of English-speaking students to English-speaking students. Thus 108 - 30 - 78. According to the above formula this is squared, making 6081;, and divided by the expected number of choices of 7 Since Chi square measures are influenced by the frequency, Criswell believes their utility as a relative measure of cleavage or in—greup tendencies is not as great as is her double ratio. 61 mrglish—siaealdng to English-speaking students, i.e., 30, and the meas- ure of 202.8 is obtained. The next step performs the same operation for the English-speaking students' choices going to the Spanish-speak- ing students. The expected number 106 is subtracted from the actual number, 28, producing --78, which, when squared, is 60824, and when divided by the expected number of choices, 106, produces the measure r S7.h. If 202.8 is aided to 9.1;, the Chi square, 280.2, is obtained. Calculation of the P for the Chi Square Measure " ”0.1 Are the differences between the observed and the expected frequen- (lrrri: a cies represented by the Chi square measure significant? To answer this, we must calculate P.’ As. indicated above, only two expected items are involved which add to a total(30 plus 106 - 136), therefore if any one of the items is calculated the other may be calculated, since the muginal total is given. Thus there is only one degree of freedom for this Chi square measure . A Chi square measure of only 10.82? with one degree of freedom yields a P of 0.001, which means that a Chi square score of this size could occur due to chance only one time in a thousand.9 The P measures for larger Chi squares are not given in the table available, but it is obvious that a measure as large as the one obtaining here is extremely significant. 5 P represents the probability that a Chi square as large as 280.2 would have been observed in a sample of this size due to purely chance factors. 9 Hagood, 32. gig” rev. ed., p. 561. 62 Calculation of Criswell's Double Ratio of Group Preference The ratio of group preference may be calculated from the above data. The observed in-group choices, 108, are divided by the out- group choices, 28 , and this quotient divided by the quotient resulting when the expected in-group choices are divided by the expected out- group choices. Thus 108/28 is divided by 30/106, producing the double ratio score of group self preference of 13.78 for the English-speaking V students. The same ratio for the Spanish-speaking students is only 3.31. By dividing 13.78 by 3.31, we get h.l6. we may say that the L: English-speaking students have, as measured by the criterion under consideration, over four times the tendency to in-group preferenced that the Spanish-speaking students in Taos High School have. Collection of the Data In the Fall of 19149, 1:16 questionnaires were administered to mem- bers of the seventh, ninth, tenth, eleventh, and twelfth gmdes of the Las Cruces mgh School in Nex Mexico. A copy of the questionnaire em- ployed is included in the appendix. They were administered by the writer with the permission of the Superintendent of the Las Cruces schools. The matter of ethnic cleavage was not mentioned to the stu- dents, but the questions were explained to them as relating to patterns of friendship.10 10 The questionnaire was very similar to one which the writer had Administered in 19b? to a small sample of students in three southwestern school systems: Las Cruces and Taos, New Mexico, and El Paso, Texas. The earlier study was largely exploratory in nature and led to the present more intensive research. 63 Since this study was initiated subsequent to the 19140 census but previous to that of 1950 , the method used in the former enumeration to separate the Spanish-spealdng population from the Anglos was em- ployed. In the 19140 census, a question regarding mother tongue, or language other than English spoken in the home in early childhood, was asked of a five percent sample of the population and, from the data -,.-., thus obtained, statistics were compiled with respect to persons of Spanish mother tongue. Accordingly, language other than firglish spoken in the home was used in the present study as a criterion for the separation of Spanish-speaking children fran Anglos in the school population. The Bureau of the Census reports that for Ne'x Mexico this method is probably as satisfactory as that employed in the 1930 Census: In the 1950 Census, data relating to persons ef Spanish- American and Mexican-American origin were obtained by the identification of white persons of Spanish surname on the schedules as a part of the general coding operation. This procedure was limited to the five Southwestern States-~Texas, Colorado, New Mexico , Arizona, and California-which in l9h0 accounted for more than 80 percent of all persons of Spanish mother tongue. . . . . . . althougr the question on mother tongue used in the 19140 Census made possible the classification of native persons of native parentage by mother tongue , it permitted the report- ing of English as the language spoken in the home in earliest childhood in homes of persons whose language in their country of origin was in all probability a language other than English. For example, for the United States as a whole about 7 percent of the native population of Mexican parentage reported Erglish as their mother tongue. Thus, for the second and later genera- tions, statistics on mother tongue tend to understate the full extent of foreign origin. In New Mexico, where wanish is established on an equal footing with English, this limitation is probably of no great significance. In 1950, the count of persons of Spanish surname in Neg Mexico, about 2h9,000 suggests with some allowance for natural increase , about the same level of magnitude as that reflected in the l9h0 figures on Spanish mother tongue . ll 1" U. S. Census of Population: 1950 , Volume IV , Part 3, Chapter C, 'Persons of Spanish Surname”, p. 30-5. As will be noted in the accompanying questionnaire, each student in the sample was given an opportunity to choose as many as five boys or girls with whom he associated most at school. There was also a space for age and grade data for each choice, and for an answer to the question. "Is he or she related to you?" A similar question was included vdth respect to the boys and girls with whom the student associated on Saturday, Sunday, and school holidays. The answers to these two questions provided the data for the measurement of cleavages in the school situation and in the broader comunity. The choices caressed in response to these two questions were considered the most significant elements in measuring the degree of social interaction between the Spanish and Anglo groups in the Las'ICruces comunity to be found on the questionnaire used. It was originally hoped that the question, ”What families visit most at your home? If arm of these families ate a meal in your house last year put a check after their names", would also yield some sig- nificant data regarding the inter-cultural relationships in the commun- ity, but many of the students made no response to this question. Dr. Wilbur Brookover reports in a Michigan study that this question yielded very dubious results because the students of Junior and senior high school age were so absorbed in the activities of their own age group that they paid little attention to the adults who visited in their homes and had little judgment regarding which ones visited there most frequently. They were also confused by the general nature of the question, and found it difficult to compare the frequent but informal 65 and brief visits of neighbors with the more formal and longer visits of friends living at a distance. They also felt that telephone visiting had an important place in the picmre of inter-family re- lationships, and this type of visiting was not included in the question put to the students. Several of the questions included on the questionnaire were de- signed to permit the measurement of self-preference in a mmber of Such choices are the following: ‘vlho do areas involving prestige . you think is the best looking girl in your class? Who do you think is the best looking boy in your class? Who are some of the well dressed boys and girls among your classmates? If you had a new sweater, which of your classmates would you want most to like it? flat boy or girl would you pick if your school wanted to send someone to Santa Fe to talk with the Governor? We would expect that the self-preference of the Anglos might be the higher as measured in terms of these prestige choices, since the Anglos are the majority group in Nex Mexico. We might also anticipate that higher status might be accorded the majority group by students in high school, since high school attendance is less prevalent among the Spanish than among the Anglos, and the Spanish children attending high school would probably tend to be those young pecple who were most interested in adjusting to the Anglo culture. For this reason they might be expected to place a high value on indices of prestige in the Anglo culture and therefore to make more choices among the Anglos on those questions involving prestige than on those '1 e ‘x‘xnflwmn ”gm-FT. .. questions involving friendship choices. We hope to test this thesis by the analysis of the data secured from the Las Cruces High School students. The last section of the questionnaire is devoted to an opportun- ity for the student to evaluate the following statements in terms of agreement or disagreement with them: If I took a job, it would maloe no difference to me to what race my boss belonged; It is all right with me if more people of a racial group different from mine move into my neighborhood; In order to keep up tdth the gang you must wear the right kind of clothes; You can tell what a person is like by the clothes he wears; Being well dressed makes a difference in how a person acts. The analysis of the responses to these statements should be of value in the determination of the degree of correlation between the verbalization of prejudice and the self-preferences indicated by friend- ship and prestige choices. CHAPTER V SOCIOMETRIC ANALYSIS OF ETHNIC CLEAVAGE IN L15 CRUCES AS RFLEDTED IN INTERACTION OF HIGH SHOOL STUDDI'I‘S The Ecology of the Southwest as Related to the School Study In the Southwest, as elsewhere in the United States, the trade center community is becoming increasingly important. In most instances, the trade center community has never had the dominant influence on the Spanish-speaking villagers and townspeOple of the Southwest, however, that it has had in areas in which the isolated holding predominates. . The Spanish-American villages usually furnish several of the social and economic services, an! villagers indentify with and manifest loyalty to their village . Nevertheless , the increasing use of the automobile , better roads , and the greater dependence upon a money economy has brought the villager into the trade center and reduced in some measure the influence of his village associations. The villagers have always been intimate with the trade center towns in spite of the isolation of the villages because most of them have relatives living in the trade centers, and family ties are very strong in their culture. The high birth rate, the relatively meager sources of income in the villages, coupled with the growth of the towns and larger centers, has also lead many to move from the villages. '68 Las Cruces, New Mexico is indicated by Figure 1;, Las Cruces is located in an area in which over half of the population is Spanish-speaking. However, only one-third of the students in the Las Cruces High School are Spanish- spealdng. According to the best records available, Las Cruces came into existence in 18h9. The name, meaning "The Crosses", was given to the settlement because a bloody massacre of travelers by Indians occurred there years before . It remained the county seat of Dona Ana County a few years after the organization of the county in 1852. The I!“ van“ _ ‘ 1: county seat was then moved to Mesilla, where it remained until 1862, when it was returned to Las Cruces. Las Cruces numbered 5,811 persons in 1930; 8,385 in 191:0; and 12,325 in 1950. Las Cruces is the. commercial center of a district in the Rio Grande Valley rich in cotton, corn, fruit, alfalfa, truck and dairy products. The area is under the“ Elephant Butte Dam, and a part of one of the greatest goverment irrigation projects. The population centers of Dona Ana County are shown in Figure 5. The New Mendco College of Agri- culture and Mechanic Arts lies two miles to the south of Las Cruces, near the Indian village of Tortugas , known for the tribal dances celebrated on December 12, the date of the appearance of the Blessed Virgin of Guadalupe in 1531, and in April at the time of the sovdng of crops. The inhabitants of the village, like those of most of the nearby villages, work for the owners of farms and ranches in the Rio Grande Valley. Johansen found that for eight villages in the trade center of ...I‘I‘III}! 4; till ill-III villi Ill!‘ 11.. i. 5"" I III' a...“ ‘ I’IQ )IIIII“ III! lull 69 FIGURE 4: PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF SPANISH-SPEAKING PEOPLE OF NEW MEXICO, |950 SAN JUAN RIO ARRIBA MSKINLEY . O LAb CR'JLE: eeee . EL PASO - 75 PERCENT OR MORE M 50 TO 79.9 °Io % 25 TO 49.9 °Ic 70 FIGURE 5. POPULATION CENTERS OF DONA ANA COUNTY GARFIELD SALEM WC" RINCON PLACIW G?» ,' /-oev mooswaa ‘ RADIUM SPRINGS LEASBURG HILL ORGAN DONA ANA OLD PICACHO \@ LAS CRUCES FAIRACRES .‘ C0 EGE MESILLA \0 STATE LL MESILLA PARK \\ I'ORTUGAS ADE" SAN MIGUEL \“ VADO LA. MESA \ \\ seamo CHAMBERINO \ I‘M ANTHONY- LA TUNA LA UNION LEGEND : O-—O HIGHWAY 44+. RAILROAD SCALE 0? “ILIS . , , STRAUSS 1 L 1 L I 4 1 1 1 1 _l l e 1 e l L 1 ——V I I v s V I I I I I I I I I I I I I @. ‘71 Las Cruces 37.7 percent of the heads of households were farm laborers, 21.9 were common laborers, and 16.5 had no occupation or were unem- ployed. Only 9.8 percent owned farms, and 6.h percent were farm tenants.1 For the most part, the land has passed from the Spanish-speaking people to the Anglos, who do not live in the villages but on their holdings or in the trade centers. Large scale irrigation and the cash 'economy it brought created a competitive situation in.which the more aggressive, moneyhminded and enterprising Anglos bought up or otherwise took up a large proportion of the land. Most of the children living outside of Las Cruces who attend the Las Cruces high school are Anglos. The Spanish-speaking students in the high school live largely in the town of Las Cruces. Spanish-speaking merchants and other Spanish- speaking people who send their children to high school in Las Cruces are better off economically than those who do not. As in other centers in the southwestern United States, there is a gradual.decrease in the preportion of the lower class represented, including Spanish-speaking students of the lower social classes, as the grade in school increases, with the lowest proportion usually in the twelfth grade. #A‘ w 1 Sigurd.1rthur Johansen, Rural Organization in a Spanish- American Culture Area, unpublis ed . . hes s, vers y of sconsin, . 72 The Measurement of Ethnic Cleavage in Las Cruces Junior and Senior High Schools FriendshipAChoicgs ihploying the sociometric methods of analysis outlined inIChapter IV, our data supported the hypothesis that both Anglo and Spanish students indicate in their choice of companions at home and at school a distinct selfbpreference fer their own ethnic group. Table III is based on responses given by Anglo students to the request in the questiennaire which reads: 'Hrite in names of boys or girls you pal or play with most at school. Put the name of person you play vdth most on first line ." TABLE III SEIF-PREFERBICE RATIOS IN ANGLO CHICUPS, BASH) ON CHOICES W SCHOOL FRIflIUS, LIMITED TO CHOICES W SAME SEX Grades 7,9 Grades 10 ll 12 Es Girls Meg r s . Nunber of Anglos 28 I40 70 90 Number of Spanish I46 31 36 39 Percent of Spanish 62 I41; 31; 30 Total number of choices of same sex 110 1514 262 365 Actual number of choices of Anglos 9S 1111 2&8 3&2 Chance number of choices of Anglos 130,? 85.8 172.2 253.8 Deviation frat chance 51:3 55 .2 75 .8 88.2 Chi-square ‘ 113.0 80.2 97.14 100.6 P < .001 .001 (.001 (.001 < Self-preference ratio 10.7 8.6 9.2 6.5 __ 73 Table III shows the self-preference ratio of Anglo students , by grade and sex, based on the choice of companions at school. The choices considered in this tabulation are confined to choices of the same sex as the chooser, since there is a marked- self-preference found within each of the sex groups and it was therefore necessary to elimi- nate this element to emphasize the self-preference within the ethnic groups. Chi square is shown by sex for the combined seventh and ninth grades and for the combined tenth , eleventh , and twelfth grades . These chi squares are all much higher than would be expected if only chance were operating. The self-preference ratios are significantly high in all grades and for both sexes. They are only slightly higher for the boys than for the girls. For both sexes, the ratios are some- what lower in the high school group than in the junior high school grades . Table IV is similar in construction to Table I and presents com- parable data regarding the Anglos' self-preference as indicated by their choices of companions- outside of school hours . It is based on responses to the item in the questionnaire which reads: 'Write in names of boys or girls you pal or play with most on Saturday, Sunday, and school holidays. (Do not include brothers or sisters or children, living in your home.) Put name of person you play with most on first line." In this situation, boys and girls in junior high school show about the same degree of self preference, and it does not differ I markedly from that expressed in the choice of companions at school. 7h TABLE IV SELF-PREMCE RATIOS IN ANGLO (BOUPS, BASED ON CHOICES W CCMPANIONS AT I-KME, LIMITED TO CHOICES W THE SAME SEX Ah Grades 10 11 12 . Grades 7 9 Boys fills Dog 855 Nunber of Anglos 28 to 70 90 Number of Spanish I46 31 36 39 Percent of Spanish 62 ht 3h 30 Total number of choices of same sex 75 116 211 21:3 Actual number of choices of Anglos 56 107 205 230 Chance number of choices of Anglos 27.7 6h.6 138.7 169.0 Deviation from chance 28.3 1:2 .1; 66.3 61.0 Chi square hh..2 61.I4 92.6 72.1: P , < .001 (.001 < .001 (.001 Self-preference ratio 9 .2 9.h 17 .8 8.Ii Among the senior high school students included in the sample, the girls indicate only a slightly lower self-preference ratio than do the junior high school students, although somewhat greater than that which they show by their choices of companions at school. The high school boys express a much greater self preference than those in junior high school and than that of the girls in their group. Tables V and VI present similar data for the Spanish students . It will be noted that in all categories excepting the junior high school boys the self-preference of the Spanish students is more marked than is that expressed by the Anglos. The Spanish girls in junior high school show an especially distinct in-group feeling in their choice of com- panions both at home and at school, whereas the Spanish boys in that age group manifest a low self preference both at school and at home, in comparison with the Spanish girls and the Anglos of both sexes. 75 TABLE V SELF-PREWE RATIOS IN SPANISH GRGJPS, BASE) on CHOICES (F SJIDOL FRIENDS, LIMITED TO CPDICES (1“ THE SAME SEX Grades 7 9 Grades 10 11 12 3912., 5531; E215 GIrI: Number of Spanish h6 31 36 39 Number of Anglos 28 to 70 90 Percent of Anglos 62 hh 3h 30 Total number of choices of same sex 188 112 122 1141 .Actual number of choices of Spanish 172 110 109 118 Chance number of choices of Spanish 115.9 h8.0 h0.7 hl.9 Deviation from chance 56.1 62.0 63.8 76.1 Chi square 70.8 137.9 169.7 19h.h P (.001 (.001 (.001 (.001 Self-preference ratio 6.7 73.3 16.8 12.2 TABLE VI SHE-PWCE RATIOS IN SPANISH (Ball’s, BASE) on CHOICES OF CCHPANIONS AT HOE, LIMITED TO CI‘DICES a" THE SAME SE! .A_ h A I —-:- Grades 7 9 Grades 10 11 12 WW Number or Spanish h6 31 36 39 Number of Anglos 28 ’40 7O 90 Percent of Anglos ’ 62 hh 3h 30 Total number of choices of same sex: 150 76 71 75 Actual number of choices of Spanish 125 7b 65 60 Chance number of choices of Spanish 92.5 32.6 23.7 22.3 Deviation from chance 32.0 h1.h h1.3 37.7 Chi 89uare 28.9 92.0 105.7 89.9 P (.001 (.001 (.001 (.001 Self-preference ratio 3.1 h9.3 21.7 9.5 76 In the senior high school, the Spanish boys express a more pro- nounced inpgroup feeling than do those in junior high school, and a somewhat higher self preference than do the Spanish girls in their age STOUP. Although the self preference of the senior high school Spanish girls is higher than that of the Anglo girls, it is much lower than that of the junior high school Spanish girls. Prestige Choices Tables VII through I present data based on choices which.may‘be considered indicative of prestige values or status. These include the choices of persons whom the student feels would be most suitable to represent the student body in an interview with the governor of the state, choices of the best-dressed and best-looking boys and girls, and choices of the persons whom he would most appreciate admiring his own appearance. The specific wording of these items on the questionnaire 'was: 'Who do you think is the best looking girl in your class?‘; I'Who do you think is the best looking boy in your class?"; “If you had a new sweater, which of your classmates would you want most to like it?“; 'What boy or girl would you pick if your school wanted to send someone to Santa Fe to talk with the Governor? Remember, your school will be judged by the person you select. ' The most marked indication that the Anglo group is the dominant one in the Las Cruces High School and the Spanish group the minority group is the presence of uniformly low'self-preference ratios derived from the choices by Spanish students of persons they’would choose to represent the school in an interview with the Governor. A comparison A 77 TABLE VII SELF-PREERENCE RATIOS IN ANGLO GRWPS, BASED ON CHOICE OF REPRESMATIVE TO THE GOVERNOR, LIMIT- TO CHOICES WTHE SAME SEX Grades 7 9 Grades 10 11 12 Boys GIrIs Boys CIrIs Number of Anglos 22 3h 57 77 Number of Spanish hO 18 31 31 Percent of Spanish 65 35 35 29 Total number of choices to same sex 17 27 32 57 Actual number of choices oannglos 15 26 31 51 Chance number of choices of Anglos 5.9 17.5 20.6 h0.5 Deviation from chance 9.2 8.5 10.h 10.5 Chi square 19.5 11.8 13.14 8.3 P (.001 (.001 < .001 < .01 Self-preference ratio 11; .11 1h .2 l7 .1 3 .5 TABLE VIII SELF -PR§'ERENCE RATIOS IN SPANIS-I GiOUPS, BASED ON CHOICE OF REPRESBVI'ATIVE TO GOVERNOR, LIMITED TO CHOICES OF THE SAME SEX Grades 7 9 Grades 10 11 12 Boys GIrIs 592§_. CirIs . Number of Spanish to 18 31 31 thber of Anglos 22 3h 57 77 Percent of Anglos 65 35 - 35 29 Total number of choices of same sex 28 15 17 28 .Actual number of choices of Spanish 23 8 12 1h Chance number of choices of Spanish 17.9 5 0 5.9 7.9 Deviation from chance 5.1 3 0 6.1 6.2 Chi square 3.3 1.9 3.3 5.7 P (.05 <.2o < .01 < .02 Self-preference ratio 2.6 2.3 2.6 2.6 78 TABLE II SELF -PREFERBVCE RATIOS BASED m CHOICE OF REPRESENTATIVE TO GOVERNOR L Choices Directed to Choices Directed to Own Sex Both Sexes Anglo Spanish Anglo ISEEEIEE Grades 7, 9 . Boys 11: .h 2 .6 10.11 1 .9 Girls 111.2 2.3 10.6 1.5 Grades 10, 11, 12‘ Boys A 1 Girls w-q O 0 one I—‘N 0 TABLE I SHE-PREFERENCE RATIOS BASED ON CHOICES INVOLVING PRESTIGE morons A‘s-e—k *— —_.__ w v—__ __-v —_“ Best .Best Best Best Send to Dressed Dressed Looking ~Looking Governor Girl 301’. Girl Boy Grades 7, 9 Anglo 11:37 61:5 9.09 12.2h 10.7h Spanish 1.87 5.96 3.51: 12 .00 1.73 Grades 10, 11, 12 Anglo 11.69 3 .25 14.78 11 .(7 5.20 Spanish 1 .7h 1h .79 0.97 S .36 2 .33 79 of tables VII through X'with tables V and VI brings out the fact that these Spanish students are far more inclined to choose Anglos to represent them in a situation of this kind than they are to choose them as companions and.friends. In junior high school, the Anglo children displayed much greater self-preference than did the Spanish in their choices of representatives to the Governor,‘but the high school girls showed less inpgroup feeling than they did in their choice of friends. Table I, which summarises the self-preference ratios based on choices involving prestige factors by'ethnic groups and grades, indi- cates a significant self-preference.on the part of both Spanish and Anglo groups for every category excepting that one in which the stu- dent selected the girl whom he considered the best looking. In this category, the only group which expressed a preference for the out- group was that comprising the Spanish students in the high school, who chose a slightly higher*proportion of Anglo girls than would be expected if only chance factors were operating. In all grades, the Spanish students showed only'a slight self preference in their choices of the best-dressed girl. In all choices involving prestige values, the_Anglos showed a decidedly higher self preference than did the Spanish, with the exception of the choice of the best dressed boy by the high school students. 80 Verbalisation of Inter-Group Attitudes Tables XI and III are based on responses to the statements: 'If I took a job, it would make no difference to me to what race my boss belonged" and “it is all right with me if more people of a racial group different from mine move into my neighborhood.“ The student was asked to check in each instance "I agree completely", 'I disagree" , or I'I cannot quite agree." Some of the students made additional comments not specifically requested on the schedule. TABLE II RESPONSES TO STATH'IENT: "IF I TOOK A JOB, IT WWLD MAUI NO DIFFERENCE TO ME TO WHAT RACE MY BOSS BELONGED.’ Complete Partial Complete No Disaggement Agreemep't Agreement Response Total G . 9. 0 0 OJ QL '_ Grades 7 and 9 Spanish 6 7.5 11 13.8 52 6h.9 11 13.8 Anglo 13 19.1 2h 35.3 29 h6.2 2 3.0 Grades 10, 11, 12 80 68 Spanish 5 O 5.7 17 19.5 514 11 12.6 87 Anglo h 22 62.2 6b 35.6 57 31.7 19 10.5 180 100 100 100 100 - It will be noted from Tables II and III that in every category the minority group, the Spanish, expressed less prejudice against association with the out-group in situations involving employment and residence than did the Anglos. It may , however, be somewhat significant 81 TABLE III RESPONSES TO SPATWT: "IT IS ALL RIGHT WITH ME II" MORE PEDPLE (F A RACIAL (HIOUP DIFFERENT FRCM MINE MOVE INTO lfl NEIGHBORHOOD." Complete Partial Cornplete No Disamement Ageement Afireement Resmnse Total 0.. 0e 0. 0. 0. Grades 7, 9 Spanish 5 6.3 22 27.5 no h9.9 13 16.3 80 100 Angle 11 16.2 29 h2.6 26 38.2 2 3.0 68 100 Grades 10, 11, 12 18 20.7 ’48 55.2 15 17.2 87 100 Spanish 6 9 20.0 70 38.9 50 27.8 211 13.3 130 100 6 Anglo 36 of a hesitation to express their feelings regarding their minority status that in each grade the Spanish students failed more often to respond to these questions than did the Anglos. The Anglos in junior high school responded readily to all questions in this category, but the Anglos in senior high school were almost as reluctant to respond as were the Spanish students in that age group. The Spanish students in the high school grades display slightly less prejudice toward the Anglos in the two situations described by the above questions than do the junior high school students, but the reverse is true for the Anglo students. It is probable that the more acculturated Spanish students tend to stay in school longer, and therefore the. students in’the higher grades would be those who are more accepting of the Anglos and their culture. It is also to be 82 expected that those Spanish students who remain in school through high school would tend to come from families whose standards are more acceptable to the Anglos in the community. The self preference expressed by the Spanish students included in the sample is particularly significant since, as was pointed out earlier, these urban Spanish children who remain in school are, in all probability, quite accepting of the Anglo culture, and, because of their acculturation and their relatively high social status as compared with others in the Spanish group, more acceptable to the Anglos. It seems probable that the Spanish who are more isolated geographically and culturally would be separated from the Anglos by a considerably wider cleavage than is found in the group represented in the sample. We may, therefore, conclude that the ethnic cleavage be- tween Anglos and Spanish in New Mexico is definitely present, the 6 Spanish occupying a position subordinate to that of the Anglos. We cannot determine from the data available in this study to what extent the segregation of the minority group is voluntary and to what extent it is imposed upon them by the Anglos and by their minority status. CHAPTER VI 3an IMPLICATIONS PM THE STUDY AND succeerons FOR FURTHER RESEARCH The present study has demonstrated conclusively that a cleavage does exist between.Anglo and Spanish students in the Las Cruces High School, and there are indications that the Spanish group has the status of a minority. One question which has been left unanswered is how'representative the group sampled is of the general population in Las Cruces and in other parts of New Mexico. It would seem to be a safe assumption that the Spanish students 'who remain in school sufficiently long to reach the senior high school tend to represent a relatively secure segment of the Spanish p0pula- tion, economically'speaking; that they place some credence in the typically Anglo values regarding education and vertical mobility in the class and economic structure of society; that, on the whole, they are more fully'acculturated in terms of Anglo standards than are , those Spanish students who drop out of school before reaching the high school grades. The administration of the questionnaire used in this study to students dropping out of school as soon as they reached the age when they could legally'do so would make possible significant comparisons, particularly if the occupations of the fathers of the students were taken into consideration. 81: Another unexplored area involves the meaning that the inagroup has for the Spanish. To what extent do they retain their own culture 'by choice, and to what extent are they forced to identify with their cultural group because of their minority status and their rejection ‘by the Anglos? From his study in Taos County, New'Mexico, Senter concluded that lower and upper class Spanish families made conscious efforts to preserve their Spanish heritage, and that, as would be expected, the greatest desire for acculturation appeared in the middle class.1 Taos County is less urban than Dona Ana County, is geographic- ally'more isolated, and the preportion of Spanish-speaking pecple in the pOpulation is much higher. It might, therefore be expected that the voluntary retention of the Spanish culture might be a less import- ant element in ethnic cleavage in Las Cruces than in Taos County, but this question merits further consideration. Possibly if more emphasis had been placed in this study on the occupation and social class of the parents of the students in the sample, some conclusions could have been reached regarding the relationship between cleavage and social class. An intensive study of those Spanish students receiving the great- est number of friendship and prestige choices, employing interview techniques to secure further data concerning them and their families, would undoubtedly have clarified to some extent the values important to the group. It would be difficult to determine, however, to what —— 1 Senter, pp. 3.1.1.3- 85 extent friendship choices of Spanish students by Spanish students could be attributed to adherence to Spanish cultural values and to what extent they were due to such factors as physical prepinquity, the enjoyment of easier and more comfortable relationships with mem- bers of their own culture, or exclusion from association with members of the Anglo group by reason of their*minority status. The extension of the present study to the lower grades in the Las Cruces schools would add something to the understanding of ethnic cleavage between Anglos and Spanish, but would require very careful analysis, taking into consideration not only the reflection of community attitudes in the children, but also the effect of the stage in the child's develOpment on his inter-personal relationships in general as well as those with the out-group. Criswell found in her study of NegroéWhite cleavage in the classroom, which includes children from kindergarten through the eighth grade, that race differences in response were more prominent below grade four or five, when the white race was more pepular with both racial groups. In the lower grades, the white self-preference is stronger than that of the colored children, but in the higher grades there is a rapid increase in race solidarity among the colored children.2 The currents of race preference coming in from the community and centering in the classroom, are of course distorted by the classroom situation and the school attitudes perculiar to various age levels. At all levels the chief conscious basis of choice is the chooser's feeling of a personal relationship between himself and the person chosen. But in the lower grades this 2 crim11’ 9e 22-3., pp. 70-7Se 86 feeling is less potent and there is greater emphasis on the school success of the chosen individual. In both inter- racial and intra-racial motivations the younger child betrays a higher valuation of smartness and good behavior, resulting in a greater dependence on the good Opinion of the teacher. Older children attach greater importance to congeniality in common ptn‘suits. Part of the growth of interest in intimacy is a lessening emphasis on prestige. The minority, for instance, shows an age-increase of interest in individuals who will reciprocate their attacllments. Young minorities tend to be most interested in a papular but relatively inaccessible majority-member , while older minority groups prefer less popular but more friendly members of the majority. . . . Another aspect of the same attitude is revealed by the growth of reciprocation of choice. In the present study . . . . there was found in kindergarten and first grade very little formation of mutual pairs and a large percentage of unchosen children. Formation of reciprocal relationships increased with 38.. e e e It is then still easier to understand the greater popu- larity of whites among young children. In this study whites are not only the dominant race outside of the classroom but they are also within the school slightly above the Negroes in intelli- gence, social status and school marks. Moreover, since all teachers but one were white, a preference for the white race may unconsciously have colored their attitude toward the class. In younger classes, then, with their less personal basis of choice and their dependence on the teacher's Opinion, one might expect to find a resulting weakness of self-preference in the Negro group and a particularly wide gap between the self- preference of Negroes and whites. This was the result obtained in our study; Implicit in this description of shifts in the lines of cleavage with the increasing age of the child is the interest in and respect for the standards set by the adults in his world and his need for adult approval in his earlier school years, which is gradually replaced to a large extent by a need for the recognition and personal response of members of his peer group, which of necessity involves an acceptance 3 Ibid., pp. 77-78. 87 of the standards of that group. It is probable that a similar trend would be found with respect to Anglo-Spanish relationships in the lower grades of the Las Cruces schools. This could be verified by a sociometric study of cleavage similar to the present project, adapted to the age level to be studied. CHAPTER VII WY AND CWCLUSIONS This study was designed to measure cleavage between the Anglo and Spanish students in.Las Cruces high school, employing Criswell's double ratio to indicate the self-preference expressed by'members of each group. The choices included in the tabulations were confined to intra-sexnal choices in order to avoid the introduction of the element of sex cleawage into the measurement of ethnic cleavage. Four hundred and sixteen questionnaires were administered to members of the seventh, ninth, tenth, eleventh and twelfth grades. These questionnaires were designed to permit the student to make choices which would fit into two categories: friendship choices and prestige cheices . In addition to questions involving choices of individuals*with reference to specific, clearly’defined situations, the questionnaire also included an opportunity for the student to respond to a series of statements which represented a verbalisation of Angle-Spanish prejudice. The principal conclusions reached as a result of this study were: 1. In their choices cf companions at home and at school, both Angle and Spanish students indicate a significant self preference for their own ethnic groups. 89 2. In their choices of companions at school, both junior and senior high school Anglo boys express a slightly higher self preference than do the Anglo girls, and for both sexes the ratios are somewhat lower in the high school group than in the junior high school grades. 3. In their choices of companions at hone , Anglo boys and girls in junior high school show about the same degree of self preference, and it does not differ markedly from that expressed in the choices of companions at school. Senior high school girls indicate only a slightly lewer self-preference ratio than do the junior high school students, in their choices of companions outside of school hours: the high school boys express a much greater self preference than those in junior high school and than the girls in their age group. b. In all categories excepting the jmior high school boys, the self preference of Spanish students islmore marked than is that ex- pressed by the Anglos. The Spanish girls in junior high school show an especially strong in-group feeling in their choices of companions beth at home and at school. The Spanish boys in that age group mani- fest a low self preference both at school and at home. In the senior high school, the Spanish boys express a much more pronounced in-group feeling than do those in junior high school, and somewhat higher than that of the Spanish girls in senior high school. 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Census of Population: 1950, Vol. IV, Part 3, Chapter 0, "Persons of Spanish Surname'. . Walter, Paul A. F., Jr. A Stag of Isolation and Social Change in a es e eVMeHco. Unpublis d h. D. Warner, Louis H. "Wills and Hijelas“, New Mexico Historical Review, Vol. 7, 1932, pp. 75-89. Y Wirth, Louis. “The Problem of Minority Groups", in The Science of Man in the World Crisis, ed. , Ralph Linton. New York: Columbia Unifirsity Fees, 1955. Woofter, T. J. Races and Ethnic Groups in American Life. New York and London: Hogan-m}: , I953 . A World Federation of Mental. Health. Cultural Patterns and Technical %, edited by Margaret Mead. P533: U. N. Educatienil, en ifio and Cultural Organization, 1953. APPENDIX 96 Write in your name Age School grade Your father' s name what does your father do for a living? Language spoken at home meet Language also spoken at home Language spoken most by grandfather (new or while living) Language spoken most by grandmother (new or while living) A. Write in names of boys or girls you pal or play with most at school. Put name of person you play with most on first line. , How old is In What grade Is he or she First name Last name he or she? is he or she? related to ygu? 1. 2. 3. 1:. S. B. Write in names of boys or girls you pal or play with most on Satur- day, Sunday, and school holidays. (Do not include brothers or sisters or children living in your home.) Put name of person you play with most on first line. How old is In what grade Is he or she First; name Last name he or she? is he or She? related to ZS“? 1. 2. 97 What families visit most at your home? ,If any of these families ate a meal in your house last year put a check after their names. 3. h. S. #1 Who is the most high hat, stuck up, or snobbish boy or girl in your school? (first nameT Tlast name) E. Who do you think is the best looking girl in your class? _ F. Who do you think is the best looking boy in your class? __ G. Who are some of the well dressed boys and girls among your class- mates? Lays Girls L 1. 1. i 2. 2. w 3. 3. R. If you had a new sweater, which of your classmates would you want I. most to like it? (Name several if you want to) (first name) ‘ (fast MU What boy or grl would you pick if your school wanted to send some- one to Santa Fe to talk with the Governor? Remember, your school will be judged by the person you select. ‘(Tirst aamoT Tract name) J. What person in the whole school would you least like to have go to meet the Governor? (1 E85710? jfist nameT 98 Further instructions: Here are some things on which a lot of people have different opinions. This is not a test, and there are no right or wrong answers. You may disagree with some of those statements, and you may agree with others.- If you disagree with the statement, put an ”X' in the space in front of "I disagree." If you are not sure or cannot quite agree with the statement, put an PX" in front of ”I cannot quite agree." If you agree completely with the statement, put an "X" in front of "I agree completely." Remember, this is not a test and there are no right or wrong answers. So just write down what you think. K. 'If I took a job, it would make no difference to me to what race my boss belonged." __I disagree I cannot quite agree I agree completely L. “It is all right with me if more people of a racial group different from mine move into my neighborhood." I disagree I cannot quite agree I agree completely M. In order to keep up with the gang you must wear the right ldnd of clothes. I agree completely I disagree I cannot agree N. You can tell what a person is like by the clothes he wears. I agree I disagree I cannot quite agree 0. Being well dressed makes a difference in how a person acts. I agree completely I disagree I cannot quite agree mo . \I-‘l’ LJE 033L‘( . r's" C S L n ' ' ' ‘ “‘5‘: ¥.. ‘~- \‘J l‘ ‘ s _ C ’1 .- I 1‘ ) .31 , w 4