ELFMH KELfiGGG: 19TH CENTURY NEW ENGLARD ORTHBDOX PREACHER ' Thesis for the Degree of Ph, D. MICHEQAN STATE UflIVERSITY C. A. A. SYOR‘ER 1969» '% 1'10 1": This is to certify that the thesis entitled ELIJAH KELIDGG: 19th CENTURY NEW ENGLAND ORTHODOX PREACHER presented by CLEMENT ALLYN STORE has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for Ph. D. degree in SBGGCh Major professor Date November 10, 1969 0-169 ., BINDING BY V mm; 3. sons BOOK mum mc. LIBRARY BIND! RS m. mum] :‘A... ., v . .I'I’!“ - I tidal-Rh ELIJAH KELLOGG: 19TH CENTURY NEW ENGLAND ORTHODOX PREACHER BY C. A; A. Storer A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Speech and Theatre 1969 © CLEMENT ALL II ALDEN STOPER 1970 ALL RIGHTS RESERVED The p principal 11: the sermons c influences, :' tenements up FreiChEG t0 P‘l‘hlic caree 10;; in the hiSthY. Lea/752.. “/~L7«]0 ABSTRACT ELIJAH KELLOGG: 19TH CENTURY NEW ENGLAND ORTHODOX PREACHER BY C. A. A. Storer The purpose of this study was to discover the principal lines of theological and ethical thought in the sermons of Elijah Kellogg (1813—1901); to note the influences, if any, of 19th Century religious and social movements upon the Sunday-morning religion which Kellogg preached to his various congregations during his long public career (1843-1901); and to attempt to place Kel- logg in the stream of 19th Century American intellectual history. Although Kellogg is best remembered for his twenty-nine popular books for young people and for his school declamation pieces, the most famous of which is "Sparticus to the Gladiators," during his lifetime he was best known and most popular as a preacher in and about Boston and in Southern Maine. 1 .-— s is T” Eye. Caflbv‘ iv.” a is Q - I L‘V'Y'. y‘. T ‘c 21 Si“ & «ultea Wit-L “ther the (Na: in cev» - .04“ L L ”A? " ’- ewpe.aue- ~.‘\""‘ V” l: '3 b E‘svoabe“‘e‘ ¥ ‘ - ans-‘5 55..- L‘- b “A; .4“ C. A. A. Storer Perhaps the most striking thing about Kellogg's sermons is how little evidence they show of the great intellectual and social reform movements of the 19th cen- tury; it is almost as if Kellogg were unaware of, or un- concerned with, change and controversy in the world about him. He makes no direct reference in his sermons to any contemporaneous religious leader nor to any of the liberal trends or movements in American Protestantism. Although Kellogg is reported to have been an ar- dent supporter of the Federal Union and an abolitionist, neither the Civil war nor slavery is an issue with which he dealt in his sermons. And although Kellogg was much concerned with the problem of intemperance (his most fre- quent example of man's natural weakness and tendency toward sin), he did not support the temperance movement in his sermons. Kellogg's theology and ethic were generally con- cerned with the eternal and personal rather than the his- torical and societal. He seems to have kept man's obli- gations to his immediate neighbors and to God clearly separate from man's obligations to the state and to society generally, and his sermons were primarily 2 conserves in. 16.29:. tmlarly er; ‘ ' O acctrmes: t tze author 11:3“ absolute: mar: 9551; man is y. ‘l‘. R. v' - else “1‘11 5.3 TrinkZY) 0 did: cause 05. a: HOWE f1s€nce 0f ] land or“; - oi. UHQ‘JESt i071 sic C. A. A. Storer concerned with the former and only indirectly with the latter. Kellogg's New England orthodox heritage is par- ticularly evident in his acceptance of the following doctrines: the Bible is the true, revealed WOrd of God; the authority of Divine Law as set forth in the Bible is absolute; man is totally dependent upon and obligated to God; man is naturally depraved and tends toward evil; the civil state and organized religion are divinely sanc- tioned; Jesus is God (the Son of God and part of the Trinity), and His sacrifice was necessary for, and the cause of, atonement. However, Kellogg also shows the unmistakable in- fluence of 19th Century thought and attitudes. Perhaps the most important modification of traditional New Eng- land orthodoxy in Kellogg's preaching was his apparent unquestioning acceptance of the idea of atonement, which was universal in intent; and the doctrines of "predesti- nation" and "election" are consPicuously absent from his sermons. His orthodoxy was a kind of 19th Century Amer- ican democratic orthodoxy. For Kellogg, men had the power to determine their ultimate fates; salvation might 3 "in ' a: t V De eaaser .C. sible for eve. C‘I' F &“ R‘ n s Alavukrao ‘51,:an'an w.- Mu.‘ ‘3 5‘ on 64].:— ‘o’zich would 1. 3131' appea Iezerkable PE. 5931023 Wefe use of center} in... “‘“Or . C. A. A. Storer be easier for some men to obtain, but it was seen as pos- sible for every man. Despite Kellogg's acceptance of man's natural depravity and tendency toward evil, the general tone of his preaching was positive, and the Christian experience he called men to sharewas always presented as a joyful experience, capable of producing the highest of human happiness and the only true happi- ness. Kellogg's sermon message does not seem to be one which would in itself account for his extraordinary pOp- ular appeal. That was probably a product of both his remarkable personality and his narrative ability. His sermons were frequently develOped as narratives with much use of contemporaneous illustration and much lively good humor. 5 . Ca 3... r "V. flu. fl» C. A. A. 1969 Copyright by C. A. A. Storer 1969 Acce; R ‘ pus,- :_:-ee:n and 3.. lzcrugan Sta: Ru ' V Accepted by the faculty of the Department of Speech and Theatre, College of Communication Arts, Michigan State University, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Doctor of Philosophy degree. Difector of Thesis Guidance Committee: Kenneth G. Hance, Chairman David C. Ralph Gordon L. Thomas Harold T. Walsh ACKNOWLEDGMENT S Grateful acknowledgment is made to the Bowdoin College Library, Brunswick, Maine, for permission to use the Kellogg Papers and Sermons in its collection. Special thanks must also be given to Professor Kenneth G. Hance, without whose guidance and encourage- ment this study probably would not have been completed. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . iv INTRODUCTION. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vi Chapter I. ELIJAH KELLOGG: LIFE AND CHARACTER . . . . . 1 II. KELLOGG'S RELIGIOUS BACKGROUND AND THE TIES IN WI-iICH I-IE LIVED O O O O O O O O O O 37 III. KELLOGG'S SERMON MESSAGE: PRINCIPAL TOPICS AND LINES OF THOUGHT. . . . . . . . . . . . 79 IV. KELLOGG'S METHODS OF SERMON PREPARATION: PRESENTATION: AND DEVELOPMENT . . . . . . . 152 V. CONCLUSIONS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 166 BIBLIOGRAPHY. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 180 APPENDICES. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 184 V INTRODUCT ION The purpose of this study is to discover the principal lines of theological and ethical thought in the sermons of Elijah Kellogg (1813-1901), to note the influences, if any, of 19th Century religious and social movements upon the Sunday morning religion which Kellogg preached to his various congregations during his long career (1843-1901), and to attempt to place Kellogg in the stream of 19th Century American intellectual history. The study of American intellectual history needs no justification. Certainly man's intellectual activity is important, for it not only influences his actions but may also affect the thoughts and actions of succeeding generations. And, certainly, intellectual, social, and political movements not only consist of the so-called great ideas of a celebrated and often eccentric few but must also include the thinking of a great number of ordi- nary pe0ple and their perhaps less celebrated and less 'well remembered spokesmen. vi -. .' ’1 ,: $3333-31. menu 0 ’cr'y' of the g H lectures. a..- ically celeb: '(J . y 1 ressmr. o: ‘ t0 mintaia Perhaps the best evidence of what was in the popular mind of 19th Century America (intellectual his— tory of the people) will be found in the public Speeches, lectures, and sermons of successful, though not histor- ically celebrated, politicians, teachers, and preachers. For the politician, teacher, or preacher, as a public speaker, could not indulge himself in simple "free" ex- pression of his personal thoughts: the politician spoke to maintain his influence in the community and to get elected; the teacher could not risk ”scandalizing" the community, if he expected to keep his employment: and the preacher, too, had to consider his audience very carefully, for not only was the sermon the focal point of most Protestant church services but it also determined, in large part, church attendance, and in some churches ministers were hired and fired largely according to the acceptability of their preaching. Moreover, the study of ideas as set forth in public speeches is well within the province of Rhetoric and Public Address; and it may even be considered as the most appropriate focus of attention in the study of the vii Him-cry cf P b. O-‘AQv-O- the Suns»..- special trai: his Special < perhaps his 1 erazlly.2 0f Publi l. A - c ‘ J S‘udy i‘b “ "a1 ,3. History of Public Address.1 As Ernest Wrage pointed out, the student of Rhetoric and Public Address, with his special training in the study of speech communication, is particularly qualified to study the messages (the ideas) in Speech texts, and that through such studies, the student of the History of Public Address may make his special contribution to intellectual history and perhaps his most valuable contribution to knowledge gen- erally.2 At present there is a need for many more studies of "lesser-known" public speakers, studies which when placed together may make possible a more complete and accurate picture of American intellectual and social history than is possible by studying selected documents of only the most celebrated, and often most controversial, spokesmen of the past. It is hOped that this study of Elijah Kellogg will be a contribution toward a more 1For a full explication of the relationship of study of intellectual history and the study of the History of Public Address see Ernest J. wrage's ”Public Address: A Study in Social and Intellectual History," Quarterly_ Journal of Speech, XXXIII (December, 1947), pp. 451-57. 2Ibid., p. 454. viii ', , 'nr complex 1..- 5n . Tarlta . his long pf; 123.81: fine vs» ac‘m owleigrze b . - 3:93" ~Y‘nine 53°01 deals Cited of 5: his lifeti as a Preac complete intellectual history of the popular mind in America. Elijah Kellogg enjoyed pOpularity and acclaim as a New England Congregationalist preacher throughout his long public career; yet today little is known of either the matter or manner of his preaching. Such acknowledgment as he has depends primarily upon his twenty-nine popular books for young people1 and his school declamation pieces.2 The most famous of his declamatory works undoubtedly was "Sparticus to the 'Gladiators"--probably the most popular and widely re— cited of school declamations throughout the century following its first publication in 1846. Yet during his lifetime, Kellogg was best known and most popular as a preacher. Although most of Kellogg's active preaching career was spent in the small sea-town of Harpswell, Maine, he was not merely a small-town preacher. For 1For a complete list of Kellogg's books, see Appendix II-A. 2 For a complete list of Kellogg's declamatory pieces, see the table of contents of Elijah Kellogg: The Man and His WOrk, Appendix II-B. ix 312:5: €19“ m :haplar me. While he. of pulpits i mess and fas. Ptreover, sir. are from as rail, to hes during his Which he '9: he began hi “WOW“. ness 0 aQrQ u boa-t almost eleven years he was pastor of the Mariners' Church and chaplain of the Sailors' Home in Boston (1854-1865). And while he lived in Boston, he preached from a number of pulpits in the greater Boston area, including the fa- mous and fashionable Park Street Congregational Church. Moreover, while he was preaching at Harpswell, peoPle came from as far as forty miles away, by boat and by rail, to hear him preach--this was particularly true during his later ministry (1883—1901). The church in which he preached at Harpswell was built §9£_Kellogg when he began his public career and named for him after his death—-unusual honors for a New England clergyman. Although manuscripts of many of Kellogg's sermons are extant, Kellogg has not been studied as a preacher. He is overshadowed by more celebrated clergymen of the 19th Century. Beyond the following brief reference in The Dictionaryqof American Biography, virtually nothing is known about his preaching: "His virility, his devout- ness, and his methods of using scythe and hoe, seine and boat, in preaching the GOSpel won for him the affection of his parishioners." The over V‘RICl‘. f“ mes: varies. social hiStC remained wit. ditions, 02h: Protestantis. rections: 8: social and et trappings of cthers excite Coming Of CE: The} Kellogg mantis are ColleCte: Which they We The period in which Kellogg lived and the period over which his long pulpit career extends is one of the most varied and changing in American intellectual and social history. Changes were particularly evident in the churches of America. While many American Protestants remained within the boundaries of their particular tra- ditions, others did not. Nineteenth Century American Protestantism branched, or was catapulted, in many di- rections: some prominent ministers metamorphosed into social and ethical theorists and reformers, leaving the trappings of the old theology and worship behind them; others excitedly and eagerly awaited the "immanent” Second Coming of Christ; and still others invented new religions. The primary source materials for the study are the manuscripts of Kellogg's sermons in the collection of the Bowdoin College Library, Brunswick, Maine. The Kellogg manuscripts are not individually catalogued, but are collected and arranged according to the years in which they were first delivered; the ten shelf-boxes covering the years 1843 to 1901 contain over two hundred xi sermons and sermon fragments which may safely be attri- buted to Elijah Kellogg.1 The primary biographical source is the collec- tion of articles about Kellogg written after his death by men who knew him; these were edited by Wilmot B. Mitchell and published with a selection of Kellogg's non-fiction writing by Lee and Shepard of Boston in 1903 under the title Elijah Kellogg: The Man and His WOrk. General background for the study is drawn from several courses in American History and History of Amer- ican Public Address together with a wide range of read- ings in American intellectual and religious history. A partial list of the most directly relevant works con- sulted will be found in the bibliography. 1When this study began, the Kellogg manuscripts were being stored in four small cartons in the basement of the Bowdoin College Library; they have since been transferred to the shelf-boxes. They are not carefully organized, and the whole collection of Kellogg Papers in- cludes the papers of Kellogg's father, also named Elijah Kellogg; no attempt has as yet been made by the library to distinguish between the two Kelloggs. For many years the Kellogg Papers were stored in Kellogg's abandoned house in Harpswell, where they were subject to the raids of vandals and the ravages of weather, insects, and mice. Unfortunately, many of the sermons are illegible, or nearly so; some of them have pages missing, have been gnawed through, or have rotted away. xii " ~- g 'A s:.::e CL he- ' s p «.3 “'f.‘ ' .lG-e :‘b.:85 a ‘A‘. Q.‘ ‘ " P: ‘\.'10 r “F: erU.‘-» ~ K..-- L‘ga ‘ I d V“; 9“, *1 t, H" ~ «me ....~.: r L. C? 11. 2 .J r. \“ um,- bU‘ lcal I Q." griefiv SQ- As already indicated. the primary concern of this study is the lines of thought (the themes) of Kellogg's sermons. An underlying assumption is that. whatever the source of Kellogg's popular appeal. his parishioners must have either accepted or. at the very least. not have been hostile to the ideas he expressed. Thus it is hoped that the study may be useful in suggesting the kind of theology and ethic that was accepted by many people. not only in a small town in Maine but also in Boston. who did not attend the churches of the "famous" preachers such as ‘William Ellery Channing and Phillips Brooks. or the serv- ices of Theodore Parker at Boston's Music Hall. Any consideration of a man's preaching that ac- cepts his popularity must also look at his methods of presenting his ideas as well as the ideas themselves. For althoughhis parishioners were not likely to have been hostile to his ideas. the possibility that his pop- ular appeal lay primarily elsewhere cannot be overlooked. Thus. although the purpose of this study is not primarily rhetorical analysis. it will be useful to look. at least briefly. at some of Kellogg's methods and rhetorical practices; and likewise. to look at Kellogg the man. xiii Elijah K811“ is not Well-E- celebrat‘fi:1 FE lived a“d WV Chap? srmary rese as" ttempt to de Chap‘ Kellogg's me tion. Altho conSideratio senore compl idess However, the main purpose of this study is to discover and make available a summary of the principal lines of theological and ethical thought of Elijah Kel— logg and to place him on that basis. Chapter One presents a biographical sketch of Elijah Kellogg's life and personality. Since Kellogg is not well-known, the sketch is rather more complete than might be necessary in a similar study of a more celebrated person. Chapter Two presents the intellectual and social backgrounds from which Kellogg came and against which he lived and worked. Chapter Three is the main focus of the study; a summary presentation of the principal lines of thought abstracted from a survey of the Kellogg sermons in an attempt to derive his theology and ethic. Chapter Four provides a brief discussion of Kellogg's methods of sermon preparation and presenta- tion. Although not the main focus of the study, no consideration of the lines of thought of a speaker should ignore completely the manner in which he presented his ideas. Chapter Four is not much concerned with matters xiv s ' ' o: st"iE. C I J . q ' an. M: "" ‘v‘o l--‘ 9..-- 51.13395: SN”; 5 JJ “.5.— larity as a of style, but rather with general references to rhetor- ical invention. Chapter Five, the conclusions, is a general at- tempt to place Kellogg's theological and ethical ideas, as set forth in Chapter Three, in relation to his back- ground and times, as outlined in Chapter Two, and to suggest some reasons for Kellogg's extraordinary p0pu- larity as a preacher. XV .r. Partland. His 1' 3&5 from Sent 153’ CCLGtry 0 Edwards. and Patriot and a hat the drum 13-7? Winter of 1733, he was 9 to the Pastora in Portland, 30in College, . and "Orked in CHAPTER I ELIJAH KELLOGG: LIFE AND CHARACTER Life and Ministry Bthood and Early Years.--Elijah Kellogg was born in Portland. Maine. on the 20th of May. 1813. His father. also named Elijah Kellogg (1761—1843). was from South Hadley. Massachusetts. the Connecticut val— ley country of Samuel Chapin. Solomon Stoddard. Jonathan Edwards. and Daniel Shays. He is described as a militant patriot and a Calvinist clergyman of the "old—school." He beat the drum at the battle of Bunker Hill and spent the long winter of 1777—78 with washington at Valley Forge. In 1788. he was graduated from Dartmouth College and was called to the pastorate of the Second Parish Congregational Church in Portland. He was one of the original overseers of Bow— doip College. which he helped to found in 1794. He lived and worked in Portland until his death. Kellogg's mother was Eunice McLellan. of the McLellans. a proud Scotch-Irish family and one of the first European families to settle in Maine. As a boy. Elijah seems to have been lively and full of mischief. and he seems to have remained so all his life. He was not fond of school; he was apparently a poor stu- dent. Once. at least. he skipped church to go swimming. and he lied about it to his father. When his father asked him where he had been. he said he had gone to the Method- ist church to hear how someone else preached. Interested and perhaps curious. his father asked him about the ser- mon. YOung Elijah supplied both text and synopsis. but he had never heard anyone but his father preach. and it was an old-line Calvinistic sermon that he put into the mouth of the Methodist preacher. Thus he was found out. However. he seems not to have been haunted by guilt over such an act. and he often repeated the story on himself. When he was about ten or eleven. he was sent into the country to live with a Mrs. Lothrop Lewis. In exchange. the Kellogg's boarded Mrs. Lewis's daughter so that she could attend school in Portland. Kellogg seems to have enjoyed the country enormously; perhaps it was partly being .- ’, my no: L'. emerge see Dch docks. 'de 1 lie wen: to s- 'N At e: away from the watchful eye of his stern father. This exchange seems to have been for only about one year. Back in Portland. young Kellogg hung about the docks. He loved to listen to the sailors. and at fifteen. he went to sea. For three years he lived the life of a merchant seaman. apparently in the trade between New England and the Caribbean. At eighteen he was back ashore. For a while he knocked about the country working at one farm and then at another. After a few months of these peregrinations. his father indentured him for one year as an apprentice to do general work on the farm of Mr. Alexander McLellan. a relative of Kellogg's mother. The purpose of the inden- ture seems to have been more to hold him in one place. to make him settle down. than to make a servant of him. He lived and worked as a member of the McLellan family. If making him "settle down" was its purpose. the indenture seemed to work. Kellogg became a hard and serious worker and learned to be a farmer. It was while living with the McLellans that he decided he wanted an education. He entered Gorham Academy a little older than most boys preparing for college. and it is reported that he worked esp»; - {sile at £21»: I I n ’ "" "w" PO. alwlvu:,. was not Witf" 1\ it {George 1 lfigical Semi: NO! Ellja will kill I'll do_ Sunday-“ down late. Kellogg Set 0'. .‘lc‘, “.51! yEars 1‘ Kellogg enter; 51X of his th- 315 College C ”(S and PO‘ I Erin . , GEOrC ml‘ ‘ ls wor:¥\ ' ‘I M Shepard, worked especially hard to make up for lost time. It was while at the Academy that he determined to become a min- ister. It was also at this time that he began his evan— gelism. that he started his first Sunday-school. The story of its founding. in an unsavory neighborhood. shows something of the character and personality of Kellogg. For although he felt the "call" to go there and teach. he was not without fear. so he invited a friend to go with him (George Prentiss. later a Professor at Union Theo- logical Seminary). His friend is said to have replied. No. Elijah. I don't dare go down there. They will kill us if we do . . . I'll tell you what I'll do. If you go down there and start a Sunday-school and don't get killed. I'll come down later and help you.1 Kellogg set out alone. He founded the Sunday-sdhool. and fifty years later. it was still meeting regularly. Bowdoin College.--In 1836. at age twenty-three. :Kellogg entered Bowdoin College. (It should be noted that six of his thirty classmates were at least as old as heJ jHis college career seems to have been characterized by ‘pranks and poverty. lGeorge Lewis. "The Boy." Elijah Kellogg: The Man Japd.His WOrk. ed. Wilmot Brookings Mitchell (Boston: Lee and Shepard. 1903). p. 23. The college in those days was a wild and lively place. and Kellogg seems to have been at the center of much of the activity. Perhaps the most celebrated "prank" was the incident of President Allen's silk hat. President of the college. Dr. William Allen. is described as a pomp- ous. over-bearing man who is known to have laughed but once. He was most unpopular among the students. When it became known that his silk hat. a symbol of his formal pomposity. had been stolen. Kellogg boasted that if he knew where it was. he would put it on the chapel spire. Of course. he was soon told where to find it. and he did climb the chapel spire on a dark and showery night and fixed the hat at the top. where it greeted the campus com- munity in the morning. It is alleged to have taken a crew of workmen with ladders three days to get it down. Besides pranks. Kellogg knew poverty as a student. There were no scholarships in those days. and a student ‘without money had no choice but to work. Kellogg worked his way through college by "keeping school" during the long ‘winter recess and by mending snow-fences for the college. lHe himself gives the account of walking seventy-five miles to Penobscot after Christmas and back again through the mud of March to keep school--walking because he was too 'Of‘ a) 5 UV *0 kee: ..* ,; It..- .. p ‘.'"“ :3: w-“ n V ea "a IR“ 3a.: ‘1‘: ‘lba M Q“ -55 D “"Yv- ‘ oeulb“‘e: (a liter "Thus.” Le... 45:0 poor to ride. He even had to "hire a watch in Brunswick to keep school with."1 As to the snow-fences: They needed frequent replacing chiefly because students would break them up for winter bonfires. In later years. Kellogg confessed that. when he needed money desperately. he would sometimes tear up and burn fences to get the job of making new ones. In spite of the "pranks" and poverty. Kellogg seems to have entered fully into college life--both formal studies and literary society as well. Kellogg was a member of the Peucinean society and a contributor to the Bowdoin Portfolio (a literary magazine founded in his junior year). His con- tributions to both seem to have been mainly poetry. He was immensely popular among his fellow students. and his influence on others is described as always good. Even his role in the incident of the "hat" is defended: To steal the hat was a petty and foolish trick . . . but to carry it through darkness to the top of the chapel spire required a clear headé a stout heart. good muscle. and nerve . . . . .And his burning of fences is excused by his poverty. 1Kellogg. "Speech at Centennial of Bowdoin College. .Iune 28. 1894." Mitchell. p. 304. 2Henry Leland Chapman. "College and Seminary." Mitchell . pp . 30—3 1 . 9 s 1.4.. not “y-.. “A c I-v‘~~—f - .- oi -u-..y o . Vfi- ~ 5. J... U ‘- “‘1' ..¢... d "fi ‘ '2'« JV.,“‘ -‘ u Ag .- “HI; I ‘ ‘ "I 5...: . WV-.- ‘~ 5 .— ‘ Q‘Vbeb 5-,) £1. E l ‘1} -‘ Hm. .‘ “"~ 32;: K 7-.- v-a‘ ‘ . ,Y" .pg“c Samuel P. Newman was Professor of Rhetoric at Bow- doin while Kellogg was there. but there is no particular evidence of his influence.1 Kellogg does not mention him as one of his favorite or most influential teachers. Andover:gh§ological Seminary.--After graduating from Bowdoin. Kellogg went to Andover Theological Semi— nary. Certainly he had well known teachers there: Leonard‘Woods.2 Bela Edwards. Moses Stuart. Ralph Emerson. and Edwards Park. But Kellogg makes little reference to his three years at Andover. Perhaps the reason was the professional character of the school. a place for study. not a place for the high-jinks that create fond memories and make good stories. Whatever the reason. Kellogg does not write about his famous teachers. Sparticus.--It was for Edwards Park's class in thetoric and Oratory that Kellogg wrote what is probably lNewman was the author of a popular textbook. A jPractical Guide to Rhetoric. first published in 1827; it vwent through 60 American editions. the last in 1854. 2Leonard Woods. Professor of Theology. was the father of Leonard Woods. President of Bowdoin College during Kellogg's senior year. 3Ralph Emerson. conservative Congregationalist <31ergyman and distant relative to Ralph Waldo Emerson. true famous transcendentalist and essayist. ' .- up“ .0. WV. - bl! CLZE 3; ‘s o "A. .‘ ‘Von. “ h.- I.‘ q“\ . n p . ~‘-J“:a‘ ‘ his most famous work: the declamation. "Sparticus to the Gladiators." According to Chapman. Kellogg was timid and afraid of criticism. He greatly dreaded the assignment. and he determined to write something so diverting in its subject matter that attention would be drawn away from criticism. Apparently he succeeded. for the class had no adverse criticisms. Park said that though he might criti- cize some points. on the whole it was so masterfully done that he would not. One of Kellogg's classmates later spoke it at the Boylston Prize Speaking at Harvard and won. It was there that it came to the attention of Epes Sargent. who first published it in his School Reader of 1846. Besides "Sparticus." Kellogg wrote ten other declamations. The Call to Harpswell.--During his last year at .Andover. Kellogg received the call from the church at Harpswell. a community with which he had come in contact vflrile he was a freshman at Bowdoin. He used to spend Saturday afternoons sailing among the islands of Casco Bay in his little cat-rigged boat. g_a_d_e£. One day. sailing with a friend and delayed by wind and tide. he landed at evening on Birch Island. The boys were wel- conmxi by the islanders. and Kellogg made friends. ' s "F”VRUR 5.... 5‘; “1:“!- n “, I! ‘gaas‘..‘ D ‘ Q “‘1. ‘5 03,, ~U ‘~‘.‘..' “M: .:. I e .“r "~.. h.‘ "Vd J .. ’ V ‘ ‘. D“l" Subsequently. he became a regular weekend visitor to Birch Island which is just across the water from Harpswell Cen- tre. For Birch Islanders. both store and church were in Harpswell Centre. and it was through them that Kellogg first came in contact with the Harpswell Church. By the end of his sophomore year he was regularly attending church and prayer meetings at Harpswell. When the people of Harpswell learned that he was planning to become a minister. they said that he must come back to Harpswell and be theirs. For they had no regular minister but relied chiefly upon Thomas Upham. Professor of Philosophy at Bowdoin College. to supply their pulpit. Kellogg. perhaps half jokingly. said that if he lived through the seminary and they still wanted him and would 'build.a new church. he would come and preach for them. Thus it was that during Kellogg's senior year at Andover. Upham arrived to tell him that the timbers for time new church were "on the spot." and that the people of Harpswell still wanted him to be their preacher. Upham reinforced his "request" by reminding Kellogg of his Wprzxnise" and he added that if Kellogg didn't go. God would curse him as long as he lived. Of course. Kellogg went. r..." . . 'fkau ’ .0‘b-4 K8 v ., - .eA-Lar‘ ‘- Nfiu \ I El“’-‘.uc t d 10 The Harpswell Church.--When the town was founded in 1751. town and parish were one and the same. The church. as many others in New England. was supported by taxes. But as time passed. other denominations sprang up and other churches were built; and many tax—payers refused to pay taxes to support a church to which they did not belong. A dispute eventually arose between town and church over the ownership of the church building. This dispute was current when Kellogg was at Bowdoin and probably explains his remark about building a new church as a condition of his coming there to preach. Supporters of the old church organized a new society: The Centre Congregational Society in Harpswell. In April. 1844. with Professor Upham as moderator. they formally extended an invitation to Kellogg to become their "pastor in the Gospel ministry" at the salary of $300 a year for four years beginning the first of June. 1844. Kellogg accepted the call "as a minister of the New Testaé ment."l Thus his formal ministry began. At Harpswell. 1844-1854.--During the early years of his ministry at Harpswell. Kellogg proved to be an lWilmot B. Mitchell. "Early Harpswell Days." .Mitchell. p. 56. 9‘ ‘5 l°s 5.: 59¢.lar 3513'». 11 active and energetic pastor. Not only did he attend to the regular duties of his little parish--his congregation included only from forty to fifty church members all this time-~but his public ministry carried him all about the islands of Casco Bay and westward as far as Flying Point. Wolf's Neck. and Freeport. After services in his own church. he would take to his boat to call on neighboring shores. For some of the islanders who couldn't get to the mainland for church. he took the church to them: Bible reading. and prayer. and pastoral counseling in private homes on some of the far-out islands. He entered into every phase of community life. He was elected to the school committee. and he brought the secular world into the church. One Sunday he read the fol- lowing notice from the pulpit: Widow Jones's grass needs mowing. I shall be in her field tomorrow morning at half-past four with scythe. rake and pitch-fork. I shall be glad to see all of you there who wish to come and help. IHe was there with a large crew of men and boys to help. For the first five years of his pastorate at liarpswell. he "boarded around"-—most of that time at the lMitchell. pp. 58—59. ..— 5-.»- .A ‘- J a u. .. a .3 . . a .1 . Z .n . . L In n1. -. a in “I. . h“ Moo“ 12 home of one Joseph Eaton. His mother spent summers with him.there. In 1849. he bought a farm of thirty—five acres in North Harpswell. He cut and hauled most of the large timbers for his house himself--from Ragged Island. three miles out to sea. He hauled the sand for his mortar from a beach on Birch Island. When the materials were gathered. Kellogg was "surprised" by seventy-five of his friends and neighbors. many of them ships carpenters. In three days they hewed the timbers. framed. boarded. and roofed the house. After the house was built. his mother came to live with him. and did live there until her death in 1852. He also employed a housekeeper at this time. Marriage.--Kellogg married in 1854. at age forty- one. After his mother's death. a friend began chiding him about his single state. When Kellogg said he could find no one to have him. his friend suggested an old schoolmate: Hannah Pearson Pomeroy of Syracuse. New York. whose father ‘had been minister at Gorham while Kellogg was at the .Academy there. She is described as an educated woman. a school teacher. "just the sort of woman to be a minister's rvife." Kellogg went to Syracuse; the matter seems to have ibeen settled in a very businesslike way. And their marriage f‘.’ ‘7‘- .-l (l) :‘V‘RA HU..\, 13 was apparently a happy one. They had two children. a son and a daughter. His WOrk with Boy§.--Kellogg was especially effec— tive in his work with boys and young men. As was already suggested. he remained in some ways a boy all his life. This no doubt had a great deal to do with his success: he had not only sympathy but empathy as well. He would laugh at their jokes and listen seriously and with respect to their serious thoughts. He was also always on the look— out for educational potential. and he did much to encourage scholarship among the brighter boys of his parish. But he was always evangelising. as Mitchell reports: He would swim. sail. farm. and fish with the boys in his parish. and then. at an unexpected moment. but in a manner not repellent. he would kneel down in their boat or in the field by the side of a cock of hay or a shock of corn and pray with them.1 Speaking of Kellogg's later work among young pe0p1e in Boston. William Clough. one of those young men. said that Kellogg was not "dignified and solemn" as other min- isters. and that it was this "unlikeness" which attracted young people to him. He said that Kellogg had an'intui— tive" ability to tell just how far he could press a person. lMitchell. p. 61. u... nfi". .' .0... an ... mv. 2» C; it Q”. o .. s. h .n. . Ts .. Vs O t mu. S a hut S I Q~ Q» Hie \yuH :u n V Q .4.» .5.‘ A C Wu“ NAN ~\~ $ p u A: a\~ YR“ 14 "just how much religious talk he would stand and still come to him with his burdens and for advice."1 Kellogg's great strength seems to have been in personal contact. In Boston. he showed special interest in young men alone in the city. He would regularly visit them at their boarding houses. to look after them and make them feel that someone cared for them. All the while Kellogg lived at Harpswell. both in his early ministry and in his later years. he was a fre- quent visitor to Bowdoin College. Most of his visits were informal. and most of his contacts were with students. For some years Bowdoin College sent troublesome students to Kellogg for "rustication." General Joshua L. Chanmerlain. at one time President of Bowdoin College. «describes "rustication" thusly: One of the recognized degrees of punish- ment in those days was that of "rustication."-- country residence being supposed to be a balance or compensation for some of the tendencies of the pursuit of the fine or liberal arts within a college town. This was applied to cases not quite deserving of technical "suspension"; but still was in fact removal from actual attend- ance on college exercises. whether required or ‘prohibited.--a forced residence at the home of some scholarly and judicious gentleman. where lWilliam Oliver Clough. "As Seen Through a Boy's Eyes. " Mitchell. p. 96. .4" In’ I; o 1‘ -\‘ P.” A. he an -. «Q a . n. m... A. UN. NU. nku «MW... HQ .9. 3. i. 15 the attractions would be wholesome influences rather than dangerous temptations. and where the pupil might receive instruction in the three branches of learning pertaining to a classical course. and thus be enabled to do what seemed less likely within college walls.-- to keep up with his class.1 Kellogg's methods were never harsh. He seems to have relied on patience and affection to win the boys over to him. and he seems to have been highly successful in this process of "straightening-out" boys and setting them on a "straight and firm path." Mariners'Church and Sailors' Home.-—In 1854. the Boston Seaman's Friend Society invited Kellogg to become pastor of the Mariners' Church (Purchase Street) and chap- lain of the Sailors' Home. He accepted this new call. He felt that there was much he could do in Boston. but he never severed his ties to the church in Harpswell. contin- uing to preach there during his summer visits. Kellogg began his Boston pastorate in September. 1854. His formal duties included three public worship services at the Mariners' Church on Sunday. supervision of a Sunday—school. religious meetings held once a week in the reading room of the Sailors' Home. visits to sailors lChamberlain. "Reminiscences." Mitchell. p. 173. 16 on shipboard and in hospitals. and of course. performance of the major ceremonies of life for the members of the church: baptisms. weddings. funerals. The Sailors' Home was no small operation. It was operated in a large brick structure at 99 Purchase Street. Its residents were active seamen; it was more in the nature of a hotel than a permanent residence. often with hundreds of sailors staying there. During Kellogg's first year. it sheltered 2.458 men; during the eleven years of his Chaplaincy. its residents numbered 25.358. The Society provided Kellogg with a full-time missionary assistant: a retired ships-master from Plymouth. Captain Andrew Bartlett. Described as a faithful. zealous. and valuable assistant. he referred to himself as "a lieu- tenant to Mr. Kellogg." Kellogg's "Flying Artillery."——Besides Capt. Bart- lett. Kellogg gathered around him a group of young lands- men--volunteers variously described as his "army." his "body guard." and his "flying artillery." How large a group it was is difficult to determine; for one thing its definition was imprecise. Kellogg himself refers to it as an army of young landsmen interested in the welfare of l7 sailors."l Kimball says it grew rapidly during the period of revival in 1858. In that year Charles Grandison Finney was working in Boston with Dr. Stone of the Park Street Congregational Church. and Kellogg was meeting a class in Dr. Stone's chapel. It was this class that seems to have formed the core of the "flying artillery." Other members came from the Sunday evening services at the Mariners' Church. At any rate. it was large enough that at the out- break of the Civil War sixty-eight members enlisted; of the sixty-eight. sixteen are described as Sunday-school teachers. Converts rarely came seeking the church. so Kellogg and his army of young men went out looking for them. They 'would generally meet at the Young Men's Christian Associa- tion. and from there set out for prayer meetings on the receiving ship. 9922! or for evangelizing on the docks. They would march along together. two by two. keeping step tand.time to song. Among their favorite marching tunes ryere "A Life on the Ocean Wave." "Say Brothers. Will You Meet Us." and the chorus "Glory. Glory. Hallelujah." which f5 hell. he sought to drive them to more devout and pious behavior. Nor did he limit his innovation to preaching. In less than six years after the introduction of the "Half-Way" Covenant. he ceased to make distinctions TIDEitween "conditional" and full members. For. he argued. rmC> man could tell of another for certain whether he was Sa~ved or not. Furthermore. he invited all men to partake Cfo the Lord's Supper; it might itself be a great instrument 53 of conversion: "The call is to everyone that will . . . So that they that are at a loss about their present condition have free liberty to come as well as others . . . there is no bar in any man's way."1 The Pietistic movement shifted the focus of atten— tion regarding man's duties. to man and man's concern to know the state of his soul. And it shifted the methods of Puritan preaching from more purely logical address to the ever increasing use of non—rational appeals--especially appeals to fear and terror. Revival§_of the Great Awakening.--Why the revivals of the 1730's and 1740's occurred is difficult to try to determine. That they did occur is a matter of record. and they must have been remarkable events. Perhaps they were in part. at least in New England. an outlet for emotions too long pent-up. But it should be remembered that the revivals did not begin in the land of the Puritans but in the Middle-Atlantic colonies. They were emotional out- breaks such as the colonies had not seen before. The descriptions of young women screaming and fainting as they listened to George Whitefield in Boston sound more like descriptions of contemporary teeny—boppers at a Beatle— l . . Perry Miller. The New England Mind: From Colony to Province (Cambridge: Harvard University Press. 1953). p. 235. 54 concert than responses to a sermon. But such reactions were not limited to young girls only; farmers in Connect- icut raced with desperate urgency from the countryside to towns where revivalists were speaking--especially Whitefield drew them.1 And in Northampton. Massachusetts. members of Jonathan Edwards' congregation clambered to the pulpit begging to be saved. Perhaps the most famous and successful of the resident revivalists was Jonathan Edwards. He was the very opposite to Whitefield and the itinerants; he was a schol- arly. reserved man who preached in the old style from a closely written and carefully ordered manuscript. Though accounts vary greatly as to his voice and delivery. they seem to agree that he was not "sensational" or flamboyant. Perhaps that. given the apparent emotional climate of church andiences. increased his sermons' power. They must have Seemed like terrible and objective truth. Like his grand— father. Solomon Stoddard. Edwards sought to move his hearers by impressing them with the dreadful uncertainty of their condition. Great numbers flocked to hear him. It should also be noted that. like his grandfather. he was active in \ 1For an interesting account of one Connecticut fa-'l:‘mer's reaction to the news that Whitefield would be p"reaching in a nearby town see William Warren Sweet. @gion in Colonial America (New York: C00per Square Publishers. Inc.. 1963) . pp. 285-86. 55 organizing small devotional and study groups within the community. Of the itinerant revivalists. George Whitefield was most celebrated and the most successful. He came to America when he was only twenty-six. and participated in revivals in both the Middle Atlantic colonies and in New England. He apparently possessed a magnificent voice. great oratorical power. and a colossal vanity. His extem- poraneous manner of preaching must have contrasted very Sharply with the plain style of the resident clergy's czarefully written and ordered sermons. There were a number of other itinerant revivalists. some of them without much education. and many of them drrubtless trying to imitate Whitefield. They were given t<> wild shouting and stamping of feet as they extempora- neously amplified texts in ways that both amazed and Slmocked the resident and educated clergy. At least one of 'tTme most famous. John Davenport. was quite prdbably mad. The revivalists were heavily attacked by members (Di? the educated resident clergy. who deplored both their lack of knowledge and the emotional excesses of the revival meetings. Most prominent among the opposition was Charles chauncy of Boston. But the revivalists made an impact upon 56 New England preaching: no longer could congregations be expected to listen to plain discourse addressed to the reason only; and many New England ministers moved toward a more "extemporaneous" style of delivery. though they generally still prepared manuscript sermons. The revivals did not change fundamental Calvinist doctrine. however. Neither Edwards nor Whitefield accepted Arminianism; and although the faintest stirrings of reli- gious feeling were taken by some ministers to be proof of one's "justification." the doctrine of the elect was upheld. {Phere was no way a man might "earn" or insure salvation. New England Orthodoxy As has been already indicated. it is difficult to txry'to derive a simple statement of New England Congrega- tJLonal Orthodoxy. This is true partly because of the illdependence of individual churches. and partly because 'tlle "saints" were not nearly as unanimous in their thought as the founders of the Bay Colony believed they would be. Also the majority of the clergy. then as now. cannot be c"Dnsidered to be systematic theologians. However. subject 57 to qualification and some sharp individual deviations. the major points of New England Orthodoxy seem to have been the following: The Bible.--The Bible was accepted as the revealed word of God. but not as a "simple" book whose message was easily available to any reader. Its correct understanding was believed to require the use of trained reason. This is why the Congregationalists. and also their Presbyterian cousins. insisted upon a college-trained clergy. QQQ,--The doctrine of the Trinity was accepted 'with God seen as existing in three persons: Father. Son. and Holy Ghost. However. the primary emphasis seems to luave been clearly upon God as Creator. Ruler. and Judge Jsather than as either Father or Redeemer. ggn;y-Man was seen as being "totally depraved;" tflnis did not mean that man was seen as having no good in litim. but that the taint of original sin was not to be illlought of as affecting some part of him and not others. 3E1: was accepted as affecting every part of man. presumably lirlcluding his reason. Atonement and Jesus.--Atonement was seen as an act ‘31? God's mercy. with the death of Jesus accepted as neces- S:aury to uphold Divine Law. Generally Jesus was not presented 58 as the "Savior who died for man's sins" but as proof of God’s desire to save at least some men. The suffering and crucifiction were necessary. however. to pay the penalty of the Law. Man could not possibly pay the penalty him- self. for he already owed God complete obedience and love. and even his very existence. Jesus-~or God in and through Jesus—-paid the penalty for man. but he was not seen to have died for a man in any specific sense. Men were not seen as "washed in the blood of the lamb" but as forgiven sinners. The resurrection was taken as a proof of God's mercy and promise of eternal life. Justification and Regeneration.--Through the inter- ‘vention of the Holy Ghost (or Holy Spirit). a man would be Inade to recognize his sinful state and that God had forgiven liim.(Justification). and that with God's help he could §perience as the awareness of Justification was not seen as necessary. however. If a man were of the elect. a rSautional faith and Christian life were deemed sufficient 'tC) salvation. Predestination and Free Will.--Only the regenerate elect could be admitted to salvation. and no non-Christian 59 could be of the elect. If one were of the elect. it was taken as predetermined that he would have to be a prac- ticing Christian. He might. however. become converted after having led a non-Christian and perhaps even sinful life. God's ways were often mysterious and difficult to understand; they were not considered to be irrational. however. In spite of the notion of Predestination. man was seen to have free choice either to obey the commands of God or not to obey them. Man owed God obedience--all men. *with no exceptions and no excuses. Predestination was not seen as removing man's final responsibility for his own :Eate. It must be added that the doctrine of Predestina- tLion. though generally accepted. was the most unsettled sand the most controversial point in New England Orthodoxy. Part II. Religion in 19th Century America Kellogg's life spans a period that is perhaps the most varied and changing in religious history in America. both in theology and in church practice. The great challenges to theology in the 19th Cen— tury in America and the major forces and events affecting preaching and the character of the churches came not from within the churches but from the world outside. They included not only the ideational forces of rational ideal— ism. romanticism. evolutionism and pragmatism but also the liistorical events and socio-political factors of the Battle <>f New Orleans. frontier society. the anti-slavery movement. tihe Civil war. industrialization. and the social ills of an urbanizing America . Rational Idealism and Romanticism The 18th Century was not a religious one primarily 1311t a political one. The historical impact of the Great ‘Anvakening has probably been generally overrated. Actual 6O 61 church membership at the end of the 18th Century has been estimated as low as seven percent of the population. The 18th Century was also the Age of Reason. the Enlighten- ment. And though many who did not belong to churches were apparently hostile to religion. a majority were probably indifferent to it. The less educated were busy in politics and carving a life out of the frontier; the better educated tended toward deism and probably shared Benjamin Franklin's view of religion which may be summarized as follows: there is one God who is creator of the universe; he should be ‘worshipped; the most acceptable service to God is helping 15 tihe necessity of freeing itself from the corrupt. indus- tzzerEilized North; and Northern clergymen spoke of the neces— s ity of preserving the Union. which had been so favored. and even authorized. by God. Preachers on both sides saw Same trust the Q 72 the war as a blood—purge and punishment for sin. and neither group were as confident about its outcome as were the secu- lar leaders. While northern clergymen saw slavery as the chief sin for which the nation was being punished. and southern clergymen saw industrial corruption in the North as the .chief sin; both cited other causes for God's wrath: includ- .ing sabbath breaking. vanity. political corruption. intem- 19erance. and even profanity. Both denounced corruption 21nd war profiteering. which they said were prolonging the vvar; and neither was active in efforts to recruit men to Serve in the armies. They called for moral reform and trust in God to bring victory. Evolutionism Although published in 1859. it was not until after the Civil War that the impact of Darwin's Origin of the .éiJEE§£$§§.Was felt in the churches of America. Conservative cl‘l’lurches reacted most quickly and forcibly attacked the theory; their chief weapons were ridicule and the incom- patibility with their understanding of the revealed word of 6 star God c chair anitE 73 of God. which of course they took to be the correct under- standing. A few of the more "liberal" clergy. such as Henry Ward Beecher and his successor Lyman Abbott. embraced the idea of evolution and incorporated it into their theologies. God came to be accepted as a divine director of a natural chain of events; and they spoke of "Evolutionary Christi- anity." in which the church was seen also to be "evolving" just as the natural world was. By the end of the century a majority of churches ihad probably made some accomodation to the idea of evolu- tion. Most accepted it. reserving to God the power of ihaving "started things off" and the ability to intervene .in the natural chain of events once started. Although the Conservatives waged a fierce theolog- :ical campaign which continues even today. they were largely lxaft to talk to themselves except where their opposition affected public policy——most notably in public education and the teaching of evolution in the schools. 74 Post Civil War Ills and Reform Industrialization and Urbanization of America.-— In spite of the great blood letting of the war. the nation was not purged of sin as the clergy had predicted. Indus- trialization and corruption were greatly accelerated by the war economy. Capitalistic profiteers gorged themselves on the blood of the nation by selling rotten meat and shoddy and dangerous equipment to the military. The industrializaing nation was an urbanizing nation. .More people came to live in the cities and large towns than remained on the farms. And the larger urban centers *were complete with all the problems of sanitation. trans- .portation. unemployment. and slum dwellings that seem to go with the "free" city. Low wages; bondage to banks. railroads. and fac- 1:ories; child labor in sweat shops and coal mines; rats. ciisease. and starvation——these were the lot of the urban .Exaor. This was the base upon which the "Gilded" Age was 1311ilt. It was during this period that the "Protestant ethic" fiaatrned its bad name. For although the Puritans stressed a nnEiII'S calling and obligation to hard work as a duty to God. tflay-also stressed the idea of the unity of the community 75 and the obligation of helping one another-~especially the wealthy were enjoined to meet the responsibility of their "privilege" and aid their less fortunate brethern. The "Christian" business men of the Gilded Age saw not so much God's calling men to different professions. but rather God's casting men in different roles. And some men were apparently cast in the role of the "exploited"; and that was taken as proof of their moral worthlessness. The empha- sis shifted from "do your duty as you are called" to "don't complain about your place." These "Social Darwinists" were not given to charity or to helping their fellow man except in such "philanthropies" as building library buildings and schools which would glorify and perpetuate their names. Where the churches stood.-—Some church leaders. like Henry ward Beecher. comfortably catered to the "Social lDarwinists" in their prosperous flocks and condemned the gpoor for their moral inferiority. Others. like Phillips I3rooks. turned away from the problems of the world and sspoke eloquently to man's more eternal needs. leaving the ‘Ipoor to grub for their material needs by themselves. Some. Lluike Dwight L. Moody. spoke to the poor and‘exploited. but concerned themselves with reconciling the unfortunate to -t:11rganizers. and picketing demonstrators. For they declared tihat the rich were made rich because they were good. and ‘tflne poor poor because they were wicked. Thus they cast JTEiformers in the role of champions of the devil. While many clergymen. both orthodox and liberal. j1><3<2ame apologists for their wealthy patrons. many did not. r“It'l‘lxose who did not were generally liberals. and it was they b“: men: I: :4 the g abilj evagg tion; achie we :1. 77 who took up the call for reform. On the other hand. tra- ditionalists turned away from concern with the problems of "the city on the hill." The Social Gospel Movement.--The number of clergy- men who took up the cause of reform in the 1870's was small. but by the end of the century it had become the major move- ment in American churches. By the beginning of World War I. the Social GosPel had the vocal support. at least. of the great majority of American churches. The social gospel reformers combined faith in man's ability to effect change in his world (as Opposed to the evangelical reliance upon God) with the idea of "evolu- tionary" progress and American pragmatism as the means to .achieve it. They urged their followers to stay sdber. ‘Nork hard. try to save a little money. educate their chil-