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THE EXPERIENCES OF THIRD CULTURE CHILDREN
ATTENDING A DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE
DEPENDENTS OVERSEAS SECONDARY SCHOOL

IN THE REPUBLIC OF THE PHILIPPINES

BY

Tazuko Nakano Olson

A DISSERTATION

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

College of Education

1985

THE EXPERIENCES OF THIRD CULTURE CHILDREN
ATTENDING A DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE
DEPENDENTS OVERSEAS SECONDARY SCHOOL
IN THE REPUBLIC OF THE PHILIPPINES

By

Tazuko Nakano Olson

ABSTRACT

The Department of Defense Dependents Schools are an
important part of almost every American overseas military
base community. Because of the many intercultural families
that exist in such communities as well as the overseas set-
tings of the bases, the schools are the sites of continuing
encounters and the meeting places for third culture kids
(TCKs). The 83 eighth grade students attending a secondary
school at a DoD naval base in the Philippines (the subjects
of this study) share certain characteristics with most
DoDDS students; at the same time, they have some unique-
nesses reflecting the specific locale.

This study explores the influence that the background
and experiences of these students (including frequent
family mobility and father separation) have on (a) academic
achievement, (b) socialization with friends at school and

interactions with parents at home, and (c) lifestyle in the

Tazuko Nakano Olson

DoD overseas community in the Philippines. Ratios in terms
of family background were (a) both parents from the USA,
49%; (b) both parents from the Philippines, 11%; (c) mother
from the Philippines and father USA, 24%; and (d) father
American and mother from a background other than USA or
Philippines, 16%.

The study utilizes background data on the students,
observations, student responses to a questionnaire, and,
where appropriate, a chi-square test to analyze the signifi-
cance of difference at the 0.05 level of probability.

The findings were:

1. student family background did not make a sig-
nificant difference in terms of academic
achievement, career interests, or perceptions
of parental concern about academic achievement;

2. although gender was related to the selection
of friends and the sharing of personal problems
(with girls being more flexible in each area
than boys), no other significant differences
were found which resulted from the relationship
of family background and gender to the student's
socialization and interaction in school and
family; and

3. family background did have a significant influ-
ence on the mother’s work (with the USA mother
more involved in part- or full-time work) and
the choice of where to live (with Philippine-
American families off—base more often). More
than a third of the fathers of these children,
no matter what their status (officer, enlisted,
or civilian), were in cross-cultural.marriages.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

So many people have made so many important contribu-
tions to my study and this dissertation that I hope I can
thank all of them.

To the members of my guidance committee, I am most
appreciative. .I am especially grateful to my committee
chairperson, Dr. Ruth Hill Useem, who was an excellent cor-
respondent with a quick response to every letter and every
question I sent her from the Philippines and Okinawa. I
also appreciate her extreme generosity in sharing so many
hours of her time. Her knowledge and insights into the
world of third culture children were most important. Her
contributions to this dissertation go beyond any measure-
ment.

I was indeed fortunate to have as a committee member
Dr. Cole Brembeck who was also willing to help me with his
insightful comments and his constant support and encourage-
ment.

I was to express my deepest thanks to Dr. Stanley
Wronski who introduced me to the concept of global educa-
tion and who has supported my professional growth as well

as advise me in this committee.

ii

Dr. Ben Bohnhorst contributed his special kindness_
over the years as well as his constructive advice on this
committee.

Dr. Kenneth Neff provided special advice on statistics
as well as general advice on the dissertation.

Many others contributed to my study in different ways.
To each of them I wish to express my special appreciation:
to the Beavers family for their constant friendship and
help; to Don Ellis for his encouragement and support; to
Dr. Sheila Fitzgerald for her friendship and counsel; to Dr.
Carl Gross for being my special educational advisor from the
first day I entered Michigan State University; to Barbara
Reeves for providing her expert help on such short notice
(without her this would have been a disaster); to Diedre
Smith for her special work on the initial preparation of
this manuscript; to Dr. Michael Waldo for his assistance
with the statistical analysis; to Stella Olson, my mother-
in-law, for her generosity, understanding, concern, and
encouragement; to Wayne, my husband, for his understanding
of the whole situation that made preparing this disserta-
tion much easier; to Leonard, my TCK son, for being so
patient; and to the eighth grade students for their willing-
ness to permit me a special glimpse into their third cul-

ture world.

iii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

List of Tables vii

CHAPTER I: INTRODUCTION 1

Introduction to the Study 1

Problem Statement 3

Objectives of This Study 10

Background 12

The Military Community and Its Functions 12
Composition of the Overseas Military

Base Community 14

The Relationship Between the Military
Community and the Host

Nation Country 15
Historical Precedents of Department of Defense
Overseas Dependent Schools 17
U.S. Army Schools 18
U.S. Air Force Schools 18
U.S. Navy Schools 19
Unification of the Three Systems 19
Organization and Administration 20
DoDDS Situations and Related Policies 21
General Information about the Subic Naval
Base Community 27
Location 27
Facilities 28
History 29
On-Base Housing 29
Off-Base Housing 30
The Impact of the Philippine Community 30
Training Programs Offered by the Base 31
Financial Impact 32
Schools 32

CHAPTER II: REVIEW OF LITERATURE AND RELATED

RESEARCH 36
Introduction 36
Definition of Culture 36
Culture Change 39
The Concept of the Third Culture 43
Intercultural Marriage 48

iv

 

Problems in Cross-Cultural Marriages 51

Communication 52
Values 54
Child-Rearing Patterns in Different Cultures 57
Child-Rearing in Intercultural Marriage 60
The Cultural Identity of Children of Cross-
National Marriages 62
Teenagers 64
Third Culture Children in the School
Environment 69

High Rate of Mobility, Frequent Separation from
Father, and Psychological
Impact on Teenage Adjust-

ment and Adaptation 73
Definition of Mobility 74
Frequent Separation from Father 76
Definition of Adaptation 77
The Military Social System 79
Summary 84
CHAPTER III: METHODOLOGY 85
Introduction 85
Data Collection and Analysis 86
Hypotheses 88
Description of the Sample 92
Limitations of the Study 93
Selection of the Research Site 94
Preparing for On-site Research 96
Design of the Questionnaire 97

The Relationship of the Hypotheses to the
Questionnaire 99
Supplementing the Questionnaire 103
CHAPTER IV: ANALYSIS OF RESULTS 104
Introduction 104

Teenaged Youth: Academic Achievement, Extra-

Curricular Activities,

Career Interests, and

Perceptions of Parental

Concern 104
Academic Achievement 105
Perception of Primary Parental Concern

about Social/Academic

Success 124
Involvement in Extracurricular Activities

and Future Career.

Interests 128

Teenaged Youth's Interaction and Socialization

in School and Family 138
Interaction with Friends in School 139
Interaction and Socialization with Parents 150

Teenaged Youth's Frequent Separation from
Father and High Rate

of Family Mobility 161
Father's Absence and Its Impact on Student

Grades 162
Family Mbbility and Impact on Student

Grades 166
Parental Background and Career 172
Family Nationality Background and

Lifestyle Choices 176

CHAPTER V: SUMMARY, FINDINGS, CONCLUSIONS,

RECOMMENDATIONS, AND IMPLICATIONS 183
Summary 183
Review of the Study 183
Nature of the Study 184
Methodology 184
Population 186
School Policies 186
Academic Achievement 187
Extracurricular Activities 187
Findings of the Study 187
General Findings Related to Family
Background 188
Observations Related to the Findings 199

Observations Related to Experiences and
Interactions of Students
within the School
Environment 200
Observations Related to the Relationship
Between the Base and
the Neighboring Host

Community 201

Conclusions 202
Recommendations for Future Study 208
Implications 209
Appendices 213
Bibliography 231

vi

P‘ +4 pa P‘ r4 ta
:u ox U1 ¢~ to to

.7a

LIST OF TABLES

Student Mobility at O. H. Perry School
in SY 1981-82

Parental Nationality Background

Student Relationship to Parents

Father's Position

Approximate Subic Naval Base U.S. Population
Approximate Facility Employment Figures

Enrollment of Secon-ary School Students,
1982-83

Family Background and Academic Achievement
in English

Family Background and Academic Achievement
in Mathematics

Family Background and Academic Achievement
in Social Studies

Academic Achievement in English, Mathematics,
and Social Studies by the Six Eighth Grades
Enrolled in English as a Second Language

Background Information on the Six Eighth
Grade English as a Second Language Partici-
pants ‘

Language Spoken at Home and Academic
Achievement in English

Language Spoken at Home and Academic
Achievement in Mathematics

Language Spoken at Home and Academic

Achievement in Mathematics (chi-square
analysis)

vii

11
ll
12
30
31

34

106

107

107

110

110

111

112

112

.10

.10a

.11

.12

.13

.133

.14

.15
.16

.17

.18

.19

.19a

.20

.21

Language Spoken at Home and Academic
Achievement in Social Studies

Father's Position and Academic
Achievement in English

Father's Position and Academic
Achievement in Mathematics

Father's Position and Academic
Achievement in Mathematics (chi-square
analysis)

Father's Position and Academic
Achievement in Social Studies

Own Parents and Adopted/Stepchild Status
and Academic Achievement in English

Own Parents and Adopted/Stepchild Status
and Academic Achievement in Mathematics

Own Parents and Adopted/Stepchild Status
and Academic Achievement in Mathematics
(chi-square analysis)

Own Parents and Adopted/Stepchild Status
and Academic Achievement in Social Studies

Gender and Academic Achievement in English

Gender and Academic Achievement in
Mathematics

Gender and Academic Achievement in Social
Studies

Family Background and Primary Parental
Interest in Social and Academic Success

Father's Position and Primary Parental
Interest in Social and Academic Success

Father's Position and Primary Parental
Interest in Social and Academic Success
(chi-square analysis)

Family Background and the Selection of
Extracurricular Activities

Gender and the Selection of Extracurricular
Activities

viii

113

114

115

115

116

117

118

118

119
122

122

123

125

127

127

130

131

.22

.23
.24
.24a

.25
.25a

.26

.27

.28

.28a

.29

.30

.31

.32

.33

.33a

.34

.35

Selection of Extracurricular Activities
and Physical Size .

Family Background and Future Career Interest
Father's Position and Future Career Interest

Father's Position and Future Career Interest

(chi-square analysis)
Gender and Future Career Interest

Gender and Future Career Interests (chi-
square analysis)

Family Nationality Background and Selected
Friend's Nationality Background

Gender and Selected Friend's Nationality
Background

Family Background and Influence on Child's
Selection of Friends

Family Background and Influence on Child's
Selection of Friends (chi-square analysis)

Family Background and Sharing Problems
with Friends

Gender Differences and Sharing Problems
with Friends

Family Background and Influence as to
Which Parent Disciplines a Child

Family Background and Influence on Child's
Advice-seeking

Gender and from Whom Most Important Advice
Would Be Sought in the Future

Gender and from Whom Most Important Advice
Would Be Sought in the Future (chi-square
analysis) ‘

Family Background and Influence on Serious
Talks with Parents

Gender and Influence on Serious Talks with
Parents

ix

132
134
136

136
138

138

140

143

144

145

146

149

151

152

154

155

156

158

4,35a

4.36

4.36a

4.37

4.38

4.39

4.40

4.41

4.42

4.43

4.44

4.44a

4.45

Gender and Influence on Serious Talks with
Parents (chi-square analysis)

Father's Position and Child's Motivation
to Practice Good Behavior

Father's Position and Child's Motivation
to Practice Good Behavior (chi-square
analysis)

Length of Father's Absence and Impact on
Student Grades

Family Background and Impact of Father's
Absence on Student Academic Achievement

Gender and Impact of Father's Absence on
Student Grades

Family Mobility and Impact on Student
Academic Achievement

Family Background and Impact of Family
Mobility on Student Academic Achievement

Gender and Impact of Family Mobility on
Student Academic Achievement

Father's Position and Type of Marriage
Patterns

Mother's National Background and Present
Type of Work

Mother's National Background and Present
Type of Work (chi-square analysis)

Family Background and Living On-Base or
Off-Base

Family Background and Choice of Holidays
to Celebrate

Family Background and Influence on
Child's Diet

158

159

160

163

164

166

167

169

171

173

174

175

177

179

181

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

Introduction to the Study

The experience of living within an overseas military
community situated in a foreign country and trying to cope
with aifferent cultures and their sometimes conflicting
characteristics can be a challenging and frustrating
experience for families connected with the Department of
Defense. For the husband/father, many of these demands can
be dealt with on a more logical level as part of his pro-
fessional role. For the wife/mother and children, however,
there is a special challenge in the supportive family roles
they are expected to assume as they encounter the demands
of their environment.

The children caught up in this type of situation can
be considered third-culture children (dependents of parents
who are employed overseas in countries where the family
members are not integral parts of the country) (Useem,
1976). The child is going through an important part of the
growth and learning stage in a country other than the
country of citizenship. In short, the third culture child
is the product of a combination of unique circumstances in
terms of his/her experiences in different cultural settings

worldwide. The complexity of the third culture situation

becomes more apparent in this description by Useem, Useem,
and Donoghue:

The third culture is not merely the accommo-
dation or fusion of two or more separate, juxta-
posed cultures. As persons continue to associate
across societies while engaged in common enter-
prises, they incorporate in the ethos of their
ingroup, standards for interpersonal behavior,
work related norms, codes of reciprocity, style
of life, networks of communications, institu-
tional arrangements, world views, and on the
individual level, new types of selves. These
composite patterns differentiate a third culture
from the cultures it transcends. (Useem, Useem,

& Donoghue, 1963: 2)

This describes also the process that many students in
DoDDS (Department of Defense Dependents Schools) on
overseas U.S. military bases are undergoing. For the third
culture child in the DoDDS environment, there are often
contradictory culture influences pulling him/her in dif-
ferent directions at a key time when personality and cul-
tural identity are being shaped.

For educators and others working with these children,
it is important to know as much as we can about their
unique circumstances, experiences, and resulting
perceptions/attitudes. Then, we can do the best job
possible in educating them in the school and the community.

This study explored teenage youths' academic and
social adaptation and interaction in the third cultural
setting of the DoDDS secondary school at the Subic Bay
Naval Base in the Republic of the Philippines. This unit

of analysis was based on the most appropriate responses to

the third culture environment of the DoDD school and

acceptance of the premise that ”behavior and modes of
adjustment are elicited from environmental situations"
(Allport, 1961).

Further, an attempt was made to explore and report on
the perspectives of the students who stem from different
types of family background growing out of the fact that
there is a rather high proportion of children from cross-
cultural and cross-national marriages. This study was
characterized by the generation and examination of working
hypotheses and will, hOpefully, aid in the development of
action plans that may better facilitate effective student

adaptation to changing third culture settings.

Problem Statement
It is important that military people do share a common
life-style and a common culture. This results in a
commonly agreed upon type of social solidarity within the

military community. In their book Military Sociology,

 

Coates and Pellegrin discuss this.

There was a feeling of community loyalty and
pride or, in military terms, an espirit de corps,
that extended beyond the work situation into the
family and social life of base community members.
In a sense it could be said that the military
community, including wives and children as well
as officers and enlisted men, formed an "in-
group" which was contrasted in the minds of ser-
vice personnel and civilians alike with the
civilian "out-group.”

. . . . Along with the social-psychological
dimension, then, the traditional base community
intertwined the lives of children and wives with
the careers of husbands. No clear-cut separation

between work and leisure or between family life

and military duty existed. (Coates & Pellegrin,

1965: 379)

Also, Paul Danauer says that:

. . . the army (military) family can be
considered a part of the Army (military)
”maintenance" subsystem. Its major purposes in
that role are to meet the needs of the soldier-
husband/father in the areas of affection, hetero-
sexual expression and parenthood, while he is
simultaneously a member of the Army (military).
(Danauer in McCubbin, 1976: 47-48)

Conceptually, the military family is seen as part of
the ”supportive" subsystem. It is an important dimension
of life for the military person. At the same time, the
family and children are in a specific environmental situa-
tion where problems often create special pressures.
Particularly in the process of the U.S. expansion of
forces overseas, many military servicemen married women of
foreign origin--often from the host country. One example
of the number of children involved would be the DoDD high
school in Yokosuka, Japan. In that school. the Amerasians
(children whose fathers are of American heritage and whose
mothers are Asian or whose parents are both of Asian heri-
tage) comprised 50% of the DoDDS student body (Spaulding &
Cantrell, 1975: 339-344). In another country (Republic of
the Philippines), Phillips looked at the intercultural
background of fifth graders at Binictican Elementary School

at Subic Naval Base. He found the following in the fifth

grade population: American-Philippine students, 21%;

Philippine-Philippine students, 11%; and American-other
nation origin, 12% (Phillips, 1981).

As persons carrying different cultural backgrounds
come together, they develop new cultural patterns in
response to the organizational systems and subsystems of
which they are a part.

In intercultural marriages, such a development occurs
as individual values and attitudes are combined to create a
new cultural inheritance for their children. Such children
of intercultural families contribute a sizable pr0portion
of DoDDS students overseas.

Dr. Beth Stephens, Director of DoDDS, describes the
mission of the schools when she writes, ”The Department of
Defense Dependents Schools (DoDDS) provide educational
opportunities comparable to those offered in the better
school systems in the United States” (Stephens, 1984: 3).
To be certain that DoDDS students will be prepared to enter
the mainstream of American society and be qualified to
enter American universities and colleges, the North Central
Association of Colleges and Schools inspects both high
schools and elementary schools to accredit them as meeting
North Central's standards. In some cases, backgrounds of
students may adversely affect their ability to meet the
demands of DoDDS and to prepare for living in the United

States.

Some things that may limit a military student's
chances for success could be limited English ability, mili-
tary rank of parent, parents' nationality, ancestry, cul-
ture value orientation and interaction in the family, etc.
Any one or a combination of the above factors could affect
a student's ability to c0pe with and adapt to the American
military community and the DoDD school.

There are other characteristics of the military life-
style which can affect all children regardless of the
cultural background of the family: the frequent separation
of the father/husband from his family is a central issue.
It is often assumed that the unfavorable consequences of
father absence may manifest themselves at an earlier age in
boys than in girls. The absence of the father may cause
problems as a young boy shifts from mother to masculine
identification. Related to this, studies on father absence
have stressed the importance of (a) the age of the child
during father's absence, (b) the sex of the child, and (c)
the length of the father‘s absence (McCubbin & Dahl, 1976).

Another factor is the high rate of mobility (with a
normal tour of duty being up to three years in one area).
Within a military family, it is likely that children
experience social-psychological pressures. They must
become accustomed to constant movement which means
frequently giving up established friendships and developing

new friendships. At the same time, changing schools can

compromise and complicate a child's educational
experiences.

Even on the same island, there is often a considerable
mobility in terms of changing schools. The relationship
between San Miguel and Subic Bases is a good example as
families change their housing (see Table 1.1 and Appendix
A).

The O. H. Perry School (grades K—8) at San Miguel Base
in the Philippines is 50 minutes by bus from Subic Naval
Base. The base has 368 housing units and a constantly
changing population. The extent of this change is
reflected in a student mobility table (1.1) that
graphically shows student enrollment and transfers/
withdrawals during the school year 1981-82. San Miguel has
been the temporary housing assignment for families awaiting
permanent housing at Subic Bay (usually a wait of about
nine months). Therefore, 0. H. Perry's mobile population
is significantly large. The average school population is
237 students. In terms of simple monthly enrollment
figures, the school enrollment might seem relatively
stable; however, an average of 33.3 students constantly
move in and out every month. During the school year 1981-
82, 172 students entered the school while 163 transferred
or withdrew. December and June were the months of greatest
movement. This parallels the military transfer peak

periods for families.

Table 1.1

Student Mobility at O. H. Perry School in SY 1981-82

 

Average Nonthly Student Enrollment:

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Transfers/withdrawals:

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Student Increase:

 

 

1981

 

E

Student Decrease: D

 

 

 

Note: This graph has been developed using enrollment figures
supplied by Oliver Hazard Perry School at San Miguel,
Republic of the Philippines.

Educational standards can be different from one school
to another, and subject area content and sequence may not
be the same. In extreme cases, adjustment in grade levels
may be necessary. On the other hand, the merits of travel
experience must be considered. It has been said that the
military child gains experience from travel which compen-
sates for what is lost in formal education. Within the
military environment and circumstances, youth are experi-
encing the complexity of adjustments in academic, social,
ideological, and sexual areas in a military third cultural
setting. Thornburg observes the adolescent experiences
generally:

Throughout childhood and adolescence, the
individual learns to differentiate between

himself and others. His self-concept becomes

more sharply defined through his interrelation-

ship with peers, parents and other adults, and

the school.

Good peer affiliations, strong adult models

with whom he can identify, and positive social

status at school all enhance the adolescent's

self-concept. (Thornburg, 1971: 509)

Although Thornburg's adolescent self-concept develop-
ments are equally true in the overseas school, the elements
of mobility, change, and different individual backgrounds
all affect the identify search and have a positive or
negative influence on its resolution.

So, the setting of the DoDD school adds a unique and
potentially significant dimension to the teenage period--

both in terms of potential maladaption or beneficial

growth.

10

Objectives of This Study

This study investigated the circumstances of third
culture teenage youth in the D000 secondary school at Subic
Bay Naval Base in the Philippines. The following were the
objectives of this study:

1. to examine the academic achievement of four

different family background groups of
students who were enrolled in eighth grade
for the 1982-3 academic year,

2. to examine the social interaction and adapta-
tion of eighth grade students from different
family backgrounds during the school
experience,

3. to examine the impact of the different family
backgrounds on student life styles in the DoD
overseas community, and

4. to examine the impact of the characteristic
military family mobility and frequent separa—
tion from their fathers on students.

The results of this study were expected to reveal
information about teenage students in the DoDDS setting and
to provide insights that could have relevance to curriculum
development and counseling services in these schools.

A partial demographic examination of the family back-

grounds of the students is found in Tables 1.2, 1.3, and

1.4 which follow.

11

Table 1.2
Parental Nationality Background*

 

 

 

Nationality
M--U.S. M--Phil. M--Phi1.
Gender F--U.S. F--Phi1. F--U.S. Other Total
Boys 20 8 10 7 45

(44.4%) (17.8%) (22.2%) (15.6%) (100%)
Girls 21 1 10 6 38

(55.3%) ( 2.6%) (26.3%) (15.8%) (100%)
TOTALS: 41 9 20 13 83

(49.4%) (10.8%) (24.1%) (15.7%) (100%)

* Nationality background refers to nation of origin rather
than current citizenship of parents.

 

 

Table 1.3
Student Relationship to Parents

 

 

Relationship
Step- Step- Own
Gender Adopted mother father Parents Total
Boys 0 4 ll 30 45

( 0.0%) ( 8.9%) (24.4%) (66.7%) (100%)
Girls 3 3 8 24 38
( 7.9%) ( 7.9%) (21.1%) (63.4%) (100%)

TOTALS: 3 7 19 54 83
( 3.6%) ( 8.4%) (22.9%) (65.1%) (100%)

 

 

12

Table 1.4
Father's Position

 

 

 

Position
Gender Officer Civilian Enlisted Total
Boys 14 16 15 45
(31.1%) (35.6%) (33.3%) (100%)
Girls 10 9 19 38
(26.3%) (23.7%) (50.0%) (100%)
TOTALS: 24 25 34 83
(28.9%) (30.1%) (41.0%) (100%)
Background

The Military Community and Its Functions

Before we can consider individual elements of the
overseas' situation, however, we need to have a better view
of the community in which these elements exist. Although
the American military overseas community is similar in many
ways to a community in the United States, it does have its
own distinctive characteristics. These are a consequence
of its location, its assigned mission, and the third cul-
ture environment in which it exists.

Coates and Pellegrin (1965) identify some factors that
are unique about the military community. They point out
that the military community is usually comprised of two
parts: the military or combat function and the base
support functions:

One is usually the highly mobile Operational

unit with some specific combat or combat—related
function. The other consists of what has been

13

called a "house keeping unit" which keeps the

base and its facilities functioning . . . (Coates

& Pellegrin, 1965: 379)

The support function includes all the facilities
needed by members of the base community to function—-
stores, recreational services, health care services, reli-
gious centers, schools, and many other related facilities
needed in daily life by service personnel and their
families. The support function is expected to Operate in
such a way that the community has a life style and oppor-
tunities as close as possible to what they could encounter
in the average American community. This expectation
requires a strong and well developed community structure
which can maintain a stable environment in the midst of
constant transition and movement of people.

Another factor that is an important influence in the
military community is ". . . the transiency of military
personnel and sometimes of whole military units" (Coates &
Pellegrin, 1965).

The military must help peOple fit into community
routine as quickly as possible with as little inconvenience
as possible. This is essential if the major goal is to
provide as stable a community support base as possible so
that the military mission is in no way compromised. This
becomes more important overseas where the base community is
in a different nation, and it is even more essential that
the base duplicate the same range of services provided by a

civilian community.

14

Compositiontof the Overseas
Military Base Community

Overseas military communities vary greatly in terms of
composition and type depending on where they are located in
a foreign country and the branch of the military service
the individual base represents. Despite these differences,
each base could be compared to a small city in many ways.
The housing area contains hospitals, schools (for depen—
dents of the personnel living on the base), libraries,
churches, movie theaters, restaurants, gymnasiums, tennis
courts, swimming pools, baseball and football fields,
police stations, hobby centers, fire stations, laundromats,
and housing facilities (which divide the base pOpulation
according to service or civilian rank and marital status)
as well as clubs for members of different ranks to attend.

The military rank of the husband/father is
directly related to the kind of living arrange-

ments to which his family will be expected to

adjust. To an important extent, the rank of the

husband/father will determine how the family is

expected to behave and what it is expected to

value. (Coats & Pellegrin, 1965)

Although the base commander has often been compared to
a city mayor, many times his task extends beyond that of a
mayor. There are important ways in which operating a
military base is more complicated than governing a city. A
major complicating factor is that a base normally operates
maintenance services and handles supplies for the military

operations unit on the base. This could go as far as to

include specialized shOps (from carpentry to machine shOps)

15

needed for ships, planes, and other military equipment.
Such factors can make the average military base a most
complex Operation.

The Relationship Between the Military Community
and the Host Nation Country

 

 

When the United States occupation forces were
stationed in foreign lands after WOrld War II, relation-
ships developed between base communities and host nation
communities in which the two performed certain functions
for each other. In this way, Coates and Pellegrin (1965)
wrote, the base deve10ps a type of symbiotic relationship
with the larger host nation community beside which it
exists. At the same time, however, the base community and
the host nation community Operate with a common understand-
ing of the problems that can exist in such a close rela-
tionship.

Although a base may provide almost all of the goods
and services needed within the base community for survival,
the base still depends on the host community to provide
certain goods and services (often including a host nation
work force) or to supplement what the base provides.
Obviously, this relationship will vary from situation to
situation, Often depending on the host nation's economic
and social circumstances. In such third world countries as
the Philippines, host nation peOple tend to be hired in
large numbers, thereby benefitting the base with low labor

cost while the host nation benefits from jobs which would

16

not otherwise be available. At the same time, this creates
a problem for military wives who seek base jobs.

Often the host community provides some of the base
needs in terms of such utilities as water and electric
power. It often maintains some connection with the host
nation companies to supply a degree of its needs. The base
also relies on the host nation system of roads and traffic
control for off-base travel. Often, when traffic reaches
the base gate, that gate is guarded by a combination of
hired host nation guards and American military guards.
Off-base the relationship continues with many restaurants,
bars, shops, stores, and other commercial establishments
dependent on the business of service personnel and their
families.

Although the base may be important to the host nation
as a measure of "national defense” (a major function of the
base in the United States), this function may not always
exist from the host nation's perspective. In fact, the
significant function of the base for the host nation may be
more financial. This may take the form of outright U.S.
aid to the nation hosting the base and/or it may take the
form of money spent by the base and its personnel and their

families.

17

Historical Precedents of Department of
Defense Overseas Dependent Schools

The history Of the education program of U.S. depen-
dents was established when military post schools in the
U.S. came into existence. In the early 18005, General
Winfield Scott became interested in schooling provided for
military dependent children. He was perhaps the first
person to recognize the importance of such an education
program. After the War of 1812, when the U.S. army moved
westward with the advancing frontier, it was accompanied by
the wives and children of military personnel. General
Scott developed a set of regulations to provide guidelines
for establishing schools for military minor dependents in
the isolated frontier settlements.

Congress was impressed by General Scott's new educa-
tion program and, in 1812, provided the funds needed to
support it. The law providing money for the system came
from a sales tax on the wares which traders and merchants
sold to the military community. The money necessary for
military dependents' schools was provided by either the
army or Congress for the next hundred years.

When American soldiers returned to their families
after World War I, their children were mostly educated in
public schools and the post schools on the few permanent
military bases. This system of post schools was approved

by Congress (which even provided funds to support the

18

schools for a while until local bases donated support funds
from money donated from the profits of local post
exchanges).

After WOrld War II, U.S. occupation troops were
stationed in Europe, and the military services were respon-
sible for the education of school-aged dependents of U.S.
personnel. Until 1946, three separate school systems were
developed and maintained by the Army, Air Force, and Navy.
In 1964, these were unified, and the education system
became the responsibility of the Department of Defense. In

1985, this is still the situation.

U.S. Army Schools

 

When the U.S. Army first Opened 38 elementary and five
high schools in Germany on October 14, 1946, there were 116
American teachers to teach 1,297 dependent children.

Army schools in the Far East were opened in 1949 on a
small scale and did not grow until after the Korean
Conflict when more dependents moved into the Far East.

In 1950, a school construction program was started to
match the increased stationing of forces overseas. In the
total construction program, dependent schools were ranked

in the list of support facilities.

U.S. Air Force Schools
The Air Force started with three types of schools for

dependents:

19

1. service-contract education, which provided
instruction in already existing private
schools or schools in English-speaking areas;

2. correspondence courses, which were available
in isolated areas where service-contract
education was not possible; and

3. Air Force schools, which were established in
places where enough dependents could be found
(20 students in grades 1-8 or 50 students in
grades 9-12).

The number of students educated in the Air Force pro-
grams increased from 28,000 in 69 countries in 1955 to
36,000 in 1964. In 1964, 49% of the students were in
permanent school buildings while almost 40% of the others

were in inadequate classrooms.

U.S. Navy Schools

 

The first overseas dependents' schools were
established in 1936 on naval bases in American Samoa and
Cuba. These and later navy schools were operated as a
single system.

Enrollment in U.S. Navy schools grew from approxi—
mately 5,600 in 1956 to 12,000 in 1964 when there were 34

schools on 23 naval bases.

Unification Of the Three Systems
As a consequence of a report by a survey committee of
civilian educators in 1964 (appointed by the Defense
Advisory Committee on Education), the three systems were
unified under the Department of Defense Overseas Dependent

Schools System.

20

On August 15, 1966, another investigating team (this
time sent by the Committee on Education and Labor) recom-
mended that the schools all be organized into one system.
On that date, the DoD became responsible for the "organiza-
tion, operation, administration, and logistical support of
the overseas dependents' schools.” The geographic areas in
which different services were responsible for school opera-
tions and administration were now:

Army: countries in Europe, Africa, and
Asia to 90 east longitude

Air Force: Pacific area to include all
countries in the Far East to 90
east longitude, Australia, and New
Zealand '

Navy: Atlantic area, including North,
Central, and South America

Organization and Administration

 

DOD overseas dependents's schools began operation on
July 1, 1964. In 1965, the entire DoD system contained 327
schools, 7,100 teachers, 500 administrators, and 180,000
students.

The 1965 investigating team recommendation that all
the schools be part of one organized system led to an
assignment of areas of the world to different branches of
the service. Since that time, there has been some pressure
to move these overseas dependents' schools to the Depart-

ment of Education. In 1986, the question of

21

responsibility for military overseas schools will be
reviewed by a Congressional committee. President Reagan

wants the schools to remain in the Department of Defense.

DoDDS Situations and Related Policies

The total enrollment of students in DoD schools has
declined each year since 1970. From an enrollment of
190,000 students in 1969, DoDDS enrollment has declined to
136,000 in 1984.

There are eight DoDDS dormitories provided for those
students whose families live in locations which are remote
from the schools. These dormitories are divided into five—
day dormitories (with students returning to their homes for
weekends) and seven-day dormitories (where parents live too
far for even weekend transportation). The five-day dormi-
tories are located in Lakenheath, England; Osterholz,
Germany; Vincenza, Italy; and AFCENT (Brunssum), Nether-
lands. The seven-day dormitories are operated in Bahrain;
London, England; Frankfurt, Germany; and Torrejon Air Base,
Spain. Dormitory counselors/resident hall advisors hired
to supervise the dormitories are required to have 18
semester hours of preparation in guidance and counseling,
psychology, recreation, or related fields. In addition,
they should have a year of experience which demonstrates
the ability to relate one-to-one with students (DoDDS:

Atlantic Region, 1978).

22

From its early days as a temporary measure, the DoDDS
program has grown to be a seemingly-permanent system Offer-
ing a modern program of curriculum and instruction that is
the equivalent of most stateside systems.

This fact and unique features of the program (such as
dormitory situations) have resulted in the program's acqui-
sition of more guidance counselors, special education
teachers, reading improvement specialists, speech
therapists, English as a Second Language specialists, and
specialists in art, music, and physical education. Much of
this growth has paralleled the changing educational
emphasis in the United States and has helped to keep over-
seas schools current. An example would be special educa-
tion programs for the mentally retarded, blind, deaf,
orthopedically handicapped, and emotionally disturbed
children. Another parallel is a team approach utilizing
military social workers, pediatricians, psychiatrists,
psychologists, and general medical staff.

Extensive inservice programs and workshops have kept
administrators and teachers working with the latest
curricular innovations. In a seven-year curriculum
development plan (begun during school year 1983-84), for
example, an in-depth study of major curricular areas and
one or two interdisciplinary areas is conducted each year.
Individual schools and even entire areas have employed pro-
grams such as modular education in secondary schools, non-

grading in the elementary schools, middle schools,

23

gradeless report cards, learning centers, a multimedia
approach, computer-assisted education, career education,
talented and gifted education, etc.

In school year 1983—84, 100% of the high schools in
DoDDS, 60% of the middle/junior high schools, and 80% of
the eligible elementary schools had been accredited by the
North Central Association of Colleges and Schools (NCA).
It was anticipated that by the end of school year 1984-85,
90% of the DoDDS students would be attending accredited
schools--a higher percentage than any of the 19 other
states in NCA (Stephens, 1984). (DoDDS has been contract-
ing with NCA since 1946 to periodically evaluate dependent
schools.)

In addition to a college preparatory program, increas-
ing attention has been given to both career education and
vocational education as programs that complement each
other. This is intended to give a realistic career dimen-
sion to the experience of all students.

The DoDDS's objectives and goals are very similar to
those of other U.S. schools. The official task of DoDDS is
to maintain a school system which provides quality educa-
tion through 13 years of school. The school system serves
not only the children of military and other DOD personnel,
but also serves eligible dependents of other federal
employees who are overseas on official duty. On a space-

available basis, American children in the

24

international community (such as employees Of American
companies overseas) have sometimes been accepted on a
tuition-paying basis.

Teachers are recruited from the United States and must
be fully qualified U.S.-trained classroom teachers with two
years of successful experience in teaching. In addition,
secondary teachers must have at least two subject areas in
which they are qualified to teach. As student population
and other circumstances often change unexpectedly in indi-
vidual schools, some teachers are recruited overseas for a
temporary period (not to exceed the school year). Although
some of these teachers may not meet all requirements
expected of DoDDS U.S.-recruited teachers, there are often
dependents available in the overseas military and civilian
communities who have excellent backgrounds and meet or
exceed stateside requirements. The quality of the teaching
staff is very important to the realization of stateside
standards and an equivalent U.S. education for students
who are far from the United States.

After teachers enter DoDDS, new recertification quali-
fications require that they take six semester graduate
hours related to their teaching assignment during each six
year recertification period. At the same time, DoDDS
sponsors tuition assistance with graduate courses offered
overseas by major universities (especially Michigan State
University) and special summer graduate workshOps and

classes overseas and in the U.S. As a result, most

25

teachers either have their Master's degrees or are in the
process of taking classes leading to that degree.

The school's role in the military community support
system requires that the school and teachers provide a
strong academic program which provides for much individual-
ized attention as well as a stable and healthy school
atmosphere in which students can develop the social skills
necessary for success in the U.S. and in the world of the
future.

At the same time, however, DoDDS has its own specific
philosophy of education because the schools are located in
foreign lands. Part of their function is to promote better
understanding between people and nations and to utilize
opportunities for students to learn firsthand about other
ways of life. For 15 years, there has been an emphasis on
host nation relations and language instruction. In keeping
with their very different situations (located in over 20
different nations), each school tends to develop parts of
its program differently to meet its individual needs. For
example, holidays, art, music, and athletic activities all
provide Opportunities for combined programs with the host
nation. The key resource person for teachers interested in
taking advantage of unique educational Opportunities while
improving host nation relations often is the culture and
host nation language teacher. This is an important part of

the educational symbiotic relationship.

26

In recent years, an English as a Second Language (ESL)
program has been develOped in DoDDS. As students entering
overseas dependents' schools are increasingly from back-
grounds in which at least one parent, usually the mother,
has been socialized in another cultural setting and speaks
a language other than English, complications that occur in
a home where two persons carrying often-contrasting
cultures are coming together are frequently repeated in
school.

In the Philippines, many of these students are
children (of all ages) who have been adopted into recent
cross-national marriages through their mothers or other
female relatives who have married American servicemen or
other DoD employees. Adoption of host national children by
American parents is another major factor as the adoption
process is legally quite easy.

As a consequence, the ESL program has become more
important, and there has been a concentrated effort to
identify students whose opportunity to succeed in school is
hindered by their limited English proficiency (LEP
students). This makes the ESL program especially important
for such students. It also means that the program must be
prepared to help in cultural transition as well as in
English language develOpment.

Approximately nine percent of the children in DoDDS
are bilingual or multilingual. Of this group, from three

to five percent need special teacher assistance to become

27

proficient in English so that they will be able to succeed
in English-speaking classrooms. This special instruction
in English for elementary and secondary schools is provided
by teachers especially trained in ESL. The most frequent
first languages of ESL students in DoDDS are German,
Japanese, Spanish, a Philippine dialect, Korean, Thai,
Italian, and French. Very few DoDDS students in ESL
classes are Vietnamese. Since the fall of 1979, ESL
teachers have been recruited to assist in helping students
through ESL. In this and other ways, DoDDS provides direc-
tion for a quality curriculum that meets the program's

goals and reaches every student (DoDDS Information Guide,
1984).
General Information about the
Subic Naval Base Community
Location

Of course, the school's program, parts of the
curriculum offered, and the philosophy reflect the
influence of the local situation. This makes it important
to know more about the base community in which George Dewey
High School is located.

The community and schools are located on the Subic
Naval Base in Zambalas and Bataan Provinces of the
Philippines. The base is on the western size Of Luzon

Island on the South China Sea. It is about 50 miles north-

west of Manila.

28

The present Subic Naval Base was established after
World War II in 1946. A U.S.-Philippine status of armed
forces agreement covering military bases is in effect until
1992.

As a result of a 1979 amendment to the base agreement,
this large (36,000 acres) base is under the command of a
Philippine base commander. This arrangement emphasizes
Philippine sovereignty status and resolves problems related
to continued use of the base by the U.S. facility under the
control of the commander of U.S. Naval Forces-Philippines.

Training in jungle survival and warfare techniques is
provided in the 9,000 acre jungle area that is the U.S.
naval magazine at Subic Bay.

The base has one of the tightest security systems of
any overseas base. Its three gates are guarded by teams Of
American and Philippine guards who check the identification
of people entering and leaving the base as well as
examining the personal possessions of those leaving the
base. This reflects three major concerns: possible black
marketing of American merchandise off—base, potential loss
of parts and materials essential to the base's mission--
materials which have a value in the black market, and the

general security of the bases and its occupants.

Facilities

 

COmplete support facilities are available at both the

Subic Naval Station and the attached Cubi Naval Air

29

Station. There are two base libraries, five service clubs,
one commissary, two main exchanges, banking facilities, a
golf course, three movie theaters, three swimming pools,
various hobby shOps, and other facilities. There is also
an 84-bed, full-service hospital in addition to a regional

medical center.

History

The Spanish government constructed a naval station at
Subic Bay in 1895. The base was ceded to the United States
in 1898 and has been used by the U.S. since that time,
except for Japanese occupation during World War II. In
1946, much of the land was returned to the Philippine
government, leaving 36,000 acres designated as Subic Naval
Base. Today the 15,161 acre U.S. facility at Subic/Cubi is
Operated under a military bases agreement with the Republic
of the Philippines valid through 1991. U.S. naval facili-
ties in the Subic Bay/Cubi Point area cover a total of
5,830 hectares (14,400 acres) of land.

The base is adjacent to Olongapo City which has an

estimated pOpulation of 220,000 (1982 estimate).

On-Base Housing
There are 1,307 modern housing units for U.S. Officers
and enlisted personnel, DOD civilians, and their dependents
at Subic Bay. Another 368 housing units are provided at

Naval Communications Station-Philippines, San Miguel. In

30

Table 1.5 .
Approximate Subic Naval Base U.S. POpulat1on

 

 

Category Population
U.S. military personnel 7,506 (51%)
U.S. civilians 737 ( 5%)
U.S. military and civilian dependents 6,483 (44%)

TOTAL: 14,726 (100%)

 

 

September, 1982, there was a total of 5,592 U.S. military

people and their dependents residing in on-base housing.

Off-Base Housing

 

At the same time, some 4,868 U.S. military and DoD
civilians and their families resided in housing off-base in
September, 1982. Some people live off-base because no on-
base housing is available, while others have been on-base
for five years and are required to move off-base. Living
Off-base can be a great difficulty because there are few
adequate houses with drinkable water, continuous electri-

city, Or sufficient security.

The Impact of the Philippine Community
There is a continuous interaction between the naval
base and the Philippine community near the base. An
informal contact exists every time a U.S. sailor, Marine,
or civilian leaves the base for shopping or recreation.

Formal contacts occur when the base provides jobs for host

31

nation workers; provides related training for host nation
employees, military personnel, community service workers,
and others; and gives civil action assistance (see Table
1.6). In a number of ways, the base has a financial impact
on the community and the society at large.

Table 1.6
Approximate Facility Employment Figures

 

 

Category Work Force
U.S. military personnel 7,506 (24.7%)
U.S. civilians (appropriated funds

and non-apprOpriated funds) 737 ( 2.4%)

Philippine nationals (direct) 13,799 (45.5%)
Philippine nationals (contractors) 4,560 (15.0%)
Philippine nationals (domestic workers) 3,145 (10.4%)
Philippine nationals (concessionaires) 613 ( 2.0%)

TOTAL: 30,360 (100%)

Source: Comusnavphil Command slide presentation, 10/21/82.

 

 

Training Programs Offered by the Base
The most extensive training program Offered by the
base is by the ship repair facility and the Public Works
Center (PWC). They have graduated over 1800 highly skilled
Philippine technicians from their four-year apprentice
programs. In another program, the naval medical center
also conducts valuable training sessions for Philippine

doctors, laboratory and X-ray technicians. In addition,

32

the base exchange provides a wide variety of training
programs for its employees whose jobs range from sales to
accounting. Many other training programs also exist on a
smaller scale for individuals working in different parts of
the base community. This extends to training in fire and

safety procedures for domestic employees.

Financial Impact

 

The money spent off-base is difficult to accurately
determine, but it is estimated that about 66 million
dollars are spent yearly by the nearly two million Navy men
and Marines who are on liberty in the community. 'Almost
another two million dollars are invested in the community
by Navy civic action and community relations programs.
When this amount is increased by the salaries of civilians
and domestics, local contracts, and others, as well as by
purchase of local materials (procurement), locally—made
products, and off-base rents and utilities, there is a
figure of approximately 168 million dollars spent. (This
could be increased to nearly 185 million if the checks for
military retirees living in the area are added

(Comusnavphil Command slide presentation, 1982).

2299.13
There are three schools on the Subic Naval Base,
providing classes for students in grades K-12: Kalayaan
Elementary School (K-3), Binictican Elementary School (4-

6), and George Dewey High School (7-12). Kalayaan

33

Elementary (635 students) is located near the Kalayaan
housing area. Established in 1959, the school, which is
considered by many to be the most attractive DoDDS
elementary school in the Pacific, has a staff of 27
educators. Binictican Elementary (445 students) was built
in 1959 in the Binictican housing area. Consisting of
seven modern buildings, it has a staff of 18 educators.
George Dewey Junior-Senior High School (578 students) was
designed and constructed in 1959. It has a staff of 28
full-time educators.

George Dewey High School was named after Commodore
George Dewey who defeated the Spanish at the Battle of
Manila Bay to end three centuries of Spanish rule in the
Philippines in 1898. It has nine centrally-air-
conditioned, one-story buildings with all classrooms
opening out onto covered walkways. In addition to 29
classrooms, the school has a library, a modern gymnasium, a
mini-theater, and a canteen. The school is set off the
main road in a jungle area from which sometimes come
unexpected intruders. For this reason, the school is
guarded by host nation security guards. Besides the 28
full-time teachers, the school has a support staff of 1.5
counselors, a learning disabilities teacher, a reading
improvement specialist, a teacher of the talented and
gifted, a host nation teacher (who teaches mostly junior

high classes in Philippine culture and language), a part-

34

time nurse, and a librarian (see Table 1.7 for student

enrollment information).

 

Table 1.7
Enrollment of Secondary School Students, 1982-83
Grade Boys Girls Total
7th 75 58 133
(56.4) (43.6) (100.0%)
8th 57 60 117
(48.7) (51.3) (100.0%)
9th 58 44 102
(56.9) (43.1) (100.0%)
10th 66 40 106
(62.3) (37.7) (100.0%)
11th 39 25 64
(60.9) 39.1) (100.0%)
12th 23 33 56
(41.1) (58.9) (100.0%)
TOTALS: 318 260 578
(55.0) (45.0) (100.0%)

Source: Modified from 1983: Pathways (Yearbook)

 

 

When this study was done in 1982, the average period
of time in the Philippines for a teacher at the school was
5.5 years, with the longest tenure being 17 years for one
teacher. Four of the faculty were Americans who had cross-
national marriages: two spouses from the Philippines, one
from Japan, and one from Korea.

The average teacher would have from 100 to 120

students in classes during a typical school day. This

35

number varied from teacher to teacher, depending on subject
matter and grade level taught. Junior high classes tended
to be larger, with 30 students in some classes.

In terms of academic preparation, 80% of the faculty
had Master's degrees, and many were taking graduate classes
to qualify for Master's degrees, the Master's-plus-30 pay
scale, or the doctorate degree. Graduate classes from
Michigan State University were offered on base with tuition
assistance, and a graduate program from a Philippine uni-
versity was available with weekend classes in Manila.

The teachers displayed a sincere concern about the
academic progress of all students, and many provided addi-
tional help for students having difficulty. With an excel-
lent ESL teacher and counseling support, the ESL students

were a major concern of the school.

The literature most appropriate to this study has the

CHAPTER II

REVIEW OF LITERATURE
AND RELATED RESEARCH

Introduction

following themes.

1.

It

It is from an overview of general culture
orientation that we prepare to understand the
concept of the third culture and third cul-
ture elements that relate to Department Of
Defense Dependent School students and their
family backgrounds.

A study of the characteristics of teenagers
is needed to gain a perspective from which to
view the eighth grade students who are the
subjects of this research and to better
understand the related research on third cul-
ture factors in the school environment.

Teenage youth in an overseas military
community must function under unique environ—
mental conditions. Two major circumstances
to which they must adapt are the high rate of
family mobility and frequent separation from
the father.

It is necessary to examine a military social

system theory that can be applied to the
overseas Department of Defense community.

Definition of Culture

is important to begin with a clear understanding of

some major definitions so that common agreement can be

reached on what is to follow in this chapter.

starting point is the definition of culture.

36

The Obvious

Although many

37

definitions may be basically the same, different expert
definitions of culture will provide the larger perspective
that comes from considering each unique insight into the
concept.

Herskovits provided the common base for definitions
when he wrote that culture is the man-made part of the
environment. This suggests that culture is basically the
social environment that has been developed within the
natural environment. This definition takes culture far
beyond being a biological phenomenon (Herskovits, 1955).

Within Cultural AnthrOpology, Herskovits quoted E. B.

 

Tylor defining culture as ' . . . that complex whole which
includes knowledge, belief, art, morals, law, custom and
any other capabilities and habits acquired by man as a
member of society" (Herskovits, 1955: 305).

In another definition, Hoebel identified culture as
” . . . the integrated sum total of learned behavior traits
which are manifest and shared by the members of a society”
(Hoebel, 1971: 208). In emphasizing the importance of the
factor of learned behavior, Hoebel carefully excluded
instincts, innate reflexes, and other biologically
inherited behavior forms. The resulting view Of culture is
that it is completely the result of social intervention
which becomes the social heritage handed down from one
generation to the next through laws and rules.

In their examination of non-literate, developing, and

modern societies, Useem, Useem, and Donoghue gave attention

38

to the changing nature of culture in complex modern socie-
ties.

Culture in complex, changing, accessible,
large-scale, literate societies is still stored,
learned, and shared but in quite different ways
than is true for preliterate, small societies.

At the risk of over-simplification, we might sum-
marize a few of these differences by noting that
culture themes become more explicit and abstract
with greater latitude left to individuals and
groups as to how these themes are interpreted and
applied in changing situations . . . . in com—
plex societies, culture norms and practices are
more debated, discussed, reassessed as additional
patterns are created to solve new problems.
(Useem, Useem, & Donoghue, 1963: 3)

The historical aspect of culture becomes a vital
characteristic as the shared behavior involved changes
through learning to affect the way of life and become, as
well, the basic nature of the group that comprises the cul-
ture. Each new generation picks up the customs and value
systems of the past and refines them before passing them on
to the next generation. This is accomplished from one
generation to the next with assigned roles related to sex,
age, occupation, and kinship within the society. Edward T.
Hall referred to this generational transmission of tradi-
tion when he described the evolutional history during which
the complex bases of human behavior were developed. He saw
these bases as being primarily biological.

There is an unbroken continuity between the

far past and the present, for culture is bio-

basic-rooted in biological activities. Infra-

culture is the term which can be given to

behavior that preceded culture as we know it
today. (Hoebel, 1971: 208)

39

Ruth Benedict considered culture in terms of its
impact on the individual.

The life-history of the individual is first
and foremost an accommodation to the patterns and
standards traditionally handed down in his com-
munity. From the moment of his birth, the
customs into which he is born shape his experi-
ence and behavior. By the time he can talk, he
is the little creature of his culture, and by the
time he is grown and able to take part in its
activities, its habits are his habits, its
beliefs his beliefs, its impossibilities his
impossibilities. Every child that is born into
his group will share them with him, and no child
born into one on the Opposite side of the globe
can ever achieve the thousandth part. There is
no social problem it is more incumbent upon us to
understand than this of the role of custom.

Until we are intelligent as to its laws and
varieties, the main complicating facts of human
life must remain unintelligible. (Benedict,
1934: 2-3)

Although Benedict wrote this almost 50 years ago, her
advice about the need to understand the role of custom in
different cultures still has special importance for a study
of third culture peoples.

There are, of course, many definitions of culture.
(Kroeber and Kluckhohn list over 160 different formal defi-
nitions.) Useem, Useem, and Donoghue felt that it is most
simply defined as ” . . . the learned and shared behavior
of a community of interacting human beings" (Useem, Useem,

& Donoghue, 1963: 2).

Culture Change
Any traditional institution is likely to change in
form so that it becomes far different from the institution

originally established by a group of pe0p1e. Although the

40

change is often continuous and gradual, it can also be
sudden and dramatic. George Murdock considered all of
these possibilities when he described culture change.

Changes in social behavior, and hence in cul-
ture, normally have their origin in some signifi-
cant alteration in the life conditions of a
society. Any event which changes the situations
under which collective behavior occurs, so that
habitual actions are discouraged and new
responses are favored, may lead to cultural inno-
vations. Among the classes of events that are
known to be especially influential in producing
cultural change are increases or decreases in
population, changes in the geographical environ-
ment, migrations into new environments, contacts
with peOples of differing culture, natural and
social catastrOphes such as floods, crop
failures, epidemics, wars, and economic depres-
sions, accidental discoveries, and even such bio-
graphical events as the death or rise to power of
a strong political leader. (Murdock, 1971: 321-
322)

From the types of events that produce cultural change,
changes in the geographical environment, migrations into
new environments and contacts with peoples of differing
culture seem to relate directly to the experiences of
families in the DoD overseas' community and the DoDD
schools.

Murdock also identified four processes through which
cultural change takes place: ”innovation,” "social accep-
tance," "selective elimination,” and ”integration.“ It is
through innovation that cultural change first begins with
an individual who introduces something new that is then
either learned or accepted by the rest of the society.
This may take the form of invention, variation, tentation

(when a "new” solution to an unsolved problem is sought),

41

or cultural borrowing (when the innovator introduces a new
idea or approach from another culture) (Murdock, 1971: 322-
326).

This becomes a process that never ends as each innova-
tion alters in some way the existing situation and leads to
changes that, in themselves, are really new innovations
that contribute to still more change and still more innova-
tions as the process continues.

Herskovits stated that one must resolve the following
seeming paradoxes in order to understand the basic nature

of culture:

1. culture is universal in man's experience, yet
each local or regional manifestation of it is
unique;

2. culture is stable, yet is also dynamic, and
manifests continuous and constant change; and

3. culture fills and largely determines the

course of our lives, yet rarely intrudes into
conscious thought. (Herskovits, 1969: 306)

In his 1971 presidential address to the Thirty-third
Annual Meeting of the Ohio Valley Sociological Society,
John Useem emphasized that the traditional definitions of
culture make it difficult to fully understand the rapidity
and extent of cultural change that is Occurring today. He
identified three historical periods in which the “develOp—
ing interdependency between societies of the world" has
evolved to the present situation with the accompanying

shift in values and powers:

42

first period: 1850 to WOrld War II --colonialism
and para-colonialism characterized this
period as ' . . . selective elements of the
culture of the dominant country were intro-
duced into segments of the colonialized
societies";

second period: the middle years of this century
-- global interdependency developed as new
nations were created from the old colonial
world and the bi-lateral colonial ties were
replaced by multi-lateral contacts. The
fundamental concept of this period was that
plans for economic development would be a
strong foundation for building a strong
nation and ensuring a good standard of living
for the people. Culture was seen as man-made
and, therefore, adjustable by the efforts of
national planners, foreign consultants, and
change agents; and

third period: the present time -- characterized
by uncertainty over the discovery that inter-
dependency has Often meant increased depen-
dency of the developing nations on developed
nations and that the Western model of society
is not always the best for emulation by
developing countries. The new emphasis is on
joint-participation in the creation of new
cultural patterns to confront global problems
that threaten all nations and peoples alike.
At the present stage, agreements on how to
proceed have yet to be developed as the older
generation from the second period and the
younger generation of the third period and
their respective organizations must find ways
to resolve their often opposing views of the
world. (J. Useem, 1971: 7-9)

Although George DeVos felt that we tend to regard
”culture change” and ”social change" as almost
interchangeable, at least a partial distinction can be
made.

The ethos of a culture is the characteristic

spirit of prevalent tone or sentiment of a

people, institution, or system . . . . ethos is,

in effect, the emotional patterns reflected in
cultural behavior. In situations of change,

43

patternings in the emotional tone or implicit
feelings underlying behavior may persist in spite
of revision of legal or other externally
sanctioned behavioral forms. (DeVos, 1976: 7)

The Concept of the Third Culture
Although it has already been presented in Chapter I,
the prevailing definition of third culture by Useem, Useem,

and Donoghue needs to be repeated here.

The third culture is not merely the accommo-
dation or fusion of two or more separate, juxta-
posed cultures. As persons continue to associate
across societies while engaged in common enter-
prises, they incorporate in the ethos of their
ingroup, standards for interpersonal behavior,
work related norms, codes of reciprocity, style
of life, networks of communications, institu-
tional arrangements, world views, and on the
individual level, new types of selves. These
composite patterns differentiate a third culture
from the cultures it transcends. (Useem, Useem,
& Donoghue, 1963: 2)

In describing the third culture more, John Useem
identified five major characteristics of third cultures.

1. They are creative cultures. The main concern
is future-oriented activities that will
result in betterment of the culture for
future generations.

2. They are mediating cultures. The need is for
"men-in-the—middle" who can play a mediating
role in the exchange between cultures and
societies in the modern world.

3. They ' . . . are cultures carried by very
limited segments from the total populations
of the connected societies and countries."
These persons normally are mobile, highly
educated individuals who have entered the
third culture as adults working in occupa-
tions that are "part of the modernizing-
developing—nation-building institutions."

4. They are rapidly changing cultures. Because
of the rapid change, there are few

44

traditionally defined roles to pass on to a
next generation. Instead, many roles are
continuously being developed and defined by
the individual in the process of trying to
make his/her immediate world a better place.
They are in a period of intense socializa-
tion.

5. They are cultures that “ . . . depend for
their existence and meaning on the larger
collectivities of societies, countries, and
the international world.“ By their nature,
third cultures experience all of the shifts
and changes in economic forces, political
alignments, ideas and ideologies that occur
in the modern global society. Thus while a
third culture is in one respect a creator of
new patterns, it also in another respect is a
creature of the world conditions which
prevail." (J. Useem, 1971: 14-16)

Third culture kids (TCK) have certain basic character-
istics: they live outside their nations of citizenship
with parents (usually fathers) whose employment take them
beyond the status of tourists to that of official represen—
tatives of countries, commercial concerns, churches, mili-
tary services, or other formal institutions. At the same
time, the TCK is relating the cultures which s/he is
experiencing (Useem & Downie, 1976).

Much of the research concerned with third culture
children has utilized the categories identified by Useem:

l. long-time-ogters: dependents of career-
overseas parents. The most immediately notice-

able characteristic Of the children who have

grown up in overseas areas is the presentation of

self. They appear to be ”little adults,“ more

mature than stateside teenagers. Some sit

quietly and move deliberately, act "mannerly" in

the presence of their elders, get along well with

adults, know how to greet strangers and do not

attract attention to themselves. Others are more

friendly and outgoing, but such surface congeni-
ality gives no

 

 

45

more clues as to what they are experiencing and
feeling than the behavior of those who are more
wary.

Children who spend most of their preteen
years overseas become self-directed, self-
controlled, self-disciplined teenagers. The
discipline imposed by others becomes self-disci-
pline; the control imposed by others becomes
self-control. In short, such a manner of
presenting the self is unthinkingly internalized
as the "normal" way to behave. They act elite,
feel that belong to an elite community,a nd may
associate in addition with local, national, or
international elites.

A variant of this type is the overseas teen-
ager who is sent to boarding school for most of
his schooling . . . . In general outlines, the
boarding school young people are much like the
teenagers who reside with the families,with two
interesting differences. Boarding school teen-
agers are closer in values to their parents; seem
more immature in their relationships with members
of the Opposite sex, especially in terms of
traditional American "dating patterns";

2. first-time-outers. ,They. . . . have
been socialized all their lives, prior to their
coming to the foreign situation, in the United
States where they attended public school. They
have not learned the language of respect which
characterizes a highly stratified social system,
but are more apt to express their emotions in
superlatives, they have resented being pulled out
of their peer group to be taken overseas, they
are more dependent on their environment to excite
their interest, they have fewer internal
resources of reading, listening, writing, or
musical and artistic talents. They are more
adept at organizing others than organizing them-
selves, and they question the authority of anyone
to tell them what to do without giving good and
sufficient reasons;

 

3. safe-haven teenagers. In this instance,
the husband is working in one country (e.g., Viet
Nam, Indonesia), but his wife and children are
living in another country (e.g., Philippines,
Thailand, or Singapore). Although the husband
has an overseas sponsor, the influence and
control exerted by the sponsoring agency over the
behavior of the dependents is not great, for the
father's work reputation is neither enhanced nor
damaged in the same way by the behavior of his
wife and children. Sanctions can be invoked for

 

46

removal, but informal socialization to the norms
is not easily attained. Lack of socialization is
especially apparent in those instances where the
dependents have gone ”on their own" rather than
having their overseas stay arranged by the spon-
soring agency;

4. the hyphenated—American teenager. This
type is the young adultFIn a country Ofihis
parent's ethnic derivation--for example, the
Japanese-American in Japan; the Chinese-American
in Hong Kong, Singapore, or Malaysia; the East
Indian-American in India or Malaysia; the Afro-
American in sub-Saharan Africa. This teenager is
Often in a dilemma.

Most American white teenagers, and these are
the overwhelming majority of Americans overseas,
learn to dislike or at best feel patronizing
towards non-elite host nationals. Americans
overseas invariably go up in status, are members
of an elite and have special privileges vis-a-vis
host nationals. The host nationals with whom
teenagers are most likely to interact are lower
status persons in a service relationship
(servants in the home; maintenance personnel,
drivers, guards at the school; tradesmen in the
bazaar). In addition, in all of these countries
there are increasing "nationalistic" movements
and a growing expression of hostility against the
powerful national elites and "rich foreigners."
Teenagers are more vulnerable to attacks than are
their parents.

The hyphenated-American is the "marginal man"
under these circumstances. He hears derogatory
or patronizing remarks made by his fellow white
Americans about the racial identity which is his,
and at the same time he cannot identify with the
host national ethnic group of his racial
identity-~often he does not even know the
language.

A special variant of this type is the child
of a cross-cultural marriage, one of whose
parents is of host national origin (this is a
rare occurrence in the Embassy-related and
missionary groups but more common in business and
military groups). If the parent of host national
origin is of elite status locally and English-
speaking, the children of such a marriage
encounter relatively few difficulties and are
included in the third culture's international
set. However, if the host national parent is of
low origin and not English-speaking, the children
encounter considerable difficulties in knowing

 

47

who they are and accepting and being accepted by
the other youth; and

5. host nationals and third country

nationals. There are two other types of teen-

agers in some of the American-sponsored schools

overseas--"host nationals" and "third country”

(that is, neither host nor American) nationals.

A high proportion of the host nationals in Asia

are of elite background and many of them have had

their early education in Western countries where

their parents had diplomatic assignments or were
furthering their higher education. These teen-

agers share many of the outlooks, self-identi-

ties, and linguistic abilities of the long-term—

Out American teenager. The "third country"

nationals have similar ways of behaving and

thinking. (R. Useem, 1972: 129-133)

Also fitting into the third culture concept is the
expatriate community as identify by Cohen (1977). Studies
related to the expatriate often are concerned with the dif—
ferent communities in which they reside rather than the
expatriate as an individual. Cohen made it clear that the
old negative definition of an expatriate as one driven out
of his/her native country is no longer used. Today's
expatriates are often professionals in strategic positions
in different host nations. It is difficult to develop a
definition that accurately identifies this unique group of
people. After explaining that the term does not include
migrant laborers and foreign students (both of whom form
large, distinctive groups with their own particular charac-
teristics and problems, Cohen presented a rather detailed

effort at definition.

48

The term "expatriate" will here be used to
refer to those voluntary temporary migrants,
mostly from affluent countries, who reside abroad
for one or several of the following purposes:

1. business -- private entrepreneurs,
representatives, managers and
employees of foreign and multina-
tional firms, professionals practic-
ing abroad;

2. mission -- diplomatic and other
governmental representatives,
foreign aid personnel, representa-
tives of foreign non-profit-making
organizations, military stationed
abroad, missionaries;
3. teaching, research, and culture--
academics, scientists (e.g.,
archeologists, anthrOpologists,
etc.) and artists; and
4. leisure -- owners of Second homes
abroad, the wealthy, the retired
living abroad and other "permanent
tourists,” bohemians and drop-outs.
(Cohen, 1977: 6)
Intercultural Marriage
Intercultural marriage patterns are of several types:
cross-national marriages, cross-racial marriages (such as
black and Caucasian), or cross-religious marriages (such as
Christian and Buddhist). Often, of course, different
marriage patterns are mixed together in a specific
marriage. Intercultural marriage must be interpreted in
the context of time, place, and cultural groups. In this
study, the researcher classified different groups Of
students in the survey population according to the nationa-

lity differences of their parental backgrounds. As

49

a result, different family groups are classified as cross-
national marriages.

With greater mobility made possible by modern techno-
logical developments, more and more people are marrying
across national boundaries. The Health and Welfare
Ministry in Japan went back into its records to survey
international marriages of the past 19 years. The follow—
ing are some of its findings.

1. The number of Japanese peOple who married
foreigners reached the 10,000 yearly level in
1983.

2. In 1965 about 70% of all international
marriages registered at local Japanese
government offices were between Japanese
women and foreigners. Over the past 18
years, there has been a marked change in this
pattern. In 1983, 70% of the international
marriages registered at local government
offices were now between Japanese men and
foreign women. Of these foreign wives,
approximately

--50% were Korean,

--27% were Chinese,

--four percent were American, and
—-the rest were from other nations.

3. In marriages involving Japanese women and
foreign men, the approximate percentages in
1983 were:

--50% Korean,

-—21% American,

--nine percent Chinese, and
--the rest from other nations.

In its analysis, the Ministry saw this changing marriage
pattern as being the result of a rapid increase in the
number of Japanese businessmen going abroad for extended

periods (Passtime-Keystone News, 1985).

50

In intercultural marriages, the focus of researchers
has frequently been on such significant aspects as values,
beliefs, customs, traditions, style of life, and language.
Rogers and McDermott described intercultural marriage from
this perspective:

. . . a husband and wife bring to their
marriage their own particular personalities and
combine to form a new mutual system in which each
becomes a part of the self—system of the other .
. . . the processes by which marriage partners
from different cultures synthesize their indivi-
dual values and attitudes and they convey a new
cultural inheritance to their children.

. . . at the same time the interweaving of
totally different threads in the warp and woof
can lead to strange and lovely patterns, with a
richness that outweighs the hazards of unrecog-
nized clashes. (Rogers & McDermott in Tseng,
1977: viii-xi)

When two people marry, their motives for seeking a
marriage partner usually complement each other. Char lists
five motivations for intercultural marriage: love, chance
and availability, the need to be different, practical
reasons, and problems related to an ”Oedipus complex."
These should be considered in more detail:

1. love as a motive: although psychiatrists
frequently warn that love is poor criterion
for selection of a marriage partner because
it may go against the need for clear thinking
and logic in such an important decision, it
can be a very important "glue" to hold
together a marriage that is subjected to the
additional stress that can exist in an inter-
cultural marriage;

2. chance and availability: although this is an
important factor in most marriages, it is
eSpecially so in the intercultural marriage.
The people involved would not meet and marry
if circumstances had not brought them

51

together at a certain time in their lives
when marriage to a person from another
culture was acceptable to them;

3. the need to be different: pe0ple who are
more adventuresome are apt to step outside
the rule of their cultural traditions and
marry someone from a different culture. In
some extreme cases, the marriage might be
considered exhibitionism;

4. practical reasons: peOple may marry to
improve their economic situations or social
status or gain different individual advan-
tages. In intercultural marriages, what
seems to be a practical reason for marriage
may turn out to be different when the couple
moves to a different country; and

5. problems related to an 'Oedipal complex":
many psychoanalysts believe that extreme
identification with or extreme rejection of
the opposite-sex parent may result in a
person deciding to marry someone who is very
different from the Opposite-sex parent.
Marrying a person from another culture might
fill this psychological need. (Char in
Tseng, 1977: 34-35)
Problems in Cross-Cultural Marriages
Marriages in any culture encounter problems, and the
degree of success or failure in resolving the problems
varies in each different case. As some general types of
problems are characteristic of different types of
marriages, it should be possible to identify factors that
frequently become the basis for problems in cross-national
marriages. This section is concerned with three areas in

which problems frequently develop: (a) communication, (b)

values, and (c) child-rearing.

52

Communication

Language is an important channel of communication in
any marriage, but it increases in importance in a cross-
national marriage. Language should be the clearest channel
of communication--the channel through which misunderstand-
ings are commonly worked out and resolved. In a cross-
national marriage, however, the ambiguities of language and
related factors can become a serious problem. A word or an
expression may have one denotative meaning for a person who
is learning English as a second language at the same time
it may have a series of different connotative meanings for
the native speaker in the marriage. Often these contra—
dictions can result in serious communication breakdowns and
misunderstandings.

In an elaborate study of cross-national marriages con—
ducted in 1972 at Yokosuka, Japan, by Charles Corwin of the
USNR chaplain corps and Kazuo Hara, a psychologist from
International Christian University, 327 couples responded
to a questionnaire which had originally been sent to 1000
couples (a 33% response). Respondents had been married an
average of 38 years. In terms of language, 58% were using
English, while 32% reported they were using one-fourth
Japanese and three-fourths English. The interpretation of
the researchers was

. . . this indicates that the Japanese wives,
for the most part, are converting to English
rather than the husbands learning Japanese. How-

ever, whatever language was being used in the
home, either all English, all Japanese, or

53

various combinations of English and Japanese,
there were no correlations between language per
se and satisfaction and happiness. Moving from
language to communication, "very significant"
correlations were found between the degree of
communication and satisfaction and happiness.
(Corwin & Hara, 1973: 45)

The conclusion, then, is that the level of communication
and not the language itself is the vital factor for success

in marriage. Some statements from the respondents illus-

trate the point:

The word advantage should not enter into it
at all. Two people, no matter what their back-
ground might be, must be compatible. Communica-
tion is, to me, the most important aspect of any
kind of relationship. Everything else is second-
ary. (Corwin & Hara, 1973: 44)

Of course, some respondents stated clearly their view that

the wife had to master English to achieve successful

communication.

The most important thing is the language
problem. If the wife comes to the States with
little or no English background, all marriage
problems are intensified . . . .

I have been in America now for two years.
I've gotten accustomed generally to both the
language and customs. Of course, when people use
difficult words, I don't understand. For this
reason it is my opinion that people should marry
within their own nationalities. That is how I
feel about it. (Corwin & Hara, 1973: 44,45)

In another study, Dorothy Trebilcock reported on
Korean wives and their American husbands in Michigan. She
found that most of the wives felt that a major drawback in

their marriages was their limitation in communicating their

deepest feelings.

54

I cannot explain many things which are deep

down to my husband because I cannot use my words

to tell him how I feel; he would not understand.

Korean people do not like to show their feelings;

they usually want to keep their emotions to

themselves. They do not like to hug and kiss.

(Trebilcock, 1973: 64)

Kite studied 67 cross-national marriages (of which 75%
were comprised of a U.S. husband and Japanese wife) in
1978. He found there were no non-English speaking spouses
even though many did come from non—English language
countries. They all Spoke English, although with varying
degrees of proficiency (Kite, 1978).

Language is much more than a method to communicate
ideas and thoughts. Language also determines the way a
person thinks and sees the world. It is a key factor in

the adaptation that must be made in a successful cross-

national marriage and resulting family.

1911.92

Because cultures differ so widely in their value
systems, trying to understand and resolve conflicting
values in cultures is perhaps the most difficult task in an
intercultural or cross—national marriage.

Kluckhohn pointed out that the impact of values is not
always apparent, "'What must be done' is usually closely
related to what is believed to be the nature of things;
however, beliefs about 'what is' are often disguised

assumptions of 'what ought to be,'" (Kluckhohn, 1960).

55

In her research on British-Asian couples in Britain,
Cottrell found that several lower and middle class British
women had adopted the Muslim or Sikh religions of their
husbands. Not only did they adopt the diet, dress, and
social codes of their new religions, but they limited much
of their social contact to members of these religions. The
impact this had on their values must have been great.
Although religion and values are not the same, there is a
strong relationship between the two.

Corwin and Hara reported on value conflicts. In their
cross-national survey of young married couples (American
husbands and Japanese wives) now living in the United
States, they received the following responses: 56% of the
couples reported a decrease in cOnflict after marriage, 13%
reported an increase, and 31% reported no definite change
in conflict. One of the reSpondents stated, ”I don't
believe it is good for all--only for those who have a
similar view of life and those who love a rocky life full
of challenge” (Corwin & Hara, 1973: 58). Related to this,
one respondent wrote about the problems develOping from
cultural differences: "Small matters become big ones
because of the difference in backgrounds" (Corwin & Hara,
1973: 66).

Trebilcock examined the role concepts of husband and
wife and how these affected behavior in a cross-national
marriage. Before their marriage, an American husband and

Korean wife seemed to have almost the same ideas in terms

56

of role expectations. In the intense relationship of
marriage, however, actual differences in role expectations
become apparent. This seems to be most Obvious in those
situations where the wife acculturates the American way of
life:

. . . husband tends to keep wife submissive

and isolated at first; wife is exposed to other

concepts and husband is threatened. She may make

more demands economically; he has had difficul-

ties with new dependence of wife with language,

culture limitations. Communication of these

expectations may be limited by language.

(Trebilcock, 1973: 71)

Husbands in many cross-national marriages may be in
greater control because the wives are unable to function in
the new culture without their husbands. As a wife comes to
better understand her husband's culture and increases her
ability to function in her second culture, her husband may
feel threatened and frustrated because his wife is no
longer so dependent. In a related sense, a husband may
expect his wife to stay in the stereotyped female role of
her culture with the husband in a dominant position. When
the wife adapts to the American culture (especially after
the family moves to the United States), the Special rela-
tionship the husband wanted starts to disintegrate quickly,
and the marriage can be in trouble. This is a different
type of values conflict than that which exists when two

different cultures with their inherently different values

come together.

57

Child-Rearing Patterns in Different Cultures

Based on cultural norms and individual variations
allowed within a particular culture, there is a great vari-
ation in the methods of child-rearing one observes in a
multi-cultural/multi-national community such as a DOD
community overseas.

Caudill and Weinstein, in their 1966 comparative study
of maternal care and infant behavior in Japan and the
United States, found that an American mother has greater
verbal interaction with her infant and stimulates the child
to greater physical activity and exploration than does a
Japanese mother. On the other hand, a Japanese mother has
much more bodily contact with an infant and soothes the
child to obtain more physical calm and passivity than does
an American mother. This second approach limits a child's
exploration of his/her environment. The researchers felt
that these patterns of learned infant behavior clearly
affected different behavioral expectations in the two cul-
tures as the children grew to adulthood (Caudill &
Weinstein in Lebra, 1974).

While the American culture may work to develop a
spirit of aggressive independence in children, Japanese
child-rearing, with its emphasis on the constant presence
of the mother, works to limit and discourage the develop-
ment of such a Spirit in a child. Wagatsuma (1973) saw
this as being influenced by Japanese customs that increase

one's consciousness of the pleasures of the body.

58

These range from bathing and massaging to the textural
details of food. This also explains the way of disciplin-
ing a Japanese child.

The child is disciplined by threats of isola-
tion rather than by the inhibition of free move-
ment. He learns to rely upon ready access to
gratifications offered by his mother. He is not
encouraged to physically separate himself from
the mother or to seek independent means of coping
with his environment as he is in Western sociali-
zation. He is encouraged to be sunao or
obedient. In this context of dependency, the
Japanese also develop a capacity, by passive
means, to induce nurturant behavior toward them-
selves by others. (Wagatsuma in DeVos, 1973: 47)
Nydegger studied child rearing in the Philippine

barrio (the smallest local political subdivision of the
government--the neighborhood society). The Nydeggers
reported that it was assumed a small child had very limited
ability to learn and would increase in ability only with
age. As a consequence, very few demands were made on a
child. Even to push the child to walk and talk was not
considered logical. A child progresses at an individual
pace. Toilet training is gradual, starting when the child
can walk. When toilet trained, a child is given clothing.
At four, a child is becoming a thinking being and is ready
to learn and be trained by age six. Formal schooling
starts when the child is considered ready. After this
point, the child increases participation and responsibility

in family affairs until sixth grade is completed and child-

hood ends. During the early childhood period, the

59

child is protected and pacified rather than educated
(Nydegger in Whiting, 1963).

Lapuz wrote about children from the perspective of the
Philippine mother.

Here again, folk fantasy and magical thinking
obstruct reason and reality in the mainstream of
thought and behavior. A baby, whether first or
tenth, is an act of nature; the physiology of
one's body is also part of nature. It would be
unwise to interfere with the workings of nature.
And who knows? This coming baby may be the
couple's suerte (good luck); getting rid of it
may be courting bad luck. The thought of
children coming becomes practically synonymous
with getting married. The couple who decide to
wait two or three years or more before having
their first one get impatient looks from their
parents. "When the time comes for you to want
babies, they may no longer be given to you" is a
frequently heard remark, based on the same logic
of unknown forces being in charge of one's life.

There is little thought as to what care of a
child entails. "God will provide because even
beggars survive" is a common remark. The
enormity and permanence of responsibility for
rearing children either escape or fail to intimi-
date.

Children are also expected to hold a marriage
together. Their number increases its stability .
. . . What is also in Operation, of course, is
that the Filipino woman needs children for
herself for emotional reasons. There will never
be anyone who will belong to her as much as her
children do. They are extensions of herself.

The need for emotional satisfaction and security
in her relationship with her children becomes
even more glaring when her unsureness about her
husband is considered. (Lapuz, 1977: 114)

The information already presented indicates that there
is considerable variation of child-rearing patterns among
different cultural backgrounds. More importantly, beyond
the practice of child-rearing are basic ideas and philoso-

phies reflecting an emphasis on independence or

60

interdependence and individuality or group consciousness.
Partly as a result of urbanization and industrialization,
traditional processes have often been disrupted, altered,

and modified.

Child-Rearing in Intercultural Marriage

As different cultural purposes and styles often focus
on child-rearing patterns that may have contradictory aims
from one culture to the next, it is likely that the couple
in an intercultural marriage will find child-rearing a
process characterized by challenge and stress. Mann and
Waldron found that even the couple that has apparently
worked out its cultural differences discovers that the
arrival of the first child is apt to revive old cultural
disagreements. Just discussing and planning for the child-
hood experiences of the baby may lead to emotional
reactions that can surprise and overwhelm an intercultural
couple (Mann & Waldron in Tseng, 1977).

Every stage of a child's develOpment from the issue of
dependency to skill mastery, sex identification, education,
and peer relationships can easily become a source of con-
flict when parents want to follow very different philoso-
phies and practices in child-rearing. At the same time,
however, a child can benefit from the positive development
of attitudes and skills that can come only from the experi-

ence of a cross-cultural family environment.

61

Corwin and Hara reported that 72% Of the couples in
U.S-Japanese marriages felt that children added much to the
happiness of their marriages. One respondent reacted to
the question of advantages in an intercultural marriage:
"Advantages? The teaching of each other our different cul-
tures and giving our children two cultures or ways of life"
(Corwin & Hara, 1973).

Cottrell studied the child-rearing patterns of Indian-
Western couples living in India between 1964 and 1966 and
of British-Asian couples living in Britain between 1975 and
1976. The finding was that English was the dominant
language for both groups, with many children able to under-
stand a parental language other than English.

In terms of the socialization process, the group
living in India was more apt to encourage both identifica-
tion and understanding of both cultures (41%) while the
group living in Britain was predominantly English rather
than bi-cultural (78%). In terms of religion, less than
half were raising their children in a single religion (32%,
no religion; 31%, Christian; 19%, Moslem and Hindu), while
39% were not raising their children in any single religious
tradition. Of the group in Britain, 64% did not play an
important part in the religious life of their children
(21%, Muslim or Sikhs; 14%, Christian) (Cottrell, 1976:
19).

In their study of American husband and Japanese wife

cross-national marriage, Corwin and Hara reported that the

62

following statistics applied to men living in the U.S.:
38% "never attend church,” 48% "seldom attend church," four
percent "often" attend church, and 10% ”frequently” attend
church (Corwin & Hara, 1973: 69).

The vast majority of these children received a
Western—oriented education. Even in India, children were
educated in English language schools.

The Cultural Identity of Children
of Cross—National Marriages

The question of identity formation in a cross-national
marriage is not a well researched area.

Identity is examined carefully by Erikson:

. . . identity formation employs a process of

simultaneous reflection and Observation, a

process taking place on all levels of mental

functioning, by which the individual judges him-

self in the light of what he perceives to be the

way in which others judge him in comparison to

themselves and to a typology significant to them;

while he judges their way of judging him in the
light of how he perceives himself in comparison

to them and to types that have become relevant to

him. This process is, luckily, and necessarily,

for the most part unconscious except where inner

conditions and outer circumstances combine to

aggravate a painful, or elated, "identity-con-

sciousness.” (Erikson, 1968: 22—23)

Erikson also sees unbreakable linkage between the indivi-
dual level and the larger social environment of which the
individual is a part. Each helps define the other:
personal growth and communal change; individual identity
crisis and contemporary identity crisis in historical

develOpment (Erikson, 1968: 22). This can take on special

63

meaning for the racially mixed child who starts to confront
in his/her first day of formal schooling the fact that
society has a perception of him/her that does not always
coincide with the self-image that his/her parents have
fostered.

Mann and Waldron describe another problem encountered
by children of cross-national marriages. A child who has
identified with one parent (for whatever reasons) may find
out later that the choice does not match well to social
realities in terms of how society reacts to a particular
racial, cultural, and/or nationality background. The child
who discovers that s/he has two parts-—one part belonging
to a "superordinate" group and the other belonging to a
”subordinate" group--may be willing to identify only with
the supposedly ”superior" part. However, this type of
child is likely to be denied admission as an equal into the
more esteemed group (Mann & Waldron in Tseng, 1977). In
this way, the hyphenated-American teenager (especially the
teenager) encounters the "marginal man” syndrome and often
finds that s/he is cut from both of the originating
cultures that make up his/her background.

Cottrell (1977) wrote about an American-Korean child
as an example of a problem facing children of intercultural
marriages.

Amer-Korean children raised as Americans,
without real knowledge of their Korean back-
ground, are particularly vulnerable to negative

images of Korea, feeling these must apply to
themselves. Such a problem could arise

64

for the American socialized Amer-Korean child
stationed in Korea, especially if, in an effort
to be completely accepted by his friends, he has
tried to be 100 percent American. If such a
child dislikes what he sees in Korea he could
easily experience a great deal of tension trying
to resolve the conflict of disliking something to
which he partially belongs. The characteristics
he does not like about Koreans cannot be dis-
missed as the habits of a strange and foreign
people; they are the characteristics Of his
people. He is confronted with that half of him-
self which he has worked to reject, forget or
hide--he sees a side of himself he does not like.
(Cottrell in Hunter, 1977: 76)

On the other hand, Cottrell does not feel this problem
is as serious for Amer-Asian children with parents in the
military.

Children of cross-nationally married parents
in the military will have less uncertainty or
conflict regarding their identify than those who
are not in the military. It is likely that
growing up as a military dependent reduces, but
does not completely eliminate, the Amer-Korean
child's uncertainty regarding identity. Military
affiliation provides an unquestionable, overrid-
ing identity similar to the certainty of
religious, regional or occupational identities
mentioned by British-Asian children in Britain—-
either you are a military dependent or you are
not. (Cottrell, 1977: 72)

 

Teenagers
This study is on eighth grade students; therefore, the
researcher feels it is necessary to examine and understand
the characteristics of the developmental stage of the teen-
ager. Erikson sees this stage as a special lifestyle that

develops in the time between childhood and adulthood.

65

It is a stage that is probably expanding as technological
developments tend to result in more time between this stage
and the final entrance into the actual world of work. A
sense of group consciousness results in a preoccupation
with how one appears to the peer group and those skills one
needs to develop to win this recognition. All of these
circumstances combine to create a time of questions, prob-
lems, and crises that the teenager has to work through
before being ready to enter adult society. Erikson wrote
about aspects of teenage or adolescent subculture that
could be important in a DoDDS multi-national third culture
setting:

. . . On the other hand, clarification can
also be sought by destructive means. Young
people can become remarkably clannish,
intolerant, and cruel in their exclusion of
others who are "different" in skin color or
cultural background, in tastes and gifts, and
often in entirely petty aspects of dress and
gesture arbitrarily selected as the signs of an
in-grouper or out-grouper. It is important to
understand in principle (which does not mean to
condone in all of its manifestations) that such
intolerance may be, for a while, a necessary
defense against a sense of identity loss. This
is unavoidable at a time of life when the body
changes its prOportions radically, when genital
puberty floods body and imagination with all
manner of impulses, when intimacy with the other
sex approaches and is, on occasion, forced on a
young person, and when the immediate future con-
fronts one with too many conflicting possibili-
ties and choices. Adolescents not only help one
another temporarily through such discomfort by
forming cliques and stereotyping themselves,
their ideals, and their enemies; they also insis-
tently test each other's capacity for sustaining
loyalties in the midst of inevitable conflicts of
values (Erikson, 1977: 114)

66

Do teenagers see high school as a social or an
academic institution? Coleman studied 10 urban and rural
high schools with enrollments from under 100 to 2000 in
mid-Western states. He found that these students saw
school as mainly a social environment which covered all
elements from the age group's special symbols and language
to special interests and activities.

In every school the boy named as best athlete

and the boy named as most pOpular with the girls

were far more often mentioned as members of the

leading crowd, and as someone "to be like" than

was the boy named as the best student. And the

girl named as best dressed, and the one named as

most pOpular with the boys, were in every school

far more often mentioned as being in the leading

crowd and as someone "to be like” than was the

girl named as the best student. (Coleman, 1960:

344)

According to Coleman, most adolescents felt that one's
academic success was not very important in gaining member-
ship in the leading crowd at school. Coleman's conclusions
are substantiated by two other studies. In 1968 Cowelti
asked the same questions to students in a suburban high
school. In order, they responded:

lst - be remembered for popularity with others (54%)

2nd - be remembered for being a leader in activities
(28%)

3rd - be remembered as a good student (18%) (Coleman
(in Thornburg, 1971: 189)

In a 1972 study by Snyder, 320 high school juniors
reSponded by listing personal qualities, material posses-

sions, and social activities in that order of importance.

67

Teenagers' Experience in the Military

In the military system, the first goal has to be sup-
porting the military task. A family has to support and
contribute to the realization of this first goal. A second
goal may then be the psychological welfare of the military
family. It is a family responsibility that becomes a
special responsibility for children as they grow up in a
military community. Gross explains the situation in a way
that is probably familiar to many military children: "How
can a corporal or airman respect a sergeant if the
sergeant's own children don't respect him?" (Gross, 1969:
39).

Hill explained in more detail how the military family
is to be socialized:

The military seeks to make the family instru-
mental to its mission of developing and maintain-
ing an effective combat-ready body of fighting
men, mobile enough to be deployed anywhere in the
world when needed. Wives and children of married
personnel, from the perspective of the military,
should be socialized to subordinate their indivi-
dual needs and desires to the "good of the
service” and to minimize any family claims on the
time and presence of the husband/father. The
wife of a career military man . . . should defin-
itely not embark on an independent occupational
career incompatible with her responsibility as
mother and military wife. Children should
observe the rules of the military community lest
the reputation of the military father he
tarnished and interfere with his career. The
family should be a morale builder for the
military man, providing love and affection and a
minimum of problems to distract him from his
central task of serving the ”cause." (Hill in
McCubbin, 1976: ll)

68

A major characteristic of the military family is the
father-dominated home. This results from the military work
role of the father in a very disciplined setting. It is
easy to understand that a father would carry this charac-
teristic home with him after working hours (McIntire &
Drammond in Hunter, 1978: 18).

At the same time, a military father's discipline and
frequent absence are often seen as harmful contributors to
a child's develOpment of self-image. This is supported by
the findings of Rosenberg that sons of fathers in such
authoritarian-oriented occupations as military or police
tend to be lower in self-esteem (McIntire & Drammond in
Hunter, 1978: 18).

Paul Darnauer (1976) found that parents favored the
unique characteristics of military life more than their
children did.

Over 80% of the parent responses were found

to be at variance with those of their adolescent

children. Congruence was highest on adolescent

social behavior (dating, groups of friends,
organizational membership), while discrepancies

were greatest with regard to the nature of dis-

cussion with friends, army versus non-army extra-

curricular involvement, and academic performance.

Parents appear to be in agreement with their

adolescent children regarding issues over which

they can exert influence, and they do more poorly

in areas less subject to their parental control.

(Darnauer in McCubbin, 1976: 63)

Although these military children can identify

Obstacles to both their personal develOpment and social

adaptation that they feel exist in the military system,

69

they do not consider their military family experiences to
be unusual. They also recognize the importance of their
role in their fathers' careers. In this all-important
family support system, teenaged youth are a key part
(Darnauer in McCubbin, 1976: 60-63).
Third Culture Children in
the School Environment

The latitude of this portion of the review of litera-
ture related to the third culture factor has to be consi-
dered carefully as there are so many different and unique
student pOpulations and environmental circumstances. In
some ways, the DoDDS system may share similarities with
private international schools, but in other ways their
situations are very dissimilar. As many excellent studies
of third culture children have involved different interna-
tional schools, selections from those studies are included
in this review.

Frank Krajewski was concerned with U.S. university and
college adjustment by American students who had one or more
years in overseas secondary schools. He used parental
background to group students as (a) business, (b) Depart-
ment Of Defense, (c) missionary, or (d) federal government-
/civilian. The following were his findings in the four
groups:

1. business group: this group had the lowest

records of achievement but had high aspira-
tional and perceptual levels;

70

2. Department of Defense group: this group had
a lower academic record that could not match
their high aspirations and self-concepts;

3. missionary group: this group was the highest

in achievement but the lowest in aspirations
and self-concepts; and

4. federal/civilian group: this group had the

best balance of academic record and self-
concepts/aspirations. They appeared to be
the best adjusted of the groups. (Krajewski,
1969)

In his study of American students with overseas
experience in terms of worldmindedness and social adjust-
ment, Thomas Gleason grouped business and missionary
students together in their deeper and more continuous
contact with the foreign community around them. At the
same time, Department of Defense and federal/civilian
groups of students were alike in many areas including their
difference from the business and missionary groups.
Gleason identified the following five variables as having
an influence on social adjustment patterns and worldminded—

11958:

1. number of years overseas in lst-7th grades
and in 8th-12th grades,

2. reported change in religious attitude,

3. number of different countries in which the
student has lived,

4. reported political party preference of the
student, and

5. reported annual income of the family.
(Gleason, 1969)

What impact does the cross-cultural/cross-national

background of third culture students have on their academic

71

performance and self-image? In an effort to use Objective
tests, the Spaulding/Cantrell study of secondary students
in the DoD high school at Yokosuka, Japan, explores the
question in some detail. This study used the Lorge-
Thorndike Intelligence Quotient, the Test of Academic Pro-
gress (reading and mathematics sections), and the Tennessee
Self-Concept Scale (self-criticism, total positive
identity, self-satisfaction, behavior, physical self.
family self, social self) to analyze the hypothesis, " . .
. there is no significant difference in the educational
growth among students of different cultural backgrounds.”
Elementary, middle, and secondary students were divided
into four groups: (a) Amerasians who had always lived in
Japan, (b) Amerasians who had four or more years of formal
education in the United States, (c) Amerasians whose
parents were both of Japanese heritage, and (d) Caucasian
Americans who, along with their parents, had always lived
in an American environment.

Although the tests revealed no significant difference
in educational growth patterns related to parental rank or
for those Amerasian students who had at least four years of
education in the United States, there was a significant
difference between the verbal and non-verbal SAT scores of
the third group (Amerasians with both parents of Japanese
heritage) and the first group (Amerasians who had always
lived in Japan). Substantially lower scores at the verbal

level indicated a major problem in forming and expressing

72

verbal ideas. Not only did this result in a failure to
fully realize their academic potential, but it may help
explain their high rate of delinquency problems in high
schools (40% of the population accounted for 80% of the
delinquency problems).
Spaulding and Cantrell identified characteristics of

Amerasian students in high school that may have special
relevance for this study:

1. no apparent distinction between being happy
or being unhappy with a particular situation;

2. acceptance of communication from the person
nearest to them at the present time;

3. reticence to ask for help, academic or per-
sonal;

4. seeming lack of self-confidence and a disre-
gard for praise from anyone when they have
done a job well;

5. no particular goal for the future except to
attend college in the United States; and

6. an immediate agreement with any statement
made by a parent, as long as the parent was
physically present. (Spaulding & Cantrell,
1975: 343)
Academically these students were at two extremes: involved
and very successful or disinterested and most unsuccessful.
In 1974, Chang also examined self-concept and school
achievement of students of mixed nationality parents in
comparison to children with two American parents. Most of

the children involved were military dependents in Kansas.

The children of mixed parents scored higher in both self-

73

concept and school achievement. (Cottrell in Hunter, 1978:

66).

High Rate of Mobility, Frequent Separation
from Father, and Psychological Impact on
Teenage Adjustment and Adaptation
Although economic and occupational pressures have
slowed down movement in the last few years, there is clear
statistical evidence indicating that the United States is a

highly mobile society with 17% of the population changing

residence between 1981 and 1982. (World Almanac and Book

 

of Facts, 1985).

Rate of movement in the military is even greater. A
normal overseas tour for a military family is from 24 to 36
months. As family tours in the Pacific are shorter, on the
average, there are 30-40% of overseas Pacific military
families making major international moves each year (gtggg

and Stripes, 1985). In contrast to what may be a

 

relatively short and less complicated move within a state
for a U.S. family, the military family making an interna-
tional move faces a complicated and stressful experience
that can be exhausting psychologically as well as
financially and physically.

In the military, a father Often has temporary duty in
designated areas for some period of time. When this
happens, his absence Often results in a time of stress for

his wife and children.

74

Definition of Mobility

The term mobility has two meanings that are important
to this study: it has both vertical (socioeconomic) and
horizontal (geographic) connotations. This study is con-
cerned with social mobility and residential mobility. In
describing these two aspects of residential and social
mobility, Mildred Kantor explained the different aspects of
residential mobility:

With respect to residential mobility, there

are variations in the time when the movement

occurs, the distance which it covers, the direc-

tion of the movement, the characteristics of the

participants, and the circumstances under which

the movement occurs. (Kantor, 1965: 95)

Social mobility is seen by Henry as a process involv-
ing changes in the relationship of a person or family to
other persons or to a social group. Social mobility must
be characterized by a change that allows a person's social
status to be evaluated differently. Some very specific
changes include the following:

1. either "absolutely,“ as measured against

indices of social status (ISC)--a social
space change; and/or

2. psychologically, in the sense of the mobile

individual's adopting (with or without aware-
ness) goals and values generally thought
characteristic of higher or lower social
positions-~a goal—oriented change; and/or

3. comparatively, as perceived by self or others

in terms of "improvement" in the symbols of
status--a life style change. (Henry in
Kantor, 1965: 30)

Given enough time, in the ideal example of successful

social mobility, an individual will change in terms of all

75

three of these specific changes. S/He will change by
leaving behind the values and goals of a previous social
position to assume the values and goals of a new social
position. In so doing, the person begins to collect the
objects that are symbols of the new social position.
Another major change concerns changing or adjusting one's
relationship to formal social institutions so that this
relationship reflects the person's newly acquired social
level. Changes in social level are reflected in a person's
chosen social space, life style, and new goals.

Some researchers have used a social-psychological
approach to study the impact of mobility on the geographi-
cally mobile military family. In a 1969 study, McKain
studied army families who had been relocated recently and
found a significant correlation between family problems in
moving and a feeling of alienation (McKain in McCubbin,
1976).

In 1964, Pederson and Sullivan concentrated on the
effects of mobility and parent personality factors on emo-
tional disorders. Interestingly enough, the only signifi-
cant factor they could isolate was the mother's attitude
toward mobility. Mothers of disturbed children had a more
negative attitude to the moving process (McKain in
McCubbin, 1976).

Darnauer found that adolescents who moved infrequently
or excessively performed less well than those who experi-

enced a moderate rate of mobility. Poorer

76

performance was characteristic especially of those who

moved infrequently. Darnauer felt that the findings were
consistent with those of Kenny (1967) who reported higher
school performance among students who were geographically

mobile (Darnauer in McCubbin, 1976: 54).

Frequent Separation from Father

Frequent separation Of a father/husband from his wife
and children is certainly a contributing factor to family
problems. Overseas assignments, temporary duty at other
bases, and military training maneuvers frequently disrupt
family relations. Some researchers (Parson & Bales, 1955;
Zelditch, 1955) stress the importance of the father as
children see him standing for the rules and principles of
society as well as the one who teaches that delaying
immediate gratification results in greater future rewards.
Other scientists (Bandura & Walters, 1959; Billen, 1968;
Mower, 1950; Sears, Rau, & Alpert, 1965) see the father as
the masculine model in a home, important for both boys and
girls' sex-role development.

McCubbin and Dahl (1976) explained that boys will dis-
play evidence Of negative impact of a father's absence at
an earlier age than will girls. At the time when a young
boy is shifting from identification with his mother to
masculine identification, the absence of his father can

have an adverse influence (McCubbin & Dahl, 1976).

77

In 1977, Pierce, a school psychologist with DoDDS at
Clark Air Base in the Philippines studied 52 children who
had a mean age of 12.2 years. According to his research on
absent parents using the Rorschach ”T" response, children
of an absent parent learn to achieve effective control
through a form of guardedness based on defensiveness. They
seem to pay for this effective control with a rejection of
conventionality, a lack of organized responses, and a
surplus of forces impinging on them or not working for them

(Pierce in Hunter, 1978: 39-44).

Definition of Adaptation

Historically, humans have had to develop problem-
solving skills as survival OOping skills to develOp
behaviors necessary to adapt to ecological and social situ-
ations that could easily become life-threatening. In
recent history, the human race has literally exploded in
its power over the world. All technical and environmental
conditions have dramatically changed because of this power.
The human race that has developed all this power and
created a new world, however, is still the product of the
old world and is still, in many ways, the product biologi-
cally and socially of that Old world (washburn, Hamburg, &
Bishop in Coelbo, 1974).

In addition to modern technological developments that
have affected the exploration of space, develOpment of

weapons, increase in pollution, and explosion in

78

population, the tremendous increase in mobility for large
numbers of peOple has meant a related dramatic increase in
cross-cultural encounters. As each culture has its own
unique social system, social structure, and dominant power
hierarchy, we have come to regard the match between a
person and the environment as the key to potential for
adaptation (cultural) to a system. This increases the pos—
sibility that one will encounter cultural difficulty and be
unable to behave as usual in a new cultural environment.
Mechanic identifies three capabilities that are

necessary for an individual's successful personal adapta-
tion:

First, the person must have the capabilities
and skills to deal with the social and environ-
mental demands to which he is exposed. Such
capabilities involve the ability not only to
react to environmental demands, but also to
influence and control the demands to which one
will be exposed and at what pace.

Second, individuals must be motivated to meet
the demands that become evident in their environ-
ment. Individuals can escape anxiety and discom-
fort by lowering their motivation and
aspirations, but . . . there are many social
constraints against this mode of reducing stress.
As motivation increases, the consequences of
failing to achieve mastery also increase, and
level of motivation is frequently an important
prerequisite for experiencing psychological dis-
comfort.

Third, individuals must have the capabilities
to maintain a state of psychological equilibrium
so that they can direct their energies and skills
to meeting external, in contrast to internal,
needs. (Mechanic in Coelbo, 1974).

Mechanic believes that how well the social structure
meets economic demands is the major determinant of success-

ful social adaptation. As people are the product of

79

their culture, the culture base determines how effective a
solution one is able to develop and the quality of skills
that can be developed through educating or training insti-
tutions. Even one's psychological state of mind and sense
of balance depend on the social support system available in

the cultural environment (Mechanic in Coelbo, 1974).

The Military Social System

Because the majority of the teenaged youth studied
have fathers who are career military personnel, the mili-
tary social system needs special consideration. The main
focus of this part of the review of literature is how, and
to what extent, the military social system impacts on the
experiences of teenaged youth.

The Department of Defense is one of the largest and
most complex bureaucratic structures in the United States.
The great rate of technological growth in the Department of
Defense system has increased this complexity even more.
Because it is so necessary to keep up with the rapid
changes in such areas as weapons' systems, the Department
has to have mechanisms built-in for constant technological
change to produce related changing concepts of the science
of warfare (Coates & Pellegrin, 1965).

Technology has changed the military leader's
environment in at least four ways. Weapons have
changed enormously; people have changed; the
military system itself has changed; and interac-

tions with other organizations have become more
complex. (Franklin in Toomay, 1978: 266)

80

However, Coates and Pellegrin (1965) indicate that
despite the highly bureaucratic nature of the Defense
Department, many of these bureaucratic characteristics are
not Obvious on the organizational or operational level.
They see this as a formal and functional military unit with
an organization that is streamlined by the demands of its
unique mission. To be combat-ready, the formal military
organization is characterized by a functional structure
that is rationally designed and tightly controlled in terms
of both its status system and its functional rules.

Therefore, the four factors--a specialized

dimension of labor (division of functions), a

hierarchy of authority (hierarchy of status), a

system of rules and regulations (control of func-

tions) and a formal atmosphere of impersonal

impartially (control of status) . . . are consi-

dered to be functional necessities rather than

bureaucratic characteristics. (Coates &

Pellegrin, 1965: 118)

When Serkesian (1978) studied military
professionalism, be particularly focused on the values
convergence and empathy between the military and society as
well as how officers perceive the military institution and
their profession. His analysis is that the military pro-
fession is generally conservative. He sees the military
person as being committed to existing institutions, having
a pro-military philosophy, and taking a "hard line" in
terms of military matters. He also feels that this conser-

vative philosophy increases as a person climbs up the rank

ladder (Serkesian, 1978).

81

Many professional observers feel that the military
institution demands an organizational behavior to encourage
the develOpment of "careerism," reduce individual ethics,
erode professional ethics, and promote unquestioning
agreement with institutional requirements without consider-
ation of the impact or correctness of the requirement.
Immediate obedience is important to the military. But this
is a time when individual conscience cannot always accept
the demands of an institution.

To help military men and women adjust more easily to a

hierarchical social system, Service Etiquette is used as a

 

basic text. It offers practical guidance in general
manners, table etiquette, calls and calling cards, hops and
dances, typing charts, weddings, salutes, flag etiquette,
correspondence, military funerals, and the customs of each
service branch (Harral & Swartz, 1959).

As a military family has to live under unique circum—
stances that involve both unusual demands on all members of
a family as well as develop pressures that often mount over
the years, special help is needed. To help a military
wife/mother successfully cope with her unique situation and
its demands, several books have been published to advise
her about details which range from military social
etiquette to arranging for frequent household shipments to
raising children.

In one pOpular books series (Mrs. NCO, Mrs. Field

 

Grade, and The Officer's Family Social Guide), the author,

Mary

82

Preston Gross, covers both small details (such as

having children address adults as "sir" and "ma'am' and

rising when adults enter a room) and more philosophic

statements about the military home:

Mary

Because you are transferred more often in the
service, special effort should be made to instill
in your children the responsibility of
contributing to the betterment Of their home.
Home is where their family and love are, even
though their house may change frequently.

(Gross, 1977: 58)

In another book (Fitting in as a New Service Wife),

 

Kay Murphy and Carol Bowles Parker offer more advice:

But remember that the needs of service
children are very special--and often very dif-
ferent--from the needs of other children.

Because they don't have one community to identify
with, one doctor to follow their growth and
development, one church in which to grow spiritu-
ally, one school in which to make one set of
friends, one home in which to experience family
traditions and customs, they will need special
help in becoming as flexible, adaptable, and
elastic as is the way of life for service
children.

You will need to reflect a positive attitude
toward the transient life and seek to create that
attitude in your children. With the help of
family customs, traditions, possessions, furnish-
ings, seek to establish the stability and the
permanency which their lives require. Often you
will have to consider their needs above your own,
their welfare before your own. As they grow
Older, prepare them for entering a new school,
help them to know how to make new friends, show
them ways in which their new home is better than
the old one they just left. Point out to them
the limitations of staying in the same place to
live for 50 years.

But most importantly, help them to recognize
the underlying patterns of service life which
you, as a new service wife, discovered. And as
your children grow to adulthood, rejoice that
their familiarity with many different places and
people has guarded them against small-mindedness.
Be thankful that their education has been

83

broadened by exposure to many different method
and ideas, and that it has been enriched by
direct personal experience with geography,
history, sociology, and the languages and
dialects of the peoples your children have known
personally and grown up with.

Be proud of the poised, responsible, well-
rounded, and Open—minded citizens your children--
service children--have the Opportunity of becom-
ing. (Murphy & Parker, 1966: 94-95)

The responsibility of the family to be supportive of a
military man's career is also stressed:

When a man enters the service, the government
has gained not one, but two--the man and his

wife. If the wife is well informed as to what is

expected of her, the probability is greater that

her husband will have an easier and more success-

ful career. (Gross, 1969: l)

The predominating attitude that the family centers
around the husband/father's military career results in a
social system that, in turn, influences the nature of the
military family experience. The common lifestyle of mili-
tary families overseas (and in the U.S.) becomes a unified
culture and a social group consciousness. This makes a
military base a community, both in a function and a psycho-
logical sense. Concerning this, Janowitz wrote:

The realities of the profession pervaded

family and social life, and, in turn, the mili-

tary community was OOmprehensively organized to

assist family relations. The result was not only

relative social isOlation, since military

families tend to have more contact among them-

selves that with outsiders but also a powerful

espirit de corps among professional officers.

The problem of choosing between work and family

life did not exist. (Janowitz, 1960: 178)

An American military base overseas is a self-

ssufficient community set apart from the affairs of U.S.

84

civilian community. Within this community, Darnauer stated
that as a concept the military family can be viewed as part
of a "supportive” subsystem. The performance of many mili-
tary professionals would be adversely affected by the dis-

tance that separates them from those most important to them

(Darnauer in McCubbin, 1976).

Summary
This review of literature has covered four basic

areas.

1. The foundation concepts of culture, culture
change, and third culture (with attention to
the third-culture child) were defined and
examined.

2. Intercultural marriage was examined in depth
concerning the problems in such marriages as
well as the practices and problems involved
in child-rearing in such marriages.

3. Against the background of information on the
teenager generally, the experience of a
third-culture child was examined in terms of
cultural identity and school environment.

4. The situation of a military family was
examined from the perspective of the military
social system and social pressures that are
placed on a child by the social system
generally as well as the circumstances of
family mobility, frequent father absence, and
the need to adapt to constantly changing
situations.

CHAPTER III

METHODOLOGY

Introduction

This study has three major goals:

1.

to develOp a larger perspective from which to
see the Department of Defense school system
as a major educational system which utilizes
a Stateside school approach with an emphasis
on preparing students who are living with
their families in unique circumstances over-
seas for their eventual return to study in
U.S. schools and to fit into U.S. society,

to get new insights into teenaged third
culture children who are in the DoD overseas
community and the DoDDS system, and

to identify those factors that affect the
academic and social success of students who
come from diverse cultural backgrounds to the
overseas military and civilian community
served by DoDDs.

Research Procedure and Related Rationale

The procedure used in this study has involved the fol-

lowing steps:

10

a review of the formal documents and litera—
ture related to the historical development of
the Department of Defense overseas;

a review of the literature concerned with the
third culture child-national marriage, the
high rate of family mobility, separation of
the father, and teenagers' adaptation to the
environment;

a review of the literature related to

Department of Defense Schools in the Republic
of the Philippines;

85

86

4. a review of available literature about the
community and school at Subic Bay Naval Base,
Philippines, the site of the study;

5. Observation of the students involved in the
study as well as the student body in general
(as a visitor in class and as a substitute
teacher);

6. based on the preceding, development of a
questionnaire administered to a select group
of eighth grade students who are the subject
of this study; and

7. such other relevant information as could be
obtained from interpersonal exchanges that
occurred with the students being studied.

Data Collection and Analysis

The data for the study were Obtained during the year
the researcher had substituted in an eighth grade English
class. In addition to the questionnaire, a two—part
“family tree” was developed for the purpose of data collec-
tion. The family tree was used in class early in the year,
and a follow-up card was used much later (see Appendix C).
Some of the information Obtained from the family tree
included:

1. parents' nationality background,

2. child and parent relationship—-own parents or
adOpted parents/stepchild status,

3. relationship with brother(s) and/or sister(s)
in terms of own or half brother(s) and/or
sister(s),

4. structure of the family unit, and

5. student's age and age of siblings.

Access to the classroom teacher's records of students'

academic achievements provided a source of information

87

about grades. At the same time, observation of the
students involved in the study as well as the student body
in general plus informal conversations with these students
provided further elaboration for this study.

The structured questionnaire (see Appendix D) was
developed to obtain student responses related to major
hypotheses. The questionnaire was divided into sections
related to subhypotheses.

Variables were analyzed in relation to parents'
nationality background, student gender, and father's posi-
tion. Five other elements were sometimes used in analyses
of variables: language spoken at home, child's status with
parents, physical size, and length of father's absence.

The data collected were nominal and ordinal. Wherever
apprOpriate, a chi-square test of significance of
difference was selected for the analysis. In all tests for
significance, the .05 level of confidence was used as a
criterion for rejection of a null hypothsis. Observations
and percentile comparisons were used in most analyses, and
discussions of the situation were presented.

A statistical analysis of the data Obtained from the
questionnaires is the purpose of Chapter IV of this paper.
In this study, the research is intended to examine the null
hypothesis that there is no significant difference in
social experiences/expectations and academic attitudes/-
success when students from U.S. families are compared to

students from different intercultural family backgrounds.

88

A structured questionnaire was develOped to Obtain student

responses to questions related to the hypothesis as

reflected in many subhypotheses intended to explore most of

the larger hypotheses. These subhypotheses are presented

in the following list.

Hypotheses

Academic achievement, extracurricular activities,
career interests, and perceptions of parental con-

cern

I—A. Teenaged youth's academic achievement

1.

There is no significant different between
family background and academic achieve-
ment in (1.1) English, (1.2) mathematics,
and (1.3) social studies.

There is no significant difference
between language spoken at home and aca-
demic achievement in (2.1) English, (2.2)
mathematics, and (2.3) social studies.

There is no significant difference
between a participant's father's position
and academic achievement in (3.1)
English, (3.2) mathematics, and (3.3)
social studies.

There is no significant difference
between own parents or adOpted/stepchild
status and academic achievement in (4.1)
English, (4.2) mathematics, and (4.3)
social studies.

II.

89

There is no significant difference
between genders in terms of academic
achievement in (5.1) English, (5.2)
mathematics, and (5.3) social studies.

I-B. Teenaged youth's perception Of parental
concern about social/academic success.

6.

There is no significant difference
between a participant's perception of
parental interest in a child's social and
academic success and the child's family
background.

There is no significant difference
between a participant's perception of
parental interest in a child's social and
academic success and the father's posi-
tion.

I-C. Teenaged youth's involvement in extracurricu-
lar activities and future career interests.

8.

10.

ll.

12.

There is no significant difference
between family background and the selec-
tion of extracurricular activities.

There is no significant difference
between the selection of extracurricular
activities and the physical size of the
participant.

There is no significant difference
between family background and a partici-
pant's future career interests.

There is no significant difference
between a father's position and a parti-
cipant's future career interest.

There is no significant difference
between genders and a participant's
future career interests.

Teenaged youth's interaction and socialization in
school and the family.

II-A. Teenaged youth's interaction with friends in
school.

13.

14.

15.

16.

17.

18.

19.

20.

21.

22.

23.

90

There is no significant difference
between family background and a selected
friend's nationality background.

There is no significant difference
between genders and a selected friend's
nationality background.

There is no significant difference
between family background and the degree
Of parental influence on a child's selec-
tion of friends.

There is no significant difference
between family background and sharing
personal problems with friends.

There is no significant difference
between genders and the sharing of
personal problems with friends.

There is no significant difference
between the nationality background of
parents and which parent is perceived to
be primarily responsible for the disci-
pline of a child.

There is no significant difference
between family background and a child's
advice-seeking patterns.

There is no significant difference
between genders and a child's advice-
seeking patterns.

There is no significant difference
between family background and the rate of
a child's serious talks with parents.

There is no significant difference
between genders and the rate of a child's
serious talks with parents.

There is no significant difference
between the position of a father and a
child's motivation to practice good
behavior.

III. Teenaged youth's frequent separation from his/her
father and the high rate of family mobility.

91

III-A. Father absence and impact on student grades.

24.

25.

26.

There is no significant difference
between the length of a father's absence
and the academic achievement of his
teenaged youth.

There is no significant difference
between family background and the impact
of a father's absence on student achieve-
ment.

There is no significant difference
between gender difference and the impact
of a father's absence on student academic
achievement.

III-B. Family mobility and impact on student grades.

27.

28.

29.

There is no significant difference
between the rate of family mobility and
impact on student academic achievement.

There is no significant difference
between family background and impact of
family mobility on student academic
achievement.

There is no significant difference
between genders and impact of family
mobility on student academic achievement.

IV. Family background and lifestyle.

IV-A. Parental background and career

30.

31.

There is no significant difference
between a father's position and the
nationality background of his wife.

There is no significant difference
between a mother's nationality background

and the type of work she is presently
doing.

IV—B. Family nationality background and lifestyle
choices

32.

There is no significant difference
between family background and the choice
to live off-base.

92

Some assumptions were the basis for the rationale
which determined the procedures and timing of the
approaches used in this study.

1. The third culture factor must be considered
throughout the study to better understand the
different groups of students who share a
common grade level within a school. This
would provide some sense of a common base
against which to examine the diversity of the
group and the impact this diversity might
have on their individual perceptions, atti-
tudes, behavior, academic performance, and
life goals.

2. The DoDD schools and community should be seen
within the broad perspective of the develOp-
ment of the overseas military community and
its impact on children. This includes the
mobile nature of the family, its separation
from the father, its contact with the host
nation, and its adaptation to a unique situa-
tion.

3. In all of these considerations, the major
emphasis is on the family in terms of its
background and the way in which it shapes the
character of the child within the third
cultural setting.

Description of the Sample

This study was limited to 83 students in the eighth
grade out of a total population of 117. The sample
students represented three groups: (a) one consisting of
students with mothers and fathers from the United States,
(b) one consisting of students with mothers and fathers
from the Philippines, and (c) one consisting of students
with mothers from the Philippines and fathers from the
United States. A fourth group of students whose parents

came from backgrounds different than any of the other three

93

was called "other.” These groups were subdivided in dif-
ferent ways: by gender, degree of academic success in
school, occupation and position of father, perceptions of
parental attitudes, extracurricular activities, relation-
ships to friends, future plans, etc.

This study was an in-depth examination of students,
their involvements in schools, their related experiences,
and their perceptions related to these experiences in
schools and their perceptions related to their home
environnments rather than extend to attitudes and percep-
tions of the students by their parents, teachers, peers,

and larger community group.

Limitations of the Study

This study was limited to a time span of one school
year in which the research was conducted. Because of the
great differences that exist from one situation to another,
it is questionable as to how far the findings in one situa—
tion can be projected as representative of students from a
different intercultural family background in the DoDDs
system. Despite this limitation, however, a major concern
of this research was to attempt to develOp a holistic over-
view of DoDDS and to study a specific group of students
against the background of that overview. It especially
concerns the impact of the widely different backgrounds of
the variety of "third culture children" in the DoDDs

system, and it involves the search for some

94

discernible pattern related to different intercultural,
experiential, socio—economic, and sex role concepts to
which its students relate.

Although it is important to be careful about the temp—
tation to generalize too much from one situation and to see
global implications that may not exist, it does seem
reasonable to hope that this study will add another dimen-
sion to the growing body of research concerned with third
culture children. In this way, it is hoped that this study
might, in some small way, assist in the continuing effort
to make DoDDS an appropriate quality educational experience

for all students in its system.

Selection of the Research Site
Although each of the DoDD schools around the world is
unique in some aspects of the third culture experience
involved, the selection of a secondary school in the
Philippines involved several considerations.

1. The researcher and her family lived for two
years in the Republic of the Philippines.
This gave her the Opportunity to both observe
and work within the schools at Subic Bay
Naval Base.

2. The researcher had an opportunity to take a
counseling class at the Family Advocacy
Center and then work as a volunteer at the
Center. The experiences in this center
provided another perspective from which she
viewed the third culture dimension of the
base society and the school.

3. A unique dimension of the situation at Subic
Bay is the adOption of older children who
come directly from Philippine communities
(Often rural areas) into the DoD base

95

community and DoDD schools. For these
students, the third culture experience
involves not only relating to persons from
two different societies, but also developing
proficiency in English (especially challeng—
ing for teenagers who speak no English) and
in some cases adapting to a demanding system
of formal education after limited experiences
in formal education in the Philippine
society.

The cases of three students in the group studied help
illustrate this situation. In the first case, a girl who
had been adOpted by her mother's new American husband was
near tears as her family prepared to leave the Philippines.
She explained, "I will never see my (natural) father
again." She felt eSpecially close to her own father.

In the second case, an American sergeant and his wife
had left their two-year Old daughter with her Philippine
grandmother when his military duty caused them to leave the
Philippines. Eleven years later he was assigned to Subic
Bay, and the daughter was brought there to live on base
with the parents she had not seen for such a long time.

She was in a situation where she would have to adapt to a
DoDD school before her family left the Philippines within
the next two years. After several unsuccessful attempts,
she ran away and disappeared into the city by the base just
before her family was to leave for Japan.

In the third case, a twelfth grade boy acquired a
junior high school sister when his father married a

Philippine wife and adopted her teenaged daughter.

Although the young man assumed a brotherly responsibility

96

for his new sister and did much to help her adapt to the
eighth grade, he found life Off-base to be a lonely time
with no friends available.

Of the three reasons for selecting a school site, the
location in which the researcher lived and the Opportunity
to have close contacts with the school and its students
were the major determining factors in the selection of a
site.

It should be noted that although they share some
common characteristics that are the basis of the TCK (third
culture kid) definition, each group of third culture
children has unique characteristics that are not duplicated
anywhere else. For this reason, it may not be necessary or
profitable to go through an elaborate process to select one
school as being more representative than another. The
assumption in this dissertation is that the most important
thing is to select a school setting that provides the best
opportunity to do an in-depth study and then concentrate on
that first. The relationship of this school situation to
all DoDDs-Pacific schools or to other TCK situations would

be considered after this first objective was met.

Preparing for On-site Research
The prOposed study was discussed with the principal of

the school early in the school year. When the more formal

97

part of the study developed, the principal referred the
researcher to seek approval from the chief school adminis-
trator for DoDDS-Philippines. All materials to be used in
the questionnaire, a COpy of the MSU-approved dissertation
proposal, and a cover letter (using the format requested by
the administrator) were submitted to the Chief Schools
Administrator (CSA) Philippines office for review and
approval. The CSA then sought approval from the DoDDs-
Pacific Regional Office. Soon after that, the CSA called
to indicate that permission had been granted to proceed
with the formal questionnaire and the rest of the study.
Since that time, the DoDDS-Pacific regional evaluation
coordinator has requested information on the progress of

the study (see Appendix E).

Design of the Questionnaire

The questionnaire was based on earlier observations
and contacts with the study body to be studied as well as a
review of related literature. The questionnaire dealt with
student study patterns, social interactions, and family
background (in terms of nationality orientation, langauge,
mobility, and support for academic activities).

The questionnaire does not stand alone. It is a part
of the larger research which includes Observation of the
student group in addition to a review of literature and a
study of the community. These observations of students

occurred over an eight month period when the researcher

98

visited classes as an Observer or, more often, took the
role of substitute teacher for periods of up to 10 days
while the regular classroom teacher was absent. These
situations provided the researcher with a unique Opportun-
ity to Observe and interact with the students for a period
of time and then withdraw to more objectively review her
experiences, impressions, and observations.

Because of the nature of the contacts with students,
the researcher chose not to use formal interviews either
with students or parents. The researcher felt that actual
contacts and Observations were adequately extensive and
that her relationship with students as a substitute teacher
would tend to compromise her effectiveness as an inter-
viewer.

The actual questionnaire administered hy a classroom
teacher (following the researcher's directions) and the
forms were presented as part of a graduate student's uni-
versity study approved by DoDDS with individual student
participation a voluntary matter. As the regular teacher's
established program included units in genealogy and the
develOpment of a positive self-image, the classroom teacher
felt the research instruments were consistent with the
class program and did not distract from the class schedule
or the spirit of the class.

The actual data obtained through the questionnaire

consisted of three things:

99

background data on students related to family
structure, mobility, cultural background,
1anguage(s) used, and educational experi-
ences;

a brief family tree that concentrated not on
names but on national origins going back
three generations; and

a questionnaire soliciting information on
study procedures, family attitudes toward a
child's student role, social interactions
within the school environment, attitudes
related to school, and its impact on the
family.

The Relationship of the Hypotheses
to the Questionnaire

Although the entire questionnaire is presented in its

original form in Appendix D, this section presents the four

major parts of the hypotheses list and the questions that

are used to explore each part.

Part I.

10.

11.

12.

19.

Academic achievement, extracurricular activities,
career interests, and perceptions of parental
concern.

What language do you speak when you are talking
with your: close friends? father?
mother? brother(s) and sister(s)?

I usually do my best in (A) mathematics, (B)
English, (C) science, (D) social studies.

What is/are your extracurricular school activ—
ity(ies)?

 

 

What is/are the major reason(s) for your selec-
tion of this/these activity(ies)?

 

 

What is your interest in a future career/job
right now?

 

Part

23.

24.

25.

II:

13.

14.

15.

16.

17.

18.

20.

26.

100

I feel that my parents are most interested in (A)
grades, (B) happiness, (C) friends, (D) behav1or
in school, or (E) assuming responsibil1ty?

How important is the quality of your school work
to your family? (A) very important, (B) somewhat
important, or (C) not important at all.

How often do your parents (A. father, B. mother)

push you to do your homework? (A) often, (B)
sometimes, (C) seldom, or (D) never.

The teenaged youth's interaction and sociali-
zation in school and the family.

When do you get together with other students who
are in this/these activities?

--during school (such as eating lunch together):

(A) Often (B) sometimes (C) never
--after school

(A) often (B) sometimes (C) never
--during weekends

(A) often (B) sometimes (C) never

My best friend is (A) male, (B) female.
age: origin:

 

I can talk with him/her about personal problems
bothering me. (A) yes (B) no

How much influence does your family have on your
choice of friends?
(A) very much (B) some (C) none

How often do your friends come to your house to
visit?
(A) often (B) sometimes (C) never

What kind of peOple or group do you usually
avoid?

 

When I have to decide my future, I think I will
get the most important advice from (A) my
parents, (B) my friends, (C) my teachers, (D)
other

 

Who is in charge of discipline in your home?
(A) father (B) mother (C) grandfather
(D) grandmother (E) other

 

27.

28.

29.

35.

Part III:

21.

23.

Part IV:

2.

101

At what time does your family expect you to go to
bed? (A) before 8pm (B) before 9pm
(C) before 10pm (D) any time I want

Are you assigned household chores or work to do
in your home? (A) yes (B) no

How often do you have serious talks with your
father/mother in a typical week?
(A) often (B) sometimes (C) never

Which is the best reason for you to avoid getting
into trouble on base? (A) It may harm your
father's career. (B) It would cause your
friends to look down upon you. (C) It would
cause you to look down upon yourself.

The teenaged youth's frequent separation from the
father and the high rate of family mobility.

How many times have you changed schools? (A) l
(B) 2 (C) 3 (D) 4 (E) 5 (F) 6 (G) 7

(H) more than 7 times

When you change schools, do your grades usually

(A) go up? (B) stay the same? (C) go down?
How long is your father usually away from home on
duty? (A) never (B) a few days a month

(C) a week a month (D) two weeks a month

(D) more than two weeks a month

(E) other

 

When your father is away, do your grades usually
(A) go up? (B) stay the same? (C) go down?
Family background and their lifestyle

Your age: (A) 13 (B) 14 (C) 15
(D) other

 

Where do you life? On base in
Off base in

 

 

Do you have other close relatives with whom you
sometimes live or whom you often visit?
(A) yes (a) no

30.

31.

32.

33.

102

What does your mother with whom you are living
dO?
(A) full-time housewife and mother

 

(B) part-time work as a (give
name of job)
(C) full-time work as a (give

 

name Of job)

If you have lived outside the Philippines, please

answer this question. In what foreign countries

have you lived before you came to the

Philippines? List the countries and tell what

you liked/disliked about going to school in each

country.

--did you go to a DoDD school?

--in which country did you live?

--why did you like the school? why do you miss
the school?

--what did you dislike about the school?

 

 

 

If you have never lived outside the Philippines,
answer the following: would you like to live or
go to school in the U.S. or go to a military base
school other than a military base school in the
Philippines?

(A) yes which country?

(B) no why?

 

 

Do you often spend your holidays with your
family?
(A) often (B) sometimes (C) never

Which holidays do you celebrate?

 

 

(A) none (B) only American holidays

(C) only my origin country's

holidays (D) American holidays and my origin
country's holidays

How Often do you watch television?

(A) I don't watch TV (B) 1 hour a day

(C) 2 hours a day (D) 3 hours a day

(E) 4 hours a day (F) more than 4 hours a day

What are your favorite TV programs? (Please list
them in order.)

lst

2nd
3rd
4th

 

 

103

34. I eat mostly (A) American style foods
(B) Oriental foods (C) Mexican foods
(D) other

 

Supplementing the Questionnaire

Additional information on the base and school in terms
of both history and demographics as well as Operating
phiIOSOphies was taken from publications and briefing docu-
ments to provide a background against which to consider the
data collected from the questionnaire and observations.
Data on academic performances were also reviewed for this
research. They appear as one of the dimensions in the

tables presented in Chapter IV.

CHAPTER IV
ANALYSIS OF RESULTS

Introduction

This chapter covers the major categories identified in
Chapter II, Review of the Literature. These categories
include teenage academic achievement, socialization in
school and family, environmental conditions such as separa-
tion from the father and family mobility, the impact of the
military social system on the experiences of teenaged
youth, and the third culture factor in all areas.

In the four parts that constitute the rest of this
chapter, the results of the questionnaire and related
studies are presented. These results will be examined in
terms of the hypotheses which were developed to explore the
categories listed above. Wherever appropriate, hypotheses
were subjected to a chi-square test to see if the
distribution could be attributed to chance alone.
Discussions of the situations are presented.

Teenaged Youth: Academic Achievement,
Extracurricular Activities, Career Interests,
and Perceptions of Parental Concern

This part of the chapter is divided into three sub-
groups for detailed analysis: (a) teenaged youth's

academic achievement; (b) teenaged youth's perception Of

104

105

parental concern about grades, behavior, happiness, etc.;
and (c) teenaged youth's involvement in extracurricular

activities and future career interests.

Academic Achievement

The question with which the study was concerned in
this part was whether or not participant's academic
achievement was differentiated based on parents'
nationality background, language spoken at home and with
friends, sponsor rank, participant's adopted or stepchild
status, and sex difference.

The dependent variable of academic achievement in the
subject's study of English, mathematics, and/or social
studies was measured by two grade groupings of A/B/C
(representing strong or adequate academic performance) and
D/F (representing weak or inadequate academic performance).
The academic achievement record was based on the grades
reported for the first semester of the 1982-83 school year.

Academic achievement was analyzed using the following
independent variables:

1. participant's parents' nationality (refers to
nation of origin rather than current citizen-
ship) background (mother and father--USA,
mother and father--Philippines, mother--
Philippines and father--USA, or other) (see
Tables 4.1, 4.2, and 4.3);

2. language spoken at home and at school
(English or other (Japanese, Samoan, Spanish,

Vietnamese, Tagalog, or other Philippine dia-
lect, etc.)) (see Tables 4.6, 4.7, and 4.8);

106

3. father's position (officer, civilian, or
enlisted) (see Tables 4.9, 4.10, and 4.11);

4. participant's adOpted/stepchild or natural
status (adOpted/stepchild or own parents)
(see Tables 4.12, 4.13, and 4.14); and

5. gender (boy or girl) (see Tables 4.15, 4.16,
and 4.17).

Hypothesis 1: There is no significant difference between
family background and academic achievement
in English, mathematics, and social studies.

For the data given in Tables 4.1, 4.2, and 4.3, using

a distribution of grades by parents' nationality

background, the distribution did not meet the basic

assumptions for chi-square analysis; however, the data
presented in the tables provides the basis for Observations
and discussion of the hypothesis.

Table 4.1
Family Background and Academic Achievement in English

Grades/EngliShi

 

 

Parents' Nationality Background Total 5 B 9 D/F

 

 

Mother and father--USA 40 9 13 14 4
Mother and father--Philippines 9 4 4 l 0
Mother--Philippines and

father--USA 20 4 4 5 7
Other 13 3 4 5 1

TOTALS: 82 20 25 25 12

 

 

107

Table 4.2 . .
Family Background and Academic Achievement 1n Mathemat1cs

 

 

 

 

 

Grades/Math

Parents' Nationality Background 22521 A g g 21:
Mother and father--USA 38 6 7 10 15
Mother and father--Philippines 9 4 2 2 1
Mother--Philippines and

father--USA 20 0 5 5 10
Other 13 0 5 4 4
TOTALS: 80 10 19 21 30
Table 4.2

Family Background and Academic Achievement in Social
Studies

 

Grades/Soc.Stud.

 

Parents' Nationality Background Total 5 g g 01F
Mother and father--USA 39 9 12 16 8
Mother and father--Philippines 9 4

Mother--Philippines and

father--USA 18 1 7 2 8
Other 13 1 6 4 2
TOTALS: 79 15 29 17 18

 

 

The following should be noted. When the total mean
percentages for combined grades A/B/C and combined grades
D/F in the three areas are considered for each nationality

background group, the following scores result:

108

Combined Grades
in English, Math,
and Social Studies

 

GLOBE PM .12/.2".
Mother and father--USA 77% 23%
Mother and father--Philippines 96% 4%
Mother--Philippines and

father--USA 56% 44%
Other 82% 18%

The most significant difference between these prOpor-
tions concerns the two groups with at least one Philippine
parent. The ”mother and father--Philippine" students are at
the extreme of disprOportionately high grades with the
highest A/B/C grade average (96%) and the lowest D/F grade
average (4%). In the families where both parents were from
the Philippines, the children may have a special sense of
security because they are living in their own nation and
have the support of their extended Philippine family.

At the same time, the 'mother--Philippines and father—
-USA" students are at the extreme of disprOportionately low
grades with the lowest A/B/C grade average (56%) and the
highest D/F grade average (44%). Why should students who
come from a somewhat common nationality background be
almost mirror images of each other in their school grades?
The following comments may provide some insights into the

situation.

109

The ”mother and father--Philippines“ group may be in a
stronger position than any other group in the school in
terms of security in the situation and family support.
Each of these students has one parent who is a full-time
employee of the DOD (and most likely an American citizen)
who has one of the most secure financial situations in the
Philippines. At the same time, the student is most
familiar with and comfortable in his/her home culture with
the emotional security and support that comes from the
extended family in the Philippines. The same is often not
true for the student from the "mother--Philippines and
father--USA" group. Often these students are older
children who have been recently adopted by their American
stepfathers and brought into an American school where they
do not understand the language, American culture, or the
American educational system. They are trying to adapt
quickly to an often-threatening situation--especially if
they face the prOSpect of leaving the Philippines in the
next year or two and never returning.

Of the participants in the 'mother--Philippines and
father--USA” group, 25% were enrolled in the schools ESL
(English as a second language) program (see Tables 4.4 and
4.5). This enrollment compares to no ESL enrollment in
either the "mother and father-~Philippines" group or the
“other” group. A low 2.5% ESL participant enrollment

existed in the "mother and father--USA“ group.

110

The ESL program participants in the "mother--

Philippines and father--USA" group's 55% D/F grades in

English compared to 30% D/F grades in mathematics and 37.5%

D/F grades in social studies. The ESL background of parti-

cipants in this group had the most significant impact on

achievement in English.

Table 4.4

Academic Achievement in English, Mathematics, and Social
Studies by the Six Eighth Graders Enrolled in English as a

Second Language

 

Subject 22231 5
English 6 0
Mathematics 6 0
Social studies 6 0

It”

000

In

Ed to H

2 .r:
3 2
2 2
4 1

 

 

Table 4.5

Background Information on the Six Eighth Grade English as a

Second Langauge Participants

 

Parents' nationality background
Mother and father--USA

Mother--Philippines and father--USA
Language spoken at home

English
Other

 

Father's position
Enlisted
Officer
Civilian

 

AdOpted/stepchild status
Own parents
Adopted/stepchild

Gender
Male
Female

1

participant

(adopted Korean)

5

idhaa

participants

participant
participants

participants
participant
participant

participants
participants

participants
participants

111

Hypothesis 2: There is no significant difference between
language spoken at home and academic
achievement in English, mathematics, and
social studies.

The data given in Tables 4.6, 4.7a, and 4.8 about the
distribution of numbers of grades for students who speak
English at home and the distribution of numbers of grades
for student who speak a different language at home (i.e.,
Japanese, Samoan, Vietnamese, Tagalog or other Philippine
dialect, etc.) was used with a chi-square test for signifi—
cance. The results indicated that the two groups did not
differ significantly in academic achievement in English (X2

= 4.17, df = 3, p > 0.05), mathematics (x2 = 0.09, df : 2,

p > 0.05), and social studies (X2

1.50, df = 3, p 0.05).

Hypothesis 2 was not rejected.

Table 4.6
Language Spoken at Home and Academic Achievement in English

 

Grades in Egglish

 

Language Students 5 g g ngr
English 61 15 18 21 7
Other 21 5 6 4 6
TOTALS: 82 20 24 25 13
x2 = 4.17 df = 3 = 7.82 p.) 0.05

 

 

In relation to this hypothesis, two tables are
presented for academic achievement in mathematics. Table

4.7 is a distribution of grades used as a basis for the

112

observations and discussion of the hypothesis. Table 4.7a

is a distribution appropriate for chi-square analysis.

 

 

 

 

Table 4.7
Language Spoken at Home and Academic Achievement in Mathe-
matics

Grades in Math
Language Students 5 5 g D/F
English 59 8 13 16 22
Other 21 2 6 5 8
TOTALS: 80 10 19 21 30
Table 4.7a

Language Spoken at Home and Academic Achievement in

Mathematics (chi-square analysis)

 

Language Students
English 59
Other 21
TOTALS: 80

x2 = 0.09 df = 2 = 5.99

P

>

0.05

Grades in Math

 

5229M
21 16 22
8 5 8
29 21 30

 

 

113

Table 4.8

Language Spoken at Home and Academic Achievement in Social
Studies

 

Grades in Soc.Stud

Language Students 5 5 Q D/F
English 59 12 22 13 12

Other 21 3 7 4 7

TOTALS: 80 15 29 l7 19

x2 = 1.50 df = 3 = 7.32 p > 0.05

 

 

However, the following could be noted. When the total
mean percentages for combined grades A/B/C and combined
grade D/F in the three subject areas are considered for the

"English spoken at home" group, the following scores

 

result:
Combined Grades
in English, Math,
and Social Studies
Group A/BfiC DZF
English spoken at home 77.1% 22.9%
Other language Spoken at home 66.7% 33.3%

The overall grade distribution was quite similar in every
subject in both groups.

Of the participants in the "other language" group,
28.6% were enrolled in the school's ESL program. This com-
pared to no ESL enrollment in the "English at home" group.

ESL program participants in the "other language" group had

114

an English D/F grade of 83% in comparison to D/F grades of

50% in mathematics and 71% in social studies. The ESL

characteristic of participants in this group had the most

significant impact on achievement in English.

Hypothesis 3: There is no significant difference between a
participant's father's position and academic
achievement in English, mathematics, and
social studies.

The data given in Tables 4.9. 4.10a, and 4.11 Show the
distribution of numbers of grades by father's position

(officer, civilian, or enlisted). A chi-square test for

significance indicated that the three groups did not differ

significantly in academic achievement in English (X2 =

2.60, df = 6, p > 0.05), mathematics (X2 1.56, df = 4, p”

0.05), and social studies (x2 = 4.25, df 5, p > 0.05).

Hypothesis 3 was not rejected.

Table 4.9
Father's Position and Academic Achievement in English

 

Grades in English

 

 

Father's Position Students 5 5 g 515
Officer 24 6 7 7 4
Civilian 25 5 10 7 3
Enlisted 33 9 7 ll 6
TOTALS: 82 20 24 25 13
x2 = 2.60 a: = 6 = 12.59 p > 0.05

 

 

115

In relation to this hypothesis, two tables are
presented for academic achievement in mathematics. Table
4.10 is a distribution of grades used as a basis for the
Observations and discussion of the hypothesis. Table 4.10a
is a distribution appropriate for chi-square analysis.

Table 4.10
Father's Position and Academic Achievement in Mathematics

 

Grades in Math

 

 

Father's Position Students 5 5 g 515
Officer 24 2 5 8 9
Civilian 25 5 5 5 10
Enlisted 31 3 9 9 10
TOTALS: 80 10 19 22 29

 

 

Table 4.10a
Father's Position and Academic Achievement in Mathematics
(chi-square analysis)

 

Grades in Math

 

 

Father's Position Students 515 g ‘515
Officer 24 7 8 9
Civilian 25 10 5 10
Enlisted 31 12 9 10
TOTALS: 80 29 22 29
x2 = 1.56 df = 4 = 9.49 p > 0.05

 

 

116

Table 4.11 . .
Father's Position and Academic Achievement in Social
Studies

 

Grades in Soc.Stud

 

Father's Position Students A g g 21:
Officer 24 4 8 8 4
Civilian 25 6 8 5 6
Enlisted 30 5 13 4 8
TOTALS: 79 15 29 17 18
x2 = 4.25 df = 6 = 12.59 p > 0.05

 

 

However, the following could be noted. When the total
mean percentages for combined grades A/B/C and combined
grade D/F in the three subject areas are considered for
each group, the following scores result:

Combined Grades

in English, Math,
and Social Studies

64222 m 2E
Officer 76.4% 23.6%
Civilian 74.7% 25.3%
Enlisted 74.5% 25.5%

The overall grade distribution was quite similar in every
subject among the three groups.

Of the participants in the "enlisted" group, 12.1%
were enrolled in the school's ESL program. This compared
to 4.2% ESL enrollment in the "officer" group and 4.0%

enrollment in the ”civilian" group.

117

Table 4.4 indicates that no ESL students received A/B
grades in any of the three subject areas. Despite this
fact, the three groups (officer, civilian, and enlisted)
are very close in their overall academic achievement.
Hypothesis 4: There is no significant difference between

own parents or adopted/stepchild status and
academic achievement.

The data given in Tables 4.12, 4.13a, and 4.14 on the
distribution of numbers of grades in the ”own parents“
group in comparison to the "adopted/stepchild status” group
and the chi-square test for significance indicated that a
significant differences was demonstrated between the two
groups in academic achievement in English (X2 = 14.87, df =

3, p > 0.05). However, the two groups did not differ

significantly in academic achievement in mathematics (X2

6.21, df = 3, p > 0.05) or social studies (x2 = 5.48, df
2, p)' 0.05). Thus in terms of English, the hypothesis was
rejected while in mathematics and social studies, the
hypothesis was not rejected.

Table 4.12

Own Parents and Adopted/Stepchild Status and Academic
Achievement in English

 

Grades in English

 

 

Child's status Students A g g 213
Own parents 53 17 18 15 3
Adopted/stepchild 29 3 6 10 10
Total: 82 20 24 25 13

x2 = 14.37 df = 3 = 7.82 p4> 0.05

118

In relation to this hypothesis, two tables are
presented for academic achievement in mathematics. Table
4.13 is a distribution of grades used as a basis for the
observations and discussion of the hypothesis. Table 4.13a
is a distribution appropriate for chi-square analysis.
Table 4.13

Own Parents and Adopted/Stepchild Status and Academic
Achievement in Mathematics

 

Grades in Math

 

 

Child's status Students A A g 213
Own parents 51 9 14 13 15
AdOpted/stepchild 29 1 5 8 15
Total: 80 10 19 21 30

 

 

Table 4.13a
Own Parents and Adopted/Stepchild Status and Academic
Achievement in Mathematics (chi-square analysis)

 

Grades in Math

 

 

Child's Status Students Alg g 21:
Own parents 51 23 13 15
AdOpted/stepchild 29 6 8 15
TOTALS: 80 29 21 30
x2 = 5.48 df = 2 = 5.99 p > 0.05

 

 

119

Table 4.14
Own Parents and Adopted/Stepchild Status and Academic
Achievement in Social Studies

 

Grades in Soc.Stud

 

 

Child's status Students A A g D/F
Own parents 52 12 21 10 9
Adopted/stepchild 27 2 8 7 10
Total: 79 14 29 17 19
x2 = 6.17 df = 3 = 7.82 p> 0.05

 

 

In terms of English, the percentage of A/B/C grades of
the "own parents" group (A/B/C = 94.3%, D/F = 5.7%) was
much higher than the "adopted/stepchild group” (A/B/C =
65.4%, D/F = 34.5%). This significant difference was
indicated by the chi-square test for significance.

At the same time, in terms of mathematics, the
percentage of A/B/C grades of the "own parents” group
(A/B/C = 70.6%, D/F = 29.4%) and the "adopted/stepchild"
group (A/B/C = 48.3%, D/F = 51.7%) is not indicated as
being significantly different. It may be that mathematics
does not require the same English skills. There is also no
significant difference in the social studies' grades of the
"own parents" group (A/B/C = 82.7%, D/F = 17.3%) when
compared to the ”adopted/stepchild" group (A/B/C = 63%, D/F
= 37%).

In terms of grade point averages in each subject area,

the following scores result.

 

 

 

English

Parental Grades (Grgde Ppints)
Group A(4) 3(3) C(2) Dgl)
Own parents 17 18 15 3

(68) (54) (30) ( 3)
Adopted/ 3 6 10 8
stepchild (12) (18) (20) ( 8)
Average grade in English: 2.6/C

Mathematics

Parental Grades (Grade Points)
Group A(4) 8(3) C(2) Dgl)
Own parents 9 14 13 6

(36) (42) (26) ( 6)
Adopted/ l 5 8 7
stepchild ( 4) (15) (16) ( 7)
Average grade in mathematics: 1.90/D+

Social Studies

 

 

Parental Grades (Grade Points)
Group A(4) 8(3) C(2) D(1)
Own parents 12 21 10 6
(48) (63) (20) ( 6)
Adopted/ 2 8 7 9
stepchild ( 8) (24) (14) ( 9)
Average grade in social studies: 2.43/C

( 0)

F50)

9
( 0)

8
( 0)

F(0)

3
( 0)

1
( 0)

 

 

 

Ttl Ave.
Pts Pt/Gr
53 2.92
(155) /C+
29 2.0
(58) /C-
Ttl Ave.
Pts Pt/Gr
51 2.16
(110) /C-
29 1.45
(42) /D
Ttl Ave.
Pts Pt/Gr
52 2.63
(137) /C
27 2.03
(55) /C-

It is clear that the grade point average for all

students in English was the highest (English--2.6, mathema-

tics-~1.9, and social studies-~2.43), while the 'own

parents” group also had the highest score in English

(English--2.92, mathematics--2.16, and social studies—-

121

2.63). It appears that the high English grade for the "own
parents" group was the reason for the rejection of
Hypothesis 4 in terms of English grades.

The high average grade for the "own parents" group may
reflect the advantage these students would have in English
class where a large percentage of the students were new to
American schools and had little, if any, background in the
formal study of English as conducted in American schools.

Of the participants in the "adopted/stepchild" group,
20.7% were enrolled in the school's ESL (English as a
Second Language) program in comparison to no ESL enrollment
in the "own parents" group. This is understandable in
terms of the fact that many of the ”adopted/stepchild"
group are Philippine children who are entering American
schools (and encountering the need to speak, read, and
write in English) for the first time. This ESL background
would be related to lower grades in English.

Hypothesis 5: There is no significant difference between
genders in terms of academic achievement in
English, mathematics, and social studies.

The data given in Tables 4.15, 4.16, and 4.17 about
the distribution of numbers of grades according to gender
(boy or girl) and the chi-square test for significance
indicated that the two groups did not differ significantly
in academic achievement in English (x2 = 2.80, df = 3, p >
0.05), mathematics (x2 = 3.24, df = 3, p > 0.05), and

122

social studies (x2 = 3, p > 0.05). Hypothesis 5 was not

rejected.

Table 4.15
Gender and Academic Achievement in English

 

English Grades

 

 

 

Gender Total A g Q DzF
Boy 45 8 15 15 7
Girl 37 12 9 ll 5
TOTALS: 82 20 24 26 12
x2 = 2.80 df = 3 = 7.82 p 7 0.05

Table 4.16

Gender and Academic Achievement in Mathematics

 

Mathematics Grades

 

__Gender 2228.1. .4 8 9 21.2
Boy 44 6 12 8 18
Girl 36 4 7 13 12
TOTALS: 80 10 19 21 30

x2 = 3.24 df = 3 = 7.82 p> 0.05

 

 

123

Table 4.17 .
Gender and Academic Achievement in Social STudies

 

Social Studies Grades

Gender Total A A g DZF
Boy 45 9 19 8 9
Girl 34 6 10 9 9
TOTALS: 79 15 29 17 18
x2 = 2.02 df = 3 = 7.82 p > 0.05

 

 

When the percentages of boys and girls falling into
the combined A/B/C grades and the combined D/F grades in
the three subjects areas are considered, the following

scores result:

Combined Grades
in English, Math,
and Social Studies

Group A/BZC D12
Boy 74.6% 25.4%
Girl 75.7% 24.3%

The overall grade distribution between the two groups was
similar in every subject.

Of the participants in the ”girl" group, 8.1% were
enrolled in the schools' ESL program, and 6.7% of the
participants in the "boy" group were enrolled in the

schools' ESL program.

124

Perception of Primary Parental Concern
about Social/Academic Success

The question with which the study is concerned in this
part is how participants perceive primary parental concern
in terms of grade, happiness, friends, behavior in school,
and assumption of responsibility. How are these percep-
tions differentiated based on the nationality background

and position of parents?

Hypothesis 6: There is no significant difference between
family background and a participant's per-
ception of parents' primary interest in the
child's (a) grades, (b) happiness, (c)
friends, (d) behavior in school, or (e)
assuming responsibility.

The data given in Table 4.18 is a distribution of
numbers of participants' perceptions of parents' most
interest in children's social/academic success (grades,
happiness, friends, behavior in school and assumption of
responsibility) by parents' nationality background. The
distribution did not meet the basic assumptions for chi-
square analysis; however, the statistical data presented in

the tables provides the basis for observations and

discussion of the hypothesis.

125

Table 4.18 .
Family Background and Primary Parental Interest in Soc1al
and Academic Success

 

 

Family
Background Total A: A: g: 2: E:
Mother and father--

USA 38 26 5 0 2 5
Mother and father--

Philippines 9 7 l 0 0 l
Mother--Philippines

and father--USA 19 8 5 0 4 2
Other 13 7 2 0 0 4
TOTALS: 79 48 13 0 6 12

*KEY: A11 columns refer to social and academic success
grades

happiness

friends

behavior in school

assuming responsibility

(31:1an
u "II" n

 

 

Among the percentages for the distribution of number
of participants' perceptions of parental interest in the
child's social and academic success by total number of
participant choices, the following results may be
important.

In each group, the most frequent perception of
parental primary concern was grades, while interest in
friends was not mentioned at all.

In the ”mother and father--Philippines” group, the
highest percentage of perceived primary parental interest

in grades was reported (77.8%) while the lowest percentage

126

of interest in grades (42.1%) was in the "mother--
Philippines and father--USA" group. These results relate
directly to the grade distribution reported in Tables 4.1,
4.2, and 4.3. The "mother and father--Philippines" group
obtained the highest mean percentage of A/B/C grades in
English, mathematics, and social studies, while the
"mother--Philippines and father--USA" group obtained the
lowest mean percentage in the A/B/C grade distribution.
Participants of the "mother--Philippines and father--
USA” group scored the highest among the four groups in
their perception of the importance of primary parental con-
cern about happiness and behavior in school (47% opposed to

24% for all students).

Hypothesis 7: There is no significant difference between
father's position and a participant's per-
ception of primary parental interest in a
child's social and academic success (grades,
happiness, friends, behavior in school, and
assuming responsibility).

In relation to this hypothesis, two tables are
presented. The data given in Table 4.19 are about
distribution of numbers of participants' perceptions of
primary parental interest in a child's social and academic
success (grades, happiness, friends, behavior in school,
and assuming responsibility) by father's position (officer,
civilian, or enlisted). Table 4.19a is a distribution
appropriate for chi-square analysis. The chi-square test

for significance (Table 4.19a) indicated that the three

groups did not differ significantly about the perception of

127

primary parental interest (x2 = 0.68, df = 21, p > 0.05).
Hypothesis 7 was not rejected.
Table 4.19

Father's Position and Primary Parental Interest in Social
and Academic Success

 

Father's

Position 2932; A: A: g: 2: E:
Officer 24 16 2 0 2 4
Civilian 23 13 6 0 0 4
Enlisted 32 19 6 0 3 4
TOTALS: 79 48 14 0 5 12

*KEY: All columns refer to social and academic success
grades

happiness

friends

behavior in school

assuming responsibility

mono»
0 "II" n

 

 

Table 4.19a

Father's Position and Primary Parental Interest in Social
and Academic Success (chi-square analy81s)

 

Father's

Position 1253} Grades Other*
Officer 24 16 8
Civilian 23 13 10
Enlisted 32 l9 13
TOTALS: 79 48 31
x2 = 0.68 df = 2 = 5.99 p > 0.05

* Other refers to: happiness, friends, behavior in
school, and assuming responsibility.

128

However, the following could be noted. Among the per-
centages for the distribution of numbers of participants'
perceptions of primary parental interest in a child's
social and academic success by total numbers for each
father's position, the following scores result.

Each group's highest percentage was interest in
grades. For the officer group, the percentage was 66.8%.
The civilian group's percentage was 56.5%, and the enlisted
group's was 59.4%. The lowest interest was concern about
friends, 0% for all groups.

The officer group had the highest percentage of the
three groups in concern about grades (67%) and the lowest
percentage in concern about happiness (8.3%).

The civilian group scored the highest percentage in
perception of primary parental concern about happiness
(26.1%) and about assuming responsibility (17.4%) in com-
parison to the other two groups.

Involvement in Extgacurricular Activities
and Future Career Interests

The question with which the study was concerned in
this part related to the selection of extracurricular
activities and future career interests. What relationship
do these selections have to family background, father's
position, and the gender identity of a participant? Extra-
curricular activities were categorized as being sports and
non-sports. Future career interests were categorized by

the level of education they might require (college

129

education, high school education, mastery of special

skills, or none of the above). All of this was then

differentiated on the basis of parent's nationality
background, father's position, and the participant's
gender.

Hypothesis 8: There is no significant difference between
family background and the selection of
extracurricular activities.

The data given in Table 4.20 are distribution of
numbers of the selection of extracurricular activities
(sports, including cheerleading, and non-Sports) by the
parents' nationality background group. The distribution
did not meet the basic assumptions for chi-square analysis:
however, the statistical data presented in the tables
provides the basis for observations and discussion of the
hypothesis.

Among the percentages for the distribution of numbers
of the selection of extracurricular activities by total
participant numbers for each parent's nationality back-
ground group, the following scores result.

Except for the "mother and father--Phi1ippines' group,
the rest of the three groups of participants' selection of
extracurricular activities was higher in sports than in
non—sports. The "mother and father-~USA" group was highest
in the selection of sports (79.5%), while the "mother and

father--Philippines" group did not select Sports (0%).

130

Table 4.20 .
Family Background and the Selection of Extracurricular
Activities

 

Extracurricular Activities

 

 

 

Parents'
Background Total Sports Non-sports
Mother and

father--USA 39 31 8
Mother and

father--

Philippines 7 0 7
Mother--

Philippines and

father--USA 17 ll 6
Other 11 8 3
TOTALS: 74 50 24

 

 

The "mother and father--Philippines" group was much
higher in the selection of non-sports (100%) than the
average for all groups (32%) or the next highest selection
of non-Sports, "mother--Phi1ippines and father--USA" (35%).

Although it is difficult to identify exactly why the
"mother and father--Philippines" group did not identify
sports as an extracurricular activity, there are several
speculations to be considered. First, these students per-
form academically well above the average. It may be that
they choose to give their out-of-class attention to home-
work and other study activities related to the goal of
academic achievement. Second, these students, especially

the boys, often appear to be smaller than average eighth

131

graders. This could limit their interest in activities

where success is often related to size (see Hypothesis 9).

Third, incentive for American children to participate in

sports often comes directly or indirectly from their Ameri-

can parents. In the Philippine culture, parental pressure
to be involved in sports may not be as strong.

Hypothesis 9: There is no significant difference between
gender and the selection of extracurricular
act1v1t1es.

The data given in Table 4.21 about the distribution of
numbers of the selection of extracurricular activities
(sport and non-sport), by gender (boy or girl) and the chi-
square test for significance indicate that boys and girls
do not differ significantly about the selection of
extracurricular activities (X2 = 0.86, df = l, p 7 0.05).
Hypothesis 9 was not rejected.

Table 4.21
Gender and the Selection of Extracurricular Activities

 

Extracurricular Activities

 

 

Gender Tppgl Sports Non-sports
Boy 45 26 19
Girl 38 18 20
TOTALS: 83 44 39

x2 = 0.86 df = 1 = 3.84 p 7 0.05

 

 

132

Among the percentages for distribution of numbers of
the selection of extracurricular activities by gender
groups, the overall selections in both sports and non—-
sports were quite similar. However, boys did have a higher
percentage in sports (58% compared to 47% for girls).
Hypothesis 10: There is no significant difference between

the selection of extracurricular activities
and the physical size of a participant.

The data given in Table 4.22 are a distribution of
numbers of physical size (short, medium, and tall) by the
selection of extracurricular activities (sports and non-
sports). The distribution did not meet the basic
assumptions for chi-square analysis; however, the
statistical data presented in the table provides the basis
for observations and discussion of the hypothesis.

Table 4.22
Selection of Extracurricular Activities and Physical Size

 

Physical Size

 

 

 

Extracurricular

Activities Total Short Medium Tall
Sports 53 10 21 22
Non-sports 21 7 13 l '
TOTALS: 74 17 34 23

 

 

Among the percentages for the distribution of numbers
of physical sizes related to the selection of extracurricu—

lar activities, the following scores result.

133

In the extracurricular category of sports, sports was
the most frequently preferred extracurricular activity for
tall participants (41.5). The second highest preference
for sports was from medium height participants (39.6%),
while the lowest frequency of choice was by shorter parti-
cipants (18.9%).

In the non-sports extracurricular category, medium
height participants had the highest frequently of selection
(61.9%). Short participants were second (33.3%), and tall
participants were last (4.8%) in the selection of non-
sports extracurricular activities.

Although it would require more detailed study to
determine the exact reasons for the relationship between
height and choice of extracurricular activities, it seems
appropriate to speculate that the following factors could
influence choice. First, there is a tendency for larger
students (especially boys) who are enjoying related success
in sports to be encouraged to concentrate their extracurri-
cular time in sports. Second, to the extent that recently-
adopted Philippine students are smaller than average, their
limited involvement in any extracurricular activity
(whether because of shyness in language and culture, trans-
portation limitations, family pressures, etc.) could have a
considerable impact on the statistics.

Hypothesis 11: There is no significant difference between

family background and participants' future
career interests.

134

The data given in Table 4.23 are a distribution of
numbers of participants' future career interests which
require a specific level of education (college education,
high school education, special skills, or none of the
above) by parents' nationality background. The
distribution did not meet the basic assumptions for chi-
square analysis; however, the statistical data presented in
the tables provides the basis for observations and
discussion of the hypothesis.

Table 4.23
Family Background and Future Career Interest

 

 

Family
Background Total A: A: g: 2:
Mother and father--

USA 33 17 6 9 1
Mother and father--

Philippines 6 3 1 l l
Mother--Phi1ippines

and father--USA l3 9 2 0 2
Other 9 4 2 3 0
TOTALS: 61 33 11 13 4

*KEY: All columns refer to education required for future
career interests

college education

high school education

special skills

none of the above

(30(1):,

 

 

Among the percentages for the distribution of number
of future career interest by family's nationality

background, the following scores result.

135

The "mother--Philippines and father--USA' group scored
the highest in expectations of college education (69.2%).
This seems to be an unrealistic result when compared to
Hypothesis 1, family nationality background and academic
achievement, where this group scored lowest among the four
groups in actual academic achievement (D/F--44%).

The ”mother and father--Philippines" group scored
second to lowest in expectations of college education
(49.9%). This would appear to be a contradiction as the
group scored highest in actual academic achievement when
the four groups were compared.

Hypothesis 12: There is no significant difference between
father's position and a participant's
future career interest (college education,
high school education, special skills, and
none of the above).

In relation to this hypothesis, two tables are
presented. Table 4.24 is a distribution of participants'
future career interests in terms of level of education
desired (college education, high school education, special
skills, or none of the above) by different father's
position groups. Table 4.24a is a distribution appropriate
for chi-square analysis. The chi-square test for
significance indicated that the three groups did not differ

significantly in their future career interests (X2 = 1.33,

df = 2, p > 0.05). Hypothesis 12 was not rejected.

136

Table 4.24
Father's Position and Future Career Interest

 

Father's

Position 2232; A: A: g: 2:
Officer 19 ll 5 3 0
Civilian 15 10 2 3 0
Enlisted 27 13 4 7 3
TOTALS: 61 34 ll 13 3

*KEY: All columns refer to education required for future
career interests

college education

high school education

special skills

none of the above

cow»
n "In"

 

 

Table 4.24a

Father's Position and Future Career Interest (chi-square
analysis)

 

Requires College Education?

 

Father's

Position 22521 ESE Ag
Officer 19 ll 8
Civilian 15 10 5
Enlisted 27 13 14
TOTALS: 61 34 27
x2 = 1.33 at = 2 = 5.99 p > 0.05

 

 

However, the following could be noted. Among the per—
centages of participants' future career interests when a

comparison of different father's position groups is made,

137

civilians scored the highest (66.7%) in college expecta-

tions. At the same time, the enlisted group scored the

lowest (48.2%) in career expectations that require a

college level education, while scoring the highest in

special skills (26%) and none of the above (11%).

Hypothesis 13: There is no significant difference between
gender and a participant's future career
interest (college education, high school
education, special skills, and none of the
above).

In relation to this hypothesis, two tables are
presented. The data given in Table 4.25 distributes
participants' future career interests as reflected in level
of education desired (college, high school, special skills,
or none of the above) by gender (boy or girl). Table 4.25a
is a distribution appropriate for chi-square analysis. A
chi-square test for significance indicated that the two
groups did not differ significantly in future career
interests (x2 = 0.003, df = 1, p > 0.05). Hypothesis 13
was not rejected.

Among the percentages for the distribution of numbers
of participants' future career interests as reflected in
desired level of future education by boy and girl groups,
overall future career expectations (and related career
interests) were quite similar. Boys did have a higher per-
centage of interest in high school education (24% compared

to 12% for girls) while girls had a higher percentage of

"none of the above” (12% compared to 0% for boys).

138

Table 4.25
Gender and Future Career Interest

 

__Gender .T_ol:a_1 8.: 8: 2 9::
Boy 29 16 7 6 0
Girl 33 18 4 7 4
TOTALS: 62 34 11 13 4

*KEY: All columns refer to education required for future
career interests

college education

high school education

Special skills

none of the above

cow»

 

 

Table 4.25a
Gender and Future Career Interests (chi-square analysis)

 

Requires College Education?

Gender Total Yes Ag
Boy 29 16 13
Girl 33 18 15
TOTALS: 63 34 28
x2 = 0.003 df = 1 = 3.84 p > 0.05

 

 

Teenaged Youth's Interaction and
Socialization in School and Family

Part II is divided into two subsections for detailed
analysis: (a) teenaged youths' interaction with friends in
school and (b) teenaged youths' interaction and socializa-

tion with parents. Each of these subsections will be

139

examined in relation to the statistical analysis of that

phase of the study apprOpriate to the section.

Interaction with Friends in School

 

The issues with which the study was concerned in this
part were (a) whether or not a participant's selected
friend's nationality background and gender were different
from those of the student participant, (b) the degree of
parental influence on a child's selection of friends and
whether or not this influence was differentiated based on
the parents' nationality background, and (c) whether or not
sharing personal problems with friends was differentiated
based on parents' nationality background and the student's
gender. The dependent variable of a selected friend's
nationality background was identified by the terms "same
nationality" and "different nationality.”

Selected friend's nationality background was analyzed
using the independent variable of participant's parents'
nationality background (mother and father--USA, mother and
father--Philippines, mother--Philippines and father--USA,
or other) and gender (boy or girl).

The dependent variable of degree of parental influence
on a child's selection of friends was identified by the
terms "very much,” "some," and "none.“ The degree of
parental influence on a child's selection of friends was
analyzed using the independent variable of participant's

parental nationality background.

140

The dependent variable of sharing personal problems
with friends was differentiated by the responses "yes“ and
"no."

The degree to which personal problems were shared was
analyzed using the independent variable of a participant's
parental nationality background and the participant's
gender.

Hypothesis 14: There is no significant difference between
family background and a selected friend's
nationality background.

Table 4.26 give the distribution of selected friend's
nationality background (same or different) by parent's
nationality background. A chi-square test indicated that
the three groups did not differ significantly in selection
of friends by parents' nationality background (X2 = 0.79,
df = 2, p > 0.05). Hypothesis 14 was not rejected.

Table 4.26

Family Nationality Background and Selected Friend's
Nationality Background

 

 

 

 

 

Parents' Friend's Nationality
Nationality Background
Background Total Same Different
Mother and father--USA 42 25 17
Mother and father--

Philippines 9 5 4
Mother-—Philippines

and father--USA 19 9 10
TOTALS: 70 39 31
x2 = 0.79 df = 2 = 5.99 _ p > 0.05

141

Among the percentages for distribution of numbers of
selected friend's nationality background by total partici-
pants' numbers for each parents' nationality background
group, the following result occurred. The ”mother and
father--USA" group scored the highest in selection of same
nationality background friends (59.5%), and the "mother and
father--Philippines” group scored the second highest
(55.6%). This appears to indicate that participants of
similar nationality backgrounds tend to stay together
socially. It can be speculated that the result of partici-
pants seeking safe social culture groups with commonality
of culture and language background ensures that they will
be accepted and understood by their peers. Wright (1979)
also found that students establish friendship associations
characterized by homophilous factors as they seek out those
areas frequented by their homophilous peers.

These findings seem to be in contrast to findings in
Darnaur's doctoral dissertation, "The Adolescent Experi-
ences in Career Army Families.” In this 1970 study,
Darnauer reported that 75% of the students did not feel
that race was important in their personal choice of
friends. The same percentage responded that race, rank,
and religion were not important in the friend-selection
considerations of most army youth (Darnauer in McCubbin,
1976).

However, it might be that the results reflect the type

of questionnaire used. Two different approaches could lead

142

to possible differences in statistical results. If ques-

tions are asked on a conceptual level, the respondent is

more likely to answer in an egalitarian manner. The ques-
tionnaire used in the present study was aimed at the
present reality level. It asked students to think about
their actual friends as of today and then identify them by
background. Although there is a difference in time, place,
and peOple questioned, it may be that the difference in
questioning style is a major factor in the different
responses from the two groups.

Hypothesis 15: There is no significant difference between
genders and selected friend's nationality
background.

The data given in Table 4.27 about the distribution of
numbers of the selection of friend's nationality background
(same or different) and by gender (boy or girl) and a chi-
square test for significance indicated that boys and girls
differed significantly in the nationality background of
their selected friends (X2 = 4.64, df = l, p.) 0.05).
Hypothesis 15 was rejected.

Among the percentages for the distribution of numbers
of selected friend's nationality background by total parti-
cipant numbers from the boy and girl groups, the following
results are important. Boys scored much higher in the
selection of friends from the same nationality background
(61.6%) compared to girls (35.3%). It would seem that

girls are more socially exploratory than are boys at this

143

Table 4.27
Gender and Selected Friend's Nationality Background

 

Friend's Nationality

 

 

Background
Gender 3252} £222 Different
Boy 36 22 14
Girl 34 12 22
TOTALS: 70 34 36
x2 = 4.64 df = l = 3.84 p > 0.05

 

 

age level. It may be that boys and girls are already into

cultural gender roles that permit women to explore contacts

with persons of other backgrounds and even change their
nationality allegiance through marriage while the same
freedom is not allowed males. The very survival of a male-
oriented culture might require that the male be pressured
to maintain his original cultural identity.

Hypothesis 16: There is no significant difference between
family background and the degree of
parental influence on a child's selection
of friends.

In relation to this hypothesis, two tables are
presented. The data given in Table 4.28 uses the
distribution of numbers of participants' perceptions of
parental influence on the selection of friends ("not at
all, "some," "very much") by different parental nationality

background groups (”mother and father--USA,' "mother and

father-~Phi1ippines," "mother-~Phi1ippines and father--

144

USA,” "other"). Table 4.28a is a distribution appropriate
for chi-square analysis. A chi-square test for
significance indicated that there is no significant
difference in the degree of influence which the four
different family backgrounds had on a child's selection of
friends to the extent that such an influence is perceived
by the children involved (X2 = 7.81, df = 6, p > 0.05).
Hypothesis 16 was not rejected.

Table 4.28

Family Background and Influence on Child's Selection of
Friends

 

 

 

 

 

Parents' Influence
Nationality
Background Total None Some Very Much
Mother and father--USA 40 16 19 5
Mother and father——

Philippines 9 4 5 0
Mother--Philippines

and father--USA l9 4 11 4
Other 13 6 3 4

TOTALS: 81 30 38 13

 

 

145

Table 4.28a .
Family Background and Influence on Child's Selectlon of

Friends (chi-square analysis)

 

 

 

 

Parents' Influence
Nationality
Background Total None Some/Very Much
Mother and father--USA 40 16 24
Mother and father--

Philippines 9 4 5
Mother--Philippines

and father--USA l9 4 15
Other 13 6 9
TOTALS: 81 30 51
x2 = 2.90 df = 3 = 7.82 p > 0.05

 

 

However, the following could be noted. The "mother
and father--Philippines" group was the only one that had no
reports of "very much" influence on selection of friends.

The majority of respondents felt their families did
try to influence them. When the two reSponses which
indicate a parental effort to influence the selection of
friends (”some" and "very much") are combined, the "mother-
-Philippines and father-~USA" background group tries to
influence most the selection of friends (79%) with the
"mether and father-~USA" background group second (60%) .
Hypothesis 17: There is no significant difference between

family background and sharing personal
problems with friends.

146

The data given in Table 4.29 uses the distribution of
numbers concerned with participants' responses to the ques—
tion of whether they share personal problems with their
friends (yes or no) according to participants' parents'
nationality background ("mother and father-~USA,' "mother
and father--Philippines," "mother-—Philippines and father—-
USA," "other”). The distribution did not meet the basic
assumptions for chi-square analysis; however, the
statistical data presented in the tables provides the basis

for observations and discussion of the hypothesis.

 

 

Table 4.29
Family Background and Sharing Problems with Friends
Parents' Sharing
Nationality
Background Total Yes Ag
Mother and father--USA 39 31 8
Mother and father--Philippines 9 4 5
Mother--Philippines and

father--USA 19 16 3
Other 13 10 3
TOTALS: 80 61 19

 

 

The following could be noted. The group that shared
personal problems least with friends was the "mother and
father--Philippines" group (”yes"--44%) while "other" was
second ("yes"--77%). Insight into this situation may come

from the book General Sociology Focus on the Philippines by

 

147

Panopio, Codero, and Raymundo. They described the
Philippino as having a strong "desire for smooth
interpersonal relations” that govern much of an
individual's behavior. Shame (hiya) is a major influence:

The Philippino is also ”shame" (hi a)
oriented, that is, the major concern 8 social
approval and acceptance by a group. His behavior
is generally dependent on what others will think,
say, or do. His desires and ambitions will
depend on what pleases or displeases others.

Hiya still controls much of the Philippino's
behavior

Amor prOpio is high self-esteem and is shown
in the sensitivity of a person to hurt feelings,
insults, real or imagined. This is manifested in
hiya, utang na loob and SIR (”desire for smooth
interpersonal relations”). Persons resort to SIR
patterns such as the use of polite language, soft
voice, gentle manner, and indirect approaches
like employing intermediaries, and euphemisms and
ambiguous expressions, all of which are intended
to avoid directness or frankness. (Panopio et
al., 1978)

 

 

 

This information may help explain why students who are
from the most completely Philippine family nationality
background would be most likely to avoid the directness or
frankness of sharing personal problems with friends. This
would be combined with the attitudes of a predominantly
American setting in which mixed marriages sometimes have a
pejorative status. On the other hand, students from the
”mother-—Philippines and father-~USA“ background were most
likely to share personal problems with friends ("yes'--
84.2%, "no”--15.8%). This would seem to be in disagreement
with the observations above: however, this is a unique
group for which no detailed analysis is available. it may

be that the students in this group tend to come together in

148

the school and military community environment because of

their unique background and the unique problems they share

in common as they try to adjust to a situation in which
they are receiving conflicting signals from their parents.

If this is the case, personal problem-sharing would be a

likely characteristic of their friendships.

It would seem likely that these students would share
with their parents the adaptation process of the cross-
national family (often recently formed) (see Table 4.32,
Family Background and Influence on Child's Advice-seeking).
This might also mean intense (possibly conflictive) intra—
family communications.

Hypothesis 18: There is no significant difference between
gender and the sharing of personal problems
with friends.

In Table 4.30 is a distribution of participants
sharing personal problems with friends by the independent
variable of gender (boy or girl). The distribution did not
meet the basic assumptions for chi-square analysis:
however, the statistical data presented in the table
provides the basis for observations and discussion of the

hypothesis.

149

Table 4.30 .
Gender Differences and Sharing Problems with Frlends

 

Sharing
Gender $2531 .XE§ Ag
Boy 43 28 15
Girl 37 34 3
TOTALS: 80 62 18

 

 

When percentages for the two groups are compared,
girls much more often share personal problems with friends
than do boys (91% compared to 65%), although the vast
majority of both do share personal problems. As Hypothesis
17 (”There is no significant difference between family
background and sharing personal problems with friends.”)
was supported by the statistical analysis, it might be that
sharing of personal problems with friends is more likely to
be influenced by perceived male and female roles or charac-
teristics that exist at the junior high level when girls
are frequently more verbal than boys. Certainly, these
results seem to agree with the popular stereotype of the
self-contained male and the sharing female in American
society. It is conceivable that the concept of these roles
at this age level in a basically military third culture
environment would overpower contradictory other-culture

characteristics--especially for young males.

150

Interaction and Socialization
with Parents

 

The issues with which the study is concerned in this
part are (a) whether or not cultural background affected
the approach to discipline, (b) what impact family back-
ground has on advice-seeking patterns, (c) what factors
influence the rate of serious talks with parents, and (d)
what impact a father's position has on a child's motivation
to practice good behavior.

Hypothesis 19: There is no significant difference between
family background and which parent is per-
ceived to be primarily responsible for the
discipline of a child.

In Table 4.31, the distribution of numbers of the
dependent variable of discipliners (father, mother, or both
parents) is grouped according to the independent variable
of parents' nationality background (mother and father--USA,
mother and father--Philippines, mother--Philippines and
father--USA, or other). The distribution did not meet the
basic assumptions for chi-square analysis; however, the
statistical data presented in the tables provides the basis

for observations and discussion of the hypothesis.

151

Table 4.31 .
Family Background and Influence as to Which Parent

Disciplines a Child

 

 

 

 

Parents' Who Disciplines
Nationality
Background Total Father Mother Both
Mother and father--USA 39 19 8 12
Mother and father--

Philippines 8 4 2 2
Mother--Phi1ippines

and father--USA 18 ll 4 3
Other 13 8 l 4
TOTALS: 78 42 15 21

 

 

The following should be noted. A mother in charge of
discipline was much lower in the “other" nationality
background (7.7% in comparison to an average of 19.2% for
all groups).

In the 'mother--Philippines and father-~USA” family
background group, it appeared that either one parent or the
other was in charge of discipline. The group had the
lowest percentage of both parents disciplining (16.7% in
comparison to an average of 26.9% for all groups).

In each group, the father tends to be more the
discipliner. Because the military holds the primary
employer responsible for the behavior of children, the

discipliner role of the father is stressed more.

152

Hypothesis 20: There is no significant difference between
family background and from whom (parents,
friends, teachers, others) the students
thought they would get the most important
advice on the future.

In Table 4.32, the distribution of numbers of the
dependent variable of sources from whom advice is sought
(parents, friends, teachers, or other) is grouped according
to the independent variable of parents' nationality back-
ground (mother and father--USA, mother and father--
Philippines, mother--Philippines and father--USA, or
other). The distribution did not meet the basic
assumptions for chi-square analysis; however, the
statistical data presented in the table provides the basis
for observations and discussion of the hypothesis.

Table 4.32
Family Background and Influence on Child's Advice-seeking

 

 

 

Parents' Sources of Advice
Nationality
Background Total Parents Friends Teachers Other
Mother and

father--USA 39 30 0 4 5
Mother and

father--

Philippines 9 7 l 0 l

Mother--Philip—

pines and

father--USA 19 16 0 2 1
Other 13 11 l l 0

TOTALS: 80 64 2 7 7

 

 

153

However, the following could be noted. Friends were
not identified as significant sources of advice for any
group (less than three percent in total). This might
appear to be in contrast to the assumptions we make about
the influence of friends at this age level as well as the
large percentage of students in Table 4.29 who indicated
that they share personal problems with friends (76%).
Persons identified for sharing personal problems and for
seeking advice may also be seen as two different groups of
people.

Although students from the ”mother and father--
Philippines" background have been very successful
academically (see Hypothesis 1), they were the only group
that never identified teachers as a source of advice. This
may reflect the fact that most teachers in DoDD schools are
Americans who are often not familiar with the Philippine
culture and who may, at the same time, seem to be
unapproachable from the perspective of a cultural back-
ground that stresses paternalism in formal organizations
and a shame-oriented consciousness related to approval or
acceptance by the group (Panopio et al., 1978). In a
larger sense, a relationship with an American teacher may
be confused by the quasi-colonial relationship between the
Philippines (as a developing country and a former colony of
the USA) and the United States (as the dominant role model
of modern culture and the dominant economic force in the

Philippines) (Constantino, 1978). There may be a subtle

154

sense of a subordinate position and a confused sense of

national identity that would influence even a young student

as a compromising factor in an effort to communicate with
an American classroom teacher.

Hypothesis 21: There is no significant difference between
gender and from whom (parents, friends,
teachers, others) the students thought they
would get the most important advice on the
future.

In relation to this hypothesis, two tables are
presented. In Table 4.33, the distribution of numbers of
the dependent variable of sources from whom advice is
sought are grouped against the independent variable of
gender (boy or girl). Table 4.33a is a distribution
apprOpriate for chi-square analysis. A chi-square test for
significance indicated that there is no significant
difference in the advice-seeking patterns of boys and girls
(x2 = 5.64, df = 3, p>0.05). Hypothesis 21 was rejected.
Table 4.33

Gender and from Whom Most Important Advice Would Be Sought
on the Future

 

Sources of Advice

 

 

Gender Total Parents Friends Teachers Other
Boy 42 30 2 4 6
Girl 38 34 0 3 1

TOTALS: 80 64 2 7 7

 

 

155

Table 4.33a .
Gender and from Whom Most Important AdVlce Would Be Sought
on the Future (chi-square analysis)

 

Sources of Advice

 

Gender Total Parents Others
Boy 42 30 12
Girl 38 34 4
TOTALS: 80 64 16
x2 = 4.06 df = l = 3.84 p > 0.05

 

 

However, the following could be noted. Girls were
more likely to seek advice from parents than were boys
(girls--89%, boys--71%).

Boys were more likely than girls to seek advice from
others (boys--14%, girls--3%). When Table 4.32 is con-
sidered, it is obvious that all or almost all these boys
are from the "mother and father--USA" background. Examina-
tion of Table 4.21 makes it apparent that these boys are
also likely to be involved in sports programs where they
meet men coaching sports who are likely to be the "others"
mentioned in Table 4.33. On the other hand, girls are less
likely to have the same or similar Opportunities for such
significant contacts with others in a structured setting.
Hypothesis 22: There is no significant difference between

family background and the rate of serious
talks with parents.

156

In Table 4.34, the distribution of numbers of the
dependent variable of serious talks with parents (never,
sometimes, often) is grouped according to the independent
variable of parent's nationality background (mother and
father-—USA, mother and father--Philippines, mother--
Philippines and father--USA, or other). The distribution
did not meet the basic assumptions for chi-square analysis;
however, the statistical data presented in the tables
provides the basis for observations and discussion of the
hypothesis.

Table 4.34

Family Background and Influence on Serious Talks with
Parents

 

 

 

 

Parents' Rate of Talks
Nationality
Background Total Never Sometimes Often
Mother and father--USA 40 13 24 3
Mother and father--

Philippines 9 l 7 l
Mother--Philippines

and father-~USA l9 5 13 1
Other 13 4 7 2
TOTALS: 81 23 51 7

 

 

However, the following could be noted. The "mother
and father--Phi1ippines" group had the lowest rate of never
having serious talks with parents (11%), while the ”mother

and father--USA” group had the highest rate of never having

157

serious talks with parents (32%). This would seem to be

consistent with observations for Hypotheses l7 and 20. At

the same time, however, it does seem in conflict with the
data in Table 4.32 where a high percentage of the "mother
and father--USA" group indicated their parents as their

major source of advice (77%).

The 'mother--Philippines and father--USA" group had
the lowest percentage in often having serious talks with
parents (five percent), followed by the ”mother and father-
-USA" group (7.5%). While the "mother and father--USA"
group could be expected to have enough experiences in an
American school and community environment to be able to
identify sources outside the home, it is more difficult it
imagine other adult sources available for serious talks
with a child from the 'mother--Philippines and father--USA"
family. For this child, an American school and community
are often unfamiliar territory.

Hypothesis 23: There is no significant difference between
gender and the rate of serious talks with
parents.

In relation to this hypothesis, two tables are
presented. In Table 4.35,, the distribution of numbers of
the dependent variable rate of serious talks with parents
(never, sometimes, often) is classified according to the
independent variable of gender (boy or girl). Table 4.35a
is a distribution appropriate for chi-square analysis. A

chi-square test for significance did not show a significant

158

difference in the rate of serious talks with parents (X2 =
1.7, df = 2, p>0.05). As a result, Hypothesis 23 was not

rejected.

Table 4.35
Gender and Influence on Serious Talks with Parents

 

Rate of Talks

 

 

Gender Total Never Sometimes Often
Boy 43 16 24 3
Girl 38 9 26 3
TOTALS: 81 25 50 6
x2 = 1.7 df = 2 = 5.99 p > 0.05

 

 

Table 4.35a
Gender and Influence on Serious Talks with Parents (chi-
square analysis)

 

Rate of Talks

 

 

Gender Total Never Sometimes/Often
Boy 43 16 27

Girl 38 9 29
TOTALS: 81 25 56

x2 = 1.69 df = 1 = 3.84 p > 0.05

 

 

However, the following could be noted. Although boys
and girls had the same rate of often having serious talks
with parents (7% to 7.9%), boys had a higher rate of never

having serious talks with parents (37.2% to 23.7%).

159

Hypothesis 24: There is no significant difference between
a father's position and the motivation of a
child to practice good behavior.

In relation to this hypothesis, two tables are
presented. In Table 4.36, the distribution of numbers of
the dependent variable of a child's motivation to practice
good behavior ("might harm father's career,” ”friends might
look down on me,” “I might look down on myself") are
grouped according to the independent variable of father's
position (officer, civilian, enlisted). Table 4.36a is a
distribution appropriate for chi-square analysis. A chi—
square test for significance indicated that there is no
significant difference in a child's motivation to practice
good behavior and a father's position (X2 = 6.76, df = 4, p)
0.05). Hypothesis 24 was not rejected.

Table 4.36

Father's Position and Child's Motivation to Practice Good
Behavior

 

 

Motivation

Father's
Position Total A: A: 9:
Officer 22 17 0 5
Civilian 23 21 0 2
Enlisted 30 21 3 6
TOTALS: 75 59 3 13
*KEY: A = might harm father's career

B = friends might look down upon me

C = I might look down upon myself

 

 

160

Table 4.36a .
Father's Position and Child's Motivation to Practice Good
Behavior (chi-square analysis)

 

 

 

Motivation

Father's
Position Total A: B*/C*
Officer 22 17 5
Civilian 23 21 2
Enlisted 30 21 9
TOTALS: 75 59 16
x2 = 3.547 df = 2 = 5.99 p > 0.05
*KEY: A = might harm father's career

B = friends might look down upon me

C = I might look down upon myself

 

 

However, the following could be noted. The only group
that indicated concern about how friends might see them as
a motivation for good behavior was from the enlisted back-
ground (10%).

The civilian group was much more concerned about the
effect of their behavior upon their fathers' careers
(civilian--91%, officer--77%, enlisted-~70%). This might
reflect that many civilians (including retired military
personnel) in the Philippines have purchased homes and will
be in their specific communities much longer than military
personnel who will be rotating out on a specific schedule
in a matter of a few years. The child of a civilian,

therefore, has to realize that a child's behavior can have

161

great consequences in terms of a family's social status and
father's career.

The civilian group seemed much less concerned about
how they viewed themselves (civilian--9%, officer--23%,
enlisted—~20%) as a motivation for good behavior. When
considered with the greater concern about father's career
mentioned above, these results may reflect more concentra—
tion on the family unit and less on self.

There is much more agreement between the two military
background groups (officer and enlisted) when compared to
the civilian group. This may reflect the difference
between military and civilian groups in more ways than
simply length of residence in a community environment. For
example, it might reflect the larger military organization
within which a family and individuals might feel more
secure in comparison to the civilian environment.

It seems possible that the military system emphasizes
status-oriented behavior rather than function-oriented
behavior (which places greater stress on a participant's
sense of self-esteem).

Teenaged Youth's Frequent Separation from
Father and High Rate of Family Mobility

Part III is divided into two subsections for detailed
analysis: (a) teenaged youth's academic achievement and
how it is affected by father's absence, and (b) teenaged
youth's academic achievement and the impact of family

mobility. Each of these subsections will be examined in

162

relation to the statistical analysis of that phase of the

study appropriate to the section.

Father's Absence and Its Impact
on Student Grades

 

The question with which the study is concerned in this
part is how a father's absence affects a participant's
academic achievement from the perspectives of length of
father's absence, family background, and participants'
gender. The three major categories of impact on academic
achievement were student grades: "go down," "stay the
same,” or ”go up."

Hypothesis 25: There is no significant difference between
the length of a father's absence and the
academic achievement of teenaged youth.

Table 4.37 is a distribution of the numbers of the
impact on student grades ("go down," "stay the same," or
"go up") and by length of father's absence (0 days, 2-3
days a month, 4-7 days a month, 8-14 days a month, or more
than 14 days a month). The distribution did not meet the
basic assumptions for chi-square analysis; however, the
statistical data presented in the table provides the basis

for observations and discussion of the hypothesis.

163

Table 4.37
Length of Father's Absence and Impact on Student Grades

 

 

£2522

Length of

Absence Total Go Down Stay Same Go Up
0 days 27 5 22 0
2-3 days/

month 29 3 24 2
4-7 days/

month 8 1 7 0
8-14 days/

month 7 2 4 1
More than

14 days/

month 8 2 5 1
TOTALS: 79 13 62 4

 

 

The two categories representing the greatest length of
father absence (8-14 days a month—-29%, and more than 14
days a month) were proportionately higher in reports of
grades that go down than the average for all categories in
reporting that grades go down (27% compared to 16%). This
would seem to indicate an increased negative influence on
grades when father's absence goes beyond one week a month.

Seventy-eight percent of the students reported that
their grades were unaffected by father's absence. Although
no statistics are available, many teachers have voiced the
belief that father absence has a definite negative impact
on student attitude and academic achievement. It would be

worthwhile to see if a study of a larger student sample

164

supported this belief or if there are some who are so

affected but not others and why.

Hypothesis 26: There is no significant difference between
family background and the impact of
father's absence on student achievement.

The data given in Table 4.38 are a distribution of
numbers of the impact on student grades ("go down," "stay
the same,” or "go up") and parents' nationality background

(”mother and father-~USA,' "mother and father--

Philippines," ”mother--Philippines and father--USA,"

"other”). The distribution did not meet the basic

assumptions for chi-square analysis: however, the

statistical data presented in the table provides the basis
for observations and discussion of the hypothesis.

Table 4.38

Family Background and Impact of Father's Absence on Student
Academic Achievement

 

 

 

 

Parents' Impact
Nationality
Background Total Go Down Stay Same Go Up
Mother and father--

USA 39 5 30 4
Mother and father--

Philippines 9 2 7 0
Mother--Philippines

and father--USA l8 3 15 0
Other 13 2 ll 0

TOTALS: 79 12 63 4

 

 

165

The ”mother and father—-USA' group was the only one to
report that grades go up during father's absence (10%).
Whether this indicates that some fathers have a negative
impact on studies while they are at home (as in the case of
a socially active family) or that the ritual of accounting
to a returning father has special importance to a student
or that different unique circumstances exist in each
individual family is impossible to determine. It is clear
in Table 37 that length of father's absence is not a
consistent determiner of the category in which grades go
up.

Hypothesis 27: There is no significant difference between
gender and the impact of father's absence
on student academic achievement.

The data given in Table 4.39 are a distribution of
numbers of the impact on student grades ("go down," "stay
the same,” or "go up") and gender (boy or girl). The
distribution did not meet the basic assumptions for chi-
square analysis: however, the statistical data presented in
the table provides the basis for observations and

discussion of the hypothesis.

166

Table 4.39
Gender and Impact of Father's Absence on Student Grades

 

 

Impact
Gender 2933} Go Down Stay Same §p_gp
Boy 41 7 32 2
Girl 38 5 31 2
TOTALS: 79 12 63 4

 

 

However, the following could be noted. Father's
absence seemed to have more impact on the grades of boys
who reported that grades go down more frequently during

father's absence (boys--17%, girls--l3%).

Family Mobility and Impact on Student Grades

The question asked is, ”Does amount of family mobility
have an influence on student academic achievement?” The
dependent variable of impact on student grades was identi-
fied by the terms "go down," "stay same,“ and "go up."

Impact on student grades was analyzed using the inde-
pendent variables of rate of family mobility during
student's lifetime (0-3 times, 4 times, 5 times, 6 times,
and 7 or more times) and parents' nationality background
("mother and father--USA," ”mother and father—-
Philippines," "mother—~Philippines and father—-USA,”

"other”).

167

Hypothesis 28: There is no significant difference between
rate of family mobility and impact on
student academic achievement.

The data given in Table 4.40 are a distribution of
numbers of impact on student grades (A, B, C, D/F) and rate
of family mobility during a student's lifetime (0-3 times,
4 times, 5 times, 6 times, and 7 or more times). The
distribution did not meet the basic assumptions for chi-
square analysis; however, the statistical data presented in
the table provides the basis for observations and
discussion of the hypothesis.

Table 4.40
Family Mobility and Impact on Student Academic Achievement

 

Grades
Rate of
Mobility 2232} A g 9 Egg
0-3 times 7 2 2 l
4 times 16 2 4 6 4
5 times 14 2 6 4 2
6 times 15 3 6 5 l
7 or more times 22 7 5 5 5
TOTALS: 74 16 23 21 14

 

 

Average students have moved and changed schools 5.4
times by age 14. If this remained consistent, the same
students would move and change schools approximately seven

times by the time they graduated.

168

The group that moved most (7 or more times) had the
highest achievement A grades (32%). This supports other
research cited by Darnauer (Keeny, 1967: Partin, 1967:
Snyder, 1967), all of which reported higher school perfor—
mance among geographically mobile students (Darnauer in
McCubbin, 1967).

Hypothesis 29: There is no significant difference between
family background and impact of family
mobility on student academic achievement.

The data given in Table 4.41 are a distribution of
numbers of the impact on student grades ("go down," "stay
the same,” or ”go up") by parental nationality background
(”mother and father--USA," "mother and father--
Philippines," 'mother--Phi1ippines and father--USA,”
"other“). The distribution did not meet the basic
assumptions for chi-square analysis; however, the
statistical data presented in the table provides the basis
for observations and discussion of the hypothesis.

However, the following could be noted. The ”mother
and father--USA” group reported the highest percentages of
grades that go down because of family mobility (40%), with
the "mother-~Philippines and father-—USA" group second
(26%). This may correlate with the results related to
Hypothesis 13 about family background and selected friend's
nationality background. The ”mother and father--USA" group
scored the highest in selection of same nationality back-

ground friends (69.4%) and the "mother and father--

169

Table 4.41 . . .
Family Background and Impact of Family Moblllty on Student
Academic Achievement

 

 

 

Parents' Impact
Nationality
Background Total Go Down Stay Same Go Up
Mother and father--

USA 38 15 21 2
Mother and father--

Philippines 9 1 5 3
Mother--Philippines

and father--USA 19 5 9 5
Other 13 l 8 4
TOTALS: 79 22 43 14

 

 

Philippines" group scored the second highest (55.6%). This
might indicate that those students who need the security
and stability of membership in a like-background group are
most likely to have their grades go down until they
reestablish such membership in a new location.

The ”mother and father--USA" group reported the lowest
percentages of grades going up (five percent), while the
"mother and father-—Philippines” group reported the highest
percentage (33%). The average of all groups combined was
18%. The determining factor may be the most recent move in
the student's experience--to the Philippines. For the
student whose parents are both from the Philippines, this
is more likely to be seen as a move to home (for some it

may actually pg home) to family and to the type of security

170

that this represents. For the student whose parents are

both from the USA, this is apt to be’seen as nearly the

opposite--a move away from family, home, and a sense of
security. It is easy to understand that the first group of
students would be more inclined to do well in school and to
remember this experience as the basis for answering the
question. It is also easy to understand that the second
group of students would not have the same successes to

report. In addition, they would have the excitement of a

new place and the tension of adapting to distract from get-

ting into the routine of school and studying.

The percentage of grades that stay the same ranged
from 47% for the "mother--Philippines and father—-USA"
group to 62% for the ”other" group.

The ”mother and father--USA" group was the only one
that reported more grades going down (40%) than grades
going up (five percent).

Hypothesis 30: There is no significant difference between
gender and impact of family mobility on
student academic achievement.

The data given in Table 4.42 (Gender and Impact of
Family Mobility on student Academic Achievement) of the
distribution of numbers of the impact on student grades
("go down,” "stay same," ”go up") and gender of students
(boy or girl) and a chi-square test for significance indi-

cated that the gender of a student does not have a

17]

significant impact on student grades (X2 = 1.41, df = 2, p)
0.05). Hypothesis 30 was not rejected.
Table 4.42

Gender and Impact of Family Mobility on Student Academic
Achievement

 

 

Impact
Gender 2233; Go Down Stay Same §p_gp
Boy 43 10 26 7
Girl 38 ll 18 9
TOTALS: 81 21 44 16
x2 = 1.41 df = 2 = 5.99 p > 0.05

 

 

However, the following could be noted. Family
mobility seems to have more effect on females in the sense
that their reported grades go down and go up more often
than the reported grades for males do at the same time the
extremes seem more balanced for the females. The following

percentages for Table 4.42 illustrate this:

 

Gender Total Go Down Stay Same Go Up
Boy 43 23.3% 65.5% 16.3%
Girl 38 28.9% 47.4% 23.7%

Teenaged Youth's Family Background and Lifestyle

Part IV is concerned with different characteristics of
an overseas family and impact of these characteristics on
family lifestyle in the military community at Subic Bay.

This is divided into two subsections for detailed analysis:

172

(a) relationship of a cross-national marriage to parents'
career (father's position and mother's work), and (b)
relationship between family nationality background and the
choice of a place to live, holidays to celebrate, and diet
to follow. Both of these subsections will be examined in
relationship to the statistical analysis of that phase of

the study appropriate to the section.

Parental Background and Career

 

The question with which the study was concerned in
this part was how father's position was related to involve-
ment in cross-national as opposed to same-national
marriages. On the other side, the question concerned the
relationship of mother's nationality background to her
present work situation.

Hypothesis 31: There is no significant difference between
father's position and types of marriage.

The data given in Table 4.43 of the distribution of
numbers of marriage types (cross-national or same-national)
and father's position (officer, civilian, or enlisted) and
a chi-square test for significance indicated that father's
position does not have a significant impact on type of
marriage (x2 = 1.31, df = 2, p > 0.05). Hypothesis 31 was

not rejected.

173

Table 4.43
Father's Position and Type of Marriage Patterns

 

Type of Marriage

 

 

 

Father's

Position ‘Tgpg; Cross-national Same-national
Officer 24 8 16
Civilian 24 8 l6
Enlisted 35 17 18
TOTALS: 83 33 50

x2 = 1.31 df = 2 = 5.99 132 0.05

 

 

However, the following could be noted. Although the
officer and civilian groups had exactly the same marriage
patterns (cross-national--33.3%, same-national--66.7%), the
enlisted group entered into more cross-national marriages
(cross-national--48.6%, same-national--51.4%). Although
many different factors could be pointed out, two points
might be made here. First, the enlisted group is younger
and more likely to come to overseas military bases
unmarried and, therefore, without families. Second, this
group is probably less educated beyond high school and com-
prised of more individuals who are still making major deci-
sions about their future lives and career choices. This
may be the time when they are most open to major transi-
tions from the cultural background they have known. All of

this makes the enlisted group the ideal choice for young

174

females from a developing nation who are interested in

marriage to Americans.

Hypothesis 32: There is no significant difference between
mother's nationality background and the
type of work she is presently doing.

In relation to this hypothesis, two tables are
presented. The data given in Table 4.44 are a distribution
of numbers on mother's work schedule (housewife, part-time
work, or full-time work) and mother's nationality back—
ground (USA, Philippines, or other). Table 4.44a is a
distribution appropriate for chi-square analysis. A chi-
square test for significance indicated that mother's
nationality background did have an impact on the type of
work she was presently doing (X2 = 10.26, df = 2, p>0.05).
Hypothesis 32 was rejected.

Table 4.44
Mother's National Background and Present Type of Work

 

 

 

 

Mother's WOrk Schedule
National

Background Total stife. Part-tm. Full—tm.
USA 41 20 8 13
Philippines 27 23 2 2
Other 12 9 l 2

TOTALS: 80 52 11 17

 

 

175

Table 4.44a .
Mother's National Background and Present Type of Work (ch1-
square analysis)

 

 

 

 

 

Mother's WOrk Schedule

National

Background Total Housewife PartZFull-Time
USA 41 20 21
Philippines 27 23 4

Other 12 9 3
TOTALS: 80 52 28

x2 = 10.26 df = 2 = 5.99 p > 0.05

 

 

In examining the percentages for the distribution of
numbers of different types of work by total participant
numbers for each background group, we can see that mothers
from the USA national background are much more likely to
have part—time or full-time jobs than to be full-time
housewives than would mothers from either the Philippine or
"other” nationality background. Of the USA group, 19.5%
were involved in part-time work in comparison to 7.4% of
the Philippine group and 8.3% of the “other" group. In
terms of full-time work, the difference in the situations
of the USA group (31.7%) and the Philippines group becomes
even more obvious, while the "other" group is close to the
middle between the two extremes (16.7%).

Why is the USA background mother so much more often
employed either part- or full-time? Several factors need

to be considered that could help answer this question.

176

A person from the USA would have an advantage in com-
munication skills with no major language barrier if the
work in on base.

The USA group is more likely to have members who have
the training and general background for clerical and
similar positions which are available on a military base.
For those with more extensive education and specialized
preparation, there are openings in such areas as medicine
and education. It is likely that the Philippine group will
not have as extensive an educational background or have had
the same opportunities to gain prior work experience.

U.S. citizenship requirements for many jobs could be a
barrier.

Family Nationality Background
and Lifestyle Choices

 

 

The question with which the study was concerned in
this part was how family background affected three choices
related to lifestyle: the choice of whether to live off-
base, the choice of holidays to celebrate, and the choice
of children's diet.

Hypothesis 33: There is no significant difference between
family background and the choice to live
off-base.

The data given in Table 4.45 are a distribution of
numbers on living off-base or on-base and parents'
nationality background ("mother and father--USA,” "mother

and father-~Philippines," ”mother-—Philippines and father—-

177

USA,“ "other"). The distribution did not meet the basic
assumptions for chi—square analysis: however, the
statistical data presented in the table provides the basis
for observations and discussion of the hypothesis.

Table 4.45
Family Background and Living On-Base or Off—Base

 

Parents'
Nationality Living Living
Background Total Off-Base On-Base

 

One or both
parents from

the Philippines 28 9 19
Neither parent

from the

Philippines 54 2 52
TOTALS: 82 11 71

 

 

An examination of the percentages for the numbers of
distribution of the two types of living locations by total
participant numbers for each background group indicates
that those families which contain a Philippine spouse more
often live off-base than those families which do not have a
Philippine parent (families with Philippine parent living
off-base--32%, families without Philippine parent living
off-base--4%). The following observations seem to apply
here.

Purchase of land and houses in the Philippines can be
inexpensive. Such purchases are possible and practical if

one of the parents is a citizen of the Philippines. They

178

are difficult and very limited if neither parent is a
citizen of the Philippines.

The Philippines has been an attractive site for
retired military personnel to settle--especially if the
wife is from the Philippines. Her citizenship makes it
possible to own commercial property and have a business to
operate. Sometimes the children of this type of family are
still attending school after their fathers retire.

For those people unfamiliar with the Philippines, the
prospect of off-base living can be frightening, and the
opportunity for five years in good quality on-base housing
can be most attractive.

Some families may want to stay in the Philippines as
long as possible, and the primary employer may be
successful in staying beyond the five years during which
on—base housing is provided. For such families, off-base
living is part of their choice to stay longer. For reasons
such as those listed above, such a family is likely to
contain a Philippine spouse.

The importance of an extended family in the
Philippines and the desire for close contact with that
extended family can influence both the choice to live off-
base and the choice to stay longer in the Philippines.
While the desire of a Philippine wife for this situation is
more obvious, the situation of an American husband could
motivate him either to want to leave or to stay. Some hus-

bands may be anxious to get away from such potentially

179

demanding inlaws, while others may want to stay near their

new families which treat them with special respect because

of their large incomes and their American identity.

Hypothesis 34: There is no significant difference between
family background and choice of holidays to
celebrate.

The data given in Table 4.46 are a distribution of
numbers of choice of holidays to celebrate ("only American"
or "both") and parents' nationality background ("mother and
father--USA," "mother and father--Philippines,' "mother—-
Philippines and father--USA,' ”other'). The distribution
did not meet the basic assumptions for chi-square analysis;
however, the statistical data presented in the table
provides the basis for observations and discussion of the
hypothesis.

Table 4.46
Family Background and Choice of Holidays to Celebrate

 

 

 

 

Parents' Choice of Holidays
Nationality
Background Total Only American Both
Mother and father--USA 38 35 3
Mother and father--

Philippines 8 3 5
Mother--Philippines and

father--USA 17 6 11
Other 13 8 5

TOTALS: 76 52 24

 

 

180

An examination of percentages for the numbers of
distribution of the two response choices of holidays to
celebrate indicates that the “mother--Phi1ippines and
father--USA" group is more likely to celebrate both Ameri-
can holidays and origin or host country holidays (65%).
the second highest group was the "mother and father--
Philippines" group (63%). The following observations would
seem to apply in this situation.

The on—base community and official government calendar
promote celebration only of American holidays. To become
familiar with and actually celebrate host nation holidays
would require a special interest and a special effort. For
the family with 'mother--Philippines and father--USA”
parents, there would be a special motivation to celebrate
both nations' holidays since they identify with each
country.

For the family from the ”other" culture background, it
would seem difficult to do more than celebrate American
holidays in the sense that special foods and materials
would not be easily available at the same time that the
official government calendar would not provide time off.

The "mother and father--USA" group would be unlikely
to be sufficiently familiar with host nation holidays for
many to celebrate them.

Hypothesis 35: There is no significant difference between
family background and a child's diet.

181

The data given in Table 4.47 of the distribution of
numbers on different food styles selected for a child's
diet (U.S., Oriental, Mexican, Philippine, or other) and
parents' nationality background ("mother and father--USA,"
”mother and father—-Philippines," "mother--Philippines and
father--USA,' "other") and a chi-square test for signifi-
cance indicated that parental national background did not
have a significant impact on a child's diet (X2 = 5.88, df
= 3, p > 0.05). Hypothesis 35 was not rejected.

Table 4.47
Family Background and Influence on Child's Diet

 

 

 

Parents' Food Styles in Diet
Nationality
Background Total American Both
Mother and father--USA 40 33 7
Mother and father--

Philippines 9 5 4
Mother--Philippines and

father--USA 19 12 7
Other 13 7 6
TOTALS: 81 S7 24
x2 = 5.88 df = 3 = 7.82 p > 0.05

 

 

However, the following could be noted. Although the
"mother and father--USA" group had the highest rate of
choosing American-style foods (82.5%), American-style foods
were the first choice of all groups (70.3% combined). This

could reflect the fact that quality American foods are

182

available at reasonable prices through the base commissary,
and this would tend to dominate food choice.

Philippine foods were chosen by only a small percen-
tage of the families with a Philippine parent (7.1%). This
could reflect not only the commissary situation mentioned
above, but also the status given to things American both in
school and the community.

The global food phenomenon has resulted in a marketing
situation where people are able to obtain international

foods almost any time and anywhere.

CHAPTER V

SUMMARY, FINDINGS, CONCLUSIONS,
RECOMMENDATIONS, AND IMPLICATIONS
Summary
Review of the Study

The Department of Defense Dependents Schools are an
important part of almost every American overseas military
base community. Because of the many international and
intercultural families that exist in such communities as
well as the overseas settings of the bases, the schools are
also the sites of continuing cross-cultural encounters and
the key meeting place for third culture kids (TCK).
Although the composition of each military community is
unique to itself, at the same time it shares certain common
characteristics with and contributes to the total DoDDS
system.

George Dewey High school at Subic Bay Naval Base,
Republic of the Philippines, is no exception. Both the
unique nature of the school and the common DoDDS elements
were the concern of this study of eighth grade students at
the school during the 1982-83 school year. The intention
of the study was to find out how the family backgrounds and

experiences of different groups of students affected their

183

184

academic achievement and social interaction in school in

this unique, military, third culture setting.

Nature of the Study

 

The study focused on the academic achievement, social
interaction and adaptation, and lifestyle based on four
different family background groups of students who were
enrolled at the DoDD high school at Subic Naval Base,
Republic of the Philippines. The impact of military family
mobility, separation from father, and gender of student
were examined with respect to academic achievement.

In many ways this was an exploratory study designed to
examine dimensions of the third culture student's
experience in the DoDDS environment that have not been
examined previously. From another perspective, it is a
part of the series of studies that have examined different
aspects of overseas schools--inc1uding DoDDs--and related
experiences of third culture children in these different

schools.

Methodology

 

The nature of this study is a combination of
exploratory study and research methodology focused on data
collected through use of a questionnaire. The exploratory
study involved three stages. The first stage involved
developing a theoretical base for the study through a
review of professional literature related to intercultural

and third culture studies. The second stage involved

185

research to gather information about the DoDDS system,
Subic Naval Base, and George Dewey High School. The third
stage involved observation and interaction with students
who were to be the target group for the study. The third
stage was achieved in the researcher's roles as observer
and substitute teacher in the school. Other schools in
which the researcher was also substituting at the same time
provided a greater sense of perspective for the experience
in the high school.

Out of these three stages of the exploratory study,
the researcher developed the final form of the
questionnaire to be used as the major data collecting
instrument. It was intended to obtain data which could be
analyzed to explore how the characteristics of the third
culture family in an overseas military community relates to
the academic achievement and lifestyle of the students
involved on a junior high level. The data collected were
nominal and ordinal. Wherever appropriate, the hypotheses
were subjected to a chi—square test to see if the
distribution could be attributed to chance alone. The .05
level of confidence was used to determine rejection of a
null hypothesis. Observations, percentile comparisons were
used in most analysis, and discussions of the situations

were presented.

186

Population

 

The school selected for this study was George Dewey
High School located at Subic Naval Base, Subic Bay,
Republic of the Philippines, a 7th-12th grade school with
approximately 500 students. The actual population selected
for the study were the 83 eighth graders who constituted
73% of the eighth grade class. They were in three of the
four heterogeneously grouped English 8 classes.

The major variables related to this population are

displayed graphically below.

 

 

Family Nationality Father's Position

Parents Students Position Students

M--USA 41 Officer 24

F--USA Civilian 25
Enlisted 34

F--Phil. TOTAL: 83

M--Phil. 20

F--USA

Other 13 Gender Students

TOTAL: 83 Boys 45
Girls 38
TOTAL: 83

School Policies

 

The policies of individual schools in DoDDs reflect
the intention to provide an education that is comparable to
that which is obtained in a fully-accredited U.S. public
school. This determines the qualification requirements for

educational staff, grading, attendance, discipline, content

187

of curriculum, and extracurricular programs. In fact, the
normal periodic evaluation of individual schools
(elementary and secondary) by the North Central Accrediting
Association from the United States ensures that this

compatibility with stateside schools is maintained.

Academic Achievement

 

In terms of academic achievement, classes in English,
mathematics, and social studies were selected as the common
subject areas taken by all eighth grade students and thus a
base for comparison of academic achievement. The grade
groupings using in the comparison were A, B, C, and D/F

(unsatisfactory).

Extracurricular Activities
In the area of extracurricular activities, the
emphasis was on the many activities sponsored by the school
after the school day ended. These included all sports
offered, cheerleading, yearbook, drama, and other programs

identified by individual students.

Findings of the Study
The questions upon which the hypotheses were based
fall into four general categories. These categories and
the findings are described in the following sections. In
all cases where it could be appropriately used, a chi-

square analysis was employed. Where a chi-square could not

188

be used, the statistical data were examined in terms of

proportions and discussed.

General Findings Related to Family Background

General Hypothesis 1 examined the relationship between
a student's family background and academic achievement,
participation in extracurricular activities, career
interests, and perceptions of parental concern about their
child's behavior.

Student academic performance in English, mathematics,
and social studies separately and combined were cross-
tabulated with (a) family background, (b) language spoken
at home, (c) father's military rank or status as a
civilian, (d) being a natural child or stepchild/adopted,
and (e) gender. In some of these comparisons, the
appropriate statistical analysis revealed that such
distributions could have occurred by chance alone with the
exception of a table relating being a natural child or
adopted/stepchild to performance in English. In this
comparison, the adOpted/stepchild category had a
significantly larger proportion of those who did poorly in
English than could be expected by chance alone. This is
understandable in terms of the 21% of the students in the
adopted/stepchild group who were enrolled in ESL and still
adapting to the new experience of attending an English-

speaking school.

189

Thus students who came from a family in which both
parents were of Philippine origin performed better
academically than any other group in the combined grade
point average for the three subjects (English, mathematics,
and social studies) with a GPA of 3.2 while the students
from the ”mother-~Philippines and father--USA' performed
more poorly academically (GPA: 2.0).

It appears that the students of the "mother and
father--Phi1ippine' group's successful academic achievement
positively related to the highest percentage of perceived
parental interest in grades (see Table 4.18).

It has been noted that the Philippine-Philippine
marriage is likely to be a first marriage with the added
advantage of living in the home nation with the security of
the supportive extended family and a favorable employment
situation. At the same time, some American-Philippine
marriages are recent marriages in which children reared in
the Philippines have been adopted or declared dependents
and drOpped into the unfamiliar world of the English
language, the third culture, and the DoDD school.

Eighty-three percent of the students who were enrolled
in the ESL (English as a Second Language) program were from
the 'mother--Philippines and father--USA' group. Certainly
this situation has had an impact on the total academic
performance of the group. These ESL students were newly

arrived in American schools.

190

Students of the "mother and father--USA' group coming
from a developed country could find being in a developing
country a unique experience. Despite the potential for
culture or transition shock, students of this group
responded to their new location and school with generally
acceptable grades.

In terms of language spoken at home and academic
achievement, 28.6% of the participants in the "other
language" group were enrolled in the school's ESL program.
This compared to no ESL enrollment in the "English spoken
at home” group. These ESL students had significantly low
academic achievement. The impact of this langauge
background is evident in the total grade difference between
the "English spoken at home” group (GPA: 2.5) and the
”other langauge spoken at home" group (GPA: 2.2).

In terms of father's position and academic
achievement, there was no evidence of a significant impact.
However, there was evidence of a relationship between the
degree of a child's perception of parental interest in
grades. The ”mother and father--Philippines“ group
reported the highest percentage of perceived parental
interest in grades, and the students of this group obtained
the highest grade point average of any of the four family
groups (GPA: 3.2 compared to a 2.6 average for all
students). At this stage, students perceived considerable
parental concern about their academic success in school

(61%). These parents tended to see success in high school

191

as the key to success in life. Certainly, eighth grade
marks are an important indication of how well students will
do in high school.

The adopted/stepchild group showed a significantly
lower achievement in English compared to the ”own parents”
group: however, no significant differences were found in
mathematics and social studies. About 21% of the
adopted/stepchild group were ESL students who had been
brought into American schools where they were obviously
unfamiliar with the English-speaking, American cultural
environment.

The overall grade distribution for boys and for girls
was very similar in every subject. In terms of the
controversy about gender differences and abilities related
to mathematical and verbal skills, this study showed little
relationship between gender and academic performance in
these areas for this specific group of eighth graders.

A student's selection of extracurricular activities
related to family nationality background (with more
involvement in school sports for students with both parents
from the USA). Student's physical size, family background,
and father's position did not have a significant influence
on a student's future career interests.

There did seem to be a consistency in the continuing
pattern of student perceptions of concern in families where
both parents were of Philippine background. After citing

academic achievement as the major concern of parents,

192

students did not identify sports as a selected
extracurricular activity. Although the generally smaller
size of boys from this group might be one reason for their
selections, the time demands of sports might conflict with
time available for homework (a major concern of a group
where the emphasis is on academic performance). For boys
particularly, physical size seems to be an important
element related to the development of a positive or
negative self-image. For example, taller boys tend to
assume leadership roles while smaller boys often see their
size as a disadvantage. Girls, on the contrary, may find
it a social disadvantage to be too tall. Although growth
patterns vary with each individual child, at this age
level, one's height seems to become very important to self-
identity.

At the same time, American parents tend to see
involvement in sports as a major aspect of the high school
experience. This might be especially important to fathers
in American military families who see sports' success as an
avenue to winning acceptance and developing better self-
concepts when success is difficult or impossible to obtain
in academic competition.

One unusual result in this area is the tendency of
Philippine-American background students, who received the
lowest mean grade in academic performance, to score highest
in terms of future career interests that would require

college educations while academically successful children

193

of both Philippine parents placed themselves among the
lowest in college level career expectations. This may
reflect an American assumption that there is education
beyond high school available to everyone.

General Hypothesis 2 examined the relationship of
family background and gender difference to student
interaction and socialization in school and family.

It was found that when the area of student interaction
and socialization in school and family was considered,
gender had an influence on both a selected friend's
nationality background and the sharing of personal
problems. Fifty-six percent of the total students tended
to have same cultural background friends.

The "mother and father--USA" group scores highest in
selection of same nationality background friends (69.4%),
and the "mother and father--Philippines” group scored
second highest (55.6%). This appeared to indicate that
students of similar nationality backgrounds tend to stay
together socially. This could be a student seeking a safe
social culture group with commonality of culture and
language background which ensures acceptance and
understanding from peers. Wright's (1979) findings support
this: students establish friendship associations
characterized by homophilous factors as they seek those
areas frequented by their homophilous peers.

Girls were mbre apt to select friends from different

nationality backgrounds and more likely to share their

194

personal problems. This appeared to result from girls'
tendencies to be more socially explorative and more verbal
than boys. However, close to half the students were
interacting with different nationality background friends.
This could be interpreted as indicating that student
nationality background is not a restricting factor in the
choice of friends. In a military setting and school, there
is an emphasis on team sports and school projects that
bring students together more on the basis of interests and
skills than on the basis of nationality background. These
friendships formed in team sports or the sharing of other
special interests are an integration of all culture
backgrounds. This is also reflected in the military
concept of an integrated community that extends back to
1947. This is in keeping also with the reality of a
constantly changing community in which few in-groups could
become permanent and in which friendships must be formed
quickly.

Seventy-six percent of the students reported they
shared personal problems with friends. At this age level
and in this type of third culture environment, such sharing
becomes extremely important. The groups that shared
personal problems least with friends was the "mother and
father--Philippines" group. Panopio (1978) described the
Filipino as having a strong "desire for smooth
interpersonal relations" that control much of the

Philippine behavior. This would be most likely to avoid

195

the directness or frankness of sharing personal problems
with friends. On the other hand, students from the
”mother--Philippines and father--USA" background were most
likely to share personal problems with friends (84%).
Although this seems to be in conflict with the Panopio
explanation, it might be explained by the availability of a
similar background, supportive subculture at a time when
there is no place else to turn.

Students' interaction and socialization with parents
was an area of hypothesis that involved no rejections
related to which parent disciplined, a child's advice-
seeking patterns, rate of serious talks with parents, and
children's motivation to practice good behavior in school.
The father was identified as the primary source of
discipline except in the 'mother--Phi1ippines and father--
USA” background family which varied from parent to parent
with the lowest percentage of both parents disciplining.
This may result from two different cultural concepts of
child-rearing which limit common agreement on procedure.

At the same time, the highly mobile nature of the third
culture population may be reflected in the fact that no
group identified friends as a significant source of advice.
There was some difference in that students whose parents
were both from the Philippines were the only group never to
identify teachers as a main source of advice. This could
reflect both the fact that most teachers are from different

cultural backgrounds and the desire to avoid possible shame

(A113) by sharing personal problems with someone outside
the family (PanOpio, 1978). this group did have the
highest rate of serious talks with parents.

General Hypothesis 3 examined the relationship between
family background (type of marriage, mother's work, choice
of a place to live, holidays to celebrate, and diet) and
father's military rank or civilian status.

The statistical analyses did not reveal a significant
difference in regard to father's position and types of
marriage (cross-national or same-national). No significant
differences existed among the officer, civilian, and
enlisted groups. However, the enlisted group entered into
more cross-national marriages (48.6%) than the officer
group (33.3%) or the civilian group (33.3%). this could be
related to the fact that members of the enlisted group are
younger and more likely to come to an overseas military
base unmarried. Many of these marriage situations may be
cases of "chance and availability” from Char's (1977) list
of five motivations to inter-cultural marriage. Char cites
as an example a situation in which "a white American
soldier stationed in Vietnam may marry a Vietnamese girl
simply because of the factor of availability and
propinquity in a setting where it seems appropriate. If he
were not a lonely GI stationed in Vietnam for a year, he
would never have an exogamous marriage" (Char in Tseng,

1977: 34).

197

Subic Naval Base in the Philippines seems to have many
such situations and marriages. One chaplain who has
studied cross-national marriages in Subic Bay explained
that after a long sea-duty, a young sailor is often lonely
and homesick. Within one or two weeks of arrival, young
sailors have found Philippine girls they want to marry
immediately. They are in romantic love stages and are not
aware of the long-term realities of marriage. Despite
counseling by their officers and chaplains to wait, many of
these young men rush into marriage.

In terms of mother's nationality background and her
work (housewife, part- or full-time work), there were major
differences in their employment. A mother from the USA was
much more likely to have a part-or full-time job (51%) than
a mother from the Philippines (15%) or one from the "other"
group (25%). This may not reflect a major language
barrier. Career preparation, U.S. citizenship
requirements for better jobs, different cultural concepts
of a woman's role, and ages of the children could be the
major factors.

The data collected indicated that a parent's
nationality background does have a great influence on
whether the family lives off-base or on-base. Families
which contain Philippine parents more often live off-base
(32%) than those families which do not have a Philippine
parent (four percent). This could be explained by the

importance of the extended family in the Philippines and

198

the desire for close contact with the extended family which
can be more easily satisfied while living off—base.

General Hypothesis 4 examined the relationship of
frequent separation from the father and high rate of family
mobility in the military to the academic performance of
students.

No significant differences existed in terms of
academic achievement based on the length of father absence,
family background differences, or gender differences.
However, there were indications that extended father
absences have a more negative impact on academic
achievement and that boys' grades were more apt to go down.
At the same time, the group with both parents from the USA
was the only one with some students who reported that their
grades tended to go up during father absence (10%).

Whether this indicated that some fathers have a negative
impact on studies when they are home (as in the case of a
more socially active family) or that the ritual of
accounting to a returning father has special importance for
a student or that other unique circumstances exist in each
individual family is impossible to determine.

The study indicated that family mobility did not have
a major influence on student academic achievement from the
perspectives of rate of mobility, family background, or
student gender. There were some indications of patterns
that did become evident, however. Students whose families

moved seven or more times were found to have the highest

199

percentage of academic achievement (32%) in terms of A
grades. This result, in some respects, has a positive
correlation to the findings of Darnauer, Keeny, Partin, and
Snyder (1976). Their research reported higher school
performance among geographically mobile students (Darnauer
et al. in McCubbin, 1976).

At the same time, grades of girls tended to be
affected more at both extremes--going up and going down--as
a result of family mobility. Mobility itself is stressful
for teenagers because, along with being forced to leave
one's friends and school behind, the teenager also gets a
strong feeling that s/he is not in control of his/her life.
This comes at a time when adolescent develOpment is already
making great demands on the teenager, both physically and
mentally.

McKain (1967) cites studies by Pederson and Sullivan
(1964) which found that children were affected
significantly by parental attitudes about mobility. A
child tends to have a strong identification with the way a
parent adapts to stressful situations. The adaptation of a
child parallels the adjustment of the parent (McKain in
McCubbin, 1967: 70).

Observations Related to the Findings
These observations fall into two basic groups: (a)
those that relate to the experiences and interactions of

students within the school environment, and (b) those that

200

relate to the general sense of relationship between the
base and the neighboring host community.
Observations Related to Experiences and

Interactions of Students within the
School Environment

 

 

 

Because many recently adopted students enter school
with little knowledge of English, there can be a langauge
barrier that tends to limit their social contacts to other
students which whom they can speak in their first language.
Students adOpted into recent Philippine-American marriages
are often separated from important family members with whom
they have lived in the host nation prior to this time.
Avoiding a long-term development of resulting problems has
to be an important concern of the administration and school
staff working in many ways to promote a healthy integration
of students.

Not all adopted ESL students could be said to make
successful transitions during their time at school. The
movement of a family may come before a student has enough
time in school to make the transition to functioning
academically and socially.

Although many times an entire family leaves together
for the U.S. or another overseas base, there are occasions
where a departing family may leave a child behind to return
to his/her relatives in the host country. As a
consequence, a child adopted into a recent Philippine-

American marriage could easily have a sense of insecure

201

future that could hinder his/her effort to adapt to school
and the DoD base community.
Observations Related to the Relationship

Between the Base and the Neighboring
Host Communigy

 

 

 

As has happened in other military settings, the off-
base host nation community near Subic is often considered
to cater economically to the baser interests of the
military community.

Many of the host nation people with whom the DoD on-
base community comes in contact are semi-skilled laborers--
often domestic workers. Conversations and observations
confirm that resulting stereotyped images of host nation
people often tend to carry some connotation of inferiority.
Out of these experiences and perspectives can come a view
of the host nation and host national people that makes it
easy to stereotype students of host nation origin. An
unhealthy consequence of this can be the resulting
inclination to avoid getting to know and appreciate such
students as individuals.

A constant concern about theft also tends to distort
one's view of the people and the host nation. This extends
from off-base onto the base when break-ins occur in on-base
quarters and other buildings.

A sense of physical danger can be overpowering for

individuals who cannot put the base warnings about

202

poisonous snakes and rabid animals as well as rumors of
violence in the host community into perspective.

Partly because of the nature of a base community and
partly because of the conditions and views mentioned above,
the base community has many recreational facilities and
other services which permit people to meet all of their

needs without leaving the base.

Conclusions

The findings showed that there is no significant
difference in regard to student academic achievement on the
basis of family background, father's position, or gender
difference.

The results of this study indicate that George Dewey
High School at Subic Naval Base, Republic of the
Philippines, has an adequate educational program with a
well-qualified and understanding teaching staff ready to
educate military children under the complex circumstances
of this third culture environment which has a high
proportion of students of diverse nationality backgrounds
complicated by the military system's demands upon the
school and family system.

Thirty—five percent of the total sample was comprised
of children in the adopted/stepchild group, and 21% of this
group was enrolled in the ESL program. There appeared to
be a problem in the lower achievement levels in English by

students who were new to American schools and who had

203

little, if any, background in the formal study of English
as conducted in American schools. Thus, language
limitations did prove to be a major barrier in terms of
academic performance.

In terms of the DoDDS ESL program, the academic
performance of ESL students should be carefully followed in
an attempt to help students and to prepare them to be able
to adjust to American schools. Part of this preparation
would involve a curriculum plan carefully tailored to their
needs.

Although students of similar nationality backgrounds
do sometimes come together during the school day, almost
half of these students reported close friendships in other
groups. This indicates that despite the security offered
by one's same language and culture groups, the long—term
military emphasis on an integrated community is successful.

While teenaged students are making the adjustment to a
very different language and cultural environment, the
security that a supportive original language social group
can provide may be the key to a successful transition.

This leads to a conflicting view which may need special
attention: it is the assumption of some teachers and
parents that students must not be allowed to speak anything
but English while they are on school grounds. It may be
necessary to promote an understanding of the cultural

nature and need for collectivity that may fill a vital

204

psychological need that outweighs the delay in mastering
English.

In regard to family lifestyle, this study indicated a
significant difference based on family background in the
choice of where to live and which holidays to celebrate.
Those families with one or both Philippine parents more
often lived off-base than did families with no Philippine
parents. At the same time, the tendency to take things
from both cultures was most apparent in the choice of
holidays to celebrate with cross-national families most
inclined to observe both sets of national holidays.

The findings of this study emphasized that view of
culture that Hoebel (1971) described as being the
integrated sum total of learned behavior traits which are
manifest and shared by members of a society. A functional
understanding and acceptance of this view of culture by the
members of a school system and military community is
needed. Such an awareness could be a key to future
curriculum development in DoDDS.

Another major issue in this study was the
characteristically high rate of military family mobility
and a frequent separation of the father and the impact
these had on student academic performance. The study
results indicated that there was not significant difference
in academic achievement based on the length of father
absence, family background, or gender. It is clear that

the objectives of the military mission come before

205

consideration of the military family. At the same time,
however, the findings of this study suggest that problems
associated with frequent family mobility are alleviated by
a conscious effort to create an atmosphere which enables
the child and the family to gain quick acceptance into
their new third culture military community and school.

This is a special strength of the military community and
the DoDDS network of schools that provides a family a sense
of continuity as they go through the adjustment and
adaptation process.

It is clear in this study that DoDDS teachers are in a
challenging setting with the unique characteristics of a
mobile community, different student subgroups that comprise
the student body, and other features of individual third
culture settings. These teachers must be aware not only of
the wide range of student backgrounds but of the third
culture situation generally. It is a situation in which
teachers must assume the seemingly contradictory tasks of
presenting and preserving the traditions of a nation and
society at the same time that they must be innovative to
meet the unique needs of their different students.

Although DoDDS teachers generally have a wide range of
experiences and awareness and a strong concern for
individual students, they need even more background
knowledge and understanding of the third culture situation
generally. In addition, this third culture background

awareness needs to be continuously updated in this time of

206

constant change. Teachers provide not only stability but
also provide a force for positive change. Brembeck (1966)
says, ”. . . the teacher must be closely identified with
his culture, know its content well, and then be prepared to
give both shape and direction to its future" (Brembeck in
Hansen & Brembeck, 1966: 230).

In the effort to conclude with a larger perspective,
it should be reported that, based on this study, the
Department of Defense community and school represent a
unique dimension of the third culture experience. They
possess the following characteristics.

1. Seventy-nine percent of the students are
concerned about the effect (especially
possible harm) of their behavior on their
fathers' careers. This clearly reflects the
nature of the Department of Defense overseas
community as a formal and functional military
unit which gives first priority to meeting
the demands of its unique mission. The common
lifestyle of military families overseas
becomes a third culture with its new norms,
values, and patterns of behavioral
expectations and a social group conscious—
ness. Within this community, the military
family can be viewed as part of a ”suppor-
tive" subsystem. This results in a commonly
agreed-upon type of social solidarity and
family role definition in the military
community.

2. The military family often experiences a great
geographical mobility. Because of this
mobility, the Department of Defense overseas
schools are designed to take care of the
educational needs of dependents of families,
both parents of which are from the United
States, as well as dependents of military and
civilian employees who have spouses from
other nationality backgrounds. The number of
these students of cross-cultural marriages is
considerable and growing.

207

In spite of the many different cultural
backgrounds and differences in original
languages of students, the cultural
background has not been a restricting factor
in terms of academic achievement and the
child's inter-personal and social
relationships. This may reflect success in
realizing related educational tasks
identified by DoDDS. These educational tasks
which DoDD schools are trying to achieve
include the following major goals:

a. present education to prepare students
to succeed in an American educational
setting,

b. promote students' cross-cultural
awareness, and

c. increase teacher awareness of the
third-culture factor.

The military overseas communities develop, or
are endowed with, an institutional system of
their own which serves to satisfy the greater
part of the personal, social, and cultural
needs of their members. The system is
generally exclusive of members of the host
society. The services which normally are
offered by the private sector in a stateside
civilian community are the responsibility of
the base overseas. Recreational facilities,
food services (sometimes offered through
arrangements with major food franchises from
the United States), stores, churches, and
schools-~all of these facilities and related
services are under the central base control in
the military community.

Relationships have developed between base
communities and host nation communities in
which the two perform certain functions for
each other. The base community depends on
the host community to provide certain goods
and services (often including a host nation
work force). Because of the nature of the
military self-support system, people who live
on base have little motivation to adapt to the
host society.

The children in these communities and
schools, of course, are not totally isolated
from the host nation culture, and indeed some
of the third culture children have familial

208

ties through their mothers to host nationals.
Cultural interactions on and off base are
conditioned by the organized efforts to ensure
that the primary purpose of the military for
being inside a foreign country is not
jeopardized. This is not a return to the
dominating colonial arrangement of the past,
but it may be a growing dimension of the

third culture experience of the future.
Although the DoD community may seem an extreme
example of this trend, it is a good place in
which to study the influence of such an
organized effort to increase the TCK's ties

ot the originating nation (in this case, the
USA) while living abroad.

Recommendations for Future Study

This study was an attempt to learn more about students
who attended a Department of Defense Overseas School in the
Philippines. Special attention was given to the areas of
students' academic achievement, students' interaction in
school and with their parents, and lifestyle under the
typical military environment with its high mobility and
frequent separation from father.

While the results of this study have provided
descriptive data regarding those students' parents'
national background categories, the following are the
researcher's further recommendations.

1. It should be noted that this study contains

two different elements: objective
information about students and their actual
recorded performances and, at the same time,
information about the perceptions of these
students as they look at themselves, their
family and friends, and their school
situation. Certainly, student perspectives
and objective data do not always agree, but
student perceptions deserve consideration as

an important element reflected in the results
of the study.

209

2. Because of the nature of the DoD school, with
its varying multi-national backgrounds of
different families and children involved, it
is recommended that future studies be
conducted which examine individual students'
backgrounds in-depth at the same time that
students are viewed from a longitudinal
perspective. This would result in more
valuable insights into the impact of
different variables on students.

3. Because the family unit is often placed under
unique pressures by different living
conditions overseas, studies need to be
conducted that examine carefully parental
attitudes and the consequent impact of these
attitudes on a student's school experience.

4. The adaptation of students and their families
to a series of moves to different locations
is the key to understanding students and
prescribing success ingredients that should
exist in every school. Accordingly, a
careful study of families and their
adaptation patterns in different settings
should be conducted and the results made
available to school administrators.

5. Studies related to fathers' absence and
students' academic and social performance in
school should examine in detail the impact on
students before, during, and after actual
absence.

6. In addition to studying the third culture
background of students, studies are needed to
examine the background of teachers who are
working with these students in overseas
schools. In addition to information on
teacher preparation and professional
qualifications and years of experience in
overseas schools, teacher-student
interactions in the classroom need to be
observed and analyzed.

Implications
Living in an overseas military community is a unique

experience. However, the symbiotic relationship with the

host community can also contain stressful aspects of cross-

210

cultural relations. Under these circumstances, the
addition of the nature of the military mission, lack of
stability that accompanies many family moves, and the
frequent absence of father all have a great impact on the
task and function of the family. Military children (or
military third culture children) must encounter and be able
to adapt to complex and unique social and cross-cultural
settings. Particularly for teenagers, who are in the most
important stage of pre-entry into adulthood, the
psychological and biological demands of such change are
great.

The findings of this study show that these military
community third culture children indicated that length of
father absence did not have a significant impact on student
grades. At the same time, however, the greatest length of
father absence did have more negative impact on academic
achievement. The study also indicated that there was no
significant impact on student academic achievement from the
perspective of rate of family mobility. However, on a less
than statistically significant level, students whose
families moved less (1-3 times) were more apt to have
grades drOp as a result of a move. It may be that during
the first moves, it is eSpecially hard for students to
adjust to the change and adapt to new circumstances.

The implication is that both the community and the
school need to concern themselves especially with these

circumstances and make special efforts to provide

211

understanding and help for TCKs during these times of
special stress. This could take the form of a school and
community establishment of adjustments to new location
programs.

The findings of the study also showed that the family
background difference, the language spoken at home
difference, father's position difference, and gender
difference do not have a significant impact on academic
achievement in English, mathematics, and social studies.
At the same time, however, findings did indicate that the
adopted/stepchild group's academic performance was very low
compared to the performance of the rest of students.
Language disability can adversely affect the child's sense
of personal value, attitude, and behavior. The
adopted/stepchildren were enrolled in the ESL program-~a
program which is a major concern of DoDDS. Children of
cross-national marriage, particularly with mothers from
host-nations, usually comprise the largest percentage of
the student body with academic problems. Some of these
children may be culturally-deprived in that they come from
rural areas which provide little contact with modern
technology and life or even education. The study also
indicated that students from similar nationality
backgrounds tend to stay together in their interaction or
socialization process which could adversely affect English
language acquisition. Before determining or revising an

educational philosophy or school plan, these types of

212

findings should be presented and implications considered in
the planning stage.

A school staff should be exposed to and examine the
third culture concept to understand that an overseas
military community is a composition of variant third
culture factors. These factors include the third culture
concept of students' associating across societies and
cultures while engaged in the common enterprise of school
and develOping the characteristics of an evolving new
(third) culture with its unique new standards, norms,
lifestyle, communications, perspectives, and types of self.

It is important to conclude with a reminder of the
unique nature of each third culture setting. The
relationship between the host nation and the military base
has a special impact on the individual school on that
particular base. Each location has a different quality
that reflects the host national and local community's

economic, political, social, and other cultural factors.

APPENDIX A

ENROLLMENT GRAPES

NOTE: These graphs were developed using enrollment figures
supplied by Oliver Hazard of Perry School at San Miguel,

Republic of the Philippines

Student Mobility at O. H. Perry School
in School Year 1980-81

Average Monthly Student Enrollment

 

 

 

 

 

 

     

     
   
     
     
     
 

 

  
     
       
     
     
     
       
     
      

 
 

   
   
    
 

  

 

 

 

 

 

 

   
     
   
     
  
   
   
  

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

)——--1

>—---1

>——-—

b---“

p-—--

     
       
    

   
  

 

  

 

     
   
     

  
  
 
 

  

     

 
 

 

 

Hav

 

255 4 ————— ( ------ L--—-J ---—(L--———+ ----- ()————L-——-4 —————
250 1) ----- r ————— r-—-—1 ————— ( --o—4-—--jb———o ----- 4 ----- 4
2‘5 4--—-l ----- 4r—-———4> ————— >-—-—-W
240 i—---4 ----------- v----t-—--4
235 d) —————————— >--——4 ----- >—---4
230 4 ..... 1----9--_-0----1 .....
225 fi----0---~ --------------- .
220 J)--——4)--—-4> ——————————————— 4
215 0 -------------- ‘----)----4
210 )L--—-1 ----- 4 —————— >——-—4>—---
201 20
205 4r —————————— 4 ————— 4 ————— 04- —<
200 4 ----------------- 7- _— ......
195 u ......... - ..... ---- ......
188 18
190 ———————————— —-— -4 -—-— —————— ——-- ---------- 4 ———-4
185 l)-—-—J>/-— ————— -——-4 ———————————————— »---—4 ————— 4
177 '
180 4>-— 0---.- ——————— —-—-4 —————————— 4 —————————— 4 ————— 1
175 >----J>----‘) —————————— b--—“----1 ————— >-—-—4 ————— 4
I70 4 ——————————— ;—— 4—-——--T----4 ---------- »--——-4 ----- 4
4 A fl...
Honihly Enrollment Changes - Increases and
Transfers/Withdrawals:
‘8 ‘7ai‘ ‘ao G:- 7a;-
55 .......... l ..... --- ----
:54 ---4)- ------ ---- ———-—
32 --------- ---- ---- F?
,u )--—-< ---------- ---- ---- 6%
28 L----0 ----- ---- —-—- 9
26 ............. e
n. ............ >94
" ————— 4 ————— .21-- --...- ’9 K.‘
" 1 (>4 4
20 1 ----------- -- 7:.-- a a
“3 ----- -- :1-5 a
u —- o - o o
L- >4 >4 >4
14 Pr -—- o L- . ¢
w . _ V '_ " J- " 7"
._ G» €>> €> 49
- 4 s_b4 \b4 )4
.I: 6 1 V °1'- . 6
8 0 ’4) ’{ ’4 P‘
-- a a 8 ~ 8
. a 9
4 100‘ 9 ~- ’0‘
2 ‘ ’6‘ '9‘ »- ’0‘
0 >4 it a: b
= 0! SYU
'4"IILSZ
onth: Aug. 5 » Oct \n Dev. uh. “a Ap'.
Year: 1090
Slmnlllt Increase: E
"'-"" DL'FredS' ; D

213

 

(uni

 

 

2111

Student Mobility at o.

H. Perry School?"~ Skit-83
u School Year 1977-78 & 3

Average ionth‘y Student,Enrollment:

235 4 ----- 4 —-—-4 ————— 1r--—-‘ t—---4 ---------- 4
230 W ————— 4 ——————————— 4)----1 >-——- ..... >———-JP——--
225 ————— jb ---------- 1)----4 ----- 1 —————

b---—

 

..... 4»—-——4>--——4 ._-—— >--—-.
205 »-—--u--—-o----o----4 »----)----
200 ..... 4 ..... 4 ————— 4 ........... r—-——
195 ——————————— 41---..4 ————————————————— 4>--—— ----------
190 .......... 5----L-_--o-q-_. .......... »—---L—--—
185 L---- ----- >-——— .......... 4 ..... 4 _____ »—-—- .....
180 .......... 4r——-- ————— -—-- ————— 4 ----- ,-..-- .....

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Monthly Enrollment Changes -
Transfers/Withdrawals:

Increases and

44 < ----- t----*----
[‘2 ——--4)—--—4>—-—-4 1.-..-- .....
g ----.----4 ..... L----t----
48 ‘t;‘ “:3-‘fi-s- “as-rna“
30 --_ .....................
34 -- ..... 4 ...............
32 --- ...... ("” ...........
30 ’--’ ----- 1 ********* ‘-—“
28 _--- ----- #---- *---- ----
26 4---- -_--,--__ ..........

 

I

----1

 

-_‘ — -—- .....
22 ———- ————— 4 —————— —-- .....
20 ---- ----- r---- r---- -----
lb y—--- ..... b—O ----------

 

16

 

 

 

 

 

:4 ----¥» > ----- »----
12 "’ ‘1' t"““"’"
In -- ,- .19-:.10:?
8 - if- _ -l.

h -- j)- - -

4 -- — =3 - w- - -

- --- - - - r- - -

0 a;

 

 

 

 

# of
studentS'

v!

    

 

 

 

 

 

Sep. Oct. Nov. Dec. lar *9
1977 "a?

El]

Aug. M. 33\ June

Apr.

 

 

 

ant IncleuSt:

\ ‘

'I-gwlll Decrease:

21J5

Student Mobility at O. H. Perry School
in School Year 1978-79

“-9.... a ......,.. ... .- ”r. .—'- .
'“fit. 'g‘;~.,' 3!’?1- v. .t-.‘: ".6- .

_.. .4345.

Average Monthly Student Enrollmentg

.p ~ .

 

210 ‘---")----L---— ————— 4L——-—15 .....
205 >-—-—4»———- ----- )—---4 ..... . ..... 4
196 196
200 r----< .......... .----v---- ......
195 ————— «>-——-— ---------- ) .. -- 4
189

190 . ---------- r------— -»-_-- ..... )
85 184

1 4 b-——-4 ---------- ---—(P---- ----- 4

179 17

180 %../.> - — ........... ,.____.
175 ''''' T ---------- r---—4 .......... 4
170 »----4-——- ----- 1 ................
165 ----- 4 .......................... .
160 ”””” i ----- r----[-—--4 -----------
155 ~---- --—-4 ----- r----4 ----- 4 ----- {----0----[ -----

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1 Monthly Enrollment Changes - Increases and

Transfers/Withdrawals:

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

38

36

34

32

30

28 4

2“

24

Is

16

14

12 fia
10 5h
8 '5‘»
6 I55
" .94
2 94
0

t of stu-
dents:
Month: Aug. Sep. Oct. Nov. Dec. Jan. Feb. Mar. Apr. Mai Anne
Year: 1978 1979

 

Student Increase: Egg

~vunent Decrease:

180
175
170
165
160
155
150
145
1&9
135

1

2165

Student Mobility at o. H. Perry School
in School Year 1979-80

Average honthly Student Enrollment:

 

 

 

   
     
     

  

      
     
      
  

    
     
     
     
       
     
     
     
       
   
        

  
     
     
     
       
   
     
    

  

 

 

   

 

 

Honthly Enrollment Changes —
Transfers/Withdrawals:

 

 

 

 

Increases and

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

180 >--—-1>-——- —-—-— —-—-J> ----------
38 r-r--‘ ----- -—~- ----r----:
36 ..... J ..... ---- 35--.----. ..... .
34 < ----- < ----- —---1$ --+--—-+ ----- .
32 ..... J ..... ---- :9: -- ......
30 ooooo 4 ————— ---— o —-1>--—-—4
23 . ..... . ..... 21-- >04 -_. ..... . v
26 4>—---‘ ----- -- '0‘ ——‘>--—-4 '0
>4 )4
24 » ---------- —- ,9 i' L----‘ 0‘
22 <> ----- >--—— -— ’-——1<L———-d 0‘
20 ~—-——“--—- --’§§l~-r----l fia
18 »-—--n---- --§a. -»----. fia
16 . ----------- _ -- o r—-—-‘ o
1.. tn---" 13..-, ..... 2:
>4 >4 s >
12 1.----4l---- 91 9 . .-- 9
>4 >4 *9 D
10 .----..---- cl 9‘ »-- o
. >4 >4 >4
8 <-—-—< -7..- o 4.- 9 4 - O
- >4 )4 >{
6 w ------ - -5 e . - e‘ < e
a h----J he...fig... . -".
>< >4 5%
2 o--—-—1 O . O 4 — u a 4
0 >4 >4 >
# of stu
dents:
Honth: Aug. Sep. Oct. Nov. Dec. Jan. Feb. Mar. Apr. May June
Year‘ 1979 1980
Student Increase: %
Student Decrease:

D

APPENDIX B

HISTORICAL ASPECTS OF THE
AMERICAN MILITARY BASE AND
DoDD SCHOOLS' DEVELOPMENT

IN THE FAR EAST

Historical Aspects of the American Military Base and DoDD Schools
Development in the Far East

Because of the unique backgrounds of the military fami—
lies involved and the development of the DoDD schools, it is
important to review and understand the related histories of
the overseas military family and the overseas school-- espe-
cially since World War II. Most of the third culture chil-
dren in DoDDS who are from intercultural marriages are the
offspring of U.S. military and civilian personnel who have
married host nation spouses while stationed on U.S. bases
overseas. ‘ Although the original base may be closed and the
host nation may no longer contain U.S. bases. the parent is
still employed by DoD and the child is an important member of
the DODD schools whose cultural roots are a concern of this
study. At the same time, the history of DODDS is important
if we are to understand the school system that exists today.

The creation of the present DoDD Schools system might be
traced back to the period immediately after World War II when
dependent families were able to join their spouses stationed
in the occupation forces in Europe, and it became necessary
to build a school system to meet the needs of school age
dependents living overseas. As the U.S. occupation forces
around the world increased and the number of school age
dependents also increased, more and more dependent schools
were needed.

Today, the DoDDS system consists of approximately 270

schools in more than 20 countries around the world. Approxi-

217

218

mately 136,000 students (grades K-12) are now in the DoDDS
system (according to 1984 statistics).' This is in contrast
to the less than 2,000 students in the schools located in
Europe in 1946.(DODDS Summary of Progress, 1980:2)

m

After its defeat in World War II, Japan became an occu-
pied nation on 14 August 1945. Not only had the nation been
physically destoryed, but there was spiritual, social and
economic destruction also. Edwin 0.Reischauer describes this
situation (Reischauer, 1970:218):

Some 2 million of her people had died in the‘war, a third

of them civilians; 40 percent of the aggregate area of the

cities and been destoryed, and urban population had dropped

by half; industry was at a standstill; even agriculture,

short of equipment, fertilizer, and manpower had declined.

When the American troops first arrived in Japan on 27
August 1945, they represented the force that would govern
Japan for nearly seven years. 'In those years, 120,000
Americans would serve in Japan as part of the Occupation
forces (as well as 40,000 members of the British Common-
wealth).'(PeFfer, 1958:455)

The specific objectives of the occupation were stated in
the Initial Post Surrender Policy. The major objectives were
to be certain that Japan would no longer be a threat to peace
and to promote the develOpment of a more democratic style
government in which the people would have a voice. Despite
the movement toward this goal, America, through its
directives to General MacArthur, continued to play a predomi-

nant role.

The new Constitution of 1947 was basic to establishing a

democratic system.

ty and greater opportunities to work.

219

(In fact,

It gave women the legalization of equali-

the U.S.

bases and the occupation forces meant thousands of jobs for

the Japanese people.)
have cross-cultural
occupational forces,
social attitude toward these women.

to some degree to the present.

Although some Japanese women began to

contacts with the men in the American

the Japanese people developed a closed

This attitude continues

Certainly one factor in this

attitude is the maintaining of the national and racial homo-‘

geneous characteristics. At no time have foreigners

fully accepted into Japanese society.

Since World War II and the end of the

U.S. military bases

been

occupation, the

and DoDD schools in Japan have been

reduced in number: however the following schools are still in

operation in 1984:
BASE:

Atsugi (Naval Air
Facility)

Camp Zama (Army Base)

Iwakuni (Marine Corps
Air Station)

Misawa (Air Base)

Sasebo (Naval Base)
Yokohama (Naval Base)

Yokosuka (Naval Base)

SCHOOL:

Shirley Lanham El. School

J.0. Arnn E1. School
Zama Middle School
Zama High School

M.C. Perry School

Sollars E1. School

R.D. Edgren High School
E.J. King American School
R.E. Byrd El. School

Sullivans E1. School

466

578
261
345
515

888
406
150
200
1260

students

students
students
students

students

students
students
students
students

students

220
N.C. Kinnick High School

Yokota (Air Base) Yokota East E1. School
Yokota West El. School
Yokota High School
Okinawa .

Okinawa also came under American rule as a

716
1025
492
804

of World War II. It was under the control of 0.8.

until 1969. It continues to be a strategic base

students
students
students

students

consequence

forces

for the

United States. In 1958, 60,000 out of the base population of

only 80,000 people were employed by the American military

bases.

Ryukyu Islands, often identfied as Okinawa - the name of

the largest island - reverted to Japan on 15 May 1972.

This

return to prefecture status was a return to the Japanese

control over Okinawa that had existed from 1609 until World

War II. Before 1906, both Japan and China had exerted consi-

derable influence on the Ryukuyan kingdom.(Clayton, 1973:7-9

After the 1972 reversion to Japan, the government star—

ted a large scale rebuilding program. This

continued into the 80's.

The following is a listing of military bases

schools in Okinawa today.

BASE: SCHOOL:
Kadena (Air Base) Amelia Earhart Intermediate
School

Bob Hope Primary School
Kadena El. School

Stearley Heights E1. School

program has

and DoDD

807

1099
1155
662

students

students
students

students

221

Kadena High School 1115 students
Camp Foster (Marine Zukeran El. School 967 students
Corps)
Kubasaki High School 1247 students
Makiminato Housing Makiminato El. School 456 students
Area (Naha)
Makiminato Middle School 238 students

Korea

From 1894 to 1945, Korean territory had been seized and

colonized by the Japanese. After 1945, the 38th parallel

divided Korea into North Korea (under Russian influence) and
South Korea (under U.S. influence). In 1950, the tension
that had developed between the North and the South erupted
into a war known as the Korean Conflict. The soldiers of
many nations became involved in the Conflict with the loss of
many lives and great destruction in Korea. The tension
between the two Koreas continues today, and this tension

seeems unlikely to be reduced in the near future.

As a consequence of the loss of so many men

Korean Conflict, Korean women often left their

in the

traditional

homemaker roles to find employment in the cities as

domestic workers, seamstresses, waitresses,

etc.

clerks,

This, in

turn, increased their social contact with American soliders.

The following are the American military bases and DoDD

schools in Korea:

BASE: SCHOOL:
Chinhae (Naval Base) C. Turner Joy E1. School 32 students
Osan (Air Base) Osan E1. School 368 students
Pusan (Naval Base) Pusan American School 242 students
Seoul (Army Base) Seoul American El. School 1364 students

222

Seoul High School 972 students
Taegu (Army Base) Taegu American School 574 students

Philippines

The Philippines were a Spanish colony from 1561 until
1898 when the treaty that ended the Spanish-American War
placed the islands under control of the United States. With
the exception of the Japanese occupation during World War II
the U.S. control continued until the Republic of the Philip-
pines was designated an independent nation on 4 July 1964.‘

Philippine society and culture has been profoundly affe-
cted by the nation's centuries of colonial experience. The
most obvious impact has been on the language (English -
United States) and religion (Roman Catholicism - Spain).
Although other languages are also spoken and other religions
followed, English is the common language for the population
of most of the nation while Roman Catholicism is the major
religion of the nation.

The American bases and the businesses servicing those
bases employ thousands of Filipinos. In fact, the Filipino
employees constitute the largest number of host nationals
employed by American bases overseas.

These are the U.S. military bases and DoDD schools in

the Philippines:

BASE: SCHOOL:
Clark (Air Base) MacArthur E1. School 692 students
V. Grissom El. School 708 students

Wurtsmith El. School 1119 students

223
Lily Hill Middle School

Wagner Middle School
Wagner High School

San Miguel (Naval Base) 0.8. Perry School

Subic Bay (Naval Base) Binictican El. School
Kalayaan E1. School
George Dewey High School

Thailand

657
662
727
249
533
561
575

students
students
students
students
students
students

students

In 1932 Thailand became a nominal constitutional monar-

chy: but by 1938, the country had a strong military dictator.

With the help of the United States and Britain,the Free Thai

movement succeeded in overthrowing the dictator

1944 and the new Free Thai government of Pridi

power,(Vandenbosch and Butwell, 1966:279-288)

in August

came

into

For many years Thailand served as an important base of

operations for the U.S. Armed Forces. With many American

servicemen stationed throughout the nation,

Thai women met

and married American servicemen. As in most other Asian

nations, there is a major stigma attached to such intermar-

riage and it becomes a very emotional issue in the family

that is involved. (Bok-Lin, 1981:34)

Although no DoDD schools are in Thailand,

the Thai-

American intermarriages have meant that children of these

marriages are in the DoDD schools around the world.

Vietnam

The first French involvement in Vietnam started when a

group of French soldiers landed to support a specific warring

faction in 1789. By 1893, the French had completely con-

224

quered Indochina and established a protectorate over the
kingdom of Laos.

In 1941, The Japanese occupied the area until the end of
World War II. It was not easy for the French to renew their
control over the area after the war and by June 1954, the
French control of Vietnam came to an end with Vietnam divided
along the 17th parallel into northern Viet Minh and Southern
Vietnam.(Pome1n, 19b22353—6)

The struggle for control of all Vietnam escalated along
with the increasing commitment of American troops into the
battle as a civil war became an international rfluu In the
1970's, some half million U.S. servicemen were involved in
fighting.

With the stationing of American servicemen throughout
the area, there were many social contacts with Vietanamese
women of all classes. Many of these contacts led to mar-
riages and the starts of new intercultural families which
often live now on U.S. bases in Asian nations other than the

original homeland of the wife.

APPENDIX C

FAMILY TREE

N ame

 

FAMILY TREE:

WHERE DO I COME FROM?

 

 

 

 

 

 

grand- qrand- grand- grand-
mother father mother father
mother \\\\\\¢///;E3ther
ME

Where I have lived:

 

 

 

 

 

now: Philippines

225

226

Name

 

Write all the people with whom you are now living.

their origin or inheritance?

Own father

What is

 

Stepfather

 

Adeptive father

 

Own mother

 

 

Stepmother

 

Adoptive mother

 

 

Brother(s)

 

 

Sister(s)

 

 

Halfbrother(s)

 

 

Halfsister(s)

Age

Age

 

Age

 

Age

 

Age

 

Age

 

Age

APPENDIX D

QUESTIONNAIRE

QUESTIONNAIRE

This is not a test. There are no correct answers. The urpose of this
questionnaire is to learn more about the background and eXperiences of DODDS

tudents. The information gained will be used in a Ph.D. dissertation in
education research at Michigan State University.

Your honest answers are very important. and your cOOperation will be
most appreciated. This questionnaire response will enable the researcher to
more accurately understant the overseas school environment.

Your responses will be kept confidential.

Directions:

-Please circle your answer to the question that asks you to select one
response from different responses (A.B.C. g; D: A. Yes or B. No)

—Please write your answer in PRINT when more than circling-3 response
is needed.

1. Your name: ___7 Sex: A. Male B. Female
First Middle Last
'2. Your age: A. 13. s. 11:. c.15. D. Other:
3. Where do you live? 0n base in
Off base in

4. Do you have other close relatives with whom you sometimes live or whom
you often visit? A. Yes B. No
If your answer is yes. where do they live?

5. What language do you speak when you are talking with your:
Close friends?
Father? Mother?
Brother(s) and sister(s)?

6. What does your mother with whom you are living do?.
A. Full-time Housewife and mother

B. Part-time work as a
(Give name of jobi)
C. Full-time work as a
(Give name of job.)
7. If you have lived outside the Philippines. please answer this question:
In which foreign countries have you lived before you came-to the Phil-

ippines? List the countries and tfill what you liked/disliked about
going to school in each country.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Did you go In which Why did you like What did you dislike
to a DODD country did the school? about the school?
school? you live? Why do you miss

Yes or No the school?

 

 

 

 

 

 

If you have never lived outside the Philippines. answer the following:
Would you like to live or go to school in the U.S. or other military base
school other than a military base school in the Philippines?

A. Yes Which country?
B. No Why?

 

 

227

228

8.’-How miny times have you changed schools?

A. i. B. 2. c. 3. D. 1:. E. 5. F. 6. G. 7. H. more than 7 times
9. 4When I change schools. my grades usually

A. go up. B. stay the same. C. go down.
10. I usually do my best work in

A. mathematics. B. English. C. science. D. social studies
11. What is/are your extra-curricular school activity/ies?

 

 

12.. What is/are the major reason/s for your selection of this/these
activity/ies?

 

 

‘13. When do you get together with the other students who are in this/these
activities?

— During school (such as eating lunch together):

. A. Often B. Sometimes 0. Never
- After school: A. Often B. Sometimes C. Never
- During weekends: A. Often B. Sometimes c. Never

 

in. My best friend is: A. Male B. Female Age:
Origin:
15, I can talk with him/her about personal problems bothering me.
A. Yes B. No
16. -How much influence does you family have on your choice of'friends?
A. Very much B. Some G. None
17. -How often do your friends come to your home to visit?
A. Often B. Sometimes c. Never

18, What kind of people or group do you usually avoid?'

 

19. What is your interest ina future career/job right now?

A

20. .When I have to decide my future. I think I will get the most important
advice from: '

 

 

A. my parents B. my friends
0. my teachers D. other:
21. How long is your father usually away from home on duty?
A. Never B. A few days a month C. A week a month
D. Two weeks a.month B. More than two weeks F. Other:
22. When my father is away. my grades usually
A. gO'up. B. stay the same. C. go down.

23. I feel that my parents are most interested in in _
‘ A. grades. B. happiness. G. friends. D. behavior in school.

B. assuming responsibility.

29‘
»25.

126.

28.

30.

31.

33-
3“.

35.

1229

Bow important is the quality of your school work to your family?

-A. very important B. Some what important

C. Not at all important

 

How often do.your parents (A. Father. B. Mother) push you to do your
homework?

A. Often. - B. Sometimes C. Seldom D. Never

Who is in charge of discipline in your home?

A. Father B. Mother C. Grandfather D. Grandmother

B, Other:

At what time does your family expect you to go to bed?

A. Beforé 8 P.M. B. Before 9 P.M. C. Before 10 P.M.

D. Any time I want -

Are you assigned household chores or work to do in your home?
A. Yes B. No

If you answered 13;, what kind of’work are you eXpected to do?

 

How often do you have serious talks with your father/mother in a
typical week?

A. Often B. Sometimes C. Never

Do you spend your holidays with your family?

A. Often B. Sometimes C. Never

Which holidays do you celebrate?

A. None B. Only American holidays

C. Only my origin country( ) holidays

 

D. American holidays and my origin country holidays

. How often do you watch TV?

 

 

 

 

A. I don't watch TV B. 1 hour a day

C. 2 hours a day D. 3 hours a day

,2. 4 hours a day F. more than 4 hours a day

What are your favorite TV programs? (Please list in order.)
lst 2nd

3rd 4th

I eat,mostly:

A. American style foods B. Oriental foods

C. Mexican foods D. Other:

Which is the best reason for me to avoid getting into trouble on base?
A. It may harm my father's career.

B. It would cause my friends to look down upon me .

C. It would cause me to look down upon myself

 

APPENDIX E

LETTER FROM DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE

CONCERNING STATUS OF RESEARCH

DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE
osssnosnrsscwoots
FUTENMA sox 796
FPO SEATTLE 98772-508!

 

July 10, 1984

PACIFIC

REF/635-4815

MEMORANDUM FOR Mrs. Tazuko Olson

SUBJECT: Research Project

In reviewing the records for projects approved prior to SY 83-84 we notice
that you were collecting data for your dissertation entitled 'Third Culture
Factors in the Experiences of Eighth Grade Students in an Overseas
Environment.‘ We also understand that verbal approval was granted you by Dr.
Don Ellis, CSA-Philippines.

Therefore, at your convenience, please inform this office of the current

status of your project and the anticipated date of completion. Also, if we
can be of any assistance, do not hesitate to call.

EARL L. FICKEN
Evaluation Coordinator

230

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