ARE MY W: G. M.
WRDNG AND THE DEPAR’WENT
0F HISTORY AT THE
UMVERSITY OF TORGNTO
Ph. D.

MECHFGAN STATE UNIVERSITY

WILUAM W MBKLE

1977

 

 

 

This is to certify that the

thesis entitled

And Gladly Teach: G.M. Wrong and the
Department of History at the University
of Toronto.

presented'by

William Duncan Meikle

has been accepted towards fulfillment
of the requirements for

Ph.D. History

degree in

 

 

    

Major professor

Date 2/25/77

 

0-7639

 

 

 

 

ABSTRACT

And Gladly Teach: G.M. Wrong and the Department
of History at the University of Toronto

By

William Duncan Meikle

Prior to 1890 history in Canada was seldom taught in
universities and was written by men untrained in the discipline.
By 1930 the Canadian Historical Association and Review had
come into existence. graduate work in history was well under-
way, and the writing of history was dominated by full time

and well trained professors of history.

The Department of History at the University of Toronto
was a major force in this develOpment. This thesis tells the
story of that development under George Wrong, the head of the
Department from 1892 to 1927. Wrong and the men and women he
appointed deve10ped a curriculum and established a tradition
that can be summarized by the phrase "and gladly teach".

The students who passed through that department became imbued
with an enthusiasm for history and public service. Between
them they helped establish the historical profession in

Canada.

The material for this study was drawn from university
publications, periodicals, minutes and presidential papers.
the publications, biographies, diaries and personal correspond-

ence of the staff and some students, the minutes and correspondence

of organizations outside of the university to which the members
of the Department belonged and interviews with staff and
students. Also useful was an analysis of the patterns of
decisions in areas such as appointments, curriculum changes,
theses accepted and publications. From this material it was
possible to identify the values held by Wrong and members of
his staff. '

Wrong looked to Oxford for his model. The Oxford pattern
was adapted to the needs of Toronto in several areas: the
History Department had close ties with the Departments of
Classics and English, students were encouraged to complete
their education at Oxford and up to 1929 most of the appointees
to Toronto had an Oxford degree,and the staff praised the
Oxford systems and values. The most significant of these
values were the emphasis on good writing, the desire to identify
and teach the best students in small groups, and realization
thatsome effort must be made to reach the general public

through lectures and books.

No other institution in Canada produced as many leaders
of the historical profession as did the University of Toronto.
Wrong and members of his staff were instrumental in develOp-
ing the practice and standards of critical analysis of
historical writing in Canada. They wrote books and articles
for all levels and between them dominated the histories of
Canada and Great Britain that were used in elementary and

secondary schools across Canada. The Department of History

produced the largest prOportion of graduate students in
history in Canada and many of these became heads of history

departments in other universities.

The background and values of Wrong and his staff, coupled
with the dominance of the University of Toronto in Canada,
created a nucleus of a historical profession that had
distinctive features, features that have continued to affect

‘ the study of history in Canada.

AND GLADLY TEACH: G.M. WRONG
AND THE DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY AT
THE UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO

by

William Duncan Meikle

A THESIS
Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

Department of History

1977

© Copyright by
WILLIAM DUNCAN mm

1977

A Clerk there was of Oxenford...

Whatever money from his friends he took

He spent on learning or another book

And prayed for them most earnestly....

Formal at that, respectful in the extreme.
Short, to the point, and lofty in his theme.
The thought of moral virtue filled his speech
And gladly would he learn, and gladly teach.

--Geoffrey Chaucer,
"The Prologue" in T e
C terb Tal s.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

List of Tables . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . iv
List of Appendices . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . v

Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Vi
Acknowledgments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xv
Abbreviations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xvi

INTRODUCTION: THE NINETEENTH CENTURY BACKGROUND

Chapter

1. "Modern History had no Place": Sir Daniel Wilson and
History at the University of Toronto. 1853-1892 . . . . . 1

PART I: THE BEGINNINGS (1892-190“)

2. "Gladly Would He Learn": The Early Life and Philosophy
of George M I wrong I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I 19

3. ”And Gladly Teach": The Curriculum as a Reflection of
wrong. 8 vanes I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I M

h. ”I am Busy with My Review": The Historical Work of
George Wrong Beyond the Department of History . . . . . . 65

PART II: A TRADITION ESTABLISHED (1905-1919)
5. ”An Oxford Training is Most Valuable": Appointments to

the Department of History . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87
6. "Men Who Know Their Classics Make the Best Historians":
Curriculum and Teaching Methods in the Department . . . . 112

7. "Moulding the Thoughts on Canadian History":
Nationalism and Historical Work Beyond the Department . . lhl

PART III: YEARS OF TRANSITION (1920-1929)

8. "Character. Good Manners and Forcefulness": Appointments
in th. 19203 I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I 166

9. The Best B.A.: the Worst M.A.: Changes in the Graduate
he?“ I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I 182

10. "We Must Interpret Events”: The Historical Work of
George Wrong Beyond the Department . . . . . . . . . . . 198

PART IV: THE THIRTIES AND BEYOND
ll. "Into a.New Era": Building on the Tradition . . . . . . 215

PART v} concmsrous

12. "And Gladly Teach": The Significance of George Wrong and
the Department of History at the University of Toronto . 231

Appendi c . s I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I 2 u?
Bibli og‘phy I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I 3 39

List of Tables

Arts Students and Staff in 1890
Appointments 1904-1919

Appointments 1920-1929

External Format in M.A. Theses in History

Subject Areas of M.A. Theses Granted in
History, 1893-1940

Subject Classification of M.A. Theses in
History, 1893-1926

Occupations of 127 M.A. Graduates in History,
1893-1940

Appointments 1930-1939

History Staff 1970: Country of Training

iv

11

87
166
186

190

191

192
216
218

List of Appendices

AI

iii-100w

Background and Duties of Some Early Professors
of History in Canada

The Department of History, 1890-1970

Members of the Department°of History 1892-1940

Bibliography of George M. Wrong

Textbooks by Wrong, Wallace and Brown Authorized
for Use in Elementary and Secondary Schools in

Canada

Ph.D. and M.A. Degrees Granted in History in
Canadian Universities

Selected History Departments in Canada and
Potential Toronto Influence

M.A. Theses Accepted by the Department of History,
1893-1940, and Occupations of the Graduates

Ph.D. Degrees Granted by the Department of History,
1925—1967, with Supervisors and Later Careers of
the Graduates

The Professional Historian: an Extended Definition

The Canadian HistoricalfiReview and the Department
of History, 1920-1939

History Staff, 1970: Country of Training,
Field of Interest _

Some Early Professors of History in the United
States

247

2G8

249

266

301

302

303

30L:

314

320

335

336

337

 

PREFACE

This is the story of a Department of History-~its
founding, growth, values and influence. The membership of
the Department is defined by the University calendars and
records of appointments and pay: in each of these areas
the men and women described here were listed under the
heading "Department of History". Those who made up the
Department had several things in common: they were appointed
‘by Wrong or on his recommendation and they worked together--
physically, socially and intellectually--on matters of
curriculum, standards, and the responsibility of teaching
a variety of subjects to a variety of classes. This thesis
is an attempt to describe their backgrounds, the values
they brought to the University of Toronto and to the study
of history, and something of the impact they had on their

students and on the Canadian public.

Much of the story is known to those whose lives
centre on the University of Toronto but very little has
been written for the record. Most studies of the University
concentrate on the broader subjects of administrative
structure, financial problems, or the relationship with the
provincial government. These studies, while valuable, are

far removed from the appointment of individual professors,

vi

 

the interchange between professor and student, and the

work of the professor outside of the classroom.

The introduction describes the work of Sir Daniel
Wilson, who was the first person to teach history at Toronto--
but not the first historian. The Department of History had
its beginnings in 1892 with the appointment of George Wrong
(1860-1948). Wrong's work as head of the Department is
divided into three parts: the period up to l9OA, during
which he was the only teacher in the Department; from l90h
to the end of the First World War: and from the end of the
war to the arrival of Chester Martin two years after Wrong
retired. (George Smith was acting head from 1927 to 1929).
Within each part the organization is the same: the first
chapter introduces those who were appointed. The second
chapter in each part describes the Depatment as a whole--
the curriculum in theory and in practice, and the teaching
methods. The third chapter describes the work of the staff
in areas related to history yet outside the Department.
Part IV is a brief attempt to show that the changes since
1929 were not a complete rejection of the tradition establish-

ed by Wrong and his staff.

The most basic of Wrong's values-~and the theme of
this thesis--was the commitment to teaching. Wrong and those
he appointed felt that their first obligation was to teach,

not only in the classroom but in the country as a whole.

vii

They instructed the community in many ways-~by the example

of their character and personal life: by speaking in public:
and by writing for audiences at many levels, from the man-in-
the-street and the elementary school teacher, to the univer-
sity professor and the occupant of appointed or elected
office. The title of this thesis could be applied to almost
every one of the men and women who taught in the Department:
between them they established a tradition that has lasted to

the present.

A secondary theme is the develoPment of the history
profession in Canada. The period covered by this study was
a period of transition. Prior to 1890 most of the history
written in Canada was the product of men untrained in the
discipline. Men like Wrong were the first of the full-time
historians and they contributed a great deal to raise the
standards of historical writing and research, and to provide

a particular interpretation of Canadian history.

Wrong and his generation were also part of the
transition away from an older style of historical writing.
Wrong's insistence that history was primarily narrative, his
desire to have history closely linked with literary studies,
and his desire to have students trained more in breadth than
in methodology or in a narrow speciality are examples of
nineteenth century traditions of historical writing in Britain
and in the United States. Yet, while rooted in the nineteenth

century, Wrong and his Department anticipated and encouraged

viii

many of the features of the modern approach to history such
as extensive use of archives, documented articles, raising
standards through constant criticism. specialized teachers,

instruction in the methodology of history, and graduate degrees.

Some mention should be made of the author's bias.

When I began this study I was intrigued by the apparent
shift from an Oxford model toward the American. I had
intended to introduce the thesis with the phrase carved on
the Memorial Tower at the University of Toronto: "Nothing
is here for tears, nothing to wail...? By this I meant
that, although I was tracing the americanization of an
institution, I was not really concerned with anything more
than an analysis of the phenomena. I no longer have that

point of view.

The cumulative impact of living in the United States
for four years affected my belief that I was not really
concerned with anything more than an objective description
of the americanization of the University. One facet of
this experience was the realization that Canada and Canadians
are not the same as the United States and Americans. The
differences in manner, tradition, style--call it what you
will--are intangible and very subtle, but they exist none-
theless. This alone would have been sufficient reason for
shying away from the americanization model, even without

the methodological problems that arose.

ix

 

 

 

is

 

 

I had set the deve10pment of the University of Toronto
within the context of North America partly because of the
many similarities between Toronto and universities in the
United States, and partly because I did not want to be
charged with describing Toronto in a "vacuum". But it soon
became apparent that this approach was either insufficient
or erroneous. Eventually I decided that the "americanization"
model was based on a questionable assumption--that Canada
and the University of Toronto were derivative in nature,
little more than a pale c0py of universities in the United
States. It is an easy assumption to make: much of the
development of Canada has been preceeded by similar develop-
ments in the United States and it is a common belief in
Canada that whatever happens in the United States will also
occur in Canada, although perhaps years later and in some-

what altered form.

At the Opposite extreme to the "derivative assumption"
is the "indigenous assumption"--the assumption that Canada.
and the University of Toronto, developed in a manner that
can be discussed solely within the context of Canadian
traditions. This is not to claim that Canada (or Toronto)
developed in a vacuum, nor is it to deny that Canada has no
roots in, or was unaffected by, deve10pments in the United
States, England or EurOpe.- It is merely the: claim that
Canada is a sufficiently valid context within which one can

discuss the deve10pment of the University of Toronto. It

X

 

is merely the claim that the assumptions lying behind the
indigenous explanation or model are as valid as the assump-
tions lying behind the derivative model. Neither model is
absolutely sufficient, and the indigenous model is easier

to work with.

There are some indications that the University of
Toronto did in fact develop in a manner that was more indi-
genous than derivative. For one thing, the Preamble of the
Report of the Commission on University Discipline (1906)
stated that while the University had built on European
traditions, it was clear that it was also built on traditions

that grew out of the religious and political situation in

1

Ontario. Also, in an article written in 1912, it was stated

that Sir Daniel Wilson felt contempt for Oxford and Cambridge
and he would not have Toronto c0py Scottish models either.
"He desired the University of Toronto to create a type of

its own" and it would seem likely that he succeeded in

doing $0.2

lpp. vii-xvii. See also C.W. Humphries,. "James
P. Whitney and the University of Toronto" in Edith Firth,
ed., Pro 1 e of Pr v'n e Studi 'n t Histor of
Ontario, Toronto; Ontario Historical Society, 19 7 122.

2George M. Wrong, "Sir Daniel Wilson" Arbor III
(January 1912) 159. See also A. F. Bowker, "Truly Useful
Men, Maurice Hutton, George Wrong, James Mayor and the
University of Toronto", (Ph. D. Toronto, 1975) 398- 9: and
W. S. Milner, et. al. Honour Classics n t
Toronto, (Toronto, University Press, 1929h e30- -31: "...the
course in Toronto is far from being a pale reflection of
that in Oxford. It is rooted in our own needs, and stands
or falls as it answers to them."

  
   

xi

Another area of possible bias is the author's reaction
to the unrest, chaos and apparent decline of standards in
universities in both Canada and the United States since
the mid l960s. Comparisons of this period and the many
factors involved, with my own years as a student in the early
1960s and also with the descriptions of university life in
the years 1890-1930 have left me with the feeling that some—
thing valuable has been lost or diluted. For these reasons
I feel that there may indeed be something "here for tears",
and the values symbolized by the phrase "and gladly teach"
anemuch closer to my present state of mind. It is my hope
that this study will do more than record the activities of
a significant group of peOple; it is my hope that this study
will show that their lives and values are worthy of emulation

by the students and teachers of the future.

This thesis is not without weaknesses. First, it
was written by an "outsider"; a member of the faculty of
the University of Toronto would be in a much better position
than I to imagine what happened in early meetings. Second,
the analysis of the Department of History touches but
briefly on a number of topics which deserve more attention.
Third, even within the context of the Department of History
this paper has limitations. There is, for example, no
mention of faculty meetings, and very little mention of
internal politics, because some papers were not yet open to

researchers, the minutes of early department meetings appear

xii

to have been lost, and the correspondence is not complete.
Fourth, there are many men whosecontribution is ignored or
understated. W.S. Wallace and W.P.M. Kennedy were not full-
time members, and Harold Innis was not a member at all, even
though he was close to the Department. Members of the Depart-
ments of Classics, English and Political Science were also
close to the Department of History, but--apart from some
minutes of the graduating department of English and History--
there is neither space nor documentation to describe these
relationships. A fifth area of weakness is historiography,
the study of the written works of the men in the Department.
This is touched on but lightly in the case of Wrong, and not
at all in the case of the others. These topics all deserve
further exploration but I decided that it was enough to.

describe the Department of History under George Wrong.

The focus is on Wrong because he was the head, and
for twelve years the only member of the Department. Yet
it is not a biography of Wrong and there is much more to
his life than is described here. More attention is paid
to the school textbooks written by Wrong than to books
written for adults. Many peOple read his textbooks, and
for some it was the only history of Canada or Britain they
read. Yet this thesis is not a study of Wrong's historio-
graphy: more needs to be done on his views of Canada, the
changes in his views, and his later books. The study mentions

the deve10pments in other universities but it is not a study

xiii

in comparative education. Nor is this a study of what the
students thought. It is a study of the Department of History
under one man: the appointments he made, the curriculum and
methods he and his colleagues develOped, and something of

their work beyond the classroom.

xiv

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

More than one hundred people replied at length to
letters or consented to interviews regarding this thesis.
Even the list of teachers who can take some of the credit
for this work covers four universities and goes back ten years.
or even further, if I were to include those who first aroused
my interest in Canadian historiography and the University of
Toronto. Obviously I can do no more than say I am very grate-
ful for the help given me by these people, by the archivists.
librarians, and faculty at Carleton, Case-Western Reserve and
Michigan State, and by the many people who have had a direct
acquaintance with the Department of History at the University
of Toronto. There are, however, some whose interest, patience
and assistance goes far beyond the call of duty or normal
courtesy. The staff of the University of Toronto Archives,
Library, and Department of Rare Books and Special Collections
deserve far more credit than they are ever likely to receive.
Alan Bowker provided many ideas and encouragement when it was
most needed. Without the material provided by Mrs. C.H.A.
Armstrong the early portions of this thesis would have been
much less thorough. Professor Carl Berger read an early
version and made many useful suggestions. And most of all, my
wife Alison, whose support during the preparation of this

thesis meant all the difference in the world.

Abbreviations:

Armstrong Collection

AHR
CHR
DL

LC
OA

PAC
RHPRC
UTA

UTL

Papers in the possession of Mrs.
C.H.A. Armstrong, Toronto, Ontario.

American Historical Review
Canadian Historical Review

Douglas Library. Queen's University
Kingston, Ontario.

Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.

Province of Ontario, Archives, Toronto,
Ontario.

Public Archives of Canada, Ottawa.
Ontario.

figyiew of Historical Publications
Relati to Canada

 

 

University of Toronto Archives, Toronto,
Ontario.

Department of Rare Books and Special
Collections, University of Toronto
Library, Toronto, Ontario.

Il‘e.‘ .. .

 

INTRODUCTION

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY BACKGROUND

CHAPTER ONE

"Modern History Had No Place":
Sir Daniel Wilson and History at the University
of Toronto, 1853-1892

Prior to the nineteenth century, writers of history were
not trained in history, did not see themselves primarily as
historians, and did not earn their living solely through the
teaching and writing of history. The histories they wrote
were usually uncritical narratives. The nineteenth century
saw the beginnings of change in two related deve10pments:
the idea of history as a science, and the transfer of the
practice of history to the university. As a science, history
became more exacting in method: as a university subject
history became the preserve of a select group.1 This
Chapter will provide a brief outline of these deve10pments--
or their absence--in EurOpe, United States, Canada and the

University of Toronto.
History as a science was articulated in Germany in the

lJ.R. Hale, ed, The Evolution of British Historic a h
from Bacon to Namier New York, World Publishing, 19 10-35;
Harry Elmer Barnes, A History of Historical Writing (New York,
Dover, 1937, 1962) passim: Felix Gilbert, "European and
American Historiography", in History: The Development of
Historical Studies in the United States John Higham, et. a1.
(Englewood Cliffs, Prentice Hall, 1965) 315 ff.

historical seminar of LeOpOld von Ranke, in which documentary
material was examined in minute detail to determine its
validity as evidence. This practice developed habits of

I intellectual independence and thoroughness in thought and
method.2 The German seminar had little direct effect on the
historians in England but similar trends can be seen. Hale
states that, in 1871 and 1873, respectively, Oxford and
Cambridge permitted undergraduates to study history, and
history alone, for the first time: the Epglish Historical
Review began in 1886: the works of J.A. Froude, published
between 1856 and 1870, show an increasing use of document-
ation: and in 1898 a historian lamented the disappearance

of "artistic narration" and "glowing style" in favour of
"original research...the study of special institutions and

...punctilious precision of minute detail."3

It would be impossible to provide a full picture of
the teaching and writing of history in the United States
prior to 1876 (the year that graduate study at The Johns
Hopkins University began) but three main characteristics may
be nOted. First, undergraduate work in history was primarily

recitation of specific textbooks which were often selected on

2C.F. Thwing, The American and the German University
(New York, Macmillan, 1928) Q6-5h: G. Iggers and Konrad

von Moltke, eds. The Theory and Practice of History by
Leopold von Ranke (New York, Bobbs Merril, 1973) xi-xx.

3Hale, British Historiography, 5M-9.

the basis of moral or denominational values.)+ Second, history
writing was seldom "scientific" as later generations came to
understand the term. William Burgess of Columbia and Herbert
Adams of Johns Hopkins were the first fully trained full-time
professors of history and they did not teach until 1873 and
1876 respectively. Prior to that men like Francis Parkman

and George Bancroft dominated the field, and, while they were
not unreliable as historians, their concentration on the
broader and more romantic theme of the American epic resulted
in the multi-volumed narratives rather than analytic mono-
graphs.5 Even Bancroft, who had studied in Germany, was

prone to make generalizations which "preceded rather than
followed [research]".6 Third, graduate instruction in history

was almost non-existent.7 There had been attempts to organize

uJurgen Herbst, The German Historical School in Americ

Scholarship (Ithaca, Cornell UniversityPEess, 19 5 23:

H.H. Bellot, American History:apd American Hiatoriapa (Norman,
University of Oklahoma Press, 19527L1-2: Richard Hofstadter
and W.P. Metzger, The Development of Academic Freedom in the
United States (New York, Columbia University, 1955 2 .

5William A. Dunning, "A Generation of American Histori-
ography", American Historical Association Annual Report (1917)
351-52: Barnes, Historical Writipg 229-3A: G.M. Andrews,
"These Forty Years", American Historical Review (hereafter AER)
XXX (January, 1925) 233-5: Bellot, American Historians 15.

6

 

Herbst, The German Historical School 101.

7Richard J. Storr, Th Be innin s of Gr duate Education
in America (Chicago, University of Chicago Press. 1953)

vii-viii: Bellot, American Historians 8.

\Il‘l .ll'lllllllllnltul llll'lllll

 

 

 

 

formal seminars in history at Michigan in 1869 under C.K. Adams
and at Harvard in 1870 under Henry Adams, but these had not
overcome the prevailing tradition of non-specialized study
geared to "gentlemanly" interests.8 Writing in 1880, R.T.

Ely said "no American College teaches United States history

"9

thoroughly, and later another historian said: «In 1880

there were only eleven professors of history in the whole

10

country." As late as 1884 there were "only fifteen profes-

sors and five assistant professors who gave all their time to
history."11
By 1900, however, the situation had changed considerably.
“The Johns HOpkins University had become the model for graduate
instruction in the United States. By 1901 the historical
seminar under Herbert Adams had granted 104 Ph.D. degrees and
many of these graduates later held positions of leadership in
the profession: the American Historical Association was begun

by Adams in 1884: the Johns HOpkins University Studies Series

8Herbst, The German Historical School. 35-41.

9R.T. Ely, "American Colleges and German Universities".
Harpers 61 (July 1880) 256.

1°W.P. Webb, "The Historical Seminar. Its Outer Shell

and Its Inner Spirit." Mississippi Valley Historical Review
XLII (June 1935 7-

llJ.F. Jameson, "The American Historical Association,
1884-1909”, AHR XV (October 1909) 2.

 

began to publish monographsin 1882 and Columbia University
founded a similar series in 1891: and the American Historical
Review began in 1896.12 The cumulative effect of these changes
meant that the study of American History had adOpted the

values of science, and was dominated by academics.

The development of history in Canada followed a similar
pattern. History writing in the nineteenth century was
largely narrative and was written by men who did not have
formal training in history and who did not practice the art
on a full-time basis. Most of those who wrote history were
journalists (for example: Hannay, McMullen) or lawyers

(Christie, Gunn): a smaller number were doctors (Canniff),

12C.W. Eliot. cited by w.c. Ryan, Studies in Graduate
Education (New York, The Carnegie Foundation for the Advance-
ment of Teaching, Bulletin No. 30, 1939) 3-4: Charles Keyes
"Quality of Intellectuality in American Universities", Tag
Johns Hopkins Alumni Magzine, III (March, 1915) 199-204: E.G.
Bourne, "The Early History of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
in the United States". Educational Review, X (June 1895) 82-84:
Herbert B. Adams: Tributes of Friends, The Johp§_H0pkins
Studies in Historical and Political Science, extra volume XXXIII,
(Baltimore, The Johns Hopkins Press, 1902).

The seminar under Adams produced six Presidents of the
American Historical Association: C.M. Andrews, C.H. Haskins,
J.F. Jameson, James Schouler, Frederick Jackson Turner, and
Woodrow Wilson. It produced five Presidents of the American
Political Science Association: J.S. Reeves, Albert Shaw, W.F.
and W.W. Willoughby and Woodrow Wilson. A.W. Small was
President of the Sociological Society and the American Economic
Association. Graduates of the seminar were editors of the
following journals:

American Historical Review — J.F. Jameson 1895-1901,l905-1928

American Political Science Review - W.W. Willoughby 1906-1917

Journal of Political Economy - T.B. Veblen 1896-1905

American Journal of Sociology - A.W. Small 1895-1926

Yale Review - C.M. Andrews 1910-1931

engineers (Kingsford), businessmen (Begg), clergymen (Bryce)
or civil servants, (Heriot, Bourinot). As a group they
restricted research to COpying from other secondary accounts
or from official documents, choosing between contradictions
when they could not resolve them, and putting the story into
the most readable form possible. These men lacked a concept
of history as a discipline and quite often, sometimes

13

consciously, wrote from a very partisan point of view.

History in universities was taught by men whose training
was usually in theology, and less often in classics or science.lu
There were no separate departments for history and many
teachers of history were responsible for other subjects or

for administrative duties, or both. No Canadian history was
taught. Indeed, according to Preston, "modern history had no
place at all."15 The content of history courses was restricted
to Greek and Roman history and some European history and was

often taught in conjunction with the study of languages.

When public figures discussed curriculum at the university

13See K.N. Windsor, "Historical Writing in Canada to
1920” in Carl F. Klinck, ed. Literar Histor of Canada
(Toronto, University Press, 1965) 20H-250.

1“See Appendix A: The theological background was common
at Harvard: see R.A. McGaughey, "The Transformation of American
Academic Life: Harvard University, 1821-1892" in Perspectives
'n American Histor , volume VIII, Donald Fleming and Bernard
Bailyn, eds., (Cambrid e, Charles Warren Centre for Studies in
American History, 1974 249 ff. Most American historians.
however, were not trained in theoloSY: see Appendix M.

15R.A. Preston, "Breakers Ahead and a Glance Behind"
Presidential Address, Canadian Historical Association Report
(1962) 4-7: Chester Martin, "Fifty Years of Canadian History"

in Fifty Years Retrospect Canada 1882-1932, Royal Society of
Canada Toronto, Ryerson, 1932 3-9.

16

level history received little or no attention. The opinion

was widespread that history as a subject was of no importance,

that anyone could read history because it was written in non-

technical English, and that therefore history did need not

be studied, and certainly did not need the assistance of a

professor. Opinions such as these lasted into the twentieth

century.17
An examination of the status of history at the University

of Toronto provides a specific example for the remarks above.

It also provides evidence that the study of history really

did not begin with Daniel (later Sir Daniel) Wilson, appointed

Professor of History, English and Ethnology in 1853. Daniel

. Wilson was born in Scotland in 1816, and was educated at

l6See: Edward Blake, Address at the Convocation of the
University of Torontp, 1892: J.M. Clark "The Functions of a

Great University" Inaugppal Address to Universit Colle e
Literary and Scientific Society, 1 November 1894, Toronto,
Bryant Press 1 95: G.W. Ross, The Polic of the Education
Department (Toronto, Warwick, 1897) (Ontario Archives
Pamphlet No. 27).

 

 

 

l7Canadian Fagmer's Sap, 17 October 1894: G.M. Wrong,
"Historical Study in thelfifiyersity and the Place of Medieval .
History" Inaugural Lecture (Toronto, Bryant, 1895) G.M. Wrong, j
"The Beginnings of Historical Criticism in Canada. 1896-1936,
"A Retrospect", Canadian Historical Review (hereafter CHR)
17(March 1935) 3-
This is not to say that there was no interest at all:
some demands were made to teach Canadian history. See:
unsigned editorials in The Varsity 28 October 1882 and
28 February 1885: Report of W.F. Stockley, to the University
of New Brunswick Senate, 1889, cited in A.G. Bailey, "Origins
of the Study of History in the University of New Brunswick,"
unpublished ms, University of New Brunswick} n.d.: "More
History for our Colleges", Acta Victoriana 7 (February 1884) 5.

 

Edinburgh University. As a boy he made many sketches of
buildings in Edinburgh and began to learn the art of engrav-
ing. He lived in London from 1835 to 1842 before returning to
Edinburgh. He earned his living as an engraver, art critic,
literary adviser, print seller, and as a writer of "potboilers".
He also produced Memorials of Edinburgh in Qiggn Time (2 vols.
1848) and Archaeology and Prghiatoric Appais of Scotlapg

(2 vols. 1851) plus a number of articles for the Society of
Antiquarians of Scotland. By 1853, he was sufficiently well

known as an archaeologist that he was invited to the University

of Toronto.18

Wilson was a very busy man and the subject of history

19

was the least of his concerns. Wilson's diary reveals

him as being concerned mostly with the administration of
University College and later the University of Toronto. The

issues on which he wrote in detail include appointments,

18For biographical details of Wilson see: Hugh Hannah.
"Sir Daniel Wilson: the Man and His Work", a pamphlet in
the University of Toronto Library, extracted from the seven-
teenth volume of the Book of the old Edinbur h Club, April,
1930: H.H. Langton, Sir Daniel Wilson- a Memoir (Toronto,
Thomas Nelson and Sons, Ltd., 1929): H.R. Fairclough "Sir ;
Daniel Wilson" Universi of Toronto Monthl (hereafter UTE)
2 (February 1902 ll -21: A.F. Hunter "The Semi-Centennial of
'Prehigtoric Man'" UTE 13 (November 1913). Wilson was knighted
in 188 .

l9A c0py of Wilson's diary is available in the University
of Toronto Library, Department of Rare Books and Special
Collections (hereafter UTL). The c0py was made by the Univer-
sity Librarian, H.H. Langton, who was requested by Wilson's
daughter to allow no one else to read it. All material relat—
ing to the university was COpied and the rest was destroyed.
H.H. Langton to W.S. Wallace, 13 June 1953.

 

 

co-education, the Federation of the University and attacks
upon it, intrigues by political leaders in Ontario, meetings
with the Attorney General, the fire of 1890, fund raising

and architecture. Only three times does Wilson talk about

his own history lectures and only once does he mention history

as a subject.20

From the list of Wilson's publications we see that his
scientific interests seldom included history. He wrote
biographical studies of Cromwell and Chatterton, one study
of "Wolfe and 01d Quebec" for The Canadian Monthly and a few
descriptive pieces on Edinburgh and architecture, but the
majority of his articles were in archeology or anthrOpology.
Wilson was active in the Canadian Institute, was editor of
the Canadiap Journai from 1854 to 1859, and was president
from 1859 to 1861 and 1878 to 1881. A series of 19 letters
to Sandford Fleming, most of them in a three year period,
1878-81, indicate that Wilson was concerned with matters of

fund raising and proof reading and even the task of getting

the material to the printer.21

20March 9, 1891, March 20, 1891, April 14, 1892. Wilson
was sufficiently interested in history to resist demands that
he teach ancient history. He insisted that Modern History
be assigned to the University and not to the colleges in the
Federation agreement of 1887. See Diary, 21 September 1853:
W.S. Wallace, A History of tha Univeraity of Toronto (Toronto,
University Press 1927) 131: UTL, W.S. Wallace Papers, Box 21
"History of University College".

ZlFleming Papers, Public Archives of Canada (hereafter
PAC). Both Fairclough and Hunter state that Wilson's main
interest 1a in Science. For a bibliography of Wilson's
work see: H.H. Langton, ed.], The University of Toronto and

Ita CollegesI i822-1906 (Toronto, The Librarian, 1906) 250-52.

‘Ililllllll'llllll'

 

 

 

10

Wilson did not use the summer break to further his

knowledge of history to any great extent. At least three

22 and

summers were taken up by archeological explorations
in later years he spent his summers in Scotland, or more
often in New Hampshire, where he did little else but walk
and paint.23 Art was his hobby. He spent as much time as
he could sketching and painting and for several winters in
Toronto the sketching club met in his house once a week.24
Wilson was also active in church and charitable works.
He was one of the founders of Wycliffe College, served on
its board for 14 years, and was often a delegate to the
Diocesan Synod. He was also Chairman of the Board of the
25

Newsboys Lodging House.

In addition to his duties as Principal of University

College from 1880, and President of the University from 1887,26

221855-56, 1875. See: Hunter, "Prehistoric Man", 16-17.

23W.A. Langton, "Sir Daniel Wilson as an Artist" UTM
2 (April, 1902) 182. "‘

2L‘Ihid.

25G.M. Wrong, "Sir Daniel Wilson" The Arbor, III
(January, 1912) 159-60. Wrong was secretary of the News
boys lodging House.

26The evidence suggests that Wilson took his duties
seriously. For meetings of the University Senate he was one
of the more constant attenders: he was present for 55 of 72
meetings in the four years from 1877 to 1880. See: Tha
Varsity, 9 April 1881.

l llllll'llll Illl

 

 

v > . 1r . n. Muir‘s”; “
. a.
I . . .
r a

 

 

Wilson had one of the heavier teaching loads. In terms of
total students, only three departments had more students
than did History and Ethnology, and in each of those depart-
ments assistance was available to the professor. The
statistics in Table 1 suggest that Wilson was overworked, or

that he was in danger of neglecting his classes, or both.

TABLE 1
Arts Students and Staff in 1890

Pass Honours Total Staff

Latin 230 63 293 l Lecturer. i fellow
French ' 120 103 223 l Lecturer. i fellow
German . 143 98 241 1 Lecturer, é fellow
Mathematics 202 29 231 1 Professor. 1 fellow
English 102 155 259 1 Professor, 1 lecturer
History and

Enthnology 149 8% 234 The President

NOTE: The number of students in eight other departments
ranged from 36 to 164. ‘One of the reasons for the
high enrollment in History and Ethnology was that it
was a required subject for students in Modern Languages.

SOURCE: Statistical table drawn up by William Dale and sent
to George Ross, 12 December 1890. Ontario Archives.
(hereafter 0A) R.G.2. Series D-7.

It would therefore appear that however much Wilson enjoyed
the study of history, his duties as Principal, President,
editor, and his interests in science, art and philanthrOpy
were such that one cannot say he devoted any significant
amount of time to history. He was, nevertheless, a scholar
and a teacher of history, and his work as a historian should

be assessed in those terms insofar as possible.

Wilson's general reputation has been mentioned and

further evidence that he was esteemed can be found in the

demand for his books. Mamorials of Eginburgh and Prahistoric

12

Annals ofScotlang both went into a second edition and
Prahiatoric Man went into three editions. A.F. Hunter was an
archeologist and his assessment of Wilson in 1912 points out
that Wilson laid some of the foundations for the methodology
of modern anthrOpology, and that other anthrOpologists and
scholars, including Huxley and Darwin, regarded Wilson as an
authority.27
A sampling of some of the less technical articles by
Wilson indicates that he read widely and was keenly aware of
the need to avoid judgments that were not supported by evidence.
For example, in an age when it was all too easy to make
assertions about race that would be rejected today, Wilson was
relatively free of attitudes that stereotyped racial features.
In an article dealing with the relationship of race and brain
size Wilson criticized generalizations that were unsupported
or that were Contradictory to the available evidence. He
pointed out that men of high ability vary greatly in brain
size and that some primitive races have relatively large
brains.28 On the other hand, Wilson was not completely free
of racist overtones when he spoke of "Negroesand other
typical representatives of inferior savage races" and the

apfitude of certain peOples to organize their own form of

27Hunter "Prehistoric Man", 18-19: see also: Langton,
Sir Daniel Wilson, 45-47.

28Daniel Wilson, "Brain Weight and size in relation to
Relative capacity of races", The Canadian Journal (of Science,
Literature, and History) new series, 15 (October 1876) 208-16.

llllllIillill

 

 

 

 

13

government.29 In an article dealing in part with Eskimos

there is no evidence that Wilson had ever seen an igloo and

in the same article he reveals a somewhat paternalistic point

of view regarding the life and values of the Indians.30 One
author provided an apt assessment of Wilson as a scholar and
teacher: "We may almost say that his learning was more diffuse
than accurate".31 We may conclude that Wilson was a synthesizer
and critic of existing literature in anthrOpology rather than a
reporter of original investigations, or that he made few
contributions to the field in his later years, or both, and

that his scholarship was concentrated in his early years.

Wilson the historian falls far short of the mark set by
Wilson the archeologist and anthrOpologist. His bibliography
contains no historical study of merit except possibly the
biography of Chatterton (1869). Wilson wrote in his diary
in 1889 that he hoped to write a history of America before
Columbus--even though he was nearly blind at the time--but
nothing ever came of this. Wilson did more as a teacher of

history than as a researcher or writer, but even as a teacher his

29Ibid., 197: Daniel Wilson, "Pre-Aryan American.Man"
Trapaagtiona, Royal Society of Canada. II (1883) 36, 43.

30Wilson "American Man" 36-38.

31"Sir Daniel Wilson" unsigned article in Review of

Historicai Publications Relating to Canada, 5 (1900) 204-5.
The author was probably H.H. Langton: a number of phrases in

this article and the Memoir by Langton are similar.

l lllllIIll Ill!)

 

 

 

 

 

14

his work is not outstanding. He commented once that he had

been reading about Henry VIII, and he mentions preparing for
lectures, but he spent very little time on history. He did not
regard the study of history as unimportant, but he said more
than once that he wanted to be free of the burden of lecturing
in history.32 What material there is indicates that his course
of study was at best a survey of thirty lectures covering the
period from Constantine to the Wars of the Roses.33 Rote learn-

ing was the norm and examinations offered neither choice nor

34

Opportunity for discussion or analysis. Obviously the teach-

ing of history under Wilson was far from innovative.

32Wilson, Diary. 19 May 1882, 1. November 1882, 13 April
1889, 9 March 1891: see also his Convocation Addreas (1888) 14.

33There is a list in Wilson's handwriting of two series
of lectures, undated, in History for the Easter term, Wrong
Papers, UTL. Notebooks from Wilson's Honours English class
(2nd year) had one lecture on Shakespeare and one lecture on the
Collier and Rose editions of Shakespeare. J.H. Coyne Papers,
University of Western Ontario. The pass course also showed a
tendency towards the survey approach. W.N. Ponton Papers,
University of Toronto Archives (hereafter UTA).

3I'LSee Examination Papers held in University of Toronto
Archives: in 1860 a First Year History Examination stated
"Legible writing and correct spellin are indispensable".
See also Preston, "Breakers Ahead", -7. For examples of
examinations in other places, see W.E. MacPherson, "Recent
Tendencies in Teaching of History" Ontario Education Association
Proceadinga (April 1916) 374-82, for excerpts from a Normal
School examination in history, 1851: and The One Hundred Prize

uestions ’n Canadian Histor and the answers of Herme , (Montreal
Dawson, 1880). 0A, Pamphlet 25.

 

15

The superficiality of Wilson's treatment of the subject
of history was criticized by close observers. John Langton, at
the time (1856) Vice Chancellor of the University and Auditor
General of Canada, wrote in a letter to his family:35

We have a department of History and a man at the
head of it Dr. Daniel Wilson, well known in EurOpe
as well as here, but his department is really rid-
iculous. In a five years course he only brings
English History down to Henry VII, and there is
absolutely no other history except that of Egypt
down to Cleopatra and that of Spain under Ferdinand
and Isabella, French and German history going with
those languages....

A second critic was John Squair: he had been an Honours student
in Modern Languages and History in 1882: he later became
Professor of French in the University of Toronto. In his
autobiography we wrote:36

The work [under Wilson] was heavy....It was rendered

more difficult than it might have been by the pre-

scription of a large group of ill-related treatises

on the History of Language and Literature, Ethnology,

etc., on which little help was given by the teaching

staff, for which it was not to blame. It was certainly

a much overworked staff.
Squair went on to say that in history he was required to read
many pages from Grote, Mommsen, Gibbon, Macaulay and others.
He felt that this "may be nothing but getting vague and imperfect
views of the great questions treated by eminent men, and sometimes
indeed getting nothing at allf' The third criticism came after

35John Langton, 12 November 1856, in.W.A. Lan on, ed.,
Early gays in Upper Canada (Toronto, Macmillan, 192 ) 289-90.
This letter was more than 6000 words long and dealt with many
aspects of the University in a critical fashion. After 1890,

History and Ethnology were placed in the Department of Political
Science. See UTA, Loudon Papers, A 27, M 56 (Page 6).

36John Squair, The Autob'o h of a Teacher of French
(Toronto, University Press, 1928) 71-3.

 

 

I I‘llll‘ [{l'elllll)

 

 

 

the fire of 1890, when Wilson's work in history declined even
more. He was burdened with the task of rebuilding, and he had

lost his set of notes reputed to have been "repeated for many

years". The situation led Edward Blake to write that "... the
accounts I receive of Sir Daniel's lectures are not at all
satisfactory."37

These criticisms, coming from men who were well aware
of the work of other teachers, and equally aware of the serious-
ness of their comments, must not be taken lightly. When combined
with other evidence of Wilson's work, their criticisms lend
considerable weight to the argument that Wison was not a major
force as a historian. One cannot even safely claim that Wilson
made a significant contribution to the study of history by influ-
encing his successor: George Wrong probably owed as much to
Wycliffe College and to his own personal deve10pment as he did

to Wilson. If Wilson had any influence on Wrong, it was not

37Blake to Sir Oliver Mowat, 11 June 1892, UTA, Blake
Papers. Edward Blake (1833-1912) was active in the Liberal
Party and was Chancellor of the University. Mowat was Prime
Minister of Ontario.

 

1?

while Wrong was an undergraduate.38

Thus Wilson, trained as an archeologist, interested
primarily in anthrOpology and university administration, and
to a lesser extent in art and charitable works, cannot be said
to have founded a Department of History or to have begun the
study of Modern History at the University of Toronto. He read
little in history and he wrote less. His program of lectures
was superficial and made little impact on his students. History
at the University of Toronto under Wilson resembled history in
Europe and the United States in the years prior to 1870: it had
not yet begun to grow towards an academic, scientific profession.
It is, therefore, with the appointment of George Wrong in 1892 ,
that the story of the Department of History must begin.

38In his Inaugural Lecture (1895) Wrong praised the
inspiring teaching of [Paxton] Young, but not that of Wilson.
In an article on "Sir Daniel Wilson", Arbor, III (January 1912)
150-60, Wrong stated that Wilson's contributions were in the
areas such as: building the university, character and sense
of duty, art, archeology, and charitable works: nothing was
said of Wilson's influence as a teacher. The only other
writers of history that attended the University of Toronto
before 1892 were George Bryce and H.H. Langton. Bryce never
became a full time historian and Langton was more of a
librarian and editor than a researcher and teacher. No
evidence was found for Wilson's work, if any, with graduate
students.

It is probable that the most significant contribution
of Wilson to the study of Modern History at the University of
Toronto was his insistence, at the time of Federation, that
the subject be assigned to‘the University and not to the
Colleges. See Wallace, History of the University, 131.

 

 

PART I

THE BEGINNINGS (1892-1904)

 

 

CHAPTER TWO

"Gladly Would He Learn": The Early Life and
Philosophy of George M. Wrong

For virtually all of his adult life George Wrong
did his writing at a desk on which his father had carved
Chaucer's description of the "Clerk" from "Oxenford":
"Gladly wolde he 1erne and gladly teche". These words
were suggested as an epitaph when Wrong died as a fitting and
symbolic summary of his life and values.1
George McKinnon Wrong was born in 1860, at Grovesend,
a small village near what is now Port Burwell, Ontario.
His father was descended from United Empire Loyalists and
both parents had landed gentry in their background. Life
in the colonies was not easy and neither family succeeded
in their attempts to live the life of an English country
gentleman. Wrong's father lost the family farm to fore-
closure and moved to nearby Vienna where he earned a meagre
living as a woodworker. Wrong completed his education there,
then went to Toledo, Ohio,to work in a mercantile house

owned by relatives: after two years he moved to Toronto

lGeoffrey Chaucer, "The Prologue" in Capterbury Tales:
W.S. Wallace, "The Life and Work of George M. Wrong" CHR 29
(September 1948) 237. '

19

 

20

where he worked in a bookstore.2 In 1879 he began his studies
at Wycliffe college and in 1880 he matriculated into the
University of Toronto. He took his degree in Divinity con-
currently with the work for a B.A. in Mental and Moral
Philos0phy and Civil Polity, graduating in 1883. Then he
joined the faculty at Wycliffe College.

Wycliffe College was founded in 1878 by the supporters
of the low church or evangelical wing of the Church of
England in Canada. The founding of Wycliffe was one expres-
sion of a split within the Church of England over matters of
ritual, philosophy and method.3 It was the hope of the
evangelical wing that Wycliffe would provide an alternative
to the established Trinity College for the training of clergy-
men and miSsionaries. These clergymen would provide a more
pure and simple form of service, and would emphasize mission
work in non-Christian countries and among the urban poor.
The evangelical wing hOped to rescue the Church of England
from the ”darkness of a sacerdotalism and the blight of

2G.M. Wrong, The Chronicle of a Fam (a mimeo-
gra hed pamphlet "for private use only" Toronto, 1938,
57-8: copy in UTL.

There is some confusion regarding the spelling of
Wrong's middle name. Wallace spells it "MacK...":
Chester Martin spells it "Mack...": Norman Wrong, who did
a genealogy of the Wrong family, spells it "McKinnon", as
it appears on.Wrong's baptismal certificate.

3See Philip Carrington, The An lic Church in Canada:
A History (Toronto, Collins, 1933) 110, 127-8:

21

ritual".4 When Wrong entered Wycliffe it was something of an

"outlaw" college and for many years there was an intense
rivalry between Wycliffe and Trinity. Wycliffe became
affiliated with the University of Toronto in 1885 and joined
the Federation in 1889.

Exactly why Wrong chose to go to Wycliffe is not known
but there are several possible reasons. Wrong grew up in Huron
Diocese: the Rector for Port Burwell and Vienna from 1866 to
1878 was Rev. John Shulte, a convert from Roman Catholicism,
and the BishOps of the Diocese during the Years of Wrong's
youth were Rev. Benjamin Cronyn and then Rev. Isaac Helmuth.
All three of these were Strong supporters of the evangelical
wing and the Huron Diocese was a "hotbed of evangelism".5
Their influence may have been the cause of a comment made by
Wrong in 1892, in which he stated that he had been filled with
"the fervor of Christian belief and the acceptance of
evangelical views". Another reason for choosing Wycliffe

might have been poverty: Wrong said that his family was

“Dyson Hague, et. al., The Jubilee Volume of Wycliffe
College (Toronto, Wycliffe College and University of Toronto

Press, 1927). The words are from a typewritten addition
facing page 44: the book contains many such.additions which
were probably written by Hague. The book is in the Wycliffe
Library.

5The phrase was used by Rev. W.R.R. Armitage, Maple,
Ontario, whose father had been a roommate of George Wrong
at Wycliffe. Interview, May 1971. The phrase implies that
the BishOp of Toronto and probably most of the Synod Opposed
the founding of Wycliffe College. Rev. T.R. Milman, Wycliffe
College, Interview, 26 March 1975.

 

22

"terribly poor" and Wycliffe had funds for needy students.
Another reason may have been the personal interest of J.P.
Sheraton, Principal of Wycliffe College. Wrong's later career
suggests that he chose Wycliffe from a combination of evangelism
and ambition: a desire to make something of himself and to help

6

others.

The tone of Wycliffe while Wrong was a student and a
teacher appears to have been one of dedication and almost belli-
gerent Protestantism. The rules stated that students were not
allowed to be out after 10 p.m., or to be absent without per-
mission, or to miss more than two lectures per term.7 The
required textbooks listed in the calendars Often present a partisan
or defensive point of view. Robert Flint attacked atheism,
materialism, positivism, secularism, and pantheism--showing
their inadequacies and contradictions--and presented arguments

against these positions. A.S. Farrar argued that free thought

6T.R.Milman, Interview, 26 March 1975: Wrong, Daily
Journal, 22 July 1892, in the possession of Wrong's daughter,
Mrs. C.H.A. Armstrong, Toronto (hereafter Armstrong Collection):
Mrs. C.H.A. Armstrong, Interview, 13 April 1972. J.B. Brebner,
"George Mackinnon Wrong" in L.G. Wickham Legg and E.T. Williams,
eds., Dictionapy of National Bjogpaphy, 1941-50 (Oxford, 1959)
979-80. A.F. Bowker, "Truly Useful Men: Maurice Hutton,
James Mavor, George Wrong and the University of Toronto,
1880-1927." (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of Toronto

1975) 73-75-

7Changes in the rules suggest life was not all that
dull. In 1895-97 students were told that smoking was
"forbidden?: by 1899 it was deemed necessary to change the
wording "forbidden" to "ABSOLUTELY PROHIBITED." See

Wycliffe calendars. Italics in the original.

 

leads to unbelief and infidelity. Canon Birks presented
arguments ("evidences") supporting the existence Of miracles
and the authenticity of the Bible. "The further any race of
men have been removed from contact with Divine revelation, the
deeper their moral darkness has become." William Paley wrote
250 pages of biology leading to the conclusion that natural
religion prepares the way for revelation. G.P. Fisher stated
that the four most "prominent events of modern history" were
the invasion of the barbarians, the crusades, the Reformation,
and the French Revolution. Charles Hardwick spoke even more

favourably of the Reformation:8
It recovered...the primitive and apostolic faith....
From it...has dated a new era in the moral progress
of the Western nations. It has led to the rejection
of that semi-Judaism in thought and feeling...the
servile posture of the Hebrew, as distinguished
from the free and filial spirit that should
characterize the children of God.
To be sure, these were not the only books used by Wrong as a
student and as a professor. The list does include books that
were more scholarly or objective, such as Green's History of
Englan , and Hooker's Ecclesiastical Polity, but most of the

texts used by Wrong as a student and later as a lecturer appear

8See Robert Flint.Anti-Thei tic Th ories (The Baird
Lectures for 1877) 4th ed. London, Blackwood, 1889):

A.S. Farrar, A Critical Histor of Free Thou ht in Reference
to the Christiap Religion (New York, Appleton, 1888): Canon
T.R. Birks, ed., A View of the Evidences of Christianit b
William Pale D.D. (London, Religious Tract Society, first
published 1794) 12: William Paley, Natural Theology (New York,
American Tract Society, n.d.) G.P. Fisher, The Reform tion
(New York, Scribners, 1894, lst. published 1873): Charles

Hardwick, A Histor of the Christ'an Church Durin the Reform-
ation, new ed. (London, Macmillan, 1883) 10.

 

to be dogmatic or defensive, or both, and filled with moral

fervour and faith in the progressive influence of Christianity.

In addition to his duties as lecturer in Church History
Wrong taught Liturgics and Apologetics for at least four
years.9 He was also Dean of Residence in 1885-6, Librarian
in 1888-9, and Registrar in 1888-9 and 1891-2. Wrong visited
several countries in EurOpe in the summer of 188A, and spent

a term studying in Germany.10

Wrong's connection with Wycliffe did not cease when he
joined the faculty of the University in 1892. He had been
one of the founders of the Wycliffe Alumni Association, and
was Secretary-Treasurer in 188u-5, President in 1889-90.

His work with the Alumni Association continued at least until

11

1902. He served on the editorial committee of the church

91885-6, 1887-8, 1889-91: calendars for some years
were not available.

loEvangelicg; Churchman, 9 (11 September 1884) 212:
Wrong "German Student Life" Vggsity, 10 (10, 17 March, 1891)
222-3, 234-5.

llWycliffe College, Alumni Association Minute Book.
The Alumni Association was a.major force behind efforts to
raise money to send missionaries overseas. See: Rev.
Canon S. Gould, "The Spirit of Missions" in Hague, Jubilee
Volume, 146-50.

25

periodical Parish and Home, which lasted until at least 1907.12
Of more significance is the fact that Wrong served as Examiner,
Honorary Lecturer and Lecturer at Wycliffe until 1913. At times
this was perhaps merely an honorary post, but he is listed

in several calendars as Lecturer in Apologetics, and from at
least 1910 to 1913 he taught Ecclesiastical History. The cash
books for the years 1910-13 show that he was paid $100 a month
for nine or ten months of each year.13 He was a trustee of
Wycliffe from 1895 to 1925, he continued to write for the
Evangelical Churchman until it ceased publication in 1899 and
he was involved in its management.14 Wycliffe College was

obviously very important to Wrong.

12Parish an Home was begun to "circulate evangelical
literature" and in 1 95 had a circulation of 4000. Hague,
Jubilee Volume, 46. A complete run could not be located.

13Wycliffe College, Calendars and cash books. Neither
set of books was complete.

1“In a form letter sent to Sir Leonard Tilley in 1894,
Wrong made an appeal for support for the Evangelical Churchman
in the form of capital for a printing establishment under the
management of J.E. Bryant. Wrong to Tilley n.d., Tilley
Papers, New Brunswick Museum, Box 34. Wrong himself put
money into the venture, and in 1898 was President of the firm.
In letters to his wife in that year he speaks of his doubts
that he will get his money back, and of problems with Mr.
Bryant. In October 1898 he stated that he had made the last
payment ($250) to Bryant Press. Interview 13 April 1972.

Mrs. Armstrong recalls that he had a "a frightful row" with
Bryant Press. See letters Wrong to Sophia Wrong, 17 October
1898, 21 October 1898, 11 November 1898, 29 March 1899, 9 April
1899 and 10 April 1899. Armstrong Collection.

 

 

26

Religious beliefs were a significant part of Wrong's
thought but should not be exaggerated. He took his theo-
logical degree but his service as a minister was limited to
one summer (1883) as a curate, several years as assistant
curate at St. James, occasional services at Murray Bay (his
summer home in Quebec) and some weddings. He avoided duties
such as baptisms and was happy when not obliged to hold
regular services.15 It was not uncommon then for a man to
take orders as preparation for a wide range of occupations,
or as a means of "finding” himself. It is quite possible
that Wrong fitted into either or both of these categories.
He said: "I find that the practical value the Bible has for
me is that I go to it to find out how God has dealt with man
in the past and So learn how I may expect Him to deal with

16

me". Religion may have been less important than sentiment:
his comments in letters to his wife during a lengthy separ-
ation in 1898-9 and after his son was reported missing in
action in 1916 reveal a man who was deeply emotional in his
sorrow and loneliness and who seemed to be determined to

believe that it was all for the best:"...we shall be a finer
race for all these days of trial."17 In 1923 he visited the

15Mrs. C.H.A. Armstrong,Interview, 13 April 1972:
see also Wrong to SOphia Wrong, 19 September 1898, 20
February and 10 April 1899, Armstrong Collection.

16Wrong, Daily Journal, [1892] 4, Armstrong Collection.

l7Wrong to Sophia Wrong, 5 December 1915, Armstrong
Collection.

 

 

 

 

 

”WHITM- .

 

 

 

27'”

area where his son and a nephew were buried and noted:18

It is futile to moralize about what they died for

and to ask whether they died in vain. One cannot

believe that either they or the enemy dead were

sacrificed in vain. But man advances by dark and

mysterious paths and we do not understand each

stage of the advance.

Wrong's religious beliefs had not been static. In
1892 he looked back and saw himself developing from an
earlier "fervour of Christian belief" and "acceptance of
Evangelical views" through several years of "doubts and
hesitations in regard to these views" to the beginnings
of a renewal of faith. He wrote of difficulties in
reconciling logic and science with religious faith and
of feelings that his teaching was less than adequate
because of these doubts. Although his Daily Journal (1892)
reveals that he still had many questions, he was able to
write that he was regaining "the simplicity of faith
again, the confidence that Christ is everything...."19
But Wrong's doubts seldom found expression in public.
Externally he maintained a consistent position, described
by Dyson Hague as not evangelical or practical, but
"Protestant", and by Bowker as that of an "unshakeable

optimist".20

18wrong, Travel Diary, 6 July 1923, Armstrong Collection.
19Wrong, Daily Journal, 22 July 1892, Armstrong Collection.

2°Hague, Jubilee Volume, 45; Bowker, "Truly Useful Men",
177 ff: 216.

 

 

 

28

Wrong's attachment to the evangelical wing was based
less on a theoretical or doctrinal position than on a
sense of mission, a desire to help others by reaching out
and showing them a better way. "Christianity is a system

of rescue, and the Church is a great missionary society"

8.21

wrote Wrong in 188 His approach was directed at the

emotions and his philos0phy was to accentutate the positive:

he questioned the spiritual value of ornate service and said

that he preferred a "More direct appeal to men's hearts".22

Wrong continued to support the evangelical position
after he became Professor of History, seeing an appoint-
ment to a friend as a victory for "men of our views" as
f against the "high and dry Anglicanism".23 Wrong's

"Protestantism" is shown most clearly in his denunciation

21Wrong, Letter, "City Missions" Evangeligal Churchman
12 (1 March 1888) 511: In his chapter on "Mission" Berger
defines the imperialist mind of men like G.R. Parkin and
G.M. Grant as a "tendency to infuse religious emotion into
secular purposes". They "exalted the role of ideals in
human affairs" and sought to re-establish the ideals of

service and duty...." Carl Berger, Th S nse of Power- Studies
in I e s o C ' Im r’ ism 82 -l 14 (Toronto,

University Press, 1970 217-20 and ff.
22Wrong, Daily Journal, 17 May 1892, Armstrong Collection.

23Wrong to Cody, 10/16 August 1903, 0A, Cody papers.
Henry John Cody (1868-1951) held many posts in Toronto which
touched the life of Wrong: in addition to being a Canon
and a Archdeacon, Cody was Minister of Education (1919). and
Chairman of the Board of Governors of the University (1923-
‘ 1932). He became President of the University in 1933.

29

of the alleged Jesuit intrigues. In defending Wycliffe

College against the charge of not meeting the threat of

the Jesuits, he wrotetzu

It may not be out of place for me to close by
deprecating from the historical standpoint any
panic over the aggressions of the Jesuits. Let
us be active in resisting that aggression...but
let us not fear the outcome. They have given us
the law of the Protestant succession in England,
they have paved the way for the English dominion
in India. They have been expelled from nearly
every country in Europe, and history teaches no
more certain lesson than that their power in this
country will not endure, for it contains the seed
of its own destruction.

Wrong's suspicions of the Jesuits was probably due to
his dislike of anything that smacked of authoritarian
fanaticism or a threat to individual liberty.25 Later,
perhaps as the heat of the controversy over the Jesuit
Estates had cooled somewhat, Wrong's views of the Jesuits
were less harsh.26
For Wrong there was little to distinguish the
functions of a clergyman and the functions of a professor:27
No study can satisfy me...that is not the study of
man. I could not engage in a study wh. began and
ended in merely literary criticism [of the Bible]....
I must study life, man, his cravings, his failures,

his hopes. I am in short by temperament a student
of History....

2“G.1\¢1.Wron§, (letter to Editor)E Manggl iga; Churchman,
l3 (4 October 18 8) 259- 60. See also a signed review in

Ibid., 9 (19 August 1886) 170.

25Bowker, "Truly Useful Men", 184.

26See below, 204-6.

27Wrong, Daily Journal, [1892] 4, Armstrong Collection.

30

A sense of mission pervaded in everything he did. Wrong's
speeches to students and his articles in The Varsity contain
a significant amount of exhortation--to study, to avoid impure
thoughts, to avoid the evils of drink, to work for the unity
of Canada, etc. Even history had a lesson to teach, he said.
In his inaugural lecture he spoke of the "true meaning" of
history: "History is concerned with wide and complex move-
ments... [which] have a deeper meaning, only to be grasped
when the insight and descrimination of a trained student are

brought to the task".28

The duty of the professor was to
awaken and inspire, and then guide the intellectual interests
of the student toward a discovery of the truth.29 The
purpose of a university education was not to enable a person
"to become a member of a class, [but] to secure a helpful
equipment for life in.any class".30
In addition to duties associated with the university
and historical research, Wrong's sense of mission led him into
many projects involving charity, temperance, or education.

Much of this work had its origins in his connection with the

men involved with Wycliffe College. The Newsboys Lodging Home

.28Wrong, Historical Study in the Univereity and the
Place of Medi eval Histor An Inau al Le ture Delivered
on Saturday, January 12, 1895. (Toronto: Bryant Press,
1895) 6, 9, 11.

291bid.. 9.

30Wrong, Travel Diary, 24 June 1923, Armstrong Collection.

had been one of Sir Daniel Wilson's pet projects, and Wrong
also committed himself to its needs. At one point, when new
quarters were planned for the home, Wrong was "thankful" that
he was not to have "any of the collecting to do". Four months
later he wrote that some $8000 had been collected and that he
had "sent out many appeals through the mails" and had thus

helped in the collection to the extent of three to four

hundred dollars.31

Wrong was one of a group of men who extended the concepts
of Wycliffe College into secondary and elementary levels of
education by founding Havergal College for girls and Bishop
Ridley College for boys, in 1893 and 1889 respectively.32
Wrong's house on Jarvis Street was not far from the early site

of Havergal, and Miss Knox, first Principal of Havergal,

31Wrong to Sophia Wrong, 12 January 1899 and 6 April
1899, Armstrong Collection. Wrong also worked for the Gren-
fell Mission, the Red Cross, and the Evangelia Settlement
House. Mrs. C.H.A. Armstrong, Interview, 13 April 1972. His
work with the Red Cross began about 1916 and culminated in
his election as President of the Ontario Red Cross (1929-31).
See Red Cross in Ontario, lee;_§eeke.

32Some of the names which appear on the early lists
of trustees or overnors are: R. Millichamp, N.W. Hoyles,
and S.H. Blake on all three boards) and Rev. S. Jones,
Sir Casmir Gzowski and B.H. Dixon (Wycliffe and Ridley only).
For the values of the schools and the "inter-locking directorate"
of their boards, see J.D. Purdy "The English Public School
Tradition in Nineteenth Century Ontario" in Aspects of
Nineteenth Centur Ontario: Ess s Presented to James J.
Talman, F.H. Armstrong, et. al. eds. (Toronto, University
of Western Ontario in association with University of
Toronto Press, 1974) 240-1.

 

32

and others on the staff were well acquainted with the

Wrong family. Wrong served as Secretary Treasurer of
Havergal until 1898, and as Secretary until 1905, and there
are many references to talks, walks and teas with Miss

Knox and members of her staff in Wrong's letters to his

wife in 1898-9.33 Wrong's connection to Ridley was less
extensive. His role in its founding was described as
"active" by the school's historian, who did not provide any
details. Wrong spoke several times at chapel, and was on the

Board of Governors from 1901 to 1948.3u

Wrong was part of the activities of Ketchum Hall,
where he taught a Bible class to working men, at one point
.having 70 or 80 in the class. Wrong was one of the organizers
of the North End Club, which was designed to provide, in the
form of a reading room and coffee lounge, an alternative
to saloons.35 Wrong's work within the temperance movement
was more at the practical level than speechmaking: he worked

"for years" with the Ontario Society for the Reformation of

33See: G.M. Wrong "An Appreciation" in Ellen Mary Knoy
(Toronto, Havergal College, 1925) 33-9: Havergal College,
Minutes of the Board of Directors.

3LI'IKim Beattie, Ridley. The Story of e;§chool (St.
Catherines, Ridley College, 1963) 270, 282, 758 and 1014.

35Wrong, letter to Evengelical Churchman, 15 (February
1891) 476.

33

36

Inebriates. More than once he wrote about spending an
afternoon or an evening trying to locate someone who had
disappeared on a drinking spree, or talking to the person's
family.37
Wrong seemed to be the kind of person who attracted
troubled souls of all kinds,even strangers. Perhaps they
sensed he had a sympathetic ear. He related the story of
a Miss Lovejoy, a young girl who approached him on board
ship going to England in the summer of 1892. She had been
"led astray" by the chief steward on the ship and was suf-
fering pangs of remorse and anxiety. Wrong stated: "I
tried to comfort her as well as I could while showing my
disapproval of her conduct". Eventually he gave the girl

enough money to get to London. He referred to her as a

"poor weak-minded creature" more than once, and says that the

36Wallace,"Wrong", 237. A letter containing the
Society's letterhead and officers, found by Alan Bowker,
describes the aims of the Society. See: G.M. Wrong to
N. Burwash, 9 April 1910, Burwash Papers, United Church
Archives, Victoria University. The City of Toronto provided
funds for the Society in 1906 and 1909 to the amount of
$69.4 and $300.00: see: The Treasurers Annual Re ort,
(1906 170 and (1909) 200. (In 1909 the City ga“P'tH"ve e
Open Air Horse Parade $1000 and the National Battlefields
Association $5000.)

37For example see: Wrong to SOphia.Wrong, 12 January
1899, Armstrong Collection.

34

the incident was "a pitiful story of weakness and folly".38

It would appear that Wrong's moral code and sense of
social duty to those less fortunate than himself was both
sincere and very deeply rooted. In many ways this was
expected of a university professor: "Christian" and
"Gentleman" were attributes mentioned repeatedly in reference
to students, friends and job applicants around the turn of
the century.39 These attributes were a part of the age
and very much a part of the circles in which Wrong moved.
Wrong's own philos0phy suggests values that were closely

linked to these two words.

The place of Christianity in the study of history was,
for Wrong, more than an important part of the deve10pment of
Western Civilization: in some ways Christianity ye§_Western
Civilization. "Greece surpasses us in taste, as Rome did in
organization, but we are the ethical superiors of both nations",
he said in his inaugural address. Christian thought, he went
on to say, brought thoughts of "peace and hOpe...universal
pity and sympathy" and equality through the "fellowship of
faith". Christianity also increased productivity by
dignifying manual labor. Christianity influenced feudalism,

38Wrong, Daily Journal, April 18 and 19, 1892, Armstrong
Collection.

39See testimonials on behalf of applicants (successful
and.unsuccessful) for positions on the faculty, 1885-1905,
UTA. My impression is that recent attributes of comparable
frequency would include phrases such as: competent scholar,
intelligent and hardworking, a good man, a friendly outgoing
person, etc.

35

bringing "rights as well as obligations to the tillers of the
soil". The culture of the Aztecs, though it included build-
ings, metals and religion, was not civilized because they had
not learned the use of iron or the arch, and their "religious
processions were the rites of atrocious cannibals, whose
culture was, in fact, only a stage in advance of that of the
Iroquois Indians".l+O
The university was the place to get the insights
necessary for political wisdom. The students'"future think-
ing" would be "determined largely" by the impetus they
received while at school, and it was the "duty of the pro-
fessor" to "awaken or to instruct this intellectual inter-
est".""1 Wrong felt that "all intellectual exercises are

”2 The

indirectly useful. They develOp mental vigor...".
value of a university training would be appreciated even
by the farmer's son who took a degree "before settling down
upon the farm". This last comment shows that, naive though
Wrong may have been regarding the motives of students and

their future careers, he did feel that the university should

be within reach of "a large number."43 To accomplish this

uoWrong, "Historical Study" (1895) 11-15.

41Ibid., 8.

42Ibid., 18
43G.M. Wrong "History in Canadian Secondary Schools"

American Historical Association, Annual Report, (1898) 552.
At the time the University of Toronto charged $40 a year.

36

fees should be as low as possible. One of his few criticisms
of Oxford was that the annual expenses there were L120 to
L200 whereas a man could go to Berlin for less than half

that amount.“4

Yet, in spite of this apparent egalitarianism, Wrong's
ideas of the right kind of education were elitist. His own.
children were sent to school in EurOpe in 1898, and his wife
went with them partly to save money, but mostly to acquire a
knowledge of French and a familiarity "with foreign life."
Wrong wrote to his wife: "you must not spare the necessary
expense to have them prOperly taught."45 The children were
sent to Ridley or Havergal for a year or two each when they were
about 14 or 15, and while his eldest son was in his first
year at the University of Toronto, Wrong was thinking ahead
four years in terms of Oxford.’+6 During an extended visit
to EurOpe in 1913 Wrong wanted his youngest daughter to go
to school for a few weeks in England "just to get the pr0per

English aCcent...talking to nice little English girls".h7

uuWrong, Daily Journal, 27 April 1892, Armstrong Collection.

45Wrong to SOphia Wrong, 9 December 1898, 20 January,
20 March, 1899, Armstrong Collection.

“5Wrong to W.L. Grant, 1 January 1907, Grant Papers,
PAC. Murray Wrong did go to Oxford in 1911.

“7Wrong to Agnes Wrong, 21 October 1913, Armstrong
Collection.

This sense of elitism tempered Wrong's belief in
progress, democracy and education. Although he thought
that aristocracy tended towards Oppression, he also valued
the aristocratic respect for excellence. He feared the
consequences of a franchise that was too liberal, and an
educational system that was becoming universal. He felt
that progress was a "fragile thing" and worried that too
much emphasis on reform would destroy valuable traditions.
He believed that the ideal leader was a man of good character,
who had a background in public affairs, constitutions, history,
and general knowledge, and who had a strong sense of duty,

48

The work ethic was also prominent
49

dignity and humility.
in his thinking: he complained of workers who:

in too many cases, want high pay without hard

work. With this I have no sympathy. I have

always been willing to work hard...to give the

best that is in me,...and surely we have the

right to expect the same from others. A meagre

output for high pay will play the deuce with

the soul or will or the body of the worker.

In the summer of 1892 Wrong was thirty-two years old.
He had overcome the disadvantage of a childhood marked by
genteel poverty and had obtained a sound education, and a
position at Wycliffe College. He had married the daughter
of Edward Blake, then leader of the Liberal Party of

Canada and Chancellor of the University of Toronto. When

usBowker, "Truly Useful Men", 247, 267, 404-6.

qurong to Willison, 23 June 1920, PAC, Willison
Papers.

JV

it became apparent that Sir Daniel Wilson was dying, Wrong
decided to apply for the position of Professor of History.
He was as well prepared academically as could be expected
in that era but he was not prepared for the furor that arose

over the appointment.

The story has been told before50 but deserves brief
mention here because it reveals something of the Operations
of the University in the 1890s, because it left scars on

51

Wrong and probably on some of the others, and because
there is one minor point regarding the role of Edward Blake

that other commentators have ignored.

The issue of George Wrong's appointment deve10ped in
three stages: the initial appointment as Lecturer in History
in 1892, the period prior to his appointment as Professor of
History in 1894, and the period in early 1895 when charges
that undue influence had been exerted by Edward Blake spread

into the public arena. Wrong was in Oxford working at the

50H.S. Ferns and B. Ostry, The Age of Mackenzie King:
The Rise of the Leader (Toronto, British Book Service, 1955)

17-29: Hector Charlesworth, More Candid Chronicles (Toronto,
1928) 72-92: W.S. Wallace, Universit of Toronto, 152-5:
Bowker, "Truly Useful Men", 83-4. It is unlikely that any
of the above had seen Ross' letter to the Lt. Governor, or
the Proceedings of the Commission, described below, n 58.

5lSee Wallace, "Wrong", 232.

 

 

 

39

Bodleian Library when he heard of Wilson's illness.52 Wilson
died on the 6th of August and within a week Wrong had written
a letter of application for the post to G.W. Ross, Premier of
Ontario. This "letter", printed as a pamphlet dated 13 August
1892, outlined Wrong's qualifications for the position, his
aims as a teacher of history and his ideas of the nature and
role of history. But, eager as Wrong was to be appointed in
Wilson's place, he did not want to accept the position if it
involved only the status and pay of a lecturer. His salary

at Wycliffe was reported to be $1800, and the salary of a

lecturer was usually only $800.53 The Ontario Government,

54

which was dealing with the matter directly, was reluctant to

52Wrong to Blake, 27 July 1892. 0A, Blake Papers: Wrong,
Daily Journal, 26 July 1892, Armstrong Collection.

53Wrong to G.W. Ross, 13 August 1892, 0A, pamphlet 33:
W.W. Braun to The Varsity, 14 November 1894: the estimates in
the Wycliffe College Council Minutes, 10 May 1889 give Wrong's
salary as $1500.

54Part of the reason for Government involvement was the
fact that Wilson's death also created a vacancy in the office
of President of the University. On the other hand, there were
occasions when the next President, James Loudon, was not con-
sulted about appointments. EfiniLoudon's Memoirs. 101. 109. UTA.
and Loudon to Harcourt, 13 September 1904, 0A, RG 2, Series D-7.
Some indication of the position of President Loudon vis a vis
the Provincial Government may be seen in the following letter,
which is quoted in full.

My Dear Mr. Ross,

Mr. Wrong informs me that he wishes to go out
of town for a few days at the beginning of May. His
lectures are over and he will be back before he is
required to read examination papers. There is no need,
I presume, to make formal application to you for leave
of absence.

Yours faithfully,

Loudon to Ross, 25 April 1893, 0A, RG 2.

4O

appoint a young man to Wilson's chair, which involved a full
professorship. The Government eventually agreed to appoint
Wrong temporarily for one year, renewable for one year, at a
salary of $1500 per year. It was understood that at the end
of the first or second year, the Government would advertise
for applicants for the Chair of History.55
Dissension rose when the outline of these facts, in
particular the salary to be paid to wrong, became known
among some of Wrong's colleagues. Loudon passed the complaints
on to the Government, stating that seven or eight professors
were unhappy with the appointment and salaries of Wrong and
another man. Some of these men, said Loudon, had left
positions paying $1500 and $2000 to come to Toronto for a
salary of $800. Loudon also reported that there were rumours
that the appointment to Wrong was not temporary, and that the
Department of History was being favoured over other departments
by allowing a lecturer to jump directly into a professorship.
Loudon was also worried about the pmrogatives of the Univer-
sity: for a time the Government had considered abolishing the
chair of History and replacing it with an associate professorship
for financial reasons.56 It was a period of mild but continu-
ing tension.

55Loudon to Harcourt [draft] 11 January 1893: Loudon
to Ross, 8 March 1893, Loudon Papers, UTA: Wrong to Blake, 16

June 1893, 0A, Blake Papers:[8] July 1893, 0A, Blake Papers.

56Loudon to Harcourt, 11 January 1893, Loudon to Ross,
8 March 1893, 11 August 1894, UTA, Loudon Papers: see also
Wrong to Blake, 16 June 1893, 0A, Blake Papers.

In the fall of 1894, when Wrong was appointed full
professor, the underlying tension erupted. Wrong soon
ceased being the focal point as claims that his appointment
was due to the influence of his father-in-law, Edward Blake,
developed into complaints about poor teaching on the part of
a number of professors. The issue spread to include the
rights of students who had been refused permission to bring
two outside speakers to the campus, and the right of the
editors of the student paper to comment on the issues. The
matter culminated in the dismissal of one professor, and a
student strike: a Royal Commission was appointed to make

inquiries.

The only matter of concern here is whether or not
Wrong's appointment was a result of the connection with
Chancellor Blake. Every account of the case states that there
is no evidence that Blake acted with imprOpriety or even
suspicion. Nonetheless, there are two points worth consider-
ing. First is a letter from Blake to Ross, then Minister of
Education, stating that he [Blake] could not take any part in
the choice. If Blake had stapped at that point there would be
no grounds for suspicion. Blake, however, went on in the
letter to outline the qualifications of his son-in-law:
"professor" Wrong of "Wycliffe" he said, has "made History his
specialty" and is "now at 0xford".57 These comments were not

necessary and one must wonder why Blake included them, and

57Blake to Ross, 26/7 July 1892, UTA, Blake Papers.

 

 

g- K? 11. VIN-l! n?
X-

 

42

what impact they had on Ross. Secondly, the principals in the
case, Loudon, Harcourt and Ross, all said in effect that they
had not been "approached" by Mr. Blake on the matter. What
they did not state was that the relationship between Wrong
and Blake was pep a factor in the decision to appoint Wrong.58
It is a cynical interpretation, to be sure, and it is quite
possible that their "denial" can be taken literally, It is
equally possible that it was a clever evasion. Blake made no
approach because he did not need to. Wrong received the
appointment because he was the most qualified applicant and
ppe of his many qualifications was that he was known to be

a member of a strong influential family which had close ties
with the university. While it is true that there is no
"evidence'of imprOper influence, the gratuitous comment by
Blake and the ambiguous denials by Ross, Harcourt and Loudon

do nothing to lessen the suspicion that Wrong's appointment

was based on factors beyond his academic qualifications.

W.S. Wallace wrote that the controversy Surrounding

Wrong's appointment "Spurred him [Wrong] to prove to the

58Loudon, Memoirs, 109: Ross to the Lt. Governor in
Council, 14 February 1895, 0A, RG 2, Series P-2, Box 87,
#77: Report of the Commissioners on Discipline in the
University of Toronto (Toronto, Warwick, 1895) 10:
Proceedings of the Commission on Discipline in the Univer-
sity of Toronto, April 8-22, 1895, 0A, RG 18, 531-3.
* Further, in his testimony Harcourt refused to comment on
the thinking of the Government in making the appointment
to Wrong. Ibid., 536. .He may have desired to avoid
setting a precedent of disclosure, or he may have had
something to hide.

 

 

 

'7)

43

world that he was worth the appointment...."59 It is
certainly true that Wrong worked hard as head of the Depart-
ment of History, but there is no direct evidence that this
was due to the fear of being found unworthy. Since Wrong
had already shown a willingness and an ability to work

hard it is likely that the controversy was but one of many
forces. Wrong was a man of religion and deep emotion. He
was anxious to help others, and to improve the world in
which he lived. He was a man who liked pe0p1e, who sought
and usually found a personal message in human activities,
and he could not help but try to bring to others this mes-
sage of moral behaviour, of human progress, of civilization.
These values would appear again and again in his work as

head of the Department of History.

59Wallace, "Wrong", 232.

CHAPTER THREE

"And Gladly Teach": The Curriculum as
a Reflection of Wrong's Values

Soon after Wrong was appointed Professor of History
changes began to appear in the curriculum. History became
an autonomous Department and Wrong established joint programs
with the Departments of English and Classics. The program
was divided into pass and honours and the number of history
courses offered was increased, especially in modern history
and the history of the British Empire. A formal program of
essay writing was begun and the first M.A. degrees in history
were granted. In addition to these observable changes
Wrong issued a number of statements of intent regarding his
desire for more medieval history, for increased use of
documents and for an emphasis on teaching and on social his-
tory. Some of these intentions were never put into effect,
and others cannot be measured. But both statements of the
intent and the changes made reflect Wrong's sense of mission.
He would teach history and he would provide his students with

a sense of style, general culture, and public responsibility.

The status of his Department was a significant issue for
Wrong. For a brief period after Wilson's death History had been
listed in the calendars as part of the Department of Political

Economy, suggesting that Wrong was subordinate to James Mavor,

44

45

Professor Of Political Science from 1892 to 1923.1 This

was not at all satisfactory to Wrong and he set about to make

2

the course "more fully historical," to create the graduating

department of Modern History and to bring the subject Of
Constitutional History, then taught by the Department of

Political Economy, into the Department of History.3

Constitutional History became the focal point of a series
of quarrels between Wrong and Mavor: the feud revolved
around the question of which Department should teach the
subject and reveals much about the values of both men. The
roots of the problem lay in the appointment of William Ashley
in 1888. Ashley had taken Constitutional History in addition
to his other subjects in order to relieve Sir Daniel Wilson.

Four years later, when Mavor arrived to replace Ashley, it

1See: Mavor to Falconer, n.d. [ca 1909] UTL, Mavor
Papers 'U of T file': Wrong to Cody, 10 November 1926, 0A,
Cody Papers.

2Wrong to Mrs. [Edward] Blake, 6 March 1893, 0A, Blake
Family Papers.

3The University of Toronto had two kinds of departments:
teaching departments and graduating departments. Teaching
departments followed the subject classification--physics,
chemistry, modern history--while graduating departments
were formed to satisfy the needs of the students who wished
to combine subjects such as Mathematics and Physics, or
English and History. Wrong was head Of the Department of
History: most of his students were enrolled in Modern History,
English and History, or Classics with English and History
Option. Students in other courses such as Political Science,
English, languages and pass courses could also enroll in
History courses.

 

“I'D

was natural that he would take over all of Ashley's res-
ponsibilities. Wrong questioned the separation of History
and Constitutional History from the beginning of his appoint-
ment in 1892, but at first he did not have sufficient status
to effect a change. He did, however, get the agreement, or so
he claimed, of Mavor, the President, and the Minister of
Education that Constitutional History should be "attached"

to the Department of History upon the expiration of the
appointment to J.M. McEvoy, who was then teaching the subject
in Mavor's department. When this did not occur, the feud was

L.

on.

The clash between Wrong and Mavor was due as much to
differences in life-styles as to the question of jurisdiction.
While both were gregarious and hard working, and often
supported the same causes, they simply got on each other's
nerves. Wrong would go to bed early and rise early to do his
writing: Mavor would stay up most Of the night. Wrong was
very much concerned with prOpriety: Mavor worked to bring the
Doukobours to Canada. When Wrong lectured, it was an inspir-
ing narrative: Mavor's style was that of a brilliant man
thinking out loud. Wrong saw Mavor as dissolute and
undisciplined: Mavor saw Wrong as unscholarly, and thought

that Wrong's appointment was the result of the Blake family

“Wrong to Edward Blake, 16 June 1893, 0A, Blake Family
Papers: Wrong to Mavor, 28 October 1894, UTL, Mavor Papers:
Wrong to Ross, 23 July 1895: 0A, RG 2, D-7, Box 14.

connection. While the two men could cooperate when they had
to, their personal differences made the jurisdictional dispute

over Constitutional History almost impossible to resolve.5

The clash was more than merely the question Of who
would teach the subject for at the bottom lay sincere differ-
ences regarding the role of Constitutional History in their
respective programs and the nature of those programs. Wrong
saw it as the core of his studies of the British Empire, the
raison d'fitre Of the British peOples. In addition, the study
of constitutions was the traditional approach to the study of
history. "Political History cannot be separated from Consti-
tutional History because constitutions are the outcome of
political movements," said Wrong.6 Mavor, on the other hand,
thought that Constitutional History was a necessary founda-
tion for law and legal expertise, and since these were his
responsibilities, the subject must be taught in his Depart-
ment. Constitutional History, he wrote, is a necessary
complement to legal studies, and the Department of History
"desires to emphasize the non-legal side...."7 Mavor was

concerned that the Honours History courses would be too

5Dora Mavor Moore, Interview, 5 March 1972: Mrs. C.H.A.
Armstrong, Interview, 13 April 1972: Bowker, "Truly Useful
Men", 32 -29.

6Wrong to Maurice Hutton (President pro tem) 5 November
1906, UTA, Falconer Papers (estrays).

7Mavor to Falconer, n.d. [ca 1909] UTL, Mavor Papers.

 

48

specialized and that students in Political Science would be
overloaded with the work, thus losing time on other subjects.
He was further concerned that if the Department of History
taught Constitutional History it would not be taught "in
connection with the economic and legal studies...." Mavor
also claimed that the work done in Wrong's Historical Club
was infringing on the subject matter of Political Science,
and that essays on economic subjects were "afterwards given
credit for as term work." When Wrong made changes in the
curriculum of Modern History, Mavor argued that the changes
would "destroy the possibility of a common course" in first
year and would eliminate an "exact" subject (Mathematics,
Physics or Biology) and for it substitute General History,
"a vague expression whose scOpe is not disclosed". The
new program, said Mavor, lacked thoroughness.8
Wrong, whose case is less thoroughly documented, felt
that the separation of History and Constitutional History
was due to mere circumstance and thus had no basis in either
theory or necessity. In fact, Wrong argued, such a separation
did not exist in any university that he knew of, was "un-
natural", and frequently embarrassed his work. Wrong felt

that he was head of an independent Department and that

8James Mavor, Memorandum Upon a Projected Course in
History, 27 June 1905, UTA, Loudon Papers. Mavor was
probably more concerned that he had not been involved in
the planning of the new course than with the changes them-
selves.

 

 

Mavor's position was an attempt to undermine the significance

of that Department.9 Wrong eventually decided to lecture on

10

the subject himself. Mavor did not teach Constitutional

History himself and when a change was made in the Department

of Political Economy Wrong tried to "capture” the subject for

11

the Department Of History. As Wrong's staff grew the

Department of History did take on increasing responsibility
for Constitutional History, first with English Constitutional
History, then, with the coming cfi'WtP.M. Kennedy, Canadian

Constitutional History.

One of the major factors behind the struggle over

Constitutional History was Wrong's concept of the place of

9Wrong to Hutton, 5 November 1906, UTA, Falconer (estrays):
Wrong to Ross, 23 July 1895, 0A, RG 2, Series D-7, Box 14.

10Wrong to Mavor, 29 October 1894, 16 February 1899, UTL,
Mavor Papers. Other areas were affected by the quarrel, such
as appointments for Mackenzie Fellows, the Publications
Committee, Wrong's status in examining committees, and general
staff meetings, even as late as 1921. See: Wrong to Mavor,
11 May, 19 June, 20 June 1897, UTL, Mavor Papers: Wrong to
Loudon, 12 July, 30 July 1897, 5 June 1905, UTA, Loudon Papers:
H.A. Innis, to Mary [Quale Innis] 25 November 1921, UTA, Innis
Papers.

llJames MacGregor Young to Falconer, 22 August 1907,
UTA, Falconer Papers: Falconer to Mavor, 25 June 1910, UTA,
Falconer Papers.

When.W.P.M. Kennedy, a member of the History Department
(1914-1926), was appointed to the Faculty of Law in 1926,
Wrong claimed that the move was due to "outside pressures"
and "intrigue", and expressed concern that Constitutional
History would remain in the Department of History. See:
Wrong to Falconer, 7 and 13 January 1926, memorandum re
Kennedy, 20 January 1926, UTA, Falconer Papers, Box 94 and
97: Wrong to Cody, 10 November 1926, 0A, Cody Papers.

 

 

 

50

History generally in the curriculum,and the lessons the
students would learn from their years in university. To

Wrong, the study of history was the core of humanities study,
and the development of character was the main function of
university education.12 Wrong was in this period laying the
foundations of a history program modelled on the Greats program
at Oxford, where much emphasis was placed on the study of Greek
and Latin ClaSSics, and on English literature. This was
reflected in the creation of the graduating department of
English and History and the inclusion of a course in Classics
(Aristotle and Hobbes) in the Department of Modern History.13
As the staff of the Department expanded Wrong's wishes were
more fully implemented. This movement of History closer to

the humanities and away from the social sciences may explain
some Of Mavor's resistance. Wrong was more interested in
fostering breadth, style and character in his students than

he was in training students in exactness and expertise in

certain areas.

True education, for Wrong, was that which is left after

one has forgotten everything he has learned.14 "It is the

12Bowker, "Truly Useful Men," 273-4: 341-7.

l3Wrong said that the course was started by W.J.
Alexander: see: "Professor W.J. Alexander" UTM 27 (January
1927) 151-2: although the course first appeared in the
calendar for 1894-5, the earliest minutes of the Department
Of English and History available in the University Archives
begin in 1914.

1"(Reported in The Vepsity 33 (1 December 1913) 3.

J4.

man who is something more than a physician who makes the best
physician",15 he said. The main function of the university
was to provide the students with a sense of responsibility
and general culture that would accompany them after they left
the university. History in particular enlarged one's vision
and taught one to distinguish error from truth. It was, in
short, a training to develOp character and moral leadership
as well as intellect. His concern for character explains
Wrong's interest in such matters as college residences,
religion in the schools. women's rights, and the Rhodes
and Flavelle Scholarships: it also is one Of the main reasons
behind his insistence that the teaching of the undergraduate
must be considered the main responsibility of a professor.16
Even before he joined the staff Of the University
Wrong felt that good teaching was on a par with, if not
ahead of, good scholarship. He was dismayed that some
professors were appointed on the basis of reputations they
had made as "writers" and who seldom taught. Wrong pleaded
constantly for closer relations between faculty and students:

"I wish my students would come more often to me to talk about

15Wrong, "The Student Life" The_Xarsity 23 (14
October 1903) 1-2.

16Much of Wrong's thinking on these matters came
from Maurice Hutton, Professor of Classics from 1880 to
1928: see: Bowker, "Truly Useful Men", 273-283, 341-7.

 

52

their work and their.perplexities", he wrote.17 He soon
developed the practice of having students to his office or to
his house, and from all accounts he enjoyed their company

18

very much. "It is a great privilege", he wrote to Parkin,

"to be so closely in touch with the young life of the country."19
Wrong worked at improving relations with students, and even
though occasionally tempted by thoughts of a more active role
in public life, he always drew back to what he saw as his
first responsibility.20
Wrong's emphasis on teaching arose from a belief that
he had an Obligation to reach out and help students. "I
cannot see these semibarbaric intelligences about me without
feeling I ought to do a multitude of things to try to reach

21

them", he wrote. The duty of the professor, he thought, was

not to merely read lectures, but to "breathe life and meaning"

l7Wrong, "German Student Life II" The Versity (17 March
1891) 234-5. Daily Journal [1892] 124. "Professors and
Undergraduates" The Vepsity 22 (14 October 1902) 3.

18See Vincent Massey, Wh t's Past is Prolo e: th
Memoirs of Vineept Massey (Toronto, Macmillan, 1963) 21-2:
Underhill Interviews, I, 51: II. 53-4, PAC, Underhill Papers.
l9Wrong to Parkin, 12 October 1911, PAC, Parkin Papers.
20Bowker, "Truly Useful Men", 276-7: 402.

ZlWrong to W.L. Grant, 5 November 1907, PAC, Grant
Papers.

//

into the "dry bones" of history.22 The note of Obligation
in this sense of mission sprang in part from his feeling that
teaching could sometimes be a "grind". "I am harassed by too
great a range of work (1 lecture on about 1500 years:)"23
Increasingly, Wrong wanted time to write: "I should have
less teaching to free me for some research work", he wrote to

24 Yet he continued to teach, and to structure the

Falconer.
curriculum in such a way as to increase his contact with the
students.25 One of the ways in which this was accomplished

was the introduction of essays as a major requirement in

the work of history students. The practice began in 1896

and over the next two decades evolved into a separate class
(History 5) in which the writing of essays was the sole require-

ment. Students later claimed that being graded on "the basis
of both matter and form" forced them to develop good writing

22Wrong, "Historical Study" (1895) 8-9.

23Wrong to Grant, 10 November 1906, 25 September 1907:
PAC, Grant Papers: Wrong to Harlan, 22 October 1903,
University Of Kentucky, Law Library. Harlan Papers. John
Marshall Harlan (1833-1911), a member of the U.S. Supreme
Court, spent many summers at Murray Bay.

2L’Wrong to Falconer, 24 November 1908, UTA, Falconer
Papers: see also Wrong to Doughty, 28 April, 1 May, 8 May,
25 November, 1906, 16 April 1907: PAC, RG 37. vol. 101:
Wrong to Falconer, 17 March 1919, UTA, Falconer Papers.

25Underhill Interviews, I, 51, PAC,Underhill Papers.

 

 

 

 

J'Y

26

habits. Their recollections suggest the effort that Wrong

made on their behalf.

Wrong might have been thinking of the challenge "What
is there for a Professor of History to do?" when he began to
organize the course of study. Certainly he believed that a
teacher was necessary. "The truths of history are subtle and...
to teach it there must be...a vigorous and disciplined imagin-
ation and the power of arranging complex material effectively."27

More important was his view that "History is concerned
with wide and complex movements...[whicfi]have deeper meaning.
only to be grasped when the insight and discrimination of a

28 This was a theme

trained student are brought to the task."
that Wrong repeated for many years. The main function of a
historian is to provide an interpretation for the reader:

"We must interpret the setting and the spiritual sources of
events" he told a meeting of the Canadian Historical Associa-

tion.29 "The reader needs...guidance in difficult places."30

26See Canepgar for the Year 1902-3. 115, 116, 118:
A.R.M. Lower, M Fir t S v -f've Ye s (Toronto. Macmillan.
1967) 50: Editorial, Fergus fiews-Record, 8 February 1940.

27Wrong, "History in Canadian Secondary Schools"
American Historical Association.§epert (1898) 553.

28Wrong, "Historical Study" (1895) 6.

29Wrong "The Historian's Problem" Canadian Historical
Association Report (192?) 5-7.

30 Wrong "Historical Criticism" (1936) 3-4.

 

 

 

If

 

J.)

Early in Wrong's tenure as head of the Department the
number of history classes was increased, and Honours and Pass

31

students were given different reading lists. This separation
led to increased specialization, smaller classes, and closer
contact with the students. The honours classes reflected the
elitist desire to focus on good students and to give them the
very best instruction. Much later, Frank Underhill wrote
that.32

Our pass couse [sic] is a Cloaca Maxima into

which we canalize as far as possible all those

who come to university for a good time....

Nobody on the staff takes any interest in them,

they simply attend lectures, write the required
quota of essays. and try exams.

In his letter of application Wrong had stated that the
"interest in history of our own young country should have a
very prominent place in the curriculum of a Canadian
university."33 But for Wrong the history of Canada had to
be studied in conjunction with the histories of the United
States, Britain and the British Empire. Wrong wanted his

students to study the "causes of social and political changes

31There is no evidence stating whether or not the
classes were separate in the early years or if the lecturer
talked to both groups simultaneously: in later years the
separation was total.

32F.H. Underhill to Bill [J.W. Eaton], 6 November
1938, PAC, Underhill Papers, vol. 41. See also Morley
Callaghan, The Vepeity Story (Toronto, Macmillan, 1948) 86.

33Wrong to Ross, 13 August 1892, 0A, Pamphlet 33.

56

rather than...narrative history." He also wanted them to
learn to analyse the "wide and complex movements" that made up
history. To him the development of British law and freedom
was the most valuable study of all. Thus the calendars

stated that special emphasis would be placed on the history

of England, United States, Canada and the British Empire--a

pattern that was to last for many decades.

To accomplish these aims the subjects Of medieval
history and ethnology (studied under Wilson in the second
and fourth years) were gradually supplanted by modern history.
Ethnology continued as a minor part of the fourth year
program until 1905, when it did not appear in the calendar
at all: Later, Wrong talked over "some aspects Of the subject
to undergraduates during some years."34
Although medieval history was to decline in importance
in the curriculum, Wrong made a special plea for the study
of the middle ages in his inaugural lecture. The reasons
he gave for the study of medieval history illuminate his
values, and help to explain some of the changes he made.
He said that the middle ages were important because in that
period the "new conceptions" of Christianity were "slowly

3“Wrong to J.P. McMurrich, 14 February 1922. UTL,

History Department, M 99. As late as 1920 the Department
was referred to as the Department of History and Ethnology
in the University Estimates. Bursar [F.A. Moure] to Wrong,
21 June 1919, UTA, History Department, B7.

 

taking form" and because it was in this period that "the
foundations of our own well-being" were laid. The founda-
tions to which Wrong referred were the "thousand years" of
"unbroken development" Of England and the growth of traditions
Of parliamentary democracy.35 Wrong wanted his students to
appreciate the traditions and methods of contemporary
politics: "We cannot doubt that the wise student of the past
is the best interpreter of the present," he said.36 What
Wrong wanted his students to study was not so much medieval

history as the history of British democracy and civilization.37

In his inaugural lecture Wrong spoke of the skills
necessary for sound historical wOrk. To be a trained
specialist in history students needed to be able to distin-
guish error from truth, and to fill the gaps in the story.
"Students of History ought to...[dea1] with original author-
ities" said Wrong.38 But in spite of these claims it does
not seem likely that Wrong's classes studied original docu-

ments extensively.39 Wrong felt that the main task of the

35Wrong, "Historical Study" (1895) 11-15, 17.

3613331., 18.

37;2i§., 17. -

38mg” 9. _

39A.R.M. Lower said that while an undergraduate he had
"never heard of original documents". Interview, 25 October 1971.

R.M. Saunders said that the study of documents was the result
of Chester Martin's influence. Interview, 11 December 1973.

58

professor was to make history interesting. He wrote, after
hearing a lecture at Oxford, that "students need, not origin-
al research, but such a treatment of the subject as will
interest them in it."L_"O If documents were used in class.

the professor would draw "the real meaning of historical
movements" from them. What Wrong produced were scholars in

the sense of cultivated men of breadth, not scholars trained

in a narrow specialty or a scientific method.

Wrong used the concept of scientific history but he did
so in a special sense. In part Wrong meant the discipline of
poring over documents and printed sources to weigh justly the
records of a remote age and to detect blunders and lies. He
wrote that "...sound historical science working from its
knowledge of human nature...can recall with accuracy...the
vivid life of a past time...."ul But Wrong also used the term
scientific history to mean Objectivity, which to him meant
looking at both sides of a question and then proceeding with
an air of confident impartiality.”2 One consequence of this
was the tendency to make a statement then to qualify it
virtually immediately, at times giving the appearance of

ambiguity or self contradiction. In his inaugural address,

“OWrong, Daily Journal [1892] 188.

ulWrong, The Crusade Of 1383 (1892) Vii.

”ZWrong "Historical Study" (1895) 9. 11.

 

 

 

59

Wrong made several of these statement-qualification comments.
For example, he said "The lecture...is the best means of
instruction..." then qualified it by stating, "There are,
of course, lectures and lectures.“+3 In another speech he
said: "There is a changeless rule in human society that
change itself is certain" then completed the sentence with:
"the rule is sometimes slow in application." 44
(This tendency of Wrong's was sufficiently pronounced
that in 1963 a political columnist said that the "style" of
Prime Minister Pearson was a result of the training he had
received at the University of Toronto as a student and later
(as a professor in the Department of History. Pearson was
described as being prone to respond to a difficult question
or problem by an approach that could be called "on the one
hand, but on the other." The approved method at Toronto was
"a wide preliminary reading before writing an essay....Anyone
who took...a single line of argument...such as a trial
lawyer would do [was] not conforming to the method [of show-

ing] his mastery of the subject in detail before [making]

any leaps to a judgment...? 45
43 .
M0959 6.7. 8.17.18.
44Wron . Re 01 t'o R t'on (Oxford, Oxford University

Press, 1938 9.

45Douglas Fisher. "Mr. Pearson: Trees in the Desert"
Toronto Telegpem, 13 December 1963. Fisher wrote that
Pearson said afterwards "Its the best bit of insight on me
yet." Fisher to W.D. Meikle, 25 May 1971. See also Wrong's
review of two books on Lord Strathcona, A53, 21 (July 191 )
804-6.

Thus, while Wrong paid lip service to the concepts of
scientific history and the use of documents in the class-
room, in practice he concentrated on breadth and on making
the subject interesting. Even in the area of graduate,work

Wrong did not insist on extensive use of documents.

Graduate work had begun at Toronto in the earliest

days of the University, with the granting of the first M.A.
in 1843.1"6 The regulations for the M.A. program were not
always stated in the nineteenth century, nor were they
specific, but it appears that what was usually required was
a Toronto B.A. and a thesis.”7 As late as 1903 the only
regulation in the calendar read:

Candidates for the Degree of Master of Arts must
have been admitted to the Degree of Bachelor of
Arts, must be of the standing of one year from
admission to the degree of Bachelor of Arts, and
must have sent in an approved thesis upon some
subject in one Of the departments in the Faculty
of Arts. The thesis must be sent to the Registrar
not later than lst May.

In the latter part of the nineteenth century the M.A.

thesis was no more demanding than an essay, and three Toronto

46For a brief history of the graduate programme see:
Greduete Spudiee 1p phe Univereity of Toronto, Report of
the President's Committee on the School of Graduate Studies,
Bora Laskin, chairman. (University of Toronto Press, 1965)
1-14: hereafter cited as Laskin Report. For the Ph.D. see:
P.N. Ross. "The Origins and Development of the Ph.D. Degree
at the University of Toronto, 1871-1932", unpublished Ed.D.
Thesis, University Of Toronto, 1972. No Ph.D.‘s were granted
by Toronto in history until 1925.

“7Laskin Report, 3.

professors said that the M.A. regulations were "superficial"

and that the treatment of the thesis was "somewhat perfunc-

tory", contributing little to the deve10pment of research.48

The first M.A. listed for the Department of History was
granted in 1893.”9 From 1893 to 1899 five theses were
accepted: from 1900 to 1904 there were sixteen.50 Yet, in

48"The M.A. Degree" The Varsity, 3 (24 February 1883)
196-7: the article recommended reading courses and examinations
on the German model. Ramsay Wright and W.J. Alexander "The
Arts Faculty" in W.J. Alexander, ed. The University of Toronto
and its Colleges. 1827-1906 (Toronto, 1906) 92. A.B. Macallum,
"The Foundation of the Board of Graduate Studies", UTM, 16
(February 1916) 220.

ngsince candidates for the M.A. in history do not appear
to have had any rules apart from the general regulations
until 1917, and since no departmental philoSOphy has been
discovered for the early period, virtually the only evidence
for the M.A. program in history is theses accepted by the
department and held by the University of Toronto Archives.

The University of Toronto Library has compiled a list
of M.A. theses by department. The earliest thesis held is
in English Literature, 1890. Twelve departments accepted
their first M.A. thesis in the period from 1890-1899: nine
more in the period 1900-1912.

A student could proceed to the M.A. by course and
examination, without doing a thesis, but no records have
been found to verify that any students actually did so. See:
Laskin Report, 3. One exception to this might be the case of
George Wrong, who was awarded an M.A. in 1896. No informa-
tion was found as to what department gave the degree, or why,
and there is no record of a thesis done by Wrong. There is
a possibility that he was awarded the degree on the basis of
his published work. Unearned M.A.s were the norm in the 1860s
and 1870s.

50The University of Toronto was not the first Canadian
university to grant an M.A. in History, but no other univer-
sity had a sustained graduate program until at least 1910.
See Appendix F. For a list of M.A. theses accepted by the
Department Of History and the later Occupations Of the
students, see Appendix H.

62

spite of the number involved, graduate work was not a serious
concern. Even though Wrong was alone in the Department in
this period, he did not regard the task as an intolerable
burden. In 1905 he wrote to Loudon: "I have had three
Graduate students (this year) but these have not been any

considerable tax on my time."51

The tOpics of the theses accepted parallel Wrong's
interests in church history (monastaries, the Reformation,
Luther, John Knox, Cromwell) and Canadian history (the French
regime, and constitutional development). Most of those who
did theses on church history were ministers, most Of the

remainder of the graduates were teachers.52

The quality Of the early M.A. theses was not much
different from the quality of the Toronto M.A. as a whole:
they were closer to undergraduate essays than to serious

research papers by advanced students. In general they were

51Wrong to Loudon, 25 April 1905, UTA, Loudon Papers.
By way of contrast, at the same time Mavor claimed that he
devoted four hours per week for about half‘the session to
graduate students. See: Mavor to Loudon, [Report on the
Department of Political Science]. 15 May 1905, UTA, Loudon
Papers.

Some theses granted in history may have been supervised
by members of the faculty outside the Department of History.
The names of Professors Mavor, Lefroy, McCurdy and Hume appear
on four theses written between 1897 and 1904: these men may
also have been an "outside examiner". Many theses had no
name on the title page except that of the student.

52There were ten ministers, nine teachers and two
barristers: seven of the teachers were women. For further
analysis of these points,see below, 190-93.

 

short (often under 5000 words). undocumented narratives.

They seldom used primary sources and they seldom contained
any kind of interpretation or theme, being descriptive rather
than analytical.53 The standards of writing were either low
or inconsistent. One example of awkward writing can be

found in the following sentences taken from a thesis

accepted in 1903:

From the moment the French landed on the shores of
Canada many of them seemed to enter into the

spirit Of the place....The Nipissing Indians were
said to kill other tribes with charms. The French
element were very receptive of such and also retained
and practiced them in a smaller degree....A1most all
the Governors of New France in Canada showed a serious
dignity, especially those from the time of Frontenac
until the collapse of French rule....Among the dishes
specially favoured by the upper classes was one of
great size and richness and Of elaborate construction,
called the Easter Pastry.

A note on the back of this thesis in Wrong's hand reads:

"Very carefully done: style somewhat laboured. 73 54

53Most of the theses written hithis period are avail-
able at the University of Toronto Archives. The number of
pages listed in Appendix H is deceptive as the number of
words per page varied from 125 to 650.

For comparative purposes, see: the undergraduate essay
by A.R.M. Lower, "English Monasticism..." 1912, Queen's
University Library, Lower Papers. 28.

54M. Lick, "Social Features Of the Old Regime in
Canada" unpublished M.A. thesis, University of Toronto,
1903, n.p. Most theses were better written than this one,
although many would be regarded today as excessively leppy.
The average thesis then would be accepted today as a fair
to good undergraduate essay: a few would meet current M.A.
standards.

The M.A. program in history reflected Wrong's values
indirectly. Graduate students were not a "considerable tax"
on his time: rather, his energies were focused on the teaching
of undergraduates. The work that was done was not narrow
research, but broad narrative. There appears to be a close
affinity between Wrong's interest in the church, the reform-
ation and the French regime in Canada, and the work done by
his M.A. candidates. The students were either encouraged to
work on such tOpics or they sought out Wrong because in him
they found a sympathetic supervisor. The standards were not
high, and probably did not reflect Wrong's standards in his

own writing.

Research was not emphasized largely because Wrong had
other values. He felt it more important to concentrate on
the character Of his students, in particular the undergraduates.
and the deve10pment of a public conscience, moral leadership,
and a cultured elite. Teaching was regarded as a mission, a
means Of accomplishing these goals. The teacher was needed
to ensure that the true meaning of the facts was made clear
to the student. But Wrong's sense of mission was1urtrestrict-
ed to the work and standards he imposed on his students. He

also took his message to the world outside the classroom.

CHAPTER FOUR

"I am Busy with My Review": The Historical Work of
George Wrong Beyond the Department of History

Wrong wanted to raise the standards of history writ-
ing and to raise the status of history as a subject Of inter-
est. TO accomplish these aims he fOunded and for twenty-two
years edited the Review of Historical Publications Relating
to Canada. He also worked closely with members of the
Ontario Educational Association and published history books

of his own.

Starting about 1850 there came to be a discernibly
new style in periodicals that were used to present the
results of scientific research. Earlier writings had been
mostly a means of reporting in general terms what subjects
were being investigated: the new style was primarflgrthe
presentation of results of original investigations building
on a foundation of previous papers and suggesting new points
of departure. At about the same time we can see the begin-
nings of the now familiar pattern of explicit references.l

Publications in history in the United States and England

lD.J. De Solla Price, Little Science Bi Science
(New York, Columbia University Press. 1963) 63-5. Price
quotes Barnaby Rich: "One of the diseases of this age is
the multiplicity of books...." Rich made this statement

in 1613.: Plus ca change....

65

tended to follow the example of the sciences.2

At the University of Toronto the publication of mono-
graphs came under the umbrella of the University of Toronto
Studies Committee, although some individuals or departments
published independently.3 'The earliest series that published
historical material was Studiee in Politieal Science (1889-1895)
which was superceded in 1896 by Studies in History and
Economics. The emphasis was on the study of "the problems
Of political society", especially the institutions of the

State, "in the same spirit as the biologist brings to the

L.

observation of the animal organism...." Wrong was aware of

these views. and cOOperated on some occasions with the

2The Johns HOpkipe University Stugies, the first of its

kind in North America, was organized in 1882 to provide an
outlet for the work being dOne in the seminar of Herbert

Adams. Other universities followed suit, notably Columbia
University, whose Stu ’ s_began in 1891. The English Hietorieal
Review began in 18 : The Builetin dee Rechepphe Histori u
(Quebec) in 1895: the Ameriean Historical Review in 1896.
See also Fritz Stern, ed. The Varieties of H‘story fppp
Voltaire to the Present (New York, World, 1956)il70-77.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

3Between 1895 and 1935 some 19 different series of
monographs had been issued in various subjects: some of these
faded in a few years while others lasted until the late 1930s
or early 19408. Many appear to have been replaced either by
more specialized journals or by journals financed through
professional associations instead of through the university.

“W.J. Ashley, "Introduction" in: J.M. McEvoy, "The

Ontario Township? Toroppo Upivereity Sppgiee in Political
Science. W.J. Ashley, ed., First Series, No. 1 Toronto,

Warwick, 1889) 5-7.

 

67

publications of the Department of Political Science,5 but his

interest was not with the scientific monograph but with a

separate series, the annual Review of Historieal Publications
Relating to Canada (1897-1919).

The Review first appeared in February 1897. Wrong
6

hOped to bring books to the attention of the public and to

"raise the standards of historical writing".7 Later he

5Wrong's name is listed among those on the Committee
of Management of the Studies in History and Economics in
1905, 1919, 1924 and 1928. The History and Economics series
was listed under the History Department as "Second Series".
In the second series Wrong worked intermittently. He pro-

duced a translation in 1897, Louisbourg in 1245: The

Anon ous lettre d'un Habitant... Edited with an English
translation by G.M. Wrong, (Toronto, Briggs, 1897). He
edited H.P. Biggar's The Early Trading Companies of New France.
University of Toronto Studies in History, extra vol. 1901.
Biggar was at the time a fellow in Political Science at
Toronto. Wrong assisted in the production of "The Maseres
Letters 1766-1768" edited and with introduction. notes and
appendices by W.S. Wallace, Un'v r 't of Toronto Studi s 'n
History and Economics, vol. III (1905-1919). Wallace stated
in the preface that he was greatly indebted to Wrong and H.H.
Langton for their advice and criticism. Wrong also lobbied
for funds to publish E.H. Oliver, Roman Economic Conditions

to the Close of the Republic. See: Loudon to Harcourt,
12 January 1905, UTA, Loudon Papers.

6Wrong to C.H. Van Tyne, 1 May 1905, Clements Library,
Ann Arbor, Van Tyne Papers.

7Wrong to Sir Wilfrid Laurier, 4 March 1897, PAC,
Laurier Papers.

said:8

It is an attempt to review our historical literature
critically and sympathetically and, continued each
year, is likely, I hOpe, to effect some improvement
in its quality.

While other historical journals contained articles and
reproduced documents as well as reviewing books, the Review
limited itself to reviews and brief notices. After the first
issue, which had no subdivisions except a section labelled
"minor notices", there were five sections: Canada's relat-
ions tO the Empire, History of Canada, Provincial and Local
History (with a subsection for each Province). Geography,
Economics and Statistics, and Law, Education, and Bibliography.
In Volume III a section on Archeology, Ethnology and Folklore
was included, and in Volume X EccleSiastical History was
added to the section On Law, Education and Bibliography.

Volume XVIII (1913) added subsections for the western provinces

and the Yukon. The Review followed the same basic format

8Wrong to A.T. Gerrans (draft?) 15 August 1920,

Armstrong Collection. In a letter to Mavor, 19 November
1911, W.S. Wallace stated that the Object of the Review was
more bibliographical than critical. This may reflect
Wallace's interest. Mavor Papers,UTL.

Forty years later Wrong said that he was "not conscious
of any direct connection" between the founding of his Review
and that Of the American Historical Review in 1895. But he
did attend the meeting at which the steps to found the AER
were taken, he worked to raise money for the venture, and he
wrote four reviews for the first volume. See: Wrong
"Historical Criticism" (1936) 4-6: Wrong to J.F. Jameson,

22 June, 16 July, 3 August, 9 October, 20 December 1895,

6 March 1896. Library of Congress (hereafter LC), Jameson
Papers, File 1805. Jameson (1859-1937) was editor of the
$33.. See also Appendix D for reviews by Wrong.

oy

unitl 1919 when it was superceded by the Capadian Historical

Review.

From the beginning the Review was a personal concern
of Wrong's. For years, even when he had the assistance of
H.H. Langton, University Librarian, Wrong referred to it as
"my Review". He may well have been justified in this: he
founded it, edited it, and reportedly paid for the first
issue out of his own pocket. Further, the Review occupied
a great deal of time: in several letters he said "I am busy
with my Review", reading "hundreds of pages" and "grinding
out 2 or 3 articles a day...." From December through
February he was so busy that he was often forced to drOp other
plans.9 It was also Wrong's review in the eyes of the
public: he recalled being "cut in the street" by someone
whose book was severely criticized and who did not appreciate

such treatment.10

9See Chester Martin, "Professor G.M. Wrong and History in
Canada" in Ralph Flenley, ed. Essays in Canadian History
Presented to Geor e Mackinnon Wron for his Ei htieth Birthda
(Toronto, Macmillan, 1939) 12: Wrong to SOphia Wrong, 9
December 1898, 5 January 1899, 10 January 1899. 10 January
1899, 10 April 1899, Armstrong Collection: Wrong to Harlan,

21 December 1902, 15 February 1904, Harlan Papers, University
of Kentucky Law School, Louisville, Kentucky.

10Wrong, "Historical Criticism" (1936) 7-8. See also
Maitin, "Professor G.M. Wrong", 10-12: Wallace "Wrong",
23 -50

70

Editing and writing was only part of Wrong's work for
the Review: he also lobbied for financial support. He wrote
to Laurier in 1897 pointing out that the Ontario Government
had taken 100 cOpies at $7.00 each, and hOping that the
Federal Government would also support the endeavor.ll The
main claims for funds, however, went to the Ontario Government.
He praised George Ross, then Minister of Education, for his
"kindness in helping our work" and pointed out the he
[Wrong] had hOpes for closer relations between the University
and the Department Of Education, and for better "public feeling
for the university". The Review and other publications of
the University Studies, said Wrong, were a means of giving
the University of Toronto "an advantage at slight cost"
over McGill University, which was "pressing" Toronto "very

hard".12

A year later, in a series of letters to Ross'
successor in the Department of Education, Wrong expressed
himself directly and forcefully. "Rather stunned" and
"distressed" by the news that an anticipated grant for the
University Studies was not to be forthcoming, Wrong stated
' that he had done all he could to Obtain a favourable vote.

A few months later, apparently having wrung from the govern-

ment the required subsidy, Wrong was again involved in a

llWrong to Laurier, 4 March 1897, PAC, Laurier Papers.

12Wrong to Ross, 25 January 1899, 0A, RG 2, Series D-7.
Unfortunately, Wrong did not elucidate.

 

 

(ul-

wrangle. He complained that the Department Of Education had
subtracted the cost of printing from the grant of $600, in
violation of an undertaking to print at the expense Of the
Government. Wrong said that action was a "breach of faith"
and that he was holding the Minister's "personal honour"
pledged to rectify the situation.13 In later years the
question of financing the Review does not seem to appear in
the correspondence of the Minister of Education and it seems
likely that the Review had become established to such an

extent that lobbying for funds was no longer necessary.

If one can argue that Wrong's personal concern and
involvement justifies calling it "his" review, then it is
not unreasonable to say that the values expressed in the
Review were Wrong's values. There is a danger here, however:
most of the reviews were unsigned and there is no means, at
this point, of knowing whether or not a particular review
was by Wrong, or that it reflected his point of view. But,
as has been pointed out, Wrong wrote many of the reviews
himself, and it is a truism that an editor imposes a style
and standards on the work he accepts for publication. On
this basis it can be argued that those values which were

expressed repeatedly were the values held by Wrong.

The features mentioned most often in reviews were those

of accuracy, dependability and usefulness. Reviewers praised

13Wrong to Richard Harcourt, 15 May, 22 May, 25 May and
24 August, 1900, 0A, RG 2, D-7.

(4

authors who gave evidence of factual precision and hard work,
who provided references, and who included such things as

indexes, illustrations, bibliographies and suggestions for

further research. One review stated that:14

...we cannot close our eyes to the fact that
throughout the civilized world a change has taken
place in the method of writing history, and that
the public demand and insist upon scientific
accuracy before every other quality.

One of the means of ensuring accuracy was complete reference
to sources, a practice that had been ignored by most
writers Of history prior to the 18903:15

The Author...has greatly enhanced the value of
his work by giving numerous references to his
sources of information, a practice which ought

to be more generally adOpted by historical writers
as a guarantee of accuracy and help to other
investigators.

Another means of ensuring dependability was through hard

work. Many reviews mentioned the thoroughness of the

16

author. Reviewers also looked for usefulness in a book.

A useful book, besides being accurate and dependable, had
17

an index. The absence Of an index was noted many times.

l”Anonymous Review and Eulogy of Abbé H.R. Casgrain,
R view of Historical Public tions Relatin to Canada (here-
after RHPRC X 190 52. This was a ten page review with
much detail on the Seven Years War-~a tOpic upon which
Wrong wrote extensively (1908, 1914, 1918, 1928).

15Anonymous notice of William Houston, The Universities
of Canada (Toronto, Warwick, 1896) RHPRC, II 1 98 21 .

l6See: RHPRC v01. V, 57, 58, 59, 168: vol.VII, 1, 19,
126-7, 189, 193: V01. X, 6, 35, 112: V01.XII, 4, 25, 35, 45,
54: vol. XV, 32, 37: vol. XIX, 28, 33, 57-8.

l7See: RHPRC vol. v, 27, 53, 54, 127; vol. VII, 29, 44;
vol. X, 30, 84, 101: vol. XII, 19, 50, 58.

Bibliographies, illustrations, and maps, also received some

attention. Style was another virtue that was often praised.

Several other themes deserve notice, although they do
not appear sufficiently often to claim that a pattern existed.
Wrong did not publish a review written by A.G. Doughty,
Dominion Archivist, because "we wished to note only that

18 Comments on the

part Of [the book] relating to Canada".
usefulness of an American book to a Canadian audience were
often made in a manner that was highly critical of the

failure of the author to pay due regard to the role Canada
played in events. While the relative usefulness of a book is
a legitimate concern to a Canadian reader, the tone in which
the criticisms were made suggested more than a small amount of
either nationalism or feelings of being ignored by American
scholars, or both, Impartiality was mentioned Occasionally,
but it cannot be said if this implies that impartiality was
expected, or that it was not a prime value. "Balanced" was

a word that seemed to be applied in place Of impartiality:

it is possible that presenting both sides of a point was a

means of obtaining a sort Of impartial approach. This was

18Wrong to Doughty, 9 March 1910, PAC, RG 37. vol. 101.
Earlier Wrong had written to Doughty to say that he was
"most grateful" for Doughty's contributions. They were
"authoritative which is precisely what we want." Wrong to
Doughty, 30 December 1905. PAC, RG 37. vol. 101.

 

("l'

consistent with Wrong's approach.19
Some themes or values are conspicuous by their absence.
Comments about an author's interpretation were very rare.
There seems to be an inability or a lack of desire to
discuss an author's interpretation of evidence: it might even
be said that the reviewers thought that any authority was as
good as any other. Another theme that did not appear in the
Review was reference to relativism or the bias engendered by
the author's era, background and point Of view. One cannot,
however, draw conclusions on the basis of material that is not
present unless there is evidence that the omissions were
deliberate. All that can be said is that the Review was seldom

theoretical in its criticisms.

In spite Of these weaknesses the Review did have an
influence on the deve10pment of the historical profession.

J.B. Brebner said that the Review "made it unwise to publish

20

uncritical history [in Canada]". A bigger impact was

19RHPRC vol. v, 9. vol. XII, 25, 30, 33. vol. xv, 195:
vol. XIX, 16-17, 21.
On the other hand, "balance" might be a means of avoiding
a decision, or of disguising a bias, or of failing to have
a general theory within which the author could Operate
comfortably: see above, 58-60.

20J.B. Brebner, "George Mackinnon Wrong" Dietionary of
Nat'onal Bio a h (1941-50) 979-80. See also Wallace.
"Wrong", 234-5: Martin, "Professor G.M. Wrong", lO-14: K.N.
Windsor, "Historical Writing in Canada", 239. 242, 246.

probably on the educated public: the Review pointed out the
good and the bad, and eventually led to an acceptance of
critical evaluation by scholars--a significant step in the

process of creating an independent profession.

In addition to his work with the Review Wrong had a

significant though indirect impact on the history profession

through his connection with the Ontario Educational Association.

Within the O.E.A., Wrong was active in the Historical Section
(after 1907 called the English and History Section). His
name appears on the membership lists every year from 1896-
1909: he tOOk an active part in almost every meeting-~he was
often first on the list of those who paid their fee of 25¢

or 50¢--and attended again in 1912 and 1915. He was a member
of the Council (of six or seven) from 1896 to 1905 and was
elected President of the Section in 1897. Other academics
participated in the English and History Section, but none

were as constant or as active as Wrong.21

Wrong's service on various committees reveals something
of his concerns, and to a lesser extent his influence. One
of the biggest problems was the status Of history--then
disturbingly low (in the eyes of historians)--in relation to

other school subjects. In 1898, a committee was formed to

21OA, Ontario Educational Association, Minutes of the

English and History Section and O.E.A., Annual Report 1896-1915.

 

75

consider the question of the status of history. It
recommended (1) care regarding the appointment of history
examiners. (2) more time be devoted to history in the
curriculum, and (3) that attention be drawn to the lack

of attention paid to history by the University of Toronto.22
Again in 1899 Wrong and W.J. Robertson were requested to
discuss the matter on behalf of the Section with the University
Senate Committee on Changes in Matriculation Standards, and

to take the report of the Committee on the Status of History

to the Provincial Government.23 In 1902-3 Wrong was the
convenor Of a committee formed to draw up a syllabus for
elementary and secondary school history. Their recommendations
emphasized the history of Britain, Canada and the British
Empire for elementary grades: ancient, medieval and British
history in lower and middle secondary grades: and intensive
study of certain topics in Canadian history in upper school

).24

(grade 13 The idea that the student would benefit more

from a detailed examination of a limited period than from a
survey of the whole was repeated by Wrong in the meeting in

April 1911, and again in the recommendations of a resolution

220A, Ontario Educational Association, Minutes of the
English and History Section, 10 December 1898.

23Ibid., 4 and 5 April 1899. For Wrong's concern with the
status of history see also Wrong to Jameson, 28 July 1899, LC,
Jameson Papers and Proc edin s of the Ontario Educational
Association, (1897) 2 : 1898 27: (1899) 27: (1902) 26-7.

2”Ibid., 91: Re ort of the Committee on History, Ontario
Education Association (Toronto, King's Printer, 1903). This
pattern, plus American history, dominated the Ontario history
curriculum until the mid 1960s.

77

adOpted by the English and History Section in 1913.25 Thus
Wrong, by bringing the subject of history to the attention
of the Ontario Educational Association, helped raise the
status of history and the status of those who taught it.

He also paved the way for a sympathetic reception for his

own school books.

In addition to the Reyiew of Historical Publieations
Relating to Canada and his work with the Ontario Educational
Association, Wrong wrote or edited three general histories and
two school texts: he also delivered several addresses dealing
with the subject Of history. Wrong's first major publication
was The Crusade of 1383, known as that of the BishOp of
Norwieh.26

larger study of the Peasants' Revolt, and this was possibly

It was a short work: Wrong had intended to do a

a preliminary essay, perhaps rushed into print when Wrong
applied for the position as lecturer in the University.

The Crusade itself is not significant: it is not mentioned

in any of the basic works on the middle ages anderong never
returned to the subject. But the book does illustrate Wrong's

style, and indirectly his values.

250A, OEA, Minutes of the English and History Section,
April 1911, 0A, OEA, Papers, COpy of resolution adOpted at
the meeting of the English and History Section, 26 March 1913.

26London, James Parker and Co., 1892.

78

The book was well received. Reviewers praised Wrong
mainly for being interesting (6 reviews used this word).
graphic (3). well written (3). and lively. He was also
commended for his use Of original documents (6), and for
being detailed (4). genuinely critical (2). accurate (2).
and for using the methods of the new school of history.27
The book is unquestionably well written. It is almost
entirely narrative: Wrong limits his interpretation to a
conclusion that the crusade was a failure and did more harm
than good, and a few descriptions Of cruelty that appear

overdone in the context of the book.

The art of narrative was the aspect of historical
methodology that was Wrong's prime concern. His comments
on the art Of "constructing the narrative" leave no doubt
that he came close to equating narrative and methodology.
A history should flow: it was the task of the historian

to arrange "complex material effectively."28

He praised
E.A. Freeman's work on the Norman Conquest: "with laborious
effort and masterly insight [he] retold the story as well as

he could".29 It is likely that Wrong put emphasis on the

27See: excerpts from reviews printed in G.M. Wrong, ed.

ApplieapiOp ape TestimOpiaie of George M, WropgI B,AI for the

Post of Professor of Hi tor in the University of Toronto
(Toronto, 1894).

28Wrong, "Historical Study" (1895) 6: Wrong "History in
Canadian Secondary Schools"(1898) 553.

 

29Wrong, "Historical Study" (1895) 7.

narrative because he saw history as a means of educating

the public: to reach this public, history must be written in
a pOpular style. He doubted the value of the Cambridge
Modern History. "Such things lack unity and homogeneity of

"30 History to

style and will never be read by the masses.
Wrong was a useful tool: "In the calm study of the problems
of the past we shall acquire the temper and the wisdom to

"31 The sense of mission was also linked to

solve our own.
the publicist in him. "I sympathize with anything that will
elucidate the history of this country." he wrote to Doughty.32
Wrong's faith in the power of history continued through his
lifetime: in 1936 he wrote"..:the study of history with its
frank exposure of both rights and wrongs may lead to confes-
sion and reconciliation among the nations."33 Thus Wrong-
the-history-teacher is linked through his sense of mission to

Wrong-the-historian writing pOpular narrative history that

would appeal to the many.

But it was not just a smooth story that made a narrative--
it was primarily the insight, the "disciplined imagination",
that the historian brought to bear On the material that made

the work a success. This material, said Wrong, ought to be

30Wrong to Doughty, 1 December 1904, PAC, RG 37. vol. 101.
31Wrong, "Historical Study" (1895) 19.
32Wrong to Doughty, 11 August 1909, PAC RG 37, vol. 101.

33Wrong, "Historical Criticism" (1936) 4.

 

 

based on original or contemporary sources as much as possible.34
From a contemporary account one obtains "glimpses of the

play of character...[of] living men and women."35 But to

the contemporary account the historian brings his own in-
sights, "intellectual acuteness, chastened imagination [and]
sympathetic feeling".36 The historian was a skilled craftsman.
In the preface to The Crusade of 1383 Wrong stated that "the
material for the story is scattered, and when it is not scanty
it is untrustwortnrin its detail...." But this did not deter
him:37

...sound historical science, working from its

knowledge of human nature which has remained

unchanged, can recall with accuracy, if not with

completeness, the vivid life Of a past time if

it has even scanty contemporary records.
Wrong leaned heavily on medieval chronicles, in particular
the work of Froissart. He said that Froissart was "usually
untrustworthy" but went on to cite him 33 times in the next
40 pages.38 For Wrong, imagination was more significant than

discipline.

3LIW’rong, "Historical Study", (1895) 9, ll.
351bid., 10.
36Ibid., 11-12.

37Wrong, The Crusade of 1383 (1892) v-vi.

38Ibid., 54n. and ff. Most of the citations were from

part x which Wrong felt "fits in entirely with what we know...."
58n.

 

81

Wrong was not unaware of the need for a historian to be
critical or discriminating in his use of sources. He knew
that witnesses were Often inaccurate or incompetent, prone
to exaggerate or to see only what they wanted to see. He
knew that every document should be tested for accuracy and
authority.39 He said historians should not try to interpret
the design of Providence, or to champion the history of any
one race, or to teach patriotism, or be the ally Of the

40 Bias to Wrong meant being sympathetic to one

politician.
side or the other or to a particular person, or taking a
nationalistic point of view: it did not mean the author's
basic interpretation of the sources.)+1 Wrong distinguished
between secondary and primary sources. In commenting on

an anthrOpology thesis he said that "secondary authorities

are put upon the same footing as primary-~Parkman and the

Jesuit Relations."l"'2 Wrong was aware that there was "a great

39See Wrong to J.F. Jameson, 29 October 1900, LC,
Jameson Pa ers and Wrong's introduction to Louisbourg in

nOWrong, "What the Historian should and should not attempt",
address, reported in The Vapeity 20 (15 January 1901) 191.

“ISee: Wrong, Washi o and Hi Comrad in Arms: a
Chroniele Of the Way 0: Independence (New Haven, Yale, 1921)
277: Wrong, Capaaa apd the American Revolution: The
disru t'on of th first Br't'sh Em ire Toronto, Macmillan,
1935) 482-8. In 1936 Wrong said that the varied interpreta-
tions of the French Revolution and the American Revolution are

the result Of "biased interpretations" and "antagonism" and
are therefore not impartial. "Historical Criticism" (1936) 3.

“ZSee J.M. McQueen "The Iroquois as Warriors and Hunters"
unpublished M.A. thesis, Toronto, 1907.

 

82

deal of new material" for a possible article on Montcalm and

the Seven Years War and often he mentioned the need to go to

the "original authorities".L"3
But Wrong's use of sources was not without weaknesses.

Wrong used the concept of "authority" and "original authOrity"

in a somewhat limited way. He appears to have equated

authority with printed documents (as distinct from the original

or manuscript sources).Lu+ In praising Freeman he pointed

out that Freeman used printed books "for the most part within

reach of any man"P5 He recognized that the increasing rigour

of historical study might make more use Of manuscript mater-

ial necessary, but in his own work seemed to be content with

published material. Even his treatment of published sources

was casual. He Often omitted footnotes and in The Earl of

Eigip (1905) sources were listed in the preface with little

or no assessment of value. In A1Qaaeaiaa_Maaar_aad_iis_§eigneur§

(1908) Wrong provided references in very general terms only:

for example, a manuscript collection, or a secondary work

based on good sources, or published documents might be

listed as the basic source, with no other details. This

43Wrong to Jameson, 16 July 189%, 11 March 1899, LC,
Jameson Papers: Wrong, "Historical S udy", (1895) 7, 9-10.

”uWrong, "Historical Study" (1895) 9: Wrong to J.E.

Roy, 4 December 1905, PAC Roy Papers: Wrong, Capada ane the
American Revolution (1935) 479.

”5"Historical Study" (1895) 7.

83

source was the "authority" for large portions of the book,
sometimes whole chapters. Similarly, Rise ang Fall of New Fpapee
(1928) used printed sources and secondary monographs almost
entirely. None of these three books had footnotes beyond the
occasional clarification, and, in Canadian Mapor, a few
references to source. Yet, while he appeared to depend increas-
ingly on secondary sources, in the early stages of his career
and in particular in his public pronouncements, Wrong was
relatively sophisticated in his appreciation of the use of
source material.“6
Wrong was aware of the trend to regard history as a
science but his roots were elsewhere. He used the term
"sound historical science" to refer to the historian's ability
to fill in gaps in the record and to distinguish error from
truth and he used the term "scientific precision" in a manner
that might imply Objectivity. What these concepts meant to
him was the expertise of the specialist.”7 He drew a parallel
between the man of science reconstructing an animal on the
basis Of a single bone and the historian who "can construct

u6For criticisms Of his work in the 1920s see below, 207-8-

u7See: Wrong, The Crueage of 1383(1892) preface: Wrong
"History in Canadian Secondary Schools".(1898) 554: Daily
Journal, [1892] 30. For an analysis of how other historians
of that era used the concept 'scientific history', see:
John Higham, et. a1., Hisporya The DeveiOpment of Historical
§E%Q%2§.ifl.$h§.§flii§§.§£é§2§ Englewood Cliffs. Prentice-Hall,

l9 5 104 ff: and Harvey Wish, The Americap Historian: A

Soc'a «rInte l ctual H’stor 0 th Wr‘tipg of the Ameriean
Past (New York, Oxford, 1980) 267-8.

 

C54

48

a correct idea of the whole...." He used the biological

analogy in his statement about the Union of 1840: "It

created in germ something like a Canadian nation...."l+9

But in practice Wrong saw history more as a literary form
than a science, and in this he was more in the tradition of
the nineteenth century than the twentieth. He did not write
in the dry, cautious, heavily-qualified and thoroughly-
footnoted style of the modern monograph. Rather, he wrote

narrative, usually popular, history.

One other characteristic of Wrong's books was a tend-
ency to describe cruelty and atrocities in more detail than
would seem to be necessary. Many of the incidents so described

were trivial, and almost all of them were presented with

50

an underlying tone of moralizing. Some of this may have

been related to his view of Indians as savages--bloodthirsty,

backwards. greedy for rum, content to be backwards--51

but his attention to atrocity goes beyond the

48Wrong, Daily Journal, [1892] 30. In 1927 Wrong said
that history "can never be finally written" because man and
his institutions are fickle, immature, irrational: "until man
has become superman there will not be a science of history."
Wrong, "The Historians Problem" (1927) 6-7.

qurong, Earl of Elgin (1905) 38.

5°Wrong; Crusade of 1 8 (1892) 16, 61, 72-4, 79-80,
86: Earl of E1 in 1905 27-8, 36-7, 43-54, 99-100, 108-9,
110-11, 11 -15, 131, 198-200: A Canadian Manor (1908) 9. 67;
Conquest of New France (1918) 5, 6, 167: Fall of Canada (1914)
40-3, 84-5: Washin on and His Comrades in Arms (1921) passim:
The Canadians (1938) 434.

51To be fair to Wrong he probably felt that the defects
of the Indians were due more to lack of education than to
intrinsic nature. Bowker, "Truly Useful Men", 216-17.

 

 

 

85

descriptions of the Indian style of war to include medieval
EurOpe and British conflicts in India. He may have been
trying to bring life to the events he was describing in order
to appeal to the reader, but it is more likely that he was
trying to draw a moral lesson. A constant theme in his books
is the progress that has been made--due of course to the
spread of education and British democracy--and the lessons

that can be drawn from a study of past excesses.

Drawing a moral lesson was but one expression of
Wrong's sense Of mission: outside the Department or in, he
was a man who wanted to teach--the public, school children.
even his own colleagues. To do this he wrote textbooks and
monographs, he worked with the Ontario Educational Association,
and he founded The Review of Historical Publications. In doing
so he took the first steps on a long road--a road that would
include the professionalization of history in Canada,
expressions of Canadian nationalism, and teaching a generation

or more the "real meaning" of the past.

 

PART II

A TRADITION ESTABLISHED (1905-1919)

CHAPTER FIVE

"An Oxford Training is Most Valuable":
Appointments to the Department of History

The Department of History grew gradually from one

person (Wrong) in 1903 to seven in 1920.

When an appoint-

ment was to be made to the Department of History both Wrong

and President (later Sir Robert) Falconer looked first to

Oxford then to Toronto.

Table 2 is a summary of appoint-

ments made in this period.

Name

E.J. Kylie
A.G. Brown
K.G. Failing
K.N. Bell
W.S. Wallace
J.J. Bell

W. Harvey

R. Hodder-
Williams

G.M. Smith
H. McMurchie
C.V. Massey

W.P.M. Kennedy

M.C. Wrong
S.H. Hooke
M.G. Reid

NOTE:

TAmm‘z

Appointments 1904-1919

B.A.

 

Toronto
Toronto
Oxford
Oxford
Toronto
Oxford
Toronto

Oxford
Toronto
Toronto
Toronto
Dublin
Oxford
Oxford
Toronto

Years with the

 

Later Department of
Egaigigg History

Oxford, B.A. 1904-l6

Oxford, B.A{ 1905-l4

-- 1907-09: 1949-50
-- 1909-ll

Oxford, B.A. 1910-24: 1927-29
-- 1911-12

Toronto, M.A. (1912) 1911-12

-- 1912-23

Oxford, B.A. 1912-29

Toronto, M.A. (1923) 1912-19

Oxford, B.A. 1913-19

Dublin, D. Litt. 1914-26

Toronto, M.A. (1920) 1915-21

London, B.D. 1916-23

Oxford. B. Litt. (1922) 1918-20: 1922-26

87'

Dates in brackets are for degrees earned after
being appointed to the History Department.

88

Wrong had complained as early as 1895 that the staff
in History had not expanded as had other departments, some
of which had grown from one or two professors to as high
as eight professors and lecturers.1 But it was not until
Trinity College became federated with the University in
1903 that Wrong began to obtain the assistance he wanted.
He argued that the History Department would be unable to
"carry out the terms of the agreement" with Trinity because
of the large number of students taking history, and because
he was all alone--something which was true of no other
department in the University.2 Later, student enrollment
was a factor. After having remained relatively static for
some years, the number of students enrolled in the Department
rose.rapidly between 1907 and l911--faster than the total
university enrollment.3 These changes provided Wrong with

the ammunition he needed to press for additimal staff.

Adding to the staff was a constant problem, mainly

because funds were low. At one point Wrong complained that

lWrong, "Historical Study" (1895) 5.

2Wrong to James Loudon, 1 December 1903, UTA, Loudon
Papers. Wrong's daughter recalls that he lectured at Trinity
College, then some three or four miles from University College.
Interview, 1 March 1972.

3See: Appendix B: no reason for this was discovered,
but there are the three strong possibilities: the pOpularity
of Kylie: the discussion groups: and the surge of nationalism
after the Alaska Boundary decision and the Champlain Tercen-
tenary. See below, Chapters 6 and 7.

89

the trustees were not paying sufficient attention to his
needs even though his own teaching load was twelve lectures

a week. Even after Obtaining the promise of an additional
man, he complained that he "ought to have two more..." in
addition to the four already on staff.4 Wrong mentioned that
he would like to have W.L. Grant join the Department, and

he drOpped a hint to Adam Shortt at Queen's, but he could not
follow through on these as the University was "feeling poor".
In addition to the financial problem it did not seem likely
that any appointments would be made above the level of

5

lecturer: it is not clear whether this was due to financial
considerations or merely a reflection Of the tradition that
there could only be a single Professor. Yet Wrong did manage
to add to his staff steadily over the next few years. Not
only did he replace those who resigned but he added to their
number until there was a total of seven in l9l4--eight if one

counts A.G. Brown, who was ill at the time of Massey's

appointment.

It is not clear how much authority Wrong had in making

appointments once the budget question had been settled.

“Wrong to Walker, 11 February 1907, UTL, Champlain

Society: Ibid., 26 June 1905. Wrong to Grant, 30 November
1908, PAC, Grant Papers.(Wrong, Kylie, Brown and Felling
were the members in 1908).

5Wrong to Grant, 6 July 1907, 28 October 1908, 30
November 1908, PAC, Grant Papers: Wrong to Shortt, 20
February 1908, DL, Shortt Papers.

90

At first glance it would appear that his wishes were granted
virtually automatically. He spoke strongly about Edward
Kylie, and Kylie was appointed.6 He asked W.L. Grant, then
teaching in Oxford, to speak to Kylie about possible appoint-
ments and later told Kylie to Offer the lectureship to
Feiling.7 All three of Kylie, Feiling, and Kenneth Bell, who
replaced Feiling, appear to have been appointed without the
positions being advertised.8 Wrong, writing in 1924, said
that at the time of the appointment of Bell, "I had made
arrangements by which a fellow Of All Souls should come here
for two years, to be followed regularly, as I hoped, by other
fellows for a similar period."9 At two different points Wrong
appears to have had his way over the Objections of Falconer,
Flavelle, Walker, and others who were hesitant to make an

appointment he wanted.10

6Brief biographies of each member of the Department
will be found in Appendix C.

7Wrong to Grant, 27 May and 6 July 1907, PAC, Grant
.Papers.

8See Loudon to Harcourt, 8 January 1904, UTA, Loudon
Papers: Falconer to Feiling, 9 July 1908, Bell to Falconer
12 October 1908, Falconer to Bell, 15 January 1909, UTA, Falconer
Papers. No letters indicating other applicants were discovered.

9Wrong, Testimonial on behalf of K.N. Bell, 29 April
1924, UTA, History Department, File 7.

10The first Occasion was the appointment Of Helen McMurchie,
who was the second fellow to be appointed, and the second
female. The Opposition was based on finances. Falconer to
Wrong, 14 August 1913, UTA, Falconer Papers. The second
occasion was the case Of his daughter, Marga. Wrong to SOphia
Wrong, 2 October 1915, Armstrong Collection. Wrong to SOphia
Wrong, 12 October 1915, Diary, Armstrong Collection.

91

Yet there are indications that the President did much
more than accept Wrong's recommendations. Loudon played a
major role in Kylie's appointment and it appears that
Falconer, who became President in 1906, was even more active
than Loudon in the process of appointing men to the History
Department. (Under the terms of the University Act [1906]
no appointments could be made or terminated without the

express recommendation of the President.) Falconer wrote

personal letters confirming appointments. and reappointments,ll

and he suggested making an appointment that would mean a man

under Mavor in Political Science would go to History half

12

time. And Falconer had some very definite opinions as to

what kind of man was best suited for History. He once named

the three men he wanted in order of preference,13 and on two

separate occasions he specified education and nationality:1u

We find that for History an Oxford training is
most valuable. A strong Canadian or a strong

. Scotchman with Oxford training fills our position
splendidly in such a subject as that.

llFalconer to Feiling, 19 July 1907 and 9 July 1908,
UTA, Falconer Papers. See also Falconer to C.V. Massey.
27 July 1913, UTA, Falconer Papers.

12Falconer to Mavor, 19 June 1908, UTA, Falconer Papers.

13Falconer to K. Bell, 11 September 1911, UTA, Falconer
Papers. The third on the list received the appointment.

luFalconer to S. Mackenzie (President, Dalhousie Univer-
sity) 3 May 1912, UTA, Falconer Papers: see also Falconer to
W.C. Murray (President, University of Saskatchewan) 15 February,
1913, UTA, Falconer Papers. Falconer did not define what he
meant by "strong" but from the appointments that were made one
might speculate that the qualities he desired included first
class grades, effective teaching, willingness to take part in
public affairs, leadership, youth and independence of mind.

92

There are other reasons for thinking that Wrongtsinfluence
was limited. Wrong failed to Obtain the appointment of a
man that he wantedl5and it appeared at one point that he had
been left out of discussions regarding the possibility of
bringing to Toronto C.W. Colby, a Harvard Ph.D. then teaching
at McGill. Wrong's comment on this suggests that he was
somewhat miffed:l6
I may say that my plans have been a little upset
by a new scheme to bring Colby here as Professor
of Government and Canadian Institutions. If he
comes he would work chiefly in the History

Department, I do not doubt, but no formal prOposal
has yet been made to him.

Of more signifance than the process is the set of
values expressed or implied in the appointments made. The
most Obvious is the acceptance of Oxford. Only a small
percentage of persons considered for appointment were not
from Oxford: no other institution as such appears in the
correspondence and quite often Oxford was the only place
where potential teachers were sought. Further, the only
appointments made to non-Oxonians went to part time teachers,
one of whom was appointed during World War I, after most Of
the Department had enlisted. TO Wrong and Falconer Oxford

training was not just "valuable": it was almost necessary.

A second value that can be inferred is the desire to

appoint only someone who was knownto either Falconer and

l5Wrong to Falconer, 13 July 1913, UTA, Falconer Papers.

16Wrong to Grant, 30 November 1908, Grant Papers.

7.)

Wrong or to someone whose judgment they trusted. Although
many appointments went to Canadians, and Falconer had
hinted that he preferred Canadians, no appointment went

to a Canadian from outside the University of Toronto. All
of the Toronto graduates (Kylie, Wallace, Smith, Brown,
Massey) were know well to Wrong or his staff, or were marked
as potential leaders by winning scholarships to Oxford.

The Oxonians also knew each other: Kenneth Bell and Feiling
were both Fellows of All Souls and both probably knew Hodder-
Williams and J.J. Bell from Balliol. The two exceptions
were Marga Wrongwh'o took her undergraduate work only at
Oxford, and Kennedy, a graduate of Dublin. Marga Wrong was
Wrong's daughter and Kennedy was teaching at St. Michael's
College in Toronto when he was invited to join the Depart-

ment of History. Thus all of the appointees were well known.

The desire to appoint only those known to Wrong or his
friends suggests a strong desire to avoid appointing some-
one who would not fit into the Department. Wrong had
wanted a."yepy promising person" and Falconer had wanted
a "strong" man but it is Obvious that they were seeking
some other qualities as well. Wrong stated, and Falconer
agreed, that an appointment should be temporary until the
person had been "tested". In his testimonial on behalf of

Bell, Wrong stated that Bell had fitted in well in the

94

Department and had had no trouble adjusting.l7 All of these
values coalesced in the appointment of Kylie, which was the

most significant appointment made in this period.

The appointment of Kylie was significant for a number
of reasons. He was the first of the Toronto graduates to
go to Oxford on a Flavelle Fellowship. He was the first to
be appointed to Wrong's Department and was thus in a position
to advise on other appointments. He was a member Of the
Department for many years: thus his influence was a contin-
uing force, while that of others was diluted because they
were only part-time members or because they were in the
Department for only a short time. And since Wrong had never
been a regular student at Oxford, the Oxford practices that
were adopted by the Department probably came via Kylie.
Further, Kylie was marked very early as having great
potential as a leader. The comments made when he died in
1915, and the status of those who mourned his loss publicly,
reveal this quality clearly. A.L. Smith, Master of Balliol
College, wrote: "We had all built such hOpes on him...[He]

combined the best interests of Canada, Oxford and the

17Wrong to Grant, b. June 1907, 17 May 1907, 30
November 1908, PAC, Grant Papers: Wrong to Falconer, 13
July 1913, Falconer to K. Bell, 9 October 1911, Falconer to
Walker, 5 May 1911, UTA, Falconer Papers: WronggTestimonial,
29 April 1924, UTA, History Department, File 7. All of the
appointees in this period had their appointments extended
beyond the first year, with the exception of J.J. Bell and
Winnifred Harvey.

95

18

Empire...." All of these factors combined to make the

appointment of Kylie a matter of concern at the highest

levels of the University and Provincial Government.

Wrong,fearing that Kylie might be Offered a position

in England, pressed strongly for the appointment.19

President Loudon in turn consulted and Obtained the consent

of his colleagues and the Trustees, and then pressured

20

Richard Harcourt, Minister of Education. Harcourt and

his colleagues agreed to the appointment of Kylie as

21

Associate Professor, but this did not make Loudon happy.

Appointing an "untried man to a superior position" without
"throwing the position Open to public competition" would

cause "complications" warned Loudon, thinking of the results

18A.L. Smith to Flavelle, 17 June 1916, DL, Flavelle
Papers: for eulogies see Toronto papers on or after 15 May
1916: Flavelle to A.L. Smith, 10 July 1916, DL, Flavelle
Papers: University Of Toronto Senate, Minutes, 28 June 1916:
Wrong and Hodder-Williams, "Edward Joseph Kylie" film 16 (June-
July 1916) 424-5: C.F. Beer,et. al. "An Appeal for an Edward
Kylie Memorial Scholarship" HEM l6 (June-July 1916) 426-9.
The co-signers of the appeal included such names as Lionel
Curtis, B.E. Walker, President Falconer and many members of
the University community. The appeal collected enough money
to provide $850 per year for successful candidates: see
advertisements in The Varsity. 29 November 1948 and 27
January 1958.

For other estimates of Kylie's abilities see G.M. Smith
to Falconer, 1 March 1927 and F.F. Westbrook to Falconer, May
and June 1914, UTA, Falconer Papers.

19Wrong to Loudon, 1 December 1903, UTA, Loudon Papers.
20Loudon to Harcourt, 8 January 1904, UTA, Loudon Papers.
21Harcourt to Loudon, 26 April 1904, UTA, Loudon Papers.

96

of the appointment of Wrong.22 But Kylie was not without
resources: he, and his father, and Flavelle, Harcourt and
Wrong argued that Kylie's qualifications were superior, that
he merited special attention, and had been forced to borrow
due to high expenses.23 Wrong wrote:

There is no other man in sight....0xford heads the
English speaking world in History [right/just] now.
His having engaged in no historical research is
counter-balanced by his having had a good training

in method and in the writing of English. Besides he
has research underway, but historical research takes
years to complete. It is not like a single scientific
problem which can be isolated.

Utimately Kylie was appointed lecturer at a salary of
$1,300.

Kylie's first Opinions Of Oxford had not been favour-
able. He had disliked the social barriers and felt that
the "boyish" Oxford undergraduate could "work more and play

less" and that the Oxford "authorities" should become "more

in touch with the progressive spirit of the age".zn But

Kylie soon changed his mind about Oxford.

22Loudon to Harcourt, 27 and 29 April, 1904, UTA,
Loudon Papers.

23See Harcourt to Loudon, 28 April, 3 May and 5 May 1904:
Edward Kylie to Loudon, May to August 1904: Richard Kylie to
Loudon, 29 August 1904: Wrong to Loudon, 28 July 1904: UTA,
Loudon Papers. Kylie's father requested that the salary not
be made public: Loudon to Harcourt, 28 September 1904 (draft),
UTA, Loudon Papers. See also Kylie to Falconer, 5 March 1909,
and Wrong to Falconer, 10 March 1909, UTA, Falconer Papers, for
correspondence regarding promises of promotion. Salaries of
lecturers in other departments ranged from $1000 to $1800.

2“Kylie to Flavelle, 2 May 1902, D.L. Flavelle Papers.

 

 

-V‘

-.-

'r1
(I:

.-

(I)

 

96a

The facets of Oxford that impressed Kylie the most
were the residences, the tutorial system and the emphasis
on the classics. Residence life was a "new experience" and
he was delighted by the constant and close contact with others.
Oxford was "a place where firm friendships are formed and
intercourse with high-minded and sympathetic superiors
permitted". If, he wrote, the proper study of mankind is man,
"surely nothing could give fuller Opportunity for [devotion?]
to that study than life in a college residence," where one
could meet people from every walk Of life.25 Residence life.
wrote Kylie, develops self-command, human sympathy, breadth of
outlook, originality, freshness of thought, and power of

26

expression. In addition, life in the city of Oxford was

delightful: Kylie said that he had been deeply influenced by
27

the sense of tradition and the beautiful buildings.

25Kylie to James Brebner, 10 November 1901, UTA, Kylie
Biographical File: Kylie to Flavelle, 2 May 1902, DL,
Flavelle Papers: Kylie "Life in an Oxford College" Tae
Varsity 22 (February 1903) 257-8.

26Kylie, "Oxford Education" The Varsity, 24 (1 December
1904) 125-8.

271bid: Kylie to Brebner, 10 November 1901, UTA, Kylie
Biographical File.

 

 

97

The tutorial system,according to Kylie, balanced
intensive instruction, independent reading, and free inter-
change between student and teacher and between student and
student. The tutors kept up to date through contact with
other tutors and reading, and the results of their re-
searches appeared in lectures. Men likeStubbs or Jowett
expressed, he said, "the fruits of a generation of quiet
Oxford thinking." The close contact with the tutor gave
the student an insight into true depth of knowledge.28
Kylie also spoke highly Of the emphasis on the classics.
Classical studies, he wrote, cultivated taste, literary skill,
"reverence for antiquity and devotion to the things of the
mind." The problems of the past show "in simple and noble
form the workings of the human spirit and the progress of
human growth." The value of the study of the past lay in
the fact that the present is the "product of a long, moral
and intellectual evolution...."29

Kylie felt that the Oxford ideal was the production
of good citizens: "...cultivation of the mind, not technical
skills or commercial cleverness, is the fruit of [Oxford]

education...." He quoted Jowett, "We make men", and went

28Kylie "Oxford Education": Kylie to Brebner, 10
November 1901, UTA, Kylie Biographical File.

29Kylie "Oxford Education".

98

on to explain:30
Today, the men she [Oxford] makes govern India and
other dependencies, fill the consular and civil
service, act as ministers of the crown, and do all
this with unrivalled fairness, moderation, truthful-
ness, and honesty.
He felt that the debates enabled the student to learn
something of men and their views and he praised the Oppor-
tunity to take an interest in public questions and to

criticize the government.31

When Kylie returned to Toronto he did not hesitate
to suggest that the University of Toronto would do well
to follow the Oxford model.32 In 1911 he advised Frank
Underhill, then in his first term at Oxford, to "fall
asleep in your arm chair" because the system at Toronto
"leaves us too keen, too afraid to relax".33 An editorial
in the University of Toronto Monthly stated that the purpose
of a university was "to stimulate, to invigorate, and to
call out latentenergies", and an article on "Examinations"
criticized the type of examinations which lead to cramming.
The "enforced recitations and bookkeeping system of American

Colleges" were to be deplored because they destroyed freedom

3°Ibid.

 

3lelie to Flavelle, 2 May 1902, DL, Flavelle Papers.

32See newspaper account of an address to the St. Catharines
Canadian Club, Toronto Star, 21 October 1905, UTA, Kylie
Biographical File, and a letter to J.S. Willison, 4 July 1905,
defending Oxford and Catholicism, PAC, Willison Papers.

33Ky1ie to Underhill, 7 November [1911], PAC, Underhill
Papers.

 

and individuality. Examinations at the end of term bring

education to a dead stOp: they might be better at the begin-
ning of the next term, and they should force the student to
"systematize his knowledge" and "relate words to thoughts"?u

Breadth of learning was a major value for Kylie.

Kylie’s valued close interaction among students and their
teachers, mental vigour, the development Of future leaders
and progress through broad education. These values were
similar to those held by Wrong and the same pattern appears
among those appointed to the Department after Kylie. Interest
in the teaching of the undergraduatesand seeing them as
individuals was a major concern. In addition to supervision
of regular discussion groups and the meetings of the
Historical C1ub35 Kylie organized a voluntary group to
discuss Canadian constitutional history, and he invited
Frank Underhill to a luncheon group that met to discuss
municipal reform.36 Bell too formed a conversation and study
group that met at his home every two weeks.37 Kylie, Brown,
Feiling and Bell presented papers to the Historical Club as

well as attending its meetings.38 Further evidence that

3L""Editorial Notes" UTM 9 (November 1910) 27. "Examin-
ations" UTM 10 (March 1910) 291-3. Although neither item was
signed, Kylie was the editor, and was likely the author.

35See below, Chapter Six.

36Underhill Interviews, II, 47-8, 58, PAC, Underhill Papers.

37Ibid, I, 52.

38Gary Kelly, Historical Club of the University of Toronto:

L'st of Members and Sub'ects for the ears 1905-1960 (Toronto,
Sydney Hermant, 1964).

 

 

 

100

the members of the Department were interested in the students
can be found in the statements made by students and

colleagues regarding their teaching.

Kenneth Bell, although not a good lecturer, was
stimulating in small groups and was, according to Wrong, a
born teacher. Wrong hOped that Bell would return to Toronto
after the war, but he was unable to convince Falconer.39
Feiling was well thought of as a teacher: he was reappointed
in 1908, and returned to Toronto in 1949 as a visiting
lecturer. One of Feiling's students in Oxford described him
as the "ideal tutor", able to "interest and inspire pupils
of very different kinds:" Feiling made the characters of the
past "real" and showed the public what "true learning" meant.”o
Hodder-Williams dramatized his classes: he is remembered for

such things as wearing a red tie when lecturing on the French

Revolution.’+1 Kennedy was described as a "brilliant

39Underhill Interviews, I, 52: Wrong to SOphia Wrong,
22 January, 9 February, 4 March, 1919, Armstrong Collection:
Wrong, Testimonial on behalf of K.N. Bell, 29 April 1924, UTA,
History Department, File 7. Falconer was worried that Bell
might expect to succeed Wrong as head and thus disrupt others
in the Department. Falconer to Wrong, 28 February 1919,
UTA, Falconer Papers.

noFalconer to Feiling, 9 July 1908, UTA, Falconer Papers:

David Cecil, "Foreword" in Essa s in British Histo Presentea
to Sir Keith Feilin , Hugh Trevor-Roper, ed. (London, Macmillan,
1964) v-viii.

ulMary Reid, Interview, 7 December 1974: Elsinore Haultain,
Interview, 27 December 1974. Mary Reid was a sister of
Marjorie Reid. Both she and Elsinore Haultain were students
at Toronto.

 

101

lecturer whose sense of the dramatic enabled him to infuse
life into the study ...Of the country...."”2 One of Hooke's
students said he had "encyclopedic 1earning...ready helpful-
ness and [a] love of teaching"!+3 Wrong said "Miss Reid has
shown capacity to interest the students and gives promise.

of doing a high order of academic work".u4

The emphasis on
good teaching indicates the importance of the undergraduate

in the eyes of the staff.

Members of the Department thought favourably of Oxford.45
They repeated at Toronto the methods and lessons of Oxford,
encouraged Toronto students to go to Oxford to continue
their education and, in the cases of Bell and Feiling,
maintained close contact even after they had returned to
Oxford. Marga Wrong felt that the Oxford system could be
applied in Toronto. Fresh frOm Somerville College, and Dean
of Women as well as lecturer in History and English, she

founded a new women's union at University College. A

uzNorah Story, The Oxford Com ion to Cana ian Histo
ape Liperaiure (Toronto, Oxford, 1967) 400.

“3E.C. Graham, Noth'n ' Her for T s: a memoir of
Sapuel Heppy Hooke (Oxford, Blackwell, 1969) 9-10.

uuWrong to Falconer, 11 March 1918, UTA, Falconer Working
Papers. .

“5K.N. B [e11], "Mr. A.L. Smith's Lectures", yam 10 (May
1910) 421-3: K.G. Feiling, The Varsity. 27 (16 January 1908)
198: Vincent Massey, What's Past is Prologpe, 23 ff: Ralph
Hodder-Williams "The Tutorial Spirit", gim_15 (February 1915)
195-203 0

102

previous union had become the preserve Of daughters of ,
Toronto's well-tO-do and Marga Wrong was determined to
counter this trend. She resisted any tendency to adOpt the
patterns of the American sororities: instead she insisted the
new union be Open to all women on the model of British

46

colleges for women. The tutorial groups of Hodder-Williams
were, according to Lower, "duplications of Oxford groups....
His classroom methods, advice to students and general attitudes
were just Oxford transferred...."L"7 Successive generations

of students were affected by the ideas and way of life of

the teachers from Oxford. It was Kylie, Feiling and Bell

who aroused the interest of Vincent Massey and Frank Underhill
in Oxford, and Massey passed this interest on to Lester

48

Pearson who would join the Department in 1923. Wrong sent

his own children to Oxford and worked with Falconer to

obtain funds to support others at Oxford--including two who

46Mary Reid, Interview, 7 December 1974: Mrs. W.A.
Kirkwood Interview, 18 June 1975. Mrs. Kirkwood was Marga
Wrong's successor as head of the Union.

“7Lower, My First Sevenpy Five-Years, 47.

“BVincent Massey, What'e Past ie Prologue, 21-2, 41-3:
Frank Underhill, Interviews, 1, 52, 80: II, 58, PAC, Underhill
Papers: M' e: The Memoirs of the Rt. Hon. Lester B. Pearson,
vol. I, 1897-1948, (Toronto, New American Library, 1973)

13, 40. While Underhill was in his second year at Oxford,
Kylie approached Underhill's father to see if finances would
be available for a third year, which Underhill did take.

Isa Underhill Millar, Interview, 12 June 1969. Isa Millar
is Underhill's sister.

 

103

later returned to Toronto to teach history.“9 It was Feiling,
then back at Oxford, who recommended both Hodder-Williams
and Smith to Wrong, and it was Feiling, along with Edward Wood,

who founded the All Souls Prize to stimulate historical
50

interest. SO strong were the Oxford influences that in

1910, A.L. Smith's daughter wrote:5l

Toronto was...1ike meeting a part of Oxford, so
many past and future members of that place were
congregated there....

The members of the Department did not teach narrow
specialties or research methods, but rather the broader
patterns of history and how to deal with issues. Bell had
as an ideal the lectures of A.L. Smith, which balanced
idealism and practical necessities, grappled with the problems
of the future and exalted the basic unchanging principles.

Hodder-Williams valued the tutorial system for its mental

qurong to Lord Grey, 9 March 1908, cOpy in PAC, Rhodes
Scholarship Trust Papers, Alberta file, "G.M. Smith";UTA,
Falconer Papers, Box 21, "C.N. Cochrane scholarship": D.J.
McDougall, Interview, 19 July 1974: Wrong to Parkin,
21 January 1919, PAC, Parkin Papers: Wrong to J.W. Coyne,
31 [May?] 1931, University of Western Ontario, Coyne Papers:
see also C.B. Sissons, A Histor of Victoria Universit
(Toronto University Press, 1952) 264, for C.D. Massey's
interest in similar projects.

50Feiling to Wrong, 21 February 1911, UTL, Wrong Papers.
The prize was $200: it began in 1908 and was still in exist-
ence in 1931. C.N. Cochrane to Falconer, 9 January 1931, UTA,
Falconer Papers. ‘

51Arthur Lionei Smith, Master of Balliol, 1916-24:
a bio a h and some rem'nis ences b his wife London, John
Murray, 1928) 179. .

104

training. Both Kylie and Feiling spoke strongly against

the excessive pressure which led to cramming, memorizing
facts, supplemental examinations, repeated years and transfers.
Instead, said Kylie, the student should be taught to recognize
and handle the relations between facts. Feiling suggested
fewer examinations and lectures and specialization only after
the first two years.52 G.M. Smith also concentrated on the
broader patterns of history.53 What writing these men did
was often more literary than scholarly. Kylie was editor

of the University of Toronto Monthly, and Feiling, Bell and
Hodder-Williams wrote for that magazine and for The Varsity.
Hooke and Marga Wrong encouraged the students who began

The Rebel, a whimsical and iconoclastic journal that evolved
into the Canadian Forum.54 Hooke also wrote several articles
for Aeia Vietoriana between 1915 and 1919. In all of these

endeavours the main values were the deve10pment Of_the intellect

52Bell, "Smiths Lectures", 421-3: Hodder-Williams, "The
Tutorial Spirit", 195-203: Toronto Star, 9-11—[19] 10, UTA,
Kylie Biographical File: HTM.10 (March 1910) 291-3: Feiling,
The Vapsity. 27 (16 January 1908) 198.

53"In Memorium" The New Trail (University of Alberta
Alumni), 6 (1948) 7-8: see also HIM 23 (April 1923) 338-9.
The only publication by G.M. Smith known to the University
of Alberta Archives is a contribution to H.P. Angus, ed.
Capada and her Great Neigpbour, sociological surveys of Opinions
and attitudes in Canada concernin the United States Toronto,
8) 9

Ryerson,l93 . K. Stotyn to W.D. Meikle, 1 April 1 75.

540.B. Sissons, A History of Victoria University (Toronto,
University Press, 1952) 263: Graham, Nothin is Here for Tears,
20: Elsinore Haultain, Interview, 27 December 197 . A
discussion of the origins of The Rebel has been taped by the
University of Toronto Archives.

 

105

and the powers of independent thought-~values that were

high on the list of Oxford virtues.

The sense Of mission so prevalent in Wrong was not
absent in the other members Of the Department. Kylie and
Feiling both felt the university had a responsibility to
the non-university community. Kylie in particular wanted
to use the Univereity of Toronto Monthly as a means Of
informing or elevating the community. He saw the university
as a force for democracy and equality of Opportunity,
favouring no class and drawing from and contributing to
every part of the community.55 In this regard Kylie's values
were close to those Of Wrong. Nor was Wrong alone in his
attempts to upgrade the standards of secondary school history
through the Ontario Educational Association and the writing
of textbooks.56 And the entire staff supported the basic
premise of A.L. Smith: the purpose of education is to
"make men" by training the intellect, by providing Opportunities
to question the teacher and by focussing on the relationship

between the problems of the past and current issues.

55"University Extension" UEM 10 (January 1910) 150-1:
"English Universities and the Education of the Working PeOple
by R.H. Tawney". HIM 10 (April 1910) 313-21: Editorial Notes,
gem 10 (November 1909) 26 and (December 1909) 89-94: K.G.
ggiling, "Oxford and the Working Class", UEM 10 (December 1909)

-9,

56Between them, Wrong, Kylie, Feiling and J.J. Bell gave
seven papers before the OEA between 1896 and 1910, and Wallace
wrote textbooks and general histories for younger readers.
See Appendix C and E.

106

Not all of the members of the Department followed the
Oxford model in everything they did. Several were very much
concerned with scholarly research. Kylie, in spite of or in
addition to his love of the Oxford way, stated in an edit-
orial that research was the true aim of education and he
himself spent considerable time on research. He wrote on
the constitutional development in Canada and he was in the
process Of editing the letters of Sir Charles Bagot for the
Champlain Society when he enlisted.57 Kennedy differed
from the pattern set by the other appointees in several
ways: he had not gone to Oxford, he had a research degree and
he had written two books before joining the Department of
History. (Wrong had written One--The Crusade of 1383--and
the rest of the staff had written no books at all at the time
of their appointments.) Further, Kennedy wrote two more
books on constitutional history before 1918 and none of his
contemporaries in the Department (save Wrong and Wallace)
ever matched Kennedy's output.58 Wallace too departed some-

what from the Oxford pattern. He assisted Wrong and Langton

57E.J. Kylie. "Constitutional Development, 1840-67" in
Canada d Its Provinces..., Adam Shortt and A.G. Doughty,
eds. vol. 5, (Toronto, Glasgow Brook, 1914) 105-62: Kylie's
mss. on Bagot is held in the Champlain Society Papers, UTL.

Kylie was assisted by Winnifred Harvey, who did her M.A. on
Bagot, and by Helen McMurchie, who is mentioned in his preface.

58$ee Appendix C. It is not clear why Kennedy was
invited to join the Department. It is most likely due to
his expertise in constitutional history. It is possible that
his religion was a factor: Wrong had a policy of having at
least one Roman Catholic on the staff, but Kylie had already
been appointed. Mrs. C.H.A. Armstrong, Interview, 13 July 1971.

 

107

on the Review of Historical Publications for many years and
he proposed, and became the first editor of, the Canadian
Hietorieai Review. Wallace discussed the economic inter-
pretation of history in his classes and was possibly the
first in the Department to depart from the traditional
political/constitutional approach.59 In the 1920s Majorie
Reid assisted Wallace on the Canadian Historicai Review and

60

wrote two scholarly articles herself. Kennedy wrote that

Reid's thesis showed a "sound attitude towards research--
61

sounder than one expects from Oxford". Obviously research

was not entirely neglected by those appointed in this period.

The appointment of two women as fellows was also a
departure from the patterns established in this chapter.
Winnifred Harvey and Helen McMurchie were Toronto graduates
who were appointed as what would today be called graduate

assistants or research assistants. Their appointments were

59D.C. Creighton, Haroid Adams Innis: Portrait 0: a
Scholar (Toronto, University Press, 1957 28. See also an
examination set in 1912 by Wallace and J.J. Bell which asked
students to discuss: "The economic interpretation of history

is the deepest".

6OReid, "Pitt's Decision to Keep Canada in 1761" Canadian
Historical Association Annuai Report (1926) 21-32, documented
the British choice to give up Guadeloupe and to retain Canada:
Reid "The Quebec Fur-traders and Western Policy" 933 6 (March
1925) 15-32. Very few women are listed in the index tO the
first ten volumes of the gag.

61Kennedy to G.C. Sellery [Dean, University of Wisconsin]
15 May 1925, UTA, History Department, Box 5, P 150.

108

resisted by Falconer, Walker and others, but the women
undergraduates organized a subscription fund for their
salaries.62 Helen McMurchie married in 1917 and may have
been required to resign since her husband was also a member
of the university faculty?3she remained in the department
(under the name Mrs. Bott) for several months, no doubt due
to the absence of the regular staff. During the war Marga
Wrong also assisted in the Department, at first without either
pay or the approval of Falconer, who was, according to Wrong,
"afraid of the terrible effects of having a Professor and
his daughter together in one department." Eventually
Falconer authorized Wrong to make what appointments he could
and the number of women in the department was Officially
doubled.6u

The appointment of four women, three of whom had not

attended Oxford, was not entirely a departure from previously

62The reason for the Opposition is not clear: it might
have been financial, or it might have been the precedent
involved in appointing a part time fellow. See Wrong to
Falconer,10 October 1912: Falconer to Wrong,l4 August 1913
and 10 May 1915, UTA, Falconer Papers. Several women held
appointments in other departments.

63W.E. Bastedo, Interview, 1 August 1974: K.B. Banham
to W.D. Meikle, 26 July 1976: Wrong to Falconer, 18 December
1918, UTA, Falconer Papers. Bastedo and Banham were friends
of Helen McMurchie Bott.

6“Wrong to SOphia Wrong, 2 October 1915, 5 October 1915,
12 October 1915, Armstrong collection. The first two letters
are in the form of a diary kept by Wrong.

 

 

109

expressed desires Of Wrong and Falconer to appoint only
"strong" and "very promising" persons.65 All four Of the
women were exceptional students. Harvey took her M.A. while
working as a fellow: McMurchie was described by Bell as a
"female Underhill" and received the Governor General's Gold
Medal when she graduated: Marga Wrong also took her M.A.
while teaching both History and English and administering
the womens' union: and Reid won the All Souls prize before

66

going on to Oxford. More illustrative of the strength and
promise of these women is their later careers. Harvey
studied economic history at Manchester and did practical

work with cotton spinners, then returned to Toronto to work
with the Social Services Commission on the problems of

women in the work force. During the war she and a friend
bought a farm and ran it, so as to be better qualified to
give women advice and to say what kind Of farming was

suitable to women.67 Helen McMurchie Bott became head of

the Parent Education Division at the newly formed St. Georges'
School for Child Study and was the author or co-author of

68

many significant monographs and articles. Marga Wrong left

65See above, 91, 94.

66Bell to Wrong, 17 December [1911] UTL, Wrong Papers:
Kennedy to G.C. Sellery, 14 May 1925, UTA, History Department,
Box 5, P 150. McMurchie was the second women valedictorian.

67Margaret Wrong "War Work of University Women at Home"

The Vapsipy Magazine Supplement, 4th ed., (March 1919) 133-4:
UTA, Biographical Clipping File.

68UTA, Biographical Clipping File, Appendix C.

110

Toronto to work with the World Student Christian Federation,
then doing student relief work in EurOpe. She became First
Secretary of the International Committee for Christian
Literature in Africa and Spent the rest of her life travel-
ling and writing about Africa.69 Marjorie Reid went to
Oxford to work on a research degree, one of the first of

the Toronto graduates to do so.70

Almost everything these
four women did was in the nature of pioneering--doing things
that had not been done before or had seldom been attempted
by women. While they never advanced beyond the lowest

ranks in the Department of History71 they showed an unusual
degree of courage, competence, independence and initiative.

They were as "strong" and "promising" as any Of the male

graduates of Oxford.

As axgroup, the men and women appointed to the History
Department were trained at Toronto, or Oxford, or both.
They followed the pattern of values held by Wrong. They
were committed to their students, active in discussion and
literary groups and were highly regarded as teachers. They

praised Oxford, repeated the Oxford pattern wherever they could

69Agnes Wrong Armstrong, "There's Too Much Waiting To
Be Done", Food For Thought, 16 (March 1956) 258-63: Appendix C.

70See below, 166. 17”-

71Reid returned to the Department in 1922: her appoint-
ment was never "considered permanent". Reid to Underhill,
13 July 1925, PAC, Underhill Papers. See below, 180.

111

and suggested that Toronto should adOpt even more of the
Oxford model. They fostered a continuing tie with Oxford by
encouraging their students to go there for further training
and by correspondence from Oxford. By their own example
they encouraged the undergraduate to extend his knowledge

of the world and relate the lessons of the past to current
issues. They, like Wrong, had a sense of mission: they saw
education as a means of "making men" or of improving the world.
They worked hard at teaching and on projects outside Of the
University. But their influence was not restricted to the
impact of their background and their style. Their presence
in the Department enabled Wrong to reorganize both the
curriculum and the method of teaching. The changes in

these areas were an important part of the tradition of the

Department.

 

CHAPTER SIX

"Men Who Know their Classics Make the Best Historians":
Curriculum and Teaching Methods in the Department

The reorganization Of the Department after 1904 involved
the introduction Of new courses, an emphasis on wide reading
and on the writing of essays, and the presentation of essays
in small groups. The Oxford model predominated in each of
these areas in the sense that the values sought by Wrong were
those which he believed were fostered by the Oxford program.
The result Of the changes in both curriculum and teaching
method was the creation of a distinctive tradition, one that
was strong enough to withstand even the disruption of the
First World War. The acceptance of these values tended to
retard the deve10pment of the M.A. program in history but in
many other ways made a significant contribution to the

development of history in Canada.

The basic pattern of courses established in the 1890s had
been medieval history in the second year, early modern
European and American history in the third, and modern
EurOpean and American history in the fourth. PrOposals to
change the history curriculum were being considered before

Wrong received an increase in staff, but the major changes

112

113

1

were made after Kylie and the othersarrived. As there is,

however, no record of the decision-making process we can only

analyse the changes that appeared in the calendars.

The calendar for the academic year 1905-6 listed some
additions to the basic pattern: classics, special subjects
and essaysa First, there was a new course covering Aris-
totle's Politics and Hobbes' Leviathan. This reflected
Wrong's belief that "men who know their classics make the
best historians."2 Wrong probably wanted at least one
course for history students who did not have the background

or the desire to take a more extensive program in Classics.3

lSee James Mavor, Memorandum Upon a Projected Course
in History, 27 June 1905, UTA, Loudon Papers. The influence
of Oxford began well before the arrival of Kylie: Wrong
boasted in 1898 that history specialists in Toronto "must-
pass examinations hardly less difficult than those...in
modern history at Oxford." Wrong, "History in Canadian
Secondary Schools" (1898) 553.

2Wrong to J.F. Jameson, 20 July 1899, LC, Jameson Papers.
See also Wrong to W.L. Grant, 15 August 1905, PAC, Grant Papers.

3The Classics course and the Classics, English and History
course were taken by many outstanding men and women.
Among those who made their mark in history were E.J. Kylie,
F.H. Underhill, W.N. Sage, C.N. Cochrane and C.B. Sissons.
The Classics program was modelled on the Oxford Greats. See
Honour Cl ssics 'n the Un'v r it o Toro to, by a Group of
Classical Graduates, (Toronto, University Press, 1929)
passim: Sir Robert Falconer, "Academic Canada Comes of Age"
Saturday Night (1 January 1938) 16. At Oxford, Greats were
also a basis for Modern History: see H.W.C. Davis, A History
of Baiiiol College, revised by R.H.C. Davis and Richard Hunt,
supplemented by Harold Hartley, et. al. (Oxford, Blackwell,
1963) 242-3-

 

114

Second, periods for "special study" were listed: one was to

be selected at the beginning of the third year and followed
for two years. This was possibly an imitation of the Oxford
program in which students did not try examinations every year:

it did not, however, offer much in the way of specialization

as the subjects were very broad.“

The introduction of essays as a formal requirement
was the most significant addition to the curriculum. Wrong

was Of the Opinion that historians must write well: in 1911

5

he wrote:

...we are not laying enough emphasis upon style:
clear, pungent, epigrammatic, if one can get it,
witty writing. I have had to notice lately how
much better the young fellows that come here from
Oxford write than do our men.

To overcome this deficiency third and fourth year honour
students were required to write essays and to read them in

small groups that met weekly: criticism and discussion

“The four special subjects were 1) General History from
919 to 1250: 2) the History of England from 1487 to 1688:
3) General History from 1774 to 1875: and 4) the History of
Canada. The calendars listed about thirty books "for
reference" for each subject. In later years the special
subjects changed frequently and were Often much narrower
in scOpe.

5Wrong to [C.H.] Haskins, 15 January 1911, LC, American
Historical Association Papers. Underhill stated that this
was the ideal at Oxford too. See Underhill Interviews, 1,
89-91, PAC, Underhill Papers.

 

 

 

 

r71]

115

followed in the Oxford style.6 By 1913 the essay require-
ment was extended to include a major essay in the fourth
year on a subject selected in the second year "under the
direction of the Professor of History." Students were
expected to use "some of the original materials for a
portion of the special period" which had been selected.
This essay might have been a reflection of a desire to
introduce research methods, but this is unlikely since the
requirement that students use original materials seems to
have been abandoned, or never implemented. It is more likely
that the main feature was not the training in research but

rather the benefits of studying a tOpic thoroughly over a

6Wrong to Parkin, 12 October 1911, PAC, Parkin Pa ers
9666; Wrong, "What has befallen us" gig h (October 193 ) #1.
The main difference was the size of the groups. At Oxford
the tutor met with but one or two students, who prepared
an essay weekly. At Toronto there were several students in
the group and it is unlikely that each student prepared and
delivered an essay each week. Thus the phrase "Oxford style".
Toronto students were also required to take both mid term and
year end examinations. See Wrong to M.D. McLean, 4 July 1923,
UTA, History Department, M99.

116

long period.7 At Oxford the students did not write
examinations every year. This forced them to see their
subjects as a whole and to learn the material thoroughly
rather than cram on an intensive basis. The extension of

the essay over two years would have a similar effect.

The 1910-11 and 1911-12 calendars introduced a new
element. The special periods, the essays, and the courses
on EurOpe, North America, Aristotle and Hobbes remained
as before, but to them were added courses in British
Constitutional History, spread over three years, plus
Canadian History and an introduction to Canadian Consitu-
tional History. No evidence is available, but one can
suspect that behind these additons lay one or more of:
Canadian nationalism, Wrong's feud with Mavor, the needs
of high school teachers and the presence of men in the

Department of History who were qualified to teach these

7There is no direct evidence for this explanation;
Ashley's economic seminar, however, was described as being
"an instrument of intellectual training [rather] than of
active research work", according to S.M. Wickett, "The
Study of Political Economy at Canadian Universities" in
Appendix to the Re ort of the Ontario Bureau of Industr ,
(Department of Agriculture) 1397 (Toronto, Warwick, I899)
105. Further, Lower said he never heard of an original
document while a student at Toronto. Interview, 25 October
1971. Lastly, the English and History Committee considered
eliminating formal examinations in third years honours in
order to "promote freedom in study, encourage vacation
reading and force the student to take a comprehensive view
of the work of the final two years". UTA, Minutes of the
English and History Department, 26 November 1924. In 1940
students were expected to read books and articles in
preparation for their groups but not primary documents.
J.M.S. Careless, Interview, 19 April 1971.

117

subjects.8 The reading lists for these courses are too

extensive to determine the values behind the choices--other
than exposing the students to virtually every major book of
value. If any one type of book predominated it was collect-

ions of documents and constitutional histories.

A distinctly Oxford practice appeared in Toronto in
1911-~extensive reading over the long vacation. In 1913
this was extended; the calendar read:

In the third and fourth years a review of the work
of the previous year or years will be required.
Subjects for reading during the long vacation will
be prescribed to honour students of the second,
third, and fourth years, and examinations on these
subjects will be held in the first week in October.

There followed a list of books two pages long, containing
nearly 100 items--more if one counts individual titles in
Parkman's Works or individual volumes in Macaulay's History

of England. This program was cut considerably in 1917 and

was omitted entirely from the 1919-20 calendar.9

8See above, 76-77, 87 ff. Wrong felt that anyone teach-
ing Canadian or medieval history in high schools should have
studied these subjects in university. He pressed for
changes that would make them available as Options, which
was approved. He tried to make them required subjects
but this was not approved. UTA, Minutes of the English
and History Department,l9 November 19l#, 26 January 1915,
28 November 1917, 7 February 1922.

9In 1924 students were advised to prepare during the
‘summer for courses beginning in the fall; the Department
suggested wide reading. UTA, History Department, Subject
File 8. No other suggestions or reading lists of this
nature were found in the papers of the Department.

116

The general thrust is clear. Oxford was the model
(Classics, special subjects, frequent essays, reading over
the vacation period), the British Empire was the subject
(seven courses on British History, two and a half on
Canada) and political and constitutional history was the
content. The themes of the courses (on the basis of Wrong's
interests) were likely the broad sweep of political movements,
human deve10pment and progress, with emphasis on British
democracy and traditions. The emphasis on political and
-constitutional history and the growing interest in Canadian
history did not distinguish Toronto from history departments
in other universities in Canada, but the Oxford model and the
number of courses on British history wenanot repeated

10 But what made Toronto unique was the deliberate

elsewhere.
attempt to bring the curriculum to the students in the most
effective manner possible--the small discussion group, based

on the Oxford tutorial.

As early as 1892 Wrong had recognized the weaknesses
of the lecture system. In his letter of application he
wrote that the lecture expresses only the results of the

professor's study and while it does provide breadth it does

loSee Preston, "Breakers Ahead", 9-10, for McGill,
McMaster and Queen's; Dalhousie University Calendars, 1899-1900
and 1909-10; J.W.R. Gwynne-Timothy, "Historical Sketch of the
Undergraduate Program" unpublished ms, University of Western
Ontario, n.d.; C.M. Johnston, McMaster University, Volume 1/
The Toronto Years (Toronto, University Press for McMaster
University, 1973) 61-3, 114.

 

 

119

not give students the Opportunity to grapple with the
evidence and to form their own conclusions.11 Wrong was
aware of the alternative to the lecture system provided by
the tutorial through his own weeks at Oxford and through
his friendship with Maurice Hutton, head of the Department
of Classics and a strong advocate of the Oxford system.
Then men such as Kylie and A.G. Brown went to Oxford and

became enthused with the idea of the tutorial. Kylie

wrote:12

The tutorial system [at Oxford] brings the student
into contact with an instructor who has mastered

the subject in hand and whose whole life is given to
aiding and encouraging those who come under his
charge.

When Kylie joined the Department it was possible to estab-

lish discussion groups.13

In the first year of Operation small groups of honours

students, mostly in their second year, met with either Kylie

llWrong to Ross, 13 August 1892, 0A, Pamphlet. Wrong
also pointed out that the seminar might force the student to
concentrate on minute detail before he had read enough to
gain a comprehensive view of history.

12Kylie to Flavelle, 2 May 1902, DL, Flavelle Papers;
see also A.G. Brown, "First Year Ancient History in Univer-
sity College" Ontario Educational Association, Proceedings
(23 April 1908) 231.

13Wrong never called them "tutorials"; the term used
was "discussion groups". G.P. de T. Glazebrook, Interview,
25 June 1973. The earliest reference to the groups in the
History Department is in a memo from Wrong to Loudon
"Department of Modern History--Courses of Instruction"
12 May 1905, UTA, Loudon Papers.

J-QV

or Wrong once a week, for an hour. The group meeting usually
replaced one of the three weekly lectures. There were
approximately twelve to fifteen students in each group:
later, as additional staff joined the Department, some of

11+ Wrong was proud to

the groups had six or seven students.
be able to say "we are rapidly adOpting the Oxford tutorial
method."15 The small groups, and the essays written by the
students for these groups, were to become one of the dis-
tinctive features of the Department. The group system,
however, cost both professor and student a great deal of
time and effort. In 1921 a professor complained:16

I still see little hOpe of getting any original

work done in the field of history. The Tutorial

System is very [bon?] but is often a [poor] joke

for the tutor--worse here than in Oxford where

students are content with less spoonfeeding.
At about the same time another professor argued that
students who had three or four groups a week were finding
it impossible to prepare adequately for every meeting.
He wrote: "...the best students...work on one or two subjects

...and either come to many of their groups unprepared or

luIbid.: R. Hodder Williams, "The Tutorial Experiment"
UTM, 15 (February 1915) 195. It is also possible that small
groups were more a function of enrollment than staff size.

l5Wrong to Parkin, 7 December 1909, 12 October 1911,
PAC, Parkin Papers.

l6G.M. Smith to Frank Underhill, 8 December 1921, PAC,
Underhill Papers.

 

.LZJ.

stay away."17 He also complained that too many groups

were small lectures, and suggested fewer meetings and a
better arrangement of subjects to overcome the problem.

The records do not indicate any substantial change, there-
fore it must be assumed that the groups were regarded by
the staff as a worthwhile effort, and that, in spite of the

load, they were glad to teach in small groups.

From comments scattered over many years we can identify
some of the basic values of the discussion group system. In
1905 Wrong stated that he contemplated "doing in the Third
Year and in the Fourth Year the same kind of work that Mr.
Kylie has been doing so successfully in the Second Year."

He also mentioned that the groups were attended by students
taking the honours course. Unstated, but clearly implied,
was the view that since the staff was limited, the teaching
device that "for the first time in our history" provided
students with "adequate individual attention" would be

18

available only to a few students. In other words, honours

students received the most attention and the best teaching,

l7Hume Wrong, "Suggestions for Changes in the Group
System" undated memorandum, UTA, History Department, Box 9,
File 8.

18Wrong to Loudon, 28 April 1905, UTA, Loudon Papers.

 

 

 

122

and ultimately a better degree.19
In 1915 Hodder-Williams stated that the tutorials were
designed to supplement the lectures and reading. The student
benefited from the "mental training" and the Opportunity to
interact on an individual basis with teacher and other students.
Facile generalizations were challenged and specific evidence
was demanded, forcing the student to think for himself.
Hodder-Williams also found that groups helped the student
prepare for examinations better than reading lecture notes:
the groups helped the teacher meet the student's individual

20 In 1918 Wrong wrote that groups were "the only way

21

needs.
really to get into touch with the mind Of students...."
The members of the Department held the same values after 1920.

Helen McMurchie Bott wrote that the staff tried to "discover

22

and encourage merit". Hume Wrong suggested that smaller

groups (two to three students) meeting less often would "make
the student teach himself".23 Ralph Flenley, writing to a

19It is not only the specialization that made the
honours degree (four years) better than the three year pass
degree: the status of pass students was considerably lower
in the minds of many students and faculty. For example see
Underhill Interviews, 11, 61-2, 137. 139: Underhill to J.W.
Eaton, 6 November 1938, PAC, Underhill Papers, volume 41.
R.M. Saunders concurred. Interview, 11 December 1973.

20R. Hodder-Williams, "The Tutorial Experiment", 195-203.

21Wrong to Falconer, 11 March 1918, UTA, Falconer
Working Papers.

22Helen McMurchie Bott, "The Department of History"
UTM, 21 (May 1921) 354.

23Hume Wrong "Suggestions for Changes".

student who had missed two groups on historical method, said:

"...while we never insist upon attendance at lectures, our

attitude is rather different in respect of these groups".24

25

George Smith wrote:

Each member of the staff keeps up a large number Of
subjects for tutorial work....Those with the most
varied and largest subjects to maintain are specially
burdened. Changes of staff are always troublesome
since every change means a readjustment of work.

These hours can be cut down by abandoning tutorial
instruction for pass students....To abandon groups for
honours students would be the greatest possible mistake.

The continuation of the discussion groups and the
comments about them reveal a great deal about the values
held by Wrong and his staff. They valued close contact
between teacher and student: they wanted students to learn
to think for themselves, rather than learn by rote: and they
sought out and encouraged students with talent. They
believed in quality, rather than quantity. They believed
that teaching was more important than research or committee

work. They did not ignore the larger public or their duties

24Ralph Flenley to A.C. Jameson, 23 October 1925, UTA,

History Department, Box 2,File 33. See also F.H. Underhill
Interviews, I, 49, PAC, Underhill Papers. This was not an
isolated instance. There are many letters to students
inquiring about absences and future plans: most were signed
by Flenley, but Saunders said "we all wrote to students."
R.M. Saunders, Interview, 11 December 1972.

25G.M. Smith to Falconer, 16 March 1927, UTA, History
Department, Box 2, File 46. Smith said the tutorial system
was better than the "pure lecture System" of some of the "Old
Country" universities and much better than the "quiz classes"
and frequent examinations Of the American universities.

124

as citizens (this will be dealt with in the next chapter)

but they believed that their first responsibility was to the
teaching of undergraduates. And they believed this wholeheart-
edly: the discussion groups in the classroom were not the only
groups they led. Kylie started a voluntary group to study
Canadian Constitutional History and Kenneth Bell had a small

26 And'Wrong founded

informal group which met at his house.
the Historical Club, a group that probably had as big an
impact on Canadian intellectual life as any university

department.

The Historical Club was closely related to the discus-
sion groups in organization, method and values. The first
meeting was held in the home of George Wrong in October
1904.27 Its purpose was to provide an "intellectual forum"
for the presentation and discussion of papers on a "wide
variety of themes" and to provide "a context for social and

intellectual interaction of students with a wide range of

"28

backgrounds. In theory any member of the University was

26Underhill, Interviews, 11, 58, PAC, Underhill Papers.

27Chester Martin, "G.M. Wrong", 15. NO records of the
club were found except a few notes in the files of Sydney
Hermant, a Toronto businessman and active alumnus Of the
University: a pamphlet compiled by Gary_Kelly, Historical
Club of the Universit of Toronto- Lists of Members and
Subjects for the years 1205 to 1960 (Toronto, Sidney Hermant,
July 19 : and scattered letters of members of the Department
of History.

28A cOpy [undated] of the Constitution of "University of
Toronto Historical Society" is held by Sydney Hermant. One
section contains the phrase "School Of Graduate Studies"
which suggests that that COpy was typed after 1923.

125

eligible to belong to the Historical Club, but in practice

'the membership was limited to 25 or 30 male undergraduates

in their third or fourth year. Graduate students, with the
exception of those who were completing the second of two years,
were not eligible. The list of members suggests that half

or more of the members belonged to University College: the
next largest group came from Trinity and Victoria, then

St. Michael's, then the School of Practical Science and

29

Medicine.

In the spring of each year aspiring members applied
for admission, or were nominated by incumbent members. The
current members voted by "preferential Open ballot". The
term lasted for up to two years: about half of the members
belonged to the Club for one year only. Members were expected
to "deliver" a paper of roughly thirty to forty-five minutes
during the second year Of membership: if the member wished
he could deliver a paper in the first year and be free of the
Obligation in the second. Failure to meet this obligation or
to attend meetings could result in the member's name being

stricken from the records.

The limitation on numbers and the election procedures
combined to produce a group with considerable prestige.

Wrong may have intended to encourage an elite group, or he

29Many students were not identified as to College or
program.

 

126

may have merely wished to find some way of keeping the
numbers down to make the group workable. Whatever the motive,
the Club soon had so much status that the number of applicants
was greater than the number of vacancies.30 Frank Underhill
recalled that it was a "great honour" to be elected and he
described the Club as one of the two landmarks of his days

as a student.31 The restrictive character of the Club had
other results. At least one student believed that personal
considerations played a significant role in elections: one
ex-member asked an incumbent to use "influence" on behalf of
a friend who wished to be elected.32 The restrictive nature
also meant that the Historical Club was not an Official

club of the University and therefore could not use University
facilities: this, however, did not seem to have an adverse
effect on the Club. Most significant, the members took their

obligations seriously: they often worked harder on the paper

30Martin, "G.M. Wron ", 15: "In the Halls of Learning",
The Globe (8 December 190 ) 17.

31F.H. Underhill, Interviews, II, 47-52, PAC, Underhill
Papers. The second was being invited by Kylie to several
luncheons where some reform minded businessmen_and politicians
discussed municipal affairs. lpig.

32A.G. Hooper ('09) to F.H. Underhill ('11) 15 March
1911, PAC, Underhill Papers, vol. 1. The aspirant, H.H.
Wallace ('13), did become a member in his third and fourth
years. R.M. Saunders felt that first class students got
first choice, unless personal considerations were present.
Interview, 11 December 1973.

.l.‘.(

for the Club than they did for class assignments.33

It was the practice to meet seven or eight times a
year in various private homes. Men like Sir Joseph Flavelle,
Sir Edmund Walker, E.B. Osler, Chief Justice Moss, Sir Thomas
White, President Falconer and President Cody were regular
hosts and other men also hosted the Club meetings on a less

regular basis.3u

TOpics had been assigned earlier, possibly
as early as the previous spring, probably by the Club as a
whole. Wrong wrote once that he hOped to have "a series of
Canadian questions" during the year 1910-11: the topics that
were listed for that period did include two on Canadian

issues but the rest were spread over Australia, the religious
question in France, Egypt, Municipal government, Labour
problems, and the University.35 This program was not
untypical: if there was a unifying theme in the tOpics for
papers it was the background to current issues, and the issues

themselves. The procedure was to have a formal presentation

followed by discussion and then comments by the host. The

33Underhill, Interviews, II, 50,PAC, Underhill Papers:
Lower, My First Seventy-five Years. 48.

3ulMartin,"G.M.Wrong", 15: See The Varsity (1910-11)

passim, for Z.A. Lash, James Greer, M.J. Haney: Sydney Hermant,
a prominent Toronto businessman and alumnus, has been a
regular host in more recent years.

35Hrong to Walker, 3 March 1910, UTL, Champlain Society
Papers.

128
36

evening concluded with refreshments. In the early years
two or three papers would be presented on various aspects of
a particular question: in the 1920s and later formal debates

were as common as papers.

With the exception of the years 1916 to 1919, when there
were few meetings, this format was continued to the present.37
NO explanation for this longevity is available. The organiza-
tion, the tOpics, the enthusiasm of the students, and the
concern of the history professors, are all possible factors.
The one thing that is certain is that Wrong, Martin and others
on the staff took an active and continuing interest in the
Club. There are many letters from these men dealing with
such routine matters as arranging for hosts and speakers,
and thanking a host for his contribution. At least four
members of the Department presented papers between 1904 and
l915--Kylie (2), A.G. Brown, Hodder-Willams and Feiling.38
Even though the sponsorship of the Club by the Department of

History ended in 1963, the Club continued its work as an

36PAC, Underhill Interviews, 11, 48-50: Moffatt Woodside
to Sydney Hermant, 30 January 1967, letter in the possession
of Sydney Hermant.

37The first time a woman attended a meeting of the
Club was on the evening of 26 January 1967, at the home of
Moffatt Woodside. Woodside to Hermant, 30 January 1967.

38See Kelly, Historical Club. All four of these men
were Oxford graduates.

129

independent undergraduate organization.39

The Club has had a lasting impact. Over 1000 students
belonged up to 1960, including many who later became well
known historians, businessmen, lawyers, educators, and
public servants.40 In 1915 the Historical Club organized
a dinner to celebrate its 100th meeting. 0f the nearly
200 members and ex-members Wrong expected between 90 and 100
to attend, a very high proportion."Ll Chester Martin only
knew Of the Club second hand, but stated in 1929 that he had
long been familiar with it "through Old members in western

Canada who still retain a lively recollection of its usefulness.

I shall be very glad...to help carry on its traditions.“+2

One historian stated that the Historical Club had "become the

39J.M.S. Careless to Sydney Hermant and other hosts,
[December 1963], OOpy in the files of Sydney Hermant. Staff
and student interest had been sporadic and other commitments
by the staff led to a feeling that the staff should end its
formal association with the Club. The Club was still in
existence in 1975- The Varsity, 19 March 1975.

uoSome historians who were members of the Club are:
A.L. Burt, J.M.S. Careless, C.N. Cochrane, G.M. Craig,
D.G. Creighton, L.I. Lapierre, A.R.M. Lower, W.K. McNaught,
W.N. Sage, F.H. Underhill, and W.S. Wallace. Some of the
many from other fields include: J.G. Althouse, C.H. Best,
C.T. Bissell, James anrs, G. Ignatieff, E.G. Gardiner,
Vincent Massey, and Carleton Stanley.

ulWrong to w. H. Taft, 14 January 1915, LC, President
Taft Papers.

uzMartin to C.N. Harding, 14 October 1929, UTA, History
Department.

parent of similar student organizations in other Canadian
universities".u3 The influence of the Club on its members is
difficult to assess, but ex-members all say that it provided
experience in public speaking, broadened their interest and
reading, and provided a chance to meet both students from
other departments and some of Toronto's most distinguished
citizens.uu One member said that the Historical Club by
implication upheld the Flavelle-type of business and

financial leadership as the kind of force that had made

Canada what it was, thus providing a subtle ideal to which
students could aspire.45 A.R.M. Lower saw the Club from the
point of view of the academic: "History clubs have had a good
deal to do with giving an atmosphere of professionalism to the

46

study of history in Canada." Whatever the measure (numbers:

later careers, other clubs, memorials, learning) the
Historical Club had an impact. And if the Club had an impact,
the values it represented must be deeply imbedded in Canadian

thought.

43Lower, My First Seventy- five Ygars, 48. See also F. H.
Underhill to J. L. Thomas, 18 November 1925, University of
Saskatchewan, President Murray Papers.

uflwyA. Bean, J.H. Ebbs, P. Gilbert, E.M. Henry, T.D.
Leonard, R.S. Mills, and W.D.S. Morden were interviewed in the
summer of 1973.

“5Peter Martin, Interview, 20 September 1973. Mr. Martin
('55) is a publisher in Toronto. See also Bowker, "Truly
Useful Men" 224.

46Lower, My First Seventy-five Years, 48

131

The values of the Historical Club were the values of
Wrong and Oxford. These included a respect for quality
and achievement, faith in the informed citizen as a positive
force in political affairs, concern for public issues, and a
desire to be prepared academically and correct socially.
Wrong wrote to Underhillxu7

Oxford...[is] in the centre of the modern state in

which vast and pressing political questions are in

an acute state of discussion....A man whose mind is

occupied daily with both Lloyd George and Aristotle

is likely to bring them together in conversation.

Here we have only Aristotle....
For Wrong it was not just the historian who would benefit
from a knowledge Of the classics. The discussion groups and
the Historical Club were part of Wrong's effort to bring the
wisdom of the past to bear on the problems of the present,
and to create a body of citizens who would do likewise. His
determination to do so continued through the disruption of

the First World War.

During the war the curriculum underwent a number of
changes. The result of these changes was a slight increase

in emphasis on medieval EurOpe and a much greater emphasis

48

on France and Germany 1500-1800. Prior to the war the

1+7Wrong to Underhill, 14 March 1912, PAC, Underhill Papers.

“BN0 reasons were found for the increases, but there are
two possibilities. The war and the corresponding interest in
EurOpe may have caused pressure for increased attention. More
likely is the introduction of a new course or program combining
Modern Languages and History. This may have been the result of
the needs of high school teachers. See Wrong to Falconer, 13
December 1915, UTA, Falconer Papers.

 

132

greatest number of courses covered the History of Britain,

the British Constitution, and the British Empire (nine courses).
Canada and EurOpean History received approximately equal
attention--two to three courses each. After the war the

number Of courses Offered in British and Canadian History
remained the same as in 1914, but medieval and modern Europe
were dealt with in seven courses--a significant increase.

This emphasis on British and European History continued for
some years. Even the special subjects reflected this: the

only periods offered were the English Civil War and the French

Revolution.

The war years were not devoid of the familiar issues of
status and funding for the Department, and the need for group
discussions. Wrong passed on to Falconer complaints from
high school history teachers to the effect that there was
insufficient attention given by the University to history.
Wrong requested that history have the same status as French and
English in scholarship competition: that the four scholarships
for Classics and Modern Languages be redistributed or redefined
to provide two scholarships in Classics and History and two
in Modern Languages and History: and that Honours History be
"put among the subject for entrance requirements to some
Honours courses, notably English and History and Modern

History".“'9 Wrong also asserted that the History Department

qurong to Falconer, 23 October 1917, UTA, Falconer Papers.

 

l33

had the right to make nominations for the Mackenzie Fellowship,
on the grounds that when the Fellowship was established for
the Department of Political Science, that department included
Political Economy, History and Law. After History became a
separate Department, he argued, it should have some authority

over the Fellowships.5O

Wrong used a variety of arguments to justify increased
funding for the Department. During the war he said his staff
had enlisted and after the war he said he was planning for the
future. The demands on the staff during wartime were great,
but Wrong continued to hold discussion groups for Honours
students, even though he recognized that General students
needed groups more:51

Experience is showing more and more that the

only way really to get into touch with the

minds of students is to meet them in groups
of from five to ten.

Viva voce examinations had been considered at some point.

 

Hodder-Williams wrote that he and Smith approved of the
method and that the term mark might be determined by "occasional
(say bimonthly)" viva voce examinations in group hours.

Apparently nothing came of this, but it does indicate that

50Wrong to Falconer, 7 November 1917, UTA, Falconer
Papers. Wrong's concern for the status of his department
was shared by Hodder-Williams, who wrote that he was glad
the "history still puts up the fight we always expect Of it".
Hodder-Williams to Wrong, 19 October 1916, Armstrong Collection.

SlWrong to Falconer, 11 March 1918, UTA, Falconer
Working Papers.

154

the values of the History Department were not sacrificed during
the war.52 After the war the returned soldiers were given
Opportunities to make up for lost time. A lengthy memo to

the President from Hodder-Williams, acting head of History,
indicates some of the arrangements made. The biggest problem,
apart from the small number of staff available, was Constitu-
tional History. Hodder-Williams estimated that from twelve

to twenty students in second and third year would need "special
tuition" for ten weeks at three hours a week. He felt that

no other member of the Department could "duplicate" the

work of Kennedy and that "no outsider could adequately fill

his place". Kennedy was willing to do the extra work, which
involved lectures and grading essays, during the spring term,
but his doctor had advised him not to undertake summer work.
Hodder-Williams felt that the rest of the staff could handle
the rest of the program that summer.53 Hodder-Williams,

Smith, Reid and Hooke were expected to give at least two
courses each during the summer of 1919.54 This is but

another illustration of the History Department's willingness

to meet the needs of its students.

52Hodder-Williams to Wrong, 23 October 1915, CHA
Armstrong Collection.

53Hodder-Williams to Falconer, 20 January 1919, UTA,
History Department Papers.

suHodder-Williams to Falconer, 17 June 1919, UTA,

Falconer Papers.

135

From the beginning of the century the graduate program
had been evolving slowly. Admissions; examinations, thesis
requirements, courses and attendance were regulated and
increasingly formalized. In 1903 a Board of Post Graduate
Studies was created to consider all matters relating to
graduate degrees in the Faculty of Arts.55 The calendar for
the year 1903-4 stated that the M.A. thesis "must be either
printed or typewritten unless the examining professors deem
this unnecessary", and that a candidate "may be required to
undergo a written or oral examination on the subject of his
thesis...." In 1908, when the word "may" was changed to,
"shall", this examination became Obligatory. Up to 1908 a
candidate only had to pass fourth year honours examinations
to qualify for the M.A.: after that a candidate could proceed
by following a "prescribed course of study", as approved by
the Senate, or by presenting a thesis on "some selected subject."
The thesis had to contain the "results of some special study
or investigation...." The Department of History accepted a

number of theses under these regulations.

Beginning in 1916 the rate of change accelerated.
A Board of Graduate Studies was formed and several rules were
changed. Attendance became obligatory but "dispensation"

could be granted if the Department concerned, from "direct

55This Board became a standing committee of the Senate,
then was replaced in 1923 by a School of Graduate Studies.
Laskin Report, 5.

136

knowledge of the candidate's work", so recommended. (In 1921
dispensation could be granted only on the grounds that special
facilities existed elsewhere.) Regulations for the M.A. were
listed in the calendar under each department in addition to
the general regulations. There appeared to be a concerted
campaign to attract graduates of other universities to

Toronto to work on the M.A. degree: concurrently, the regula-
tions were altered to allow non-graduates of Toronto to
proceed towards a Toronto M.A. All of this led naturally to
an increasingly detailed articulation and definition of the

M.A. program in History.

The campaign to attract students from other universitieS"
was introduced in the 1916-17 calendar. Four Open fellow:
ships for $500, good in any department, were Offered, with
preference given to candidates from outside Ontario. It is
possible that Wrong made his own contribution to the campaign:
letters from colleagues in Western Canada refer to potential
candidates for the fellowship, and A.L. Burt wrote to say
that he was "greatly pleased" to learn that Toronto was
"undertaking graduate work seriously...."56 Whether it was
the campaign or some other factor, such as the absence of

graduate schools elsewhere in Canada, many students began to

56Martin to Wrong, 13 June 1916: M. Eastman to Wrong,
9 May 1916: UTA, Falconer Papers, Box 40. Martin said he
had no suitable candidate for the history research fellowship
and Eastman recommended L. Mills (M.A. 1918) for the post
graduate work in history. A.L. Burt to Wrong, 11 May 1916,
UTA, Falconer Papers, Box 40.

137

come to the University of Toronto to study History. All of
the M.Amsgraduated prior to 1916 had done their undergraduate
work at Toronto: over half of the successful candidates in

the next eight years had a B.A. from another university.57

The calendar for 1917-18 was the first to have graduate
programs listed by department. Under "History" the only
statement is "Candidates for this degree [M.A.] are accepted
under the general regulations." The following year the
statement was the same with the addition of the proviso:
"Candidates...must give evidence of having adequate training
for advanced study in history." In the calendar for 1919-20,
the only year in which it appeared, the listing under History
contained a statement on the philOSOphy of the Department

and the resources available to students. The M.A. program

57NO records were available for non-successful M.A.
candidates. After 1918 non-Torontonians came from Saskat—
chewan (3), Oxford(2, one of whom was Marga Wron ,

British Columbia (2), Manitoba (1), and Alberta (1): four
were not identified other than coming from outisde of Toronto.
Eleven graduates Of Toronto went on for the M. A. in History
during the years 1918- 1926. Students with B. A.‘ s from other
universities received M. A. degrees from Toronto in other
departments as early as 1911, but in very small numbers.

University College produced the great majority of B.A.‘s
who went on for an M.A. in History up to 1916:

U.C. Trinity Victoria Unknown
1893-1905 23 o o 0
1906-1916 14 5 2 1

See Re ister of Graduates of the University of Toronto
(1920) ad Appendix H.

 

 

138

in history was built on previous study and the undergraduate
curriculum. The prime Objects were the "extension of general
knowledge", the inculcation of "sound methods" and the stimu-
lation of "independent inquiry."

For this reason the work is done, so far as

possible, by means of essays on prescribed

topics and discussions in groups or small

classes.
The values of the graduate program were similar to those of
the undergraduate program, but the emphasis on research was
much greater, and focussed on Canadian subjects:

For more advanced work it is natural that interest

and facilities should be greatest in the sphere

of Canadian history...Students are encouraged to

select subjects in which they are interested for

purposes of research.
The resources available were the Toronto Public Library,
the Legislative Library for American history, the Law
Society for Constitutional History, and the University

Library for English and French History.

Even though the University was beginning to make the
M.A. requirements more explicit, there was little indication
of higher standards in the theses accepted by the Department
Of History. There might have been an increasing awareness
of the need for specific references but it cannot be claimed
that these theses met the standards common to research
published in American scholarly journals such as Thg_ggm3§

HOpkins Studies in Historical and Political Science. In

many theses it appears that the references were added after

 

the thesis was written (1901, 1903, 1909, 1913, 1918): in some
of these instances references were added in pencil or coloured
ink in the margin. Further, in two cases the references for
an accepted thesflswere sent separately to the Registrar. In
both cases the wording of the accompanying letter was to the
effect that they [the students] were herewith submitting the
authorities consulted in the preparation of the thesis.58

One is led to the suspicion that the Registrar was more aware
of the rules, or had higher standards, than the Department of
History. Bibliographic entries (1918, 1919) included such
detailed items as: "newspaper clippings, etc." and "articles

on patronage and kindred subjects in periodicals 1900-1918."

The casual approach to references cannot have been
accidental. Wrong, Wallace, Kylie and Kennedy were all engaged
in serious criticism in the Rgview of Historical Publicationg
Relating to Canada or in the process of publishing scholarly
works of their own, but it is clear that they were not imposing
the same rigourous standards on M.A. candidates. Rather, the
Department of History was more concerned with teaching under-
graduates in small groups, with the cultivation of the
qualities of good citizenship, with extending "general knowledge"
and with stimulating "independent inquiry"; The Department was

less concerned with inculcating "sound methods" of research.

58$ee W.J. McAndrew to James Brebner, 25 March 1912
and B.A. Kinder to James Brebner, 8 April 1909: both letters
are enclosed with the respective thesis in the University Of
Toronto Archives.

 

140

Although the Oxford values retarded the deve10pment of graduate
work in history, those values, as adapted by Wrong and his
Department, made a significant contribution to the deve10pment
Of history in Canada by arousing the interest of men like

Burt, Cochrane, Lower, Sage, Underhill and Wallace--men who

dominated the historical profession for more than a generation.

CHAPTER SEVEN

"Moulding the Thoughts on Canadian History":
Nationalism and Historical Work Beyond the Department

Wrong participated in several projects that increased
the number and raised the standards of books written on
Canadian history. Among these projects were books he wrote,
books he edited, official committees he served on to preserve
or publish material relating to Canada's heritage, and speech-
es he made during World War I. But these movements were more
than part Of the gradual maturing of the historical profession:
to Wrong they were an expression, conscious or unconscious.

Of an atmosphere in Canada.

When Wrong wrote that the series of books he was editing
(The Chronicles of Canada) would have "a considerable effect
in moulding the thoughts on Canadian history of our peOple..."
he was speaking as a man who had been caught up by the feeling
that Canadians had a past, and a past that they could be
proud of.1 The key factor in the new mood, fOr Wrong at
least, was the question of Canada's relations with Great

Britain and an understanding of Wrong's perception of this

1Wrong to Willison, 15 October 1913, PAC, Willison Papers:

R.C. Brown and Ramsay Cook, Canada 18 6-1 21: A Nation
Transformed (Toronto, McClelland and Stewart, 1974) 26-44.

141

'142"

issue is vital to a full understanding of his work in the

period 1904-19. Wrong was very much in tune with the new mood,
especially with regard to the need to assert the interests of
Canada. He felt satisfaction when the Canadian government paid
the trOOps sent to South Africa: he said that such action meant
that in future "Great Britain will...have to support what we
Egg; on this continent".2 Wrong was greatly upset by the

Alaska Boundary decision: in part he saw it as an example of
British willingness to "sacrifice our [Canada's] interests...."3
Nearly four years later he was still fuming. He wrote to W.L.
Grant, then in the process of editing one of the volumes of the
Champlain Society, and asked Grant to emphasize Canada's

relations with Great Britain:4

I want to keep that subject before the public mind
in view of the coming colonial conferences. 'We
must, in some way, get control of our foreign
affairs. That Alaska business has sunk deep into
the hearts of the common peOple.

According to Wrong, sentiment in Canada had changed: "instead

of being colonial, [we have] become national."5 Certainly

2Wrong to J.S. Willison, 2 February 1900, PAC, Willison
Papers: italics in the original.

3Wrong to Harlan, 22 October 1903, Harlan Papers.
University of Kentucky Law School.

“Wrong to Grant, 1 January 1907, PAC, Grant Papers.

5wrong to Parkin, 27 Agril 1908, PAC, Parkin Papers,
vol. 27. George Parkin (18 6 1922) was Secretary of the
Rhodes Scholarship Trust.

 

143‘

Wrong had himself become "national" in outlook, and he was

not alone. Kylie, too, was very conscious of being a Canadian,
and he agreed that Britain did not always act in the best
interests of Canada. He complained in a letter from Oxford

that the British ought to "broaden their sympathies and show
6

keener interest in...the affairs of the colonies," and he too

was an advocate of Canadian interests.

Yet, much as Wrong and Kylie wanted Canada to protect
her own interests, they did not want Canada to separate herself
from England.7 Wrong wrote to Parkin that he feared the
development of sentiment favoring a Canadian republic: to

counter this it was necessary to "get hold of every man who

6Kylie to Flavelle.2 May 1902, DL, Flavelle Papers.
Another indication Of Kylie's interests, or those of the
public, are in the changing tOpics of his Local Lecture
series. He gave several different lectures each year and
repeated some of them two or three times: from 1907 through
1914 the tOpics moved gradually from Oxford and medieval
England, to early modern English history, to political
theory and the history of Canada. See University calendars.

7Wrong realized that the returning soldiers would want
"complete autonomy for Canada" but he himself thought that
Canadians were happy in the British fold and that unity in
the diversity of the Empire was possible. Later he would argue
for "political equality" with England--a "partnership on
terms of equality". See Wrong to Clifford Sifton, 9 November
1916, PAC, Sifton Papers: Wrong, "The Growth of Nationalism
in the British Empire" AER, 22 (October 1916) 45-57: Wrong,
"Opinion in Canada" New Statesman, 25 (4 July 1925, 8 August
1925) 330-2, 471-2: Wrong, "Nationalism in Canada" Journal
of the Royal Institute of International Affairs, V (July 1926)
177. Feiling too advocated equality of representation on
Imperial Committees: see "Canada the Peacemaker" UTM 9 (June

1909) 279-83.

 

144

promises leadership and educate him to think imperially."8

Both Wrong and Kylie regarded England as the source of foster-
ing the necessary links. Wrong would have agreed wholeheartedly
with the aims of Cecil Rhodes who wanted to "invent some tie
with our mother country that will prevent separation."9

Wrong thought that if young men could be "imbued with the
ideology of Oxford" they would just naturally "think imperially"

and this would prevent Canada from becoming a second United

10

States. An unsigned editorial, probably by Kylie, pushed

the suggestion beyond Oxford but without losing the Oxford

8Wrong to Parkin, 27 April 1908, PAC, Parkin Papers.

9C.J. Rhodes to Sir John A. Macdonald, May 1891, cited
in H.W. Morrison, 0 ford Toda an the Canadian Rhod
Sgholgrs (Toronto, Gage, 1958) 59:

Rhodes intended that his scholarships educate "young
colonists" thus "giving breadth to their views...instruction
in life and manners, and...instilling into their minds the
advantages...of the retention of the unity of the Empire."
For Rhodes, leadership was founded upon moral courage, public
spirit and concern for the common welfare. Ibid., 56-8.

See also: L.A. Crosby, Frank Aydelotte and A.C. Valentine,
edS- Qrferd of Today: A Mehasl_f92.2r2s222£ixe.822des_§ehelars

(New York, Oxford, 1927): and Dacre Balsdon, Oxford Now gag
Then (New York, St. Martins, 1970).

 

10Wrong to Parkin, 27 April 1908, PAC, Parkin Papers.

 

145

values:11

"We [in Canada] ought to have young men in training
for diplomacy, attached to British Consuls at foreign
courts. They should be getting all the experience
and savoir faire...which such a training can afford....
We urge Canada's full participation because it will
broaden our vision, restrain and sober us, and
elevate our politics."
It is unlikely that either Wrong or Kylie realized the
extent to which their position on Canadian nationalism
derived from the values of 0xford--breadth of vision, the
education of future leaders, a concern for "manners", public
spirit and the common welfare, and the sense of mission
that led to a desire to "elevate" the country's politics.
Had they been asked, they would probably have replied that
a mature Canada would be all the more glorious through her
partnership with England.12
One expression of the nationalism-without-separation
sentiment in Canada was the Round Table Movement, founded
in England in 1909 to study imperial problems and to promote

unity within the Empire. Wrong and Kylie were both involved

in the Round Table in Canada: Kylie was secretary after May

11"A Canadian Diplomatic Service" UTM 10 (April 1910)
359-60. Kylie was the editor and according to a note in UEM_
9(December 1909) 94 "The editor assumes responsibility for
everything appearing in 'Editorial Notes'"., See_also E.J.

Kylie, "Canada's Foreign Relations" in Addresses D livered
before the Canadian Club of Toronto, season 1211-12 (Toronto:
Warwick, 1912 107-11: Kylie also wrote a pamphlet Whg

caused the War: a Stud of the Di lomatic Ne otiat'ons Leadin
to the War (Oxford University Press, 1915) 8713»

12See James anrs, "The Round Table Movement in Canada,
1909-1920" CHR, 38 (March 1957) 1-20.

190

1911 and, according to Kendle, "the backbone of the organiza-
tion." The Canadian group organized discussions and wrote
articles for both internal and public comment: Wrong and
Kylie travelled across Canada speaking to potential members.13
Both Wrong and Kylie felt that Canada must have control over
her own foreign affairs and, as a corollary, that she must
accept the responsibilities of a "fully developed state".
Kylie felt that a Canadian navy was a necessary expression
of this new nationhood, but Wrong favoured an imperial navy
with Canada taking "her share in its control." Both, however
agreed that "full equality" within the Empire would protect
Canada from the British tendency to appease the United States
at the expense of Canadian interests and enable Canada to
work out her destiny "apart from the United States."lu
Concern for Canada's autonomy and maturity within the
British Empire was not the only expression of the increased
consciousness of Canadians in this period. There were
several other movements and organizations which had their
beginnings after 1905, and which are related to the study

of history. The first of these was the Tercentenary of the

13John Kendle, The Round Table Movement and Im rial
Union (Toronto, University Press, 1975) 103, 184, 221.
Wrong, "The Round Table in Canada" The Globe, 30 March 1917.
Wrong, Diaries, UTL and Armstrong Collection.

l“Kylie, "The Problem of Empire" Canadian Courier,

ll (19 October 1907) 14; [Kylie] Editorial Note, UTM.

10 (December 1909) 86-9: Wrong to Parkin, 16 November 1911,
PAC, Parkin Papers: Wrong, "The Growth of Nationalism",
(1916) 45-47.

147

Founding of Quebec, which became a national event when the
Governor-General, Lord Grey, turned it into a celebration to
foster harmony and unity between the "two great races" of
Canada.15 A second organization was the Quebec Battlefields
Association, formed in Quebec to collect money to nationalize
the grounds where battles had taken place. Lord Grey again
thought it was a good idea, exerted his influence, and a
third organization, the National Battlefields Association,
was born. Eventually the National Association dominated the
other two, primarily through superior financing and over-

16

lapping directorships. Wrong, though not directly involved

with any of these organizations, was close to some of the
directors. In addition he worked with a landmarks committee
that eventually pushed a resolution through the Ontario
Educational Association to support the preservation of historic

landmarks, referring to the work of the National Battlefields

158ir George Garneau to Laurier, 20 November 1906,
Laurier Papers, PAC: Quebec Battlefields Association, PAC:
M.E. Hallett, "The Quebec Tercentennial: Lord Grey's Imperial
Birthday Party" 91:13, 54 (September 1973) 341. (Hallett -
suggests the effort to preserve the battlefields began in
1905). Grey to Laurier, 14 December 1906, PAC, Grey Papers.

l6PAC, Quebec Battlefields Association pamphlet, "An
Appeal", 11 April 1908, 9. Walker to Rev. R. Campbell,
12 May 1908: Walker to Sir Walter Murton, 22 April 1908,
UTL, Walker Papers, Sir George Garneau, H.J.J.B. Chionard,
Adelard Turgeon, Lt. Col. William Wood, Walker and Arthur
Doughty held positions on two or three of executives. Walker,
Doughty and Wood were well known to Wrong.

148

Association.l7 While these organizations were not related to

the work of Wrong in the Department of History they do suggest
the strength and direction of Opinion in Canada, and in Wrong,
and thus provide a backdrop for the historical work done by
Wrong for the Champlain Society, his own books, and the

Public Archives of Canada.

The Champlain Society was organized in 1905 by four
men: B.E. Walker, President of the Bank of Commerce,
C.W. Colby, Professor of History at McGill University, James
Bain, head Of the Toronto Public Library, and George Wrong.
The Society was modeled on the Hakluyt and Surtees
Societies in Great Britain and the Prince and Camden Societies
in the United States. The Society was to undertake the
publication of rare books, documents, and translations
relating to Canada that the ordinary commercial publisher
would not publish.. Members would pay a sustaining fee of
$10 per year and would receive on the average two volumes a
year. Membership was limited at first to 250, later raised

to 500, with half of the subscriptions going to libraries.18

l7OA, Ontario Educational Association, Minutes of the
English and History Section, 1907. The Landmarks Committee
existed from 1906 to 1909. The Toronto City Council donated
$5000 to the National Battlefields Association: see Treasurers

Annual Report (1909) 200.

_ , 18W.S. Wallace, A Sketch of the Histor of the Cham lain
Society, published by the Champlain Society, (1937) 3.

This pamphlet was updated and reissued in 1957.

149

From the beginning the Society emphasized both the
growth of Canada and quality in format and scholarship.
Wrong's standards were high. He once said that the Society
could not afford to do "anything that is not complete and in
some sense, final".l9 Great care was taken in matters of
paper, binding, uniformity of type and style of printing,
and only outstanding authorities of the period were asked
to edit or contribute to the series. For Wrong, the task
was to raise the standards of Canadian writers and editors
even though he might appear to be a "terrible butcher."20
The choice of books, it was hOped, would reflect a pan-Canadian
outlook:21

We have had in mind that the two volumes published

annually should, if practicable, relate one to the

French period, the other to the English.

The choices that were made emphasized Canada's growth: the

most common subjects were travel, exploration, and the

significant figures in political and constitutional deve10pment.

Wrong was Editorial Secretary and as such was concerned

with the details of style and format.22 His preferences are

19Wrong to Grant, 16 March 1907, PAC, Grant Papers.

20Wrong to Walker, 28 February 1914, UTL, Champlain
Society, 47.

21Wrong to Walker [COpy] 30 October 1905, see Wrong to
Shortt, 9 November 1905, DL, Shortt Papers.

22Wrong was Editorial Secretary from 1905-23, President
1924-28, and Honorary President 1934-38.

150

revealing. He stated that the use of "4.00 P M" was an example
Of "commercialization" and that the correct usage was "4.0 P M"
and he said to Grant: "Follow your own good judgment in
regard to notes: it is necessary to make concession to the
prevailing Opinion in these things, but English rather than
American precedent is best??3 Wrong spent a great deal of

time on matters of style and at one point he complained of hav-
ing an average of two to three letters a day to write for
matters involving the Society.24 Even Walker, who was very
much the dominant figure in the Society, deferred to Wrong

on matters of style.25 Thus the Champlain Society, while

not being a Wrong creation (as was his Reyiew of Historigal
Publications) bore his stamp in its emphasis on style and

quality.

23Wrong to Walker, 17 May 1907, UTL, Champlain Society:
Wrong to Grant, 9 August 1908, PAC, Grant Papers.

2"(Wrong to Walker, 11 November 1910, UTL, Champlain

Society. For details of Wrong's work see some 50 letters

to W.L. Grant (1907-O8) dealing with a book being edited by
Grant, PAC, Grant Papers. Examples of matters that concerned
Wrong include:. the procurement of the seal used by Champlain,
the format of the title page, binding, capitalization,

spelling and word usage: there were occasional letters regard-
ing who would be responsible for the next volume.

25Walker to Wrong, 29 October 1907, 21 May 1908, 15
December 1910, 19 October 1916, UTL, Champlain Society.
Walker's name was more influential than.Wrong's, his office
handled most of the correspondence, and his eye for typograph-
ical error and historical fact was as good or better than
most of his contemporaries. Walker's letter books for the
years 1905-13 contain COpies of some 3300 letters of which
about 175 were to Wrong. This does not include all of
Walker's correspondence on Society matters.

151

The Champlain Society set a mark anda standard for
writers of history in Canada. The publications of the Society
were the first carefully documented research efforts in Canada
and many of them were, and still are, basic sources. Its
importance was such that there was almost always a waiting
list. The presence of the series in the libraries and the
best homes in Canada brought a sense of Canada's past to
many people, and their quality contributed to the growing
reputation of those who made their profession the history

Of Canada.26

While working on the Champlain Society Wrong was also
busy writing books of his own. He published a biography
Of the Earl of Elgin, textbooks on British history and
three studies of French Canada.27 These books, while

usually balanced and objective, were not unaffected by

26W.K. Lamb, retired Dominion Archivist, Interview, 8
June 1972: John COOper, retired professor Of History at
McGill, said that McGill suffered from lack of having a
Champlain Society: Interview, 22 May 1972. One attempt to
publicize the Society was directed to the members of the
York Club in Toronto, and bankers all over the country
received personal appeals from Walker. See Walker to Wrong,
13 October 1910 and Wrong to Walker, 19 October 1910, UTL,
Champlain Society: G.P. de T. Glazebrook, Interview, 25
June 1973.

27The Earl of E1 in (London, Methuen, 1905): Thg British
Ngtion: a history (New York, Appleton, 1903): An English History

b E.§. Symes, ada ted for use iananadian elementar schools
(Toronto, COPP. 1905): An Introductory History of England (never
published, see appendix E): Ontario Hi h School Histor of

En land (an abridgement of British Nation) (Toronto, Morang,
1911): (Most of the deletions were from the sections dealing
with the Anglo-Saxon and medieval periods): A Canadian Manor

and Its Sei eurs, the Story of a Hundred Years, 1261-1861
(Toronto, Macmillan, 1908): The Fall of Canada a cha ter in
the histopy of the Seven Years Wag (Oxford, Clarenden, 1914):

The Conqugst of New France (New Haven, Yale, 1918).

 

 

 

 

 

 

J.JL

Wrong's point of view and his penchant for moralizing. His
first text, The British Nation , "cost five years work" and

was immediately successful.28

One lady, however, complained
bitterly that the illustrations of "torture" were enough to
"horrify any sweet trusting child...." The Department Of
Education thought enough of the complaint to request an
explanation from Wrong for his inclusion of the scene--a line
drawing of the execution Of Mary Stuart which showed the
executioner holding her severed head up to the crowd. Wrong
replied that we must be silent about some things in history,
such as "phases of moral depravity", but we cannot be silent
about executions: "I would therefore make them as vivid [as]
possible and so emphasize the moral truth that our age is
gentler and more humane than were previous ages."29 Wrong's
moralizing extended to the effect of alcohol on William
Pitt:30

Deep drinking may account for the inferior quality
of his later as compared with his earlier career:
his friend Wilberforce mourned in the Older Pitt
the anxious, diseased face, the shaking hand, the
features red and bloated with wine.

28Wrong to Doughty, 7 June [1906], PAC, RG 37, vol. 101:
for praise of the book see comments sent to the Minister of
Education by the publisher, G.N. Morang to Harcourt, 1 June
1904, 0A, Textbook Correspondence: see also Appendix E.

29Mrs. George Morris to H.A. Pyne, 2 December 1905:
Wrong, memo to the Department of Education, 2 December 1905,
0A, Textbook Correspondence.

30Wrong, British Nation (1903) 499: this was about the time
when Wrong was involved with the Ontario Society for the Reform-
ation of Inebriates: see above, 32-3.

J-J)

Obviously Wrong was not above going further than was necessary
to make the historical point. He added the details Of the
execution and the effects of alcohol in order to drive home
a moral lesson: Wrong the historian wanted others to learn

the "deeper meaning", the "true meaning of the facts."31

Wrong was conscious of his efforts to moralize but it
is unlikely that he was conscious of the extent to which his
work displayed a thoroughly British point of view. The
British victory over the French in the Seven Years War was
"inevitable" due to the moral virtues of England, in particular
their religious tolerance and parliamentary liberty. Other
characteristics of the British included technological skill,
refined civilization and moral strength and character.32
His opinions of the French, on the other hand, smacked of
paternalism: to Wrong the peOple of Murray Bay "seemed
simple, untutored, new..." and French virtues included rural
charm, austere virtue, peaceful primitiveness, and avoidance
of the "pushing energy of the American spirit."33 In his
analysis of history in secondary schools he justified limit-

ing his remarks to Ontario and Quebec because these two

31Wrong, "Historical Study" (1895) 6, 9, 11. See also the
discussion of Wrong's descriptions of cruelty, above, 84.5,

32Wrong, Rise and Fall of New France (1928) I, 198-9
242-52, 273-314,,336-51: II,“8dB-66?5Pall of Canada (19145 85,
17-44: Conqgest of New France (1918) 164, 170, 177.

33Wrong, Canadian Manor (1908) iii: Bowker, "Truly Useful
Men", 221. .

154

provinces contained nearly five-sixths of the pOpulation,
and then eliminated Quebec because "the schools are chiefly
French, and are largely under the control of the Roman
Catholic Church. Obviously the Province of Ontario must be

"31+

the principal field of our inquiries. In Canadian Manor,

French Canadians who were pro-American were described--in one
paragraph--in excessively negative terms: they "harbored
deserters", assisted "rebels", hindered "loyalists", and
fomented "sedition" and "treason".35 The effect of these
phrases is to leave the reader with the impression that
fighting against the British, or siding with the Americans,
was about as low as a man could fall, and that there were no
redeeming features for anyone who took that position.
Wrong's attitudes towards both French Canadians and Americans
are shown when he praised the French Canadian for avoiding
the "pushing energy" Of the Americans and at the same time

condemned the number of holidays celebrated by Roman Catholics.

3”Wrong, "History in Canadian Secondary Schools" (1898)
551-2 0

35Wrong, Canggiag Manor (1908) 84.

Wrong was generally fair in his treatment of the French
Canadian: for example, he pointed out--during World War I--
that low enlistment rates were a function of isolation from
contacts with Britain and EurOpe and that many areas in
Canada were slow in this regard. He then went on to describe
Bourassa's campaign against_participation. "The Bilingual
Question" in The New Era in Canada, J.O. Miller, ed. (Toronto,
Dent, 1917) 244-45. See also "The Two Races in Canada"
Canadian Historical Association Annual Report (1925) 21-27:
"Le Prof.Wrong et 1'Unité Nationale" Le Droit (Ottawa) 8 July
1925. On the other hand, most of what Wrong wrote (1914, 1918,
1928) on French Canada dealt with the British victory, which
is a British point of view.

 

155

He said that an effort to reduce the number Of holidays was
a "considerable industrial reform."36 It would appear that
Wrong valued work and progress, but not as it was manifested

in the United States.

The growth of Canada from colony to self-governing
nation was a more positive theme in Wrong's writings. An
assumption that was very much a part of Wrong's thinking
was that the story Of Canada was the story of the building
of a nation and of protecting it from threats from the
United States. In the Earl of Elgin he praised the effort
to prevent annexation by the Americans: "Resolute as was
Lord Elgin against the annexation of Canada to the United
States, he yet had a haunting fear that this would some day
come about."37 One of the persistent arguments in the Egg;
of Elgin is that the colonies must have "control of their
own affairs".38 The themes of Wrong's later works followed
a similar pattern: the history of Canada was the political

deve10pment and physical expansion of a small colony to a

self-governing nation "occupying half a continent".39

36Wrong, Canadian Mgnor (1908) iii, 57.
37Wrong, Earl of Elgin (1905) 55-6.
38Ibid., 23, 38-9, 42, 72.

39Wron , TheCanadians (1938): "The Historical Background"
The (London? Times, 15 May 1939.

 

156

In addition to writing and editing books for Canadians
to read, Wrong was involved with a number of groups whose
purpose was the preservation of historical material. The
Historical Landmarks Association was founded in 1907 to
"find out what landmarks are really worth keeping, to spread
an appreciative knowledge of them as widely as possible and
to concentrate effective influence ...on their preservation."40
It was reconstituted as the Canadian Historical Association
in 1923. The Historic Manuscripts Commission was also
founded in 1907, after two or three years of discussion
between Wrong, Doughty, Shortt and Colby. It was responsible
for setting policy for the Public Archives, for publication
of Reports and Bulletins, and for acquisitions, translations,
and internal organization of the Archives. Wrong suggested
several changes in the format of the Commission's publications
which were adOpted. The Commission was disbanded in 1917 upon
formation of the Board of Historical Publications.”l Wrong
served as one of the advisers to this board, which published
some significant documents, then faded from existence about

1922 42 Wrong's contribution to these organizations is

“OPAC, Historical Landmarks Association, Minute Book.
W.N. Sage said the organization began in 1905: "Where Stands
Canadian History" Canadian Historical Association, Report
(1945) 8: L.J. Burpee, Presidential Address, Historic Land-
marks Association, Annual Report (1921) 13.

ulPAC, Historic Manuscripts Commission, Minutes, 14
February 1908: Ian E. Wilson, "Shortt and Doughty: The Cultural
Role of the Public Archives of Canada" Unpublished M.A. thesis,
Queen's University, (1973) 59.

“ZWilson, "Shortt and Doughty", 186-209.

157

difficult to assess, but at the very least his name lent a
certain respectability to them, and probably gained the ear
Of government Officials in more than one instance. The point,
however, is not so much his influence as the fact that he was
at the centre of a number Of movements that individually did
very little, but which, as a group, indicate a very strong

interest in the history of Canada.

Another Of the movements related to the spirit of
nationalism and the growing awareness of the importance of
. history was the establishment of the Historical Research
Commission, begun earlier, formalized in 1911. Recent
acquisitions and investigations of manuscripts had led to
a feeling that there was a need for a fresh survey of
Canadian History, one that would help bring Canada together
with a "positive and constructive idea of the Nation".“3
The result was the mulfi-volume work, Canada and Its Provinces,
edited by Shortt and Doughty, issued 1913-l7. Wrong and ten
others were associate editors and altogether more than 80
scholars were involved. Wrong contributed to the work,1mrt
not as extensively as one might have expected. It is
possible that Wrong had some disagreement with Shortt or

Doughty,uu or that he was simply too busy with the Champlain

uBEditor's Introduction, Canada and Its Provinces, vol. 1,
Section 1. See Wilson, "Shortt and Doughty", 80.

44 See Wrong to Shortt, [incomplete] 25 and 30 March 1910,
DL, Shortt Papers.

158

Society, the Review of Historical Publications and his own
writing. It is also possible that he felt the series was not
what the Canadian public needed or wanted, and that some
other means should be found to bring the story of Canada to
as wide an audience as possible. In any event, shortly after
the formation of the Historical Research Commission, Wrong
embarked on the publication Of the Chronicles of Canada

Series.

The Chronicles of Canada were a series of thirty-two
volumes published between 1914 and 1916. The series covered
what was to become the traditional topics of Canadian history:
exploration, New France, the coming of the English, Indians
and pioneers, responsible government, confederation, and
transportation.LL5 The books averaged 150 pages, had no notes
and very short bibliographies.)+6 Wrong and the University
Librarian, H.H. Langton, were editors of the series, but it
is possible that the publisher, Robert Glasgow, did as much
editing as did either Wrong or Langton,,"l’7 It is clear that

Wrong wanted to put the series before as wide an audience as

45See Appendix D for individual titles and authors.

46The two longest were Colquhoun' s The Fathers of
Confederation and Skelton' s The Day of Sir Wilfred Laurier,
200 and 340 pages respectively: the only bibliography that
pointed out the bias of the books mentioned was that of W. S.

Wallace, The Family Compact.

“7For one example which indicates both the speed in
which the books were produced and Glasgow's contributions
see his correspondence with Archibald MacMechan, Dalhousie
University Archives, Halifax.

159

possible. He praised Glasgow's ability to sell books, and
the series was designed, and advertised, as "narratives for
pOpular reading". Wrong knew he would not make much money
as editor, but he said it was "worth doing" for its educational

value.)+8 He believed in it so much that he mentioned it

three times in one article on books about Canada.)+9 He wrote

50

to a friend:

This series will have a considerable effect in
moulding the thoughts on Canadian history of
our peOple....

The series did reach an enormous number of peOple. Wallace
estimated that more than 30,000 sets were sold and as a
result, said Wallace, the Chronicles of Canada "did more to
pOpularize Canadian History among the masses than any previous
publication."51 Walter Sage stated that the Chronicles
"blazed four new trails" in Canadian history writing: the

red man in Canada, pioneers in the north and the west, the

52

growth of nationality and the national highways. Wrong

uBWrong to Willison, 15 October [1913] PAC, Willison
Papers.

qurong, "Canada: An Outline and Bibliography of its
History" The Federal Magazing (January. February 1916) 849-50.
In the same article he mentioned the Makers of Canada Series
twice, and Cgpada and Its Provinces, the Review of Historical
Publications, and the Round Table once each.

5°Wrong to Willison, 15 October [1913] PAC, Willison Papers.

51Wallace, "Wrong", 236. The pOpulation of Canada in 1915
was about 8 million.

( 32W.N. Sage, Canadian Historical Association, Report
19 5 7-

(160

the teacher had indeed gone well beyond the classroom to

mould thoughts on Canadian history.

The outbreak Of World War I brought to a head all of
the feelings for Britain and Canada, for the desire to be
of service and to instruct the public. All of the young
men on the staff in History enlisted and even Wrong said he
felt the call of the "stirring" times. "TO sit quietly in
a study trying to write a book seems like fiddling while
Rome burns," he wrote.53 He thought briefly of going to
Oxford but on reconsideration said: "Canada is our own

[home] land and I should wish whatever I did to be of real

54

service to Canada. Wrong was proud of the contribution

being made by his ex-students and ex-staff:55

Underhill has enlisted as a private....NO doubt

he expects to get a commission, but he is ready

to serve in any capacity--and that is a fine spirit,
in fact I [really] believe, the product of Oxford
training.

The men from his staff felt as Wrong did: Hodder-Williams

wrote that two of Wrong's "history cubs" had won the

53Wrong to Sophia Wrong, 30 September 1915, Diary,
Armstrong Collection.

54Wrong to SOphia Wrong, 28 November 1915, Diary, Armstrong

Collection.

55Wrong to SOphia Wrong, 30 September 1915, Diary,
Armstrong Collection. Underhill said that reading of the
deaths of Oxford men he had known and the efforts made by
the University of Toronto to promote recruitment led him to
enlist. Underhill Interview, I, 124-6, PAC, Underhill Papers.

Military Cross, and George Smith wrote that he was determined
to return to university teaching:56
I am not a scholar...nevertheless I am not without
ideas and enthusiasm....If we are to be true to
the enthusiasms of the past three years and be
worthy of the sacrifice of our most noble fellows,
we shall have to think only of how best to serve
Canada, and forget many material ambitions.
It is obvious that these men were sincere in their beliefs
about service to Canada and the British Empire and it is
also Obvious that they believed that their university

training was a significant source of those beliefs.

Towards the end of the war Wrong was invited to join
the Khaki University, then being organized in England to
provide instruction in various subjects to members of the
Canadian Army. The Director of the Khaki University was
H.M. Tory of the University of Alberta. He was looking
for men with "popular gifts Of exposition of scholarly
subjects" and he requested that Wrong take charge of instruc-
tion in history.57 Wrong left for England late in December
1918, and remained in England and France until June 1919.
Soon after arriving in England, Wrong arranged for Frank
Underhill and W.N. Sage, then on active service, to assist
in teaching history to the troops.58 The work consisted Of

56Hodder-Williams to Wrong, 19 October 1916: Smith to
Wrong, 2 April 1918, Armstrong Collection.

57Tory to Falconer, 8 November 1918, UTA, Falconer Papers.

58Wrong to Underhill, 26 January 1919, PAC Underhill
Papers.

both pOpular lectures and work in matriculation and university
subjects. Many students were able to refresh their memories
during this period or to make up enough courses to gain

59

credit for the academic year.

Both Wrong and Underhill appear to have enjoyed the
experience very much: Underhill called it "paradise" and
Wrong spoke with pride of lecturing, sometimes twice a day,
to audiences of several hundred.60 Teaching where the

need was great was something they were glad to do.

During the course of the war Wrong did much to educate
the public. He gave many lectures--sometimes as many as four
or five a week--on Germany and the deve10pment of the war,

he campaigned publicly and by letter for a coalition govern-

61

ment, and he wrote a pamphlet on The War Spirit of Germany.

Thg ng Spirit was written in a mild tone, at first glance

59Underhi11 to M.E. Angus, 30 March, 1919: Underhill
to Mrs. Richard Underhill, 16 March 1919, PAC, Underhill
Papers: Wrong to Falconer, 9 February, 7 and 10 of March,
4 May 1919, UTA, Falconer Papers. See also E.A. Corbett,

Henr M shall Tor - Beloved C ian (Toronto, Ryerson,
195 138-5 for a general description of the Khaki University.
60

Underhill Interviews, 1, 144-5, PAC,Underhill Papers:
Wrong complained about the cost of transportation and labour
unrest, but not his teaching load: see Wrong to SOphia Wrong,
24 and 31 January 1919, 6, 9 and 16 February 1919: Wrong to
Angnes Wrong, 11 February, 1919, Armstrong Collection: Wrong
to Underhill, 26 January 1919, PAC, Underhill Papers.

61See Appendix D: Wrong to Dafoe, 2 December 1916,
PAC, Dafoe Papers.

163

Objective and balanced. It was not, however, very far
removed from prOpaganda. According to Wrong, Germans were
backward politically and ruled by self-centered despots.
British imperialism was "honourable" but that of Germany was
a result of greed: theories of racial supremacy in England
were "amiable speculations" but those in Germany were ruthless
political policy. Germany recognized no law "except the will
of the strong" but in the end the unity of the British peOple
would prevail.62
Wrong also worked hard to "make Canada better understood
in the United States".63 He made at least two trips to the
United States to speak to friends and colleagues and at
public meetings. He wanted to promote better understanding Of
the British Empire and Canada and to provide leading newspapers
with "material they can use". He also spoke of trying to get
"hostility out of our histories." In one ten-day tour he
made a series of addresses at various midwestern universities
on such tOpics as "The Relations of Canada with the British

Empire", "Canadian Federalism", and "Canada's part in the

62Wrong, The War S irit in Germany (Toronto, Oxford,
1915) 1'4: 139 l 0 19: 2 '7.

63Wrong to Sir Robert Borden, 28 November 1918, PAC,
Borden Papers.

104

War".64

He was well aware that he was deliberately trying to
alter public Opinion: he wrote to a friend that the "Canadian
Government has asked me to look after propaganda aimed at

increasing friendliness between us and the United States."65

Wrong's work during the war was not a departure from
the values he had established earlier--it was but another
expression Of his desire to act in the public interest by
educating others. The work he did outside the Department
covered propaganda, scholarly publishing, school texts,
popular narratives, historic landmarks and the Public Archives
of Canada. In all of these he helped to provide Canadians
with a strong sense of their background. He was "moulding
the thoughtS"-of Canadians and laying the foundations for

a mature historical profession.

6Ll‘Wrong to Lord Bryce, 26 November, 5 December 1914,
10 January 1916: Bodleian Library, Oxford, Bryce Papers:
Wrong to W.H. Taft, 19 April 1918, LC, Taft Papers: Wrong to
Borden, 28 November 1918, PAC, Borden Papers: E.B. Green to
C.H. Van Tyne, 16 May 1918, Van Tyne Papers, Clements Library,
Ann Arbor. Van Tyne was a professor at the University of
Michigan and a long time friend Of Wrong: Greene was the
Chairman of the National Board for Historical Service, which
helped arrange the speaking tour.

65Wrong to Jameson, 23 April 1918, LC, Jameson Papers.

PART III

YEARS OF TRANSITION (1920-1929)

 

 

CHAPTER EIGHT

"Character, Good Manners and Forcefulness":

Appointments in the 1920s

The Toronto-Oxford pattern Of appointments which had
been established earlier continued through the decade follow-
ing World War I, even after 1927 when George Smith became

acting head of the Department Of History. Yet the traditions

TABLE 3
Appointments 1920-1929

 

Later Department of
Name B A T332325 Mary
R. Flenley Liverpool Liverpool, M.A. 1920-55
Oxford. B. Litt.
H.H. Wrong Toronto Oxford, B. Litt. 1921-27
E.H. Blake Toronto Toronto, M.A. 1921-22
J.B. Brebner Oxford Oxford. B. Litt.(192 ) 1921-25
Columbia, Ph.D.(1927
M.3. Reid Toronto Oxford, B. Litt. 1918-20: 1922-26
L.B. Pearson Toronto Oxford. B.A. 1923-28
Glazebrook 1963-67
G.W. Brown Toronto Chicago, Ph.D. 1925-46
J.C.P. Proby Oxford Oxford, B. Litt. 1926-29
F.H. Underhill Toronto Oxford. B.A. 1927-55
D.G. Creighton Toronto Oxford, B.A. 1927-71
E.W. McInnis Toronto Oxford. B.A. 1928-60
H. Rothwell Manchester Cambridge. Ph.D. 1929-31
J.J. Talman Western Western. M.A. 1929-31
Toronto, Ph.D.(l930)
D.J. McDougall Toronto Oxford. B.A. 1929-62
C.B. Martin New Oxford. B.A. 1929-52
Brunswick
NOTE: Dates in brackets are for degrees earned after

 

Years with the

 

being appointed to the History Department.

166

 

7167

established before the war did not persist unaltered. There
were many variations in the pattern, primarily as a result

of an increased interest in scholarly research and publication.
None of these variations involved a sudden departure from the
values and practices that had been established prior to

World War I and the Oxford model continued to dominate both
appointments and the values of the staff of the Department

Of History. It is only when the changes are seen as part

Of a transition that one realizes their importance.

Before the war Wrong had hOped to bring Englishmen to
Toronto on a regular basis, but as early as 1916 he realized
that first class men would not come to Toronto for $4000
and that Oxford was becoming an "exhausted mine" as far as
the needs of the History Department were concerned.1
Falconer, however, did not share Wrong's concern: "I am
inclined to think", he said "that if you get a Canadian it
would be an advantage at present." Falconer sensed the need
to look for someone to "give another side to the training"

at Toronto such as a Canadian from Harvard or another American

University.2 Although Smith and Hodder-Williams agreed with

1Wrong to Falconer, 9 February 1916, 9 June 1923, UTA
Falconer Papers: Wrong to Underhill, 15 February 1921, PAC
Underhill Papers.

2Falconer to Wrong, 28 February 1919, UTA, Falconer
Papers: see also Wrong to Falconer, 16 February 1919, UTA,
Falconer Papers.

 

" 168

Falconer, Wrong resisted the suggestion and in 1923 rejected
an applicant whose training followed the "Americanapproach".3
Wrong still believed that an Oxford training was "most valu-
able": that Oxford was the place to find men who had the

qualities he wanted.

In the years after the war Wrong looked for men with
first class standing (although at least once he accepted
a high second) and a background in Classics or English as

well as History. He also looked for certain personal

qualities.“

I have always tried to include character, good
manners, [and] forcefulness as well as learning in
the qualifications for a University teacher.

Since Wrong seldom, if ever, looked for staff except in
Oxford and his appointments nearly all went to Canadian

graduates of Oxford,5 it is clear that he associated character,

3Wrong to Falconer, 19 May, 9 June 1923, UTA, Falconer
Papers. Wrong Opposed what he saw as a "very one-sided
method" and he gave as an example the work Of Harold Innis
on the CPR:

[It is] a sound piece of research but it is

almost formless in respect to literary qualities,

and the text is overburdened with footnotes to an

absurd extent. And this excess of method is

what the American School of History glories in.

uWrong to Falconer, 22 March 1921, Armstrong Collection.
See Pearson, Mike, 47: Creighton graduated in English and
History, and Hume Wrong in Classics.

5Brebner, though taking his B.A. at Oxford, was the son
of the Registrar at Toronto, and had taken some undergraduate
work there before enlisting. Brebner went to Columbia in 1925:
a year later Wrong expressed an interest in inviting Brebner
back to Toronto. See Wrong to Falconer, 22 April 1926, UTA,
Falconer Papers.

109

good manners and forcefulness with Oxford.6

A broad knowledge was expected and sometimes demanded
of the staff in history, who often taught a wide range Of
subjects. While efforts were made to accommodate the
interests and background of the individual teacher, the
tradition had been established earlier that a professor
should be able to profess "all periods".7 As late as 1928

‘Wallace could write disparagingly against "appointing someone

simply because he knows how to read medieval chartersl"8:’

6Blake, a nephew of Wrong, was appointed for half term
to take the place of C.H.A. Armstrong, who had been appointed
but then resigned to work for Prime Minister Meighen. Wrong
to Falconer, 29 October 1920, 13 Januar 1921, UTA, Falconer
Papers. Armstrong (B.A., Toronto, 1911 was a lawyer: from
1918-20 he was Secretary of the Canadian War Commission.
He married Agnes Wrong.

7Wallace to Falconer, 15 August 1928, UTA, Falconer Papers:
(Wallace was referring to himself and George Wrong). See also,
Donald Creighton, Towar s the Di over of Canada: Select d
Essayg (Toronto, Macmillan, 1972) 1: Pearson, Mike. 59-50. In
his first few years at Saskatchewan, Underhill was asked to
teach Ancient History, Greek, PhiloSOphy and Political Science.
See Underhill to Murray, 14 January 1914, University of Saskat-
chewan, Murray Papers and PAC, Underhill Interviews, II, 45-6,
172-3-

The few references to specific teaching responsibilities
that were found tend to support Wallace's contention: see Smith
to Falconer, 16 March 1927, UTA, Flaconer Papers, Box 111: UTA,
History Department, Box 7, Files 17.18.21 and Box 9, File 76.

8Wallace to Falconer, 15 August 1928, UTA, Falconer Papers.

The later careers of several in the Department may indicate
the value of a broad background: their books and articles
ranged even wider than their teaching duties. and have probably
influenced as many outside the classroom as in. See D.G.
Creighton's "Introduction" to the Carleton Library Edition of
J.B. Brebner, North Atlantic Trian 1e: Th Inter la of Canada
Th Un’ted States and Great Britain (Toronto, McClelland and
Stewart, 1966) xiv-xvi: [R.A. Spencer] "Edward Wardwell McInnis"
International Journal 29 (Spring 1974 315-28: Appendices C and
E. Further, I have heard several professors speak with pride of
the work involved in teaching many classes: many feel that
younger colleagues suffer from a serious deficiency.

170

The tradition of breadth extended as far as applicants for
the Kylie Scholarship, who were selected more on the basis

Of intelligence, English grammar and personality, than for
9

scholastic achievement.

The staff continued to accept the obligations involved

in discussion groups and the Historical Club.lo

They often
went further in their effort to reach out to students: they
invited students to have tea at their homes or at Baldwin

11 The staff also

House, where the Department had its Offices.
concerned themselves with absentees: there are copies of

dozens of letters in the History Department files to individual
students expressing concern for absences from discussion groups.12
In addition to regular classes, groups and informal contacts.
the entire staff took turns teaching extension classes, and
dealing with correspondence students. Much of this involved
travelling to other cities or to different schools in Toronto

to give courses to teachers. At one point the demand was so

9D.J. McDougall, Interview, 19 July 1974. McDougall
said that efforts were made to keep the selection committee
composed of Oxford men.

10The only note of dissension discovered was a memo
by Hume Wrong who was concerned that too much work was making
the discussion groups ineffective. See above, 120-1.

11Interviews with Norah Story, 3 June 1974, Donald
Creighton, 18 February 1974 and D.J. McDougall, 19 July 1974.

12A few of these were signed "F": most were not signed.
Saunders said "we all wrote to students" and Creighton
concurred. Interviews, 11 December 1973 and 18 February 1974.

171

great that Martin had to refuse a request, stating that both
he and Underhill had eight or nine similar engagements.
While they were paid for this work, it is clear that money
was less important a motive than the sense of Obligation to

teach no matter where the need.13

Other members of the Department also felt this sense

that teaching was a higher calling. Helen McMurchie Bott

wrote in 1921:14

History is...not merely an academic discipline but
a vital instrument of guidance--a key to the
perplexities of the present situation.

In his memoirs, Lester Pearson spoke of wanting to be a
"benefactor of humanity" and he praised teachers who had
the ability to inspire others. Underhill spent a life-
time trying to articulate the values of liberalism and

trying to bring fresh ideas to his students, and the general

public, and to make them think for themselves.15

13See Smith to Falconer, 16 March 1927, UTA History
Department, F 46: Martin to the Secretary, University
Extension, 28 November 1930, UTA, History Department, E 37:
Martin to W.J. DunlOp, 18 October 1935, UTA, History Depart-
ment: Memo re: correspondence classes, 1936-7, UTA, History
Department, D 33: Underhill, Interviews 11, 18-19, PAC,
Underhill Papers. Underhill said that he didn't like giving
extension classes because of the time spent travelling and
because the classes "had something deadly about them:" he
gradually gave it up to the junior men, who needed the money.

l“Helen McMurchie Bott, "The Department of History", 353.

lSPearson, Mike, 38, 42, 49: Underhill, In Se ch of
Canadian Liberalism (Toronto, Macmillan, 1960) ix-xiii:
Underhill Interviews, 1, 157-72, PAC, Underhill Papers.

 

172

The emphasis on teaching and personal contact with
students was a major tradition in the Department. "Methods...
are never taken for granted, but are constantly under
experiment" wrote Helen Bott. "I was always primarily
interested in teaching" said Glazebrook. "We believe in
personal human relations between the teacher and the student"
said Smith, even "at the expense of other efforts which more
readily attract the attention of the authorities and the

16

public." Teaching was for most members of the Department
much more than a job to be done: it was part of their mission

to serve the public.

The strength and character of the sense of public
Obligation can be illustrated by the later careers of several
members of the Department. Three of those appointed in the
1920s joined the Department of External Affairs and rose to
the tOp. Proby went into medicine, and McInnis and Underhill
participated actively in national and international politics
as critic, author and editor.17 Where Wrong and Kylie had

worked in religious and charitable organizations, the more

l6Bott, "Department of History", 354: Glazebrook,
Interview, 25 June 1973: Smith to Falconer, 1 March 1927,
UTA, Falconer Papers: See also Pearson, Mi p, 48-55.

l7Hume Wrong was Ambassador to Washington and later
Under-Secretary of State: Glazebrook was assistant Under-
Secretary of State: Pearson was Minister for External Affairs
and Prime Minister. Other members of the Department of
History who served in the government include Massey, G.R.
Riddell, and J.M.S. Careless: see also Tim Creery, "From
Pearson to Smith to Green", Varsity Graduate 8 (December 1959)
26-30 for other Toronto graduates in External Affairs:
Appendix C.

recent appointees served the public through their expertise
and scholarship. But the ideal was the same--to make a better

world through positive action.

While the Oxford values existed in the Department of
History, they were not unaltered by the transfer to Toronto.
Underhill said that at first his lectures were just a distil-
lation of what he had absorbed at Oxford, but that gradually
he deve10ped his own point of view and his own methods: in
particular he was influenced by the writings of American
historians such as Becker and Beard. Pearson wrote that the
Oxford tutorial, with but one student, was impossible to
duplicate at Toronto and that teaching at Toronto was Often

18

very impersonal and "remote". The ties with Oxford remained

and the members of the Department continued to recommend
further training at Oxford,19 but the new members did not
write articles in praise of Oxford as had Kylie, Feiling and
Bell. The new men wrote in clear effective style, but did not

write erudite but light literary articles as had Massey, Marga

Wrong and Hooke.20

l8Underhill Interviews, 1, 169-70 and ff, PAC, Underhill
Papers: Pearson, Mi g, 49.

l9Brebner and Hume Wrong were specifically mentioned
as having been of great help or influence: Pearson, Mi_g, 40
and Creighton, Interview, 18 February 1974. McDougall, McInnis
and Glazebrook also went to Oxford after being students at
Toronto in the 19208.

20Their writing style was probably due as much to the
training they received at Toronto in History, English and
History (Creighton, Massey and Wallace) or Classics (Hume
Wrong and Underhill).

 

174

An even bigger change occurraiin the relative emphasis
on teaching and writing. Some of the appointees had the
traditional general background of Classics or an Oxford
B.A., but many had degrees in which original research was
a major requirement (see Table 3). Whereas prior to 1919
only one third of the Department had published books or
scholarly articles, by 1929 two thirds of the Department had

21

done so. But while teaching was neither neglected nor

disparaged, it is clear that after the war the emphasis had
changed. Wrong began to put pressure on members of his staff
to publish books. He wrote to Falconer in 1919 that he was
seeking "a greater deve10pment of production in respect to
historical writing". He also urged Underhill: "get a book
with your name on the title" if [you intend to] "have a shot
at the headship" of the Department when Wrong retired. And
Wrong wanted Lower to publish his M.A. thesis: "I think a
book is the best thing to keep before your mind, that stays on

a shelf and is a reminder of its author".22 The pressure to

21See Appendix C: Hilary Bates "Bibliography of Academic
and Journalistic Writings by James J. Talman," in Aspects of
Nineteenth-Century Ontario: Essays presented to James J.
Talman, F.H. Armstrong et. al. eds.. (Toronto, University
Press, 1974) 334: Norman Penlington "Bibliography of the
Writings of Frank H. Underhill" in On Canada: Essays in
Honour of Frank H. Underhiii, Norman Penlington, ed. (Toronto.
University Press, 19717133. 136: Marjorie Reid, "The Quebec
Fur-traders and western policy, 1763-1777" 9H3 6 (March 1925)
15-32 and "Pitt's Decision to Keep Canada" CHA Report (1926) 21-32.

22Wrong to Falconer, 9 February 1919, UTA, Falconer
Papers: Wrong to Underhill, 21 March 1923, PAC, Underhill
Papers: Wrong to Lower, 26 October, 7 and 19 December 1923,
10 March 1924, UTA, History Department, Box 3.

 

175

publish was noticed by both senior and junior members of the
Department. Smith was told that he was foolish to waste his
energies on undergraduates, and Pearson recalled years later
that Wrong had said that his (Pearson's) chances of advancement
were thin unless he got down to work on a book.23 Brebner
went so far as to send his manuscript to Columbia University
Studies because the University of Toronto Studies and Oxford

24

were tOO slow in publishing. The situation at Toronto had

changed considerably from the days when an editorial in The
Varsity said that professors should not write books because

this might cut into the time that should be spent preparing
25 '

lectures.

Wrong himself may have been under some pressure to
alter his traditional pattern of appointments. In reply to
a comment that his Department was made up Of Englishmen he
said that only Kennedy and Flenley were not graduates of the

University of Toronto and "not one member...was brought from

26

England." In the same letter he pointed out that all members

23Cochrane to Underhill, 10 February 1926, PAC, Underhill
Papers: Tim Creery, "From Pearson to Smith to Green" 26-30.
In his memoirs Pearson says nothing of this: Creery Obtained
the information from an interview with Pearson. Creery to
Meikle, 20 November 1974.

2Ll'Brebner to Archibald MacMechan, 2 January 1926,
MacMechan Papers, Dalhousie University.

25The Varsity. 27 (23 January 1908) 216.

26Wrong to Falconer, 22 April 1926, UTA,Falconer Papers.

176

Of the Department had done or were contemplating research on
Canadian history. The defensive tone of his letter gives the
impression that the criticism was taken seriously by Wrong.
Certainly it was a far cry from the note of pride, made
fifteen years earlier, that five Of the seven in his Depart-
ment were graduates Of Oxford.27
The changes made after Wrong retired in 1927 offer some
hints as to the pressures involved. Falconer asked George
Smith to act as head Of the Department, to coordinate its

28

work and to speak on its behalf. Smith had taken his B.A.

at Toronto and had gone on to Oxford as a Rhodes Scholar.
Except for war service, he had been a member of the Department
of History since 1912, and he was in close accord with the
values of breadth, teaching and public service.29 This accord
is illustrated by the pattern of appointments made while he

was acting head and in the year or two prior to that, years in

27Wrong to Parkin, 12 October 1911, PAC, Parkin Papers.

28Falconer to Smith,24 June 1927, Falconer to the Board
of Governors, 23 June 1927,UTA, Falconer Papers: Falconer to
Underhill, 14 May 1927, PAC, Underhill Papers: Smith was not
happy with the idea of being chairman: the term was not
generally understood and he suggested that either he be
appointed acting head or that the chairman be alloted a
"definite sum" of money. Smith to Falconer 3 July 1927,
UTA, Falconer Papers.

29"In Memorium" (a COpy of a motion passed by the
Council of the Faculty of Arts and Science, University of
Alberta), New Trail 6(1948) 7-8: "He was not a narrow
specialist...not a research man."

 

_¢ 177

which Wrong's interest in the Department was declining. Four
appointments went to Toronto graduates who had taken an Oxford
B.A. and two other appointments went to Oxford graduates

(see Table 3).

Yet Smith departed slightly from the Toronto-Oxford

pattern of appointments in a number of ways. First, Smith

said that the men to be appointed:30

should be chosen for their ability and their

personality but also with some regard for the
subjects they profess and with some attention
to the gaps in our curriculum....

While the qualities that Smith wanted (ability and personality)
were similar to the qualities demanded by Wrong (character,
good manners and forcefulness). it is clear that Smith had
rejected the belief that a professor should profess "all
periods".31 Second, Smith was critical of the Department's

weakness in medieval history and he was involved in the

30Smith to Falconer, 1 March 1927, UTA, Falconer Papers.

31Wrong himself may have rejected the belief, but he
never said so explicitly: he did, however, belong to a
generation that accepted the idea. See Wallace to Falconer,
15 August 1928, UTA, Falconer Papers.

178

2

movement to overcome this weakness:3 the medievalist Rothwell

was appointed in 1929. A third departure was the appointment
of a graduate student (Talman) as reader to mark tests and
examinations for professors who had become overburdened by an
unexpectedly high enrolment.33 Smith may also have been the
moving force behind the appointment of Brown, the first man
to join the Department after being trained in the United States.31+
-But‘me most significant departure from the Toronto-Oxford
pattern under Smith was the appointment of Chester Martin as

head of the Department.

. 32Medieval history had been covered during the war by
Marga Wrong and Hooke. Flenley was supposed to have been
appointed as a medievalist, and he did do some work in this
area in the early 19203: however he became more interested in
modern Europe,and medieval history passed to Brebner, possibly
to Proby. and then to McDougall. The creation of the Ponti-
fical Institute for Medieval Studies in 1929 had an impact

on the Department of History: according to Bertie Wilkinson,
President Cody pushed the Department to balance the
Pontifical Institute. See Smith to Underhill, 13 May, 6 June
1927, PAC, Underhill Papers: Smith to Falconer, n.d.

re: estimates for 1927-28, UTA, Falconer Papers A32/3:
[Smith] to M.D.C. Tait, 11 December 1928, UTA, History
Department, SF 5: Falconer to E. Barker, 5 February 1929,
UTA, Falconer Papers: (Toronto)Globe, 1 November 1928: L.K.
Shook, Catholicppst-secondar education in En lish-s eakin
Canada: a history (Toronto, University Press, 1971) 181-3,
210 ff: Wilkinson, Interview, 1 May 1975: F.M Powicke to
Falconer, 4 March 1929, UTA, Falconer Papers.

 

33Smith to Falconer, 5 October 1928, UTA, Falconer
Papers: J.J. Talman to Meikle, 23 September, 31 October 1974,
Interview,28 September 1974.

3“D.G. Creighton, Interview, 18 February 1974.

 

J-YV

The decision to appoint Martin meant that four men in
the Department were by-passed. Wrong had suggested that
Underhill might be interested but Falconer rejected the
idea on the grounds that Underhill had only just joined the
Department. Smith and Flenley were qualified but neither had
published in Canadian history.35 Wallace had been editor
of the Review since 1920 and had taken charge of graduate
students and "techniques of research" while Smith had been
acting head, but Wallace was also University Librarian and
may not have been interested in being head of History. When
Martin was appointed, Wallace announced his intention to resign

36

his connection with graduate students. Martin, on the other

hand, was a Rhodes scholar who had twenty years of teaching
experience and who had published five books.37 It is there-
fore likely that the main reason for Martin's appointment was

the growing interest in research in Canadian history.

35Wrong to Underhill, 21 March 1923, PAC, Underhill
Papers: Falconer to Underhill,3 May 1927, PAC, Underhill
Papers: Smith had been unhappy about the "Sturm und Drang"
atmosphere in the Department since the war and he hinted
that the appointment of Hume Wrong smacked of nepotism.
(Between 1915 and 1921 Wrong a pointed a daughter, a son
and a nephew to the Department . Cochrane to Underhill,
5 May 1923, 10 February 1926: Smith to Underhill, 6 June
1927, PAC, Underhill Papers.

36Smith to Falconer, 3 May 1927, Falconer to Wrong,
14 May 1927, UTA, Falconer Papers: Wallace to Smith, 17
October 1928, UTA, History Department, W 195. The pressure
for aduate work may have come from Underhill and Flenley:
see Smith] to Wrong, 16 November 1928, UTA, History Depart-
ment, Box 7, File 5. -

37See Appendix C.

180

One other variation from the pattern Of appointments
established before the war should be noted. Wrong had
appointed a total of four women to the staff beginning in
1912, and while two of these were appointed during the war,
it could be argued that he did want at least one woman on
staff. Marjorie Reid was reappointed in 1922, after taking
a B. Litt. at Oxford, but her appointment was "never...
considered permanent" and even after several years she was
never promoted beyond lecturer. Kennedy wrote in a letter
that "...our policy [in the History Department] is not...tO
give higher appointments to women." Reid was unhappy and
had made enquiries about prospects at Saskatchewan, then
married in 1926, and left teaching completely.38 What is
significant is the apparent discrimination, and the fact
that after Reid left there were no women in the Department

(except for readers) until the 1940s.

To summarize, the pattern of appointments during the
1920s remained fairly close to the Toronto-Oxford traditions
established before the war, but there were several variations.
There were suggestions, at first rejected by Wrong, regarding
the need for someone trained in the United States. Then
appointments were made to Brown, who had a Ph.D. from Chicago,

and to Underhill who had been greatly influenced by American

38Reid to Underhill, 13 July 1925, PAC, Underhill Papers:
Kennedy to Sellery, 9 May 1925, UTA, History Department,
Box 5, P 150.

 

 

_ 181

historians. Appointments went to men--and one woman--with
research degrees. Appointments were made with eye to subject
specialization and with particular reference to the need

for a medievalist. The first graduate assistant was appointed.
Wrong started to "pressure" his staff and others to publish.
and the prOportion of the staff who did publish doubled
during the 1920s. The members of the Department did not
praise Oxford Openly and publicly and at one point Wrong
became quite defensive about their origins--virtually denying
the Oxford ties. And finally, a new head was appointed from
outside the Department. Wrong's desire for peOple with
character, good manners and forcefulness was granted and

many of the traditions he established were continued, but
changes made during the 1920s were to mark the beginning of

a different tradition in appointments. It was a period

of transition from an emphasis on breadth to an emphasis

on scholarly writing, but the change in the pattern of
appointments is less Obvious than the changes in the graduate

curriculum.

 

CHAPTER NINE
The Best B.A.: The Worst M.A.:
Changes in the Graduate Program

In 1927 a University of Chicago Dean was reported
to have said that Toronto had the best B.A. on the continent,
but that his Opinion of the M.A. was directly the Opposite
and that the Toronto M.A. had no value at Chicago.1 The
Dean's Opinion might have been valid if it had been expressed
early in the decade, but by 1927 the University had changed the
M.A. program considerably, and the History Department had raised
the standard of its M.A. to a level approximating that which
exists today. But in the early part of the decade there was
no Ph.D. program in history and the M.A. theses that were
accepted varied widely in quality. The only part of the
history curriculum in which the Department could take pride
was the B.A. program which, if not the best,on the continent,

was good enough that few changes were thought necessary.

In discussions regarding course content and method the

staff continued to uphold values that had come from Oxford.

lWalter Murray, President of the University of Saskat-
chewan, to Falconer, 15 May 1927, UTA, Falconer Papers.
Murray's daughter had taken her M.A. in history at Toronto
(1924) and had difficulty in obtaining credit for her work.

182

 

‘183‘

Various members of the Department suggested altering the
structure so as to encourage the students to read more widely
and to take a comprehensive view Of the work: they also spoke

several times of the necessity to give first class grades only

for work of high quality--and how infrequently this occurred.2

Teaching remained a major priority: members of the Department
had a teaching load of eighteen hours a week and did extra
work in correspondence, extension and summer classes.3 The
pattern of courses remained as before, with the emphasis on
British and Canadian constitutional history, followed by
medieval and modern EurOpean history and ancient political
theory. Yet one can perceive a drift away from the Oxford-

orientation in the curriculum during the 19208.

Most of the changes made in the curriculum in this

decade were merely housekeeping,ubuta.few might be regarded

2See UTA, Minutes of the English and History Department,
26 November 1924: Smith to Underhill, 23 May 1927, PAC, Underhill
Papers: Underhill to Murray, 4 January 1926, PAC, Underhill
Papers: Flenley to R.W. Swetland, 16 March 1931, UTA, History
Department, N 124: Flenley to A.V. Douglas, 18 January 1932, UTA,
History Department, T 187: and letters in UTA, History Depart-
ment, Box 10, File 98, and Box 6, File T 184. See also Underhill
to H,D: Archibald, 21 September 1951, PAC, Underhill Papers and
The News (Toronto) (2 September 1905) 15.

3Smith to Underhill,23 May 1927, PAC, Underhill Papers:
Extension Department to G.P. de T. Glazebrook, 20 October 1926,
UTA, History Department: W.J. DunlOp to Wrong, 19 March 1925
and reply, 25 March 1925, UTA, Falconer Papers, Box 91: Wrong,
Memo "Recommendations Regarding Extension Work in History", 18
March 1925, UTA, Falconer Papers, Box 91.

”For example: moving a course to a different year, adding
a course in Historical Geography or International Relations for
a few years, clarifying the separation between pass and honours,
reducing the number of pass courses offered, or deemphasizing
the Indian wars and the American Revolution.

104'

as the beginnings of the Americanization of the curriculum.
First, the number of special subjects was increased from two
to nine, thus offering more choice to the individual student.
Second, a separate course in the history Of the United States
was listed for the first time: prior to 1923 American history
had been discussed as part of the deve10pments in the British
Empire ("with special reference to Loyalist opinion") or in a
half course only. Further, the 1930 calendar suggested a
Changing point of view by including a discussion of European
expansion overseas with "special reference to North America".
Had there been no further development these changes would be_
insignificant. But later there were other developments, and
the changes in the 19208 mark the faint beginnings of a trend
towards a relatively free choice from among a great number Of
courses, towards the reduction of the status of British
History to but one of several areas of world significance.
and towards a North American point of view. But during the
19208 the B.A. program in general did not undergo many changes:
it was the graduate curriculum that went through a period of

transition.

The M.A. program in the University was little more than
a B.A. plus an essay.5 The process of formalizing the regu-
lations and raising the standards, which had been going on

since early in the century, became more or less complete in

5See above, 60-63, 138-9.

185

the 19208 with the introduction of specified courses, required
attendance and examinations. What was true of the University
in general was also true of the Department of History. Up

to 1920 the M.A. in History did not extend much beyond the
undergraduate program in either philOSOphy or standards and
the theses were marked by inconsistencies of format to such

an extent as to make one question whether or not there was

a full understanding of either the process or the purpose Of

research.

The physical appearance of many theses resembled an early
draft of an essay. Odd sized paper was common and not always
consistent within a single thesis. There were many corrections
in the text and in a few cases entire paragraphs were struck out.
Margins were an innovation that became the norm only in later
years: more than one thesis accepted in the early part of the
century had abSolutely no margins whatsoever. Some theses
which were typed might have looked better if they had been
handwritten. It was obvious that the Department of History
did not regard M.A. theses in the same light as published
material which might affect the reputation of the university,

nor even as an early stage for a publishable paper.6

6A 1918 thesis was written on both normal and legal sized
paper, and a 1923 thesis on paper that measured 8% by 6 inches.

It should not be thought that 810ppy or casual work neces-
sarily means unscholarly work. A.R.M. Lower's thesis has been
consulted several times, and both Harold Innis and Adam Shortt
urged him to have it published: see Shortt to the Secretary,

Board of Graduate Studies, 3 May 1923, G.M. Smith to Miss
MacKenzie, 11 May 1923 UTA, History Department, Box 3.

A cursory examination was made Of theses accepted by Queen's
and McMaster and by other Toronto departments in this period: they
resembled history theses in general physical appearance and format.
On the other hand many of these theses would probably be acceptable
today.

 

186

More important than the physical appearance of a thesis
is the format, which includes not only such features as page
size and the use of typewriters, but also references and
bibliography. Table 4 summarizes the characteristics Of
theses written while Wrong has head of the Department. Of
particular significance is the date Of the first appearance
of a certain characteristic, the number of years that elapsed
before that characteristic became the norm, and the fact

that many of these features became the norm only in the 19208.

 

TABLE 4
External Format in M.A. Theses in History
Earliest Absent a8

Characteristic Appearance Late as .
Unlined paper 1893 ‘ 1918
8% x 11 inch paper 1893 1923
Typed 1900 1903
Double Spaced 1900 1923
Bibliography or its

Equivalent 1900 1913
References or Footnotes 1904 1924
Publisher and Date of Books

Listed in Bibliography 1903 1920
Use of Word "Bibliography" 1912 1924

The failure to have specific standards for references is
more than a matter of form. References are among the most
important hallmarks of modern scholarship: they permit the
reader to assess the evidence upon which an argument is built,
and to retrace the steps by which a conclusion was reached. In
this manner scholars check one another and build on past
knowledge. The presence of references and bibliography is a

necessary step in making an intellectual study acceptable to

187

other experts in the same profession, and the inconsistencies
in the History Department in this regard lend considerable
weight to the charge that Toronto had the worst M.A. on the
continent. For example, at least ten different phrases were
used where "bibliography" appears today.7 The variety
suggests both a lack of consistency and a conception of the
use and significance Of sources that was at best unclear or
undefined, and at worst quite naive. Another illustration
of this naivety was the addition of references after the thesis
had been written.8

There is no clear watershed, before which M.A. theses
had certain characteristics, and after which the modern format
was used consistently. All that can be said is that the
external format required today-~typed, doublespaced, on unlined
8% by 11 inch paper of good quality, with regular margins,
references and bibliography in a recognized style--did not
exist consistently in M.A. theses accepted by the Department
of History. Some of the early theses had some of these features,
but not until the mid 19208 did this format become the norm,
enabling the M.A. theses in history to take on the trappings of
the modern thesis. The transition was a gradual one, as was the
formalization Of other regulations.

7These were: "list of works consulted" (1899):
"books consulted" (1901, 1914): "authorities" (1903):
"books read" (1903, 1911): "works consulted" (1905, 1908):
"list of references" (1908): "list of authorities" (1909):

"authorities and books consulted" (1919): "authors read"
(1920): and "sources and authorities" (1924).

8See above, 138-9.

 

188

One of the reasons for the poor reputation of the Toronto
M.A., at least in the eyes of the Dean at Chicago, was the
absence of definite courses, attendance requirements and

9 during the mid 19208 this shortcoming was

examinations:
rectified as the regulations were made increasingly specific.
The earliestmention of oral examinations for "all candidates"
appears in 1919 and written examinations could be imposed
"where required" after the candidate's thesis had been read.10
But Wrong soon realized that even these changes were not enough
and that the M.A. program was not meeting the needs of students
coming into the program without a Toronto B.A. Accordingly he
made arrangements for all graduate students to take "four or
five groups weekly" and to write an examination in December
and an essay by February of their first year.11 By 1925 a
separate course Of study had been instituted covering British,
EurOpean, Canadian and American history. Regulations were

drawn up for students proceeding by course alone and by course

and thesis. Students who chose Canadian subjects were informed

9Walter Murray to Falconer, 15 March 1927, UTA, Falconer
Papers, and above, 182 ff: the practice of the History Depart-
ment had been to make blanket recommendations to the Regis-
trar, giving in support only the title of the Satisfactory
thesis. ' . -

10Hodder-‘Williams‘to Miss Mackenzie (Secretary of
Graduate Studies) 8 May 1919, University Of Toronto, School
of Graduate Studies, Minutes of the Board Of Graduate Studies,
History File.

lJ'Wrong to Underhill, 17 March 1924, PAC, Underhill Papers:
Wrong, Memo, 5 December 1924, UTA, History Department, Box 8,
File 53. '

 

189

in the calendar that they "should be prepared to avail them-
selves of the facilities for research in the Dominion Archives
at Ottawa".12 During the next few years attendance, language
requirements and cognate subjects were more closely defined.l3
Even though the process of formalization continued after 1930
the changes were minor: the basic pattern of the M.A. program

had been established.

The theses that were accepted reveal much about the inter-

ests of the staff and the currents of thought in the 19208.

12Students proceeding by course alone were responsible
for: (l) bibliography and historical method, (2) two periods
out of a list of six--1ater eleven or twelve--and (3) a
cognate subject: students who wrote a thesis were responsible
for (1) and (3) and for the preparation of a thesis "on an
approved subject based on the sources and prepared under the
direction Of the staff in history" plus the general background
of the subject chosen.

13In 1928 students were required to be "in actual attend-
ance": in 1929 a language requirement, "French pp German",
appeared for the first time: a year later students who wrote
a thesis were required to take both written gpg oral examin-
ations: the choices of cognate subjects were broadened from
Economics and Political Science to Political Science, English,
PhiloSOphy and AnthrOpology (1928) to "courses in other
departments by arrangement" (1932).

 

190

Table 5 indicates that the interest in Canadian history rose
appreciably after 1918 and that this trend was even more
pronounced under the stewardship of Wallace and Martin. During

the years 1924 to 1927 the number of M.A. degrees granted fell

14

from six to two to one to none. After 1927, when Wallace

was head of graduate studies, the number of degrees granted

rose and the number in Canadian History rose even more rapidly.

TABLE 5
Subject Areas of M.A. Theses Granted in History, 1893-1940

Asia/
East West Great United

Europe Europe Britain States Canada Total

1893-1904 - 6 7 1 '7 21
1905-1916 1 6 12 1 7 27
1918-1926 2 2 6 — 17 27
1928-1934 - - 3 - 21 24
1935-1940 - - 4 1 23 _%%

SOURCE: See Appendix H

Another subject area that shows a marked change after
1918 is church history, which virtually disappeared after
Wrong left. Related to theses in church history was the
number of ministers taking the M.A. degree. Most of the

twenty-eight ministers who received a M.A. did so before 1927:

l“Wrong had expressed a desire to retire in 1923, and
his involvement with the American Historical Association
drOpped after 1920. He was in his 608, and it is reasonable
to assume that his interest and energies were declining. On
the other hand, he continued to write and take part in public
activities: further, these were the years in which the Ph.D.
program was begun. They were also years when Wallace was not
a member of the Department.

191

twenty three before 1915.15 And, understandably, most of
the ministers wrote on tOpiCS related to church history, as

illustrated in Table 6. This suggests that Wrong's interest

TABLE 6
Subject Classification Of M.A. Theses in History, 1893-1926

 

 

Church History [1 Political History
Classification
Difficult
Occupation
Ministers 19 2 2 2
Non Ministers - 4 l 38
Unknown 1 1 l 4 ‘

 

 

 

 

 

 

NOTE: TOpics defined as church history include biographical
studies emphasizing the theology of men like John Knox,
Oliver Cromwell. Thomas Cranmer, and Martin Luther:
periods such as the Reformation and the British Civil
War: and subjects such as monasteries and the Book Of
Common Prayer.

SOURCE: See Appendix H

in church and medieval history, expressed so forcefully in
his inaugural address but largely ignored in the curriculum,
found its expression in the graduate program. It also
suggests that the needs of society or the interests of the
students were changing from an emphasis on the ministry
before the war to a more secular approach in the 19208.

This transition is further illustrated by the occupations of

15See Appendix H.

TABLE 7

192

the students taking the M.A. degree, as listed in Table 7.

Occupations of 127 M.A. Graduates in History;1893-l940

 

1893- 1905- 1918- 1928- 1935-
;204 i217 _i2gz i234 i240 Total

Education 8(6) 4*(2) 6(4) 6(3) 6(1) 30(17)
Ministry 10 13* 2 - 3* 28
Higher

Education - 3*‘(1) 8(1) 8**(1) 3(1) 22(4)
Public

Service - - 5(4*) 2* 3(2) 10(6)
Journalism - 2(1) 2(1) 2* 3' 9(2)
Business - 3(1) 1(1’) 1 1(1) 6(3)
Library - - - 2(2) 3(2) 5(4)
Law 1 1 - l - 3
Occupation

Unknown 3(i2 3(i) 4(2) 4&3) i214). _29LLLL
Total 21 29 28 26 29 133(47)
# per year 1.8 2.2 2.8 3.7 4.8

NOTES: * A student who had two different occupations.

( ) The number Of women included in the larger figure.

”Education" includes elementary and secondary teachers,
inspectors and school principals: "higher education"
includes university teachers and administrators: "public
service" includes those who worked for government
agencies. the United Nations and the Canadian Institute
for International Affairs: "journalism" includes writers
and broadcasters. NO theses were listed for the years
1917 or 1927.

SOURCES: Information regarding occupations was provided by the

Office of Statistics and Records. University of

Toronto. See Appendix H.

After the war the number of ministers drOpped sharply, and the
number employed in some areas of public service rose correspond-

ingly.

Table 7 also lists the prOportion of women who received a
M.A. Women are over-represented in education and library, and

under-represented in higher education,journalism and law.

193

Some, such as secretaries, may have their status misrepre—
sented, but several others held positions of significance

and responsibility. One can conclude first, that some women
occupied positions traditionally held by men, and second, that
the History Department did not discriminate against women as
graduate students (even though they did discriminate in

appointments and promotions).16

Another change in the graduate curriculum during the
1920s was the introduction and granting of the first Ph.D.
in history. The University had been interested in original
research as early as 1883, when fellowships were introduced;
the first Ph.D. was granted in 1900. For the University as
a whole the significant period of growth was during the first
quarter of the century when the Ph.D. program and administra-
tion went through a process of gradual formalization culmina-
ting in the formation of the School of Graduate Studies in
1923.17 But most of the early Ph.D.s granted were in science;
in history, there were a few tentative gestures towards
developing the Ph.D., but nothing of significance was

accomplished until the mid 1920s.

l6Maragaret Wrong was widely known for her work in war-
torn Europe and in the field of African education; A.H.G.
Macdonald was a Deputy Director in the United Nations; Sister
Mary Thomas Aquinas Carroll was a college President; and
several others were univerSity teachers, social workers, or
interpreters. See Appendix H, and above, 180.

17see P.N. Ross, "The Origins of the Ph.D."; A.B. Macallum,
"The Foundation of the Board of Graduate Studies" UTM 16
(February 1916) 220; Laskin Report, l-l3.

 

194

In 1900 history was one of several minor fields available
to students majoring in Political Science and Oriental
Languages and Literature. In 1903 Wrong "transmitted" a
recommendation from "the teaching staff in history" that
history be changed from a minor to a major subject in the Ph.D.
program. From 1904 to 1908 history was included in the
calendars, but from 1909 to 1916 history was not a Ph.D.

18 When the Board of Graduate Studies

subject, major or minor.
was formed in 1916, history again appeared in the Ph.D. program,
offering majors in the History of Canada, England under the
Tudors and Stuarts and seven minors in British, EurOpean,
American and Canadian history and after 1917, Aristotle and
Hobbes--the same as the undergraduate curriculum. Wrong said

of the program: "we do not give formal courses....Each candidate
is dealt with individually and his work is done privately in
relation to the member of the staff to whom he is assigned".19
(At the time there was one student enrolled.) The calendar

was not much more specific; candidates had to: "present a

thesis of such a character as to constitute an addition to

the literature of the subject selected". Although there was a

18There are several possible reasons. Ross suggests that
the lack of staff and the demands of undergraduate teaching
prevented departments such as History from offering a full
Ph.D. program; "The Origins of the Ph.D.", 276-8. The Ph.D.
degree was earned through the honours departments, and at
that time Wrong was the only member of the History Department.
When the History Department did expand. none of the new
members had undergone Ph.D. training.

19Wrong to Jameson, 2 November 1922, LC, Jameson Papers.

195

program, no students were graduated until after the formation

of the School of Graduate Studies in 1923.20

The Ph.D. program, even though starting later than the
M.A. program, and at a much more mature level, still went
through a process of evolution. Even though there were
regulations for attendance, courses, foreign languages and
publication of theses, at first the regulations were inter-
preted rather loosely. For example, Wrong felt that the
residence requirement need not be applied strictly in the cases
of Sage and A.G. Dorland in London, Ontario, as long as the
work "was done in accordance with a plan arranged here".
He did suggest that Dorland spend a "few weeks" in Toronto
so that their minds "might get into close touch".21 The
decision regarding Sage was justified on the grounds that
he had been in residence as an undergraduate and thus the
history staff "knew all about him".22 To one applicant Wrong
said "It might be possible for you to qualify by attending
20The first Phn.D.s were granted to Walter Sage, then
teaching at U.B.C., and Walter Kerr, a Toronto student who

had finished his degree at Oxford. Sage described his motives
for taking the Ph.D.:

I am going to be working at B.C. history anyway and I
might as well be getting some academic credit for my
work. That is rather a utilitarian way of looking at
it, but the Canadian West is not exempt from the
American worship of the Ph.D....My dream is to get an
English doctorate, preferably from London, but in the
meantime I should be glad to obtain a Toronto Ph.D.

Report of the Staff in History on...W.B. Kerr..., 4 May 1925, UTA,
History Department, Box 3; Sage to Grant, 16 October 1921, PAC,
Grant Papers.

21Wrong to Dorland, 22 November, UTA, History Department.

221bid.

 

196

during summer session".23 The treatment of the language
requirement was similarly less than rigid. A few weeks before
Sage graduated Wrong inquired: "Have I raised with you the
point as to your having two languages other than English?"2u
Apparently this matter had been brought to Wrong's attention
by the Dean of Graduate Studies. As late as 1929 no arrange-
ments had been made for special instruction in languages
beyond informing the students that they must do "sight papers".
Nor were examinations for these students formalized; as far as
the Department was concerned, they would "probably call in a
language expert" to examine the students. Shortly thereafter
a reading course was instituted.25
The requirement that theses be published also under-
went change. In the early stages of the Ph.D. program
students had been required to deposit lOO cOpies of the
thesis with the Registrar (150 in 1912). In 1925, according
to Wrong, the Department of History required only one c0py,

but in practice the candidate had three copies made.26

23Wrong to E.T. Glendon, 15 January 1926, UTA, History
Department.

2“Wrong to Sage, 28 April 1925, UTA, History Department.

25[G.M. Smith] to McMurrich, 18 January 1929, History
Department. One member of the German Department recommended
passing a student, and suggested a slightly lower standard for
Ph.D. candidates in North American History who had little need
for German. See J.A. Surerus to Martin, 24 January 1934, UTA,
History Department, File G 54. For the reading course see J.J.
Talman to R.S. Harris, 25 March 1973, cOpy in possession of
W.D. Meikle.

26Wrong to Sage, 10 February 1925, UTA, History Department.

 

197

Because the first theses were extensive Wrong felt "it would
be asking too much to require their publication in full"

and, on behalf of the Department, undertook to publish a
"sufficient portion of each of the theses to satisfy the
requirements of the School of Graduate Studies".27 A year
later Wrong wrote that the University did not enforce the
rule for publication and required only a statement from the
Department that the material was publishable, and a statement
from the author that negotiations for publication were "in

progress".28

The calendar for 1929-30 stated that the thesis
must be a work of "original research...worthy of publication".
The transition to the modern requirement was virtually

complete.

The graduate program in history had been growing gradual~
ly since the 1890s and it reached maturity in the 19203. The
forces which led to the establishment of the School of Graduate
Studies had contributed to the evolution of the history program,
and so had the presence of members of the Department of History
who had a background in research. Yet the growth of the _
graduate program did not occur solely within the context of
the University and the History Department. The decade of the

1920s was a period when the historical profession itself matured.

27‘Wrong to Miss Mackenzie, 7 May 1925, UTA, History
Department, Box 3.

28Wrong to Dorland, 29 March 1926, UTA, History Department.

 

 

CHAPTER TEN

"We Must Interpret Events": The Historical Work
of George Wrong Beyond the Department

At the same time that appointments were beginning to
go to holders of research degrees and the graduate program
was maturing, Wrong was continuing to work for the develop-
ment of the profession as a whole, to write textbooks, and
to speak and write on the relations of Canada andthe Empire.
In each of these areas of concern Wrong believed that it was
the duty of the historian to be the "interpreter of both
the past and the present". In his Presidential Address to_
the Canadian Historical Association he said: "We must
interpret the setting and the spiritual sources of events".1
As before Wrong continued to teach everyone: colleagues,
school children and the public. And yet the decade of the
19208 was a period of transition. The historical profession
began to leave Wrong behind: the use of his textbooks
gradually declined: and Canada continued to assert her
growing independence of Great Britain, in spite of valiant
efforts by Wrong to reconcile nationalism and imperial unity

and to uphold the nobility of the Empire.

1Wrong "The Two Races in Canada" Annual Report of the
Canadian Historical Association (1925) 21; Wrong, "The
Historian's Problem" (1927) 5.

198

 

 

199

One of the more significant deve10pments in the growth
of the historical profession was the conversion of Wrong's
Reviaw of Historical Publications Relating to Canaga into
the quarterly Canadian Historical Review. The Q§§,which
first appeared in March 1920, was edited by W.S. Wallace.
Wallace had assisted Wrong on the older Review since 1910
and had been given increasing responsibilities. In 1919 he
felt that "the time had come when students of Canadian history
would be glad to have a vehicle for the publication of their
researches". Wallace drew up a series of prOposals which
were submitted to the Studies Committee responsible for the
annual Review. These were accepted and Wallace was appointed
editor of the new journal and remained in that position until

1930.2

During the 19203 the CHR published many articles that
presented the economic interpretation and staples approach to
history, or that brought attention to Canada's physical
environment and the problems of settlement. These articles
provided an alternative to the political-constitutional-imperial
themes that dominated the attention of Canadian historians.3

The CHR also brought to the attention of the members of the

2W.S. Wallace, "The Establishment of the Canadian
Historical Review", CHE, 26 (1945) 191: for slightly different
versions (drafts) see memos by Wallace, UTL, Wallace Papers.
Boxes 21 and 22.

3J.M.S. Careless, "The Review Reviewed, or Fifty Years
with the Beaver Patrol" CHR, 51 (March 1970) 53.

 

200

profession "matters of interest and importance which other-
wise might escape notice" such as recent acquisitions by the
archives and the research being done by graduate students.Lp
The publication of research, the new interpretations and the
other information was a part of the professionalization of

Canadian historians.5

Yet however much the CHR introduced new ideas to
Canadian history it did not represent a rejection of the
values that underlay its predecessor. Wallace had been a
student and a colleague of Wrong for nearly twenty years and
their views were not far apart. The first statement of
intent said that the CHR was to be a "continuation and
development" of the critical evaluation and bibliographic
service provided by the earlier Rayiag.6 Wrong himself sup-
ported the QHR fully: he served on the Board of Editors and

he wrote twenty-four reviews and five articles in its first

“"Notes and Comments" CHR 1 (June 1920) 131 and
(September 1920) 237.

5Careless, "The Review", 48-9. 56, 68, 71: see also
Appendix J.

6"Notes and Comments" 933 1 (March 1920) 1.

An example of the similarity between Wrong and Wallace
can be found in their letters to J.S. Willison: Wrong said
the Chronicles of Canada would not pay much but was worth
doing for its educational value and Wallace asked Willison
to ignore the low pay offered for an article "in view of the
sort of work we are trying to do". Wrong to Willison, 15
October 1913, Wallace to Willison, 8 September 1920, PAC,
Willison Papers.

201

nine years.7 Even in 1929, when the Board of Editors was
enlarged to bring in historians from all across Canada, no
change was made in the practice of appointing a member of the
Department of History to the most influential position, that
of managing editor.8 Thus the traditions established by

Wrong continued under the guidance of his colleagues.

The professionalization of Canadian history was also
aided by the establishment of the Canadian Historical
Association which grew out of the Historic Landmarks Associ-
ation in 1923.: Wrong had been one of the founding members
of the Historic Landmarks Association and he thought highly
of its work. Wrong took part in the discussions that led
to the founding of the CHA and he was one of six members of
the Council from 1922 to 1926. He was active in its meetings
and was elected President in 1926. Although his contribution
to the founding of the CHA was probably less tangible than
that of L.J. Burpee and others, Wrong's presence--as doyen of

Canadian historians-~provided a valuable stimulus and an aura

7See Appendix D.

8Careless, "The Review", 53-4.

 

9See: view5 of Historical Publications R latin to
Canada XX (1916)6

 

202'

of legitimacy and respectability.l0
Wrong was less concerned with the deve10pment of the

historical profession than he was with writing for elementary

and secondary students. During the 19203 he wrote or revised

eight textbooks. One or more of these was used in seven

provinces and in some areas he had almost a mon0poly in

British and Canadian History. Hundreds of thousands of

c0pies of his books were issued and each was probably "recycled"

at least three times, so the total number of readers may well

be in the millions.11 The potential for influence was very

high, and thus Wrong's point of view becomes significant.

Wrong had written The BritlSh Natlon in 1904: a slightly
shorter version appeared in 1911 and had not proven satisfact-
ory., A new edition, considerably longer than either of its
predecessors, was published in 1922. Wrong devoted signi-
ficantly more attention to the era of the French Revolution

and he added new material on the period after 1911. The space

loL.J. Burpee (1873-1946) was First Secretary of the
International Joint Commission. He was elected President
of the Historic Landmarks Association in 1920, presided
over the formation of the CHA and was President of the CHA
in 1923: Bowker "Truly Useful Men",102.

11Statistics for books published by Ryerson were
destroyed when that company was bought out by McGraw-Hill.
197,000 copies of the Ontario Public School History of
England and the Ontario Public School History of Canada
were issued in 1922, see J.E. Wetherall to A.H.U. Colquhoun,
Memo, 16 January 1923, 0A, RG 2, Series P-3. Newspaper
clippings support this figure: see Toronto Teleggam, 16
February 1922 and Toronto Star 9 March 1927. For estimates
of sales of other texts see Appendix E.

203

devoted to the era of the French Revolution was nearly

tripled between 1904 and l922--15 to 43 pages. The additional
material dealt with Napoleon's actions in Egypt, British
expansion in India, unrest in Ireland and British victories
over Napoleon. Wrong's preoccupation was with the beginnings
of the second British Empire-~and this section laid the founda-
tion for his later emphasis on the survival of the Empire

during World War I.

Pride in the Empire dominated his description of post-
1900 England. In both the revision of The Britlah Nation and
in the Ontario Public School History o§_EnglagQ Wrong wrote
page after page describing how a person could travel over the
whole world and whereverluawent find British forts, seaports,
acquisitions and victories. England, according to Wrong,
provided protection, guidance and a common means of communica-
tion to many peoples of the world: they all shared the "benefit"
of the institutions of British freedom and the contributions
of her "noble literature". He ended Britain's History with the
statement that nowhere in the Empire was there"any wavering in
the resolve to maintain its unity".12 The message to the
reader was clear: the long history of the Empire, its struggle
for survival and its contributions to progress and civilization
all combined to justify and to maintain its existence. The

teacher was still "moulding the thoughts" of his students.

12Wrong, EritainTs‘History (Toronto, COpp Clark, 1929) 386-7.

 

204

Another feature of Wrong's point of view in the 19203
was the apparent softening of earlier statements. In 1911
Wrong had written, "The French people are naturally warlike...."
In 1922 that sentence was omitted. In 1904 he had made
references to the Jesuits' desire for power: in the two later
editions the index, though admittedly only half as long, had
no entries for "Jesuits". Wrong had written in 190“ "The
Roman Church was resolved to recover England [during the reign
of Elizabeth 1]": this was later softened to: "The Roman
Catholic Church now took other steps to restore its power".
In 1904 Wrong put the blame for the execution of Mary Queen
of Scots squarely on the shoulders of Elizabeth:

After weeks of doubt, Elizabeth signed Mary's

death-warrant, but still showed unwillingness

to give the final order for execution. In fact

she wished others to take this responsibility,

that she might afterwards escape the discredit

of the act.
In 1911 and 1922, Wrong stated that "...she would give no
order for the execution" (instead of just being temporarily
unwilling) and the sentence suggesting she wanted the blame
to fall on others is omitted entirely. The 190# edition
contained a page of details of Mary's manner and clothing,
with illustrations: these are not in either of the later
editions. The morals of Charles James Fox received a variety
of comments from Wrong. In 1904 Fox's life was described as
"profligate", in 1911 it was "dissolute" and in 1922 Fox's

"vicious habits" were blamed on his father, who took Fox to

Paris at the age of fourteen and encouraged the young man in

‘263‘

"gambling and other vices".13 It would appear that as he

grew older, Wrong became more tolerant.

In addition to his books in British History Wrong
published a history of Canada for elementary students in
1921. This book also showed Wrong's point of view on signi-
ficant issues. Indians were "savage" or "helpless children"
who lived in "squalor" and who tortured their victims in
"unspeakably savage" ways--described in detail by Wrong.
Jesuits were "resolved to win the world for their faith".
Both the deportation of the Acadians and the manner in which
it was done was justified by circumstances. The American
Revolution was caused by the "fair" demand of the British
that the colonists pay taxes for their own defence, and
resulted in barbarous treatment of the Loyalists. William
Lyon Mackenzie was "unbalanced" and his supporters were
radicals, not "moderate, high—minded and dignified" men like
Robert Baldwin. Wrong did provide a sentence or two in every
case to balance the presentation: for example, Indian leaders
werewise, Jesuits were brave, the Acadians suffered terribly,
the Americans were seeking self-government, and many of

14

Mackenziés demands were justified. But the emphasis is such

13Wrong, British Nation, 306 ff: #16, 422, #38-9, #72,

High School History of En l (1911) 228 ff, #32; High School
History of England (1922 230 ff, #57.

lggataglo Publlg_School Hiatory of Canada (Toronto,

Ryerson, 19217 u9-55, 116-17, 140-61, 222-32.

206

that a student would take away negative impressions of Indians,
French, Americans and Jesuits, and positive impressions of the
British, of moderates, and of those who fought to defend

Canada and the British connection.

As with his histories of Britain, Wrong softened his
opinions over the years. Tha Stogy of Caaada (1929) contained
significant changes.15 Many of the alterations made by Wrong
were the result of the need to condense the material up to
Confederation by some 25 per cent, but some changes indicate
a slightly different outlook. The Jesuits were there only to
help and convert the Indians-~not to "win the world". Wrong's
treatment of the Acadians was more sympathetic, their point of
view was included ("fear of French reprisals") and their
sufferings were described in more detail. The treatment of
Mackenzie was much more sympathetic to Mackenzie. Where in
the earlier text the justice of Mackenzie's cause was under-
played and the word "radical" was used where others might have
used "reform", in the later text Wrong quoted Mackenzie and
stated that the Family Compact were "despots" who dreaded the

loss of their "comfortable posts".l6 On the other hand the

150ntario Public School History of Canada (1921) was re-
issued in 1924 under the title Canada: a Short History.
Wrong, with Chester Martin and Walter Sage, published Tag
Story of Canada in 1929. Martin and Sage contributed signed
chapters on the west: the remainder of the book was a
revision of Wrong's earlier texts.

16The Story of Canada (Toronto, Ryerson. 1929) 28-33:
78’ 96 ff, 1 5'8.

For some reason, Wrong included in the 1929 text the
gratutious comment that Sir Francis Bond Head was "a member of
family of Portugese Jews who had taken an English name." 151.

 

207

thrust is still more favourable to the governing class than

to the Mackenzie forces. Most of the omissions and changes in
the 1929 text made the text more bland rather than offering

a different interpretation and the total effect is only

slightly less pro-British and pro-Canadian.

Wrong's textbooks on British History were used through
the 19303 but in 1927 and 1928 his Canadian histories were
drOpped by some provinces.l7 This, the beginning of the
gradual transition to texts by W.S. Wallace and George Brown,
was but one example of the waning of Wrong's influence in the
19203. Wrong was the grand old man of Canadian history: his
colleagues nominated him the the Council of the CHA and later
elected him President, and he became President of the Champlain
Society on the death of Sir Edmund Walker. But Wrong was in
his sixties, and the new standards were beginning to outstrip

him.

The most obvious weakness in Wrong's approach to history
was his tendency to depend on secondary sources.18 This
was noted by Doughty who, when asked to check a manuscript of
Wrong's against the sources, replied that so much new material

had been added to the Archives that a check of Wrong's

17Wallace, A New *History of Great Britain and Canada
(Toronto, Macmillan, l925)and A First Book of Canadian
History (Toronto, Macmillan, 192 See Appendix E.

18Wrong, "Historical Study" (1895) 7 and above, 82-3.

 

208

manuscript would involve extensive revisions. It was Doughty's
opinion that:19
There is not a chapter in Canadian history that
can be properly written with a knowledge obtained
from books.
Adam Shortt had a similar Opinion of Wrong's work: he wrote
to a friend that Wrong was not "familiar with the original

20

documents." When Wrong's Rise and Fall of New France

(2 volumes) was published in 1928, it was criticized gently

but firmly for being based almost entirely on printed materials.21
Wrong's faith in printed material had been largely overlooked
in earlier years, but by the end of the decade it was clear

that standards had changed, that more research was necessary

and that the emphasis on teaching would have to be reconsidered.

But Wrong believed otherwise. In his Presidential Address
to the CHA he said:"Making sure of the facts" is only the first
stage of the historian's work: the historian must also under-
stand, interpret and present the past. Unstated, but clearly
implied, is the message that interpretation is more important

and that the work of the historian is to teach the "true

l9Doughty to Wrong, 13 May 1921, PAC. RG 37. V01- 199.
371-2 0

20Shortt to w.w. McLaren, 14 January 1922, DL, Shortt
Papers: see also Bowker "Truly Useful Men" 105: I.E. Wilson
"Archivists and Historians--The Doughty Era", Paper delivered
to the Canadian Historical Association (5 June 1974) 10-11.

21See Arthur Lower, "The Drama of New France" The Nation
128 (6 March 1929) 288-90 and J.B. Brebner, Historical Outlook
20 (November 1929) 354-6.

 

209

meaning" of the movements of the past.22
Wrong took this injunction seriously. In addition to
regular courses given at the university and through extension
and correspondence classes, he, and others in the Department,
lectured to many different audiences. One program was a two
week course designed for farmers, covering economics, hygiene,
literature and constitutional history. Wrong claimed that it
was a great success, attracting over 300 students. Members
of the Department also gave a series of lectures at St. John's
Garrison Church in 1929 and 1930. (These lecture programs are
reminiscent of the work and values of Kylie and Feiling in the
years before the war.) Wrong was also concerned about the
relations between French and English in Canada and he tried
to "lessen friction" in the "interests of national unity".23
But an even greater effort during the 19203 was directed at
"interpreting" the events surrounding Canada's changing rela-

tionship with Great Britain.

Wrong was aware that Canada's relationship with Great
Britain was evolving. He said that "organic union","Imperial

Federation" and "cooperative diplomacy" had not succeeded:

22Wrong, "Historical Study" (1895) 6, 11.

23Wrong to C.B. Sissons, 21 April 1922, PAC, Sissons
Papers: Wrong "Regulation SeVenteen", Tha Globe, 6 December
1922: Wrong, "The Two Races in Canada" CHA Annual Raport
(1925) 21-7: Wrong to Underhill, 15 February 1921, PAC,
Underhill Papers: see above, 105.

 

 

210

Canadian nationalism, had been sparked by the "intense
irritation...against Great Britain" over the Alaska Boundary
Decision and fanned by the growing realization that "the sons
are grown up...[and] have made homes of their own". This
nationalism was now [1926] strong enough that it could not

be turned back: "There is no halting place in the march to

2h

full political deve10pment." The result of all of this was

the beginning of the end of the British Empire.

Wrong did not Oppose this evolution but he was worried.
"There is some uneasiness in Canada about existing relations"
he said, probably revealing more about himself and his own
feelings than about those of the rest of the pOpulation.25
On the surface Wrong was concerned that Canadians had not yet
fully realized that Canada must accept and assume full respon-

sibility. legally and in the eyes of the entire world, for

"carrying out what she undertakes":26

If Canada is not responsible for fulfilling treaties
made by Great Britain, Great Britain is not to be
responsible for fulfilling treaties made by Canada.

2“Wrong, "Nationalism in Canada" Journal of the Royal
Institute of InternationalAffairs, I (July 1926) 180, 178,
18h, 187, 181: see also Wrong, "Canada and the Imperial War
Cabinet" 9H3, I (March 1920) 3-25: Wrong, "Canada and the
League of Nations", New York Times (27 February 1920) 12:
Wrong "The Evolution of Foreign Relations in Canada" address
to the American Historical Association, December 1929 and
published in Egg, 6 (March 1925) 4-14: Wrong, "Canada's Problem

of Equality with Great Britain" Em ire Club of Canada Addresses
Delivered to the Members During tha Year 1926, 2A (1927) 299-310.
25"Wrong", Nationalism in Canada (1926) 178.

26Ibid., 182.

 

211

The problem was that, in fact and in the eyes Of the world,
Canada had not yet accepted this responsibility and this,
according to Wrong, posed a threat to the close ties between
Canada and Great Britain. Wrong argued that Canadians would
no longer accept British "rule":27
We shall then not hear of Great Britain permitting
Canada to do something anymore than we hear of
Canada's permitting Great Britain to do anything.
In particular, he said, there was a growing suspicion that
Canada was in danger of being "drawn into war without her

28 Canada, he said, had her own personality, and her

consent".
own problems, and she must be able to Operate on her own

terms in her own interest.

What Wrong really feared, though he seldom voiced it
openly, was that nationalism would lead to the break up of
the Empire. At one level he feared that Canadian nationalism
would be underestimated in Great Britain and the United States,
leading to misunderstandings that would harm the relationship.
At another level he feared that nationalism might be over-
estimated, leading other countries to assume a poor relation-
ship between Canada and Great Britain, which would be equally
damaging to the relationship. To avoid these errors of under-
standing, Wrong tried to explain in all three countries what

appeared to be "anomalies" in the relationship.29 His message

27Ibid., 183.

28Ibid., 189-90.

291bid.. 190.

had a constant theme: Canada was no longer a colony, the
Empire had grown into the Commonwealth, the sense of unity
among British peOples was stronger than ever and an even

closer unity was possible in a "partnership on terms of
equality".30 It was the full equality that provided the main
theme: he believed that only if Canada accepted an even greater
degree of responsibility could she be accepted as an equal of
Great Britain, and only if she was accepted as an equal could
unity be preserved. He spoke as a Canadian, but his love of
Great Britain and her institutions was strong enough to make

him fight to retain the tie.

Wrong's nationalism was not so strong that it altered
his practice of looking to England for his model. He thought
that Canada was still provincial in outlook and experience.31
"The chief defect of Canada" he said, "is its lack of political
education," and the solution was to have "a large class of
persons qualified to form and guide Opinion".32 And he
continued to look to Oxford as the place to train these leaders.
Twice in his article on nationalism he mentioned a hypothetical
Canadian who was studying at Oxford and he justified the in-

clusion of a course on the history of the United States by

pointing out that Oxford too was beginning to recognize the

30Ibid., 77.

 

BlIbid.

 

32Wrong "Democracy in Canada" CHR, 2 (December 1921) 323.

 

 

213

importance of the United States to the Empire.33 The world
around him might be in a state of transition but the Old
values remained. His sense of mission, his faith in Great
Britain, his desire for a trained elite--all of these were a
part of Wrong's life outside the Department of History as well
as within. And many of these values were sufficiently estab-
lished or sufficiently valued that they remained in force

long after the 19203 had passed into history.

33Wrong "The Teaching of the History and Geography Of
the British Empire" CHR, 5 (December 1924) 305.

 

PART IV

THE THIRTIES AND BEYOND

 

CHAPTER ELEVEN

"Into a New Era": Building on the Tradition

To mark the "fortieth anniversary of the founding of
a journal of historical criticism in Canada", the gag
published an article in which Wrong discussed the changes
over the years. Forty years ago, said Wrong, there was in
Canada no professional organization or journal, and little
interest in archives. There were few professors of history
and the teaching of history was sadly neglected:l

When we compare [the situation then] with the

situation today of voluminous and competent

writing and teaching of history in Canadian

universities, we realize that the study has

passed into a new era.
By the 19303 the "years of transition" had also brought a
"new era" to the Department Of History. The retirement of
Wrong, the appointment of teachers with degrees in research,
the introduction of a mature program of graduate studies in
History, the growing emphasis on publications and the
establishment of the QHR--all of these changes might leave
the impression that the traditions established by Wrong had
been pushed aside. But in fact, while some of the traditions

had been diluted, there were many which remained in force

through the 19303 and for many years after.

lWrong,"Historical Criticism" (1936) 7.

215

216

Although a number of appointments were made during the

19303 (Table 8) the Department grew very little. Saunders,

TABLE 8
Appointments 1930-1939
Years with the

 

Later Department of

Name B.A. Trainigg History

R.M. Saunders Clark Clark, M.A. 1931-71
Cornell. Ph.D.

C.C. Bayley Manchester Manchester, M.A. 1932-3
Chicago. Ph.D.(1938)

R.G. Riddell Manitoba Toronto, M.A. 1934-42
Oxford, B. Litt.

R.A. Preston Leeds Leeds. M.A. 1936-8: 1945-8
Yale, Ph.D.

B.H. Wilkinson Manchester Manchester, Ph.D. 1938-67

although not a medievalist, was appointed when Rothwell
returned to Scotland: Bayley replaced Flenley, who was on
sabbatical leave: the appointment of Preston was "temporary"
until a medievalist--Wilkinson--could be appointed: and
Riddell was a group leader appointed only on a part-time

basis.2 The only other appointments went to readers.3

Saunders was the first American, and the first man
trained wholly in the United States, to be appointed to the
Department. But his appointment is not as significant a depart-

ure from the Toronto-Oxford pattern as it first appears. The

2See Martin to Falconer, 15 July 1931, 24 August 1931,
1 June 1932, UTA, Falconer Papers: Martin to Cody, 18 September
1936, UTA, Cody Papers, Box 5, P 141: Martin, "G.M. Wrong", 5:
Martin to LePan, 26 September 1934, UTA, History Department,
S 171.

3Gould, Langford, McEachern, MacLaren, Ray and Sims:
see Appendix C.

217

appointments of Brown and Rothwell broke the pattern first,
and Saunders himself represented a middle position in the
spectrum of traditions: specialization and breadth. He

did bring something of the "narrow specialist" to the study
of history--he taught historiography and he regarded the
special subjects as "stepping stones" in the creation of a
historian--but he also upheld the value of breadth. He
taught several subjects in the first few years: "when I came"
he said, "everyone was expected to meet the needs of the

4 Further, Saunders was so thoroughly absorbed

Department."
by the prevailing style in the Department that two colleagues
said that he did not bring in ideas learned in the United States,
and one man who was a student during the 19603 said that
Saunders’was the only one of his groups that had the earmarks

of the Oxford style.5 Thus, while there was some increase in

subject specialization and training in research, the Oxford

influence was still dominant during the 19303.

The significant change in the pattern of appointments
came in the 19603. Prior to that there was a slight increase
in the percentage of staff who came to the Department with an

American Ph.D., and later with a Toronto Ph.D., but in neither

4Saunders, Interview, 11 December 1973.

5Glazebrook, Interview, 25 June 1973 and McDougall,
Interview, 18 July 1974. Mel Starkman, an archivist at the
University of Toronto, Interview, May 1974, and 22 October 1976.

 

218

Of these Categories was there a significant change until

the 19603.6

By 1970 nearly half of the members of the

Department had an American Ph.D. , and nearly a third had an

American B.A. (thus implying American birth).

Twenty-two

had one or more degrees from Toronto, and only nine had an

Oxford degree.

Table 9 summarizes the distribution by degree

and by country, and shows the extent of change that occurred

TABLE 9

History Staff 1970: Country of Training

 

First Degree Last Degree
United Other or
Canada States Britain unknown
Canada 30 10 12 8 -
United States 25 4 20 1 -
Britain 10 3 - 6 1
Other or
unknown 5 j 1 l - 3

 

in the sixties.7 Yet, in spite of the apparent Americanization,

there remained, even in 1970, a significant group from Oxford.

The continuing influence of Oxford can be explained by

several factors.

The Toronto-Oxford group (Underhill, Creighton,

McInnis, Glazebrook, McDougall) plus others who had been at

Oxford (Flenley, Martin, Riddell) remained at the centre of

the Department well beyond the 19303.

6

Even though Martin was

There were no women appointed to the Department during

the 19303 (except for two readers) and very few in the years

after.

7See Appendix L.

For the total number Of staff, see Appendix B.

 

head, his influence was limited, since he had entered a
functioning department with several senior men. Further,
many of Martin's values paralleled those of Wrong's in

matters Of both curriculum and teaching methods.

Martin valued both breadth and relating history to
present affairs. The student of history, he said, should
be taught to see the point of view of all sections of Canada
and to see it as a whole. "It is not the narrow specialist
who sees the wider vision", but those trained in the human-
ities, which add "that indescribable something to exact

8 These values were not far removed from those

knowledge...."
voiced by Wrong, thus it is not surprising that few changes

were made in the curriculum.

Wrong had established a program that encouraged an
elite group to achieve very high standards through the study
of British and Canadian history and political theory, without
much emphasis on either medieval history or interpretations
that went beyond the political-constitutional realm. Martin
continued this program. The continuity of the history program
that had been established earlier was highly valued by the

staff, who regarded it as an "integrating factor in University

8Martin, "What is happening to our tradition?" The
Opening address to the University of Manitoba, 27 September
1916, 16-17, 0A, Pamphlet: Interview, Toronto Star, 18
September 1929, UTA, Biographical File. See above. 50-52-

 

 

220

instruction".9 All through the 19303 the undergraduate
course was built on a foundation of British history, and,
following the Oxford model, designed to train peOple for
public service. Martin supported efforts to retain this
continuity. He also refused to lower standards. He resisted
a prOposal to combine third year pass students with first
year honours and he retained the Oxford tradition of giving
very few firsts. As in the days of Wrong, much was given to
honours students, and much was expected of them: the staff
saw their real work as being that done in honours classes

and an essay from an honours student had to be very good

to get a first class grade.lo

9"Confidential" [Memorandum resisting the transfer of
Modern History to the Colleges] n.d. [ca. 1938] PAC, Underhill
Papers, vol. 90, File 21: the memo had the "unanimous approval
of the Department of Modern History". .

10Martin to Fennel [the University Registrar] 10
January 1933, UTA, History Department: Underhill to H.D.
Archibald. 21 September 1951: Underhill Papers: Underhill to
Chief Inspector, Bank of Toronto, 11 September 1936, PAC,
Underhill Papers, vol. 2. Underhill, Interview, 13 June 1968:
Saunders, Interview, 11 December 1973: Glazebrook, Interview,
25 June 1973. When Americansjoined the staff the feeling
was that a low B in Toronto was about the same as in the
United States, but that A's were much harder to Obtain at
Toronto: J.M.S. Careless, Interview, 19 April 1971.

So strong was the sense of unity that the members of
the Department were largely unaware of the differences in
their assumptions about history: Careless, Interview, 19
April 1971. One student said she tried to "inject economic
considerations into [Martin's] discussions but he wouldn't
buy it": he felt that Canada's deve10pment was "indigenous"
--not influenced by deve10pments elsewhere--and that racial
factors were the main thrust in Canadian deve10pment. Irma
Pattison to W.D. Meikle, 5 April 1974.

221

While the emphasis remained as it had before the 19303
(British and Canadian political constitutiOnal deve10pment,
a strict division between pass and honours, and an insistence
on high standards) there were minor changes in the curriculum.
The depression resulted in fewer courses being Offered,
there was less emphasis on colonial and imperial history
and somewhat more emphasis on North American history and
international relations. Then in the late 19503 and early
19603 the number Of courses Offered began to rise: by 1970
a total of eighty-four courses (some of which were half
courses) were offered in the calendar. Until then, however,
the Oxford values prevailed--breadth rather than specialization,
training for public service, high quality, and working hardest

for an elite group.

Martin, like Wrong, also valued good teaching. In this
he was aided by H.J. Cody, who succeeded Falconer as President
in 1932. Cody wrote:11

...the ability to teach is counted an absolute

necessity. In this University we try to have the

head of each department take some of the first
year classes.

Martin was Opposed to the system of mass production common
in American universities. He said that at Toronto the effort
was to keep in contact with the individual undergraduate

student, and that professors must bend all their energies to

llH.J. Cody to J.L. Dampeer, 30 June 1937, UTA, Cody
Papers.

 

222

the preservation of that contact.12 As had Wrong before him,

Martin saw the discussion groups as a means of achieving

good teaching anda vital part of the curriculum. "I am

inclined to think that without the groups you will find a

certain amount of difficulty", wrote Martin to a student

who was hOping to complete the year in spite of missing

classes.13 So strong was the tradition of teaching in

groups that in 1974 a member of the Department wrote that

in the thirties "most of the teaching was done in tutorials."14
Close personal contact with students was also encouraged

outside the classroom. Martin continued the practice of

inviting students to his home for social occasions: Brown

too was a frequent host, and many professors would invite

students to have tea at Baldwin House.15 Martin and others

supported the Historical Club, writing to influential

citizens on its behalf, and holding meetings in their homes--

16

just as Wrong had done.

12Martin, Interview, Toronto Star, 18 September 1929.

13Martin to A.E. Duffield, 14 May 1935, UTA, History
Department, Box 2, File 53.

114’[R.A. Spencer] "Edward Wardwell McInnis" International
Journal, 29 (Spring 1974) 318.

15A.D. Lockhart, "Some recollections of the U. of T.
History Department", memorandum to W.D. Meikle [26 March 1974].
Mr. Lockhart taught history for many years at the Ontario
College of Education.

16Martin to Vincent Massey, 29 January 1932: Martin
to George Drew, 1? February 1932, UTA, History Department,
M 106: Cody to Underhill, 23 September 1937, PAC, Underhill

 

223

While the undergraduate curriculum remained fairly stable,
the graduate program continued to move in the direction of
more SOphisticated research. The subjects offered did not
change but became increasingly specialized within the frame-
work of British, European and North American history. The
process of articulating and formalizing the regulations that
had accelerated during the twenties was continued by Martin
but at a much slower pace. He circulated a memo regarding
thesis format to everyone registered in the graduate program.
It related to the technique of footnotes, and references,
and Martin commented: "It is very important, I think, to
secure accuracy and uniformity in these technical matters."17

The biggest change made by Martin was in the use of
archival resources. Wrong, Brown and Wallace had occasionally
encouraged students to go to the archives, but Martin made it
clear that students were expected to use the archives. He
wrote to a prospective graduate student:18

The theses prepared in [Canadian] History usually

require a month's intensive work at the Public Archives
in Ottawa or in Halifax or Washington.

 

Papers, vol. 3: Flavelle to Underhill, 1 November 1937, PAC,
Underhill Papers, vol. 4: Julia Jarvis, Interview, 1 March 1972.
Miss Jarvis was W.S. Wallace's secretary.

l7See Martin to D. Stepler, 9 April 1934 and Stepler
to Martin, 17 December 1934. UTA, History Department, Files
S 170-172. This was not the only student who was requested to
make changes. There are a number of cases in the files where
the student did not receive the degree.

18Martin to J.D. Keane, 12 October 1934, UTA, History
Department. This was the only mention of a specific expectation
Of time found in the History Department's papers: several

 

224

Martin wrote to the School Of Graduate Studies to say that
it was a policy of the Department Of History to "turn both
the Provincial and Federal Archives into veritable labora-
tories for our research and graduate work.19 Not only did
Martin expect students to use the Archives in Ottawa--he
arranged financial assistance for them to do so. Approx-
imately $250 was set aside in what he called "our little
research fund". It was controlled eventually by the Bursar
and Martin would write to authorize payment to a student for

20 Martin's belief in the importance of

travelling expenses.
research was strong enough that he could write to a student
contemplating a transfer from the ministry: "Your classical
background is an asset but it can scarcely supply the

historical background for graduate work in another field."21

 

students spent from a month to "several weeks" at the
archives. See Martin to Miss Mackenzie, School of Graduate
Studies, 8 January 1931, 30 March 1931, 5 January 1932, UTA,
History Department, Box 8.

19Martin to J.C. McLennan, Dean, S.G.S., 16 February 1931,
UTA, History Department, L 86: Martin, response to S.G.S.
questionnaire,15 January 1931, UTA, History Department, Box 8,
File 55.

20Martin to Falconer, 31 October 1930: Martin to S.
Beatty, 7 May 1937, Martin to the Bursar, 9 December 1931,
9 March 1932, UTA, History Department, vol. 5, P 143.

21Martin to H. Woods, 20 November 1929, UTA, History
Department.

 

225'

In spite of Martin's interest in sending students to
archives, the graduate program was not a major part of the
history program during the thirties. Few of the staff were
involved and most professed a dislike of the Ph.D. degree.
even while recognizing that it had to be Offered so that
Toronto graduates would be qualified for university posts.22

The real growth of graduate studies did not occur until
after 1964.23

The members of the Department also carried on many Of
the traditons established earlier in their professional and
public work outside the classroom. Brown became editor Of
the 9H3 in 1930 and he brought to it an increased emphasis on

24 But he retained the

books written on American history.
format and the standards set by Wallace, and he voiced a

policy reminiscent of Wrong's desire to write for the masses.
"We wish to avoid narrow specialization", wrote Brown: while
we try to maintain "a high level of scholarship" at the same

25

most of the articles can be read by "the general reader".

22Underhill, Interview, 13 June 1968: J.J. Talman to
Robin Harris, 25 March 1973, COpy in possession of W.D. Meikle.

23J.B. Conacher, "Graduate Studies in History in Canada:
The Growth of Doctoral Programmes" Historical Pa ers of the
Canadian Historical Association (1975 1-3, 12-13.

2I'I'Careless, "The Review". 53-

25Brown to Cody, 9 February 1934, UTA, Cody Papers, Box
7; [Brown], memo to H.J. Cody, 1935, UTA, Cody Papers, Box 18.

 

226

The relationship between the Review and the History Department
continued, even though Wrong retired from the Editorial

Board in 1932, and Brown retired as editor in 1949. The
succeeding editors were all members of the History Department

and the Review reflected their standards and values.26

Also,
fifteen of the twenty most frequent contributors up to 1939
were very close to the Department.27 Thus the policies and
standards of critical evaluation established by Wrong con-
tinued through his students and colleagues well beyond the

19303.

Members of the Department continued to produce text-
books. Wallace published two more in addition to those
written in the twenties. They were used--though not as
extensively as Wrong's--throughout Canada in the thirties

and forties then they were supplanted by texts written or

28

edited by Brown. Brown's Building the Canadian Nation (1942)

was probably the most widely used text in Canada, being
authorized in eight of the ten provinces. Brown was assisted
by members of the Department who went over the book page by
page, "often word for word".29 Brown also acted as editor

(but was listed as co-author) Of texts written by others, most

26Careless, "The Review", 53-4, 57, 62, 67.

27See Appendix K.

28See Appendix E.

29Ibid.. Saunders, Interview, 11 December 1973-

 

 

_227A

of whom were closely associated with the History Department.

These texts were used through the 19603. Others in the

Department also wrote texts for elementary and secondary

schools and for college use.3O
Public lectures--both academic and politica1--during

the thirties were also a part of the extracurricular work

of the Department. Saunders, Brown and Underhill are listed

as having given lectures in cities all over Ontario, as far

apart as Ottawa and Sarnia.31 Underhill and McInnis were

invited to lecture in modern history to the Worker's

Education Association, and Brown and Underhill were invited

to lecture in modern world history in NiaganaFalls. Members

of the Department were also willing to take a stand on matters

of principle. When sixty-eight members of the University

staff sent a letter to Toronto newspapers protesting police

30See Appendix C for texts written by Edgar McInnis and
Donald Creighton. Kenneth Mawson, a Toronto teacher with a
B.A. and M.A. from Toronto, and J.T. Saywell, a member of the
Department, edited a series of textbooks for Clarke, Irwin:
The British E ic (1959), The Modern Era (1960), Bold Ventures
(1962) and Nation of the NortH—(l957). Most of the authors
were graduates of Toronto or teachers in the Toronto area.
The same publisher issued a series for senior high school
students, edited by Saywell and John Ricker, also a graduate
of Toronto. Five of the six authors were members of the
Department. See C ada and the United States- a Modern Study
(1963). The Foundations of the West 19 3 and Tha West and a
Wider World 19 .

 

31UTA, Department of Extension, Geographical File:
Martin to W.J. DunlOp, Department Of Extension, 23 June 1938,
UTA, History Department, W 202: Hird to W.J. DunlOp, 20 May
1931, UTA, History Department.

 

228

actions at a public meeting, almost everyone in the Department
signed the letter.32 And, although few in the Department
agreed with the political views of radical reform, when
Underhill was threatened with dismissal for his public
speeches several of his colleagues spoke in his defense.33
Obviously the sense of mission and the willingness to par-
ticipate in political and educational work, wherever the need,

was a major tradition in the Department in the thirties.

Yet Wrong was quite correct when he said that the study
of history had passed into a new era. The change did not
occur suddenly, and many of the practices and traditions
begun before World War I persisted for many years. But the
seeds planted in the twenties were beginning to sprout in the
thirties. Appointments went to those who were trained in
research, many Of whom were Americans: the curriculum lost its
central core and began to resemble that Of an American
university with increasing electives and a deep commitment to
graduate studies.

32Globa and Mail, 16 January 1931; §£ar. 15 January 1931;

see Canadian.Forum, 11 (March 1931) 210-12 for the reactions
to the professor's letter.

33Douglas Francis, "The Threatened Dismissal of Frank
H. Underhill from the University of Toronto: 1939-1941" a
aper presented before the Canadian Historical Association,
(June 1975) 21-3: W.D. Meikle, "The University of Toronto
and the Threatened Dismissal of Professor Frank H. Underhill
1940-41", unpublished M.A. essay, Carleton University,

(1967) 31.

 

 

229

But one tradition has lasted--the commitment to teach-
ing the undergraduate in small groups. The 1976-7 calendar
states that the "basic approach to instruction" will "combine
lectures with small tutorial groups in which the students and
the tutor can explore historical problems in depth." And
the response of the University to the Council of Ontario
Universities report on History (1974) attempted to reassert
the importance of teaching undergraduates.34 The Department
of History had grown to meet the needs of a new era, but its
growth had been built on a foundation designed by Wrong. and

Wrong's values were centered on the phrase "and gladly teach".

3(“I.E. Safarian to M.A. Preston, 29 April 1974, in
Council of Ontario Universities, Perspectives aad Plans for

Gr duate Studies 1 Histor , Advisory Committee on Academic
Planning, (1974) C 27.

 

PART V

CONCLUSIONS

 

CHAPTER TWELVE

"And Gladly Teach": The Significance of George
Wrong and the Department of History
at the University of Toronto

If there is a pOpular myth about George Wrong it is
probably best expressed in a newspaper article published
nearly thirty years after his death. The title of the
article called him the "scholar who enlivened history" and
the author described Wrong as the one who "lifted the curse
of dullness from Canadian history...the first man to interest
Canadians in the story of Canada and...the first to introduce
the subject of Canadian history into the curriculum of a
Canadian university."l

Like most pOpular myths, these words contain some
exaggeration. Men such as Francis Parkman, William Kingsford
and Charles Tuttle wrote interesting histories of Canada
before Wrong did and there are many who contributed to the
scholarly treatment of Canadian history such as the archivists
Douglas Brymner and Arthur Doughty, and the historians Adam
Shortt, George Bourinot, C.W. Colby, Thomas Chapais and A.S.

Morton. Other universities in Canada preceeded Toronto in

1Donald Jones "Historical Toronto: Pub was home of scholar
who enlivened history" Star (24 July 1976) F 6.

231

 

232

listing Canadian history in their calendars and granting
graduate degrees in History.2 Yet, in spite of these quali-
fications, there is a great deal of substance in the descrip-
tion of Wrong as the first to "interest Canadians" and to
bring history into the university curriculum. More than any
other institution, with the possible exception of the Public
Archives of Canada, Wrong and others in his Department
stimulated an interest in and influenced the study and writing

of Canadian history.

The primacy of Wrong in the development of Canadian
history was aided considerably by the fact that the University
of Toronto was by far the largest university in Canada. From
1890 to 1920 it had twice as many students as the next largest

university.3 The significance of this may be illustrated by

2Books on Canadian history were listed in Toronto
calendars as early as 1893-4, and the number increased
gradually over the years. In 1905 Canada was Offered as a
special subject, and in 1909 it became a full course. The
McGill University calendars list courses in Canadian history
in 1900 and 1906, but an article in the Montreal Gazette
(17 May 1927) stated that a full course in Canadian history
would be Offered that fall for the first time. In 1893
McMaster listed readings on Canadian constitutional history
and offered Canadian history as one of several subjects for
the M.A. degree. In 1889 and 1899 respectively, Dalhousie
listed Parkman and Queen's mentioned colonial history. In
the 18803 students at Western studied the history of Canada
and other countries in both third and fourth years, according
to J.W.R. Gwynne-Timothy's unpublished "Historical Sketch of
the Undergraduate Program". The trouble is, there is no means
of knowing if the calendars represented accurately what went
on in the classroom. See Appendix F.

3R.S. Harris, A History of Higher Education in Canada
1663-1960 (Toronto,’University Press. 1975) 612-15,‘625-29.

 

233

the fact that Toronto graduates held one half to two thirds

4 Further,

of the teaching positions in Ontario high Schools.
in 1958 one quarter of the foreign service officers (83 of
362) were graduates of Toronto, and several of the History
staff had held significant posts in the Department Of External
Affairs.5 By 1958 there were approximately 80,000 Toronto
alumni and many of these were in positions of leadership

in business, politics and other professions.6 Obviously

the University of Toronto has had an impact on Canadian life.
And the Department Of History, which touched on the lives

of at least ten percent of the students of the University

(see Figure 1). has had a large share in that impact.

But Wrong's influence was more than just a reflection
of the prestige of the University of Toronto. In the writing

of history, in the production of historians, and in the

a"Toronto Graduates in Ontario High Schools." Memo (1898)
Loudon Papers, U 17: G.F. Rogers (Ontario Department of Educa-
tion) to G.M. Smith, 13 February 1929, UTA, History Department,
Box 5, File 151: Balmer Neilly to Falconer, 3 December 1929,
UTA, Falconer Papers, Box 122.

5R.S. Harris, "At Home Abroad: Varsity Graduates in
External Affairs," Varsity Graduate, 6 (September 1958)
131-3: Massey, Glazebrook, Hume Wrong, Pearson, Riddell and
later J.M.S. Careless. See above, 172, and Appendix C.

6University of Toronto Bulletin (21 November 1975) 4.

In terms of influence the University of Toronto might be
compared to The Johns Hopkins University in its first few
decades. See above, 4-5.

 

234

acceptance Of the Toronto model in other universities the
staff of the Department of History influenced Canadians
directly. Wrong's influence was probably greatest in the
area of writing. He exercised his influence through the
standards he established in the Reylew Of Hiatorlgal
Publications and the volumes of the Champlain Society.

He also had an impact on his Own students: Lower wrote

many years later that Wrong was the "father of the excellent

FI3UPE 1

Relative Growth of Staff and Student Registration 1390-1970

 

   
 
   
 
  
      
 

 

 

 

Numerical f
Scalel /
25 300 r I
I
20 000 ‘ z
I
I
15300 . Honours Staff '
History I :
Students \' .t A
Total \ I‘\ ’\ ..‘-l.
10 000 .. History I \ ,’ 3,3,
+ .0 0
Total Studen.s ’\ I. \\ 0",
University \,/" " 2...' I
Registration,.,r- ,Rr, ,‘
5 OOO - ’ ,- \w'
a... \
0......:::.;.o"‘0’.
..’“..JO’ ’0’.
0 .n.‘ °'. 1 1 L l 1 l
1890 1900 '10 '20 '30 '40 '50 '60 '70

Y EI\R

NOTES: 1Because the total university registration is so much
greater than the number of students and staff, the
latter figures were adjusted by a conversion factor
of 10. 10, and 250. Thus the numerical scale. which
represents total university registration in absolute
terms. must be divided by 10 to represent the number
of history students. For example. in 1910 the number
of history students was 538 (see Appendix B for these
figures). This appears on the numerical scale as
something above 5000.

2Includes 9 "assistants"

3Includes 10 ”instructors" and l professor emeritus

a? g I g- '
Includes 9 'lecturers‘. 2 'apeCLal lecturers” and

3 professors emeriti

 

235

prose style marking most Canadian historians."7 Certainly
much of the best writing in Canadian history has been done by
graduates of Wrong's Department.8
Since many Canadians read no other history books after
they leave school, the texts that Wrong and his staff placed
in schools all across Canada have had an incalculable effect.
Wrong, and two of his students who later became colleagues,
dominated the field Of Canadian and British history texts for
half a century. The history they wrote became the mainstream
of Canadian history, the accepted standard in approach and
subject matter. (Only recently have subjects such as social
and intellectual history and the contributions of the labourer,
the immigrant and the Indian taken their place beside the
traditional themes.) Wrong and other members of his Depart-
ment were, and probably still are, the most influential
teachers of history in Canada.9 Certainly they are the most

widely read.

The impact of the Department has not been restricted to
school texts. NO other department of history in Canada has

produced as many professional historians as has the Department

10

founded by Wrong. In addition to those who were members of

7Lower, My“riret“Seveney;rive Years, 302.

8See Appendices C, G, I and K.

9See Appendix E and above, 204, 207.

10See Appendices G and I.

 

236

his staff there were many others who went from the University
of Toronto to other universities. In the field of graduate
studies in particular the University of Toronto had a sus-
tained program long before any other university in Canada.11
Toronto established an early lead in the production of
historians and continues to retain that lead. In 1963 nearly
a third of all graduate students in history, and 42% of the
Ph.D. students, were at Toronto.12 In 1974 the University

of Toronto had more Ph.D. history theses in progress than

the next two largest schools in Canada combined (147 out of
534)}3 Although this dominance will be diluted in the future

the impact of the Toronto program on the history profession

in Canada will last for a long time.

The impact of TOrontO can be illustrated by the fact that
Wrong's methods were often adopted by other universities.
Historical Clubs, modelled on Torontoth were established at
Saskatchewan, Alberta, United and Queen's, and in each case

repeated the pattern of encouraging hard work, elitism and

11See Appendix F.
12Laskin Report, 12.

13J.B. Conacher, "Graduate Studies in History in Canada:
The Growth of Doctoral Programs" Canadian Historical Association,
Historical Papers (1975) 2-3, 12-13.

 

 

237

discussing current affairs.14 When Underhill went to Sas-

katchewan he and Oliver (Toronto '02) and Morton (who had
taught church history at Knox for two years) organized the
course pattern, the division between honours and general and
the tutorial groups along the lines established at Toronto.
Further, the letters from Burt at Alberta in the 19203

suggest that Burt continued to hold values absorbed in the
years before l9l4--such as looking to Oxford for a first class
man.15 In this manner the traditions established by Wrong

became a part of the traditions of many other departments.

Even in recent years, Toronto has provided a model or
a standard in many history departments across Canada. Twenty-
one letters were sent to current or recent department heads
who had taken at least one degree at Toronto. Of the seven-
teen who replied, four agreed that the University of Toronto
had been of great significance and eight felt that it had
been of some significance in setting standards in their own

departments. Six mentioned the graduate program and seven

l“Underhill "Toronto and Saskatchewan" UTM, 24 (Febru-

ary 1924) 204- 6: Underhill to J. L. Thomas, 18 November 1925,
University of Saskatchewan, Murray Papers: Underhill to J. S.
Woodsworth, 3 October 1926, PAC, Underhill Papers, vol. 16:
L. H. Thomas, Th Rena ssance of Cana ian Hi tor : a Bio

of A,LI Burt Toronto, University Press, 1975 : W. H. Heick

md Roger Graham, eds., Hi Own Man: Essa s in Honour of

Arthur Reginald Marsden Lower (Montreal, McGill- Queen' 3 1974)
ix, 5,15: Lower, My Flrst Saventy-Five Yaars, 48.

15A. S. Morton to Underhill, 18 June 1919, PAC, Underhill
Papers. Wrong to SOphia, 6 June 1912, Armstrong Collection
("Oliver [is] my man."): Burt to Underhill, 1921- 27, PAC,
Underhill Papers.

  
    

 

238 " " "

mentioned Toronto's emphasis on the commitment to teaching
and meeting students in small groups. Five of the respondents
stated that they tried to avoid certain aspects of the Toronto
pattern, such as the emphasis on political-constitutional

16

history and the traditional approaches to history. The

"influence" of Toronto appears in many forms.

Further proof of Wrong's influence would be mostly
a matter of adding to the specific examples provided above--
showing that Wrong's books were widely read, that his values
and standards were adOpted and that his practices as a history
teacher were adOpted (and to what extent) by those who came
after him. More important than Wrong's influence, however,
is the meaging of that influence to the historical profession

in Canada.

The career of Wrong spanned the transition from the
amateur to the fully professional historian.l7 The appoint-
ment of Wrong and others to teach history at the university
level created the first generation of full-time historians.
Usually these men were trained in theology and often they

taught a wide variety of subjects. Wrong was not unique in

16See Appendix G and letters in possession of W.D.
Meikle. Some of the respondents asked not to be quoted, and
many pleaded an inability to deal precisely with the question
of the relative influence of Toronto on their own philOSOphy
and policies. Some answered at great length, others did not.
For these reasons it was not possible to analyse the responses
in greater detail. *

17See Appendix J for an extended definition of the concept
"professional historian".

 

239

this regard.18

What made him unique was the rapid growth of
his Department and the emphasis he placed on sending bright
young men to Oxford to finish their education. As they
returned to Canada these men became the nucleus of the second

generation of historians.

The second generation consisted of men like Wallace,
Underhill, A.L. Burt, Chester New, G.W. Simpson, W.N. Sage and
A.R.M. Lower. Their training often included the classics and
they tended to write on the broader themes of history. They,
along with some of the later products of Oxford such as
Glazebrook, McDougall, Creighton and McInnis, became the
leaders of the historical profession in the 19303, 19403 and
19503. Through the quality of their teaching and writing,
they taught the men who are today in positions of leadership
and influence in the field of Canadian history. For example,
many of Canada's best known contemporary historians were
members of the Historical Club at Toronto between the years
1939 and 1955 and a dozen or more received a Toronto Ph.D.

in the decade after 1950.19

The significance of the development through three gener-

ations from theology to classics to history cannot be explored

18See Appendix A.

19Members of the Historical Club include: E. Cappadocia,
J.M.S. Careless, P.G. Cornell, G.M. Craig, James anrs, G.S.
French, W.M. Kilbourn, L.I. Lapierre, K.W.K. McNaught, H.I.
Nelson, J.H. Trueman, A.V. Tucker: for the Ph.D.s see Appendix I.

240

fully here but three lines of thought may be suggested.

First, the development of the historical profession in the
United States did not follow the theology to classics pattern.
While some of the early teachers of history in American
universities had backgrounds in theology, just as many were
trained in law, and the majority were trained in the formal
Ph.D. programs Of German universities or The Johns HOpkins
University.20 Their background tended more to political
science than the humanities and their successors resisted
attempts to substitute a broad education for the training in
methodology fostered by the traditional Ph.D. program.21
Historical studies in the United States and Canada are, there-
fore, built on very different foundations and even though the
content of history texts and courses may be similar, the
underlying assumptions and values are not. The significance

of this difference may have been diluted since the mid 19603

but the fundamental differences remain.

A second possible result of the theology and classics
background has been suggested in the themes "and gladly teach"
and "sense of mission" apparent in the Department. Sir Daniel
Wilson and others in his era put a high priority on public

service, whiCh usually took the form of religious or charitable

20See Appendix M.

21M. Blanshard, Frank AydeIOtte of Swarthmore (Middleton,
Wesleyan University, 1970).

activities. Wrong continued this commitment, both in his

own life and in the kind of peOple he appointed to the
Department. Several members of the Department came from

strongly religious backgrounds and almost all of them dis-

played qualities of "character, good manners and forcefulness".22
Religion was not emphasized as much in the years after World
War I but the ideal of public service remained and the various

members of the Department worked hard for both their students f
and the public at large. 1

The third aspect of the theology to classics to history

pattern is the apparent reflection of the social changes that

we .-.-. ,3

occurred in the decades between 1890 and 1930. In these
decades we can see a considerable shift away from religion
towards a more secular society, one in which the institutions
of government and education have grown immensely. Wrong

and his staff and students also moved towards a more secular
outlook. Wrong himself changed from church history to secular,
and gradually drOpped his connections with Wycliffe in favour
of organizations such as the Red Cross and the American
Historical Association. Many of his staff became even more
actively involved in politics and several joined the Department
of External Affairs. The students who took their M.A. degrees
also show this shift away from religion towards government as a

career .

22Members of the Department who were ordained include
Wrong himself, Hooke, Kenneth Bell (1946) and Langford. Several
of his staff were sons or daughters of ministers: Creighton,
George Brown, Pearson, Reid, Riddell, Wallace, Marga and
Hume Wrong: McInnis' father was a church elder.

 

242

The theology to classics pattern may explain the sense

of mission and the dedication to teaching that is characteristic
of the Department of History but it may also have some negative
features. Wrong was not without weaknesses as a historian.

He neglected the discipline of history in both his own work

and in his classes favoring instead good writing. His lack of
interest in theory may explain his failure to keep abreast

of new developments in history. (In 1934 he sent a COpy of his
inaugural lecture to Flenley with the inscription "This was
written nearly forty years ago. I doubt whether the intervening
period has brought any change in the outlook expressed here3923
His curriculum neglected the study of French Canada and his ties
with French Canadian thinkingwere limited. NO doubt Wrong
thought that he was well versed on the subject and that his
approach was sufficient. Few of Wrong's books are read today:
with the rise of the more scholarly works on French Canada his
books became obsolete and of little interest except to those

who sought a well constructed narrative. Wrong tended to
evaluate both his students and his appointees in terms of their
character and their writing ability. In his letters of reference
he would mention such qualities as "highmindedness", "trust-

worthy", "gifts of phrasing", "public spirit" and the person's

23Wrong, "Historical Study" (1895) COpy inscribed 17
January 1934, and held by UTA.

 

 

243

background in languages and sense of style.2u While the
sense of mission was a major virtue, it could also lead to

blind spots.

The Department itself had limitations that often stemmed
from Wrong's interests. The Department stressed the political-
constitutional deve10pment of Canada and the point of view
was that of central Canada, which itself appears often to be
limited to Ottawa and Toronto. The Department had a tendency
to make appointments from within a narrow circle--first Oxford,
then graduates of Toronto itself. The sense of unity that was
so strong in the Department--Wrong used to have the entire
Department to his house for Sunday dinner--may have hindered

the introduction of new ideas.

Yet in spite of these weaknesses Wrong and the Department
he built aroused an interest in history and public issues on
the part of some of Canada's best young men. Their interest
led to an enthusiasm and a commitment to teaching that produced

many fine historians. A full assessment Of the work of Wrong

2"'See Wrong to Doughty, 6 July 1907, [11] March 1907,
5 April 1911, PAC, RG 37. vol. 101: letters in the files
History Department files to or on behalf of E.M.Gundy,
A.S. Hardy, R.A. Ruggles, E.A. Hill, UTA, History Department,
Box 2: Box 8, File 53: Subject File 4, S 165.

Although there are not really enough examples to make
a good case it would appear that Martin tended to mention
perseverance and industry and Underhill tended to emphasize
intellectual capacity and range of reading. See letters in
History Department Files and PAC, Underhill Papers: specific
references have been omitted because many of the subjects are
still active.

 

and his Department cannot be made until this study is linked

to other studies, such as history departments in other uni-
versities, the deve10pment of the historical profession, the
growth Of Canadian nationalism, the training of high school
teachers and the discussions and decisions made in staff
meetings. All that can be said here is that Wrong and his
Department began a tradition that may be summarized by the
phrase "and gladly teach".

 

244

 

A Clerk there was of Oxenford....

Whatever money from his friends he took

He spent on learning or another book

And prayed for them most earnestly....

Formal at that, respectful in the extreme,
Short, to the point, and lofty in his theme.
The thought of moral virtue filled his speech
And gladly would he learn, and gladly teach.

--Geoffrey Chaucer,
"The Prologue" in lag

Caaterbury Talea.

APPENDICES

 

 

Laval

Toronto

Queen's

Dalhousie

McGill

McMaster

Alberta

Saskatchewan

%gég:

APPENDIX A

247

Background and Duties of Some Early Professors of His story in -Ganada

Z

3.1T.

J.I J.Crum
(1796- 19-1)

Abbé J.S.A. ?

(1305-1365)

Sir Daniel Wilson

(1816-1892)

George M. Wrong

(1860-1948)

G.D. Ferguson

(1829-1926)

John Forrest

(1842-1920)

C.B. Moyse
(1852-1924)

A. H. Newman

(1352-1933)

.H. Oliver
1382-1935)

3
I
\

C.W. New
(1882-1960)

H. M.

(1864-1347)
A.S. Morton
(1870-1945)

E.H. Oliver
(1882-1935)

I“ e e
..r 'nn

Theology
(ord 1513)

Theolo
(ord 1828)

Archeology

Theology
(ord 1883)

Theology
(ord 1855)

Theolo
(ord 1%y6)

English. Natural
Science, Philology

Theology

Theolo
(ord 18g6)

Ph.D. Columbia 1905

Theology
(ord 1907)

Science
Theology
(ord 1892)

Theology
(ord 1896)

Theolo y
(ord l 96)

Ph. D. Columbia 1905

 

Languages. Theology. Logic. Moral Sciences.
History, Political Economy. '
President (1851- -3: 1855-69)

Philosophy (1541-48)
History and Literature (1355-64)

English (1853-87)

History and Ethnology (1853-92)
President. University Coll. (1880-92)
President, U. of T. (1887-92)

Church History. Liturgics (1383- 92)
Apologetics (1883-1910)

thnology (1892-1920)
History (1892-1927)
Modern Languages (Queen's. 1969- 79:
R. M. C.. 1876- 83) English Langua e and
Literature (1869- 13 5) History 1869-1908)
History, Political Economy (1881-85)
En lish Language and Literature
(1 79-1902): History (1879- 94)
Church History. Biblical Criticism.
Hebrew, Greek. Comparative Religion,
Economics. History

History (1905-1909)

History (1920-51)

Mathematics (McGill. 1893-1906)
History (acting head. 1908-21)
President (1908-28)

History. Librarian (1914-40)

History and Economics (1909-14)

This information was obtained from university calendars:

Wallace. ed.

3rd ed., (Toronto,.
Ahead and a Glance Behind.” Presidential Address. Canadian Historical

Association ;a2_;1,
Dalrymple Ferguson:

H

19 3 : R. A. Preston,"9reakers

 
   

(1962) 1-16: and Katherine Ferguson, ”George
Hi st Professor of History at Queen' 3 University" ,
H ston. 14 (January 1966) 51- 66.

1°00
1891
1802
189‘
189a
1899
1896
18°7
1898
199°
1900
1°01
1°02
19°)
1904
1905
1906
1°07
1908
1°09
1°10
1911
1°12
19!!
1°14
1°15
1°16
1°17
1018
1019
1°20
1921
i922
1921
1920
192

1926
1°27
1°28
1’29
{010
[9‘1
1°12
(011
loan
101s
1°16
1°17
i918
1919
1940
1965
1°50
1°55
1960
1965
1°70

Uni
Rel

APPENDIX 3

The Department 6! History 1890-1°70

versity

istration
h

12000
1561
1:610
1472’
10150
1475'
1385'
113a.
1311'
1436'
2241
2528
1061
3418

4006
4117
41‘6
4141
423“
huju
1872
'252
2‘05
‘35?
5257
5081
536)
5106
4°70
0890
5:73
5706
6086
6161
7276
7°76
9260
3453
7997
7356
3103
9293
7956
3008
7907
7265
14340
11682
12297
29245
26144

Total

History

Students
214

550

622
71-
663
556
578
605
771
94)
$91
713
723
914
683
800
764
869
318
1006
looo
112:

1149
1221
1147

316

576

835
1016
2226
1513
2131
2950

Honours
History
Students 32":
55 i
- l
- l
- i
. 1
- 1
- 1
- l
- i
- l
- l
- 1
195 1
153 1
127 2
141 2
' 3
° 3
186 b
236 4
262 4
260 5
266 7
180 7
162 8
4C“ 7
212 7
126 O
148 6
200 9
258 9
251 8
259 8
293 10
313 10
313 9
3&5 8
362 10
351 to
294 7
346 10
362 10
145 10
uzu lo
362 9
375 11
391 10
444 12
389 12
412 12
412 12
344 15
580 27
495 20
370 17
1121 32
- 71

SOURCES: William Sale to Jeorqe Ross. 12 December 1890. OA. 9.3. 7. Series 0-7: R.S. Harris.
U.‘ 0 7*" , 1 j, d o,» O

0253? l

 

(Toronto:

niversity 7f

. (Toronto. University Press. 1976)

( orcnto. gnayal__ggggg or the President. The numbers nary-d
with en asterisk ') are students ‘. 3
The Librarian. 1906) 250. figures

ee
for

In. ”Divlpliit 2! 7223952 v6.5.iqng.
O! ‘1' years 4'0!" not 3". .80 O.

248

 

24§

APPENDIX C

Members of the Department of History, 1892-1940

Bayley, Charles Calvert; b. 1907

B.A., Manchester, 1928; M.A., Manchester, 1929; Ph.D.,
Chicago, 1938. Univ. of Toronto, lect., 1932-33;
Colorado College, 1933-34; McGill Univ., 1935- .
Books: The Formation of the German College of Electors,
1949; War and Society in Renaisance Florence, 1961.

Bell, John Johnston; 1878-1953

 

B. A., Oxford, 1905. Liverpool, 1905- O6, Goldsmith's
College, Univ. of London, 1906- ll, Univ. of Toronto,
lect., 1911-12; History Section Ctte. of Imp. Defence,
1917-21; London Day Trg. 0011., 1922-32; L.C.C. Insp.
of schools, 1932-42; Exeter School, 1942-47.

NOTE:' This information was obtained from standard
biographical sources, reminiscences and the university
calendars. Since the calendars were usually printed
before appointments and promotions were made, one year
was subtracted from the dates in the calendars

to arrive at the dates listed here. These sketches

do not include war service, honours, details of occu-
pations outside of the History Department, or publi-
cations other than books.

Photographs are courtesy of: Mrs. C. H. A.
Armstrong, Margaret Martin, Mary Reid, Ontario Archives,
University of Alberta Archives, and several departments
within the University of Toronto: the Department of
History, the University Archives, Information Services.
and the Photographic Service in the Faculty of Arts
and Science.

C-l

Bell, Kenneth Norman; 1884-1951

B.A., Oxford, 1906; ordained
1946. Fellow of All-Souls,
1907-l4; Univ. of Toronto,
lect., 1909-ll: G. Bell and
Sons, Publishers, 1912-l4;
Balliol Coll., 1919—41; L.C.C.
Rest Centre Service, 1942-43;
Vicar of Binley, Coventry,
1946-51. Books: Select Docu-
ments in British Colonial
History, 1830-60, 1928.

 

Blake, Edward Hume: 1891-1938

 

B.A., Toronto, 1911; M.A., Toronto, 1916. Univ. of
Toronto, instructor 1921-22; Lawyer, Manning Estate.

Brebner, John Bartlett; 1895-1957

B.A., Oxford, 1920:

B. Litt., Oxford, 1925:
Ph.D., Columbia, 192?.
Univ. of Toronto, Lect.,
1921-25; Columbia Univ.,
1925-54. Books: New
England's Outpost, 1927:
The Explorers of North
America. 1933. 1955: The
Neutral Yankees of Nova
Scotia. 1937, 1969. The
Making of Modern Britain,
1943; North Atlantic
Triangle, 1945, 1966;
Canada, A Modern History,
1960.

 

250

Brown,Alexander Grant; 1881-1932

B.A., Toronto, 1903; B.A. Oxford, 1905. Univ. of Toronto,
Classics, 1905-29; History 1ect., 1905—O6, inst. 1906-O8,
lect. 1908-l4; H.G. Stanton Co., investment counsellor,
1929-32.

Brown, George Williams: 1894-1963

 

B.A., Toronto, 1915:

Ph.D., Chicago, 1924.
Saskatoon, high school
teacher, 1919-20: Winnipeg,
newspaper editor, 1920-21:
Univ. of Michigan. 1924-25:
Univ. of Toronto, 1ect.,
1925-29, asst. prof., 1927-
1929, assoc. prof. , 1929- 35,
prof., 1935- 46, Univ. of
Toronto Press, 194 -6

Books: Building the Canadian
Nation, 1942, 1952, 1968;
Canadian Democracy in Action.
1945, 1959; The Story of
Canada (with Harmon and
Jeanneret) 1949: Canada in
North America to 1800 (with
Harmon and Jeanneret) 1960;
Canada in North America 1800-
1901 (with Harmon and Jeanneret) 1961,1967, Canada
and the Americas (with Careless, Craig and Ray)

1953; Canada and the World (with Careless, Craig and
Ray) 1953, Canada and the Commonwealth (with Careless,
Craig and Ray) 1953.

sm~*_“-*‘“‘—rtm

 

Creighton, Donald Grant: b. 1902

B.A., Toronto, 1925; B.A.
Oxford, 192?. Univ. of
Toronto, lect., 1927-32,

asst. prof., 1932-45, prof.
1945-71; chairman, 1954-59.
Books: The Commercial Empire
of the St. Lawrence, 1937,
1956; British North America
at Confederation, 1940;
Dominion of the North, 1944,
1957; John A. Macdonald.

1952 and 1955; Harold Adams
Innis: Portrait of a Scholar,
1957; The Story of Canada,
1959; The Road to Confeder—
ation, 1964; Canada's

First Century, 1970: Towards
the Discovery of Canada. 1972:
Canada: The Heroic Beginnings,
1974.

 

Vt"- .___.._._.__._

Feiling, Sir Kenneth Graham: b. 1884

B.A., Oxford, 1906. Fellow,
All Souls, 1906-11: Univ. of
Toronto, lect., 1907-O9;
visiting lect., 1949-50;
Christ Church, Oxford, 1909-
46: Chichele Professor of
Modern History, 1946-50;
emeritus prof., 1950-

Books: Toryism: a political
dialogue, 1913; Italian
policy since 1870, 1914; A
history of the Tory Party,
1924, 1950; England under
the Tudors and Stuarts,
1927, 1959; British Foreign
Policy 1660-1672, 1930:
Sketches in Nineteenth Cen-
tury Biography, 1930: The
Second Tory Party, 1714,
1832, 1938; The Life of
Neville Chamberlain, 1946,
1970; A History of England,
1950: Warren Hastings, 1954:
In Christ Church Hall, 1960.

 

Flenley, Ralph: 1886-1959

M.A., Liverpool; B. Litt.,
Oxford, 1910. Univ. of Mani-
toba, 1911-15, 1919-20; Univ.
of Toronto, assoc. prof.,
1920-27s prof., 1927‘551
chairman, 1952-54. Books:

Six Towns Chronicles, 1911:
Register of the Council in
the Marches of Wales, 1915:
Makers of Nineteenth Century
Europe, 1927; History of
Montreal, 1928; Modern Europe
and the World, 1931: Post-
War Germany, 1943.

 

Glazebrook, George Parkin de Twenebrokes; b. 1899

B.A., Toronto, 1922: B.A.,
Oxford, 1924. Univ. of
Toronto, lect., 1924-29
asst. prof., 1929-37: assoc.
prof., 1937-41; prof., 1946-
1948, spec. lect., 1963-67;
Ext. affairs, 1941-45, 1948-
1963. Books: Sir Charles
Bagot in Canada, 1929; Sir
Edmund Walker, 1933; A His-
tory of Transportation in
Canada, 1938, 1964; Canada
at the Paris Peace Confer-
ence, 1942; A History of
Canadian External Relations,
1942, 1950; A Short History
of Canada. 1950; A History
of Canadian Political
Thought, 1966; Life in
Ontario, 1968; The Story of
Toronto, 1971.

 

Gould, Ernest Clarke:
B.A., Toronto, 1933; M.A., Toronto, 1934. Univ of

Toronto, reader, 1934-35; Univ. of Manitoba, 1937-
1939; Monetary Times, Financial Editor, 1940-62.

C-5

: n‘fi

Harvey, Winifred; d. 1928

B.A., Toronto, 1911; M.A., Toronto, 1912. Univ. of
Toronto, fellow, 1911-12; Toronto, Social Service
Commission, 1916; Monteith, Agricultural School, 1924—
1927: married Rev. H.G. Cartledge, 1927.

Hodder-Williams, Ralph Wilfred: 1890-1961

B.A., Oxford, 1911.

Univ. of Toronto, lect.,
1911-18, asst. prof.,
1918-19, assoc. prof., 1919-
1923; Hodder and Stoughton,
Ltd., 1923-60. Books:
Princess Patricias Canadian

 

*Hooke, Samuel Henry; 1874-1968

 

B.A., Oxford, 1910: B.D., London. Victoria Univ.,
assoc. prof. of Oriental lang. and lit., 1913-23,
prof. 1924-25: spec. lect. in History, 1916-22.
lect., 1923. Books: Christ and the Kingdom of God,
1919; Christianity in the Making, 1926; Prophets
and Priests, 1938; Archaeology and the Old Testa-
ment, 1939; What is the Bible?, 1948; The Kingdom
of God in the Experience of Jesus, 1949; Babylon-
ian and Assyrian Religion, 1953, 1962; The Siege
Perilous: Essays in Biblical Anthropology and
Kindred Subjects, 1956; Alpha and Omega: A Study
in the Pattern of Revelation, 1961; Middle Eastern
Mythology. 1963.

C-6

Light Infantry l9l4-18, 1923.

V5? "'3”""‘"“"”’1

‘1

Kennedy, William Paul McClure; 1879-1963

M.A., D. Litt., Dublin. Univ.
of Toronto, instr. in Eng. and
Hist., 1914-16, subs. lect.,
1917-l9, asst. prof., 1919-22,
spec. lect., 1922-23, asst.
prof., 1923—25, assoc. prof.,
1925-26; Dean, Fac. of Law,
1926-49; founder and editor,
Univ. of Toronto Law Journal,
1935-49. Books: Archbishop
Parker, 1908; Parish Life
Under Queen Elizabeth, 1914;
Studies in Tudor History,
1916; Documents of the Canad- [
ian Constitution, 1918, 1930;
The Constitution of Canada, 1
1922, 1937; Elizabethan Epis- ;
copal Administration, 1924;
Essays in Constitutional Law, I
l 4 g
5’

 

Kylie, Edward Joseph; 1880-1916

B.A., Toronto, 1901; B.A.,
Oxford, 1903. Univ. of Tor-
onto, lect., 1904-O9, assoc.
prof., 1909-16.

 

‘C; 1

Langford, Norman Frederick:

M.A., Toronto, 1936. Univ. of Toronto, reader, 1936-
1939; 1938-39: Minister; Editor, United Church, Toronto;
Presbyterian Board, Philadelphia. Books: The Two-Edged
Sword, 1944; The King Nobody Wanted, 1948; Fire Upon
The Earth. 1950.

C-7

McDougall, Donald James; b. 1892

St. Dunstans, Physiotherapy,
1917; B.A., Toronto, 1925:
B.A., Oxford, 1927. Mond
Nickle, 1913-15; N.I.B.,
London, 1917-18; C.N.I.B.,
1918-21: Oxford Univ., 1927—
1929; Univ. of Toronto, lect.,
1929-35, asst. prof., 1935-
1942, assoc. prof., 1942-53,
prof., 1953-61. Books: The
Church in England, 1850-
1950. 1956-

 

McEachern, Ronald Alexander; b. 1908

B.A., Toronto, 1931; M.A., Toronto, 1933; Ph.D.,
Toronto, 1934. Univ. of Toronto, reader, 1931-32;
Editor, Financial Post, 1942-64; Exec. Vice-Pres.,
MacLean-Hunter, 1964-70.

. r~———-.
v, .
1

257

McInnis, Edgar Wardwell; 1899—1973

B.A., Toronto, 1923; B.A.,
Oxford, 1925. Toronto Daily
Star. Oberlin, head of Hist.,
1926-28; Univ. of Toronto,
lect., 1928-35. asst. prof.,
1935-42, assoc. prof., 1942-
1950, prof., 1950-52; Can.
Inst. Int. Affs., 1951-60;
York Univ., 1960-68; Chair-
man, Dept. of Hist., 1962,
1966-68 (Glendon). Books:
Poems Written at "The Front",
1918; The Road to Arras, 1920;
The Oxford Periodical History
of the War, 1940-46; The Un-
guarded Frontier, 1942. 1970;
North America and The Modern
World, 1945, 1954; Canada, A
Political and Social History,
1947. 1959. 1963. 1969: The
English Speaking Peoples

(with J.H.S. Reid). 1948;
Canada and The United Nations (with F.H. Soward), 1956;
The Atlantic Triangle and the Cold War, 1959; The Shap—
ing of Post-War Germany (with R. Hiscocks and R. Spencer),
19 O.

 

9"...“ awn—‘41 ".-‘-

MacLaren. Anna Margaret;

M.A., Toronto, 1935. Univ. of Toronto, Reader, 1937-38,
librarian.

McMurchie, Helen (Bott); b. 1886

B.A., Toronto, 1912. Univ. of Toronto, fellow, 1912-

1913; Instructor, 1913-17, subs. inst., 1918-19;

Married Prof. E.A. Bott, 1917. Institute of Child

Study, 1925-37. Books: Parents and the Pre-school Child

(with W.E. Blatz), 1928; The Management of Young Child-

ren (with W.E. Blatz), 1930; Method in Social Studies 1
of Young Children, 1933; Personality Development in '

Young Children, 1934; Adult Attitudes to Children's

Misdemeanors, 1937.

258

Martin, Chester Bailey; 1882-1958

B.A., U.N.B., 1902; B.A.,
Oxford, 1907. Public Archives,
1909; Univ. of Manitoba,
1909-29; Univ. of Toronto,
Hist. Dept. Chairman, 1929-
1952. Books: Lord Selkirk's
Work in Canada, 1916; The
Natural Resources Question,
1920; The Colonial Policy of
the Dominion, 1922; Responsible
Government and its Corollaries
in the Canadian Constitution,
1923; Empire and Commonwealth,
1929; "Dominion Lands" Policy,
1938, 1973; Lord Durham's
Report and its Consequences,
1939; Foundations of Canadian
Nationhood, 1955.

 

Massey, Charles Vincent; 1887-1968

B.A., Toronto, 1910; B.A.,
Oxford, 1913. Univ. of Toronto,
lect., 1913-l9, Dean of
Residence, 1913-15; Pres.,
Massey Harris, 1921-25; Envoy
Extraordinary to the United
States, 1926-30; High Com-
missioner to England, 1935-46;
Chancellor, Univ. of Toronto,
1947-53; Governor-General of
Canada, 1952-59. Books: The
Making of a Nation, 1928;
Good Neighbourhood and Other
Addresses, 1930; The Sword of
Lionheart and Other Wartime
Addresses, 1942; On Being
Canadian, 1948; Canadians and
Their Commonwealth, 1961;
What's Past is Prologue, 1963;
Confederation on the March,

1

 

WPm‘-‘ “fl

Pearson, Lester Bowles; 1897—1973

B.A., Toronto, 1919; B.A.,
Oxford, 1923. Armour & Co.,
1919-21; Univ. of Toronto,
lect., 1923-27, asst. prof.,
1927-28; Ext. Affairs, 1928-
1948; Member of Parliament,
1948-68; Prime Minister of
Canada, 1963-68. Books:
Democracy in World Politics,
1955; Diplomacy in the Nuc-
lear Age., 1959; The Crisis
of Development, 1970; Words
and Occasions, 1970; Mike:
The Memoirs of Lester B.
Pearson, 2 vols., 1972, 1973.

 

Preston, Richard Arthur; b. 1910

B.A., Leeds; M.A., 1932;
Ph.D., Yale, 1936; Univ. of
Toronto, lect., 1936—38;
Univ. College, Cardiff,
1938-45; Univ. of Toronto,
asst. prof., 1945-48; R.M.C.,
1948-65; Duke Univ., 1965—
Books: Gorges of Plymouth
Fort, 1953; Men in Arms

(with S.F. Wise and H.O.
Werner), 1956, 1962. 1970;
Royal Fort Frontenac (comp).
1958; Kingston Before the
War of 1812, 1959; Canada in
World Affairs, 1959-61;
Canada and 'Imperial Defense',
1967; Canada's R.M.C.. 1969;
Contemporary Australia. 1969;
For Friends at Home, 1974.

 

Proby, Jocelyn Campbell Patrick; b. 1900

B.A., Oxford, 1921; B. Litt., Oxford, 1924; D.0.
Kirksville, Mo., 1934. Univ. of Toronto, lect., 1926-
1929. Books: The Place of Osteopathy in Therapeutics,
1953-

C—ll

Y‘; -.L

260

Ray, Eldon Pringle; b. 1911

B.A., M.A., Dalhousie; Ph.D., Toronto, 1945. Univ. of
Toronto, reader, 1939-40; Simcoe Bd. of Education, 1940-
1944; Peterborough Bd. of Education, 1944-73. Books:
(with Brown, Careless and Craig) Canada and the Americas,
1953; Canada and the World, 1953; Canada and the Common-
wealth, 1953.

Reid, Marjorie Gordon; 1894—1966

 

B.A., Toronto, 1917; B. Litt.,
Oxford, 1922. Univ. of Toronto,
inst., l9l8-20, 1922-23, lect.,
1923-26: asst. head, Women's
Union, 1922-26; married Prof.
K.B. Jackson, 1926.

   

Riddell, Robert Gerald; 1908-1951

B.A., Manitoba, 1930; M.A.,
Toronto, 1931; B. Litt.,
Oxford, 1934. Univ. of Toronto,
tut. asst., 1934-39. lect..
1939-42; Dean of Res. (Vic-
toria), 1934—42; Ext. Affs.,
1943-51.

 

261

Rothwell, Harry; b. 1902

B.A., Manchester, 1925; Ph.D., Cambridge, 1928; Bodleian
Library, 1928-29; Univ. of Toronto, lect., 1929-31;
Edinburgh Univ., 1931-45; Univ. of Southampton, 1945-68.
Books: The Chronicle of Walter Guisborough, 1957;
English Historical Documents, 1189-1327, 1973.

Saunders, Richard Merrill; b. 1904

B.A., Clark, 1924; M.A.,

Clark, 1925; Ph.D., Cornell,
1931. Univ. of Toronto, lect.,
1931-38, asst. prof., 1938-46,
assoc. prof., 1946-54, prof.,
1954-71. Books: Education for
Tomorrow, 1946; Flashing Wings,
1947; Carolina Quest, 1951.

 

Sims, Elizabeth Kendel Montague; b. 1909

B.A., Toronto, 1931; M.A., Toronto, 1934; Univ. of
Toronto, reader, 1935-36; Dept. of Geog., 1937; married
Prof. A. Hoemberg, 1938. Books: Thy People, My People,
1950.

w...;._v.—um.;m

‘i‘-

262

Smith, George Malcolm: 1888-1947

  

B.A., Toronto, 1909? B.A.y
Oxford, 1912?; Univ. of
Toronto, lect., 1912-18, asst.
prof., 1918-l9, assoc. prof.,
1919-27; prof., 1927-29;

Univ. of Alberta, 1931-47.

Talman, James John; b. 1904

B.A., Western, 1925; M.A.,
Western, 1927; Ph.D., Toronto,
1930. Univ. of Toronto, read-
er, 1929-31; Anglican Church,
1929-31; Ont. Prov. Archives,
1931-39: Univ. of Western
Ontario, Library, 1939-70.
Books: "Western" 1878-1953
(with Ruth Davis Talman),
1953; Early Freemasonry in
Ontario, 1954.

 

C-14

 

Underhill, Frank Hawkins; 1889-1971

B.A., Toronto, 1911; B.A.,
Oxford, 1913. Univ. of Sask.,
1914-27; Univ. of Toronto,
prof., 1927-55; Curator,
Laurier House, 1955-59;
Carleton Univ., visiting
prof., 1964-67. Books:

"The Canadian Forces in the
War" in Sir Charles Lucas,
ed., The Empire at War, 1921;
The British Commonwealth.
1956; In Search of Canadian
Liberalism, 1960; The Image
of Confederation, 1964.

 

Wallace, William Stewart; 1884-1970

B.A., Toronto, 1906; B.A.,
Oxford, 1909. Univ. of Western
Ont., 1906-07; McMaster Univ.,
1909-20; Univ. of Toronto,
instr., 1910-13, spec. lect.,
1913-14, lect., 1914-20, spec.
lect., 1920-24, prof., 1927-29;
library, 1923-54. Books: The
United Empire Loyalists, 1914;
The Family Compact, 1915; By
Star and Compass, 1922; Sir
John Macdonald, 1924; A New
History of Great Britain and
Canada, 1925; Dictionary of
Canadian Biography. 1926,
1945, 1963; A History of the
University of Toronto, 1927;
A First Book of Canadian
History, 1928; A History of
The Canadian PeOple, 1930;

A Reader in Canadian Civics, 1935; Encyclopedia of
Canada (6 vols.), 1935-37, 1948.

 

'"—””1

rum- :9.
" .

Wilkinson, Bertie; b. 1898

B.A., Manchester. 1919; M.A.
1920-21; Ph.D., 1926; Exeter
Univ. Coll. of the South West,
1923-30; Manchester Univ.,
1930—38; Univ. of Toronto,
prof., 1938-67. Books:
Chancery Under Edward III,
1929; Medieval Council of
Exeter, 1931; Constitutional
History of England. 1216-
1399. 1948. 1952. 1956: The
English Coronation, 1953;
The Later Middle Ages in
England, 1969.

 

Wrong, George McKinnon; 1860-1948

B.A., Toronto, 1883; ordained,
1883; Wycliffe 0011., 1883-93.
Univ. of Toronto. lect., 1892-
94; prof., 1894-1927. Books:
The Crusade of 1383, 1892; The
British Nation, 1903; The Earl
of Elgin, 1905; A Canadian
Manor and its Seigneurs, 1908,
1926; Ontario High School His-
tory of England. 1911; The Fall
of Canada, 1914; The Conquest
of New France, 1918; Ontario
Public School History of Canada.
1921; Ontario Public School His-
tory of England, 1921; The United
States and Canada, A Political
Study, 1921; The Rise and Fall
of New France (2 vols.), 1928;
The Story of Canada (with C.
Martin and W.N. Sage). 1929;
Canada and the American Revo-
lution, 1935; The Canadians,
1938.

 

.‘—-‘-.‘--1

sr—r

265

Wrong, Humphrey Hume; 1894-1954

B.A., Toronto, 1915; B. Litt.,
Oxford, 1921. Univ. of Toronto,
lect., 1921-23, asst. prof.,
1923-27; Ext. Affairs, 1927-
1954. Books: The Government of
the West Indies, 1923; Sir
Alexander MacKenzie, 1927.

 

Wrong, Margaret Christian; 1887-1948

B.A., Oxford, 1914; M.A.,
Toronto, 1920. Univ. of
Toronto, instr. ca 1915-21;
U.C. Women's Union, 1916-21;
World Student Christian Fed.,
1921-26; sect. Intl. Comm.
on Christian Literature,
1935-48. Books: Ideals and
Realities in Europe, 1925;
Africa and the Making of
Books, 1934; The Land and
Life of Africa. 1935; Across
Africa, 1940; Five Points
for Africa, 1942; Africa
Advancing (with J. Davis and
T.M. Campbell). 1945; For A
Literate West Africa, 1946.

 

C-l?

 

266

APPENDIX D

Bibliography of George M. Wrong

In addition to the published works of George Wrong this
bibliography contains references to addresses he made, to
editorial comments on his statements, and to some unpublished

but dated essays. These latter items were included because

they provide a clue to what concerned Wrong at a particular it
time and because at least two were presented to radio g
audiences. i
i

The material is listed chronologically. Within each g

year the first items are books written or edited by Wrong,
followed by other items for which only the year of publica-
tion was available. Then come articles, reviews, addresses
and letters-to-editor intermingled chronologically. Some
addresses were published, or were presented several times;
where this occurs all items are listed under the earliest
date. Editorial or individual responses to Wrong are
placed with the item to which they refer; occasionally an

article about Wrong appears by itself.

The material here was drawn from several sources.
"A Bibliography of the Works of George M. Wrong" compiled
by Katherine Wales and E.M. Murray (Canadian Historical
Review 29 (September 1948) 238-9) lists books and some
articles. An earlier version by E.M. Murray "A Bibliography

D-l

40/

of the Works of George MacKinnon Wrong" (1938) is available
at the University of Toronto Library School; it contains
references to reviews of Wrong's books and to the printing
history of a few books and pamphlets. Alan Bowker has an
extensive list of works by and about Wrong and some of

his contemporaries in "Truly Useful Men: Maurice Hutton,
George Wrong, James Mavor and the University of Toronto,

1880-1927" (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of Toronto,

"7

1975). Indexes and catalogues in the Canadian Historical
Review, the American Higtorical Review, The New York Times,

the National Library in Ottawa and libraries in Toronto

.3
“fi .

r.wn‘v>hm.°‘e\3‘<7; , 5 Li... I

were also used to locate Wrong's work. Newspaper clippings
(Biographical File, University of Toronto Archives) pro-
vided most of the information regarding addresses and
editorial reactions. It should be pointed out that about

a dozen of these were not verified; this might be the result
of mislabelling, or of microfilming a different edition than
the one from which the clipping was taken. The reader should
also be aware that no attempt was made to search all news-
papers for accounts of Wrong's addresses. The University

of Toronto Archives also has, in the Department of Extension
Geographical File, a list of lectures delivered in various
Ontario cities. Other addresses were located in the Wrong
Papers held by the University of Toronto Library, Department
of Rare Books and Special Collections. Many references to
Wrong's addresses, articles, and letters-to-the—editor were

found in the correSpondence of his friends in the University

D-2

268

of Toronto Library, the Public Archives of Canada, the
Library of Congress, and letters in the pessession of his

daughter, Mrs. C.H.A. Armstrong of Toronto.

All of the items listed here have been verified, except
where otherwise indicated. Unverified material falls into
three categories. First are those items which I have not
seen but have no reason to doubt; these are arranged in
chronological sequence with other items and are enclosed in
square brackets. Second are items such as addresses or
articles which are mentioned fairly specifically in a letter
or some other source, but for which no additonal corrobora-
tion was available; these are identified as unverified,
and are placed at the end of the appropriate year. Third
are items which I felt could not be included here at all;
these include references which were too vague to be located,
and the references in the biographical file in the Univer-

sity Archives which could not be verified.

This bibliography does not include unpublished or
undated material, such as essays and diaries in the University
of Toronto Library and in the possession of Mrs. Armstrong;
or unsigned material, such as anonymous reviews in the
Review of Historical Publications Relating to Canada.
Some material was known to exist but was not located. such
as addresses to Canadian Clubs in cities outside of Toronto,

and articles in Parish and Home, for which only a few volumes

were available in the Anglican Church Archives and the New
D-3

269

York Public Library. Another area of omission is biographical
data such as service on editorial boards, eulogies, minor

notices in newspapers, and reviews of Wrong's books.

In the preparation of this bibliography I was greatly
assisted by previous collections, by librarians and archi-
vists all across Canada, in England and in the United States.
In particular I would like to thank Mrs. C.H.A. Armstrong;
Mr. Alan Bowker; Dr. T.R. Millman, Wycliffe College; Mr.

Andy Birrell, Ottawa and Dr. Norman Penlington, East Lansing,
Michigan. The staff in the Archives, Reference Room and
Microfilm Room of the University of Toronto Library were

exceptionally helpful and patient.

It would be appreciated very much if any errors or
omissions in this bibliography could be brought to the

attention of the Archivist, University of Toronto Library.

 

 

270

Abbreviations used in this bibliography:

Descriptions of Item§

Add:
Art:

Ed:
Let:

Rev:

Journals
AHR
CHR
EC
PH
UTM

 

Addresses and sermons, even if later published.

Articles in periodicals and books; some letters
to editors were long enough to be called articles.

Books or journals edited by Wrong.
Letters to editors of newspapers.

Books reviewed by Wrong.

American Historical Review
Canadian Historical Review
Evangelical Churchmgp (Toronto)

Parish and Home (Toronto)

University of Toronto Monthly

Toronto Newspapers

Daily
Globe
Mail
Star

News The Toronto Daily News
The Globe

The Daily Mail and Empire
The Toronto Daily Star

Telegram The Telegpam

Varsity The Vargity (University of Toronto)
World The Toronto World

 

D-5

 

 

271

1884

Add: at St. Paul's Toronto, [see Evangelical Churchman 9
(11 September 1884) 212].

1886

Rev: F.R. Wynne, The ng of the Ministry: an endeavor to
increase the efficiency and deepen the happiness ofpastoral
work, E9 X (8 April 18867580.

Let: "New Lectureshi in Oriental Languages" The Varsity 6
(3 April 1886) 240 freply "Our Critic Criticized", Ibid.
224-235 (sic). Both the microfilm in the University of
Toronto Library and the original held in the Archives for
this issue have pages missing; in addition the pages are

misnumbered. A more complete collection of The Varsity
for the year 1886 is available at York University, Ducharme

Collection.]

Rev: Right Hon. Lord Robert Montague, Recent Events and a
Clue to their Solution, E9 XI (19 August 188 170.

Rev: Henry Footman, Reasonable A rehensions and Reassurin
Hints, §Q_XI (18 November 1886) 326.
.1888

Let: "The Political Science Professorship", The Varsity 8
(25 February 1888) 169.

Let: "City Missions", E9 12 (1 March 1888) 511.
Let: "Historical Theology in Wycliffe College", E9 12
(4 October 1888) 259-60.
1889

Let: "Privy Council Ritual Decisions", EC 14 (5 December
1889) 368.

Let: "Privy Council Jud ents in Ritual Matters", EC 14
(7 November 1889) 319 Egeply 29,14 (21 November 1889) 343].

Art: "St. Columba and Iona", E9 l4 (19 December 1889) 396-7.

D-6

 

272

1890

Art: "The Trouble at St. Judith's", Parish and Home I
(December 1890) 1-2 [satirical sketch .

Art: "The Old-time Christmas Spirit", 2E I (December 1890) 2-3.
Art: "Thoughts for the Thoughtful", EE I (December 1890) 4.
Let: "Patronage", E9 14 (20 March 1890) 551.
Add: 1 December 1890 (at St. Peter's Church, Toronto)
[see EQ 15 (11 December 1890) 374].
1891
Let: "The North End Club", E9 15 (5 February 1891) 476.

Art: "German Student Life" (Parts I and II), Varsity X
(10, 17 March 1891) 222-23. 234-35.

Add: "The Study of History", 18 April 1891 [abstract in
Transactions of the Canadian Institute 4th Ser., Vol. II
(1890-91) 39-40].

Unverified Art: "A Child's Mission" [a story in 12 parts]
2E I (January to December 1891) [signed "W", possibly Wrong].

1892

Book: The Crusade Of_MCCCLXXXEEI, Known a§ that of the
BishOp of Norwich, London: James Parker and Co., 1892.
pp. viii, 96.

1893
Art: "Feeling and Faith", 2E III (February 1893) 2-3.
Let: ”A Parish Magazine", EQ 18 (23 February 1893) 88.

Art: "Growth", EE III (November 1893) 2-3.

1894
Ed: Application and Testimonials of George M. Wrong, B.A.

ior the Post of Professor of History in the University of
Toronto, Toronto, 189 .

 

D-7

 

273

Add: "The Fall of Rome" [Saturday public lecture] 3 February
1894 [see Varsity 13 (7 February 1894) 5].

About: "A Recent Appointment" editorial, Varsity 14 (17
October 1894) 12: W.A. Braun, letter and editor's reply,
Ibid (14 November 1894) 50-1.

1895

Add: "Historical Study in the University and the Place of
Medieval History", 12 January 1895. [Inaugural lecture:
see E9 21 (14 February 1895) 74]: published under the same
title, Toronto: Bryant Press, 1895.

Add: "University Historical Study" [one of a series of
Saturday public lectures delivered during the session 1894-

1895]-

Let: "The University Trouble", 1E9 Globe (4 February 1895) 5
[see also: letter from B.E. Walker, Ibid., p. 3: editorials
in Varsity 14 (October 1894) passim: The Eyening Star,

(4 October 1894) 1]. .

Add: "The Clergyman in his Study", 1 October 1895 [on
Opening Wycliffe, see Daily Mail apg Empire (2 October 1895) 2].

Add: ”The Teaching of Epiotetus", 3 December 1895, to
Classical Association of University Colle e [Rare Books
Department, University of Toronto Library .

1896

Rev: A.G. Bradley, Wolfe, American Historical Review I
(January 1896) 355-355-

Add: "Stoic Ethics", 3 February 1896, to Philos0phical
Society [summary RBD .

Add: "The Cabots" 28 March 1896, Canadian Institute [see
29 21 (2 April 1896) 168].

Rev: H. Lorin, Le Comte de Frontenac: Etude sur la Canada

Frangais a la Fin du XVII Siecle, AHR I (April 18935 545-547.

Rev: w. Kingsford, The History of Canada, Vol. VIII, 1808-1815
AHR I (April 1896) 550-553.

Rev: [signed "G.M.W."], M.R. de Kerallain, La Jeunesse de
Bougainville et la Guerre de Sept Ans, AHR I (April 1893)
57 ‘77 o

 

D-8

 

274

Add: "The Discoveries of the Cabots" April 1896, Ontario
Education Association.

Rev: E. Richard, Acadia: Missin Links of a Lost Chapter in
American History, AHR 2 October 1896) 159-61.

Unverified Add: "Feudalism in Canada". December 1896, Ontario
Education Association.

‘1897

Ed: Louisbour in l 4 : The Anonymous lettre d'un Habitant
de Louisbourg (Cape gretonT containing a narrative by an
eye-witnesgof the siege in 1245, edited with an English
translation by G.M. Wrong. Toronto: William Briggs,

1897- PP- 74-

Ed: Review of Historical Publicat'ons Relatin to Canada [of
the year 1896] Vol. I. Toronto: William Briggs, 1897. pp. 190.

Let: "The Working Boys' Home" E9 22 (25 February 1897) 125.

 

Art: "The Queen's Reign" EE 8 (June 1897) 62-3.

Rev: "Current Skepticism", Coulson Kernahan, The Child th
Wise Man, and the Devil, E9_22 (5 August 1897; 494.

Rev: "The Christian", Hall Caine, The Christian, E9 22
(21 October 1897) 668-669.

1898

Ed: (assisted by H.H. Langton) Review of Historical

Publications Relating to Canada [of the year 1897I Vol. II.
Toronto: William Briggs, 1898. pp. 238.

Art: "History in Canadian Secondary Schools", American
Historical Association, Annual Report (1898) 551-5.

Let: "The Revival of Faith" E9 23 (6 January 1898) 18.

Add: "Normans and their Architecture" February 1898,
Women's Art Association [see E9 23 (lO.February 1898) 91].

Add: [on French Revolution 11 February 1898. One of a series
of Extension lectures, Pu lio Library, Hamilton,[see E9 23
(17 February 1898) 107].

Add: "The Relative Educational Value of History", 13 April 1898.

Ontarfio Education Association [see E9 23 (4 August 1898)
“91-2 0

D-9

 

275

Unverified Add: "The Renaissance in Florence" (1898) Women's
Art Association [see Mail (2.12.98), UTA biographical file].

Unverified Add: "Oliver Cromwell", Milton, Ont. [1898-99
Extension Department Lecture Series].

1899

Ed: (with H.H. Langton) Review of Historical Publications
Relating to Canada [of the year 1898] Vol. III. Toronto:
William Briggs, 1899. pp. 225.

 

Add: [on flag celebrations] 16 February 1899. Ontario
Historical Association [see Globe, (17 February 1899) 4].

Rev: J.E. Roy, Histoire de la Seigpeurie de Lauzon, 1892, 1898
AHR 4 (April 1899 578-80-
Unverified Add: "Cromwell" Dundas, Ont. [1899-1900 Extension
Department Lecture Series].
1900

Ed: (with H.H. Langton) Review of Historical Publications
Relating to Canada [of the year 1899] Vol. IV. Toronto:
William Briggs, 1900. pp. 229.

1901 .
Ed: (with H.H. Langton) Review of Historical Publications
Relating to Canada [of the year 1900| Vol. v. Toronto:
William Briggs, 1901. pp. 226.

Add: "What the Historian Should and Should Not Attempt"
14 January 1901. [see Varsity XX (15 January 1901) 191].

Art: "The Constitution of the University of Toronto" Varsity
xx (12 February 1901) 239-40.

Add: [The Sphere and Methods of the Historian] 5 March 1901,
Canadian Club [see Star (6 March 1901) 1].

1902

Ed: (with H.H. Langton) Review of Hi tori a1 Publications
Relating to Canada [of the year 1901] Vol. VI. Toronto:
William Briggs, 1902. pp. 226.

D-lO

 

276

Rev: Sidney Lee, ed., Dictionary of National Bioggaphy,
Supp., AHR 7 (April 1902) 588-90.

Symposium: (with Adam Shortt:W}S. Milner, Rev. Oswald
Rigby) "What Should be Expected in History of the Student on
Entering the University?", 3 April 1902, Ontario Educational
Association [see Ontario Educational Association Proceedings,
Toronto: William Briggs (1902) 27].

Rev: Fitzgerald Molloy, The Queen's Comrade: the life and
times of Sarah. Duchess of Marlborough, AHR 7 July 1902
7 7-8.

Art: :Professors and Undergraduates" Varsity 22 (14 October
1902 3.

1903

Books: The British Nation, A History, Twentieth Century Text
Books. New York: Appleton, 1903; Toronto: Morang, 1904.
pp. xxxii, 616.

Ed: (with H.H.Langton) Review of Historical Publications
Relgting to Canada [of the year 1902] Vol. VII. Toronto:
William Briggs, published by The Librarian, 1903. pp. 222.

Add: "Ideals of the Ministry", 3 March 1903, Wycliffe College
[see Varsity 22 (11 March 1903) 316].

Art: "Text-books on British History" Educational Monthl of
Canada 25 (misnumbered 26) (June 1903) 257-60.

Rev: Louise Creighton, ed., Historical Essa s and Reviews
by Mandell Creighton, AHR 8 (July 1903) 734-36.

Add: "The Teaching and Influence of F.W. Robertson and

Phillips Brooks", Wycliffe College Alumni Association,
30 September 1903.

 

Art: "The Student Life", Varsity 23 (14 October 1903) 1-2.

1904
Ed: (with H.H. Langton) Review of Historical Publications
Relating to Canada [of the year 1903] Vol. VIII. Toronto:
Morang, published by The Librarian, 1904. pp. 225.

Rev: E. Porritt, The Unreformed House of Commons: Parlia-
mentary Representation before 1832. AHR 9 (April 1904) 565-68.

D-ll

 

277

Rev: J. Morley, The Life of William Ewart Gladstone, AHR
9 (April 1904) 591-95.

Art: "The Conferring of a Degree upon the ArchibishOp of
Canterbury", University of Toronto Monthly V (October 1904)

Unverified Add: [Japan] in Napanee. [See De artment of
Extension memo, n.d. UTA, A73. 018, Box 2/8 .

1905

Book:~ The Earl of E1 in. London: Methuen, 1905; Toronto:
Morang, 190 . pp. xii, 300.

Ed: An English History by E.Sl Symes Adapteg for Use in
Canadian Elementary SchooLg. Toronto: Copp: 1905.

pp. vi, 286.

Ed: (with H.H. Langton) Review of Historical Publications
Relating to Canada of the year 1904] Vol. IX. Toronto:
Morang, 1905. pp. 2 0.

Art: "A Residence for Men", Varsity 24 (12 January 1905) 1.

1906
Ed: (with H.H. Langton) Review of Historical Publications

Relating to Canada [for the year 1905]'Vol. f. TorOnto?'
Morang, 190 . pp. 221.

Rev: R.G. Thwaites, France in America, 1492-1263, AHR
11 (January 1906) 413-1 .

Art: "The Late Principal Sheraton" UTM VI (March 1906) 115-18.

Rev: J.N. Larned, Seventy Centuries of the Life of Mankind,
2 Vol., AHR 11 (April 1906] 707.

About: Stuart Calais "Canadian Celebrities: No. 70--
Professor George M. Wrong" The Canadian Magazine 27 (July
1906) 208-10.

Rev: L.T.-Hobhouse and J.L. Hammond, Lord Hobhouse, a
Memo'r, AHR 12 (October 1906) 141-43.

Let: "Canada and the United States", The Spectator (London)
(17 November 1906) 783-4. Re: Newfoundland and Alaska:
editor's reply in Ibid., 78 . See also Mail (19 November
1906) 12: Globe(23 November 1906) ;4: letter defending
Wrong by C.D.B., Globe (8 December 1906) 14.]

D-12

278

1907

Ed: (with H.H. Langton) Review of Historical Publications
Relating to Canada [of the year 19061'731. XI. TEEBHtET'
Morang, 1907. pp. 225.

Rev: S.J. Reid, Life and Letters of the First Earl of
Durham, 1292-18 0, AHR 12 April 1907 37- 0.

Art: "Goldwin Smith Today: The Evening of his Life in
Toronto", Boston Evening Transcript (26 October 1907).

About: "A Social Settlement" Canadian Courier 2 (26 October
1907) 15.

Let: "What Canada Owes to the Careful Policy of the British
Diplomat", Globe (26 December 1907) 6.

1908

Book: A Qanadigp Manor gpg its Spigppurg, the Story of g
Hundred Years 1 1-18 1. Toronto: Bryant Press, 1908.
pp. xiv, 295. (Reprinted Toronto: Macmillan, 1926. pp.
xvii, 295.)

Ed: (with H.H. Langton) Review of H' torical Publications
Relating to Canada [of the year 1907| Vol. XII. Toronto:
Morang, 1908. pp. 212.

 

Add: 23 January 1908 [Literary and Historical Societ ,
Murray Bay] [The Toronto World (24 January 1908) 1.

Art: "Champlain in English", Bulletin de la Société de
Ggoggaphie de Québec III (July 1908 37-42.

1909
Ed: (with H.H. Langton) Review of H'storical Publications
ReEgting to Cgpada [of the year 1908] Vol. XIII. Toronto:
Morang, 1909. pp. 198. ‘

"Prefatory Note": Gordon B. Thompson, The Kulturkampf: an
essay. Toronto: Macmillan (1909) iii-xii.

Add: "The University Man in Politics", 5 February 1909,

History Society of University College. [See Varsity 28
(19 February 1909) 1.]

D-13

 

279

Add: "Erasmus and His Place in the Reformation Movement",
5 October 1909, Wycliffe College. [See Varsity 29
(8 October 1909) 3.] .

Add: [on Christian education] 27 October 1929, Wycliffe
Chapel. [See Varsity 29 (29 October 1909) 3.]

Art: "Report of the Committee appointed to enquire in

re ard to a possible College for Women", UTM 9 (June 1909)
28 -89. [See "Reply of the Alumnae" Ibid. 289-91.]

Art: "The Attitude of Canada", The Nineteenth Centur and
Aftgr LXVI (October 1909) 704-15: [also in The L'vin A e,
7th Series. XLV (1909) 387-96].

 

Art: "A College for Women" UTM X (November 1909) 4-7.

Add: "Canadian Nationalism and the Imperial Tie", 29 December
1909, American Economic Assoc., American Historical Assoc.
Published in American Political Science Association Proceedings
VI (1909) 100-108 and gym x (February 1910) 173-83.

[See New York DaiEyTgEbune (30 December 1909) 3;
"Profegsfir Wrong is Wrong" The Mail and Empire (4 January
1910 .

Unverified Book: EntroguctoryHistory ofAE lan . Toronto:
Macmillan, 1909. [See correspondence between rong and Sir
James Whitney, May and June 1910, Ontario Archives.]

1910

Ed: (with H.H. Langton) Review of Historical Publications
Rplating to Canada [of the year 1909I Vol. XIV. University
of Toronto, 1910. pp. 209.

Art: "Canada--History", Encyclopaedia Britannica, llth Ed.,
Vol. 5 (1910) 156-59.

1911

Book: Ontario Hi h School Histor of En land. Toronto:
Morang, 1911. pp. viii, 53 . Substantially revised
version of The British Nation (1903).] Revised Editions,
Toronto: Macmillan, 1922, 1924, 1927.

Ed: (with H.H. Langton) Review of Historical Publications

Relating to Canada [of the year 1910] V01. XV. University

of Toronto, 19ll.pp. 220

D-l4

 

 

280

Let: "Concerning Flags" [Supports lowering Of flag at sunset]
VarSity 31 (8 December 1911) 2.

Add: "Relations of the Legislature to the Executive Power
in Canada", December 1911, American Political Science Assoc.
Published in American Political Science Assoc. Proceedings,
Vol. VI, Supp. (1912) 173-80. [The Proceedinga are bound
with American Political Science Review.]

1912

Ed: (with W.S. Wallace) Review of Hi torical Publications
Relating to Canada [of the year 1911 Vol. XVI. University
of Toronto, 1912. pp. 211.

Art: "Sir Daniel Wilson", The Arbor III (January 1912) 150-60.

Add: "Canada as mAdjunct of the United States" Toronto,
9 May 1912. [RED].

Let: [(signed "G. M. W. ") "A (re: allotment of rugby
tickets) Varsity 32 (2 October 1912) 2.]

Add: [proposed toast to Quebec at University College Dinner
at McConkey' s Hall: H. Bourassa was speaker] [see Varsity
32 (4 December 1912) I].

Add: to the American Society for the Judical Settlement

[f Ifiternational Disputes, Washington, 21 December 1912.
RED

1913
Ed: (with W.S. Wallace) Revi w 0 Historical Publi ation
Relating to Canada [of the year l912I Vol. XVII. University
of Toronto, 1913. pp. 240.
Art: "The Federation: General Outlines, 1867-1912",

Capada ang It§ Provincag, edited by Adam Shortt and
Arthur G. Doughty, Vol. VI, pp. 3-11. Toronto: Glasgow,

Brook and Company, 1913-17, 23 vols. [Wrong was also one
of the Associate Editors of Canada aad Its Provinces]

Art: "Sir Charles Moss" UTM XIII (January 1913) 127-9.

Add: "Problems of Collegiate Life", 13 January 1913, at
Wycliffe College. [see Varsity 32 (17 January 1913) 3].

Art:6 Zfiecil Rhodes and His Work", Arbor 4 (January 1913)
13- o

DilS

 

281

Art: "St. Augustine [Quebec]", The University Magazine XII
(February 1913) 65-76.

Add: [on education, at Universit College, class of 1916;
see Varsity 33 (1 December 1913 3.]

1914
Book: The Fall of C ada A Cha ter in the Histor of the
Seven Years' War, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1914. pp. 272.
Ed: (with H.H. Langton) for the Chronicles of Canada
Series, Glasgow, Brook, 1915:

L.J. Burpee, Pathfinders of the Great Plains, a Chronicle

, of La Vérenggye and his Sons, Vol. 19;

Thomas Chapais, The Great Intendant a Chronicle of Jean
Talon in Canada, 1665-1622, Vol. 6;

A.C. Laut, The 'Adventurers of England', a Chronicle of
the Fur Trade in the North, Vol. 18:

Stephen Leacock, Eaventurers of the Far North, a Chronicle
of the Frozen Seas, Vol. 20;

W.B. Munro, The Seigpeura of Old Capaga, a Chronigle of
New World Feudalism, Vol. 5;

W.S. Wallace, The United Empire Loyalists, a Chronicle of
the Great Miggation, Vol. 13:

William Wood, The Pasaing of New Franpa, a Chronicle of
Montcalm.VOl- 10:

William Wood, The Winnin of C da A Chronicle of Wolfe,
Vol. 11. -

 

 

 

Ed: (with H.H. Langton and W.S. Wallace) R view of
Historical Public tions Relatin to C ada (of the year 1913]
V01.XVIII. Published for the University of Toronto by
Glasgow, Brook, 1914. pp. 245.

 

Art: "Dominion of Canada", Cyclopedia of American Government,
A.C. McLaughlin and A.B. Hart, eds., New York: Appleton,
1914, Vol. I, pp. 210-14; "Canadian Provinces" Ibid.,
214-15: "Canadian Parliament? Ibid., Vol. II, 615-16.

Let: "A Canadian View of Ireland", The Times (London)
(9 June 1914) 7. [see also Star (9 June 1914) 4].

Add: August 1914, sermon at Union Church, Murray Bay. [RBD].
Add: September 1914, sermon at Union Church, Murray Bay [RBD].
Add: "Why Germany is at War", 14 October 1914. Published

in Adaresses Delivered before the Capadiap Club of Toronto
191 ~1915, Vol. XII, Toronto: Warwick Brothers, 1915, '27—33.

D-l6

 

282

Add: "The Germany of Bismark", 19 October 1914 [one of a
series of special lectures on the war: see UTM 15 (November

1914) 55-57

Add: "The Germany of William II“(26 October 1914) [see
Varsity 34 (28 October 1914) l: and "The Empire of William
II" UTM 15 (December 1914) 101-3].

Let: The New York Times (28 November 1914) 12 [vs. editorial
(23 November 1914) criticizing Canada's prohibition of
German newspapers].

Add: [on German culture] (30 November 1914) at Queen's
Hall [see Varsity 34 (2 December 1914) 4.]

Add: ["The Possible Terms of Peace" in Addresses Delivered
before the Canadian 9iub of Montreai, Season 1914-15, n.d.,

557’131-8f]

Unverified Add: [on the war], 23 October 1914, North York
Teachers' Convention.

Unverified Add: "Germany and the War", 5 November 1914,
Women's Canadian Club.

Unverified Add: "Germany and the War" Midland Ontario
[1914-15 Extension Department Lecture Series].

Unverified Add: "Germany's Reasons for War" Women's Canadian
Club, Ottawa [1914-15 Extension Department Lecture Series].

Unverified Add: "German Sea Power" Woodstock, Ontario
[1914-15 Extension Department Lecture Series].

1915

Ed: (with H.H. Langton) for the Chronicles of Canada
Series, Toronto: Glasgow, Brook, 1915: .
C.W. Colby, The Fighting Governor, a Chronicle of Frontenac,

Vol. 7:
C.W. Colby» The Foungar of New Frangg, a Chronicle of

Champlain, Vol. 3:
A.C. Laut, Pioneers of the Pacific Coast, a Chronicle of

Sea Rovers and Fur Hunterp, Vol. 22:

Stephen Leacock, The Dawn of Canadian History, a Chronicle
of Aboriginal Canada, Vol. 1:

Stephen Leacock, The Marinerg; St. Malo, a Chronicle of the
Voyages of JacquepCartiag, Vol. 2:

T.G. Marquis, The War Chief of the Ottawas, a Chronicle of
the Pontiac War, Vol. 15:

D—17

283“

Sir Joseph POpe, The Day of Sir John Macdonald, a Chronicle
g§_paa_Ei§§t Prime Minister of the Dominion, Vol. 29:

E.T. Raymond, Tecumaeh,_a Chronicle of the Last Great
Leader of his PeOple, Vol. 17: 3 .
W.S. Wallace, The Family Compact, ayghronicle of the Rebellion
in Upper Canada, Vol. 24: 3.
W.S. Wallace, The War with the United States, a Chronicle
of 1812, Vol. 14:
L.A. Wood, The Red River Colony, a Chronicle Of the Beginnings
of Manitoba, Vol. 21:
L.A. Wood, The WapyChief of the Six Nations, a Chronicle of
Joseph Bragg, Vol. I6:
William Wood, All Afloat, a Chronicle of Craft and Water-
ways, Vol. 31:
William Wood.TheIQIsa:_E2III2ssl_a.2b222121s_22_L221§22225: F
1220-1260. Vol. 8. t

Ed: (with H.H. Langton and W.S. Wallace) Review of

Historical Publications R latin to Canada [of the year
l914| Vol. XIX. Published for the University of Toronto

by Glasgow, Brook, 1915. pp. 247.

Pamphlet: The Way Spirip of Garmany, Toronto: Oxford
(1915) 27 pages. Condensed by L. Kohr, reprinted in Globe

apg Mail (16 June 1914) 6.

 

.--~‘_~a \w-‘E
I

Art: "Canada's Part in the War" "Thg Varsity" War Supplement
1915 37-

Art: ”Elba, a hundred years after", Royal Society Of Canada,
Proceedin s and Transa tions, 3rd Series, IX, Section II,
1915 205-22.

Add: "Germany's Reasons for War" [one of a series of local
lectures delivered in Toronto and in Ontario under the
auspices of Department of Extension, during the year
1915-16].

Add: "Some phases of the War". 11 January 1915, to Ministerial
Association [The Toronto Daily News (11 January 1915) 1].

Art: "William Allaire Shortt" UTM XV (February 1915) 281.

Add: "Napoleon at Elba: The failure of world conquest" .
[see Varsity 34 (24 February 1915) 2].

Art: "How England has used her sea power", The New Yap;
Times (18 March 1915) 10 [Opposes C.W. Eliot's prOposal
for a European Union: says a union of free nations would
be better].

D-18

284

Let: "What is piracy?", The New York Timeg (29 March 1915)
8. [German submarines.]

Let: "At Least Once" The New York Times (30 March 1915)
10 [refutes a statement of Dr. Dernburg re insularity of
Sir Edward Grey].

Let: "An Election Opposed", The Toronto Daily News (13 April
1915) 6. [Edit. reply in Ibid. (14 April 1915) 6.]

Let: "No Election Now, Globe (13 April 1915) 4: "Truce
and No Election", Star (13 April 1915) 4.

Let: "To Avert an Election" [announcing public meeting]
Star (19 April 1913) 13. [Description of meeting in Star
(24 April 1915) 5.

Let: "To Avert an Election" [announcing public meeting,
Burwas2 Hall, 23 April] The Toronto Daily News (19 April
1915 .

Art: "The Cruel Outlook for Peace in EurOpe", The New
York Times (8 May 1915) 14. [Reply by W.F. Cooley, Ibid.
(15'May 1915) 12.]

 

Rev: J. Boyd, §ir George Etienne Cartier Bart. His Life
and Times: A Political Histor of Canada from 1814 until
i823, AHR 21(October 1915) 167-69.

Art: "The Urgency Of Economy", Globe (22 November 1915)

6: Mail (20 November 1915) 12: World (19 November 1915).

[ed. reply, World (23 November 1915): see also Henry
Britton, Mail (23 November 1915) 10.]

Art: "Canada: An Outline and Bibliography of its History",
Pt. 1. Published by the League of the Empire in The Federal
Magazine (December 1915) 841-43.

Add: "The growth of nationalism in the British Empire",
£31 December 1915). Published in AHR XXII (October 1916)
5-57- ,

Unverified Art: [Outline of the prOposals, Federal planning
commission for Ottawa and Hull, 1915.]
1916
Ed: (with H.H. Langton) for the Chronicles of Canada
Series, Toronto: Glasgow, Brook, 1916:

A.H.U. Colquhoun, The Fatherg of*Confedera§i9ny a Chronicle
of the Birth of the Dominion, Vol. 28.

D-19

285

A.D. de Celles, The 'Patriotes' of '37. a Chronicle of the
Lower Canadian Rebellion, V01. 25:

A.G. Doughty, The Acadian Exiles, a Chronicle of the Lapd
of Evangeline, Vol. 93.. .1 . , A

A.C. Laut, The Cariboo Trail, a Chronicle of the Gold
Eialds of British Columbia, Vol. 23:

A.M. MacMechan, The Winnin of Po ular Government,ya
Chronicieof the Union of 1841, Vol. 27: _ ,

T.G. Marquis, The Jesuit Missions a Chronicle of the
Cross in the Wilderness, Vol. 4:

O.D. Skelton, The Dayyof Sir Wilfred Laurier, a Chronicle
of Our Own Times, Vol. 30:

O.D. Skelton, The Railway BuildersyyaChroniole of Over-
land Highways, Vol. 32:

William Wood, The Father of British Canada, a Chronicle of
Carleton, Vol. 12.

 

 

Ed: (with H.H. Langton and W.S. Wallace) Review of

Historical Publications Relatin to Canada [of the year
1915] Vol. XX. Published for the University of Toronto

by Glasgow, Brook, (1916) 224.

Art: "Canada: An Outline and Bibliography of its History",
Ptr. 2. Published by the League of the Empire in The Federal
Magazine (January-February 1916) 849-50.

Art: "Edward Joseph Kylie" UTM XVI (June-July 1916) 424.

Rev: B. Willson, The Life of Lord Strathcona apd Mount
Royal, 2 Vol.: W.T.R. Preston, Strathcona ang tha Making
of Canada, AHR 21 (July 1916) 80 -O .

Let: [union government] Globe (24 November 1916) 4: Star

(24 November 1916) 5. Reply Star (29 November 1916) 14
by F.D. Kerr (pro Wrong ].

Art: "James Henry Oldham, B.A." UTM XVII (December 1916) 93.

Add: "Fifty Years of Federation in Canada (8 December 1916).
Published in the Canadian Club of Ottawa, Ottawa, Mortimer
(1917) 128-40. [Note: Address with similar title given
to Ingersol Canadian Club, (13 October 1916)- Men's Club
of Deer Park Christ Church (23 November 1916): Royal
Canadian Institute (21 January 1917): Hamilton Canadian
Club and Women's Canadian Club (Hamilton) (24 January 1917).]

D-20

 

286

Add: ["Germany's Reasons for War", one of a series of local
lectures delivered in Toronto and through Ontario under the
auspices of the Department of Extension, during the year
1916-17.]

Unverified Add: "Canada 50 Years after Confederation"
Women's Canadian Club, Guelph, Ontario [1916-l7 Extension
Department Lecture Series].

1917

Ed: (with H.H. Langton and W.S. Wallace) R view of
Eistorigal Publications Relating to Canada [of the year 1916]
Vol. XXI. Published for the University of Toronto by :
Glasgow, Brook. 1917. pp. 192. ’

Art: "The bilingual question", The new era in Canada: Essays
Dealing with the Upbuilding of the Canadian Commonwealth,

edited by J. 0. Miller. Toronto: Dent, (1917) pp. 229-59.

Art: "When the men come back", The Varsity Magazine
Supplement (1917) 123-4.

5 .‘5m imi‘m-‘OH. at- A.

Iii—:1 '-

Add: [Canada is badly organized and educated], to Toronto
Ministerial Association [see Star (22 January 1917) 4: and
Mail (23 January 1917)].

Art: "The creation of the federal system in Canada", Egg
Federation of Canada, 1862-1912 [four lectures delivered
in the University of Toronto in March 1917 to commemorate
the Fiftieth Anniversary of the Federation.] by George M.
Wrong, Sir John Willison, Z. A. Lash, and Sir Robert
Falconer. Toronto: Oxford University Press (1917) 1-38.
[See Varsity 36 (9 March 1917) 1.]

Let: "The Round Table in Canada". Globe (30 March 1917)
[Accompanied by an editorial commenting on.Wrong's letter.
See also, "They are but Students", Star (31 March 1917) 3.]

Add: "The Duties of Citizenship in Canada" (5 April 1917)
at Convocation Hall. [First of a series of lectures on
Citizenship. See response in Mail (21 April 1917) 20.]

Add: "Fifty years of federation--a look backward and a
look forward" [read at May meeting, 1917, published in

Royal Society of Canada, Proceedin s d Transactions,
3rd series, XI, section II (1917) 81-70].

Art: "Paris in 1871", Univarsity Magazine, [VI (December 1917)
559-72-

D-21

47W 287

1918

Book:, The‘Conguegt'ogWWew France: A Chronicle of the
Colonial Wars, Chronicles Of America series, X, New Haven:
Yale University Press, 1918. pp. x, 246.

Add: "The Revised Jewish State", 28 January 1918, Menorah
Society [see Varsity 37 (30 January 1918) 1].

Let: "Replies to 'American Jurist'", The New York Times
(29 January 1918) 14 [see "America After the War...VI--
Canada" by An American Jurist, The New York Times (12
January 1918) 10].

Art: "Paris in 1794", The University Magazine, VII (February
1918) 28-44.

Add: "Civil Service Reform", 28 February 1918. Published
in Empire Club of Canada, Addresses Delivered to the Membera
During the Session 1912-18, Toronto: Warwick,(l9l9)l3l-39.

Add: [History of Canada] 10 October 1918, Women's Canadian
Historical Society [see World (11 October 1918) 7].

 

1919
Ed: (with H.H. Langton and W.S. Wallace) Review of
Histor'oal Publications Relatin to Canada Iof the years
1917 and l9l8I Vol. XXII. University of Toronto, 1919.
pp. 203.

Art: "Relations between the United States and Canada",
The Historical Outlook [Social Studies for Teachers]
X (January 1919) 5-8. 3

Art: "The Outlook in England", Globe (12 June 1919) 6.

Let: "The Epsom Incident", The Times (London) (24 June 1919)
8 [re: riot by Canadian soldiers, 17 June 1919].

Art: "Old England and New Canada", The Khaki Varsity Souvenir
Number (July 1919) 56-58 [a COpy in PAC, Underhill papers,_89].

 

Unverified Add: "Canada's Status in the League of Nations"
(Varsity Diggers Club).

1920
Ed: (with H.H. Langton) for the Chronicles in Canada

Series, Glasgow, Brook, 1920: W.L. Grant, The Tribune of
Nova Scotia, A Chronicle of Joseph Howe, Vol. 26.

D-22

288

Art: "Canada and the League of Nations. The Dominion Cannot

Yield Her Place to Satisfy any Demand of Our Senate", The New
York Times (27 February 1920) 12 [summary and comments in
Globe (28 February 1920) 42].

Art: "Canada and the Imperial War Cabinet", Canadian
Historical Review I (March 1920) 3-25.

Rev: Benjamin Sulte, Geor es-Etienne Cartier. Augmenté
et publié par Gerard Malchelosse, CHR I (March 1920) 83-5.

Rev: A.B. Keith, ed., Sel cted S eeches and Documents on
British Colonial Policy, 1263-1912. 2 Vols. CHR I (March
1920 111-12.

Quoted: [on the cancelling of a lecture by Jane Addams, due ‘

to pressure from the I.O.D.E. and others Varsity 39 (1 March
1920 1.

 

Add: "What it means to be a Nation", 4 March 1920, to
Daughters of Canada [see Globe (5 March 1920) 10: World
(5 March 1920)]. "““ -——-

‘E'g-in: atria: ;

Add: "Did the British Empire Cease to Exist on August 4th,
1914?" 8 March 1920. Published in Addresses Delivereg

before the Canadian Club of Toronto Season of 1 l -20 XVII,
19205]pp. 259-67. Isee Mail (9 March 1920): Globe (9 March
1920 .

 

 

 

Add: [the League of Nations] 29 March 1920, Board of Trade
Young Men's Club [see Globe (30 March 1920) 3].

Rev: W.R. Riddell, 01d Provin Tale : U er Canada, 1920,
CHR I (December 1920) 406-8.

Unverified Add: "The Christian as Citizen", February 1920
[at St. James Cathedral Parish House].

1921

Book: Ontario Public S hool Histor of Canada, Toronto: ; 13
Ryerson Press, 1921. pp. 365. [Issued in British Columbia 5 ‘
under the title History of Canada, and in Saskatchewan a“
under the title Public SchooiHistory of Canada, Ryerson,

1921. Reprifitfid under the title Canada, a Short History,
Ryerson, 192 . [Criticized by R. Stothers, Telegpam

(16 February 1922 12: also see Mail (7 January 1922 16.]

Book: Ontario Public School Histor of En land, Toronto:
Ryerson Press, 1921. pp. viii, 384.

 

13.-23

LU7

Book: Washington and His Comrades in Arms, a Chronicle of

the War of Independence, Chronicles of America Series, XII,
New Haven: Yale University Press, 1921. pp. xii, 295.

Book: The United States and Canada, a Political Study,
Wesleyan University, George Slocum Bennett Foundation
lectures, second series, 1919-1920. New York and Cincin-
nati: Abingdon Press, 1921. pp. 191.

Add: [Canada's political development] 21 March 1921
Hamilton Canadian Club [see Herald 22 March 1921)].

Add: [on France before and after the war] to McAll Mission

 

[see The Evening Teleggam (1 April 1921 18].
Rev: H.G. Wells, The Outline of Histor Bein a Plain
History of Life and Mankind, 2 Vols., CHR 2 (June 1921)
190-92.
Rev: Victor Ross, A History of the Canadian Bank of Commerce, L

with an Account of the other Banks which now form Part of its t
Qggagiggyipp, Vol. I. CHR 2 September 1921 290-9 . ,

 

Add: "The Framework of Government in Canada", 19 October
and 2 November 1921, Bankers' Educational Association.

Published in Journal 0 the Canadian B ers' Association
[Capadian Bankerl 29 (January 1922) 219-26.

Let: "Initiation Rites", Varsipy 41 (14 November 1921) [see
also "Professor Wrong on Initiations", UTM 22 (December 1921)

96].
Art: "Democracy in Canada", CHR 2 (December 1921) 315-32.

Add: "Canada, a Nation", 11 December 1921, Labor Forum
[see Mail (12 December 1921) 5].

Unverified Add: ca. 6 May 1921, Lindsay Red Cross.

Unverified Add: [Canada's status] 1921, Montreal Women's
Club. ,

Unverified Add: "Canada as a Nation" (Runnymede Travel Club?)
Toronto [1921-22 Extension Department Lecture Series]. &
1922

Add: "The Washington Conference", 31 January 1922, Convocation
Hall [see ”Who Say Frenchmen Lack Humour?", Globe (1 February

1922) 9- Tele ram (1 February 1922) 10: Mail (1 February
1922) 4]. (Address on same tOpic given to Electric Club,

D-24

290

8 February 1922, and College Heights Women's Educational
Association, 1 March 1922: see Mail(9 February 1922) 5

and clippings in University of Toronto Archives, Biograph-
ical File.]

About: "The Spotlight", Star (1 February 1922) 6.

Add: 10 February 1922 [first meetin Of graduate students:
see Varsity 41 (13 February l922)l].

Let: "The Empire's Title Deeds", Globe (16 February 1922)
4 [commenting on Churchill's speechl.

Add: "Canada's present position in the British Empire",
27 February 1922, Board of Trade rung Men's Club [Mail r
(28 February 1922) 7]. :

Rev: E.G. Burnett, ed., Letters of Members of the Continental 3
Conggess, Vol. I, CHR 3 (March 1922) 68-72. ‘

Add: "The History of the Church of England". 7 March 1922,
St. Barnabas' Church [Globe (8 March 1922) 15].

 

Add: "Canada and the Problem of Assimilation", 12 March 1922, '"
Temple Centre of Holy Blossom Synagogue [Stag (13 March 1922)
: Mail (13 March 1922) 4: Globe (13 March 1922) 11].

Wrong commented on the daily press as an influence of-

assimilation, and stated that fifteen minutes a day was

enough time to spend on that kind of reading. See editorial

comments Tele am (18 March 1922) 24 and (27 March 1 22)

16: Star (16”March 1922) 6: Globe (14 March 1922) 4.

 

Add: [Response to toast "The Empire"] 24 April 1922, St.
George's Society [Globe (25 April 1922) 13].

Let: [on prohibition in Canada: originally sent to the
New Statesman] Social Welfare 4 (May 1922) 177-8.

Rev: Major General R.H. Mahon, The Life of General, The
Hon. James Murrayl a Builgerigi Canada: with a bio a hioal
sket h of the famil of Murra of Elibank, CHR 3 (June 1922)
195-99-

Rev: Sir J. POpe, ed., Correspondence of Sir John Macdonald,
First Prime Minister of the Dominion of Canada, AHR 27

July 1922 799-801.

 

 

. o
EDT”! "" “_'__ .'_~_ ,_ ., .-

Add: "International Relations and Government: 19 September
1922, Student Christian Movement Conference [Globe (20
September 1922) 3].

Let: "Regulation Seventeen", Globe (6 December 1922).

D-25

291

1923

Art: (Unsigned) [on National Student Conference, December 28,
1922- January 2. 1923] Varsity 42 (January 12, 1923) 1.

Art: "The Champlain Society", UTM 'XXIII (March 1923) 274-5.

Rev: C.H. Van Tyne, The Causeaof the War of Independence,
Bein the First Volume of the Histor of the Foundin of the
American Republic, CHR 4 (March 1923) 60-63.

Rev: O.D. Skelton, Life and Letters of Sir Wilfred Laurier
and J.W. Dafoe, Laurier, a Study in Canadian Politics, AHR
28 (April 1923) 570-73. “"'

Add: [on Francis Parkman] 17 November 1923, Canadian Authors'
Association [see Globe 19 November 1923 12].

Art: "Francis Parkman", gap 4 (December 1923) 289-303.

 

Am.

AV any 1191101 A

Rev: H.E. Egerton, The Causes and Character 9; the American
Revolution, CHR 4 December 1923 338- 2.

1924

Add: "The Present Situation in EurOpe", 15 January 1924,
Convocation Hall and CFCA radio [see Varsit 43 (16 Januar
1924) 1: Star (16 January 1924) 2 Mail (16 January 1924) 4:
HEM 24 (February 1924) 216-18]. For replies, see "Severing
with France" [editiorial]The Christian Guardian (Toronto) XCV
(23 January 1924) 4: and interview by Rev. Capt. J.B. Paulin,
Star (16 January 1924) 28.]

Add: "Student Conditions in Euro e", 16 January 1924 [see
Vapsity 43 (17 January 1924) 1].

Art: "Our Legislative Mills. VIII. A Contrast: the single

house legislature of Ontario", National Municipai Review,
XIII (March 1924) 169-72.

Add: "The EurOpean Situation", 13 March 1924. Published in '
Empirg Club of Canada, Agdrespes Delivarad to the Membars ;,
during the Year 192 , Toronto: Macoomb, 1924, 125-35. v'

Add: 25 April 1924, Women's Canadian Club, Toronto[see

Globg (26 April 1924) 18: and "Historical Truths and Patriotism"
Canadian Magazine 63 (September 1924) 319-20].

 

Add: "Prospects of Peace in EurOpe", 28 April 1924, Methodist
Ministerial Association [see Globe (29 April 1924) 14].

D-26

292

Add: [election in the United States] 4 November 1924, Alumni
Federation lecture [see Varsity 44 (5 November 1924) l:
Globe (5 November 1924) 11- Mail (5 November 1924) 5: pay
25 (December 1924) 113-114].

Add: "The teaching of the history and geography of the British
Empire", August 1924, British Association for the Advancement
of Science. Published in CHR 5 (December 1924) 297-313.

Add: "That in the interests of society the truth of history
should sometimes be perverted" debate, 10 December 1924
[see Varaity 44 (11 December 1924) 1, 4].

Rev: J.C. Bracq The Evolution of French Canada, CHR 5 (<1-
(December 1924) 365-61» [

Add: "The Evolution of the Foreign Relations of Canada",
29 December 1924, American Historical Association [published
in CHR 6 (March 1925) 4-14].

 

1925 7 J

Art: "An Appreciation",Eiien Mapy Knox, Toronto: Havergal
College, 1925, pp. 33-39.

Rev: C.M. Andrews, The Colonial Bapkggound of tha American
Ravoiution: Four Essays on American Opionial History,

and A. Nevins, The American States durin and after the
Revolution, 1225-1289, CHR 6 (March 1925; 71-4.

Add: "The two races in Canada", 21 May 1925. Published in
Canadian Historical Association, Annual Report (1925) 21-7.

 

About: "Le Prof. Wrong et l'Unité Nationale", La Droit
(Ottawa), 8 July 1925 [re: Wrong, speech in Orillia by
Sir George Foster, and Association Canadienne-Francaise
d'Education d'OntariO]. ’

Art: "Opinion in Canada", New Statesman XXV (4 July 1925)
330-32 and Star (18 July 1925). [Response to Harold Spender's -
article, "Will the Empire Hold Together?" Conteapgrary Reviaw
127 (April 1925) 409-16: Spender's reply is in New Statesmap
XXV (18 July 1925) 391-2, and Wrong's response is in Ibid.
(8 August 1925) 471-2. See also Star (22 July 1925) 8 and
(20 August 1925) 6.]

Add: 13 October 1925, Literary Society, University College
[see Varsity 45 (14 October 1925) 1].

Rev: John J. Wynne, S.J., The Jesuit Martygs of North
America: iaaac Jogges, John de Brebeuf, Gabriel Lalamont,

Noel Chabanel Anthon Daniela Charies GarnieryRene Goupil,
John Laignaa, CHR 6 (December 1925) 349-51.

D-27

 

293

Quoted: "Profisms", Varsity 45 (5 November, 26 November,
3 December, 1925).

Add: "The British and American ConstitutiOns", 26 November 1925,
Toronto Women's Liberal Association [Star (27 November 1925) 26:
Globe (27 November 1925)].

Quoted: "No Sympathy" [with those who wish to perpetrate war
feeling--re: crests in Hart House Tele am (3 December 1925) 7
[see Varsity 45 (27 November 1925 166].” "

Unverified Add: [on Sir William Osler] 1925, Northumberland
and Durham Society of Physicians.

1926

Add: "Nationalism in Canada", 20 April 1926. Published in
Journal Of the Royal Inst'tute of International Affa'rs V

(July 1926) 177-94.

Art: "The Problem of Status", Maniioba Free Preaa (Winnipeg)
(17 July 1926) 17 [editor's comment, Ibid., p. 11].

Rev: J.F. Jameson, The Amaripap Revoiution Considerad as
a Social Movament, CHR 7 September 192 250-51.

Art: égTfle Debts to the United States", Globe (27 September
192 .

 

 

 

Add: [recommends students spend less on cigarettes, more on
books] see Varsity 46 (4 October 1926) 5.

Let: "War Guilt", Globe (18 November 1926) 4.

Add: "The Need to Understand French Canada", 23 November 1926,
Women's Canadian Club, Globe (24 November 1926) 16.

Quoted: [re: Ontario Temperance Act] Mail (24 November 1926) 5.

Rev: E.C. Burnett, ed., Letters 0: Mambers.of the Conti-
nental Conggess, Vol 3, 9E3 7 December 192 338- 0.

Add: "Canada's Problem of Equality with Great Britain",
9 December 1926. Published in Empire Club of Can da Addresses
Delivered to the Members Du:ing_the Year 1926, Toronto:
Hunter-Rose, 24 (1927) 299- lO.[Editorial comment on speech,
Globe (10 December 1926) 4.]

 

D-28

 

294

1927
Art: "Professor W.J. Alexander", UTM XXVII (January 1927) 151-2.
Add: "Wolfe and Montcalm" [an introduction to the film based
on his Congu§§tiginew Frapce made by Yale University Press]
24 February 1927. «[See Empire_9iub pi Canada, Addresses
Daiivegad to the Member§_During the Year 1922, Toronto:
Hunter-Rose, 1928, p. 39: Globe 25 February 1927: Star
(24 February 1927) 3. Letter criticizing ommission of Wolfe's
recitation, and Wrong's reply, Star 5 March 1927.]

Rev: J.J. Jusserand, et. al., The Writing of History: John
Fortescue, The Writin Of Histor : and John Buchan,
Homiiies and Regreations, CHR 8 (March 1927) 56-60.

Rev: B.L. Pierce, Public 0 inion on the Teachin of Hi tor
in the Upiteintates. CHR 8 (March 1927) 60-62.

Rev: Cecil Headlam, ed., Calendar of St te Pa ers: Co oni
Series, America angyWest Indies, CHR 8 (March 1927) 56-66.

Rev: Brig. Gen. Sir Percy Sykes, The Rigpt Honourable Sir 1
Mortimer Durand, a Bioggaphy, CHR March 1927 7 -77. L-

About: "Prof. G.M. Wrong to Retire from University Faculty".
Stay (9 March 1927) 12.

iii! 71‘.

‘ “Vs‘I-i‘I-‘Ja‘ t ’7‘

Add: "The Historian's Problem", May 1927, Presidential
Address. Published in Canadian Historical Association

Report (192?) 5-7.

Art: "Problems issuing from Confederation", 12 May 1927.
Published in Addresse Delivered Before Canadian Club of
Toronto. Season of 1922-28 XXV (1927) 3-13.

Art: "Canada's Sixty Years of Confederation", Current
History XXVI (August 1927) 721-6. ""“'"”

Rev: John Squair, Tha Townghipa oi DagiipngQ apg Qiapka,
in ludin Bowmanvi le and N w a tle Prov'n e of Ontario
Cagada, CHR 8 September 1927 2 2- .

1928

Book: The Rise and Fall of New France, 2 volumes, Toronto:
Macmillan, 1928.

About: "Modern Makers of Canada--Prof. G.M. Wrong",
Manitoba Free Preaa (25 January 1928) 13.

Rev: C. Wittke, A HistoryOf Canada. AHR 34 (April 1929) 631-33.

 

About: [recent trip to EurOpe] Star (21 April 1928) 4.

D-29

295

Rev: J.L. Morison, The Ei hth E of El ' : a ch er in
Nineteenth Century Imperial History, CHR 9 (June 1928) 175-8.

Debate; [aodern journalism] 31 October 1928 [Globe (1 November
1928 1

‘Rev: W.T. Waugh, James Wolfe Man and Soldier: J.T. Findlay.
Wolfe in Scotland in the '45 and from 1249 to 1253, CHR 9
(December 1928) 341-5.

1929
Book: (with Chester Martin and W.N. Sage) The Stor of
Canada, Toronto: Ryerson, 1929. pp. xii, 380. [Wrong {--
wrote: Part I, "When Canada was New France", Part II, 4

"Canada as a British State", and Part V, "Our Own Times". ;
Many portions are revisions of Wrong's Ontario Public School '

History of Canada, Ryerson, 1921.]

Book: Britain's History, Toronto: COpp Clark. 1929. pp. vii, 396.
[Revised version of Ontario Pubiic School History of Englan ,
Ryerson, 1921.]

 

Add: "Canadian Historical Backgrounds". 20 January 1929,
Canadian Authors' Association [see Globe (21 January 1929):
Maii (21 January 1929) 5].

Add: "Canadian History as a Background for Canadian Literature",
26 January 1929, Canadian Literature Club [see Mail (28
January 1929) 5].

Rev: G.B. Parks, Eichagd Hakluyt and the English Voyages,
edited with an introduction by J.A. Williamson, CHR 10
(June 1929) 159-60.

Rev: C.H. Van Tyne, The War of Independence: American Phase,

Vol. II of A History of tha Founding of the American
Repubiic: and W.C. Abbott, New York in the American

Revolution, CHR 10 (September 1929 250-53.

Rev: J.H. Rose, ed., The Cambridge History of the British .
Empire, Vol. I, The Old Em ire from the be innin s to l 8 , '
CHR 10 (September 1929) 259-61. 9;

Rev: J. Holland Rose, ed., The Cambridge History of the British

Empire, Vol. I, The Old Em ire from the Beginnings to 1283,
AHR 35 (October 1929) 103-5.

 

D-BO

296

1930
About: [recent trip to China] Star (10 January 1930) 2.

Add: [China and Japan] 27 Januar 1930, Foreign Affairs Club
[see Varsity 49 [misnumbered 48] (28 January 1930) 1-2] .

Add: [Institute Of Pacific Relations] 27 January 1930
Foreign Affairs Club [see Varsity 48 (28 January 1930) 1-2].

Add: "The Position of Canada in the Relations of the British
Empire with the United States", February 1930, Cleveland,
Ohio. [RBD].

Rev: H.H. Langton, Sir Daniel Wilson: A Memoir, CHR 11
(March 1930) 63-66.

Add: [Conference on Pacific Relations] 24 March 1930, Board
of Trade Club [see Mail (25 March 1930) 5].

Add: "What Would Unitedifiates Naval Parity with Great Britain
Mean for Canada?", 10 April 1930. Published in
Em ire Club of Canada Addresses Deliverag to the Members

Durin the Year 1930, Toronto: Hunter-Rose, XVIII, 1931.
153-34
6].

 

. [see Globe 11 April 1930) 14: Telegyam (11 November 1930)

 

Rev: W.C. Abbott, New York in th Americ RevolutiOn- and
C.H. Van Tyne, The War of Inde endence: American Phase
being the second volume of A Historyygi the Founding of the
American Re ublic, 9E3 11 (September 1930) 250-53.

 

 

 

Add: "How Democracy is Working in Canada", 2 November 1930.
Canadian Club of Ottawa [see Globe (3 November 1930) 1].

Rev: J.B. Condliffe, Probiams ofythe Pacific 1929: Proceedings
0 th Third Conference of th Institute of Pa 'f'

RelationsyNara and K oto Ja an, October_23 to November 9,
19 9, CHR 11 (December 1930) 361-2.

1931

 

 

 

Rev: G. Hanotaux, et. a1., Histoire d s Colonies Francaise
et de l'Eannsion de la France dang ie Monde, AHR 36'(January
1931 372- .

Add: [on French Canada] 14 January 1931, Lyceum Club and
Women's Art Association [Globe (15 January 1931) 14: Mail
15 January 1931].

D-3l

IWUM 1‘3“- lm: Amm'

A
a

Add: "Our Present Outlook", 6 November 1931, Alumni Association,

University College. Published in UTM XXXII (December 1931)
107-13. .

Rev: Shane Leslie, Memoir of John Edward Courtenay Bodley,
CHR 12 (December 1931)-445-6.

1932

Let: "CanadiansPuzzled", The New York Times (25 November 1932)
14. [Comments on prOposals by W.G. McAdoo and P. G. Ten Eyck
that England should cede territory.]

Add: "The Historian and Society", December 1932, American
Historical Association. Published in CHR 14 (March 1933) 4-8.

Unverified Add: "Recent Discoveries in Canadian History",
18 February 1932, [U Of T Broadcasting Program].

1933
Rev: H.P. Biggar, ed., The Works of Samuel de Cham lain,
Vol, IV, 1608-1620, AHR 38 (January 1933) 319-320.

Add: "Our Defective Civilization", 11 March 1933. Canadian

Club of Ottawa [see Star (16 March 1933)] [includes introductory
remarks by the President]. RBD]

r‘ .0 111-zaps.“ mm! m gamma—aha: {:34

‘4 ix.

AdE: iCanada'sPresent Outlook", (April?) 1933, radio address.
RBD

Rev: Allen French, General Gage's Informers: New Material upon
Lgxington and Concord, Benjamin Thompson as Loyalist and The
Treachery of Benjamin Church, Jr.: and E.C. Burnett, ed.,

Letters 0 Members Of the Cont'nental Con ess, Vol. VI, CHR
14 (September 1933) 325-27.

Rev: E.W. Spaulding, Ne Yor in the Crit'cal Period 8 -
i289, CHR 14 (September 1933) 327-8.

Add: "Revolution and Reaction", 9 September 1933 [a paper .2
read before the Liberal-Conservative summer school, Newmarket]. a;

Published in Canadian Probiams: as sean by Twenty Outstanding
Men of Canada. Toronto: Oxford, 1933. 3-1 .
Add: "Three great democracies--after many years", 16 September

1933, dedication of the Carillon Bridge Monument, Ticonderoga.
Published in New York History XV (January 1934) 27-30.

D-32

298

Add: [the relation to EurOpe of foreign policies of Great
Britain and the United States] (November 1933?) radio
address. [RBD] ‘

Add: "Britain and United States Foreign Policies", 28 November
1933, radio address under the auspices of the National Council
of Education [see Star (28 November 1933) 20].

1934

Add: "The background of the Loyalist movement, 1763-1783",
17 February 1934, Ontario Historical Society, Trinity College.
Published in Ontario History XXX (1934) 171-80.

Rev: Tyler Bennett, John Hay: From poepgy to politics, CHR 15
(June 1934) 207-09. “‘

Add: "The Historian's Interest in Museums" 1 June 1934,
Museums Association of America, Toronto. RBD]

Rev: Paul Van Der Vrecken de Bormans, René de Kerallein, i849-
1928: Biogpaphie: and Correspondanpe ge Ren de Kerailein,

1889-1928, Vol. I, 9E3 15 September 1934 31 -15.

Art: "What has befallen us?", Univaraity of Toronto Quarterly
4 (October 1934) 34-54.

Let: "Bad Manners", Star (3 October 1934) 6 [correctin Star
artigfie re: N.M. Butler article on manners, see Star 2 October
193 .

 

1935

Book: Canada and the American Revolution: The disruption of
the first British Em ire, Toronto: Macmillan. 1935. pp. xii.
497. Reprinted 1968, COOper Square Publishers, New York.

Add: Introduction to "The Historical Background of Present
Problems and Attitudes", 19 June 1935, Conference on Canadian-
American Affairs at the St. Lawrence University. Published

in Proceedings, W.W. McLaren, A.B. Corey. and R.G. Trotter,
eds., Boston: Ginn and Company, 1936. 129-31.

1936
Art: "The beginnings of historical criticism in Canada: A

retrospect, 1896-1936". gap 17 (March 1936) 2-8 [editor's
comment, Ibid., 1-2].

D-33

 

299

1937

Rev: Andre Siegfried, Canada, translated by H.H. Hemming
and D. Hemming, CHR 18 (September 1937) 327-9.

1938

Book: The Canadians: The Story of a People, Toronto:
Macmillan, 1938. pp. x, 455.

 

Pamphlet: The Chronicle of a Famil (a mimeographed pamphlet
"for private use only"), 1938. pp. v, 62.

Rev: J.C. Webster, 'Thomas Pickon' The Spy of Beauséjour:
an account of hiacareer in Europe and_America with man
original documents, translated by A. Webster, 9E9 19(March
1938) 70-l.

 

 

 

About: [Fiftieth anniversary of Department of Political
Economy] [see Varsity 57 (11 March 1938) l, 4].

1939

About: Chester Martin, "Professor G.M.Wrong and History in

Canada", in Ralph Flenley, ed. Essays in Canadiap History

Presentea to George Mackinnon Wrong for his Eightieth
Birthday, Toronto: Macmillan, 1939. pp. 1-23.

Ed: Tha Long Journay to tha Country of the Hurons, by
Father Gabriel Sagard, translated by H.H.Langton, Toronto:

Champlain Society, 1939. pp. xii, 411.

Art: "The Historical Background", Canada, London: The London
Times, 1939, 11-12. [Reprinted from "The Canada Number" of
The Times (London (15 May 1939)].

Art: "The Foundin [of Ridley College]". Acta Ridleiana
(Christmas, 1939 13-21.

1940

Trans: A. Siegfried, What the British Em ire Mean to Western
Civilization (Oxford Pamphlets on World Affairs, No. C4)

Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1940. pp. 28.

0-34

”F l “..'-m. .‘mrAH-fim m -V’fi

I...

..‘. L

300

Art: "Is the U.S. fooled about this war?", Saturday Night
LV (3 February 1940) 3.

About: [FerguaNews-Recora (8 February 1940)]

About: [A.R. Ford "Over the Week-End"] London Evening Free
Press 29 January 1940).

 

D-35

 

APPENDIX E

Textbooks by Wrong Walls ace and Br rovm Autho

ed
to or Use in Elementary and Secondary Schools in Canada1

USED IN SCHOOLS TH

 

 

 

PRINTINGZ APPROXIMATE?
AUTHOR AND TITLE PUBLISHER DATE HISTORY SALES NF PEI E NJ QUE NT MAN SASK ALTA E
G.M. WRONG
The British Nation Appleton 1903 l906.07&10 100,000
The British Nation Morang 1904 1918“ 1904-11 71905-10 21905-22
Ontario High School History Morang 1911 rev. & 1926-T) (1927) 1912-22 1922.27? 1922.27? 1922.277 1922.279
Of:nd515fl enlarged 71925
1922.24l27
An English History by E.S. COpp 1905 1908-26 1910-92
Symes. Adapted for use in
Canadian Elementary Schools
An Introductory History Macmillan 1909 719114-30
ofE nlan :15
Ontario Public School Ryerson 1921 13th 1926 (1923-1’) 1921—29 1936?
History of Eng and
Britain' a History COpp Clark 1929 13th 1939 1929-39
Ontario Publica School Ryerson 1921 14th 1926 (1923-7) 1921-29 1925-29 1921.211?
Hism Dry of Cu
Canada: A Short aHistory Ryerson 1924 8th
WRONG, MARTIN AND SACE"
The Story of Canada Ryerson 1929 14th 1946 1956-55 1929112; 1930-16 (1013)
719
W.S. WALLACE
A New History of Great Macmillan 1925 "V' 1931 120.000 19221928—42?
Brita in and Canada 18th 1949 (1938— 4].)
A First Book of Canadian Macmillan 1928 16th 1944 520.000 1923-1“:
Hist
A Hi::ory of the Canadian Copp Clark 1930 18th 1943 1930-45
People
A Reader in Canadian Civics Macmillan 1935 10th 1946 190.000 1936-51 (1937_:,0)
GEORGE W. BROWN7
Building the Canadian Nation Dent 1942 rev. “4 600.000 71950-59 1954-56 71948-67 1954-711945—59 (1946-65) 1950-60 1943-69
4890.158, 64 (Protestant
h1957 Sc hool:
4th 1961 only)
Canadian Democracy in Action Dan: 1945 6th 1947 50.000 (1946—51) (1946-53) 19“">-°6
rev. 1951
ed. 195‘
EROWN HARMON. JEANNERETq
The Story,“ Emma Com: Clark 1949 (USO—58) 1946-65” 1951—? 1951.60 1951—66
tle His ‘Jopp Clark 1952
(Ello:lanu.fi t: ms.)
Canadao in North America Copp Clark 1960 (1946-65)
180
Canada in North America COpp Clark 1961 rev. 1967 730.000 (1946—65)
1800-1W9
BROWN, CAREiESS can; hm9
Canada and the Americas Dent 1953 7th 1953 150,000 1954—62
Canada and the World Dent 1933 5th 1960 150.000 1955—7O
Canada 1nd the Commonwealth Dent 1953 6th 1058 150.000 (1953—65) 1055—67
LEGEND
v The senfind book was a revision of the first.
( ) Not the only text luihollzed or uncertain 1f au‘horl: =d
NOTES:
0
Thi list represent s mlninum use of books ty Urrns s. In “1 toria. 5.3. Public Library, accordil to th 2.? 1 881” H n
Wallwce 1nd Dr ”W . Infernatio on outside of Onta rio ~as obta.n ed in the National Library. Cttaw lg e 1 a ogue Jeannerot. ”Snip 3123:: gpégare§t{hermgnsagrfpzrazg.53821J3fjh
correlno nden ”s with Depa artment s ol hEdugatinn‘and Univel'slty 5 it to Brown. whose B d the gin mprOVLdZS much
Libraries: s)me of 'he l’UQalCh was hur ad or n omo Ho Hf his book could be 1° t d th 1 th of the thPOretlcal ramework leaner Hnrmonm Into
3” ”k “s“d “Siie “ 0” '1')” °ftpn ' ad diffe'en ' ’1 ‘5' of it was inp the list of publications bgam:mberseegntg-ora :zlm5ntlnn 15 January 1° 7“
h I h t b i finxthe :nnu a; geport of the resident for tho years ending lo. 9
a column indicates t e h 3 es num n: of rep: nt ing: n Vers y o orOnto- p- JG-r A sar es arr letters net n W J. M." . C - B. T
seen. tor the latest date of re-issuex the information was obtained and Sir James Whitney. St. 92th. and R.A. F-yne ‘9: r3”; Craig (B:A.j Toggztofs Pl(\.DA MlorONtsirEhbgthflzgzgzd; 8?dthem
so of the title a e in textbook Collsptyans in the (Ontario Archives) suggest that Mug produced a manuscript Department or H sto ory. University of Toronto. Eldon P Ra
f;11°w1n%v libraries! uigeor cal CollectSOH. Ontario Department . Was no acceptedb ythe Department of Educ mi . Itp (B.A.DDalhouslel Ph. D. Toronto) was then a high school. y
u ucat . Turon to: Dougi. s ganM H3 .HO lac tion. Ontario ms :y hav 9 been used in E.C.: see F. Woodward Special rincipul in Peterborough: ho had been a reader in the
Teachers Fideration. Toronto (both to nbe donate d to On rio C01ISCPAOHI: UBC Librar/ to W.D. Meikle. 21 March 1974. Bspartmant in 1939-40. and a research assistant for Brown
InstitutlonEfor Studi :5 in Educatl:n%x Toztbo g'clgoilect ion. 6" Brown ac s as general editor of the books E p, Ray
Faculty of ducat on. n varsity o oron o: w n doom Sage (P h D Toronto 1925 ) was then ‘91 Interview 25 August 19741-J.M.S.Carel I t
' .N. , H . CM . e“. newiw.
gerontohzggliookétrrais: andp 3:31.322? an"::égggosFSE-i:_ggm5?ucau0n- s'. h- Universny of British Columbia. Chester Martin («‘59 25 “3’“ 197”-

Tcro nto. also had copies of Wrong 5 text teaching at 4' Uni/Ersity of Manlto chat in tl929h ho becamg

Head of the Department of Histor ry at Tar ran 05" C.W. Wood OH O. Meikle. 21 September 197] and
2 October 1973. The s:cond letter was in res ones 0 my
:32 figures were obtained from royalty records courtesy _ ‘. P
of Macmillan of Hanad J. Li Dent and Sons. ud Eleanor Harnon. by McF:d:::- Est??? 1“ 2 V01UME Riverback. published in 196 query regarding Ch! dat NO I xplanwtion was offs bred
.._
//’//

 

 

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L" H".
3' ‘
h.

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:3
Q
4.

..‘lb
..
,

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I

A

l

I

‘I

i
F
If
,'
, d.‘
A 3|?
.
V

l
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'll’!

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is“
ML}. sguim

 

APPENDIX 3

Ph.D. and M.A. Degrees Granted in History in Canadian Universitiesl
First Ph.D. First M.A.
in History Author ;n Higtorv Author
Queen's 19212 U.m. Macdonnell 1911 J c. Macfarlane
Toronto 1925 N.B. Kerr 1393 G.S. Sinclair
W.N. Sage V I. Perry
Ottawa 1937 1910
McEill 1938 J.I. Cooper 1922 E.M. Harbert
Laval l9u8
Alberta 196% Y.F. Zoltvany i911? B.L. Hill
McMaster 1968 J.M. Craton 1397+ 8.3. Tarr
Western 1963 C. Farrell 1912 A.S. Vroman
Saskatchewan 1963 C.C. White 191“ S.M. Weir
xaritoo 196* T.J. Kupp 1922 2.x. Finlayson
L. Shere
British Columbia 1963 H.A. Leach 1926 3. Stevens
C
Ialhousie 1971 A. Osuntckun 1907’ J.F. Smith
K. '~'enkatarum 3.1.. McCain
Guelph 1971 1966
Carleton 1975(est) 1958 W.D. Atkinson
Waterloo 1975(est) 1965 S.J. Fischer
Sir George 1975(est) 1968(3)
Williams
(Concordia)
New Brunswick -- 13926 E. Barker
Acadia -- 1935 C.M. Brown
J.D. MacLellan
Mount Allison -- 1939 E.T. Trenholm

This information was obtained from the various universities involved.
Several theses were granted in historical subjects well before a department
of history was formed: this may account for the many discrepancies between

   
      

iUniversity

1031-13L6 (1947 and H.P.
Kentucky. 1965 and 1972).

u)

second Ph.D. in history was granted by Queen's in 1931. and the third
1963.

second M.A. in history was granted by Alberta in 1923.
second M.A. in history was granted by McMaster in 1910.
third M.A. in history was granted by Dalhousie in 1927.
second M.A. in history was granted by New Brunswick in 1939.

33‘
C.

O

F u

.3 0-3 .3 r3 Hui
: I)“ D“ 3)‘
Q 0 (I

(h \H
Y
0

302

. :1. ..J. U "a
' I
I}

.‘ -

Fri ‘1‘ ~50? t- : wf'€(§~77‘?:: 4.

APPENDIX 3

3(33

Selected History Departments in Canada and Potential Toronto Influence

Shiversitv

Memorial

Prince of Hales
College

St. Francis
Xavier

Dalhousie

New Brunswick
BishOps
McGill

Ottawa
Carleton

Queen's

Trent
York

McMaster

Waterloo

Western
United
Saskatchewan

Alberta

British
Columbia

Head of the
Department

of History

A03.
D.C.

C.C.

. Banting

'ilson

. M. MacDonnell
. MacLean

Waite
Bailey
Masters
Bayley

J. Monet
E.M.L. Farr

H.E.
J.A.

W.R.
3.A.

Neatby
Leith

Graham
Wilson

. McInnis (acting)
. McInnis (Glendon)

L. Hertzman (acting)
L. Hertzman
S. Eisen

P.D.

“Us.

CC".
R.W.
G.S.

Stevens

Wallace

New
McCready
French

E. Cappadocia

P.G.

Cornell

K.A. MacKirdy
J.F.H. New
H. MacKinnon

A.G.

Dorland

A.R.M. Lower

E.H.

F.H.
A.S.
G.W.
I N.

A.L.

G.M.

Oliver

Underhill
Morton
Simpson
Lambi

Burt
Smith

Eastman
Sage

Soward
Prang

1951-53

1960-64
1965-71
1960-68
1938-69
l9un-66
1961-66
1972-

1952-53
1970-73

1965-73

1973-76
1965'72
1962-63
1966-63
1967-69
1969-70
1971-7u
197%-

1910-20

1920-50
l961-6h
1969—70
1975-

1960-67
1967-68
1969-7“
l975-

1920-56
1929-“7
1909-lb

1914

i91u-uo
1940-58
1969-7u

1921-30
1931-96

1919-32

i932-53
1953-63
1974.

~vv~Vt

Prior Relationship
with the University
of Toronto

Ph.D. (incomplete)

Ph.D.. 1959
mvoe lgus

Ph.D.. 1966
Ph.D.. 195“

Ph.D.. 1934
B.A.. 1930: M.A.. 1931
Staff (History) 1932-33
Ph.D.. 1964

M.S.. 1946
Ph.D.. 1956

B.A.. 1953: Staff (History)
1955-563 Ph.D.. 1961

M.A.. 19u5: Ph.D.. 1950
Ph.D.. 1959

B.A.. 1923: Staff (History)
1928-52

B.A.. 1949

B.A.. 1950

B.A.. 1962: M.A.. 1963:
Ph.D.. 1966

B.A.. 1906; Staff (History)
1910-30

Ber' 1903

M.A.. 1990

M.A.. 1997: Ph.D.. 1958

M.A.. 1947

M.A.. 19u8: Ph.D.. 1955
Ph.D.. 1959

Ph.D.. 1962

M.A.. 19“?

Ph.D.. 1927
B.A.. 1914: M.A.. 1923

B.A.. 1902: M.A.. 1903:
Staff (McMaster) 1905-C9

B.A.. 1911

Staff (Knox) 1912-14

M.A.. 1920

M.A.. 1954: Staff (History)
1959-61

B.A.. 1910
B.A.. 1910: Staff (History)
1912-29

B.A.. 1907 Staff (Khaki
University) 1919

B.A.. 1910’ Ph.D.. 1925

B.A., 1921

M.A.. 1953' Ph.D. 1959

 

)U‘i’

APPENDIX H

M.A. Theses Accepted by the Department of History,
1893-1940,and Occupations of the Graduates

Occupation

Perry, N.I. Monasticism. 1893. n.p. Minister
Sinclair, George. Oliver Cromwell. 1893. 79 p. Minister
*Teefey, John Read. The Life of the Rt. Rev.
Dr. de Charbonnel. 1899. 30 p. Minister F
*McCaig. James. The origin and growth of the 3
Canadian constitution. 1897. 39 p. Teacher I
*Rosenstadt, Bertha. Grievances leading to the g
Rebellion of 1837. 1899. 89 p. Teacher 5
*Clark, Gordon Mortimer. Constitutions of i
Canada. 1900. 39 p. Teacher ;
McAlpine, Robert John. Luther and the Reform-
ation up to the Close of the Diet of
Worms. 1900. 81 p. ~ Minister
*Guest, Emily Jane. The drama of the wilderness
and its chief actors. Montcalm and Levis.
1901. 60 p. Teacher
Note: The authors are listed chronologically. Where there
is more than one author in a year, the order is determined
by subject; theseson.Canadian subjects are listed first.
followed by those dealing with the United States. Great Britain,
Western EurOpe and others. Canadian subjects are preceeded
by an asterisk (*).
There are about twice as many theses listed for the
years 1991-1973 as for the years 1893-1940. The number of ;
theses done on Canadian subjects in the decade 1920-29 was g
doubled in the following decade, then remained relatively s

constant for each decade following..

This information was obtained from the catalogue
cards in the Reference Department of the University of
Toronto Library. A member of the staff estimated that their
listings represent about three-quarters of the M.A. degrees
granted. Information regarding occupation was supplied by
the Office of Statistics and Records.

H-l

Hunter, Margaret Emma. Sherman's March to the
Sea. 1901. 22 p. .

Martin, Samuel Thomas. Martin Luther and his
Place in the German Reformation. 1901.
n.p.

Tait, Murray Clayton. The Life of John Knox and
his Place in the Scotch Reformation.
1901. 65 p.

Cunningham John David. The Reformation. 1902.
l p.

*Lick, Middie. Social features of the Old
Regime in Canada. 1903. n.p.

*Mason, Laura M. Some characteristics of the
Old Regime in Canada. 1903. 39 p.

Allin, Elizabeth. The Character of Cromwell.
Illustrated by Facts in his Life.

1903. 36 p.
Gilfillan, Viola. Cromwell's religious policy.
1903. 15 p.

Masters, Charles K. Ignatius Loyola and the
Company of Jesus. 1903. n.p.

Young, James McGregor. Colonial legislatures
and the major perogatives. 1903. 16 p.

Barr, Adam Fordyce. The Suppression of the
Monasteries in the Reign of Henry VIII.
1904. 27 p.

Cochrane, Robert Balmer. John Knox: His
Character and Work. 1904. 26 p.

Carter, George Wishart. The Ethical Import
of the Reformation. 1904. 62 p.

Patterson, Robert Brunker. An Estimate of the
Influence of Continental Reform upon the
Formation of the Book of Common Prayer.

1905- 9 P-

Ross, John Charles. The Character and Work of
John Knox. 1905. 29 p.

Thomas, Janie. The Work of William Wiberforce
for the Oppressed Races of Africa and
India. 1905. 21 p.

H-2

305

Teacher

Minister

Minister
Minister
rm:

Teacher

Teacher

 

Teacher 3’
Teacher
Barrister

Barrister

Minister
Minister

Minister

Minister

Editor

Teacher

*Brownlee, Hugh Wallace. The Rebellion Losses
Bill. 1908. 67 p. . Teacher

*Goldstein, Walter Hyman. Toronto (York) in the

306

War of 1812. 1908. 74 p. Tobacconist

Perry, Thomas Henry. John Wesley and his time.
1908. 56 p. Minister

Raymond, Henry Douglas. BishOp Grosseteste and
the Monks. 1908. 21 p. Minister

Thompson, Gordon Boyce. The Kulturkam f; an
essay. 1908. Deceased, 1908. 1 1 p.

*Davis, Henry Hague. The unemployed problem in
Canada. 1909. n.p. Barrister

Davis, Mabel. The negotiations between the
British authorities in America and the
leading men of Vermont during the
years 1780-83. 1909. 93 P.

Kinder, Benjamin Allen. Newman and the Oxford

,Movement. 1909. 16 p. Minister
Foster, Minnie May. Marie Antoinette and the

French People. 1911. 118 p. Secretary
Vance, William Hugh. The last days of ArchbishOp

Cranmer. 1911. n.p. Minister
*Harvey, Winifred. The development of respon-

sible government under Sir Charles Lecturer

Bagot. 1912. 18 p. (Toronto)

McAndrew, William John. Position of the Church Minister;
of England during the Commonwealth. 1912. Professor
27 p. (Toronto)

Carrie, Cyril Richard. The Relation of Christian-
ity to the Social and Political Organiza-
tions of the First Five Centuries. 1912.
n.p. Minister

Stuart, Cecil James Scott. The Revival of the
Religious Life in the Anglican
Communion. 1912. 56 p. Minister

deFallot, Carl. Japan, the Revolution of 1868;
its causes. 1912. Deceased, 1915. 57 p.

Bracken, George Robert. Francis and Papacy.
1913. 18 p. Minister

H-3

 

Hiscocks, Henry Griffin. Some ecclesiastical
aspects of the Age of Charlemagne.

1913. 26 p.

Rogers, Howard Orvan. The History of Authority,
Civil and Ecclesiastical, from the Fifth
to the Seventeenth Century. 1913. 31 p.

*Harstone, Jean Emily. The early history of
the county and town of Peterborough and
of Lakefield and Rice Lake. 1914. n.p.

Trotter, Elizabeth Eleanor. The Case of Warren
Hastings. 1914. 35 p.

Wallace, William Fulton. Constitutional Experi-
ments under the Commonwealth and the
Protectorate. 1914. 86 p.

*Blake, Edward Hume. The Northwest Rebellions.
1916. 210 p.

*Paterson, Gilbert Clarence. History of the
Crown Lands Department of Upper Canada
from 1791 to 1837. 1916. 161 p.

McGillivray, Charles Roy. The Deistic Movement
in England. 1696-1739. 1916. 50 p.

*Cowan, Donald Ross Grant. History of the Inter-

colonial and Prince Edward Island Rail-
ways. 1918. 276 p.

*Marr, George Jack. The effect of Confederation

on the trade of the Maritime provinces of

Canada. 1918. 151 p.

*Rife, Clarence White. Loyalist Types of the
American Revolution. 1918. 191 p.

Mills, Lennon Algernon. Anglo-Russian diplomatic

relations 1875-1907. 1918. 331 p.

Moir, Hester Wesley (Young). Oliver Cromwell and
the Commonwealth of England, Scotland and

Ireland, and the Dominions thereunto

belonging, from the first of January 1675

307

Minister

Minister

"Editor

Teacher

Minister

Company
Manager

School
Inspector;
Professor
(Toronto)

Minister

Professor
(Michigan)

Professor
(Hamline)

Professor

to the third of September 1658. 1918. 86 p.

*McCarthy, Lilian Pearl. Patronage in Canadian
Politics. 1919. n.p.

H-h

Journalist

 

‘g i5m~flul ‘—'
. .
.

*McGeachy, James Burns. The Imperial Conference
and Canadian Policy. 1919. 231 p.

Noonan, Aileen. The problem of self-government
for India. 1919. n.p.

*Manzer, Robert Howard. Why British Columbia
entered Confederation. 1920. 97 p.

Wrong, Margaret Christian. Religion and Society
in the 14th Century in England. 1920.
118 p.

*Dunham, Aileen. The Constitutional Act, with
special reference to its application in
Upper Canada. 1921. n.p.

*Shepherd, Eva Pearl.
1921. n.p.

The captains of militia.

*Smith, Elizabeth Hamilton Patricia. The Quebec

Act. 1921. 163 p.

*Scott, Seaman Morley. The Executive Power in
Canada. 1922. 329 p.

Smillie, Emmaline Eva. The problem of equality
for East Indians within the Empire.

1922. 77 p.

*Lower, A.R.M. A History of the Canadian Timber
and Lumber Trade prior to Confederation.

1923. n.p.

*McDougall, John Lorne. The Welland Canal to
1841. 1923. 134 p.

Kerr, Wilfred Brenton. The reign of terror.
1923. 166 p. '

*Hill, Edward Albert. The extension of the
Canadian treaty-making power. 1924.

277 P-

*MacFar1ane, E. A. The history of Hudson Bay
fgom earliest times until 1713.1924.
l 8 p.

*McClenaghan, Jean Victoria. The administration

in Canada of Lord Dalhousie. 1924. 169 p.

H-S

Journalist;
Broadcastor

Teacher

School
Principal

Secretary,
Christian
Federation

Instructor

Crown Life
Insurance:
Department
of Welfare

 

External
Affairs

Teacher
Professor
(Queen's)

Professor
(Queen's)

Professor
(Buffalo)

Teacher

Social
Worker

309

*Murray, Jean Elizabeth. A study of the native
peOples who dwelt in the St. Lawrence
region at the time of its discovery
and earliest exploration. 1924. 109 p. Teacher

Bell, Harold James. The Tudor Navy and its
contribution to early British explor-
ation in America. 1924. 147 p. Minister

Gallagher, Ernest Otto. The deve10pment of
utilitarianism as a social phiIOSOphy in
England during the 19th Century. 1924.

 

n.p. Minister

*Macdonald, Adelaide Helen Grant. The clergy Deputy F=~
reserves in Canada to 1828. 1925. 87 p. Director, +

UNICEF

Hampson, Dorothy. The men, aims and principles
of the second Paris commune. 1925. n.p. Teacher

Smith, Waldo Edward Lovel. Aspects of the .
relations of church and state, with ;j
illustrative material from Scottish Professor "
History. 1926. 136 p. (Queen's)

*Phelan, Margaret Josephine. Introduction to
the Calendar of the Robert Baldwin

Correspondence. 1928. 89 p. Librarian

*Pollard, James Richard Alton. Luther Principal

Hamilton Holton, 1817-1880. 1928. 174 p. (Williams
College)

*Stewart, Jean Cram. Simcoe as statesman and
administrator. 1928. 151 p. Teacher

*Cassels, Cecil Gillespie. The Canada First
Party. 1929. 72 p. Teacher

*MacCallum, Helen Mary. The influence of trans-
portation on the movement towards
Canadian federation 1840-1867. 1929. 43 p.

*Hatfield, Gregory Doane Haliburton. The admin-
istration of Lord Dalhousie in Nova
Scotia. 1931. 108 p. Teacher

*Killam, Kathleen Eleanor. Lord Dalhousie's
administration in Nova Scotia. 1931.

153 P-

*Masters, Donald Campbell Charles. William
Hamilton Merritt and Canadian Trade.
1931. 136 p.

Muckle, Alice May. Sir Francis Hincks and
political reform in Canada 1838-1848.
1931. 70 p.

*Riddell, Robert Gerald. The influence of
United States precedent upon Dominion
land policy, 1870-1930. 1931. 180 p.

*Baldwin, Robert MacQueen. Private papers of
Robert Baldwin. 1933. n.p.

BishOp, Dorothy Louise. The DeveIOpment of
land communication in the western part
of Upper Canada to 1840. 1933. 96 p.

*Gilroy, Marion Elizabeth. The loyalist experi-
ment in New Brunswick. 1933. 106 p.

*Holmes, John Wendell. Border relations between
Canada and the United States during the
American Civil War. 1933. 129 p.

*McEachern, Ronald Alexander. Canadian discus-
sion of the imperial relationship in the
period 1867-1880. 1933. 2 vol.

*Todd, John Bigelow, Sir John Schultz and the
Canadian expansionists agitation at
Red River, 1862-1871. 1933. 99 P.
Deceased 1936.

*Warshaw, Leo. The economic forces leading to a
cgntralized federalism in Canada. 1933.
2 7 p.

Coleman, Mary Electa. Naval rivalry, the
focus of Great Britain's diplomatic
relations with Germany, 1900-1914.

1933. 198 p-

*Baldwin, John Russell. Canada and the inter-
national political a eements of the
post-war period, 191 -1932. 1934. 220 p.

*Gould, Ernest Clarke. Relations between Nova

Scotia and the United States (1854-
1870). 1934. 137 p.

H-7

310

Professor
(Bisho s,
Guelph)

Teacher

Professor
(Toronto);

External Affairs

Teacher

Teacher

Librarian

Can. Inst.
Int. Affairs

Editor

Lecturer
(Toronto)

Goodyear
Tire

Lecturer
(Manitoba);
Editor

 

*Smith, Goldwin Albert. The Treaty of Washing-
ton; a chapter in Canadian national
deve10pment. 1934. 149 p. '

*Smith, Malcolm Stewart. The genesis of
Canadian parties. 1934. 115 p.

Cox, Parker. Liberal radicalism in England,

Sims, Elizabeth Kendal Montague. The growth of
colonial enterprise in France and
England during the Sixteenth Century
1934. 180 p.

*Hughes, Rosemary Stella Middlemore. The in-
fluence of Jacksonian democracy in Upper

*Ireland, Willard Ernest. British Columbia, the
United States, and British American
Union. 1935. 174 p.

*Patterson, Keitha Sylvia. Americanism in Upper
Canada, 1791-1812. 1935. 140 p.

*Stepler, Dorothy Hamilton. Jacksonian demo—
cracy in Upper Canada. 1935. 184 p.

Ives, Kenneth Hurst. A Study of British
foreign policy in the Balkans, 1903-
1913. 131 p. 1935.

*MacLaren, A. Margaret. Edward Blake and
imperial relations. 1935. 207 p.

*Brooks, George Gordon. The problem of defence
in Canadian policy, 1860-1865. 1936.
79 p.

*Campbell, Robert Ellis. George Brown's
attempted reciprocity treaty in 1874.
1936. 246 p.

*LeDuc, Thomas Harold. The Aroostook War in

Canadian-American relations, 1837-1841.
1936. 146 p.

H—8

31].

Professor

Lawyer

Principal
(Agricultural
College, Truro)

Lecturer
(Toronto) FF

 

 

 

Teacher

Interpreter

Health and

Welfare Dept.

Librarian

Teacher

Minister 9'

Teacher

*Martyn, Lucy Madeline Booth. The McNab in

Upper Canada; a feudal experiment in
the Maitland regime. 1936. 197 p...

Langford, Norman Frederick. Concepts and
functions of the civil state in Seven-

teenth Century New England. 1936. 146 p.

*Clark, Martha Maud Isobel. Simcoe's economic
policy. 1937. 124 p.

*Penlington, Norman. Canada's entry into the
Boer War. 1937. 191 p.

Helstrom, Carl Theodore Elias. Anglo-Russian
relations, 1890-1907. 1937. 234 p.

*Frumhartz, Esther. Reciprocity: 1860-1880.
1938. 230 p.

*Hawkins, Alice Sybil. Unofficial Hansard of
Upper Canada, 1832-1836. 1938. 223 p.

*Lawson, Murray Grant. Canada's imperial rela-

*McLean, Mary. Index to unofficial Hansard of
Upper Canada, 1820-1832. 1938. 451 p.

*Plaunt, Dorothy Reynolds Pound. The Hon.
Peter Russell and land settlement in
Upper Canada, 1796-1799. 1938. 179 P.

Carroll, Sister Mary Thomas Aquinas. Roman
Christian education in Anglo-Saxon
England. 1939. 73 P.

*Curnoe, Lorne John. John Charlton and

Canadian-American relations. 1939. 155 p.

*Greening, William Edward. The Globe and
Canadian politics, 1890-1902; a study
of the policies of the Globe and their
influence on Liberal policies. 1939.
134 p.

*Good, Robert Charles. Letter book, 1827-
1834 [of John Strachan]. 1940. 384 p.

I

H-9

J.LL

Minister;
Editor

Teacher
Professor

(Michigan
State)

Secretary

U.SOAO
Government

Librarian

College
President

Teacher

Writer

Minister

“1 «gun‘s-3;...“niwus Mex}..- . f; T!
.

*Paterson,‘William. The progressive political
movement, 1919-1930. 1940. 191 p.
Deceased 1944.

*Sanderson, Charles Rupert. Sir George Arthur,
last Lieutenant-Governor of Upper
Canada, 1838-1841. 1940. 371 p. Librarian

*Western, Maurice Alban Walter. Edward Blake
as Leader of the Opposition, 1880-1887.

1940. 288 p. Editor
*Spragge, George Warburton. The John Strachan

letter book: 1812-1834. 1940. 507 p. Teacher
McCready, Herbert William. Robert Peel's

administration of Ireland, 1812-1818. Professor

1940. 197 p. (McMaster)

H-lO

titanium. 5'. t '

r8 ~.'~ .-‘_¥I O4." ‘ifiii’nmza J

APPENDIX I

Ph.D. Degrees Granted by the Department of

314

History, 1925-1967, with Supervisors and Later

Careers of the Graduates

Modern History

Kerr, Wilfred Brenton. The Reign of Terror,
1793-94. 1925. Wilkinson.

Employment

Buffalo

Sage, Walter Noble. Sir James Doublas and British

Columbia. 1925.

Dorland, Arthur Garrett. A History of the
Society of Friends (Quakers) in Canada.
1927. Wrong.

Talman, James John. Life in the pioneer
districts of Upper Canada, 1815-1840.
1930. Wallace and Martin.

Bailey, Alfred Goldsworthy. The conflict of
European and eastern Algonkian cultures
1504-1700; a study in Canadian civili-
zation. 1934. Innis and McIlwraith.

McEachern, Ronald Alexander. Goldwin Smith.
1934. Underhill.

Conrad, Harold Everett. The Loyalist experi-
ment in New Brunswick. 1935. Martin.

Long, Dorothy Elizabeth. Edward Ellice. 1941.
Martin.

Wright, Anna Margaret. The Canadian Frontier
1840-1867. 1943. Brown.

U.B.C.

Western

Ontario Archs.

Western

U.N.B.

Financial Post

Nebraska

Note: This information was taken from University of
Toronto Doctoral Theses 1822-1962, compiled by Judy Mills
and Irene Dombra. Toronto; University of Toronto Press,
1968.) The names of the supervisors were obtained from
the School of Graduate Studies and the Department of

History; these records were not always consistent.

Information about later careers was based primarily on

reminiscences. .

The thesasrecorded here represent about half of

the theses done prior to 1975.
I-l

_ nn—u -_ ~ A.-.

 

Hughes, Henry Brackenbury Louis. Christian
missionary societies in the British
West Indies during the emancipation
era. 1944. McDougall.

Ray, Eldon Pringle. Transition to responsible
government in Nova Scotia, 1835-1864.
1945 . Martin.

Reid, John Hotchkiss Stewart. British Labour
and social politics to 1914. 1946.
McDougall.

Graham, William Roger. Sir Richard Cartwright
and the Liberal party, 1863-1896. 1950.
Underhill.

McNaught, Kenneth William Kirkpatrick. James

Shaver Woodsworth; from social gospel to

social democracy (1874-1921). 1950.
Underhill.

McKay, William Angus. The Royal Canadian
Army Medical Corps in North-west
EurOpe, 1944-45. 1951. Underhill.

Bargar, Bradley Duffee. The administration of
Lord Dartmouth in the American Depart-
ment: 1772-1775. 1952. McDougall.

Banks, Margaret Amelia. Edward Blake and
Irish nationalism, 1892-1907. 1953.
Underhill.

Moir, John Sargent. The relations of church
and state in Canada.West, 1840-1867.
1954. Creighton.

Waite, Peter Busby. Ideas and politics in
British North America, 1864-1866; a
study of opinion on the subject of
federal government. 1954. Creighton.

Cornell, Paul Grant. The alignment of
political groups in the United Province
of Canada, 1841-1867. 1955. Creighton
and Martin.

Heisler, John Phalen. Sir John Thompson,
1844-1894. 1955. Creighton.

I-2

)J-D

Peterborough
Board of
Education

United;
CAUT

Saskatchewan;
Queen's

Toronto

Toronto

South Carolina

Ontario Archs.
Western

Carleton;
Queen's
Toronto

Dalhousie

Acadia;
Waterloo

Ontario Archs.;
Public Archs.;
Historic Sites

ll! Wm Aw! nun-..‘.- a.“

‘1

3
F

L:_‘_

*

.1

“H316!

Neatby, Herbert Blair. Laurier and a Liberal
Quebec; a study in political management. U.B.C.;

1956. Underhill. Carleton
Zaslow, Morris. The deve10pment of the Mackenzie

basin, 1920-1940. 1957. Underhill and Toronto;

Careless. Western

French, Goldwin Sylvester. Wesleyan Methodism

in Upper Canada and the Maritime McMaster;
provinces; the heroic age, 1780—1855. Victoria U.
1958. Creighton (Toronto)

Bolger, Francis William Pius. Prince Edward
Island and Confederation, 1863-1873.
1959. Creighton. P.E.I.

MacKirdy, Kenneth Alexander. Regionalism;
Canada and Australia. 1959. McDougall. Waterloo

O'Keefe, Cyril Blaise. Contemporary reactions
to the Enlightenment, 1728-1762; a
study of three critical journals: the
Jesuit Journal de Trevoux, the Jansenist
Nouvelles ecclesiastigues, and the
secular Journal des savants. 1959.

 

Saunders. Loyola
Prang, Margaret Evelyn.- The political career

of N.W. Rowell. 1959. Creighton. U.B.C.
Wilson, George Alan. The political and adminis-

trative history of the Upper Canada Western;.

Clergy Reserves. 1959. Creighton. Trent

Burt, Arthur Ezekiel. The development of
self-government in Jamaica, 1884-1913.

1960. McDougall. Jamaica
Cook, George Ramsay. The political ideas of

John W. Dafoe, 1866-1944. 1960. Toronto;

Creighton. York

MacCormack, John Ronald. The Lon Parliament
House of Commons, 1643—16 8. 1960.
McDougall. St. Mary's

MacIntosh, Alan Wallace. The career of Sir

Charles Tupper in Canada, 1864—1900.
1960. Creighton.

I-3

-..on-0AA"
. \ ..
,

[C 53'. LL'T 1154 1310”.“ 1'

Kendrick, Thomas Frank James. The Church-Whig
alliance, the anti- clericalists and the
government of Sir Robert Walpole, 1727-
1737.1961.McDouga11.

Leith, James Andrews. The idea of art as
prOpaganda in France, 1750-1799: a
study in the history of ideas. 1961.
Saunders.

Uz-zaman, Waheed. Major currents of Muslim
politics in India: 1928-1940.1961.
McDougall.

Brown, Robert Craig. Canadian-American
relations in the latter part of the
nineteenth century. 1962. Creighton.

LaPierre, Laurier Joseph Lucien. Politics, race
and religion in French Canada; Joseph
Israel Tarte. 1962. Saywell

New, John Frederick Hamilton. Anglican and
Puritan; the basis of their Opposition
reconsidered. 1962. McDougall,
Piepenburg.

Brown, Lawrence Hilton. Grafton and North
Cabinets, 1766-1775. 1963. McDougall.

Daly, James William. The Royalist constitutional

position, 1641-1645. 1963.McDouga11,
Piepenburg.

Rennie, Ian Scott. Evangelicalism and English
public life, 1823- 1850. 1963. McDougall.

Monet, Jacques. The last cannon shot; a study of

French- Canadian nationalism, 1837-1850.
1964. Careless.

Olusanya, Gabriel Olakunle. The impact of the
Second World War on Nigeria's political
evolution. 1964. Thornton.

Armstrong, Frederick Henry. Toronto in
transition; the emergence of a city,
1828-1838. 1965. Careless.

Kitzan, Laurence. The London Missionary

Society in India and China, 1793-1834.
1965. Thornton.

I-4

317

Queen's Coll.
Flushing, N.Y.

Queen's

Pakistan

Alberta (at
Calgary);
Toronto

C.B.C.;
McGill
California;

Waterloo

McMaster

Laval;
Ottawa

Western

.; e I. ' ‘ .- 4-““4".. .11

 

Mackinnon, Clarence Stuart. The imperial
fortresses in Canada; Halifax and .
Esquimalt, 1871-1906. 1965. Stacey.

Buchanan, John Nyren. Charles I and the
Scots, 1637-1649. 1966. McDougall,
Piepenburg.

Dick, William Milner. Labor and socialism
in America; the Gompers era. 1966.
McNaught.

MacLean, Raymond Angus. Joseph Howe and
British-American union. 1966.
Careless, Creighton.

Merkley, Paul Charles. Reinhold Niebuhr, the
decisive years (1916-1941); a study
of the interaction of religious faith
and political commitment in an American
intellectual. 1966. Craig.

Miller, Sally Mae. Victor L. Berger and the
promise of constructive socialism, 1910-
1920. 1966. McNaught, Cairns.

Sandiford, Keith Arlington Patrick. Great

318

Alberta

Toronto;
Guelph

Toronto

St Francis
Xavier

Santa Barbara;
Carleton

Univ. of the
Pacific,
Stockton, Ca.

Britain and the Schleswig-Holstein question;

a study in diplomacy, politics, and public

opinion. 1966. Conacher, Spencer.

Stevens, Paul Douglas. Laurier and the Liberal
Party in Ontario, 1887-1911. 1966. Cook.

Barker, John Claude. The reputation of Blaise
Pascal in England and America in the
eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries.
l9 7. Saunders.

Berger, Carl Clinton. The vision of grandeur;
studies in the ideas of Canadian
imperialism, 1867-1914. 1967. Careless.

Evans, Anna Margaret. Oliver Mowat and Ontario,
1872-1896; a study in political success.
1967. Careless.

Humphries, Charles Walter. The political career
of Sir James P. Whitney. 1967. Conacher.

Kenyon, John Peter Blythe. High Churchmen and
politics, 1845-1865. 1967. Conacher.

I-5

Manitoba

York

Trent

Toronto

Guelph

Toronto

Toronto

 

Mediaeval History

Daly, Lowrie John. An essay on the political
theory of John Wyclif. 1949. Wilkinson.

Oleson, Tryggvi Julius. The Witenagemot in the
reign of Edward the Confessor. 1950.
Wilkinson.

Blackley, Frank Donald. The English episcopate
in the reign of Edward III, 1327-1377.
1952. Wilkinson.

Smyth, Edmond John. The place of Clericis
laicos in the reign of Edward I.
1953. Wilkinson.

Rowe, John Gordon. The papacy and the crusaders
in the East, 1100-1160. 1955. Wilkinson

Freeman, Alvin Zell. The nation in array; a
study of the infantry in the English
armies of Edward the First. 19 O.
Powicke.

Murdoch, Vaclav. The Wyclyf tradition. 1960.
Wilkinson.

Weber, Ruth (Sister Christina Maria). The
English Bishops, 1399-1413; their
political role in the reign of Henry IV.
1962 Wilkinson.

Sandquist,Thayron Adolph. English coronations,
1377-1483. 1963. Wilkinson.

Bruckman, John Joseph Frederick. English

coronations, 1216-1308; the edition of
the coronation ordines. 1964. Wilkinson.

I-6

319

St. Louis
University

Manitoba

Alberta

Western

 

William and (19
Mary

Kansas:
Carleton

U.S.A.

Toronto

York

320

APPENDIX J

The Professional Historian: An Extended Definition

Several historians have written on the "professional
historian" but none has made a single-minded effort to
define the concept.1 The best analysis is a pamphlet
by W. Stull Holt, The Historical Profession in the United
States (1963), but Holt concentrated on an explanation of
the term for high school teachers and the need to bridge
the gap between teachers and the university professors
who dominate the profession. Ten years earlier, Howard
Beale addressed the American Historical Association on
professional ethics and various breaches thereof; since
his comments were based on confidential information, his
essay is largely anecdotal and undocumented. John Higham's

History (1965) described the development of the profession

1The writers analysed are listed here in chronological
order. It should be noted that most are professional his-
torians; that nearly half of the comments were published in
Canada (*), and that half were made in 1965 or later.

Pollard, A.F., "Sources and Writers of English History",
Encyclopedia Britannica, 11th ed. (1911) vol. 9. 583-7.

Odum, H.W., "Pioneers and Masters of Social Science", in
American Masters of Social Science, H.W. Odum ed., New
York: Henry Holt, 1927, pp. 3-22.

*Harvey, D.C., "Canadian Historians and Present Trends in
Historical Writing", Canadian Historical Association

. =- AnnuglReport, (1930) 17-24.

*Flenley, Ralph, "Recent Trends in Historical Thought",

 

University of Toronto Quarterly, 8 (July 1939 394-402.
*Adair, E.R., "The Canadian Contribution to Historical
Science" Culture, 4 (March 1943) 63-83.
Beale, H.K., "The Professional Historian: His Theory and His

Practice" Pacific Historical Review, 22 (1953) 227-255.

J-l

 

321

in considerable detail but primarily in terms of the men
involved and their achievements, and is thus closer to
historiography. In 1970 C.P. Stacey provided a personal
account which is valuable for its portrayal of the values
by which a historian Operates, but which is limited in
application. The essay by Phillips and Dewar (1970)
shows a concern for the effects on the individual when
the profession becomes structured, but does little to

define the concept except in negative terms.

In an attempt to clarify the concept "professional
historian" I have summarized the thoughts of fifteen
writers who have approached the question. Their comments,
occasionally supplemented by my own ideas on professional-

ism, are grouped under four headings (training, occupation,

 

Holt, W.S., The Historical Profession in the United States,
American Historical Association Pamphlet. New York:
Macmillan, 1963.‘

Toulmin, Stephen, and June Goodfield, The Discovery_of_Time,
New York: Harper, 1965.

Higham, John, et. a1., History; The Development of Historical

Stud’es in the United States, Englewood Cliffs; Prentice-
Hall, 1965.

Gilbert, Felix "European and American Historiography" in
Higham, et. a1., History; The DevelOpment of Historical

Studies %n the Uniped States, Englewood Cliffs; Prentice-
Hall! 19 50 pp. 315-3870

Schlesinger, A.M. Jr., "The Historian and History" in Tpp
Craft of American History, A.S. Eisenstadt, ed., vol. I,
New York: Harper, 19 . pp. 102-109.

*Stacey, G.P., "The Life and Hard Times of an Official Histor-
ian", Canadian Historical Review, 51 (March 1970) 21-47.

*Careless, J.M.S., "The Review Reviewed, or Fifty Years with
the Beaver Patrol", Canadian Historical Review, 51
(March 1970) 48-71.

*Phillips, Mark, and Ken Dewar, "The Professionalization of

History", This Magazine is About Schools, 5 (Winter
1970) 35-58-

J-2

h.“

 

{“n‘t-lAr%.'-“ ‘ ‘
k

322

standards and loyalties) and the implications are analysed
briefly. The result is, at the very least, what I understand

by the term "professional historian".

Training

The professional historian is deve10ped through a process
that combines formal instruction and the acquisition of skills.
Formal instruction is usually involved with factual and bibli-
ographic knowledge in depth. The skills acquired include
library use, study habits, and writing style; without these a
student cannot become a historian. Yet these skills are seldom
formally taught; most are developed through trial and error.
The student also learns through the personal example of his
teachers the habits and attitudes that are expected of him.2

One of the keys to the development of the historian is
"method". More books have been written on this than on any
other part of the historians' training. It is so fundamental
that most writers skim over the basic concepts, assuming that
words such as "systematic", "scientific" and "disciplined"
are sufficiently understood to make the point clear. What
appears to underlie these concepts is a critical mental
attitude--a set of mind that results in extreme caution prior
to making a judgment. Sources are regarded with skepticism,

the relative dependability of evidence is made clear, and no

2In some ways this process might be called screening
rather than training.

J-3

 

323

statement is made without the awareness of possible chal-

3

lenges from others.

Another element in the historian's training is breadth.
This is not the same as depth, which implies detailed know-
ledge; breadth refers instead to the overall pattern. Harvey
says breadth is having an eye for larger relationships and
seeing history as a whole;and Higham says the professional
historian relates "every historical study to a broader
pattern"; and Schlesinger calls it "perspective".1+ Closely
related to this perspective or broader pattern is the need

for an integrative principal. Without a theoretical point of

 

view, be it conscious or not, a historian is not likely to
organize his facts in a manner that is consistent internally,
or consistent with current interpretation. Nor will he be
able to perform one of the functions of the scholar: con-

5

structing interpretations and generalizations.

A part of the process of training the professional his-

torian is the gradual admission to the "guild". There are a

3For method see Harvey, 17; Beale 230; for systematic

see Odum, 3; Hi ham, 4, 17; for scientific see Pollard,587 , r
and Flenley, 39 ; for disciplined see Schlesinger, 102; for 5
critical approach see Beale, 254-5; Toulmin, 232-5; Careless, u»
71; Gilbert, 239; Adair, 64-6; Higham, 4

4

Harvey, 17, 24; Higham, 6; Schlesinger, 102.
5Beale, 230; Stacey, 47; Higham, 20.

J-4

)4“?

a number of stages in the process, some of which are marked
by considerable formality. Of particular note are those
controlled by practicing historians: undergraduate and
graduate grades, admission to graduate school, acceptance of
theses and material for publication, granting of the Ph.D.,
advances through the various stages of promotion, and
honorariums. Not all professional historians have passed
through all of these stages, and there are others, such as
archivists, high school teachers, genealogists, and pOpular
writers of history, who have passed through (or equalled)
many of the above stages but who are not usually called
professional historians. Nevertheless, there is a "guild
mentality" among professional historians; this will be

discussed in more detail in the section on loyalties.

Occupation

One very crucial aspect of being a professional is
getting paid for doing it--whatever the field may be. This
may be obvious on the surface, but a closer look reveals
significant implications. A professional is usually
competent, and works in the field full time, or on a life-
long basis. In sum, the professional historian has a
degree of devotion to the field that borders on total
dedication. In many ways his role parallels that of the
priest; the historian is expected to be "liberated" from

the passions of the day,6 and at the same time to be

6Schlesinger, 102-3; see also Beale, 236-7; Holt, 1.
J-S

"'7

 

 

34.?

something of a missionary in the guise of teaching, guiding

his students, helping them get grants and eventually jobs.7

(It is assumed that the professional historian is
to be found almost exclusively in the academic setting.
Adair equated the beginning of professional history writing
with the establishment of chairs of history,8 and one of
the hallmarks of the professional is the requirement to
make contributions to knowledge, to push back the frontiers I F”‘
of ignorance, or at the very least, to exhibit to others
in his field the results of his work. The professional 9

historian's self-perceived role in this regard is to

 

"preserve and transmit the...heritage Of the past".9 1
Whether or not high school teachers of history are to be

included in this aspect of the definition of professional

historians is too big a question to be dealt with fully

here.)

7Beale, 236-7; Harvey, 17.

8Adair, 72; see also: Flenley, 395; Higham, 8-9;
Gilbert, 320-23, 328; Careless, 62, 68.

9Beale, 227; see also Holt, 1, 10-19. 22-3.

Holt argues that high school teachers should be consid-
ered part Of the historical profession but this is question-
able. Most high school teachers have less than half Of the
training of the academic historian (four years as Opposed to
eight); they exercise less control over the curriculum, and
do no original research. They do preserve and transmit the
heritage of the past, but so do parents, ministers, publish-
ers and movie producers.

326

The next question that should be asked is: where does
the money come from to pay the professional historian? The
vast majority of historians are supported, directly or in-
directly, by public money. This means that the work done by
the historical profession is accepted by both the public and
by the many levels of officialdom that influence budgets--
curriculum committees, parents and bureaucrats. The mere
existence of schools, archives, publications, research grants
and libraries all provide evidence Of the extent of acceptance

10 Further, the public makes no Object-

Of historical programs.
ion when the history profession claims the right to pass
judgment on students or publications Or both. This might
be the result of apathy or ignorance on the part of the
public, or the relative powerlessness of the historical
profession, but some sort of case can be made that the
public accepts historians as a professional group with the

right to restrict admission to the guild and the duty to

preserve the nation's past.

Standards
There is a clear link between the public acceptance of

history and the ethic of service implied in the historians'

10Pollard, 585-6; Toulmin, 236; Stacey, 22-3, 26 ff.
Toulmin suggested that the Opening Of the Papal Archives in
1881 marks the culmination of the policy Of making documents
available to scholars; more recent controversies such as the
Bourassa-Ouellet case and the publication Of accounts of the
J.F. Kennedy years suggest that we are still in a period of
transition. See also Higham, 27-31; Gilbert, 329; Phillips,

39.

J-7

 

327

"duty" to teach, to maintain standards, to seek the truth, or
to preserve the traditions. The professional historian often
justifies his position in terms of what he does for others:

he is helping to create a better world, protecting the public,
transmitting valuable knowledge, stimulating respect for the
truth, or inculcating patriotism.ll The historian argues
that he pays his debt through maintaining or increasing
quality. He upholds accuracy, balanced objective judgment,
reliability and sound reasoning through his power to do Fat“
independent research, teach or publish his findings, review

and criticize the work of other historians.12 The univer-

sity professor, above all others who might claim to be 4 ;~

‘13..

 

professional historians, is under an Obligation to keep up L4

to date in his field. Knowledge has been increasing so

rapidly that to keep abreast the scholar has resorted to

specialization. As specialization increases, so does the

training required. The result is (hopefully) constantly

rising standards.13
Coupled with the interrelated concepts Of service,

standards and specialization is the concept of integrity.

llOdum, 7; Beale, 227-8; Holt, 20; Higham, 12-24; J ; I
Stacey, 30-32, 41. _;

12Pollard, 583; Odum, 7; Flenley. 395-7: Adair, 70 ff;
Beale, 238-431; Schlesinger, 105-6; Toulmin, 235; Stacey, 41-45.

l3Odum, 4-6; Beale, 248-9; Holt, 3; Gilbert. 332-3.

J-8

328

A number of historians mention this without exploring the
implications. Two strains of thought can be identified:
academic freedom and empirical testing of evidence. The
argument is that the historian must be free from pressures
from outside and, as much as possible, from his own biases
in order to maximize truth. Related to these is the need
for an Objective test to his conclusions by other historians.
The significant element here is the process by which this is
done. First the historian is trained to subject his own work
to criticism and to be as fair-minded as he can, and to re-
frain from publishing carelessly. This might be called an

14 The other

internalized discipline, or self-discipline.
form of discipline is external: the historian is expected
to prOvide a bibliography and references so that others can,
if necessary, retrace his steps to verify his conclusions.
There are other ways in which the profession evaluates its
members: procedures for admission and promotion within the
guild have been mentioned; there is also the book review,

15

the historical associations, and gossip.

Loyalties
The guild mentality has gone beyond the level Of mere

abstract theory. Holt says the professional historian is
l“Flenley, 399; Beale, 229; Higham, 8-9.

15Flenley, 395, Beale, 240-4, 253; Schlesinger, 103;
Stacey, 47; Phillips, 36, 40, 47.

 

J‘v/

conscious of a OOporate unity; the treatment and behavior
Of members on the fringes such as high school teachers and

16

genealogists is an indication of this. Several historians
have commented on the bureaucratization of the profession:
from membership in associations and internal hierarchies
(pecking orders?) to the fragmentation of knowledge and
"careerism".l7 Further evidence of the acceptance by
historians of themselves as professional historians lies in
the fact that their loyalties belong to the subject, and not
to the institution that hires them. They move freely from one
institution to another, and when hired, are relatively free to

18 The combina-

determine the details of method and content.
tion of the guild mentality and loyalty to his subject is
probably the strongest of the forces which lead the historian

to feel part Of an independent profession.

Conclusion
To summarize, the professional historian is a person
who has undergone a lengthy apprenticeship in the content,

method and theory of history; he works at the subject on a

16Holt, 3, 21; Harvey, 17; see also Higham, 7-9; Stacey,
47; Phillips, 38.

l7Holt, 11-12; Gilbert, 336; Phillips, 40; for "careerism"
see Dewar, 49-50 and ff.

18Holt, 9-10; Phillips, 38. An exception to this might

be found in the "old boy network" or the "invisible college
system" of hiring through known contacts.

J-lO

 

330

full time basis, usually as a university teacher. Access to
the ranks of the professional historian is controlled by
practicing historians, and there is a degree of public
acceptance Of this control. Among the values held by pro-
fessional historians are integrity and respect for the truth,
accuracy, and public service. The loyalty of the historian
is likely to be directed more to the subject or to the pro-
fession than to the institution which pays his salary--
although this may not remain the case if budget restrictions

and the scarcity of jobs continues.

History has some of the features of a traditional
profession such as journals, associations and conferences, a
degree of self-government, and an accepted identity.
Individual historians, however, do not work for fees, and
do not have the same reOOgnition in law as do doctors,
lawyers and clergymen; further, the historical profession
has no means of disbarring or expelling members. But
history is a young profession, less than one hundred years
Old. (The professions of dentistry, nursing, teaching, and
sociology are about the same age.) It is really not so
long ago that men could ask "what is there for a professor
of history to do"? The assumption was that anyone who

could read English, could also read English history; given

J-ll

 

331

this, there was no need for a teacher of history.19 Since
it is likely that, as a profession, history has not completed
its evolution it is even more likely that the concept too

will change, but that is in the future.

19G.M. Wrong, "The Beginnings Of Historical Criticism
in Canada: a Retrospect, 1896-1936", the Canadian Historical
Rev'ew, 17 (March 1936) 3. That question has reappeared in
recent years in the form: "what can history do that Political
Science and AnthrOpology and Sociology can't do better?"

J-12

 

332

BIBLIOGRAPHY

A. "Primary" sources

Adair, E.H., "The Canadian Contribution to Historical Science"
Culture, 4 (March 1943) 63-83.

Beale, H.K., "The Professional Historian: His Theory and His
Practice" Pacifip Historical Review, 22 (1953) 227-255.

Careless, J.M., "The Review Reviewed, or Fifty Years with the
igaver Patrol", Canadian Historical Review, 51 (March 1970)
-710

Dewar, Ken, in Mark Phillips and Ken Dewar, "The Professional-

ization of History", This Magazine is About Schools,
5 (Winter 1970) 35-58.

Flenely, Ralph, "Recent Trends in Historical Thought",
Universit of Toronto uarterl , 8 (July 1939) 394-402.

Gilbert, Felix, "EurOpean and American Historiography", in
Higham, John, et. a1., Hiatory: Tha DevelOpment Of

Historical Studies in the United Spates, Englewood Cliffs:
Prentice Hall, 19 5.

Harvey, D.C., "Canadian Historians and Present Trends in
Historical Writing", Canadian Historical Association
Annual Report, (1930) 17-24.

Higham, John, et. a1. Hiatory: The DevelOpment 0: Historical

Stud'es in the United States, Englewood Cliffs; Prentice
Hall, 1965.

Holt, W.S., The Historical Profession in the United States,
American Historical Association Pamphlet. New York
Macmillan, 1963.

 

Odum, H.W., "Pioneers and Masters of Social Science", in

American Masters of Social Science, H.W. Odum ed., New
York: Henry Holt, 1927. pp. 3-22.

Phillips, Mark, and Ken Dewar, "The Professionalization of

History". This Magazine is Aboup Schools, 5 (Winter 1970) .
35-58 ° Iv:

Pollard, A.F., "Sources and Writers of English History",
EncyciOpedia Britannica, llth ed. (1911) vol. 9, 583-7.

Schlesinger, A.M. Jr., "The Historian and History" in

The Craft Of American History, A.S. Eisenstadt, ed.,
vol. I, New YOrk: Harper, 1966. pp. 102-109.

J-13

J.J.}

Stacey, G.P., "The Life and Hard Times of an Official
Historian", Canadian Hiatoricai Review, 51 (March 1970)
LLB-710 ‘

Toulmin, Stephen, and June Goodfield, The Discovery Of Time,
New York: Harper, 1965.

B. Studies of profeaaionalism

1. General

Parsons, Talcott, "Professions" International Enc clo edi of
the Social Sciences, vol. 12 (1968) 536-47. Includes a
lengthy bibliography.

Reader, W.J., Professional Men: the rise of the profeasional
class 3 ' n'neteenth-centur En land. London:
Weidenfield and Nicolson, 1966.

2. Specific professions

' ..’A‘MI-j
. - 1'
‘,

 

“‘-

{r_m_-

Applied Research Associates [Toronto], Professional Education:
A Policy Option. A study prepared for the Commission on
Post-Secondary Education in Ontario, November 30, 1971.

Dennis, A.B., "A Code of Ethics for Sociologists and

AnthrOpologists." Sociai Sgiences in Canaga, 3, no.
1-2 (1975) 14-16.

Gullett, D.W., A History of Dentistry in Canada, Toronto,
University of Toronto Press, 1971.

Hutcheon, P.D., "Professionalization" in A Socioiogy of
Canadian Education, Toronto, Van Nostrand Reinhold, r
1975. pp. 123-48. Theoretical discussion, plus case
studies and annotated bibliography.

Kergin, D.J., "Nursing as a Profession" in Nursing education
in han in societ , Mary Q. Innis, ed., University of
Toronto, 1970. pp. -63.

McGaughey, R.A., "The Transformation of American Academic
Life; Harvard University 1821-1892" in Perspectives in ..‘

American History, vol. VIII, Donald Fleming and Bernard
Bailyn, eds., Cambridge: Charles Warren Centre for
Studies in American History, 1974. pp. 239-332.

Newnham, W.T. and A.S. Nease, The Professional Teacher

in Ontarip: the heritage, responsibilities and practice.
Toronto: Ryerson, 19 5, 19 7.

 

J-l4

334

3. Critical views of profesaionalism

Adelman, Howard, "Professionalism" in The Holiversity; a

Perspective on the Wright Raport, Toronto: new press,
1973! pp. 48-690

Brady, Howard, "Professionalism as a sacred cow." Michigan
State News Weekly Supplement, 12 January 1971.

Canadiap Chartered Accountant, Editorial, January 1972,
reprinted in The Globe and Mail, (Toronto) 7 February

1974.

Hoffman, Ellen, "Ilpo Workshop" 0 en Entr (York University
Libraries). 5 (November 15, 1973 13-14. if“

The Toronto Daily Star, Editorial, "Professional Protection :
for the Public", 18 June 1973. 1

Rounthwaite, Ann, "A Legal Education", The Globe and Mail.
ETorontO] 1 March 1973.

 

Wasylenki, Donald, "A skeptical look at the elitist role of g 4
doctors", The Globe and Mail, [Toronto] 10 September L.?

1973-

J-15

APPENDIX K

The Capagian Hiatorical Review, and the

Department of History, 1920-1939

Relation to
the Department

of Hiatory

B.A.

B.A.

B.A.
B.A.
B.A.
B.A.

M.A.,

B.A.

NOTES:

(Fac)
(Fae)
Faculty
(Fac)

Faculty

M.A.

(Fae)
(Fac)

Ph.D.

Ph.D.

(Fac)

Faculty:

(Fac):

111119.12

W.S.

W.P.M. Kennedy

G.W.
H.A.
W.R.
R.G.
G.M.
Paul
G.P.

Wallace

Brown
Innis
Riddell
Trotter
Wrong
Knapland
Stacey

A.R.M. Lower

D.C.
F.H.
C.B.
A.L.
W.N.
J.F.
F.H.
W.E.
A.H.
J.B.

A member Of the Department of History.
Faculty member in some other department Of

Harvey

Underhill

Martin
Burt
Sage
Kenney
Soward
Kerr

de Tremaudan

Brebner

Articles

\0

Hmmmwwmpmumknmxloxmr-xom

Notes/
Documants

6

N

UNI-4N

WNHNNN

L;

335

Review

Articles

H

the University, or Of the Department of History for
a portion Of the years in which the items were written.

Among those who contributed two or more articles, notes
or review articles in this period are the following mem-

bers of the University of Toronto staff:

D.G. Creighton,

C.N. Cochrane, Alice Ewart, G.P. de T. Glazebrook,
R. Hodder-Williams, Gilbert Jackson, C.W. Jefferys,
E.W. McInnis and C.B. Sissons.

SOURCE: Contents pages Of the Canadian Historical Review.

 

Name

Accinelli
Beattie
Ben-Sasson
Berger
Barman
Bliss
Bothwell
Brady
Brock
Brown
Cairns
Callahan
Careless
Cassidy
Colman
Conacher
Conway
Craig
Cranmer-Byng
Creighton
Cross
Dafoe
Davis
Dent

Dick

Dyck
Eccles
Eksteins
Estes
Finlayson
Gerson
Goffart
Grendler
Harney
Helmstadter

NOTES: *

 

APPENDIX L

History Staff. 1970:
Country of Training. Field of Interest

 

Field Of

Ph.D. Interest
US US

Br Br

-- Eur
Earl Can

US US
Qae Can

US Can

US Lat.Amer.
Poland Eur
gap Can/US
US Eur

US cur/Lat A
US Can

? US

(3;) Med

US Br

US US

US Can/US
(Br) Asia
(2;) Can
ian Can
Ess Br

Us Eur

Br Eur
gen US

US Eur

Can Can
a; Eur

US Eur
gap Br

r Asia

US Eur

US Eur

US Eur

US Br

() M.A. was last degree

Ph.D. and B.

3 Y

Name

Higgs
Israel
Keep
Kenyon
Kornberg
LaVigna
Lloyd
Marcus
Marrus
McNaught
Mellafe
Moir
Morton
H.I. Nelson
W.H. Nelson
Patterson
Pearl
Powicke
Raby
Robson
Rose
Rossos
Rutherford
Sandquist
Saunders
Sheps
Shorter
Spencer
Stacey
Thompson
Thornton
Wallot
P.G.T. White
W.B. White
Zacour

said to be a Canadian citizen
University of Toronto or Oxford University

336

 

 

Field'of
B.A. Ph.D. Interest
Can Br Eur
US US Br/Asia
Can Can Eur
Ar gas Br
US US Eur
US US Eur
B_r a: Br
US US Lat.Amer.
gap, US Eur
Ess Qan US/Can
Chile -- Lat.Amer.
gas .ae Can
12* 12; Can
gap US Eur
US US US
Can gas Can
Us US Eur
E! (Ea) Br/Med
Br Br Lat.Amer.
gap, Br Br
Can (Br) Br
Can US Eur
US gap Can
US gag Br/ Med
US’ US Eur
Can gap US
US US Eur
Can 3; Eur
Gas/Ea US Can
US US Asia
Br (3;) Br
Can Can Can
Can US US/Can
US* US US
Can US Med

SOURCES: gpppopwgaipp Upivgrgiyie gapbook. 1971-1974, for most M.A.,

1970-1971": and friends in the University.

. degrees; Department of History Memo "Area Committees

 

337

APPENDIX M

Some Early Professors of History in the United States

 

Dates Subjects Taught/
Taught Training Other
U v r *1 Name Hisiory Ph D Otggr gpgppngipiiipipi
Harvard Jared Sparks 1838-49 -- Theology President 1849-53
Henry Adams 1870-77 -- -- --
John Fiske 1869-70 -- Law Librarian
H.G. Lodge 1876-79 Harvard Law PhiIOSOphy
Edward Channing 1583-1929 Harvard -- --
Charles Gross 1888-1909 Germany -- Political Science
Michigan A.D. White 1857-67 -- France. English Literature
Germany
C.K. Adams 1863-85 -- France. Latin
Germany.
U.S.
M.C. Tyler 1867-81 -- Theology English Language.
Literature
Cornell A.D. White 1866-85 -- France. President 1866-76:
Germany 1881-85;
Ambassador 1879-
1881
W.C. Russell 1867-81 ? ? Vice President
1870-76
Goldwin Smith 1868-72 -- England --
H.G. Tyler 1381-1900 -- Theology --
W.R. Perkins 1882-85 -- ? --
C.K. Adams 1885-89 -- France. President 1885-
Germany. 1892
U.S.
G.L. Burr 1889-1922 Germany -- Librarian
H. Tuttle 1890-94 -- Journalism --
Princeton C.W. Shields 1869-82 -- Theology Science. Religion
W.M. Sloan 1883-97 Germany -- Latin, Political
Science
W. Wilson 1890-1910 Johns Law Jurisprudence
HOpkins
Columbia J.W. Burgess 1876-1912 Germany -- Political Science.

Constitutional
Law

     
 

   
    

   

 

W.A. Dunning 1886-1922 Columbia Germany Political Science
H.L. Osgoode 1890-1918 Columbia Germany --
J.H. Robinson 1892-1919 Germany -- --
Johns HOpkins H.E. Adams 1876-1901 Germany -- --
J.F. Jameson 1882-88 Johns -- -- _
Hopkins
Brown E.B. Andrews 1882-88 -- Theology Political Economy
J.P. Jameson 1888-1901 Johns -- --
Hopkins
Pennsylvania J.B. McMaster 1883-1920 -- Civil --
Engineer-
ins
Yale G.B. Adams 1888-1917 Germany Theology --
Wisconsin P.J. Turner 1889-1910 Johns -- --
Hopkins 5
C.H. Haskins 1890-1902 Johns -- -- h—J
Hopkins
Chicago H.E. von Holst 1892-1900 Germany -- --
SOURCES: John Higham. et. a1., Hi tor : T e Dev o me t O i to Stu
in in g Upitgg Stapgg. anglewood Cliffs: ent ce- 1. l9 5;
Harvey Wish. The Amer Historian: A $0 ' 1 H
he Writin ri n . st. New York: Oxford. 19 O

vb. u 3
W39 Wag Who in Amerigg. vol. 1, 1 97-1942. Chicago: Marquis. 1942:

correspondence with the respective universities.

BIBILIOGRAPHY

 

BIBLIOGRAPHY

In addition to material directly relevant to the
thesis, this bibliography contains references that might be
useful to those who wish to go beyond some of the points
touched upon, such as the development Of the historical
profession, the question of American influences in Canada
and the broader fields of comparative education, the study

of textbooks used in elementary and secondary schools,

 

Canadian historiography and the history of education.

Part I is a bibliographic essay on the material that
was central to the study of George Wrong and the Department
of History. Part II is a general list of unpublished
sources, and Parts III and IV are lists of books and

articles. a

I. A Note on Sourcea

There is a great deal of material dealing with
George Wrong but it is scattered and fragmentary. An 5 "1
extensive and excellent genealogy was written by Norman 4H
M. Wrong (a nephew of George Wrong) "The Wrong Family in
America" (Toronto, 1975) and Wrong himself wrote a pamphlet
"for private use only”,The Chronicle of a Family, 1938;

both Of these are available in the University Of Toronto

339

J'TWJ

Library, Department of Rare Books and Special Collections
(UTL).l Wycliffe College holds calendars, textbooks, cash-
books, minutes Of Wycliffe Council,letter books, minutes Of
the Wycliffe Alumni Association and The Evangelical Churchmap.
all of which were useful. The G.M. Wrong papers in the
University of Toronto Library are mostly letters pp Wrong,
and manuscript sermons, essays and diaries. The letters were
edited, but those that remain show Wrong's breadth of inter-
ests and contacts. Considerable effort was made to locate
letters that Wrong wrote by tracing the papers of his corres-
pondents. Some papers could not be located. some had only
one or two letters from Wrong, but some were fairly complete.
The best collections of Wrong letters are in the collections
of Jameson, Taft, Harlan, Bryce in the United States and in
Canada in the collections of Grant, Walker, Doughty, Blake.
Willison, the Ontario Department Of Education and the
Champlain Society Of Canada.? For Wrong's personal life the
most useful collection Of papers is in the hands Of his
daughter, Mrs. C.H.A. Armstrong Of Toronto. This material
consists of some two hundred letters from Wrong to his wife
and children. letters to Wrong from some of his staff during
the First World War, and some of the diaries kept by Wrong when

he travelled. One of the most useful was a Daily Journal which

1For a bibliography Of material by and about Wrong see
Appendix D.

2Complete locations are listed in Part II Of this
bibliography.

 

be"

J‘T-L

covered his reading, his thoughts and his work during the
spring and the summer of 1892 when he was in Oxford. Un-
fortunately about a quarter of the pages were removed by
Wrong in 1919; he said they were "too naive". Two articles
written as eulogies of Wrong merit attention: an editorial
in the Fergps (Ontario) News-Record, 8 February 1940. and
W.S. Wallace "The Life and Work of George M. Wrong" Canadian
Hiatgricai_Reviay, 29 (September 1948) 229-37. An excellent

11.3
L

‘-

analysis of Wrong's social and political thought is A.F.
Bowker, "Truly Useful Men: Maurice Hutton, George Wrong,

James Mavor and the University of Toronto, 1880-1927"

If? In" . K , -u“;-.__fim'—
.
’1-
‘ L “A‘
I

(unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University Of Toronto. 1975).

Valuable material on Wrong and most of the other
members Of the staff can be found in biographical files of
newspaper clippings (Grier Files) now held by the University
of Toronto Archives. In addition to news items these files
often contain other material such as war records, date of
appointment, and vita. Memoirs Of men such as C.B. Sissons, i ' A
A.R.M. Lower, Vincent Massey. John Squair, L.B. Pearson and A
J.T. Shotwell provided useful background, as did biographies
of Sir Daniel Wilson, A.L. Burt and A.L. Smith. Eight members
of the Department (Creighton, Feiling, Hooke, Pearson, Talman,
Underhill, Wilkinson and Wrong) have been honoured by a
festschrift, many of which contain a biography and a bibli-
ography Of the subject. The University of Toronto also holds
the papers of George W. Brown and W.S. Wallace; these

J’T‘e

collections contain little or nothing on the Department
of History, but were useful for an understanding of the

individual.

Very little has been published on the Department of
History. Ralph Hodder-Williams wrote "The Tutorial Experiment"
University of Toronto Monthiy 15 (February 1915) 195-203 and
Helen McMurchie [Bott] wrote "The Department Of History" UTM
21 (May 1921) 353-5. Both of these articles suggest some Of
the values held by the Department. A later description of
the Department is D.G. Creighton and J.B. Conacher, "The
Department of History" Varsity Graduate (October 1956)

159-62, 178.

Some comparison is available in articles and theses on
other departments of history in both the United States and
Canada. Katherine Ferguson "George Dalrymple Ferguson: First
Professor of History at Queen's University",Hiatoringipgston,
no. 14 (1965) 50-66, was a most useful study of a nineteenth
century historian. A.G. Bailey's "Origins of the Study of
History in the University of New Brunswick" (n.d.) is an
unpublished manuscript available at the University Of New
Brunswick Archives; Bailey combined a personal account of his
appointment to the first Chair in History in 1938 with an
analysis of the slow deve10pment of the subject through the
nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Shorter descriptions

of departments at McGill and Western Ontario are E.R. Adair,

‘1'!
3 . We:

«a; -_L

!i -'- Mnka—w—r r. .

i

J'YJ

"The Study of History at McGill University" Culture II (1941)
51-62 and J.R.W. Gwynne-Timothy, "Department of History:
Historical Sketch of the Undergraduate Program", (unpublished
manuscript, University of Western Ontario, n.d.). T.B.

Brewer, "A History of the Department of History of the Univer-
sity of Texas, 1883-1951," (unpublished M.A. thesis, Univer-
sity of Texas, 1957) provided a competent analysis of a depart-
ment whose deve10pment was in many ways parallel to that of

the Department of History in the University Of Toronto. A.

Charvot, "A History of the Syracuse University History

Department, 1871-1922" (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, Syracuse
University, 1957) concentrated on the men who made up the

department without probing deeply.

The records of the Department of History were disappoint-
ing. There was practically nothing for the period before
1920 and very little before 1926. The correspondence after
1926 contained many letters to and from graduate students,
and some internal correspondence such as Departmental memos,e
statements of policy. and distribution of teaching responsi-
bilities. Many of the carbons were unsigned, and as the

Department grew larger many routine letters were sent out by

the "secretary"--a post held by various members of the ‘3;

Department. Many of the files (some 30%) containing material
relating to the mid 19303 were not available to me since they
also contained material from the 1940s and 1950s, which was

inside the thirty year limit. No Departmental minutes were

him Ifll um:—b
. .. 1
C
...ij

't-
s_y

344+

discovered for the period up to 1940 and I have been told
that none exist prior to 1955. The papers of Chester Martin
were not located; it is possible that his personal corres-
pondence was intermingled with that of the Department, and

that he took much of it with him upon his retirement.

Official publications such as calendars, examinations.
and annual reports were examined, but only the calendars
proved consistently useful, and they were Often a year or
more out of date and provided no information as to motive
for any changes made. An attempt was made to analyze
examination papers set by members Of the Department, but
this proved fruitless; there was simply no means of ascertain-
ing what values were represented and there was no clear
pattern or trend in the style between the years 1890 and
1940 except more choice and slightly more emphasis on

"discussion".

Correspondence about appointments and Occasionally on
other matters was found in the President's Papers held by
the University Archives. These varied in usefulness: the
Loudon papers were good, the Falconer papers were good in
most instances, but material on some appointments could not
be located; and the Cody papers were of little use, being as
yet unorganized. The memoirs of James Loudon were edited and
contain practically nothing for the years 1895 to 1898;

Loudon tended to write about a single issue at a time--

J7.)

whatever was the most significant issue in a particular

term. The Department of History was but one department in
the Faculty of Arts and doesznnsappear to have attracted much
attention (except in the case of political activities of
Professor Frank Underhill). As a result there is little in
Loudon, in the President's papers, in the Minutes of the
Senate, or in the Minutes of the Board of Governors that

mentioned the department directly. re}

‘2 .

Various periodicals were examined for both background
information and material that was by or about the principals

in this thesis. The most useful were The Varsity (1880-1940) ‘ i

 

and the University of Toronto Monthly (1900-1947). which was
succeeded by the Varsity Graduate and the University Of Toronto

Graduate; also useful were: Acta Victoriapa (1893-1930):

Aghgg (1910-1913); and The Rebei (1916-1920). The annual

reports of the Minister of Education and the President of

the University contained little that was relevant to the

Department of History. Other periodicals examined included .
the Educational Monthly of Canaga (1880-1905), Queen's Quarterly 79

(1893-1929). The Canadian Magazine (1893-1920), Tag Univaraity
Magazine (1901-1920), and The Round Table (1910-1915).

For an understanding of the aims and methods of the
Oxford University program my twelve hours of interviews
with Frank Underhill in 1967 and 1968, now transcribed and

deposited in the Public Archives Of Canada. were indispensable.

346

Other material on Oxford is listed in parts III and IV of
this bibliography; personal experience during a summer
course in 1965 enhanced my understanding considerably. For
the deve10pment of the historical profession in Canada see
the papers and publications of the Historic Landmarks
Association and the Canadian Historical Association, and the
Bayiew of Publications Relating to Canada and the Canadian
Historical Review. For a glimpse of the work Of Robert
Glasgow. publisher of the Chronicles of Canada and many
other Canadian history books, see his letters to Archibald
MacMechan, 1911 to 1921, Archives, Dalhousie University.
Halifax.

J.B. Brebner, "Oxford, Toronto, Columbia" Columbia
University Quarterly, 23 (September 1931) 224-40 was
valuable for comparative purposes since Brebner was a student
at all three institutions and taught at both Toronto and
Columbia. Sir Robert Falconer, "American Influences on the
Higher Education Of Canada% Royal Society of Canada Transactions,
(May 1930) 23-28, was part of a series of studies by Falconer
on American, English. Scottish and Irish influence in Canada.
Falconer dealt almost exclusively in terms of men who came
to Canada from the various countries; he did not specify very
Often just what made the system of one different from the
others. Abraham Flexner's Universities: American, English,
German (Oxford, 1930, 1968) was also written from the

perspective of the late twenties; it is diffuse.

 

.2...! l'
a)

V»
“sh ~; -,,

347

Recent expressions Of Canadian nationalism in relation
to American dominance offered some helpful clues. The most
interesting and original was Leslie Armour, "Aliens in their
own Land" The Nation (14 June 1971) 750-53. Armour argued
that. within the field of philOSOphy, Canadian graduate
students come under the influence of several schools of
thought, while those in American graduate schools are more
likely to absorb or be absorbed by just one school Of thought.
As a result the graduate Of an American school appears strong
and confident while the graduate Of a Canadian school appears
wishy-washy, especially if he is being interviewed by an

American-trained chairman.

And of course personal experience was a factor; I was
a full time student at two universities in Canada (McMaster,
1957-62; and Carleton, 1965-67) and two in the United States
(Case-Western Reserve. 1967-8; and Michigan State, 1968-70),

and at Oxford for one summer (1965).

Three excellent studies appeared after this manuscript

was completed: Carl Berger, The Writing of Canadian History:
aspects of English-Canadian historical writing, 1900-1220
(Toronto: Oxford, 1976); Robin S. Harris, A History of Higher

Education in Canada, 1663-1260 (Toronto: University Press.
1976); and S.E.D. Shortt, The Search for an Ideal: six

 

Canadian intellectuals and their convictions in an age of
transition, 1820-1930 (Toronto: University Press, 1976).

 

 

II. Unpublished Sources

1. University of Toronto, Archives

(a)

(b)

Specific Items

The Memoirs of James Loudon Pres'dent of the
University of Torontoyl822-1906.

Special Committee on the Organization and
Administration of the University of Toronto,

November 1922, December 1922 and January 1923.
E.C. Drury, Chairman. 5 volumes.

 

Wilson, Sir Daniel. The Unpublished Journal of
Sir Daniel Wilson. Typescript extracts. n.d.

Gary D. Kelly. comp. Historipal Club of the
University of Toronto: List of Members and

subjects for the yeara 1905 to 1960. Toronto:
Sydney Hermount, 1964.
Collections Of Papers

W.J. Ashley; Minute Book of the Economic Seminary
(1889-1892)

Edward Blake Papers

George W. Brown Papers

Department of English and History, Minutes (1914-1937)

G.R. Fay Papers
H.A. Innis Papers

Office of the President: James Loudon Papers,
Robert Alexander Falconer Papers, Henry John
Cody Papers

Office of Statistics and Records, Graduate Records
Department, Biographical Clippings (Grier Files)

W.N. Ponton Papers

University of Toronto. Minutes of the Senate

 

 

.aaaf

349

2. University Of Toronto, Department of Rare Books and
Special Collections

Champlain Society Papers
James Mavor Papers
Sir Edmund Walker Papers
W.S. Wallace Papers

G.M. Wrong Papers

3. University of Toronto, School Of Graduate Studies

Minutes of the Board of Graduate Studies (1915-1922)

a; 7.. .‘ . A-'l.‘-—L—'

History File (1917-1932)

4. Victoria University, Library

 

Cowan, Katherine [Diary Of an Edwardian Girl] (1907-11)

5. Public Archives Of Canada
Sir Robert Borden
A.L. Burt
Canadian Historical Association
J.W. Dafoe
A.G. Doughty
Sir Sanford Fleming
A.J. Glazebrook
W.L. Grant
Lord Grey of Howick

Historical Landmarks Association, Minute Book, Account
Books, Annual Report

Historical Manuscript Commission, Minutes
Historical Research Commission

W.L.M. King

Sir Wilfrid Laurier

Sir Andrew Macphail

Charles Murphy

National Battlefields Association
Sir George Parkin

Quebec Battlefields Association
Rhodes Scholarship Trust Records
J.E. Roy

Adam Shortt

Sir Clifford Sifton

C.B. Sissons

F.H. Underhill

Sir John Willison

W.C.H. Wood

J.S. Woodsworth

Hume Wrong

6. Province of Ontario, Department of Public Records and

Archives
Edward Blake
H.J. Cody Papers and Diaries

Commission on Discipline in the University of Toronto,
April 8-22, 1895. Proceedings and Report

Department of Education Records
C.H. Ferguson
Sir Sanford Fleming

Ontario Education Association, Minutes of the English
and History Section

Sir George W. Ross

J.P. Whitney

 

10.

11.

12.

130

University of Western Ontario Archives
J.H. Coyne

Fred Landon

Toronto Public Library
L.J. Burpee
Goldwin Smith (Microfilm)

Queen's University Archives
H.A. Bruce
Sir Joseph Flavelle
A.R.M. Lower
Adam Shortt

McGill University Archives
E.R. Adair
Minutes of Convocation, 1921
Sir William Peterson Papers and Letterbooks

Scrap Books (McGill News)

McGill University, Department of Rare Books
Sir Arthur Doughty Letterbook
W.D. Lighthall

North York Public Library, Toronto
N.F. MacTavish

Havergal College, Toronto

Minutes Of the Board of Governors

351

 

I' ~-../'

352

14. I am indebted to the following repositories for
sending me copies Of letters relating to the
Department of History:

Archives de la Province de Quebec: Sir George Garneau
Papers; Sir Thomas Chapais Papers

Bodleian Library, Oxford: James Bryce Papers

Clements Library, University of Michigan: C.H.
VanTyne Papers

Dalhousie University: A.M. MacMechan Papers

Houghton Library, Harvard University: Sir Charles
Fitzpatrick Papers; George Sarton Papers

The Johns Hopkins University Library: Sir William
J. Ashley Papers; H.B. Adams Papers

Library of Congress: J.F. Jameson Papers; W.H.
Taft Papers; American Historical Association
Papers

New Brunswick Museum: W.F. Ganong Papers; Sir
Leonard Tilley Papers

Public Archives Of Manitoba: J.S. Ewart Papers

University of Louisville, Law Library; J.M. Harlan
Papers

University of Saskatchewan Archives: W.C. Murray
Papers; E.H. Oliver Papers
15. Theses

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Gilbert, A.D. "The Politipai Influence of Imperialist

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353

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71“..
1
‘1

I-J'w “..': ' ‘4': ““fl
5.)
, ._ ..‘,g"

.i‘..- .1. ~. ..‘...us.‘

III.

35AL

James Mavor, Round Table Society Correspondence,
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I»

 

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53-80.

 

m

(1:
m

m

ALI: GLADLY TEE: CH
ADDEI‘CDUIvC

xi; Change Commission on University Discipline to
Commission on the University of Toronto.
I wanted to add the comment attributed to Dr
Rand of McMaster "...history had never been
taught in Canada..." but I could not find
any mention other than Wilson's Diary, 15
June 1891.
96-7: Insert Page 96a
101-2; Someone told me, or I read somewhere, that George
Smith was so taken by Oxford that he retained
an Oxford accent for the rest of his life.
Mrs Underhill later told me that several in
the Department retained Oxford mannerisms.
said that Wrong left the supervision of.:£
graduate students to the younger members of
the staff, I could not locate one of the
references given and the other says nothing
on the subject. Somewhere I recall that Wrong
wrote that he was supervising 3 of the 4 M.A.
students that year (sometime in the 19208);
I can't find that reference either.
the occasion of Flenley's retirement Underhill
desribed the traditions of the De artment. One
point that I had missed was that 11 of the
staff cl lled Wrong "Sir“, and yet there was
a high egree of equality; juniors could speak
freely and sentor members took their share of
the class load. PAC, Underhill Papers, Box 17.
File "Writings, various dates..."
D.C. Masters stated that U.B.C. had three Oxford
men on staff. Hasters to martin, 2 May 1934,
UTA, history Department, M 110.
George Brown retained his connection with the
Pepartrent of History after joining U of T Press
Ralph rlenley died in 1969. not 1959.
The bobk listed for McDougall is really a paper;
was catalogued separately by the library.
D.H.L. Farr received a M.A.. not a I.E.
Two theses came to my attention after the biblio-
graphy was typed: Benjamin Harrison, "Gabriel Monod
and the Professionalization of History in France"
(Wisconsin, 1972) and W.J. Heddesheimer, "The Study
and Teaching of History in the United States Prior
to 1940 with a special reference to the Ohio
State University" (Ohio State, 1974).

6, n15;

l90ffi Bowker

220, n 1Q On

237: n 15:

1t

 

 

 

 

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77