A RHETORICAL ANALYSI$ OF THE ANTl-SLAVERY
SPEAKING OF CASSIUS M. CLAY OF KENTUCKY

Thesis for The Dogma of P11. D.

MlCHlGAN STATE UNIVERSETY

Maxine Marie Sehni’rzor
1962

LIBRARY

Michigan State
University

 

This is to certify that the
thesis entitled

A RHETORICAL ANALYSIS OF THE ANTI-SLAVERY

SPEAKING OF CASSIUS M. CLAY OF KENTUCKY

presented by

MAXINE MARIE SCPWITZER

has been accepted towards fulfillment
of the requirements for

M degree inM

 

.l/Y
Major professor Y

Date June 10, 1962

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ABSTRACT

A RHETORICAL ANALYSIS OF THE ANTI-SLAVERY SPEAK N3 OF

CASSIUB M. CLAY OF KENTUCKY
by Maxine Marie Schnitzer

This study examines the anti-slavery speaking of Cassius
Marcellus Clay of Kentucky who spoke frequently during the ante-
bellum decades as a college orator, a state legislator, a foreign
diplomat, a political campaigner, a paid lecturer, and an advocate
of a free press and platform.

Chapter One sets forth an interpretation of the historical,
economic, political, cultural, and intellectual forces which impinged
upon the Speaker and his audiences. Chapter Two chronicles events in
his life and gives focus to those experiences which may have affected
him as an anti-slavery spokesman. Chapter Three examines some of the
facets of his personality which made him an enigma to his contemporaries
and contributed to his becoming a legend to posterity. Chapter Four
reports the nature and extent of his Speaking during the ante-bellum
period and presents an over-view of the immediate audience response
that was generated by his oral advocacy. This chapter also describes
the delivery factor in Clay's Speaking. Chapter Five points out some
of the rhetorical influences that impinged upon him and sets forth the
rhetorical dicta that he articulated. Chapter Six outlines the
speaker's major lines of thought on the anti-slavery theme and
describes and appraises the accuracy of existing speech texts. Chapter

Seven analyzes his rhetorical invention; Chapter Eight considers his

Maxine Marie Schnitzer

methodology concerning the organization of his materials of speaking;
Chapter Nine discusses his workmanship relative to language. Chapter
Ten presents an evaluation of all aspects of Clay's anti-slavery
speaking, primarily in terms of generally accepted rhetorical canons.
Clay believed that oral discourse was an important tool in a
democratic society, and his speeches reflect an earnest effort to use
public speaking effectively. His insistence upon being heard when and
where he chose and upon the subject of his choosing, represents an im-
portant milestone in the battle to maintain a free public platform.
Based on an analysis of thirty speeches delivered between 1832
and 1863, it may be concluded that Clay made use of logical, ethical,
and emotional proofs in his speeches, the greatest emphasis being
placed upon the logical. He employed materials designed to portray
himself as a reasonable, courageous, honest lover of freedom; and he
drew his proofs from personal observations and experience,.history,
reapected documents, the contemporary press, current events, and
accepted authorities. Examples, personal Opinions, numerical data,
and comparisons formed the core of his evidence. His use of data
derived from census reports is a distinctive aspect of his rhetorical
invention. He employed reasoning from example, Sign, causation, and
analogy; and both his evidence and reasoning meet accepted tests.
Clay used arrangement effectively, demonstrating competence in
both inductive and deductive patterning. He employed a variety of
organizational schemes but had a preference for topical and chrono-
logical partitioning. He favored climactic ordering and used this

technique for emphasis and to enhance his emotional proof.

Maxine Narie Schnitzer

His rhetorical style was usually plain and straight-forward, free
from distracting embellishment and unnecessary flourish. He used many
words that were vivid, concrete, familiar, and image-provoking; at
times, however, his vocabulary was above the level of his listeners.
Questions, repetition, and series constructions are trade-marks of his
stylistic practice. His Speeches are not filled with the "purple
patches" that are often alleged to characterize nineteenth century
southern oratory.

Clay's delivery was simple and direct. He had a low pitched voice
that projected well; he used few gestures and preferred to move infre-
quently. He generally spoke extemporaneously from prepared notes and
was seemingly a flexible dynamic speaker, capable of responding to

events that occurred during his speeches.

Copyright by
MAXINE MARIE SCHNITZER

1962

A RHETORICAL ANALYSIS OF THE ANTI-SLAVERY SPEAKING OF

CASSIUS M. CLAY OF KENTUCKY

By

Maxine Marie Schnitzer

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

College of Communication Arts
Department of Speech

1962

‘ ~

" I

 

ACKNONLEDGMENTS

The author wishes to express her sincere appreciation to all
those who assisted her in the preparation of this thesis. She is
eSpecially indebted to Dr. Kenneth G. Hance who served as the major
professor and supervised the research. Dr. Hence gave freely of his
time and insight and set an example of scholarship and service worthy
of emulation.

Gratitude is also expressed to the other members of the guidance
committee: Dr. John E. Dietrich, Dr. Donald H. Ecroyd, Dr. David C.
Ralph, Dr. Gilman M. Ostrander, and Dr. Gordon L. Thomas for their
comments in reviewing the manuscript.

The author also wishes to recognize Dr. J. T. Dorris of Eastern
Kentucky State College, Dr. J. Gerber Drushal of the College of
Whoster, and Mrs. Dorothy Thomas Cullen of the Filson Club for their
helpful suggestions and assistance.

The author is also indebted to her parents, Mr. and Mrs. J. H.
Schnitzer, whose understanding, wise-counsel, and encouragement made

this study possible.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page
ACKNOWI‘EDMNTS o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o 0 ii

INTRODUCTIONoooooooooooosoooooo'ooooso iv
Chapter

I. CASSIUS OLA 'S KENTUCKY . ° ° ° ° ' ° ° 0 O o o o o o 1

The Gentry 1
The Mountaineers 12
The Yeomanry 14

II. THE "LION" OF WHITE HALL . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20
III. THE DYNAMC PARADOX o o o o o o c o o o o o o o o o. o 73
Iv. AN ORAL ADVWATE o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o 87

V. CASSIUS CLAY'S THEORY OF RHETORIC AND
RHETORICAL CRITICISM . . . , . . . . . . . . . . 128

Rhetorical Influences upon Clay 128
The Rhetorical Dicta of Clay 132

VI. CASSIUS CLAY'S LINES OF THOUGHT AND THE
STATUS OF EXISTING SPEECH TEXTS . . . . . .1. . 144

Clay's Basic Lines of Thought 1A5
The Status of Existing Speech Texts 166

VII. CASSIUS CLAY'S RHETORICAL INVENTION . . . . . . . . . 172

Ethical Proof 173
Emotional Proof 182
Logical Proof 189

VIII. CASSIUS CLAY'S RHETORICAL ARRANGEMENT . . . . . . . . 205
IX. CASSIUS CLAY’S RHETORICAL STYLE . . . . . . . . . . . 216

Hord Choice 218
Word Composition 224

X. CONCLUSIONS 0 g o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o 233
BIBLIOGLRAPT'IY o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o 252

APPENDIX

0 O O O O O O O O O O O 0' O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 26 O

INTRODUCTICH

The night was gloomy; a storm threatened; the gas lights of
the city were darkened; a crowd of several hundred spectators
clustered about the state capitol building in Frankfort -— waiting.
It was January 10, 1860. A tall, handsome, well-built man, clad
in a dark blue suit, separated himself from the assembled group,
mounted the steps, and began to speak.

Innumerable lights were brought and distributed, and for more
than three hours the crowd stood -- wet -- in the drizzling rain
and listened to the speaker's detailed exposition of current
political issues. His was an able defense of Republican principles
delivered in the heart of a slave state. The Speaker was Cassius
Marcellus Clay, "renegade" son of the Kentucky gentry.

For nearly thirty years the citizens of Kentucky faced the
barbed attack of this "renegade," the state's leading anti-Slavery
advocate, as he cut through the threads of pro-slavery argument
and severed himself from the social group which had nurtured him
from the time of his birtho

As the son of one of the largest slaveowners in the state,
Cassius Clay had an opportunity to study the slave system and consider
the injustices it imposed. When William Lloyd Garrison addressed the
Yale student body in 1831, he found young Clay responsive to the
message of abolitionism. "I then resolved," wrote Clay, "that I

would give slavery a death struggle."1

 

1Cassius Marcellus Clay, The Life of Cassius Marcellus Clay:
Memoirs, writings, and Speeches (Cincinnati: J. Fletcher Drennan
and Company, 1886), Vol. I, p. 57.

The "death struggle" began the following year when "Cash" was
selected by his classmates to deliver the Centennial Oration on
Nashington's birth. This was the first of his many attacks on
slavery. Clay's crusade to rid his state and the nation of the in-
stitution of slavery picked-up momentum as the years went by, and he
articulated his economic arguments against the institution countless
times during the three decades preceding the Civil War. As a repre—
sentative in the Kentucky legislature, as a political campaigner,
and as a paid lecturer, he came to be recognized as one of the South's
most colorful and volatile oral advocates.

Clay was determined to fight slavery against every opposition
and at all costs. "dhen he first spoke out in condemnation of
slavery, not one audible voice was raised approvingly in the entire
slave region, while thousands were loud in fiery condemnation."1 He
made anti-slavery Speeches and wrote his views in the state press until
his communications were no longer acceptable. From June 3 to
August 18, 1845, he published an anti-slavery newspaper, the 2532
American in Lexington. Although this undertaking was short-lived, the
paper having been forcibly discontinued by a committee of leading
Bluegrass citizens, it did represent a serious threat to slavery in
Kentucky and was a significant factor in the formation of public

opinion.2

 

1Horace Greeley (ed.), The Speeches and writings of Cassius
Harcellus Clay (New York: Harper, 1848?] p. vi.

2Thomas D. Clark, A History of Kentucky (New York: Prentice-
Hall, Inc., 1937), p. 351.

 
 
 

vi

The purpose of this study is to examine the speaking of Clay with
reference to both intrinsic (the speech texts) and extrinsic (the
speaker, the audience, and the occasion) aspects of the Speaking
situation. The study will be concerned with the Speaker -- who he
was, the topics he discussed, the "reasons" behind his position on
these tOpics, the ends he hOped to achieve. Secondly, consideration
will be given to the audiences he addressed -- who they were, what
they thought of the man, what their views on the topics were, how
they responded to the speeches. A third area of investigation will be
the occasions on which Clay spoke -- when he Spoke, where he spoke,
why he spoke, the conditions under which he spoke, what happened be-
cause he spoke. Finally, an analysis will be made of what he said
and how he said it -- the forms of proof employed, the elements of
persuasion utilized, the understanding of psychological principles
demonstrated, the style of delivery exemplified, the mode of prepara-
tion practiced.

While during his lifetime (1810-1903) Cassius Clay practiced
several vocations, (He was a newpaper publisher and writer, a member
of the legislature, a representative of the diplomatic corps, and a
public speaker.) and some consideration will be given to each of
these roles, the primary concern of the study is Clay, the public
speaker.

No attempt will be made to analyze the writings of Clay. The
newspapers he published, the articles and pamphlets he wrote, and the
correspondence he followed will be discussed only as they relate to
his speeches and speaking. Nor will an attempt be made to analyze

and evaluate his career as the Minister to Russia (1861-1869).

The study will focus on Clay's Speeches and speaking on the
anti-slavery theme. In general, only the speeches made during the
period 1832-1863 will be considered. During this interval "Cash"
addressed many audiences in his native state and spoke in various
parts of the country as well. On one occasion he discoursed before
an assembly in a foreign country.

There is intrinsic merit in the study of a lesser known
regional figure. "Almost every state or locality furnished important
data for the treatment of significant speakers and movements."1 And
l'the field of Southern oratory is almost completely unworked; it
offers great opportunities for the student of rhetorical history and
criticism."2 Moreover, ”often the unadorned and unnamed people of
the hinterland are the qualified leaders of their communities and the
forerunners of abler 1eaders.”3 Cassius Clay was this sort of
leader.

Clay was an individual who spoke frequently and well. "Known to
not many, though bearing an honored name, there was something in his

position and course which arrested and fixed regard."” "His

 

1A. Craig Baird, "Opportunities for Research in State and

Sectional Public Speaking," anrterly Journal of Speech, XXIX
(October, 1943), p. 307.

zDallas c. Dickey, "Southern Oratory: A Field of Research,"
Quarterly Journal of Speech, XXXIII (December, 1947), p. #57.

3Earl W. Wiley, ”State History and Rhetorical Research,"
Quarterly Journal of Speech, XXXVI (December, 1950), p. 514.

“Greeley, p. vi.

 

v

viii

intrepidity and eloquence gained him the respect of his antagonists,
and did much to take away the contempt with which his party was first
regarded by the pro-slavery people."1

A study of Clay's anti-slavery speeches provides an opportunity
for studying the speaker as a college orator, a state legislator, a
diplomat, a political campaigner, and an advocate of a free press and
platform. Since the elimination of slavery was his dominant theme
and action during the three decades prior to the Civil war, a consid-
eration of only the speeches on that theme provides the best means
of judging the nature of his speaking during that time.

Only the first of a two volume autobiography of Clay was ever
published. However, contemporary interest has been indicated in the
life of this man. James R. Robertson's book, A Kentuckian at the
Court of the Tsar, is devoted to the portrayal of Clay as Minister to
Russia. »Iinco;g and His Wife's Hometown and Linggln and the Bluegrass
by William H. Townsend advance a picture of Clay the abolitionist and
publisher. A romanticized biography of Clay by Joe Jordan, a 1
Lexington reporter is being considered for a movie. In March, 1962,
a definitive biography based on a doctoral dissertation in history,
Lion of White Hall was published. Its author, David L. Smiley, has
published numerous articles in social science journals concerning
Clay's political activities. Ernest L. Scott, advertising director
of Harcourt, Brace and Company, is also preparing a biographical

manuscript. Two historical novels based on the life of Clay are

1N. s. Shaler, Kentuc : A Pioneer Commonwealth (Cambridge:
The Riverside Press, 1884), p. 218.

 

 

 

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ix

being written. A recorded speech made by H. H. Townsend before the
Chicago Civil war Round Table has a growing appeal, and the June, 1960,
American Heritage magazine featured a part of this speech. None of
these considerations, however, examines the speeches and Speaking of
Clay. Therefore, a study such as this one has pertinence and
significance.

No complete edition of the speeches of Cassius Clay exists.
(Greeley's collection was published in 1848.) No rhetorical analysis
and criticism has been made of the speeches and speaking of Clay as a
public speaker. Thus, this study can make a distinctive contribution
to Clay literature.

Although there is a point of view which would assign to rhetorical
criticism a relatively narrow domain -- the internal matters contained
in Speech texts -- this study is based on the premise that rhetorical
criticism, rather than having as its major concern the permanence or
beauty of a composition, has concern for the speech as an oral communi-
cation to a particular audience. Consequently, factors in addition to
those intrinsically attributed to the composition are pertinent.

It is appropriate, therefore, for the rhetorical critic to raise
questions pertinent to such topics as: the historical causes behind
the issues discussed; the existing climate of opinion concerning these
issues; the Speaker's relationship to the issues; the audience's
relationship to the issues; the nature of the audience; the speaker's
reputation and objectives; the speaker's personality, mental habits,
attainments and shortcomings; the Speaker's habits of preparation;

the speaker's effect (immediate and ultimate) on the audience.

In addition, and of equal importance to the critic, are the
t0pics that focus on the message itself: the choice of themes and the
nature of proofs; adaptation to the hearers, mode of arrangement and
delivery; choice of words and their composition; oral and visible
practices.

Moreover, the critic must employ norms to ascertain the Quality
demonstrated by the workmanship of the speaker. In the evaluation of
the anti-slavery speaking or Cassius Clay, norms based upon the
classical core of rhetorical theory plus the contributions of nine-
teenth century American rhetoricians and the findings of more recent
research in speech and related fields should provide the structure
for evaluation.

This study is organized on a topical basis. Chapter One,
"Cassius Clay's Kentucky," sets forth an interpretation of the his-
torical, economic, political, cultural, and intellectual forces which
impinged upon Cassius Clay and his anti-slavery speaking in Kentucky.
Chapter Two, "The 'Lion' of White Hall," chronicles events in the life
of Clay and gives focus to those experiences which may have affected
him as an anti-slavery spokesman. Chapter Three, "The Dynamic
Paradox,” examines somes of the facets of Clay's personality which
made him an enigma to his contemporaries and contributed to his be-
coming a legend to posterity. Chapter Four, "An Oral Advocate,"
reports the nature and extent of Clay's Speaking during the ante-
bellum period and presents an over-view of the immediate audience
response that was generated by his oral advocacy of the anti-Slavery

view-point. This chapter also describes the delivery of Clay's

speeches. Chapter Five, "Cassius Clay's Theory of Rhetoric and

Rhetorical Criticism,‘ points out some of the rhetorical influences
that impinged upon Clay and sets forth the rhetorical dicta that he
articulated in writing or in speeches. Chapter Six, "Cassius Clay's
Lines of Thought and the Status of Existing Speech Texts," outlines
Clay's major lines of thought on the anti-slavery theme and describes
and appraises existing Clay speech materials. Chapter Seven,

"Cassius Clay's Rhetorical Invention," analyzes Clay's evidence and
reasoning; Chapter Eight, "Cassius Clay's Rhetorical Arrangement,"
considers his methodology concerning the organization of his materials
of speaking; Chapter Nine, "Cassius Clay's Rhetorical Style," discusses
his workmanship relative to language. Chapter Ten, "Conclusions,"
attempts to evaluate the anti-slavery Speaking of Cassius M. Clay of

Kentucky.

 

 

~

 

CHAPTER I

CASSIUJ CLAY'S KENTUCKY

Even though rigid class lines did not exist in the Bluegrass
state during the ante-bellum period, social distinctions were evident.
White Kentuckians were identified as belonging to the gentry, the
mountaineers, or the yeomanry. The inhabitants of the state were
influenced by the historical, economic, political, social, cultural,
and intellectual milieu in which they lived. Therefore, spokesmen
who sought to persuade audiences to a particular point of view could
not ignore the forces which impinged upon their listeners. Although
Cassius Marcellus Clay was a native Kentuckian and in many ways
epitomized the dashing individualist who was much admired in the
state, in becoming an anti-slavery advocate, he forfeited the
advantages that might have been his and came to represent the

Bluegrass's most volatile abolitionary force.

A. The Gentry

The gentry of ante-bellum Kentucky was no exclusive clique.
Because social mobility was possible, the sons of rugged pioneer
stock joined with the descendants of Virginia planters, physicians,
merchants, and lawyers to make up the ruling group in the Bluegrass.1
Having won the right to a place among the gentry by their military
prowess or financial achievement, some of the leaders were lacking in
culture and education; but their children through association, educa-

tion, and travel came to acquire the cultural characteristics of the

 

1Arthur K. Moore, The Frontier Mind (Lexington: The University
of Kentucky Press, 1957), pp. 158-59.

more refined members of their society.

Members of the gentry were concerned with educating their own
children, and patronized many academies and field schools, employed
tutors, sent their sons North to school, and aided in the establish-
ment of Transylvania College as an intellectual center in Lexington.1
These men were not, however, as concerned about educating the progeny
of other social classes as they were about the educational welfare of
their own children. On numerous occasions they as legislators ignored
the education problem in the state and rejected gubernatorial pleas
for public school appropriations.2

Most of the Kentucky gentry were slaveholding Whigs who sought to
protect their property against the on-slaught of the abolitionist
forces from the North.3 When their party ceased to be an effective
instrument for protecting their interests, they joined forces with the
Democrats and "waged war" on the newly organized Republican party.

For the most part, these Kentuckians were not large slave
owners.“ In 1850 out of 38,456 slaveholders in the state, only fifty-

three owned from fifty to one hundred slaves, and only five owned more

1Ibid.,; p. 151; Clement Eaton, Freedom of Thou ht in the Old
South (Durham: Duke University Press, 1940), pp. 71-72.

2Moore, pp. 223-24, 236; Speech of Cassius M. Clay, given
August 1. 1851- in LeXington, Kentucky._

3N. S. Shaler, Kentuc : A Pioneer Commonwealth (Cambridge: The
Riverside Press, 1884), pp. 186-87, 232.

 

 

”J. Winston Coleman, Jr., Slavery Times in Kentucky (Chapel Hill:
The University of North Carolina Press, 1940), p. 45.

 

 

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than one hundred. Holders of more than one and fewer than five slaves
constituted the greatest number of Kentucky slaveholders, thirteen
thousand coming within this class. Notable exceptions were Robert
Wickliffe, familiarly known as the "Old Duke," who owned two hundred
Negroes,1 and Brutus J. Clay, who in 1856 listed one hundred fifty
slaves for taxation.2

Whether large slaveholders or not, the Kentucky gentry held two
quite different points of view regarding slavery as an institution.
Whereas they vigorously supported slavery as a domestic practice, in
many instances they just as vigorously opposed slavery as a trade.
Most Kentucky slaveholders were men of conscience and sensibility who
tried to keep their slaves healthy, well-fed, comfortably housed, and
appropriately clothed.3 Consequently, it is not surprising that
travelers in the South during the ante-bellum period reported that
slavery in Kentucky was the mildest form observed and described it as
a patriarchical type of bondagefL However, in spite of the humane
treatment that was generally meted out to slaves, court records
indicate that a few Kentucky "barons" were brutal, cruel, and even

sadistic in their master-slave relationships.5

 

11bid., p. 32.

2Cassius M. Clay (ed.), "Selections from the Brutus J. Clay
Papers," The Filson Club History Quarterly, XXXII (January, 1958),
p. 24.

3Coleman, pp. 52, 54; Shaler, p. 197.

“Coleman, pp. 15, 54.

5Ibid.. pp. 245-70.

Kentucky slaveholders used their Negroes as field hands or as
house servants, and assigned them to any of several divisions of labor
in either group. House servants filled such jobs as: gardener, coachman,
hostler, nurse, chamber-maid, house-maid, waiting-maid, butler, washer-
woman, ironer, seamstress, or cook. Field hands in the rich slavehold-
ing counties -- Fayette, Bourbon, Noodford, Scott, Clark, and Jessamine --
were likely to work in the hemp fields because this crOp was believed to
afford the greatest remuneration to the planter for his slave labor and
lands. Field hands in such counties as: Daviess, Christian, Todd,
Henderson, Caldwell, and Barren, however, labored in the cultivation
of tobacco.1

For the most part, the Kentucky gentry approved of the institution
of domestic slavery, but for many of them the slave trade was an evil.
In 1833 the latter group, who found the slave auctions barbaric and the
commercial aspects of the trade distasteful, succeeded in passing a Non-
Importation Act in the legislature. This law prohibiting slaves from
being brought into the state for purposes of sale, with severe penalties
for its violation, dealt a heavy blow to the slave trade.2 However,
almost immediately those who favored the trade began agitating for
repeal or modification of the law.3 On this issue, the gentry was of

divided Opinion; and while those in the house annually voted to sustain

 

1;§i§.. pp. 37-44.

2WilliamH. Townsend, Lincoln and the Bluegrass (Lexington: The

University of Kentucky Press, 1955), p. 80.

3Thomas D. Clark, A Histoyy of Kentucky (New Ybrk: Prentice-Hall,
Inc., 1937), pp. 277-78; Asa Earl Martin, The Anti—Slavery Movement

in Kentucky Prior to 1850 (Louisville: The Standard Printing Company
of Louisville, 1918 , p. 95.

 

the 1833 action, those in the senate repeatedly voted for its repeal.1

Finally, in 1849 the advocates of repeal were victorious, and the
state became legally accessible once more to those who would use it as
a link with the deep South. There is reason to believe that even before
the legislators voted to remove the restriction, traders were well
established in the Bluegrass state.2 Between 1850 and 1860 more than
twenty traders advertised in Kentucky newspapers and operated within
the state.3 Lexington became, in that decade preceding the Civil war,
a real slave mart for the Cotton Kingdom. The notoriety of Lewis C.
Robards and his "choice stock" of beautiful quadroon and octoroon
girls was widespread; and the unscrupulous dealings of this "niggah
tradah" continued until 1855, much to the chagrin of many Kentucky
gentlemen.“
The Kentucky gentry did not possess a theory of slavery that was
distinctly their own; rather, they borrowed and adapted the principles
set forth by other southern leaders. Pro-slavery theory in Kentucky
during the period 1790-1820, as elsewhere in the South, was generally

in a state of quiescence.5 When called upon to defend the institution,

slaveholders were half-apologetic and reminded their inquisitors that

 

1Apparently the large slave-owners of the state, who held seats in
the senate, considered the importation of slaves economically desirable;
and therefore, they sought to reintroduce the practice.

2Clark, A Histoyy of Kentucky, p. 280.
31bid.. p. 283.

“Ibld., pp. 281-83; Coleman, pp. 157-63.

Swilliam Sumner Jenkins, Pro-Slaver Thou ht in the Old South
(Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1935), p. 48.

 

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slavery was an inherited problem, one introduced in this country by the

British. Moreover, they pointed out that this was a local problem,
best solved by the slaveholders themselves.1
This half-apologetic defense ceased to be effective after 1820

when circumstances necessitated a more positive defense of the insti-
tution. The question of the expansion of slavery brought on by the
admission of Missouri, the threat of Negro rebellion pointed-up by the
Charleston Insurrection in 1820, and the enlarged activity of the
Colonization Society, coupled with increased prOpaganda by abolitionary
groups, prompted a re-evaluation of pro-slavery thought.2 The resulting
theory was a many-pronged attack designed to refute the different lines
of argument advanced by the abolitionists.

The Kentucky gentry were avid proponents of the new pro-slavery
theory in spite of the fact that slavery in their state was on the
decline. Although slavery had increased rapidly in Kentucky between
1790 and 1830, ranking the state seventh then fifth in the number and
percentage of slaves, a marked decline was revealed by the census
after 1830.3 From then until the Civil war, the white inhabitants
of the state represented an increasing percentage of the pOpulation.

In this respect Kentucky was unique, this trend not occurring anywhere
else in the South. .

 

'Ibld.. pp. 104-106.
21bid., p. 65.

3William Elsey Connelly and E. M. Coulter, History of Kentucky
(Chicago: The American Historical Society, 1922), Vol. II, p. 819.

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After 1820, the slaveholders made a positive defense of slavery.
In an effort to combat the moral and natural rights arguments
articulated by William Lloyd Garrison, John G. Fee, and James G.
Birney, the Kentucky "aristocrats" set forth the following lines of
thought: the Bible sanctions the institution of slavery; slavery has
existed for generations; the lot of the slave is preferable to that of
the northern free laborer; the Negro is by nature inferior and not
entitled to equality with the white man.1 When northerners questioned
the soundness of extending slavery into new territories, the South
responded with a states right defense and spoke of the economic neces-
sity for slavery.2 When Cassius Clay charged that slavery was eco-
nomically unsound and was ham-stringing the progress of the state,
Kentucky slaveholders made no direct refutation, ignored his scheme of
gradual emancipation, and charged him with being an abolitionist
working with radical northern prOpagandists.3 In other parts of the
South some attempt was made to contradict the numerical data put forth
by Clay and Hinton R. Helper by reinterpreting the census figures,
rationalizing northern-southern differences, and talking about
northern wage slavery.”

The Kentucky gentry made no distinction between immediate

abolitionism and gradual emancipation. Both schemes, in their opinion,

 

'Jenkins, pp. 48-106; w. B. Hesseltine, "Some New Aspects of the

Pro-Slayery Argument," The Journal of Negro Histoyy, XXI (January, 1936),
pp. 1-1 -

2Alan Pendleton Grimes, American Political Thou ht (rev.) (New York:
Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc., 1960), pp. 250-254.

3Russel B. Nye, Fettered Freedom (East Lansing: Michigan State
College Press, 1949), p. 31.

“Crimes, pp. 254-61.

resulted in the same end -- the jeopardizing of their status, property,
and lives. Consequently, they opposed both with equal vigor and
responded to them in legal and illegal ways to conserve the mode of
society that had been theirs since the state was organized.

From the state's beginning, the gentry had dominated Kentucky

1 Partly because they were better educated and

legislative assemblies.
had more leisure time than did the yeomen of the state and partly
because of political acumen and the state's apportionment system, the
scions of the Bluegrass held the legislature in check until the time
of the Civil war.2 The constitution of the state protected their
interests, and they were seemingly secure until repeated demands for a
constitutional convention led to the convening of such a body on
October 1, 1849, in Frankfort. Slaveholders feared that the movement
for constitutional reform had originated and was being directed from
abolition stronghOlds outside the state.3 In reality this was not the
case, and the gentry had little cause to worry; because in this meet-
ing, as in the legislature, pro-slavery interests were well protected.
The hopes of emancipationists in the state went unrealized after they
failed to elect a single candidate in the twenty-nine counties where
nominations had been made.“ The anti-slavery group had, however,

polled about 10,000 votes. A look at the records of the convention

indicates that slavery was one of the chief issues considered; nearly

 

1Moore, p. 121.

2Jenkins, pp. 197, 288.

3Clark, A Histoyy of Kentucky, p. 428.
“Martin, p. 134.

one fourth of the Space in the written report was devoted to the debates
on this subject.1 However, in spite of the amount of discussion given
over to the slave question by the convention, few policy changes were
reflected in the new constitution, which incorporated practically all
of the original provisions of the first two constitutions concerning
slavery.2
Almost as much as they feared the "invasion" of northern aboli-
tionists and their flood of propaganda, the wealthy Kentuckians feared
the prospect of Negro uprisings. The publication of David walker's
incendiary pamphlet in 1829 and the Nat Turner revolt in 1831 started
a wave of contagious fear that spread from state to state.3 Although
Kentucky was seldom troubled by actual insurrections of slaves, it was
never free from rumors and imagined plots. To protect themselves from
such riots, Kentucky slaveholders passed restrictive measures that
greatly curtailed the movements and activities of the Negroes.4 Extra
police were employed as were an increasing number of "patterollers"
whose job it was to patrol the streets at night in order to protect
the "public peace and good order of society." In 1845 the people of
Lexington became alarmed, nevertheless, and were convinced that a slave

revolt was in the offing.5

 

1Ibid., p. 135.

ZClark, A Histoyy of Kentucky, p. 430.

3Eaton, p. 93. walker's pamphlet directly incited the slaves to
actions of violence. The Turner-led insurrection of Charleston Negroes
demonstrated that the Negroes could and would revolt. Both walker and
Turner were free Negroes.

“lbido. p. 99.

51bid.. pp. 185-90.

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10

They contended that this rebellion was being aided and abetted by

the True American, an anti-slavery weekly published in the city by
Cassius Clay. In order to stave-off the insurrection, the citizens
forcibly stopped the presses of the paper and shipped them out of the
state, disregarding the fact that no law existed in Kentucky which
prohibited the publication of an anti—Slavery newspaper.1

Nor did the gentry of Kentucky leave an altogether commendable
record regarding their treatment of anti-slavery spokesmen. Although
it has been generally concluded that there was more freedom of Speech
in Kentucky and the other border states during this period than in the
deep South, numerous examples may be cited which demonstrate that there
was at times a denial of the right to free expression in the Bluegrass
by the gentry.2

Throughout the ante-bellum period, this group continued to make
threats against anti-slavery Speakers, prominent among whom were
Cassius Clay and John Fee. Signs and warnings were posted on barns
and fence posts throughout the state, demanding that there be no dis-
cussion of the anti-Slavery position, and threatening death to anyone
who defied the directive.3 Although the gentry did not carry-out their

threats to the letter, they did see to it that Fee was beaten on many

 

‘7

'Cassius M. Clay, Histoyy and Record of the Proceediggs of the
Peeple of Lexington and Its Vicinity in the Suppressggn of the True
American Lexington, 1 5 ; Townsend, Lgpcoln and the Bluegrass,
pp. 99-119; Clark, A Histoyy of Kentucky, pp. 297-300. The suppression
of this paper is considered in greater detail in Chapter Two.

 

2Eaton, p. 129.

3Cassius Marcellus Clay, The Life of Cassius Marcellus Clay:
Memoirs wri s and S eeches (Cincinnati: J. F. Brennan and
Company, 1886), Vbl. I, pp. 177-83. Hereafter, this source will be

identified as Autobiography.

11

occasions. Likewise, they were instrumental in drawing Clay into
fracases that might have been fatal, had it not been for his quick eye
and facility with the bowie-knife.1 _

Just as in Madison County, where Clay and Fee were ham-strung by
the gentry, so in Mercer County did the gentry restrict anti—Slavery
activities. For instance, in 1835 they rejected the proposal of James
G. Birney to establish The PhilanthrOpist, an abolitionary newspaper.
For a time Birney went ahead with his plans to publish in Spite of the
community sentiment, but the departure of his printer, repeated threats
against anyone who did undertake the print job, and the refusal of the
Danville postmaster to handle any abolition papers convinced Birney
that Mercer County was no place for hhm or his publication.2 He fled
to Cincinnati with threats of violence ringing in his ears, as the
Kentucky gentry made it clear that abolitionists were not welcome in
their state.

Further evidence of the gentry's Opposition to anti-Slavery
activities may be seen in its efforts to threaten the abolitionist
press. In addition to the forcible discontinuation of the 2222
American, there was also the suppression of the Free South, edited by
William S. Bailey at Newport, Kentucky.3 Excited by John Brown's raid

on Harpers Ferry, an infuriated crowd of citizens and slaveholders in

A

1Clay's efforts in behalf of freedom of Speech are discussed in
greater detail in Chapters Two, Three, and Four.

2Coleman, p. 300.

3Eaton, p. 191.

12

1859 broke into Bailey's house, wrecked the presses, dragged the forms
and type through the streets of Newport, and flung them into the
river.1
Perhaps the extent to which the Opponents of abolitionism went in
their violent opposition may be seen in the series of events in Berea.
Here there existed an anti-Slavery colony, church, and school under
the direction of Reverend John G. Fee, an abolitionist preacher who had
been 'unfrocked” for his anti-slavery preaching in Lewis and Bracken
counties. Here also was Berea College, founded in 1858 for the pur-
pose of educating Negroes, slave and free, of both sexes. This step
toward social equality of the races enraged many slaveholders.2
Therefore, in December of 1859, sixty-two armed men, the "wealthiest
and most respectable citizens" rode up to the Fee home and ordered him
and his followers to leave the state in ten days under penalty of
death. An appeal was sent to the governor by the Bereans; but no help
was forthcoming ”from the official, who advised them to comply with the
warning.3 This they did and arrived in Cincinnati several days later.
Once again, the slave interests, acting as a self-appointed vigilante

group had ”made the state safe for slavery."

B. The Mountaineers
Although "Cash" Clay was a member of the Kentucky gentry, he did

not confine his anti-slaverytefforts to the men of this group; theM

 

1Coleman, pp. 319-21.

2John G. Fee, Autobiography of John G. Fee (Chicago: National
Christian Association, 1891).

3Coleman, pp. 321-24.

 

 

 

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13

Kentucky mountaineers were also the recipients of his message. Clay's
large frame, clad in the proverbial blue suit with brass buttons
gleaming in the lamplight, became a familiar sight to the poor white
folk who resided in the Kentucky hills. Believing that this group of
non-slaveholding white persons along with the yeomanry of the state
figured prominently in his scheme for the economic reorganization of
the state, Clay was eager to win their understanding and support. Since
the hill-folk were scattered, many were unable to read, and few sub-
scribed to newspapers, Clay found it necessary to speak with them in
person and became a frequent visitor to country stores and cross-roads.
In 1851 when Clay was the emancipationist candidate for the governorship,
he "stumped the state" and spoke in eighty of the state's one hundred
counties.1 Many of his speeches in the summer of that year were
directed to those of the state commonly referred to as "poor white
trash.‘'

Many of these mountaineers were described by their contemporaries
as being sickly-looking and not too industrious; numerous travelers to
the area commented upon the habitual drinking of the natives, tobacco

chewing, ignorance, and strange dialect.2 Evidence today seems to

 

'David L. Smiley, "Lion of white Hall: The Life of Cassius
Marcellus Clay of Kentucky" (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Department
of History, University of Wisconsin, 1953), p. 283. Hereafter, this
source will be identified as Dissertation. David L. Smiley, "Cassius
M. Clay and Southern Industrialism," The Filson Club History Quarterly,
XXVIII (October, 1954), pp. 324-25.

2A. N. J. Den Hollander, "The Tradition of the 'Poor Whites',”
Culture in the South. W. T. Couch ed.) (Chapel Hill: The University
of North Carolina Press, 1934), p. 412.

14

indicate that part of the lethargy exhibited by these folks was the
result of malaria and hookworm, two ailments that afflicted many poor
whites of the hill-country.1

In any case these non-slaveholding whites showed little interest
in the Slavery question. They rarely saw a Negro; and although they
were more prejudiced against slaveholders than they were against
colored slaves, they preferred to ignore politics and live apart from
society, much as they had done for over a century.2 Hence, the role
of these people in the anti-slavery movement in Kentucky was inconse-

quential.

C. The Yeomanry

Of a great deal more significance were the non-slaveholding yeomen
of the state. It was to this group, perhaps more than to any other,
that Cassius Clay made his economic plea in the years prior to the
Civil war. These men, who farmed a modest number of acres, or were
tradesmen, artisans, or mechanics, far outnumbered the gentry. Cassius
Clay estimated that they made-up seven-eights of the population. The
1850 census confirmed this opinion and revealed that 723,068 of the
white population did not own Slaves; only 38,345 of the 761,413 white

men in the state were slaveholders.3

 

1Ina WOestemeyer Van NOppen (ed.),The South: A Documenta Histo
(Princeton: D. Van Nostrand and Company, Inc., 1958 , p. 173.

2Coleman, p. 45; James Lane Allen, The Bluegrass Region of Kentucky

and Other Kentucgy Articles (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1892),
pp. 2 5- 2.

3Coleman, p. 45; J. D. B. De Bow, The Seventh Census of the United
States (washington: Robert Armstrong, Public Printer, 1853), p. 615.

15

While the gentry of Kentucky were accustomed to hearing Clay and
others Speak under formal circumstances (i.e. the legislature, at con-
ventions), the yeomanry were more familiar with stump speaking at
social and political gatherings. These Kentuckians had a fondness for
large gatherings and tended to expect, as the nineteenth century moved
to the mid-point, that such get-togethers would net them opportunities
to hear speeches and discuss the measures that would determine their
history.1

Log rollings, muster days, barbecues, burgoo dinners, and court
days were always well attended by the yeomen. Therefore, it is not
surprising that Cassius Clay and other political candidates frequently
made their appeals to the middle class voters at these social func-
tions. Candidates went to log rollings and took an active part in the
labors of the day. Later, they took to the stump and in many instances
"bellowed forth speeches."2

The yeomen of Kentucky came to expect political speaking as a
part of almost all social affairs. The monthly county court Monday
offers a case in point. County Court day, an "in-town" holiday for
all the rural folks, was the occasion for holding athletic games,
fighting anyone who offered, drinking until "tickled," and allowing
the politician to announce his candidacy, plead the case of a friend,
or expound on some political issue as well as a day designated for

settling judicial matters.3 Speaking in the midst of a bustling,

 

1Allen, pp. 92-101.

2Thomas D. Clark, The Rampgging Frontier (New York: The Bobbs-
Merrill Company, 1939), p. 125.

3Allen, pp. 99-100.

16

milling crowd, the stump speakers were called upon to modify their
oratory to meet the needs of the moment, to catch the ear of the yeomen
who might be drunken, cursing, swearing, hallooing, or yelling. It has
been said that politicians who used odd phrases, catch-words, figures
of speech, and vulgar innuendoes were most likely to succeed with an
audience of this type.1

The military muster and race meet also served as ready-made
assemblies to gain the support of the middle class Kentuckians.
Fired by the excitement of a close race and/or the generous libations
of bourbon, men became highly susceptible to oratory.2 Sometimes
spectators at these gatherings heard as many as four or five candidates
before the day was over. Although an orator might often mislead the
peOple, this system of political campaigning had a tendency to give
the listeners some useful information.3

Fourth of July celebrations were also pOpular holidays among the
Kentucky yeomanry. Political speakers posted handbills on gate posts
and barn doors, giving the citizenry advance notice of the speeches
they might expect. Often opposing candidates debated one another, a
practice that had much appeal for the listeners and added liveliness

to the day's festivities.“

 

1Clark, The Rampgging Frontier, p. 125.

2Thomas D. Clark, Bluegrass Cavalgade (Lexington: The University
of Kentucky Press, 1956)? p. 184.

3William Stickney (ed.),Autobiography of Amos Kendall (Boston:
Lee and Shepard, 1872), pp. 119-20, cited by Van Noppen, p. 223.

1+Clark, Bluegrass Cavalcade, p. 202.

17

This social dimension was only one aspect Of the personality of
the Kentucky yeomen Of the ante-bellum period. Generally, these
people were honest, proud, independent, confident, and ambitious.1 In
many ways they, like the gentry, were provincial in their outlook and
suspicious of different ways and values. They were loyal to friends
but inclined to violence against those who offended them.2 These
traits suggest some of the reasons why anti-slavery speakers met with
resistance from this group.

Many of the yeomen had limited formal education. The census of
1850 indicated that twenty percent of the adult white population of the
state or 66,687 persons could neither read n01 write.3 This lack of
education on the part of many Kentuckians tended to hinder those who
sought to eliminate Slavery. Not only were many people unable to read
the propaganda materials and items in the press, but many were unable
to graSp the significance of the arguments presented. It seems
apparent that many of the artisans, farmers, and mechanics who would
have benefitted most from the economic scheme prOposed by Cassius Clay
failed to understand the ramifications of his argument.”

Moreover, the fact that many of the middle class Kentuckians wished

to elevate themselves and join the ranks of the gentry made them

 

1Den Hollander, p. 410.

2Avery O. Craven, The Growth of Southern Nationalism 1848-1861
(Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1953), p. 12.

3Moore, pp. 235-36; De Bow, p. 623.

“rye, pp. 30-31.

18

substitute social goals for economic ones. The hope of acquiring slaves
was a strong motivation in some cases, and parents looked forward to the
day when sons and daughters succeeded in moving upward in the social
ladder.1 This kind of upper class identification also worked against
the abolitionists and emancipationists, as did the middle class fear of
slave revolts and Negro equality.2

Lack of education, little leisure time, and the state's apportion-
ment system combined to discouraged many yeomen from taking an active
part in the political affairs of the state. Thus, in Spite of their
numerical supremacy, the white yeomen were unable to wield much polit-.
ical influence.3

The Kentucky yeoman, like his counter-part in other southern
states, was a worker. Generally, the farmer and his sons worked from
sun-up to sun-down at a variety of tasks; and the toils of the wife and
daughters were equally arduous.“ To a certain extent the presence of
the Negro slave appears to have put a stigma on labor, but evidence
indicates that a self-respecting owner might work in the field beside
his slave or he might work with a hired slave. Generally, however, the
white yeoman drew the line at hiring himself out to work in the field

or in the factory alongside the Negro. The yeoman reCOgnized that he

 

1

Eaton, pp. 238-50.
2Nye, p. 31.
3Eaton, p. 35.

“Den Hollander, p. 406.

19

was white; this fact, as no other tended to weld him to the slaveholders
in such a way that he violated his own best interests rather than seem-

ingly identify with those of the Negro race.1

 

No political speaker is ever able to divorce himself from the
milieu of time and place factors; nor is he able to ignore the charac-
teristics peculiar to his particular audiences. Thus, Cassius Marcellus
Clay, who sought to persuade the citizenry of Kentucky that slavery was
undesirable, had to cope with pro-slavery views, censorship taboos, and

the complexities of a socially mobile society.

 

1Jenkins, p. 288.

CHAPTER II

THE "LION" OF WHITE HALL

Green Clay, the father of Cassius, and his first cousin John Clay,
the father of the "Great Compromiser," Henry Clay, traced their
ancestry in America to Captain John Clay, a British or Welsh grenadier,

who came to Virginia in 1676 during Bacon's Rebellion.1

Green Clay was
born in Powhatan County, Virginia in 1757 and migrated to the Kentucky
Territory in 1780, where he worked as a surveyor. Although Clay's
scholastic learning was limited, the young man was able to read, write,
and cypher. From the first he demonstrated great competence in his
trade and showed signs of common sense and industry. By taking his
Ifees in choice lands, he was able to acquire substantial holdings in
central Kentucky.

An anecdote serves to demonstrate the Sagacity and foresight of
Clay during these early years. Soon after the surrender of Cornwallis,
at a time when Continental paper money was greatly depreciated, the
young surveyor returned to Virginia. While there, he sold his riding
horse to a French officer for twentyeseven thousand dollars of the

depreciated currency. Once back in Kentucky, he invested the money in

lands which later came to be worth almost half a million dollars.3 In

 

1Jonathan Truman Dorris and Maud weaver Dorris, Glimpses of
Historic Madison County (Nashville: Williams Printing Company, 1955),
Chapter X, "The Clays"; James K. Patterson, "Biographical Memoir,"

The S eeches Addresses and writin s of Cassius M. Clay,_Jr. (New York:
The Winthrop Press, 1915;, pp. 9-12.

2Richard H. Collins, History of Kentucky (Covington: Collins and
Company, 1878), Vol II, pp. 141-fl3.

 

31bid., p. 142.

 

...\

21

this way Clay, who traced his roots from vigorous pioneer stock rather
than from the Tide Water gentry, came to be one of the most extensive
land-holders in the state.

Green Clay served in the Virginia Legislature from Kentucky and
represented.Madison County in the Virginia Convention of 1788, which
was called to ratify the constitution.1 This marked the beginning of a
life-time interest and participation in political affairs.

In 1795 Green Clay married Sally Ann Lewis, a young lady nine-
teen years his junior. After the wedding, the Clays moved into a
hewed log house near Frankfort in Madison County. Four years later
they built a palatial brick house on the twenty-two hundred acre
estate, and the place became known as "Clermont."2 That same year,
1799, Clay helped to form the second constitution of Kentucky.

On October 19, 1810, Cassius Marcellus, the youngest of the Clays'
seven children, was born. He, perhaps more than any of the others,
came to reflect the dominant attributes of both parents. The tenets
of his father's simple creed which emphasized independence and self-

reliance came to play an important role in the life of Cassius.3

 

1Dorris, p. 123; Collins, Vol. I, p. 143.

2It is not known for certain when, why, or how the name of the
estate was changed to "White Hall." Perhaps the use stems from the
establishment of a post office of that name in the vicinity. Letters
from Cassius began during the 1890's to be addressed from "White Hall
P. 0., Kentucky." Prior to this time he spoke of his home at
“Clermont.”

3Cassius Marcellus Clay, The Life of Cassius Marcellus CLgy:
Memoirs writin s and S eeches ZCincinnati: J. F. Brennan and Compan",
1883;, Vol I, pp. 39-50. Hereafter, this source will be identifie as
Autobiography.

..~

I 1'

22

Green Clay served with valor and distinction in the war of 1812.
He held the rank of brigadier general and was in command of the 3,000
Kentucky troups at Fort Meigs in 1813 when that post was unsuccessfully
besieged by a force of fifteen hundred British and Canadians and five
hundred Indians under Tecumseh.1 His courage and military prowess were
widely acclaimed, and no doubt his children found these traits worthy
of emulation.

Mr. Clay did not limit himself to land interests; nor did he
specialize in the cultivation of tobacco as did some of his neighbors.
He associated himself with several small local businesses and divided
his productive acres among several crOps, thus putting into practice
his conviction that a varied economy was possible and desirable in
Kentucky.2

Although Green Clay had little education, he encouraged his
children to acquire as much schooling as they desired. Cassius, along
with his brother Brutus Junius, first attended classes in a "log cabin
unchinked;"3 Later, "Cash" was enrolled at the Richmond Academy and
also came under the tutelage of Joshua Fry, a well-educated gentleman

farmer, who operated a school at his home in Mercer County.4

 

1Collins, VOl. II, p. 143.

2David L. Smiley, "Lion of white Hall: The Life of Cassius
Marcellus Clay of Kentucky" (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Depart-
ment of History, University of Wisconsin, 1953), p. 62. Hereafter,
this source will be identified as Dissertation.

3Clay, Autobiography, p. 24.
4Collins, vol. II, p. 625.

23

In 1827 Cassius was sent to the Jesuit College of St. Joseph at
Bardstown in order to study French. By his own admission, he never

became proficient in this language.1

The year in Bardstown with the
Catholic fathers was not an enjoyable one for "Cash," who found the
close supervision of the prefects disagreeable; and he eagerly antic-
ipated the pleasure of being unrestrained.2 On April 15, 1828, he left
St. Joseph's and returned to his home in Madison County.

Knowing of his youngest son's desire for more education, Green
Clay took steps to insure the availability of funds for this purpose.
In his will, dated September 3, 1828, Mr. Clay established a contingency
fund for the "schooling and support of my son Cassius until he arrives
at full age; then he shall take possession of his estate."3 Not long
after preparing his will, on October 31, 1828, Green Clay died from a
cancer on the face.

At the time of his death, Green Clay was the second largest slave-
owner in the state. The record indicates that he was a humane master

and one of the few who taught his slaves to read and write.4 A

description of slave life at "Clermont," recorded by Cassius in his

autobiography, gives further illumination to the character of Green Clay.

 

'Clay, Autobiography, pp. 35, 362—63; Letter of Cassius Clay to
Brutus Clay, December 18, 1827.

2Letter of Cassius Clay to Brutus Clay, February 10, 1828.
3Willbook; on file at the Madison County Court House.

”Dorris, p. 91.

\v

 

 

24

There was no market for sheep in those days; and my father's

object in raising large flocks was to clothe his slaves well.

He used to say:"Better lose the value of a coat than that of

the workman." He fed and sheltered his slaves well, allowing

them gardens, fowls, and bees. Groups of cabins were far

apart for pure air. ‘

Following the death of the elder Clay, the Negroes, along with the
land holdings, were divided among the heirs. Cassius received seven-
teen slaves and "all lands in Madison County on the East side of
Muddy Creek and from the head there-of to Estill County line except a
two hundred acre tract on each side of Downey Creek."2 In addition
"Cash" was named trustee of other lands and slaves. The latter group
of slaves, held in trusteeship for his children, later caused him some
embarrassment when his political opponents, not being fully cognizant
of the facts, alleged that he had not freed all of his slaves as was
maintained.3

Not all of Green Clay's legacy to his children could be computed
in terms of acreage and slaves. He also left them his advice on many
subjects. Cassius, in later years, recalled some of the useful
apothegems passed on to him by his father. Among them were the
following:

Never tell anyone your business . . . . Enquire of fools

and children if you wish to get at the truth . . . . In
traveling in dangerous times, never return by the same

 

1Clay, Autobiogpaphy, p. 42.
2hillbook; on file at the Madison County Court House.

3Cincinnati Daily Gazette, August 6, 1856. In refutation of
charges made by the Sentinel, Clay explained that: "It is well known

long since that I emancipated all the slaves I owned in my own right.
The slaves sold, to which allusion is made, were slaves left to my
children by my father, in whom I had only a life estate, which was
sold.”

road . . . . Never set your name on the right hand side of

the writing . . . . Never say of anybody what you would not

proclaim in your court yard.1

Although "Cash" followed the last admonition to a fault -- he never
hesitated to speak out boldly concerning persons and ideas -- he was
less often in accord with his elder's suggestion to avoid the right
hand side of the paper. His willingness to assume the financial obliga-
tions of others contributed to his repeated financial difficulties.2

Cassius Clay entered Transylvania in Lexington in January, 1829.
Founded in 1780, the university was the oldest college west of the
Alleghenies and contributed much to the city's reputation as the "Athens
of the west." While a student at Transylvania, Clay studied Latin,
Greek, mathematics, "natural and experimental philosophy," and rhetoric.3
He found oratory of particular interest and spent one afternoon a week
in directed speaking.

Whilehe was a student in Lexington, "Cash" had an opportunity to
hear speeches by such prominent orators as Henry Clay, Robert J.
Breckinridge, and Robert Wickliffe.“ These speeches and the discussions
Clay participated in at the home of Robert Todd no doubt whetted his
appetite for active participation in politics.

Clay resided with the Todd family in 1829 after a fire destroyed
the building in which the Transylvania students were housed. (The

conflagration was said to have been set-off when "Cash's” body servant

 

1Clay, Autobiography. pp. 39.41.
23miley, Dissertation, p. 62.

31bid., p. 17.

“Clay, Autobiogpaphy, pp. 46—47; 55.

26

fell asleep without extinguishing his candle after blacking his
master's boots on the attic steps.)1 Apparently Clay was treated as
a member of this family during his residency with them. Several
twentieth century writers have suggested that young Clay was at this
time greatly admired by Mary Todd, who was some years his junior and
that in later years she may have been influenced by his Opinions
regarding slavery.2
After a year of study at Transylvania, Cassius decided to com-
plete his education in the East. Taking his time enroute to New
Haven, he spent several weeks along the seaboard visiting with friends
in Philadelphia, New York, and Boston. He carried with him a letter
of introduction to President Jackson; the President, in turn, intro-

duced the young man to John C. Calhoun and Martin Van Buren.3

While
in Boston, Cassius was a guest in the home of John Quincy Adams.

Clay was admitted to the junior class of Yale College, having
chosen Yale ”on account of its reputed beauty of trees, as well as its

reputation for thoroughness in education."u The course of study at

Yale was very much like that pursued by the Kentuckian at Transylvania.

 

'Edna Talbott Whitley, Kentucky Ante-Bellum Portraiture (The
National Society of Colonial Dames in America in the Commonwealth of
Kentucky, 1956), p. 500.

2William H. Townsend, Lincoln and His Wife' 5 Home Town
(Indianapolis: The Bnbbs-Merrill Company, 1929); William H. Townsend,

Lincoln and the Blue rass (Lexington: The University of Kentucky Press,
1955); Irving Stone, Love Is Eternal (New York: Doubleday and Company,
Inc., 1954)

3James R. Robertson, A Kentuckian at the Court of the Tsars: The
M nist of Cassius Marcellus Clay to Russia, 1861- 1862 and 1863-1869
(Berea: Berea College Press, 1935), p. 25.

“Clay, Autobiography, p. 54.

 

27

The curriculum placed a heavy emphasis on Latin and Greek, and included
philosophy, rhetoric, and history. Jeremiah Day, author of mathematics
text books was the college president; and the Yale faculty boasted such
prominent educators as Benjamin Silliman (chemistry and natural
science), James L. Kingsley (classical languages), and Chauncey Allen
Goodrich (rhetoric).

Cassius came under the tutelage of Goodrich in the class-room and
in extra-curricular speaking situations. The Yale College catalogue
for 1831-1832 states that there were very frequent exercises in decla-
mation before the professor of oratory as well as before the faculty

and students in the chapel.1

Participation in the Calliopean Society,
a debating society made up largely of students from the South, gave
Clay additional Opportunities for perfecting his skill in debate and
oratory.

Whileat Yale, Cassius was also influenced by persons not directly
connected with the college. Although he was a member of a Kentucky
emancipation society when he went North to school, it was not until he
heard William Lloyd Garrison speak at Yale in 1831 that he committed
himself to the anti-slavery cause. "Cash" had witnessed the cruel
treatment of Negroes on several occasions before leaving Kentucky; and

he regarded slavery as the "fixed law of Nature," an evil of humanity

about which nothing could be done.3

 

1Letter of Jane W. Hill, Librarian of Yale Memoriabilia Collection,
October 13, 1961.

2Letter of Jane w. Hill, September 28, 1960.

BClay, Autobiogpaphy, pp. 25-30; 55-57.

28

The young southerner had never heard an aoolitionist speak prior
to the time of Garrison's address in New Haven's Center Church. In fact,
Clay was almost totally unfamiliar with the word "abolitionist" and with
the name "Garrison." However, he attended the lecture and pressed for-
ward with the others to catch every word spoken by the visitor. Jhen a
second meeting was called the next evening to "answer" Garrison, Cassius
was among those who eagerly crowded to the front to see and hear fully.
In recalling the abolitionist's remarks, Clay wrote:

In plain, logical, and sententious language he treated the

"Divine Institution" so as to burn like a branding iron into

the most callous hide of the slaveholder and his defenders.

This was a new revelation to me. . . . Garrison dragged the

monster from all his citadels, and left him stabbed to the

Vitals, and dying at the feet of every logical and honest

mind.

After hearing the fiery Garrison, observing the boisterous hissing
that accompanied the abolitionist's remarks, and noting the false logic
of those who chose to defend slavery, "Cash" resolved that when he had
the strength, if ever, he would give slavery a death struggle.

Not long afterwards Clay gave articulation to his views on the
slave question in a letter to his brother Brutus. He wrote:

The slave question is now assuming an importance in the opinion

of the enlightened and humane, which prejudice and interest can-

not long withstand. The slaves of Virginia, Kentucky, and in

fact all the slave holding States must soon be free! . . . I

think . . . there will be a dissolution of the general govern-

ment before 50 years -— however much it may be deprecated and
laughed at now.

 

'Ibid.. p. 56.

2Letter of Cassius Clay to Brutus Clay, December 4, 1831.

29

On February 22, 1832, Cassius had an Opportunity to voice some of
his anti-slavery sentiments publicly. He was selected by his classmates
to deliver the Centennial Oration on Jashington's birth. The celebra—
tion was a city-wide affair, not limited to the college, and Clay spoke
"at half-past ten o'clock in the North Church."1 Regarding this speech
Opportunity, Clay said:

There was no other similar oration made in New Haven on that

day. So I had the whole of the pllpp, social and literary, of

the college and New Haven to hear me. And there I made my first

anti-slavery speech.

While at Yale, Clay traveled about New England, noticing the
prosperous economy of the energetic Yankees, who had "out witted a
miserly nature by magic mechanical devices."3 His perceptive eye must
have been quick to contrast these outward signs of prosperity -- schools,
factories, railroads -- with the lack of these facilities in his native
Kentucky.

Cassius Marcellus Clay was graduated from Yale College in June of
1832. He was a good student and participated in the commencement by

giving a dissertation on graduation morning on the "Character of

Daniel Boone."“

 

'Columbian Register of New Haven, February 25, 1832; cited in
letter of Jane W. Hill, October 13, 1961.

2Clay, Autobiography, p. 57.

:Smiley, Dissertation, p. 31.

“Letter of Jane W. Hill, October 13, 1961. Seventeen men (some
twice) participated in the 1832 commencement exercises. All seniors
above a certain "stand" (i.e. scholarship rank) were obliged to hand
in a piece for commencement, and the best were selected. "Stand" was
based primarily on the mark made at examinations held in May and
August. The marking system was fixed on a basis of 4.00 as perfect.

The only mark available for Clay was that of the May, 1831 examination,
when he made 2.9, a "quality" grade. Students with higher grades

30

prepared "orations" for commencement; those with lower grades prepared
"dissertations." In 1832, ten men presented "orations" and five gave
"dissertations." A "colloquy" was given by three men; two men held a
"dialogue"; and a poem was presented by another. The participants were
referred to as "speakers," and there is no record to indicate whether
the commencement speeches were read or memorized. No copy of Clay's
"dissertation" remains.

 

After a summer vacation at "Clermont," Clay enrolled at the
Transylvania Law School, where he completed a six months course. How-
ever, he was not interested in practicing law; rather, he viewed this
specialized training as necessary preparation for political life, a

1 He never

vocational ambition that he said was "congenial to my taste."
took out a license to practice law.

While he was studying in Lexington, "Cash" became acquainted with
a young woman who shortly thereafter became his wife. However, before
the wedding took place, Clay felt honor bound to cane a former suitor
of the girl, Dr. John P. Declarey, who had made derOgatory remarks
about Cassius. Clay and his best-man, James S. Rollins, went to
Indiana the day before the wedding to settle this grievance and barely
avoided a duel.2

Having satisfactorily defended his honor, "Cash" on February 18,

1833 married Mary Jane warfield, the high-spirited eighteen-year-old

daughter of Dr. and Mrs. Elisha Warfield. The wedding took place at

 

1Clay, Autobingaphy, p. 73.

2Ibid., p. 70; Elizabeth M. Simpson, Bluegrass Houses and Their
Traditions (Lexington: Transylvania Press, 1932), pp. 215—16. After
the wedding, Declarey denounced Clay as a coward and threatened to
"cowhide" him at the first opportunity. Clay, feeling that his honor
was at stake, went to Louisville to confront the doctor. Although the
two men met, Declarey made no demonstration; and several days later
he committed suicide by cutting his arteries.

.
.r a
u
.a .,
“h
a
I...
-.~
‘.
§ul
-
‘ l
a. .
t
n.,
o.“
\~,
—..

 

 

.
1‘ s
«V‘

 

 

31

"The Meadows," the warfield's Lexington estate.1 Following the wedding,
the young couple took up residence at "Clermont," Clay's mother having
remarried and moved to Frankfort.2

Mary Jane Clay, according to her husband's description, was "of
medium size," "gay," had "graceful movement," and possessed the "fas-
cinating manners which are so mated in Irish women."3 In addition,

wshe had the complexion of her Irish ancestors -- a fair
smooth skin, at times touched with rose color; a face and
head not classical, with rather broad jaws, large mouth,
flexible lips, rather thin and determined, but with outline
well cut, and an irregular nose. Her hair was of a light
auburn or nut color, long and luxuriant. Her eyes were a
light greyish-blue, large and far apart. . . . In dispo-
sition she was apparently the most amiable of women, the
impersonation of "eternal spring time."

Mrs. Clay, an amateur singer in her own right, found pleasure in going
to concerts and to the opera occasionally.5 The daughters of Robert

Todd were among her close girlhood friends, but it is not known to
what extent the friendship with Mary Todd Lincoln continued after Mary

moved to Illinois.

1Clavia Goodman, Bitter Harvest: Laura Cla 's Suffra e Work
(Lexington: Bur Press, 19435. Dr. Warfield had taught at Transylvania
Medical School for one year in 1809. Shortly after that he devoted his
energies to the merchandise business, where he made a large fortune.
warfield is better known today as the man who bred the great foundation
sire, Lexington. Mrs. Warfield was the former Mary Barr, daughter of a
big land-owner in Fayette County.

 

2Sally Lewis Clay's second husband was Jepthah Dudley, the
widower of one of her deceased sisters.

3Clay, Autobiography, p. 47.
4Ibid., p. 66.

5Goodman, p. 13.

32

In 1835 and again in 1837, the citizens of Madison County sent
”Cash” to Frankfort as their representative in the state legislature;
in 1840 he was elected to represent Fayette County. ‘flhile in the legis-
lature, Clay concerned himself with many issues of the day. The records
of the legislature reveal that during his three terms of service, he
submitted a bill to incorporate the Kentucky River Bridge Company, pro-
posed a resolution concerning a salt trade, presented a petition for a
group who wanted to build a bridge, made speeches against banking priv-
ileges and the importation of slaves into Kentucky, and defended a bill
to establish state supported schools.1

During the thirties C. M. Clay pursued a number of interests in
addition to politics. He engaged in the operation of a saw mill, a grist
mill, and a ferry, and for a time served as commissioner of the
Lexington and Richmond Turnpike Road Company, an organization in which
he had invested $2,000.2 Clay became a nationally recognized-authority
on the breeding of short-horn cattle, and on one occasion returned to
Yale to deliver a lecture on the "Economy of Pure Breeds of Live Stock."3
He offered pure bred Southdown sheep and Spanish hogs to the national
market, and chose to specialize in beef cattle rather than in tobacco,

the popular money crOp of the areafL

 

1Smiley, Dissertation, pp. 56-58.

21bid. . pp. 46-52.

3Anson Phelps Stokes, Memorials of Eminent Yale Men (New Haven:
Yale University Press, 19145, Vol. I, p. 338.

“Smiley, Dissertation, pp. 46-52.

33

In 1838 Clay purchased "Thorn Hill," one of Lexington's most
elegant homes, for $18,000.1 Here, several of the Clay children were
born, and here the family resided during the hectic decade of the
forties.

Clay was a delegate to the National Whig Convention which met in
Harrisburg in December of 1839. At the convention his proposal to
eliminate the unit rule of voting by states was defeated, and his
efforts in behalf of Henry Clay's candidacy for the presidential nomin-
ation were similarly unsuccessful. Disheartened by these failures and
the selection of Harrison as the party standard bearer, Cassius remained
inactive during the "log cabin campaign."2

"Cash's" campaign to win the Fayette seat in the legislature in
1840 was a hard fought contest, one that clearly identified Clay as a
bold antagonist of the slave interests. Clay“s«opponent was Robert
Wickliffe, Jr., son of the "Old Duke." So bitter was the struggle that
Clay's mother feared a duel would occur. A deeply religious woman, she
wrote a letter to her headstrong son in hopes of preventing such an
encounter. In the communication she commented upon her son's "nice
senseeof honour" and questioned how a rational man could disobey the law
which says "thou shalt not kill." She counselled her son to "think of
the 'shortney' of life and the vanity of earthly fame," and advised

"Cash" to be less anxious about being elected.3

 

1Simpson, pp. 213-16.
2Smiley, Dissertation, p. 64.

3Letter of Sally Clay Dudley,r‘to Cassius Clay, August 2, 1840. Clay
Papers, Eastern Kentucky State College, Richmond, Kentucky.

Clay was victorious that year and came through the campaign
unscathed. However, the following year, when he again contested
against Wickliffe, the strong feeling could not be controlled. On
May 13, 1841 the two met with their seconds, just outside of Louisville,
and prepared to settle their differences. Clay had a sharp shooting eye
and was reportedly able to sever a string with a bullet from his pistol
three times out of five shots at ten paces. Yet, in the duel, the con-
testants exchanged three shots at thirty feet without effect.1 The
seconds prevented further shooting; and the contenders left the ground
enemies, as they had come, no apology being made by either man.2
Shortly after the duel, a friend joked with Clay about his marksmanship.
”why is it,” he inquired, "that you could cut a string at ten paces
three times out of five, and yet miss Hickliffe's big body three
successive shots at the same distance?" "0h," drawled Clay,flthe damned
string had no pistol in its hand."3

Clay was defeated by Wickliffe in 1841 and never again sought
election to the state legislature. However, he was active in the
campaigns of others who opposed the "Old Duke's" son and was recog-
nized as an.important force in Kentucky politics. During the campaign
of 1843, when young Wickliffe was Opposed by Garret Davis, "Cash" was
involved in an incident which revealed him to be a politician who was

not content to fight with words alone.

 

1Collins, vol. I, p. 46.

2Clay, Autobiography, p. 81.

32achary F. Smith, "Duelling, and Some Noted Duels by Kentuckians,"
Register of the Kentucky State Historical Society, VIII (1910); cited
by Smiley, Dissertation, p. 96.

35

On the morning of August 1, flickliffe addressed a gathering at
what was then Delphton in Fayette County and charged that the Hhigs
had gerrymandered Davis into the district.1 Clay, who was a member
of the audience, arose and interrupted the speaker with the comment
that "justice to Mr. Davis compels me to say . . . that that is a
damned lie."2 There was no further interruption, and the speaker con-
tinued without incident.

That afternoon when the Democratic candidate appeared at Russell's
Cave Springs, he made the same allegation. Once more "Cash" arose to
object; but before he could complete his refutation, a fracas began
which could have had serious consequences for Clay.

"Cash's" antagonist in this battle was Samuel M. Brown, a well-
known fighter who had returned to his home state with the reputation
of having had forty fights and never lost a battle. It is difficult to
say who struck the first blow; but in the course of the exchange, Brown
fired a pistol at Clay, who retaliated by hacking away at Brown's head
with a bowie knife. Before Clay ended the fight by tossing his adver-
sary over a wall into the waters of Russell's Cave, he had cut Brown's
right eye, and 10pped off part of the man's scalp and left ear.3 Clay
was not injured. The ball from Brown's pistol struck the silver-
lined scabbard of Clay's bowie knife, and being deflected had lodged

in the back of his coat, where it was completely harmless.

 

1Clay, Autobiography. pp. 82—95; Cincinnati Daily Gazette,
August 7, 19, 1 3.

2Clay, Ibid.

3Cincinnati Daily Gazette, August 19, 1843.

36

That October Cassius was brought to trial for his part in the
fracas and charged with mayhem. Henry Clay came out of retirement and
joined John Speed Smith in defending "Cash." The trial was a colorful
affair, and interest in the case ran high. Although the jury was pro-
slavery to a man, the ability of Henry Clay was equal to the occasion.
For more than two hours he addressed the jury with fire and determina-
tion and pleaded the case of his young kinsman. The spectators in
attendance were not disappointed by the oratory of the "Mill Boy of the
Slashes," z-zho concluded his case by saying:

Standing as he did, *vrithout aides or abettors, and without

popular sympathy, with the fatal pistol of conspired murderers

pointed at his heart, would you have had him meanly and cowardly
fly? Or would you have had him do just what he did do -- there
stand in defense or there fall? And if he had not, he would not
have been worthy of the name he bears!1
The jury deliberated only one hour and returned with the verdict of
"not guilty."

Although Cassius Clay was initially drawn to the anti-slavery
Crusade by the moral argument of William Lloyd Garrison, he had by the
mid-forties relegated this argument to a secondary place in his think-
ins and wa: now .>asing his attack on the thesis that slavery restricted
the state's economic growth and was infringing upon the rights and
priVi-leges of the non-slaveholders who constituted a majority of the
state's population.

On December 30, 1843, in a speech at White Sulphur Springs, "Cash"
made known his Opposition to the proposed annexation of Texas. This was

the first of many speeches designed to arouse the non-slaveholding
\

1Clay, Autobiograppy, p. 89.

37

whites of the state to exercise their franchise and oust the slavehold-
ing minority from power.1

During January of 1844, Clay liberated his slaves, although the
act made it difficult for him to get his farm worked.2 And that spring,
through the pages of the New York Tribune, he outlined a theoretical
scheme by which slavery could be ended.3 Although the plan was never
adopted, it was a scheme that earned Clay the right to a niche among
southern political scientists of his day.

In 1844 the northern dhigs invited Cassius to tour their section
in behalf of his kinsman. It was felt that "Cash's" reputation as an
anti-slavery advocate would be an asset since the Nhig cause was
threatened by the Liberty movement, whose candidate was the abolitionist
James Birney. Although he was not in sympathy with his cousin's stand
on slavery, "Cash" agreed to support Henry Clay for the presidency be-
cause he believed that in the older man's proposed "American-System"
lay the means to improve the economy of Kentucky.

C. M. Clay began his speechmaking for the Whigs at a Lexington
public debate on the Texas Treaty, May 13, 1844, when he answered the
charges of the Lexington lawyer, Thomas F. Marshall. After listening
to Marshall discourse for three hours, "Cash" arose to speak. His

arguments were essentially those that he had used at white Sulphur

 

11bido. pp. 86-96.
2Letter of Cassius Clay to Brutus Clay, January 6, 1844.
3Horace Greeley (ed.), The Writings of Cassius M. Clay, Including

Speeches and Addresses (New York: Harper and Brothers, 18487: pp. 141-
144.

 

38

Springs earlier, but he added to his case a systematic refutation of the
expansionist arguments set forth by Marshall.1

Campaigning in 1844 was a strenuous business. .The long buggy ride
over rough roads, the poor sleeping accommodations, the unpalatable
food, and the unending round of speeches placed great demands upon a
traveling campaign orator. A tough body, an iron clad stomach, and the
ability to sleep anywhere were attributes that counted almost as much
as a powerful voice, dynamic personality, and a worthwhile message.2
Cassius Clay had the stamina and physique of a forceful and admirable
campaigner. He enjoyed the excitement of the torch-light parades and
was elated when he drew laughter and applause while matching sallies
with his hearers in Ohio, Iichigan, New York, Pennsylvania, and New
England.3

For Mrs. Clay, who accompanied her husband on the journey, the
trip was not pleasant. The interminable speeches became an exhausting
series of similar scenes, and Mary Jane suffered from travel weariness
and physical illness as well as from the lack of comfort and privacy.u
It was her first experience with political campaigning, and she never
again undertook this type of trip. The thrill and stimulation of the

canvass, however, were congenial with the nature of her husband, and

he campaigned in almost every presidential election thereafter.

 

1Ibid.. pp. 146-57.

2David L. Smiley, "An Emissary from Cousin Henry," The Register
of the Kentucky Historical Society, LIII (April, 1955), pp. 115-23.

3This Speaking tour is discussed in more detail in Chapter Four.

1+Letter of Mary Jane Clay to Mrs. Llewellyn T. Tarlton, August 20,
1844. Clay Collection, Filson Club, Louisville, Kentucky.

39

In the North, as in Kentucky, "Cash" propounded an anti-slavery
doctrine based upon economic considerations and refused to appease the
"higher law" abolitionists of the area. This failure to temper his
remarks to fit the beliefs of his listeners tended to Void "Cash's"
usefulness as an emissary of Cousin Henry.1 In the final accounting,
New York state, where Cassius had worked eSpecially hard, gave its
vote to James K. Polk by a narrow margin. Henry Clay lost the state by
5,106 votes, largely because 15,000 voters in flew York cast their
ballots for the Liberty party candidate. The significance of "Cash's"
role in the election of 1844 has been summarized in the following
manner:

Cassius Clay had been appointed to do a job which he did not

do. He would not tailor his philosophy to meet the needs of

political reality. In his own conduct he illustrated the

waning pOpularity of compromise on the slave issue; the method

for which Henry Clay was famous, and which was the price of

union, was becoming less acceptable. Even before the campaign

was over, it had become evident that the choice of Cassius M.

Clay as representative of the Whig candidate among northern

abolitionists was a mistake. In his refusal to trim his

argument to fit political winds he was as fanatical as they;

he did not possess the happy amorality of a Corwin or the

tactful finesse of a Henry Clay. He would indeed rather be

"right" in his own eyes, than have Henry president.2

Cassius Clay employed both oral and written communications to
propagate his anti-slavery views. However, after 1844, when his
articles became more militant and provocative in tone, the editor of

the Lexington Observer and Reporter and other Kentucky editors

declined to publish further Clay contributions "in the interest of

 

1Smiley, "An Emissary from Cousin Henry," pp. 121-22.

21bid., p. 122.

40

public peace.”1 Because his writings were rejected throughout the
state, "Cash" made preparations to establish his own weekly newSpaper
in Lexington.

The citizens of Lexington did not look with favor at the prospect
of an anti-slavery newspaper in their midst, and the ngggzgg for
February 19, 1845 suggested that "Mr. Clay has taken the very worst
time that he could to begin the agitation of this great and delicate
question."2 While Clay sensed the difficulty of his undertaking, he
was willing to make the sacrifice.3 Therefore, on June 3, 1845, the
True American, a four page weekly anti-slavery newspaper, made its
appearance on the Lexington streets under the masthead of "God and
Liberty." Three hundred Kentuckians and seventeen hundred persons from
other states were recipients of this first edition. Within three
months, Clay's subscription list had swelled to seven hundred Kentucky
subscribers and twenty-seven hundred in other states.”

From the start, the True American was the "avowed and uncompromis-
ing enemy of slavery." It was in favor of the liberation of slaves by
"constitutional and legal means;" it maintained that Congress had no
power to interfere with slavery where it was already established with-
out the "legitimate consent of the state;" and it denied the possibility

of adding a new slave state or territory to the Union.5

 

1Townsend, Lincoln and His Wife's Home Town, p. 115.
21bid.

/

3Clay, Autobiography, p. 100.

4Asa Earl Martin, The Anti-Slavery Movement in Kentucky Prior to
1850 (Louisville: The Standard Printing Company of Louisville, 1918),
p. 115.

5The True American.

 
 

Ln

Fearing that the public might take action against the True American,
the owner prepared to protect his press against possible attack. He
converted the second story of the brick building at "number 6" Mill
Street into a veritable arsenal. The doors and windows were fortified
outside with sheet iron to prevent them from being burned. Inside, the
office was equipped with two "four pound" brass cannons, which were
mounted on a table breast high and were loaded with Hinieballs and nails,
ready to blast any attackers. A stand of rifles, several shot guns,
and a dozen Mexican lances were also part of the inside defense. In
addition, Clay arranged a means of escape through a trap door in the
roof and prepared a fuse for setting off several kegs of power which he
had secreted in the room.1

Although Clay was supported in his journalistic endeavor by a
number of other individuals, no complete roster of his colleagues was
ever prepared. It was generally understood, however, that two of the
men who assisted with the publication of the True American were
‘William L. Neal and Thomas Lewinski.2 This stand against slavery was
lauded by many northern abolitionists; and Horace Greeley, editor of
the New Yerk Tribune, acclaimed the True Amggican as "the first paper
which ever bearded the monster in his den, and dared him to a most

3

unequal encounter."

 

1Clay, Autobiography, pp. 106-107.

21bid.

3Cited by Townsend, Lincoln and the Bluegrass, p. 103.

42

The summer of 1845 was a time of tension and uneasiness. Rumors
of a revolt among Lexington free Negroes were widely circulated; and
pro-slavery advocates were disgruntled over their defeat at the polls
and were seeking a scape goat.1 Some suspected that Clay was succeed-
ing in his efforts to educate non—slaveholding whites to vote against
the slaveholding aristocrats.2 In any event, the days of the 2322
American were numbered from the first.

The issue of July 29 noted that the editor was confined to his
home with an attack of fever (typhoid) and that "any defect noticeable
in the paper during his illness, will, therefore, be attributed to the
proper cause."3 Two weeks later, he paper carried an inflammatory
article written by Nathaniel P. Hare which aroused the Lexingtonians
and persuaded them to act. The portion of the article that convinced
the citizens that they were in danger read as follows:

. . . remember, you who dwell in marble palaces, that there

are strong arms and fiery hearts and iron pikes in the

streets, and panes of glass only between them and the silver

on the board, and the smooth-skinned woman on the ottoman. . . .

the day of retribution is at hand, an the masses will be

avenged.

Two days later, on August 14, a meeting of citizens was held at

the Court Hbuse in Lexington for the purpose of suppressing the True

American. Clay, learning of the meeting, arose, dressed himself, and

 

1Russel B. Nye, Fettered Freedom (East Lansing: Michigan State
College Press, 1949), p. 133.

2David L. Smiley, "A View of the Suppression of the True American,"
The Filson Club Histornyuarterly, XXIX (October, 1955), p. 320.

3The True American, July 29, 1845.
”Ibid., August 12, 1845.

 

43

much against the wishes of his family went to the Court House to face
his Opponents in person. About thirty persons, mostly political
Opponents and personal enemies of Clay, were in attendance when he
arrived. A major portion of the meeting was given over to the reading
and interpretation of one of Clay's editorials. Cassius, who had been
lying on a bench, sat up and requested a hearing so that he might
explain the article. This request was promptly denied by Thomas F.
Marshall, who had read and interpreted the editorial for the group.
Seeing that the assembled Democrats and Mhigs had no intention of
allowing him to defend his point of view, the ailing editor returned
to his home.1

That evening a committee composed of B. C. Dudley, Thomas H.
waters, and John W. Hunt, appointed by the meeting, waited upon Clay
and requested him to discontinue his paper "as its further continuance,
in our judgment, is dangerous to the peace of the community, and to
the safety of our homes and families."2 The committee expressed a
concern for the editor's welfare and pointed out, "He do not approach
you in the form of a threat. But we owe it to you to state that, in
our judgment, your own safety, as well as the repose and peace of the

community are involved in your answer."

 

1Volume II of Clay's Autobiography was never published; however,
the copy intended for this volume was prepared and annotated by Clay
and Judge Clay Howard, who had been selected by Cassius to be his
literary executor. This material is part of the Clay Collection of
Eastern State College in Richmond, Kentucky. Hereafter, this source
will be identified as Memoirs.

2Letter of the Committee to Cassius Clay, August 14, 1845.

#4

Clay, however, was not concerned about his safety. His life had
been in jeopardy on previous occasions. For example, shortly after
the appearance of the TrueiAmerican, he received a thregtening letter,
supposedly signed in blood, from the "Revengers" who warned "Cash"
that "the hemp is ready for your neck. Your life cannot be spared.
Plenty thirst for your blood -- are determined to have it."1

As was expected, Cassius decided to fight for his right to pub-
lish the True American, and on August 15 replied to the Committee's
letter. In his reply Clay denied an association with Negro violence,
accused the meeting that had instigated the letter of being uncon-
stitutional, and expressed contempt for the seeming regard for his
personal safety. "Cash" climaxed his communication with a vitupera-
tive bravado that increased the ire of the citizens. He said in closing,
"Go tell your secret conclave of cowardly assassins that C. M. Clay
knows his rights and how to defend them."2 In an "extra" of the
True American, Clay that same day attempted to clarify the issue as he
saw it by describing the events of the preceding day.

Uncertain about the committee's next move, Clay did not hesitate
to make additional preparations for the defense of his office. His
friends were alerted, all weapons in the Mill Street office were
checked, and Clay moved his camp bed to the office. As an added pre-

caution, he wrote his will.3

 

1The True American, June 17, 1845.
2Letter of Cassius Clay to the Committee, August 15, 18u5.

3Clay, Memoirs.

45

About five hundred persons assembled at the Court House on that
afternoon, Friday, August 15, to consider Clay's reply. They did not
attempt to determine a course of action, preferring to delay settlement
until the following Monday. Clay maintained that the delay was motivated
by the group's expectation that by Monday he would be dead or without
the support of his friends.

Neither side was idle over the week-end. On Saturday an inflamma-
tory piece, "A Kentuckian," made its appearance along with a long
handbill signed by the committee. These were sent to the "People of
Lexington and County of Fayette" and were also distributed to adjoin-
ing counties. Clay responded with a second circular in which he
explained his plan of gradual emancipation. This communication was
more moderate than Clay's earlier reply to the committee and suggested
that there was probably cause for mutual reproach between himself and
the public. Cassius agreed to take the warning of friends 0r enemies
for the future conduct of the paper, but insisted that "whilst I am
ready to restrict myself in the latitude of discussion of the question,

I NEVER WILL, VOLUNTARILY, ABANDON A RIGHT OR YIELD A PRINCIPLE."1

On Sunday, August 17, Clay replied to the committee's handbill of
Saturday in his third appeal to the peOple of Lexington. In it he
denied any association with northern abolitionists and explained that
when he appealed to "laborers" for help, he meant only white laborers.2
During the day "Cash" changed his mind about defending the office and

ordered his friends to disarm it.

 

1Ibid., "Appeal Number Two."

2Ibid., "Appeal Number Three."

#6

Clay’s mother believed that he had acted imprudently. Her warning
to "act mildly and with caution" had been ignored. However, she was not
one to cower in the face of danger. Earlier in the.week she had written
to her son "if you prefer death to dishonor, so do I."1 On Sunday she
visited him in Lexington. Sitting by his bed-side, she said:"Cassius,
my son, if you are doing what you believe to be right, never surrender --
die first."2

Apparently Clay believed that it would be possible to save both
his life and the True Ameripan. Consequently, he made a final effort
to salvage them in a last appeal, written late Sunday evening. In this
statement Cassius reminded the citizens that the controversial article
which had been the "cause of the public disquietude" was published
”without my complete attention to duty." He agreed to restrict the
latitude of discussion in the future and promised to be personally
responsible for all articles appearing in the paper. 'Also, he promised
that no matter upon the subject of slavery would be published until
after his health was restored. In closing he called attention to the
fact that

My office and dwelling are undefended except by the laws of

my country, to the sacred :inviolability of which I confide

myself and property; and of these laws you are the sole

guardians. You have the power to do as you please.3

On the morning of August 18, George R. Trotter, Judge of the City

of Lexington, issued a legal process enjoining the True American

office and all its appurtenances. In this way Clay was forced to

 

1Clay, Autobiography, p. 109.

2Clay, Memoirs.

3Ibid., "Appeal Number Four."

47

turn over his keys to the city marshall.

By eleven o'clock about twelve hundred persons had assembled in
the Court House yard, and the mass meeting commenced. Weller Bullock
was appointed chairman of the proceedings, and an address was given by
Thomas F. Marshall, who discussed the incendiary character of thenggg
American and proposed six resolutions which, if passed, would bring
about its discontinuation.1 The resolutions were unanimously adopted
by the meeting. In addition to prohibiting Clay from publishing a
paper in Lexington and outlining the precise method by which the 2523
American should be suppressed, the resolutions denied the right of any
abolitionary press to exist in the state.2

That afternoon the office of the True American was dismantled by
a committee of sixty prominent Lexington citizens who were selected
under the direction of the mass meeting. "Cash's" cousin, James 3.
Clay, son of Henry Clay, was secretary of this committee. Henry Clay
took no part in the suppression of the paper; he was "conveniently"
out of town when the incident occurred. The editor's desk and personal
papers were sent to his home, while the press and other printing
apparatus were packed-up and by night-fall were enroute to Cincinnati.3

After the suppression of the paper in Lexington, Cassius resumed
its publication in Cincinnati, where it appeared regularly until

October, 18h6, when it was discontinued. Following Clay's illness, he

 

1
study.

2NewY’ork Tribune, August 25, 1845.

A copy of these resolutions appears in the Appendix of this

3Clay, Memoirs.

48

filed suit against the Revolutionary Committee, but the court ruled
against his case. However, after the Mexican War, when he again brought
the matter before the court, a different decision was reached; and Clay
received $2,500 for civil damages.

The action of the Lexington Committee aroused a great deal of
comment in the North as well as in the South. The northern press in
general upheld Clay and condemned the committee, but the opinions in

the South were divided.1

While Kentucky opinion tended to sympathize
with Clay, the citizens of several Kentucky counties met to support and
commend the action of the Lexington mass meeting, the interposition of
popular force being viewed as justified in this instance.2

The True American was from its beginning a potent factor in the
formation of public Opinion, coming as it did from the heart of
Kentucky's largest slaveholding counties, and edited by a native son.3
or particular significance is the fact that the suppression of the
paper occurred at a time when Kentucky had no laws infringing upon the
freedom of the press or of speech.4

After the suppression of the True American in Kentucky, Clay's

anti-slavery argument reflected more of a moral tone than before. In

December, 18#5 he published a brochure To all the Followers of Christ

 

1Nye, p. 134.

ZCIement Eaton, Freedom of Thou ht in the Old South (Durham: Duke
University Press, 1940 , pp. 185-93.

3Thomas D. Clark, A Histogy of Kentucky (New York: Prentice-Hall,
Inc., 1937). p. 3510

“On March 3, 1860, the General Assembly passed a law prohibiting
the writing or circulation of publications, "with intent to advise or
incite Negroes in this state to rebel or make insurrection, or incul-
cating resistance to the rights of prOperty of masters in their slaves."
Cited by Eaton, p. 129.

49

in the American Union.1

"Cash" did not try to appeal to the religious
sensibilities of the slaveowners; rather, he attempted to arouse the
consciences of the non-slaveholders to vote against the evil. In
January, 1846, Clay journeyed northward and addressed large audiences
in New York and Philadelphia.

Although Cassius Clay was opposed to the Mexican War, he did not
refuse to become a soldier. On May 26, 1846, he was made Captain of the
Third Fayette County Cavalry.2 "Cash" felt a responsibility to serve;
but perhaps more important, he saw in military service a chance to fur-
ther his career and lessen the anti-Clay sentiment that had emerged as a
result of the True American. However, this goal was never fully realized.
On January 23, 1847, Captain Clay and a handful of men were surrounded
and captured at Encarnacion by three thousand Mexican cavalry.3 Clay's
conduct during his imprisonment in Mexico won the respect and affection
of his men; and on December 6, 1847, the Captain was honored by the
citizens of Lexington for his valor in the war and presented with a
decorative sword.” Interestingly enough, many of those who now eulogized
C. M. Clay had been participants in the episode of August 18, 1845. In
March, 1848, the state legislature passed resolutions complimentary to

Clay and other Kentucky officers who had served during the war with

distinction.

 

1Smiley, Dissertation, p. 215.
2Collins, Vol. I, p. 53.
31bid., p. 54.

“Ibid., p. 56; Vol. II, p. 534. Card signed by A. C. Bryan‘gt.‘gl.,
Legiggton Observer and Reporter, October 23, 1847.

50

In April of 1849, "Cash" participated in the Convention of the
Friends of Emancipation, which met in Frankfort for the purpose of
adopting a common platform against perpetual slavery.1 About five
hundred emancipationists, more than half of whom were slaveowners, met
at the capitol for this assembly.2 The resolutions passed by the dele-
gates contained the following provisions: slavery, as it exists in
Kentucky, is contrary to the natural rights of mankind; is inconsistent
with a sound state of morality; is hostile to the prosperity of the
commonwealth; should not be perpetual. It was further Specified that
the new constitution of the state should provide for the incorporation
of a nonpimportation law and for a scheme of gradual emancipation.3

Although he believed that the resolutions were too mild, Clay was
willing to support them. In supporting his position, he said:

For myself, I am in favor of agitating this question. . . .

we must convince the people . . . of its importance. . . .

How can we get at the non-slaveholders but by agitation?

The newspapers, as a general thing, do not reach the non-

slaveholders. we must seek them out at the crossroads and

places of public resort in their neighborhoods. . . . We
want meg on the stump. We want to get at the ear of the

peOple.

”Cash's” role in this agitation campaign was a prominent one. He
toured the state in behalf of Emancipationist candidates, giving par-
ticular attention to the campaign in Madison County. During this
campaign, Clay became involved in an incident which almost cost him
his life.

 

1Hambleton Tapp, "Robert Breckinridge and the Year 1849," The Filson
Club Histggz Qujgterlz, XII(July, 1938), p. 134.

2Martin, p. 130.

3Tapp. pp. 133-34.

“Martin, p. 35.

51

On June 15. 1349. candidates of Madison County for the convention
were at Foxtown to Speak at a regimental muster. Clay, who was
promoting the candidacy of Major Burnam, was on hand to introduce
Curtis F. Burnam, who was to Speak in his father's behalf. Squire
Turner, who was Burnam's opponent, preceded Clay on the platform. Be-
cause Turner took twice as much time as he had agreed to, Clay insisted
that his candidate be given an equal opportunity. A brief verbal exchange
took place between Clay and Turner which the crowd was unable to hear. In
the noise and confusion, a misunderstanding occurred which led to the
campaign tragedy of the year.

Previously, Clay had charged that the state legislature had burned
the state's public school bonds. When Richard Runyon, who had been a
member of the state legislature accused by "Cash," observed the inter-
change between Clay and the Squire, he jumped to the conclusion that
the attack on the legislature was being resumed. Runyon ran to the
platform to challenge Clay's point of view and deny that he, Runyon,
was the tool of Turner.1

Although Clay had not intended to introduce the issue of the
school bonds, he was willing to speak to that point since Runyon de-
manded it. Cassius maintained that his original charge was correct
whether Turner knew it or not. Whereupon Cyrus Turner, the Squire's
oldest son, rushed forward, branded Clay's charge a "damned lie,"
struck ”Cash” in the face, and seized Clay's bowie knife.2 Other

members of the Turner family entered the fray in order to uphold the

 

1Smiley, Dissertation, pp. 273-76.
2Clay, Autobiography, pp. 185-87.

52

Squire's honor, and Clay was stabbed in the chest. A revolver was thrust
at his head; but although the trigger was snapped several times, the per-
cussion caps failed to explode. Clay spotted his bowie knife and regained
possession of it by grabbing the blade, cutting three of his fingers to
the bone. Half dazed by the blows on the head and weak from the loss
of blood, he saw Cyrus Turner and headed toward him. Turner attempted
to flee; but he stumbled and fell, giving Clay an opportunity to bury
his knife in the younger man's abdomen.1

Both men were carried to a nearby house, and it was doubted
whether either could survive the night since both were bleeding profusely.
The following day the Observer announced that "Gentlemen who witnessed
the conflict, state that Mr. Clay is dead, and that his adversary is not
expected to recover."2 Turner died within a few hours of the encounter
and was “martyrized” by the Kentucky Democrats. Clay recovered, possibly
because of the presence of mind of his wife, who ordered him to be placed
face down so that the wound might drain.3

This fight put Cassius out of the campaign, which undoubtedly
affected the outcome of the election. Nowhere in the state were the
Emancipationists successful. In Madison County, for example, Squire
Turner and William Chenault were chosen as delegates to the convention,
while Burnam, the Emancipationist, received only 688 votes out of a

total of over 3,700.4

 

1Lexington Observer and Repgrter, July 7—12, 1849.
2Ihid., June 16, 1849.

3Cassius M. mew (ed.), "Some Unpublished Letters of and about
Cassius M. Clay, 'Lion' of White Hall," The Filson Club History

Qggrterly, XXXI (January, 1957), p. 22.
“Smiley, Dissertation, p. 276.

53

In 1851 Clay announced himself as the Emancipation Party's
gubernatorial candidate and invited Dr. George D. Blakey of Logan
County to run as the candidate for lieutenant-governor. Blakey had
made a good showing as an emancipation candidate in '49, making him
an asset to the minuscule party.1

The Whigs, who had long dominated the state politics, nominated
Archibald Dixon as their candidate in the race; and the Democrats,
representing most of the state's pro-slavery leaders, chose Lazarus
N. Powell. Neither party was particularly disturbed by the entry of
a third party in the contest, the Democrats regarding Clay as a sort
of renegade Whig, and the Whigs ridiculing his candidacy.2

Putting into practice the conviction he had expressed in 1849,
Clay took his message of gradual emancipation directly to the people.
Opening his campaign March 3, 1851 with a rally at Richmond, he out-
lined once again his appeal to the "plain peOple" of the state. On
June 2, "Cash" began an extensive canvass of the state, speaking
nearly'every day until August 1, when he climaxed his campaign with a
major address at Lexington. During the campaign, he spoke in about
eighty of the state's one hundred counties, while Blakey "stumped" in
the others. Although there were many who claimed that an alliance

existed between the northern abolitionists and Clay, "Cash's"

Speeches of this campaign did not substantiate such an accusation.3

‘—

1Clay, Autobiography, p. 212.

200mmonwealth, March 11, April 1, May 27, July 22, 1851. Cited
by Smiley, Dissertation, p. 281.

3Speech of Cassius Clay given August 1, 1851, in Lexington,
Kentucky.

5).;

However, when the votes were counted, it became clear that the
non-slaveholders had not honored Clay's "dollars and cents" arguments.
The victory went to Powell, the Democratic nominee, who received
54,613 votes; Dixon was second with 53,763; and Clay received the
remaining 3,621.1 The significance of this election lay not in who
won or lost, but rather in the fact that the Whig Party was weakened
in Kentucky, marking another step in the decline of that organization
on the national level.2

This election marked the end of "Cash's" quest for political
office in Kentucky during the ante-bellum period. Although he maintained
an active anti-slavery party in the state, he had come to view the
slavery problem as national rather than sectional. He formed a
Kentucky Free Soil Party and had hopes of winning the national party's
vice-presidential nomination in 1852, but the Pittsburgh convention
chose John P. Hale of Vermont and George w. Julian of Indiana instead.3

In 1854, Clay was instrumental in bringing John G. Fee to Madison
County and provided the land on which the young minister developed the
anti-slavery community of Berea.“ Fee, like Clay, was a strong anti-
slavery advocate and an ardent believer in the value of freedom of

speech as a means of solving social problems. The two of them made

_

1Collins, Vol. I, p. 62.

2David L. Smiley, "The Slavery Issue Upset Kentucky's Election of
1851," Louisville Courier-Journal, August 4, 1951.

3Smiley, Dissertation, p. 289.

“Elisabeth s. Peck, Berea's First Century 1555-1955 (Lexington:
The University of Kentucky Press, 1955), pp. 1-5.

55

repeated efforts to demonstrate that a man could enjoy this freedom,
even in the South, if he were willing to meet threats of violence head-
on.

Clay made an extensive lecture tour through the mid-west and the
North during that same year. As a professional lecturer he received
fifty dollars a speech for his anti-Nebraska views.1 On July 4, he
spoke in Chicago, and on July 10 delivered an address entitled: "The
Signs of the Times in Our Political World," at Springfield where being
refused the rotunda of the statehouse, he was forced to speak from a
hastily constructed speaker's stand in a grove near the city.2 It was
on this occasion that the Kentuckian met Abraham Lincoln. In recalling
this event, Clay later commented:

Whittling sticks as he lay on the turf, lincoln gave me a

most patient hearing. I shall never forget his long, ungainly

form, and his sad and homely face. He was but little known to

the world, but his being the husband of my old friend of

earlier days caused me to look with interest upon him. I flatter

myself, when Lincoln listened to my animated appeals for uni-

versal liberty for more than two hours, that I sowed good seed

in good ground, which in the providence of God produced good

fruit.3

On July 4, 1855 "Cash" and John Fee shared the speaker's platform
at a celebration planned by Fee. On this occasion Clay maintained
that slavery, which had been retarding prOSperity, was now threaten-

ing the right of free speech.u

 

1Smiley, Dissertation, p. 293; New York Times, June 6, 1854.

2Springfield Illinois State Journgg, July 11, 1854. Cited by
Townsend, Lincoln and the Bluegrass, p. 211.

3Clay, Autobiography, p. 232. A more detailed discussion of this
Speech appears in Chapter Four.

“Peck, p. 7.

56

The following fourth of July, the two men again were speakers at
a holiday gathering held at Slate Lick Springs, a few miles from Berea.
On this occasion Fee spoke first and bluntly stated his position regard-
ing "higher law.” It was his contention that "that which outrages
natural right and divine teaching is mere usurpation, and . . . is in-
capable of legalization."1 Fee said further that “a law confessedly
contrary to the law of God ought not by human courts to be enforced."
He concluded by announcing his intention to disobey the Fugitive Slave
Law.

Clay took the stand next and told the audience: "Mr. Fee's stand
is revolutionary, insurrectionary, dangerous."2 He went on to say
that as long as a law is on the books it must be obeyed. He did, how-
ever, admit that the Fugitive Slave Law was bad and stated that he
would not obey it himself.

Fee returned to the stand and pointed out that Clay's position was
inconsistent. "Fee has got him," said a slaveholder standing in the
audience. The crowd in general was confused and went heme feeling
that Fee was religiously right; Clay, politically so.3

There followed an estrangement between the two men, and for some
months Clay did not visit Berea; nor did he offer Fee protection at the
latter's speaking engagements as had been his earlier custom. Perhaps
another reason for Clay's withdrawal from whole-hearted support of the

Berean was his objection to the 'co-education of the races" that was

 

1John G. Fee, Autobio ra of John G. Fee (Chicago: National
Christian Association, 1891 , p. 103.

2Ib3,d., p. 104.
31bid., p. 105.

57

practiced at Berea. Clay did not believe that such a school could be
a "numerical or financial success;" also, he feared "evil results to
virtue."1

Cassius Clay never had a particular affection for the colored man
and favored neither equality nor amalgamation. In fact, he held the
Negro in deep contempt. "I have studied the Negro character," he said
after years of agitation. "They lack self-reliance -- one can make
nothing out of them. God has made them for the sun and the banana!"2

In 1856 Cassius organized a Republican party in Madison County,
and his desire for political office at the national level became more
apparent. He spoke in Fremont's behalf in many'mid-western towns and
villages, and climaxed his campaign efforts in an address before the
Young Men's Republican Central Committee in the New York City
Tabernacle.3

On January 10, 1860, Clay commenced another round of political
speeches. Standing in the rain to deliver his speech because the
capitol building in Frankfort was closed to him, "Cash" discussed
current political issues, refuted objections raised against the Repub-
lican party, and made seventeen charges against the Democratic party.
The Speech attracted wide interest, and over 200,000 copies of it were

distributed by the Republicans as a campaign document}P The next

 

11b; .. p. 131.

2Letter of Cassius Clay to the editor of the New York world,
February 19, 1861. Cited by David L. Smiley, "Cassius M. Clay and

Southern Industrialism," The Filson Club Histogy Quarterly, XXVIII
(October, 1954)! p0 3190

3Additional consideration is given in Chapter Four to Clay's
participation in the Republican campaign of 1856.

“Smiley, Dissertation, p. 309.

huh

 

... \\

58

month Clay spoke at Cooper Institute in New York City and later
addressed a gathering at Hartford, Connecticut.1

Prior to the Republican National Convention that year, Clay made
a number of moves which were designed to win him support for a top
level nomination or appointment. He held conferences with the Maryland
Blairs and thought that he was being "courted" by Seward. His own
advances to such New England Republicans as Senator Sumner won him
little support, however. Nevertheless he did have some strength in
Indiana.2

Whether Clay, who was a member of the Republican National
Committee, attended the Republican Convention in Chicago is a matter
of conjecture. There is evidence to support both his presence and his
absence at this assembly. Those who contend that Clay was present for
the convention base their argument on statements made by Addison G.
Proctor, who was a Kansas delegate at the "split rail convention."
Proctor credited Clay with having won many delegations for Lincoln at
the Chicago convention.3

Those who contend that Clay was absent from the convention point

to his statement in the 1886 Autobiography, "I did not go to the

 

1New Ybrk Times, February 16, 1860; William Ritchie, "The Public
Career of Cassius M. Clay" (unpublished Ph.D dissertation, Department
of History, George Peabody College for Teachers, 1934), pp. 131-32.

2Richard H. Luthin, The First Lincoln Cam ai n (Cambridge:
Harvard University Press, 1955;, pp. 68, 115-12.

3In 1911 and in 1922 Proctor made speeches in Chicago in which he
described the influence of Clay at the 1860 convention. "Clay," he
said, "was one of the factors in giving Lincoln to the nation and to
our Party its first national victory. He was one of the big'mgg of

those times.“ Cited by Dorris, p. 125; cited by Townsend, Lincoln

and the Bluegrass, p. 378.

59

Convention,"1 and cite several letters to and from Clay which seem to
corroborate this conclusion.2
On May 18, 1860, at the afternoon session of the convention, the
fourth name to be placed in nomination for the vice-presidency was that
of Cassius Clay, the nomination being made by Mr. Smith of Indiana. 0n

the first ballot, Hamlin received 194 votes; Clay was in second place
with 101%; the remaining votes were divided among Hickman, Reeder, Banks,
and several ”favorite son" candidates. The second ballot gave 367 to
Hamlin and 86 to Clay, at which point Mr. Blakey of the Kentucky dele-
gation moved that the nomination of Hamlin be made unanimous. In con-
cluding his remarks, the Kentucky spokesman thanked the friends of Clay
for their loyal support and said: "In presenting his name to you we
presented the name of one who rolls the end of freedom under his
tongue while on his lips sweet liberty loves to linger."3 Clay
received three rousing cheers as the delegates united behind the
Lincoln-Hamlin ticket.

Following the convention Clay offered his assistance to Lincoln;
and in the months preceding the election, he became one of the most

active campaigners for the Republican cause. After one speech, the

New Ybrk world reported:

h

 

1Clay, Autobioggapgy, p. 249. In a short autobiographical sketch
Prepared in 18 2, Clay does not mention having attended the convention;

he does mention attendance at other political gatherings of this type.
Cassius M. Clay, "The Life of C. M. Clay," The Filson Club Histogy

SMagterly, XII (July, 1938), pp. 163-66.

zLetter of Cassius Clay to Cephas Brainerd, May 7, 1860; cited by
Lchin, p. 116. Letter of John A. Andrew to Cassius Clay, July 2, 1860;
Cited.by Robertson, p. 32.

3NewYork Times, May 19, 1860.

60

Cassius Marcellus Clay won another victory for free speech

and struck a good blow in behalf of Republicanism at Richmond,

Kentucky. . . . Mr. Clay made a strong speech which told with

great effect upon his large audiencei Many union men, we are

told, declared for Lincoln that day.

Clay filled numerous Speaking engagements in Indiana during the
summer of 1860.2 Indiana, one of the few non-slave states which had
resisted the Republican tide in 1856, was a prime target of the party.
Clay proved equal to his assignment; not only were his speeches at
such places as Vincennes, Richmond, Paoli, Indianapolis, and
Lawrenceburg well attended, but the voters of the state responded to
his message and supported the Republican ticket. Clay also addressed
many Ohio audiences during the campaign.

"Cash" hoped to be rewarded for his participation in the 1860
campaign and set as his goal the appointment as Secretary of war. A
number of newspapers supported him in this quest, as the following
item from the New Ybrk werld attests: "I hazard a guess that Mr.
Lincoln's appointment of Cassius M. Clay to the war Secretaryship would
be indorsed by a louder popular voice than any other appointment the
incoming president could make."3

In later years Clay said that Lincoln had promised the war post

to him, but the letter containing this promise has been lost or never

1Clay, Autobioggaphxo pp. 254-55.

2Cincinnati Daily Gazette, July 7, 18, 1860. A detailed discussion
of Clay's speaking during this campaign appears in Chapter Four.

3Clay, Autobiography, pp. 279-81. Clay's appointment to this
I?ost was also supported by the New York Evening Post and the Erie
(Pennsylvania) Gazette.

61

1 A letter from Clay to lincoln, dated January 10, 1861

existed at all.
refers to the cabinet post and expresses a dissatisfaction that the
president hadflbeen deterred from making the appointment because of un-
complimentary statements told to him about Clay by Daniel Breck.2 In
this communication Clay also expresses his willingness to be sent as
minister to England or France.

As the record shows, Clay received neither a cabinet post nor an
appointment to what he considered the key foreign ministries. The'hpp
Ybrk Times of March 8, 1861 reported that it was generally understood
that Clay would receive the mission to Mexico.3 Less than a week later,
the paper announced the nomination of Clay as Minister to Spain.“ This
assignment did not please Clay, who in the end found it agreeable to
accept the nomination as Minister to Russia.5

On April 18, 1861, Clay and James H. Lane, the senator-elect of

Kansas, were instrumental in organizing volunteer trOOps to assist in

 

1Clay later claimed that the letter was sent or given to the
Kentucky Historical Society and was lost by them.

2Letter of Cassius Clay to Abraham Lincoln, January 10, 1861.
Robert Todd Lincoln Collection, Library of Congress; copied by J. T.
Dorris, June 10, 1954. Clay Collection, Eastern Kentucky State College,
Richmond, Kentucky.

3New Yprk Times, March 8, 1861.
“Ibid., March 12-1u, 1861.

5A number of reasons have been given for Clay's refusal of the
post at Madrid. In his Autobiography, Clay refers to Spain as an
"old effete government” and indicates a preference for private life
rather than the Spanish appointment; Clay, Autobiography, p. 254. In
his autobiographical sketch of 1862, he attributes his refusal to the
fact that a place needed to be found for Carl Schurz who as a German
was not acceptable to certain countries. Clay, "The Life of C. M. Clay,"

p. 165.

62

the protection of washington D.C.1 The Clay Battalion had orders to
patrol the streets of the capitol at night, and the Frontier Guards
commanded by Lane were assigned to protect the Executive Mansion.
Within a few days regular military enforcements arrived in the city,
and the volunteers were relieved of their assignment. The President
issued an order of thanks and presented Clay with a Colt revolver
"as a testimonial of his regards."2

Cassius Clay received his commission as Minister to Russia on
May 6, 1861, and shortly afterward he and his family set sail for
Europe.3 Before proceeding to the Russian capitol, the Clays paused
briefly in London and in Paris. While in England, "Cash" wrote a letter
to the Lpndon Times in which he attempted to report to the English
peOple ”upon the complications of the United States of America, which
I am surprised to find so little understood this side of the Atlantic."1+
This letter, quite blunt in its directives to the foreign power, was not
received favorably by the British government; nor did it meet with the
approval of the Anerican State Department. On May 29, Clay again irri-
tated members of the diplomatic corps and strained American relations
with England and France when he spoke at the American Union Breakfast
in Paris, and restated many of the views which had been expressed in the

May 20, letter to the Times.

 

 

1Margaret Leech, Reville in washin ton 1860-1865 (New Ybrk:
Harper and Brothers, 19415. pp. 57-59-
2Clay, Autpbiography, p. 264.

3Robertson, pp. 35-36. Clay's appointment carried with it an
annual stipend of $12,000.

4Lppdon Times, May 20, 1861; Ritchie, p. 204.

63

Not long after their arrival in St. Petersburg, the Clays were
presented to the Czar and Czarina of Russia. For this occasion, Mrs.
Clay wore a gown which had been fashioned for her in London by Queen

Victoria's dressmaker.1

Although Clay hoped to broaden the experience
of his children by providing them with the opportunity to live in a
foreign country, his two older daughters and his son Brutus, Jr.,
returned to the United States in the fall of 1861 because of the hard
climate and the high cost of living in Russia.2

In August, 1862, Mr. and Mrs. Clay and the younger children
returned home also. While in the United States, Clay made a trip to
Kentucky for the President in order to ascertain public sentiment in
the border state. It was suggested in some quarters that "Cash"
should put his alleged military skill at the disposal of the Union
Army. Clay was commissioned as a major general; but he rejected the
proposal that he assume a command in the‘west, refusing to fight until
the government abolished slavery in the slave states.3

Early in 1863, Cassius was reappointed to his post in Russia, this
time Mrs. Clay and the children remaining behind. While "Cash" was in
Russia, Mary Jane Clay undertook to enlarge "White Hall," a project

which her husband had approved before leaving the country.n The

1Letter of Cassius Clay to Brutus Clay, September 25, 1861.

2This gown is on display in the Historical Museum of Eastern
Kentucky State College, Richmond, Kentucky.

3Letter of S. C. Pomeroy to Cassius Clay, August 13, 1862. Clay
Collection of Lincoln Memorial University, Garrogate, Tennessee.
Robertson, p. 116.

3Sue McClelland Thierman, "A Mighty Lion Raged at white Hall,"
introduction to a microfilm of the Clay Collection of Lincoln
Memorial University.

64

Polish architecht, Thomas Lewinski, assisted Mrs. Clay in this endeavor.

Between 1863 and 1869 Mrs. Clay assumed much of the management of
the large estate, and during the war she raised mules for the Union
Army. Unlike her husband, Mary Jane Clay was a believer in higher ed-
ucation for women, and in Clay's absence she encouraged their daughters
to make the most of their bright retentive minds.1

While Clay was in Russia, the "old hewed log-house homestead"
which had been his study was destroyed by fire, resulting in the loss
of almost all of his correspondence up to the year 1861.2

The facts seem to indicate that Clay's diplomatic service was not
outstanding. He had many difficulties with other members of the legation;
his constant friction with Seward detracted from his work; and in 1867
his personal reputation was nearly besmirched by an embarrassing law
suit which was squelched only by a decision of the Russian Minister of
Justice.3 In Russia, as in Kentucky, Clay proved to be an enigma.
Although he dazzled the Russian Court with his lavish entertaining, his
disregard for court etiquette startled the Czar and his friends on

numerous occasions and made them wary of his seeming urbanity.“

 

1Goodman, p. 16.

2Clay, Autobiography, p. 25.

3Ritchie, p. 204; Clay, Autobiography, pp. 463-68. The record
indicates that Clay had attempted to assist financially a destitute
restaurant owner. When the woman failed to repay the money as agreed
and sold some of the furniture purchased by Clay, he called the police
and repossessed the remainder of the .furniture. The woman attempted to
blackmail Clay and eventually brought suit charging him with theft and
misconduct toward herself and her two teen-age daughters. The Kentuckian
refused to invoke his diplomatic immunity, but the case was dismissed
because the woman was well known to the police as a "bad character."

4Henry watterson, quoted in the New York Mail and hhpress, 1903.

65

It was during Clay's ministry that Alaska was purchased from
Russia. Although history has given the Kentuckian little credit for
this transaction, Cassius was of the cpinion that the purchase was
perhaps his greatest achievement.1

In the decade following his return from Russia, Clay was involved
in a number of unconnected actions, both political and personal, which
affected him as a speaker. The content of his discourses was modified
by some of them, and his image as a public figure may have been colored
by them.

The "face" of the Republican party changed during the late
sixties; and upon his return to the United States, Cassius Clay found
himself out of sympathy with the radicals who were in control of the
party.2 Consequently, he disassociated himself from them and there-
after supported whichever candidate and platform he thought more
adequate.

Clay was a frequent orator during the seventies. On July 4, 1871
he delivered an oration at Lexington before the largest gathering of
colored peOple ever assembled in the state.3 In 1872 he campaigned
quite extensively for Greeley in the presidential race, and in 1876
gave his support to the candidacy of Tilden.“

Although Clay grew older, he did not lose the "flash of temper"
that had characterized him in his younger days. In October, 1877, he

killed Perry White, a Negro who had threatened the life of young

 

1Speech of Cassius Clay, given October 16, 1895 before the
students of Berea College.

2Letter of Cassius Clay to Samuel Bowles, February 11, 1869.

3Clay, Autobiography, p. 502.

l"Scrap Book Number Three, Clay Collection, Eastern Kentucky State
College, Richmond, Kentucky.

66

Launey Clay. "Cash" waived a trial on a warrant for manslaughter and
was admitted to bail of $1,000. According to the Kentucky Gazette,
”The verdict of the jury and the people is, that the killing was
justifiable. The friends and neighbors of General Clay, with one voice,
acquit him of any violence of law or human right."1

Clay, on January 26, 1878, spoke by special invitation in the Hall
of the House of Representatives of Kentucky. The subject of his dis-
course on that occasion was finance.

On February 7, 1878, Cassius and Mary Jane Clay were divorced.2
It would seem that a great many factors precipitated the separation and
eventual divorce of the Clays. Among them one might suggest the
following: Clay's absence from home much of the time, a condition
that necessitated Mary Jane's assuming the major role in rearing the

children and managing the estate; the long separation of the Russian

sojourn; the appearance at "White Hall" of a Russian-born child;3

 

1Ibid. Several years later, Clay, according to Townsend, killed
two of three toughs who broke into his home. Apparently no charges
were made against "Cash."

2Clay, Autobipgraphy, p. 540.

3Not long after Clay's return from Russia, a four year-old boy
was brought to him at "White Hall.” In commenting upon the child's
parentage, the Kentuckian wrote: "In the great city of St. Petersburg
was born in 1866, a male child. To the secret of his parentage I am the
only living witness -- I who have, of all men living, the best reason
to know -- and that secret will die with me." Clay, Autot'ogpaphy,
p. 540. There has been much speculation about the identity of the child's
mother. Some have believed her to have been a Grand Duchess; others
have suggested that she was a prima ballerina. Similarly, the arrival
of the child at "White Hall" has been the subject of apocryphal
treatment. The statement of Miss Esther Bennett, great grand-daughter
of Clay, June, 1961, that "he was brought by two Russian serfs,"
appears to be a reasonable interpretation.

67

Clay's volatile temperament; Mary Jane's dictatorial and somewhat
snobbish attitude; interference of the "in-laws;" financial difficulties.

Although "Cash" claimed, after the divorce, that "the bonds between
myself and my wife were strained from the date of our marriage,"1 it
appears that the Clays were congenial during the first two decades of
their life together. When one recalls the turbulence and violence that
were so much a part of ”Cash's" life in the ante-bellum period, it
seems obvious that his wife must have been a woman of great patience,
courage, and forebearance. That Clay recognized and appreciated her
support and courage as late as 1830 is evidenced by the introductory
remarks of his January 10 speech of that year. On that occasion he
alluded to the "courage of my Kentucky born wife" and said that she
was not intimidated by threats of violence and "prays God that I am
gloriously vindicated in my principles tonight."2

In the years following his ministry to Russia, however, Clay
came to regard his wife in a different light. He accused her of being
”unruly," and claimed that, backed by the warfield clan, she had become
so unreasonable that a divorce was unavoidable. He held her and her
family directly reSponsible for his financial difficulties and stated
indignantly that Mary Jane's father, Dr. Elisha warfield, had never
given his grandchildren one cent, "only some broken-down race horses."3

Following the divorce, he children sided with their mother, as

might be expected since in some instances their father was scarcely

 

A—‘O..-_w A m —_ _ .

1Ibid.. p. 539.

2Speech of Cassius Clay, given January 10, 1860, in Frankfort,
Kentucky.

3Clay, Autobingaphy, pp. 540-41.

68

known to them. In later years, however, Cassius re-established a
relationship with several of the six children.1

Clay, in 1878, addressed a number of audiences on the subject of
the "Commercial Destiny of the Western Hemisphere.."2 This oration,
which was first given in St. Louis, was presented in many Ohio cities
as well where audiences were apparently interested in the message and
amazed to find the speaker so well preserved for a man of his age.

The General looks as young as he did twenty years ago, has

a robust appearance, a florid countenance, and weighs over

200 pounds. He is temperate in all things; uses tobacco in

no shape, drinks no intoxicating drinks, and does not indulge

in horse-racing.3

In 1880 Clay again supported Tilden for the presidency. As in
years past, the big Kentuckian was a popular political campaigner.
Clippings from several unidentified newspapers suggest the reasons
for his popularity:

Hon. Cassius M. Clay made a most capital speech at the Court

House on Saturday afternoon, and he was listened to by a

large crowd. Gen. Clay is a fine Speaker, and he expresses

himself in such a plain matter-of-fact way that his auditors

are always impressed with his honesty of purpose and his

entire freedom from anything that smacks of the demagogue.

Though no longer young, Mr. Clay possesses much of the fire

of his youth, and his clear and vigorous mind classifies

with accuracy the deductions drawn from the recollections of

a long life of political.“

On February 23, 1882, the Central Courier came out in support of

Cassius Clay for governor. In suggesting Clay's name for the office,

 

1Ibid., pp. 542.43.

ZSt, Louis Baggy Times, Scrap Book Number Three.
3Cincinnati Enguirer, Scrap Book Number Three.

“Unidentified clippings, Scrap Bock Number Three.

69

the paper contended that he had the dignity required by the office;
knew the wants of the peOple; knew the law of the state; and had the
capacity and intrepidity to execute them.1 Apparently, no one reSponded
to the Courier's call, and the idea was dr0pped.

The summer and fall of 1884 found Clay on the campaign circuit,
but this time his energies were dedicated once more to the cause of the
Republican party. Vigorously supporting the candidacy of Blaine, the
aging Kentuckian.made more than forty speeches in behalf of the "plumed
knight,” and did not hesitate to accept five speaking assignments in as
many days.2

Another activity that merited much of his attention at this par-
ticular point in his life time was the preparation of his autobiography,
the first volume of which was published in 1886 by the Brennan Company.
(Earlier, Harpers had declined to publish the six hundred page volume,
believing that there was a need to rearrange the copy.3) The autobiog-
raphy is colored by the author's inability to review the incidents of
his own life with objectivity, and is marred by asperities which transcend
the limits of decorum, particularly those dealing with his wife and her
relatives. (This is perhaps what prompted his daughter Laura to
purchase copies of the book in 1903 and burn them on the lawn of "White
Hall.")

 

1Central Courier, February 23, 1882.

2Letter of State Executive Committee of Ohio Republicans to Cassius
Clay, August 18, 1884, Scrap Book Number Four.

3Letter of C. A. Dana to Cassius Clay, June 9, 1884, Clay Collection,
Lincoln Memorial University.

70

The second volume of the autobiography was never published,
although it was prepared for publication. In the preface to the un-
published volume Clay stated that "in the ungrateful retrospect of life"
he had "become a 'Misanthrope'" and had "struck hard" in his.§2£2§$-
gggaphy. He was, he said, "sorry for the harshness" of his words,
when he saw them in print.1

Although he was more than seventy-five years of age, "Cash," on
November 1, 1886, announced his candidacy for the gubernatorial nomin-
ation. He sought endorsement from the Republican Convention but
asked for the votes of all parties. The Republicans, however, did not
nominate him; and consequently, nothing came of his last quest for
public office.2

During his late years Clay was frequently called upon to deliver
ceremonial orations. In 1887 he spoke before the Alumni of Yale
university and discoursed on prohibition, labor, and woman suffrage.3
On September 10, 1891, he was the featured speaker at an anniversary
celebration at Put-in-Bay (Sandusky, Ohio) which commemorated the
capture of the British fleet by Oliver Hazard Perry.

Cassius Clay became something of a recluse in the eighteen
nineties and acquired the nickname ”Lion of White Hall." In 1894 the
old man married Dora Richardson, who was fourteen or fifteen years of

age at the time. The announcement of the intended nuptials brought a

 

1Clay, Memoirs.
2Richmond Register, November 5, 1886.

3New York Times, June 29, 1887.

71

strong negative reaction from the Clay children, the citizens of the
community, and law enforcement agencies, who attempted to prevent the
marriage from taking place.1

Dora was an uneducated girl whose brother worked for Clay. Lone-
liness, senility, the desire to educate a share-cropper's daughter,
compulsion to prove his virility -- any of these or any combination
may have prompted the eighty-four year old Clay to marry so unlikely a
prospect. Another possibility, one that has never been fully explored,
is that Tom Richardson promoted the match, seeing a way to "line his
own pockets." In any event, the marriage took place, and Clay made an
effort to educate his child-bride. However, Dora was dull and had
little interest in acquiring an education. According to one of her
teachers, “the girl just didn't care. She wouldn't work."2

In 1897 Dora left "White Hall," and in August of the following
year the couple was divorced. Clay, however, did not wait until the
divorce to seek a new mate and publicly proposed matrimony in a letter
to the press in March of 1898. Although he received more than a
thousand replies, the ”old lion" did not remarry,3 choosing instead
to remain solitary and alone except for the presence of a servant-
body guard. It was rumored that he knocked panes of glass from the
windows to encourage the entry of bats so that he would not be alone at

night in the big gloomy house.

 

1John J. James, ”Diary," Richmond Daily Register, January 9, 11,
12, 1960.

2Interviewwith Mrs. Lula Kanatzar, former teacher of Dora Clay,
June, 1961 in Richmond, Kentucky.

3Smiley, Disseptation, p. 426.

72

The increasing eccentricities of conduct which marked Clay's old
age made him a legendary figure; and the public, then as now, has
been more interested in these quirks and foibles than in the man's
solid ability.

On July 22, 1903, while a great storm raged over the Bluegrass,
Cassius Clay died at "White Hall," a favorite bowie knife beneath the
pillows on his bed. Perhaps the discussion presented by the Louisville
Qphpier-Journal at that time best synthesizes the prevailing sentiment
regarding the old man, and may serve as a fitting conclusion to this
chapter.

An old man, deserted by his children, declared insane by
courts, bereft of his child wife around whom his heart was
wrapped, alone and barricaded in his grim old hall, replete
with the memories of his former greatness, such was Cassius
Marcellus Clay, the sage of Whitehall, during his last days.

He was a man such as the world sees but once, and a character
known to all. He, more than any other one man, stood for the
world's idea of a Kentuckian -- bold, fearless, generous, kind,
quick to avenge an insult, and equally quick to forgive a
wrong, an orator and a hand-to-hand fighter. By some he was
loved, by others he was hated, but by all he was feared and

by most he was respected. He made his mark in whatever depart-
ment of life he was thrown. Possessed of a will which would
brook no obstacle, when once he set his hand to the plow there
was no turning back until the end of the furrow. He rode rough-
shod, and cared not a whit whose toes were injured in the riding.
He was editor, politician, duelist, author, and statesman, and
acted each part with an originality and spice which lent him
new interest.1

 

1Henry Wetterson, editor of the Louisville Courier-Journal, quoted

in "The Last of the Romans," The Literary Digest, August 8, 1903, p. 157.

CHAPTER III

THE DYNAMIC PARADOX

Cassius Clay was a man of paradoxical extremes. Because he
"kept the space around him in constant ferment,"1 his contemporaries
had difficulty in viewing him with clear perspective. Moreover, the
turbulence and romanticism of the ante-bellum era encouraged and gave
impetus to the creation and projection of a mythical Clay which often
obscured the real man.

Nor did Clay take steps to clarify or modify the image of himself
that was ascendant during most of the period between 1832 and 1862.
On the contrary, there is reason to believe that he gloried in the
picture of himself as a dynamic paradox and was not averse to contrib-
uting to its continuation.

Cassius Clay made good newSpaper copy, and it must be recognized
that the contemporary press contributed to his emergence as a vivid,
dashing, and perhaps larger-than-life personality. His devil-may-
care attitude, deftness with the bowie knife, and braggadocio-like
boasts were reported in print, as were the less colorful and.more
sedate aspects of his life. Rather than gaining a clearer understand-
ing of the total man, the readers of contemporary newSpapers were no
doubt frustrated by the seeming paradox and had difficulty discerning
the real nature of the man.

Consequently, it is little wonder that subsequent generations

have had difficulty in cutting through this stereotyped conception,

 

1

Clavia Goodman, Bitter Harvest: Laura Cla 's Suffra e work
(Lexington: Bur Press, 1946),‘p. 10.

74

and have in many instances dismissed C. M. Clay with barely a second
thought, believing him to have been scarcely more than a colorful
regional figure who flashed upon the scene momentarily, making no sig-
nificant contribution either to his time or to subsequent generations.

Clay had many of the attributes that his fellow Kentuckians found
laudatory, but the extremes to which he pushed these virtues frequently
led to their receiving negative connotations. Hence, when Clay pushed
courage and daring to the brink of irrationality, they became the wild
machinations of an irresponsible bully rather than the valor of an
under-dog crusader bent on reform. Possessing a will that would "brook
no obstacle," Cassius Clay "rode roughshod, and cared not a whit whose
toes were injured in the riding."1

Cassius Marcellus Clay was both idealistic and realistic. Numerous
signs suggest that he was an idealist. Oliver Frazer, who painted a
portrait of Clay in 1833, pictured him as "the young man seeing
visions."2 This portrait seems to capture visually some of the idealism
and zeal that characterized Clay in his commitment to the anti-slavery
cause, as reflected in his response to Garrison's Yale speech in 1831

and his own discourse of February 22, 1832.3

 

1Henry Watterson, editor of the Louisville Courier-Journal, quoted

in "The Last of the Romans,” The Litergpy Digest, August 8, 1903, p. 157.

2Edna Talbot Whitley, Kentuchy Ante-Bellum Portraiture (The
National Society of Colonial Dames in America in the Commonwealth of

Kentucky, 1956), p. 500.

3Cassius Marcellus Clay, The Life of Cassius Marcellus Clay: MemoirsI
writin s and S eeches (Cincinnati: J. Fletcher Brennan and Company,

1 , Vbl. I, pp. 55-57. Hereafter, this source will be identified as
Autobiography. Speech of Cassius Clay, given February 22, 1832 in New
Haven, Connecticut.

75

Although the finely chiseled features of the youthful Cassius Clay
gave way to the stern, solid countenance of the mature man, something
of the visionary youth remained with the anti-slavery spokesman.
Throughout the thirty years of his active struggle to rid his state of
the institution of slavery, Clay tenaciously held to certain convictions

which seemed idealistic to those who Opposed him.1

In spite of the fact
that the voting record of the non-slaveholding whites in the state
constituted a repudiation of his thesis time-after-time -- that the
institution of slavery was detrimental to the economic prosperity of
most Kentuckians -- Clay sincerely believed that these citizens even,
tually would respond to his plea and stand against the slaveholders.
This was a romantic notion, as was Clay's contention that the Bluegrass
slave "barons" would free their slaves voluntarily and would willingly
suffer substantial property losses. Clay's theory that all persons in
the state would benefit from the elimination of a slave economy was
viewed by his contemporaries as an unrealistic pipe-dream, or else as
a wild scheme to aid the efforts of the northern abolitionists. Al-
though subsequent history has tended to verify the soundness of Clay's
analysis, ante-bellum Kentuckians were unaware of the astuteness of
this interpretation.

In later life "Cash" claimed a kind of fore-knowledge that the
True American was doomed to failure from the start.2 In this case,

the attempt to "thwart the monster in its own den" would appear to

have been an undertaking couched in idealism.

 

1Speech of Cassius Clay, given August 1, 1851 in Lexington,
Kentucky.

2Clay, Autobiography, p. 106.

76

However, the mature Clay was also something of a realist. The
sheets of iron that protected the doors and windows of the office of
the True American were set in place by an extremely practical man, one
who realized that about the only way to protect an unwanted press was
to defend it with force. Moreover, it was Clay the realist, who on
August 17, 1845, made a conciliatory effort to appease his antagonists
in order to stay in the publishing business; in contrast, the idealistic
Clay of August 14 and 15 had refused to yield "an inch" and defiantly
demanded his rights, scorning compromise of any sort.1 It was also a
realistic Clay who after defeat in the election of 1851, recognized that
his ambition for political office could not be fulfilled in the Blue-
grass.2 A less realistic individual would probably have continued to
seek the suffrages of his neighbors.

The paradoxical was also reflected in another dimension of Clay's
conduct. "Cash" appears to have been.both a patrician gentleman and
a rowdy bully. Although he abided strictly by the code duello in
affairs of honor,3 when attacked without preliminaries, he could be
as rough as any seasoned "tough" who wielded a bowie knife. The 1833
incident with Dr. Declarey and the 1841 duel with Robert Wickliffe
stand in support of the former attribute, while Clay's response to

Y
the altercation of Sam Brown in 1843 and the 1849 fracéh with the

 

1See the discussion of the supression of the True American in
Chapter Two.

2David I” Smiley, ”Lion of White Hall: The Life of Cassius
Marcellus Clay" (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Department of
History, University of hfisconsin, i953, p. 287. Hereafter, this
source will be identified as Dissertation.

3Laurence S. Thompson, Kentucky Tradition (Hamden: The Shoe
String Press, 1956), p. 97.

77

Turners beSpeak the latter aspect of his personality.1

It is little wonder that Clay's contemporaries perceived his
courage and fighting spirit as both a positive trait and a bane. _
Viewed from one perspective, the descriptives "bold, brave, fearless,
valorous, heroic, and noble" were most appropriate. Yet, those who
saw the man in action found "combative, violent, obstinate, indomitable,
militant, and belligerent" more fitting delineations. Kentuckians were
presumably baffled by these contradictions, and compromised by calling
Cassius "aggressive" and "strong-willed," thus avoiding a precise
judgment.

By position, training, and appearance, Cassius Clay fitted the
stereotyped concept of a southern gentleman. He was the son of a
prominent, wealthy, respected citizen of the state, and in his own right
was a man of considerable prOperty. He had traveled extensively, was
acquainted with the President of the United States, and had visited
in the homes of several national leaders. His education represented
the finest that could be had in this country at the time, and his
application to his studies was public knowledge. Moreover, he was
known as a connoisseur of art and letters.2 His Lexington home was
one of the most elegant in the city; and his White Hall estate was a
veritable museum which housed many fine pieces of sculpture, among them
Joel T. Hart's marble bust of Mr. Clay. "Cash" was said to be generous,

frank, polite to all, and even gentle among his friends.

 

1See the explanation of these incidents in Chapter Two.

2Jonathan Truman Dorris and Maud Weaver Dorris, Glimpses of
Historic Madison Count Kentuc ‘ (Nashville: Williams Printing Co.,

1955 . p- 12 -

78

Cassius Clay was both sybaritic and self-sacrificing. Although
he had the urbanity of a cultured gentleman and at times doted on
playing the sybarite, he could play the role of the self-denying
soldier with equal deftness and on a number of occasions demonstrated
genuine concern for his fellowmen. Clay's lavish entertaining dazzled
the Rusian Court, where he at times played at being the "perfect"
hedonist. However, unselfishness was not unknown to the Kentuckian.
After being taken prisoner in the Mexican War, Captain Clay made his
weary soldiers take turns riding his mule, while he trudged the long
miles to Mexico City on foot. Eventually, he sold Billy the mule,
his watch, buffalo rug, and extra wearing apparel in order to buy
medicines and supplies for his soldiers. For these deeds of kindness,
Clay won the love of his men, amounting almost to idolatry.1

Clay's consideration for others was not limited to war-time.
During the late 1840's he saved a man from drowning at the scene of a
"speaking" held at Boone's Creek near the Kentucky River. ~"Cash"
responded to Squire Willis' cries for help and saved the man's life,
a feat that was never publicized.2

In 1849 Clay became concerned for the safety of his minister

friend, Dr. Robert J. Breckinridge, whose bitter denunciations of

slavery invited bodily assault against which he was not prepared to

 

1Card signed by A.C. Bryan and others, Lexington Observer ang
Reporter, October 23, 1847.

2Clay, Autobiography, pp. 217—18. Interview with James
De Jarnette, descendant of Squire Willis, June, 1961 in Richmond,
Kentucky.

79

defend himself. Consequently, Clay designed and purchased a special
type of knife for the minister, which would be an effective instrument
of defense, even in the hands of one unskilled in the art of self
defense.1

Somewhat later in life "Cash," concerned for the safety of the
area school teacher, presented another gift knife. A number of young
teachers had been molested in northern Kentucky, and Clay became
worried about the safety of the young woman who taught in his neighbor-
hood. One morning, therefore, he appeared at the door of the school
and presented the teacher with a bowie knife, directing her to carry
it with her at all times.2

The paradoxical could also be seen in Clay's tendency to be both
gallant and desperado-like. "Cash's" appearance contributed to his
being cast in the role of knight-errant. Standing over six feet tall
and weighing more than two hundred pounds, the Kentuckian was, in the
words of one of his contemporaries, a man of "extraordinary physical
strength, grace, and attractiveness; a stalwart, virile, splendid man."3
His broad-shouldered frame, clothed in the proverbial dark blue suit
with gleaming polished buttons, and his handsome, earnest face had a
kind of magnetic appeal which even his enemies were forced to acknow-

ledge, as they watched him dashing around the country-side in support

1William H. Townsend, Lincoln and the Blue rass (Lexington: The
University of Kentucky Press, 1955), pp. 162-63.

ZInterview with Mrs. Lula Kanatzar, the teacher who received the
knife, June, 1961 in Richmond , Kentucky.

 

3William C. P. Breckenridge, Lexington Herald, July 24, 1903.

 

80

of his convictions. Iany undoubtedly agreed with Hatterson when he
wrote:

He more than any other man, stood for the world's idea of

a Kentuckian -- bold, fearless, generous, kind, quick to

avenge an insult, and equally quick to forgive a wrong, an

orator, and a hand-to-hand fighter.

Although there was something dashing and romantic about a man who
had become a one-man army in defense of his civil liberties, there was
less that was appealing in one who harangued his fellow citizens and
brandished his pistols and bowie knife in the manner of a desperado.
Cassius was viewed as a violent man who was ready to take issue with
the slightest derogatory remark.2 This addiction to ”frontier methods"
of enforcing convictions has been suggested as an important reason why
Cassius failed to become an influential statesman. "He was too ego-
tistical and violent to hold long the confidence of the public."3
For many Kentuckians, this image of Clay as a reckless renegade was their
most deep-rooted impression.

During Clay's life-time a story was widely circulated about his
procedure before audiences who challenged his right to speak. It was
alleged that "Cash" addressed his listeners in the following manner:
"For those who support the laws of our country, I have this argument,"

and he placed a c0py of the Constitution on one end of the table. "For

those who believe in the Bible, I have an argument from this," and he

 

1W'atterson, quoted in The Literary Digest, August 8, 1903, p. 157.

2Clark «oMeekin‘a. 01,. Kentucky Country (New York: Duell, Sloan,
and Pearce, 1957), pp. ZOO-201.

3Anson Phelps Stokes, Memorials of Eminent Yale Men (New Haven:
Yale University Press, 19147, Vol. II, p. 341.

81

placed a copy of the New Testament on the other end of the table. "And
for those who regard neither the laws of God or man, I have this argument,"
and he laid a brace of pistols and his bowie knife on the table in front
of him.1

While Clay denied the truthfulness of this report,2 nevertheless,
it was an oft-repeated legend and the subject of a much copied engraving.
True or not, the people of Kentucky accepted the tale as "true" and made
it a part of their impression of Clay.

Contemporaries were uncertain whether to label "Cash's" anti-
slavery position "radical" or "mild." Clay's intractable fighting
spirit tended to obscure the mildness of his proposals. Although he
sought to eradicate slavery from the state by gradual constitutional
means,3 Kentuckians identified him with the radical brand of immediate
abolitionism espoused by William Lloyd Garrison and wendell Phillips.
"Clay is neck by neck with Garrison and Phillips," was the report of
one newspaper.4 While the message that "Cash" preached was unlike that
of these northern propagandists, the militancy of its delivery was
strikingly similar. To the southerners who heard Clay's bitter tirades
and listened to his campaigns of fiery epithets and fierce denuncia-
tions, he was a man to be feared.

1Asa Earl Martin, The Anti-Slavery Movement in Kentuc Prior to
1850 éLouisville: The Standard Printing Company of Louisville, 19185,
p. 12 .

 

 

2Clay, Autobioggaphy, p. 76.

3Speech of Cassius Clay, given August 1, 1851 in Lexington,
Kentucky.

4New York Evening Post, August 13, 1862; quoted in Clay,
Autobioggaphy, p. 30 .

82

This picture of Clay as a fanatic is somewhat incongruous when
viewed in terms of his actual anti-slavery proposals, which were, for
the most part, logical and reasoned expositions produced by an intelli-
gent, perceptive mind. Yet, in the hands of the strong-willed, bellig—
erent Clay, they sounded like the rantings of a fire-brand. That "Cash"
was an emotional creature, ruled by impulse cannot be denied.1 "His
impelling force was feeling, which reacted to every stimulus too
vigorously not to involve him in glaring inconsistencies in thought and
action."2

Clay's tendency to break the bounds of reasoned thought and
action, which was recognized by his contemporaries, has brought frequent
comment from those who have subsequently studied his life and career.
Statements from both nineteenth and twentieth century sources point up
this facet of Clay's personality.

The contemporary press viewed him as "a giant who never directed
his strength," and compared him with "a lion who lashed his power into
shreds of aimless rage." At the time of his death, it was said that
"he loved truth and justice so fanatically that he often mistook them
on the highway and opened fire on them."3

In.more recent times it has been suggested that Clay was "too

"4

erratic to be a wise guide, and that "enthusiasm for his cause carried

 

1Francis warfield Herrick Clay,"The Political Significance of the
Late C. M. Clay," The Filson Club Hiscory gggrterly, XXXIII (January,
1959). P. 49.

ZMartin, p. 112.

3watterson, quoted in The Litgrary Digest, August 8, 1903, p. 157.

4Stokes, p. 576.

83

him too far in the ridicule and abuse of his adversaries."1

Perhaps
he did become "so involved in his denunciations of slavery that he
forgot why he had begun that fight in the first place."2

Clay was a decisive individual, a man who analyzed issues in
terms of black and white. Only rarely did he acknowledge the exist-
ence of a middle position. Because he seldom sought to obscure his
opinion, Clay's point of view on questions of the day stood out with
vivid clarity. He took a kind of pride in being out-spoken, a practice
that did not endear him to those of opposing views. Moreover, this
frankness made him an easy target for those who wished to refute anti-
slavery sentiment -- he gave them something concrete to attack. Never-
'theless, sincerity, honesty, and loyalty to the convictions he believed
to be true were attributes that even his enemies acknowledged in Clay.

Ante-bellum Kentuckians may also have been perplexed by a diSparity
between Clay's theory and practice regarding liberty, freedom, and the
rights of individuals. There is something incongruous in the image of
a ”humanitarian with predatory instincts,"3 and something inconsistent
in the perception of a despotic character fighting for freedom; yet,
"Cash" was both authoritarian and democratic. The Atlanta Journal
viewed him as "a counter-part of the old feudal baron who was a law

unto himself," and the New York Sun declared he was the "last of the

Romans -- indomitable, uncompromising, intractable all his days."4

 

1William Ritchie, "The Public Career of Cassius M. Clay”
(unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Department of History, George
Peabody College for Teachers, 1934), p. 202.

2Smiley, Dissertation, preface.

3Ibid.

4"The Last of the Romans," The Literary Digest, August 8. 1903.
P0 1570

84

Whether Clay was actually the modern prototype of this type of public
figure of another era is unimportant. His contemporaries viewed him as
such and regarded him as a survival of the Middle Ages, a singular man
who had a will of iron and was dogmatic and authoritarian.

However, the fact remains -- Clay did fight for freedom and civil
liberty. His persistence in battling for a free press and platform
has already been discussed. Moreover, Clay's dedication to the prin-
ciple of "the greatest good for the greatest number" is inherent in his
anti-slavery argument. His concern was not for the Negroes of Kentucky,
nor for the small group of slaveholders, but rather for the non-slave-
holders who made up a majority of the state's population. To protect
the interests, rights, and privileges of this majority, "Cash" sought
to destroy the dominance of the minority. Although Clay was southern,
he was less concerned with the issue of states rights than were many
of his contemporaries.

Cassius Clay firmly believed in the need to operate through
legal channels and sought to eliminate Slavery by utilizing the machinery
of democratic process. In 1856, when John Fee advocated that anti-
slavery supporters refuse to obey the Fugitive Slave Law because it was
"a law confessed-1y contrary to the law of God," Clay made clear his
position regarding the laws of a democratic country. He broke associ-
ation with Fee and called the position of this abolitionary preacher
"revolutionary, insurrectionary, and dangerous."1

There has been uncertainty about another dimension of Clay's

character. was he ambitious or altruistic? Some have contended that

 

1John G. Fee, Autobiocra of John G. Fee (Chicago: National
Christian Association, 1891;, pp. 102-105.

 

85

Clay's primary motivation was to satisfy his personal ambition and
that his regard for democratic principles and the elimination of
slavery was secondary.1 Although the facts do indicate that "Cash"
was an egotistical man who sought public recognition and was eager to
succeed in politics, they also show him to be an individual who delib-
erately alienated those who might have elevated him to the position to
which he aspired. It is doubtful whether a man of Clay's insight and
intelligence would have deliberately antagonized other southern leaders
if his goal had been a purely personal one. During the forties, Clay
repeatedly aroused the ire of influential Kentuckians as he blatantly
assumed the role of anti-slavery publicist and propagandist. His
probing pen, barbed tongue, and whetted bowie knife were seldom idle
during that hectic decade. Clay's decision to Oppose slavery lost him
honors, friendships, and public esteem. Yet, he was willing to forfeit
such prizes for the sake of his convictions.2

Almost alone as the advanced guard of abolitionism in Kentucky,
Cassius Clay was a conspicuous figure, not only in his native state
but throughout the Union. At the time of his death, the New York Sun
called him a "vigorous personality . . . who missed the laurel but
lived his life fierce and without parallel."3 The stories of his

reckless energy and contradictory "genius" have been greatly embroidered

 

1Smiley, Dissertation, pp. 4, 38, 201, 304.
2"What They Say Who Traveled with Him," Clay, Memoirs.

3"The Last of the Romans," The Literagy Digest, August 8, 1903,
p. 157.

86

with the passing years, with the result that in recent times Cassius
Clay has become a kind of folk hero of the Bluegrass.1 He is repeat-
edly referred to as "the most picturesque Kentuckian" and the "most
brilliantly colorful and dramatic figure in all the history of
Kentucky."2 His idiocyncracies and the foibles of his old age have
been exploited for comic effect.3 Much has been made of Clay's fond-
ness for the bowie knife; yet, he was not alone in his dependence
upon this instrument of protection, since many men of his day wore
the knife and scabbard. His fault lay not in his deftness with the
blade but rather in the personality flaw that kept him always on the
defensive and ready to invite unnecessary violence.

Cassius Clay was no paragon of virtue. In many respects, he was
no different from others of his age. But the contradictions in his
nature, the color and verve of his temperament, and the spirit of the
times combined to cloud the image of the real man who played a unique
role in the ante-bellum South. The complexity of Clay's nature and the
paradoxical character of his personality have significant over-tones

for the rhetorical critic who seeks {o assess LiS speechmaking.

 

1Sue McClelland Thierman, "Next Folk Hero?" Louisville Courier-
Journal, January 31,1960.

2Margaret Leech, Reveille in Washin ton 1860-1865 (New York:
Harper and Brothers, 19415, p. 56; Elizabeth M. Simpson, Blue ass
Homes and Their Traditions (Lexington: Transylvania Press, 19325,
pp. 214u17.

3Address of William H. Townsend, given October 17, 1952 before the
Civil war Round Table of Chicago, Illinois.

CHAPTER I]

AN ORAL AD? GATE

Cassius Clay was an anti-slavery advocate who regularly chose
to employ the oral medium as the channel for his communications.
Although he was adept in the art of written communication, Clay early
recognized that the newspapers, as a general thing, did not reach the
non-slaveholders; hence, he "took to the stump" and declared his
anti-slavery message at every crossroad and "place of public resort"
in the state of Kentucky.

By remaining in the slave territory, he became a symbol of
opposition to the institution of slavery. Clay's courage in stating
his opinions before his enemies and his ability to defend his right to
speak won the respect of his contemporaries and gained for him
national recognition which was reflected in the favorable reception
given to his out-of—state addresses. Unlike such men as Emerson,
Parker, Beecher, and Giddings, who, despite their "continual rantings,"

were unwilling to preach among the "southern heathen,"1

Clay faced
the slaveowners as he spoke and denounced the system of slavery with
little regard for his personal safety.

Although Cassius Clay's oral advocacy of the anti-slavery cause

began with his New Haven speech of February 22, 1832, very little is

known about his reception as a speaker until the following decade.

 

1Letter of George C. Stedman to William Torrey Harris, February
27, 1860; quoted by Kurt F. Leidecker, "Beyond the Strife," The

Reggster of the Kentucky Hgstorical Society, XL (April, 194977_pp.
125- 3.

 

88

That he spoke in the Kentucky Legislature during his service as a
legislator is a matter of record. As a first-term legislator, "Cash"
spoke in Opposition to a bill "to take the sense of the people of this
commonwealth, as to the propriety of calling a convention."1 In his
second term he spoke before the Committee of the Whole in the House
of Representatives in opposition to a bill conferring banking priv-
ileges upon the Charleston, Cincinnati, and Louisville Railroad
Company.2
Clay again addressed the Legislature in January, 1841. On that
occasion, the subject of his discourse was a proposal to repeal the
Non-Importation Act of 1833. Clay was opposed to repealing the law
and was clear and precise in his denunciation of any measure that would
void or modify it.3 That the law remained on the books until the end
of the decade attests in part to Clay's influence as an opinion
leader in ante-bellum Kentucky.
Cassius M. Clay was one of the most enthusiastic, outespoken,
and determined anti-slavery sympathizers in Kentucky during the forties.
After an extended speaking trip through the northern and eastern states
in 1843, in which slavery was his chief subject of discussion,“ Clay

returned to his native state and proclaimed in no uncertain terms,

 

1Horace Greeley (ed.), The Speeches and writings of Cassius
Marcellus Clay (New York: Harpen 1848), pp, #5-49, .

2Ibid.. pp. 50-57.
31bido! pp. 58-760

4Asa Earl Martin, The Anti-Slavery Movement in Kentucky Prior to
1850 (Louisville: The Standard Printing Company of Louisville, 1918,

p. 112.

 

89

"I proudly aver myself the eternal enemy of slavery; Kentucky must be
free."1

On December 30, 1843 Clay delivered an important speech at White
Sulphur Springs, in Scott County.2 Speaking before a mass meeting, he
clarified his position on the annexation of Texas, an issue that was
directly related to the slave question. In the speech, "Cash" contended
that the most important object of those who favored annexation was to
extend the slave territory of the United States. Such action, he
believed, would threaten the Union. Therefore, he sought to rally
Kentucky opinion against the proposal and reiterated his conviction
that all of Kentucky's "interests, temporal and eternal, demand of her
speedily to extinguish slavery within her borders, and to unite her
destiny with the northern states."

The following May, Clay repeated many of the White Sulphur Springs
arguments when his campaign in behalf of Henry Clay's candidacy for
the presidency got under way.3 Some people questioned how "Cash," in
good faith, could endorse a slaveowner for the presidency. Cassius
admitted that Henry was a slaveholder and said that he wished his cousin
were not. "Yet," said the younger man, "it does not become mg, who have

so lately ceased to be a slaveholder myself to condemn him."4 Cassius

 

1Greeley, p. 174.
2Ibid., pp. 76-96.
3Speech given May 13, 1844, in Lexington, Kentucky.

“Ibid.

90

indicated that this was the last time he would vote for a slaveowner
and predicted that after 1844 "no man . . . should be deemed fit to
rule over a Republican, Christian PeOple," who violated, by holding
slaves, the only principles ”upon which either Christianity or
Republicanism“ meet the ”test of philosophical scrutiny."1

Having justified his support for the Whig candidate, at least in
his own mind, "Cash" set about filling the speaking engagements that
the party had scheduled for him. He spent the month of August canvass-
ing the state of Ohio and made appearances in Michigan, Pennsylvania,
West Virginia, Maryland, New York, and Massachusetts before returning

to Kentucky. The partial agenda of Clay's appearances noted below

serves to illustrate the strenuous nature of the tour:2
August 24 warren, Ohio
August 26 Jefferson, Ohio
August 27 Uniontown, Ohio
August 28 Painesville, Ohio
August 31 Cleveland, Ohio
September 7 Erie, Pennsylvania
September 1“ Fredonia, New York
September 19 Boston, Massachusetts
October 2 Rochester, New Ybrk
October 26 New Ybrk City

Other cities visited by the Kentuckian during the canvass included:
Ann Arbor, Baltimore, Philadelphia, Wheeling, and Niagara Falls.
Early in the campaign, the New Ybrk Tribune voiced concern regard-

ing the demands placed upon Whig orators. The publication predicted:

 

'Cincinnati Daily Gazette, April 4, 18th.

2Letter of Mary Jane Clay to Mrs. Llewellyn P. Tarlton, August 28,
1844, Clay Collection, The Filson Club, Louisville, Kentucky. Clay,
Autobio ra h , pp. 97-97, 101-103, 160; New York Tribune, September 5,
7, 21,28, 18fih; Cincinnati Daily Gazette, September 7, October 1, 1844.

91

The popular passion for excitement, for great meetings, great
parades, great speeches, threatens to corrupt our speakers.
They will at length be insensibly impelled to speak with some
reference to their fame and the vast concourse it has attracted.
One will feel, without realizing it, ”Here are ten thousand
people drawn together by the expectation that I shall make a
great speech, and I must not disappoint them. The good of the
cause demands it." He will thus feel that a simple and candid
setting forth Of the grounds Of the difference between the

two parties, with a plain and honest presentment of the reasons
which impel him to adhere to the Whig side, all in the manner
which is easy and natural to him, is not all that is expected.
He will be insensibly impelled to attempt more than this; in
which case he will be pretty certain to accomplish less.

The campaign proved to verify many of the Tribune's fears. The
Clay entourage was greeted by a procession of decorated buggies when it
approached nearly every town, as the "city fathers" in Ohio and New
England out-did themselves to provide a fitting welcome for Cousin
Henry's emissary.2 In New YOrk City, the Clay rally was preceded by
an immense procession, headed by a cavalcade of fifty white horses.
One observer reported that the imposing parade also included 250-
300 other horses and fifty carriages.3 The Rochester meeting drew a
crowd of 100,000 persons, spectators being brought by special trains
to witness the elaborate parade and to hear the campaign oratory Of
several Whig spokesmen.“
Cassius Clay was well received wherever he spoke. Mrs. Clay, who
accompanied her husband on the tour, was somewhat surprised at the
popular reception he received and in a letter to a friend wrote Of

this response.

 

1New York Tribune, August 15, 18%.
2Letter of Mrs. Clay to my.“ Tarlton.
3New York Tribune, October 26, 1841:.

“New York Tribune, October 10, 1844.

92

I never saw anything like the anxiety the people display to

see and shake hands with Mr. Clay. Men, women, and children.

YOu see them in flocks peeping in. . . . I heard one of the

women crying aloud . . . "Now, Sammy, don't get to fighting

here, remember we've got President Clay in the house.
"Cash" himself suggested that there were several reasons why he was
received in the North with universal heartiness and enthusiasm.

First, I was a Clay, and near in personal relations with

Henry Clay; so that all office seekers would naturally

desire to be in close relations with me. Then, in opposing

the admission Of Texas, I set myself squarely with the

political interests of the North, and last, but not least,

I stood upon the eternal laws of right against wrong; whilst,

unlike the Abolition school, I carried with me all the

sacred memories of our fathers, and all the future and past

glories Of the Union of these states.2

Clay "stumped" Ohio with the governor of the state, Thomas
Corwin. The two men differed in their manner of speaking, and the
Kentuckian found the Ohioan's adaptation to the religious fervor of the
Abolitionists "almost blasphemy;" and he was disturbed by the "whining,
chanting, and praying" that the Ohio governor included in his speeches.
As Clay later recalled, "I have been in the furor Of revivals, and the
wild enthusiasm of the bivouacked camp-meeting, and never did an
unctious Methodist parson move me to tears like the 'inimitable
Tom't"3 Corwin carried his scriptural quotation to such an extreme that
Clay termed him a "decided bore" and severely criticised his "want of
taste.” When "Cash" complained to his Ohio speaking partner about his

anti-slavery homiletics, Corwin reSponded that "no people were so con-

scientious and devout as these . . . Abolitionists.“

 

1Letter Of Mrs. Clay tt Mrs. Tarlton.

2Clay, Autobiograpgy, p. 94.

3Letter of Cassius Clay to the Editors of the Cincinnati Enguirer,
April 9, 1853.

93

The Kentuckian made no effort to adapt his argument to the
religious sentiments of the northern audiences but continued to offer
"straight campaign fare" in his speeches. He spoke often upon the
Texas issue and devoted much attention to the solid economic facts
connected with the candidate's American System. He told northern
abolitionists that slavery existed by local law and that as long as the
law existed, so did the condition. He rejected the religious moralizing
which motivated many of his hearers and called for constitutional
victory over the slaveholders at the polls. By ignoring the strong
undercurrent of religion in the abolition movement, Clay, no doubt,
alienated himself from many northern Whigs.1

In later years, Cassius Clay looked back on the Speeches delivered
in Boston on September 19, 1844 with a great deal of pleasure.
Apparently, his appearance on the famous Old Boston Common with
webster, Berrin, and others made a decided impression on him. The
audience was "magnificent," and Clay believed that "nowhere in the world,
outside of New England, and outside of Boston even, at that day, could
so many fine heads and cultured faces be seen."2 Coming by rail
from Niagara Falls, Clay had traveled five hundred miles that week to

be at the Boston meeting.3 He spoke briefly in the afternoon, but

 

1David L. Smiley, "An Emissary from Cousin Henry," The Register of
the Kentucky Historical Society, LIII (April, 1955), pp. 115-23. If
one were to apply the "results" theory of speech criticism -- that method
which evaluates in terms of achieving of the intended results -- the
Speaking of Clay during this campaign could not be rated very highly be-
cause he failed in his designated purpose -- to win votes for Henry
Clay. This criterion, however, is not the only means of evaluating a
Speech; and subsequent chapters examine and evaluate Clay's workman-
ship as a Speaker by means of a more comprehensive and acceptable
rationale.

2Clay, Autobioggaphy, p. 94.
3Cincinnati Dail Gazette, October 1, 1844.

94

saved his major arguments for an evening address in the Tremont
Temple. "I think," said Clay afterwards, "it is not egotism when I
say that none Of the orators were heard with such interest as myself."1
Some who heard Clay's campaign oratory said.that he spoke in a
"most convincing and masterly manner."2 Others who heard him Speak
were inclined to remember his "thrilling eloquence"3and rate his
utterance as "the most able address they had ever heard."u Although he
may have ”entered the breach and stormed the enemy's fortifications"5
as one reporter claimed, his opponents derided him for the "matter of
his discourse" as well as for his "miserable pettifogging manner," and
claimed that he "greatly underrated the intelligence Of our citizens."6
In January, 1846 Clay journeyed northward to deliver a series of
lectures. The notoriety gained from the suppression of the 2:22
American the preceding August proved tO be an asset; and the Kentuckian
was received by large assemblies wherever he spoke. A responsive audi-
ence ”thrilled" to his address in the Broadway Tabernacle, and many who
heard him on that occasion "still remembered the magnetic effect after

half-century had passed."7

 

1Clay, Autobiogyapgy, p. 97.

2New York Tribune, September 28, 1844.

3Ibid.. September 21, 1844.

“Ibid., September 7, 1844.

5Ibid., September 5, 1844.

6Letter of Theodore Foster to James Birney, September 12, 1844;
Dwight L. Dumond (ed.),‘Letters Of James Birney (New York: D. Appleton-
Century Company, 1938), Vol. II, 842.

7navid L. Smiley, "Lion of White Hall: The Life of Cassius

Marcellus Clay of Kentucky" (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Department
of History, University of Wisconsin, 1953), p. 225.

95

A letter received by Clay in 1894 attests to the impact made by
the Tabernacle speech on one member of the audience. T. DeWitt
Talmadge wrote:

When as a boy I sat in Broadway Tabernacle, New YOrk, and

heard you thunder on "the rights of man," I had no idea that

I would ever be honored with a letter from you. . . . YOur

name has always been in my mind a synonym for heroism,

patriotism and eloquence.

Clay's speech on this occasion was a repetition Of his economic
and political ideas, but for presentation before "the largest and
most respectable concourse ever assembled under one roof in the city
Of New fork,"2 the Kentucky orator had polished it until it "glittered
with memorable phrases."3

That same month, January 14, 1846, "Cash" spoke before the
Board Of Home Missions of the Methodist Episcopal Church at Fund Hall
in Philadelphia. The theme of this particular Speech was "Labor, the
basis of the rights of prOperty, cannot be the subject of prOperty."u
Although the religious character of his audience suggested a new
emphasis, Clay's exposition in Philadelphia offered proof that his
main line Of thought remained almost unchanged. The economic argument

remained primary in this series of speeches which concluded the

Speaker's major platform efforts until after the Mexican war.

 

1Letter of T. DeWitt Talmadge to Cassius Clay, January 27, 1894;
Clay Collection, Lincoln Memorial University, Harrogate, Tennessee.

2Greeley, p. 185.
3Ibid., pp. 185-201.

“Ibidot Pp. 523-350

96

Following his return from Mexico, Cassius made several Speeches
Of a non-political nature. On February 7, 1848, he reSponded to an
appreciation, welcome-home Speech.made by Colonel W. H. Caperton at
Richmond, Kentucky;1 and on March 6, 1848, he spoke before the
Mercantile Library Association of Baltimore.2

In April Of 1849 Clay had an Opportunity to make a stand for
freedom Of Speech in Kentucky. On the invitation of two gentlemen,
Cassius traveled to Lawrenceburg in Anderson County to deliver a speech
on Slavery. There were few slaveholders among the people of Anderson
County, and the county was somewhat isolated from the rest Of the
state at that time. Anderson County citizens were, according to Clay,
”rude but independent." Arriving at his destination the evening before
the speech was scheduled, "Cash" found that the gentlemen who had
invited him to speak had left the county; and he concluded that their
departure was an unfavorable omen.

Clay's "hunch" was soon justified; he was visited bysix men,
acting as a delegation authorized by a meeting Of Anderson County
citizens. This committee presented him with a set of resolutions
that "spoke" of the dangers of incendiary talk about slavery and
warned the visitor that if he spoke it would be at his own peril.
"Cash's" response to the resolutions was in keeping with his previous
attitude on freedom Of Speech. He said, "Gentlemen, I came here by
the invitation of two of your citizens; but with or without such a
request, I stand upon my constitutional rights to discuss any subject

whatever that pleases me. Say to your peOple that I Shall address

 

1Ibid.. pp. 491-503.

2Ibid.. pp. 504-522.

them at the hour published, at the court house."

ment

9?

1

Clay's account of what happened captures something of the excite-
and tension that no doubt existed that Spring day.

The day was warm and pleasant; and hours before the time

of speaking, the court-house was crowded to its greatest
capacity, and many had climbed into the windows and filled
many of the nearest trees, like black-birds at roost. At the
hour named, looking closely to my revolvers, and having them
carefully near the mouth of my carpet-bag, with my Bowie-
knife concealed in my belt, I walked alone to the court-house.
By this time the crowd pressed to the very gate; but as I
entered, they opened a lane as I advanced, no one saying a
word. The same lane allowed me to pass into the court-room.
There were three chairs on a raised platform, or dais, and a
small balustrade, a few feet high, around these seats. Two
of the chairs were empty, but the central one was occupied by
a most remarkable man. He was a giant in frame, about sixty
years of age, but then as fresh and vigorous apparently as a
man of thirty-fixe years. I thought to myself, if you are to
be my antagonist, I shall have a hard time Of it. The whole
audience was as still as if there had been but myself there;
each looking excited and pale, as men who are on the eve of
action. I walked steadily to the vacant seat, and sat down
with my carpet-sack by my side, and began to feel for my
notes, which I generally laid on the stand, but rarely ever
used. wash (for such was his name) rose up, and said: "I
understand that this is Cash Clay," motioning his hand toward
me, without looking at me. "YOu all know who I am. The boys
who went to Mexico all say that Clay was their friend in and
out of prison, standing by the soldiers, and dividing everye
thing with them. I had no hand in the public meeting held
here. But this I do say, that the man who fights for the
country has a right to speak about the country. As I said,
you all know who I am. I have lived here on Salt River all
my life. I have forty children and grand-children, and they
are all here. The 'Salt River Tigers' were out in Mexico;
and they are here, too. Now, we will stand by Clay, or die!"
and down he sat.2

Clay's military service, in this case "paid Off," and he spoke boldly

for two hours without negative interruptions.

 

1Clay, Autobiogapgy, p. 181.

Ibid., p. 182.

98

Although Cassius did not himself seek political office in 1849,
he found the approaching constitutional convention of great importance
and consequently devoted a great deal of time and energy to the candidacy
of emancipationists who sought election to that body. After being quite
vocal at the Frankfort Emancipation Convention, Clay undertook to
"stump the state" in an effort to arouse the non-slaveholders to the
need for electing Emancipationist delegates to the convention. One of
the places where he spoke was Taylorsville in Spencer County.

The citizens of Taylorsville considered Clay "an abolitionist in
the most Offensive sense" prior to his visit; after listening to him
speak, however, the public regarded him somewhat differently. The
Spencer County Journal indicated some of the reasons for this change:

Everyone went prepared to hear nothing but bitter denuncia-

tions, and wild fanaticism! But they were disappointed. He

defined his position and that Of the Emancipation Party in

Kentucky; and then proceeded to support that position in a

Speech of singular force and ability. For two hours the

audience listened with profound attention to his earnest

appeals, occasionally giving evidence of their gratification

in murmurs of applause; and, at the close, a perfect round;

and then dispersed, satisfied that he was not an incendiary!

Great good was done by that speech; and the gallant Captain

left Taylorsville with the good wishes of many who looked

coldly upon him as he entered it. The friends of reform

judged well when they selected him to plead their cause;

and we doubt not he will find ample work during the present

canvass.1

Unfortunately, Clay's manner of Speaking was not always as
moderate as in Taylorsville. On many occasions he gave way to violent
speech and belligerence, which antagonized his opponents and encouraged

violence. Clay's Speaking came to a halt on June 15 when he fatally

stabbed Cyrus Turner at an encounter at Foxtown and was himself

 

1Ibid., p. 184.

99

critically wounded.1 "Cash's" speaking tour that year and the efforts
of his colleagues were to no avail; not a single Emancipationist can-
didate was elected to the constitutional convention in 1849.

In 1851 Cassius Clay "stumped" the state of Kentucky as the
Emancipationist candidate for governor. Beginning in June, he went on
a strenuous speaking tour which took him to about eighty of the state's
one hundred counties. "Cash's" bold and tireless travel in this canvass
became a part of the Clay legend discussed in Chapter Three. He was
often threatened, but he obstinately kept every appointment, speaking
almost daily from June 1 until August 1, when he concluded his cam-
paign with an address at Lexington.

Clay sent a courier ahead to make the speaking appointments for
him,2 and once an appointment had been arranged, he insisted on speak-
ing although at times he spoke to completely empty rooms.3 During
this campaign "Cash" traveled by horse and buggy; and it was perhaps
the exigencies of this kind of tour that led him to don the same dark
blue suit with brass buttons at each speaking engagement. The dark
blue suit came to be a kind of ”uniform" for Clay, and audiences in
later years probably would have been disappointed had they found him
attired in any other garb.

Although ”Cash" took his message to the people in a manner not
seen previously in Kentucky and apparently made a strong impression

on those who gathered, often in the lamplight, to hear him, the

 

1The encounter is described in detail in Chapter Two.

2Clay, Autobiography, p. 212.
3Smiley, Dissertation, p. 283.

100

voters chose to give their suffrages to the established party candidates
rather than to Clay, who represented a third or splinter party.1

In 1852 Clay gave some support to the presidential campaign con-
ducted by the Free Soil Party candidates, Hale and Julian. However,
his contribution that year was not as extensive nor as significant as
his later efforts in national elections, most of his speaking being
done in his own state.

During the summer of 1854, "Cash" toured the mid-west and made a
series of speeches that vigorously condemned the passage of the
Kansas-Nebraska Bill. On July 10, 1854, the Kentuckian appeared in
Springfield, Illinois, and launched an attack upon those who were re-
sponsible for, or condoned, the repeal of the Missouri Compromise. It
was at this time that Clay first met Abraham Lincoln.2

In his two and a half-hour Springfield address, Clay identified
himself as "an advocate of constitutional liberty," and took the posi-
tion that "slavery was simply tolerated by the framers of the Constitu-
tion." He went on to say that slavery, "like the porcupine in the
fable /:Eow:7 thrusts out its quills and pronounces itself well sat-
isfied, and if its neighbors don't like it, they may do better some-
where else, . . . 9 It is not the part then of freemen -- American

Freemen -- to act as blood hounds for the slave hunter."3

 

1Clay's defeat in 1851 and the significance of his candidacy are
discussed in Chapter Two.

2The meeting between Clay and Lincoln, and Clay's inability to
gain access to the capitol building for his speech are discussed in
Chapter Two. ‘

3William H. Townsend, Lincoln and the Blue rass (Lexington: The
University of Kentucky Press, 1955 , p. 212.

101

It has been reported that a heckler in the crowd that day inter-
rupted the speaker with the question, "WCuld you help a runaway slave?"
To this inquiry Clay supposedly retorted with alacrity, "That would
depend upon which way he was running."

The Springfield newspapers were divided in their estimation of
Clay's speech. The Register referred to the speaker as the "notorious"
and l'abolitionary missionary" of treasonable extremes. "Sentiments
more atrocious," it said, "never found a place in the heart of the
foulest traitor that ever meditated the destruction of his country."1

The Illinois State Journal, however, saw the occasion in a far
different light. It called attention to the fact that a "full fifteen
hundred" persons assembled for the speech deSpite the inconvenience of
its being held outside of town and coming at a busy time for the
farmers. The Journal termed the Kentuckian's speech a "GREAT HEROIC
SPEECH," and praised Clay for speaking "BOLDLY, PROUDLY, -- in the
face and eyes of all the contumely and insults thrown upon him."2

Later that year Clay conducted an extensive speaking tour in the
northern states and reiterated his objections to the Kansas-Nebraska
legislation. One of his lectures was given at the Tabernacle in New
York City on the evening of December 26, where his address on "The
Political Despotism of Slavery" was "received with much favor” by a

large audience.3

 

1Illinois State Register, July 12, 1854; quoted by Townsend,
Ibid‘“ p. 213.

2Illinois State Journal, July 11, 14, 1854; quoted by Townsend,
Ibid., pp. 213-1 .

3New York Times, December 28, 1854.

102

The Kansas-Nebraska action continued to spark Clay's anger in
1855, and his talks on the subject during the year were often violent
and abusive. Although some Kentuckians were inclined to describe
"Cash's" oratorical efforts as "remarkable," many of them considered
the speeches as "inflammatory." The interpretation of one listener
who heard Clay speak at Brush Creek in the summer of 1855 reflects
this latter sentiment. In a letter to the Cincinnati Daily Gazette,
Clay's critic wrote:

It cannot be otherwise than admitted that Mr. Clay is a

talented man, and it cannot be otherwise than true that

he is one of the greatest demagogues in this country . . .

he and those who he sends out, in all instances, go where

there is the least education, to arouse the passions and

prejudices of the peOple with their treasonable doctrines.1

In addition to supporting what was for most Kentuckians the
unpopular side of the question, Clay chose to link his Kansas-Nebraska
Speeches with his quest for a free platform in the state. After John
Fee was maltreated and driven by violence from preaching near Crab
Orchard in Lincoln County because he opposed slavery, Clay made an
appointment to Speak in the same place, and thus began a series of
Speeches that raised the ire of Kentucky slaveowners.

However, the citizens of Lincoln County were equally determined
to put a stop to these anti-slavery "tirades;" and at a meeting in
Stanford, the county-seat, the slaveholders passed resolutions threat-
ening death for any one who discussed the Slavery question. Cassius

Clay responded at once to the resolutions by making an appointment to

speak in Stanford -- this being the time and place, he thought, to

 

1Letter of W. H. Kirtley to the Cincinnati Daily Gazette, July

23. 1855-

103

call the bluff of his antagonists. Clay considered the position
taken by the Lincoln Countr slaveholders a fatal one and explained
his reasoning as follows:

. . . if I spoke with safety, their policy of intimidation

was broken forever; and the boldest of them feared the

result, in a commonwealth where so small a portion of the

voters were Slave-holders, if I was put to death in the

exercise of admitted constitutional rights.1

The slaveholders no doubt sensed their dilemma and sought to
mediate with Clay by sending a committee of prominent men to call upon
the orator at his home in a "friendly spirit" and to advise him of the
dangers involved in his attempting to Speak. The "warning" fell upon
"deaf ears;" and Clay reportedly said to them: "Gentlemen, say to your
friends, that I appreciate their kindness in sending you to advise
with me; but God willing, I shall Speak in Stanford on the day named."2

At the appointed hour, “Cash" appeared at the Lincoln County
court house and faced the crowd which had assembled. Although the
excitement was intense, the speaker was heard without a single inter-
ruption. Clay considered this showadown in Stanford a victory for
himself and his cause; and he believed that victory in the Bluegrass
region, the stronghold of slavery, would cause triumph to come more
easily elsewhere in the state.

Cassius achieved a similar success in Jessamine County, where he

spoke for three hours on May 26, 1855. This speech was "listened to

throughout with great interest and reSpectful attention," and at its

 

1Clay, Autobiography, p. 76.
2Ibid.. p. 77.

10h

conclusion "Cash" succeeded in carrying strong and unanimous resolutions
on the abstract question of freedom of speech.

In Spite of this progress, the tension between Clay and the
Bluegrass slaveholders did not really abate during the summer of 1855.
Both sides went armed to gatherings where Speeches were scheduled, and
Clay reported that "I selected my ground . . . where their cannon
could not be brought to bear upon us and in such place as gave us advan-
tage of position."1

A gang of tough fighters accompanied Clay on many of the 1855
speaking expeditions, and this "private army" was armed with fire-arms
and knives as were the "mobs" who sought to bar the former slaveowner
from expressing his anti-slavery views.2 These strong-arm methods
tended to make "Cash" even more unpopular in central Kentucky, but his
braggadocio-like defiance won for him applause and support in some
quarters of the North.

One New Ybrk newspaper lauded his efforts in behalf of freedom of
speech and gave him credit for being a distinctive phenomenon in
ante-bellum Kentucky. In part, the paper stated:

A gallant and fearless man is this Cassius M. Clay, an

enthusiast in a noble cause, a cause in which a man be

not somewhat of an enthusiast, he is nothing; an out-

Spoken, resolute, undismayed emancipationist in the midst

of a slaveholding pOpulation. Every time he goes abroad

in his native state of Kentucky, he takes his life in his
hand, yet such is the reSpect in which his courage, sincerity,

 

1

Cassius Clay's "Answer to Samuel Evans," published in an
unidentified newspaper, August 5, 1855; Clay Collection, The
Filson Club, Louisville, Kentucky.

21b; .; Cincinnati Daily Gazette, June 18, July 23, 1855.

105

and disinterestedness have caused him to be held by his

political enemies, that the ferocity which pursues other

men who entertain the same Opinions is held in check by his

presence. Other men are expelled from the state, yet nobody

talks of expelling Mr. Clay.

Although the unidentified journalist may have over-stated the
Situation somewhat, it is true that Clay was the only outspoken
emancipationist who was allowed to remain in Kentucky throughout the
decade preceding the Civil War.2

In 1856 Clay's oratorical prowess was directed toward the cause
of the newly formed Republican party. Early in April he spoke at a
mass meeting in his home county which had been called for the purpose
of selecting delegates to the approaching national convention. In
commenting upon Clay's speaking on this occasion, a reporter noted
that the speaker spoke ”with a distinct and emphatic voice;" addressed
the audience "in a lengthy, argumentative, and impassioned style;" was
interrupted at times "by the unwilling applause of his Opponents" and
the "most rapturous acclamation of the friends of his cause.”3

Clay considered himself "eminently available" as a candidate for
either of the t0p party nominations in 1856; however, the Republicans
chose to endorse two other men. No doubt the Kentuckian was disappointed

at being overlooked, but he gave his support to the Republican ticket

and campaigned in its behalf.

 

1Unidentified newspaper clipping; Scrap Book Number Three, Clay
Collection, Eastern Kentucky State College, Richmond, Kentucky.

ZSee Chapter One for a discussion of the ejection of other
Kentucky anti-slavery agitators.

3New York Times, April 16, 1856.

106

At times during the campaign, Clay faced hostile audiences. He
spoke to one such group on October 1, 185 . in the LOUiSVille court
house. Although Cassius Spoke "quite moderately" on this occasion, his
listeners were in a state of agitation and punctuated the one hour
address with such Shouts as: "down with him," "put him out," "don't
hear the damn abolitionist," "gag him," and ”knock him down."

This reaction did not noticeably disturb the Speaker, who responded
"placidly" and attempted to "humor" the rabble. He was, however, unable
to make himself heard, his voice being almost "totally drowned in
shrieks, yells, and hoots for Filmore.” Realizing that he could not be
heard, "Clay folded his arms and calmly infuriated the mob."1

Cassius Clay was a popular campaign orator in 1856, and great
crowds gathered to hear his Speeches, in many of which he capitalized
upon the personal experiences he had had in the struggle for freedom

of Speech.2

During this election campaign a bit of campaign lore was
developed when an old man in Indiana, allegedly tore his Buchanan
badge from his hat and loudly "recanted his past Sins" after hearing
Clay's fiery speech at a Republican rally.3

The high point of the campaign for the Kentucky orator very likely
was his appearance at the Tabernacle in New York City, where on
October 24, he addressed a "capacity audience.“ The New YCrk Times
of the following day referred to Clay's speech as "the most effective

speech of the campaign" and called attention to the fact that the hour

 

‘Cincinnati Daily Gazette, October 2, 1856.
2’Ibid., August-September, 1856.

33miley, Dissertation, p. 303.

107

and a quarter address abounded in "brilliant and telling points" and
was "full of sound argument, apt illustration and genuine eloquence."1

Clay, who was introduced as "the foremost friend of Freedom in
the land," was received with "prodigious cheers;" and throughout his
address the assembly indicated its favorable reSponse by laughing,
cheering, and applauding. The speaker concluded "amid tremendous
cheers" as the ladies waved their handkerchiefs and the gentlemen
swung their hats, "the whole house roaring its enthusiasm."2

On this occasion, Clay made a determined bid for the support of
influential New Yorkers. That he was successful in winning their
approval for himself is a matter Of record, and his popularity with
many New York Republicans can be traced from this time.

Cassius Clay delivered one of his most significant speeches Of
the ante-bellum period on January 10, 1860r As was usually the case,
he spoke that evening in Spite of announced threats from the slave-
holders and the counsel Of a leading journal that he should be
silenced by violence.3 Although "Cash" did not ask for the Repre-
sentatives' Hall in Frankfort, "it was generally agreed by tacit
consent that he should occupy it; and the door-keeper, Mr. Crayfi-
promised to have it Open and lighted up.“

At the appointed hour, however, the hall was closed and dark. It
was a gloomy stormy night, and the gas lights Of the city were darkened.

AS the scheduled hour approached, a quiet crowd of "several hundred

 

1New YOrk Times, October 25, 1856.
2lbid.

31bid., January 23, 1860.

“Gazette Campaign Document, Number One.

108

respectable listeners,"men, women, Negroes, and "many young men"
assembled before the capitol in Frankfort and awaited the speaker.1

As usual, the owner of "White Hall" appeared before his fellow
citizens in a blue coat with brass buttons, and on this occasion
"looked pale and intrepid."2 Lighted candles were brought and dis-
tributed among the crowd as Clay commenced his address. "He never
had a more candid and courteous hearing from any audience anywhere,
and perhaps never did he make a Speech so moderate, sensible, and
courteous."3

After Speaking about three and a half hours, Clay remarked that
he was nearly finished. This statement was received by the following
comment from the crowd: "Go On, Mr. Clay; we will stand by you all
night." Clay Spoke at least four hours that evening; and his hearers
stood patiently listening, even though there was a heavy fall Of rain
at times.

In his speech, which was an exposition of current political
issues, Clay Spoke about the recent John Brown raid and attempted to
refute the charges made by Governor Magaffin and Vice-President
Breckinridge against the Republican party. At the close Of his speech,
he listed seventeen charges against the Democratic party. Clay's
defense of the Republican stand became one of the most widely circulated
Republican campaign documents in 1860, over 200,000 cOpies of it being

distributed throughout the country.“

 

1

New York Times, January 16, 1860.
2Ibid.

31bid.

“Smiley, Dissertation, p. 309.

109

The Louisville correspondent for the Tlggg reported that Clay
spoke "in the entrance hall of our Statehouse" and that he stood on a
chair while delivering the speech.1 However, in an "exclusive report"
for the Cincgnnati Daily Gazette, the speech was said to have been
given "from the Capitol steps."2 A letter from George C. Stedman to
William Torrey Harris, February 27, 1860, seems to confirm the latter
interpretation because Stedman wrote, "I have heard him [Clay]
denounce, from the steps of the Kentucky State Capitol. . . ."3 More-
over, in 1878 Clay, while addressing the state legislature, alluded to
having "stood upon the western steps Of this capitol."u

Stedman also recalled another bit Of information concerning
Clay's presentation on January 10. He reported to his friend, "Some
dozen or fifteen niggers were in the crowd and I noticed a lot of them
laughing at Clay's gestures. 'Golly,' said one, 'don't that little
hoss snort and tare.”5

Clay's ability to speak out against Slavery while others were
"hunted and persecuted with an ignorant rage and blind ferocity"iJr-
spired a number of articles in the out-Of-State press at this particular
time. The New York Tribune subscribed to the view that "Cash" was

permitted to speak because he was well known as a fighting man who

 

1New York Times, January 16, 1860.

ZGazette Campgign Document, Number One.

3Letter of George C. Stedman to William Torrey Harris,
February 27, 1860.

4Speech of Cassius Clay, given January 26, 1878 in Frankfort,
Kentucky.

5Letter of Stedman to Harris.

110

"in more than one instance made good his declaration [to exercise

the right of free SpeechY in a decisive manner."1 As an additional
reason for Clay's receiving preferential treatment, the paper posited
that the Republican views expressed by Clay had "nothing in them Of
that inflammatory and dangerous character imputed to them by their
enemies.”

The New York Times of January 17, 1860, concurred with the interpre-
tation of the gibun .2 However, a week later the Times took a some-
what different position in regard to Clay's ability to Speak out. At
that time the publication rejected the interpretation "that Mr. Clay's
know personal prowess and his invincible determination to Speak or die,"
set him apart from other anti-slavery spokesmen and Offered another
explanation:

Cassius M. Clay owes his triumph to the belief of Kentuckians

in his honesty, to their reSpect for his high spirit, and

above all, to their feeling that, as a Kentuckian by birth and

_by the residence of a life-time -- a man to the manor born,

and the inheritor of an illustrious name -- he had the right

to express his mature and heartfelt sentiments upon whatever

concerned the interests and honor of their and his beloved

state.3

The Speech on January 10, marked the beginning of Clay's efforts
in behalf of the Republican campaign Of 1860; and some have suggested
that it also represented Clay's "earnest bid for Republican recogni-

tion in the national convention."u

 

1New'YOrk Tribune, January 24, 1860.
2New'YOrk Times, January 17, 1860.
3Ibid., January 23, 1860.

“Smiley, Dissertation, p. 309.

111

On February 14, 1860, Clay spoke at COOper Union in New York
City; and it was on this occasion that the Kentuckian emerged, in the
Opinion of some persons, as a potential nominee for high Office.
During the course of his speech, a voice from the audience called out,
"All in favor of Mr. Clay being the nominee for the next President say
aye." This was followed by a roar of "ayes" throughout the hall.1
Shortly thereafter Clay traveled to Hartford, Connecticut, where he
delivered a somewhat similar oration.

Early that summer "Cash" addressed a large meeting of the
citizens Of washington County, Pennsylvania. Although public notice
of the meeting had not been given until the preceding afternoon, an
immense audience filled the large court room to hear "the fearless
and distinguished Kentuckian, who has given unreservedly to the cause
of freedom and progress, the force of an acute and active intellect,

2 The

and the unflinching devotion of an honest and courageous heart."
visiting orator was received with "loud and long continued applause;"
and he proceeded to address the audience, "holding them at his will for
about two hours, in a speech Of great logical force, and of telling

effect, from the earnestness which marked its delivery and its

perspicuous arrangement of facts."3

 

1WilliamRitchie, "The Public Career of Cassius M. Clay"
(unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Department of History, George Peaboddy
College for Teachers, 1934), pp. 131-32. Clay's nomination for the
vice-presidency is discussed in Chapter Two.

2Unidentified newSpaper. Clay Collection, The Filson Club.
3Ibid.

112

Not long afterward, it was reported that Clay would be attacked
on July 4, 1860, when he attempted to Speak at a holiday gathering at
"The Glade" near Richmond, Kentucky. Bets were even Offered that he
would be Silenced. However, "the utmost good Order prevailed;" and
about one thousand persons, mostly Republicans, listened to their
neighbor Speak and enjoyed a picnic in the grove.1

On Saturday evening Of the same week, July 7, Cassius spoke to
four or five thousand persons from the steps of the Louisville court
house. Speaking at the invitation of the Republican Club Of Louis-
ville, Clay was heard with "marked attention and interest" from the
"beginning to the end Of his long Speech." The address, which was
considered "moderate, but firm, in its tone," avoided vituperation
and was thought to have been "able and convincing in its arguments."2

Clay's critics were of the Opinion that the address was "decidedly
one of the best speeches he ever made," and the Cincinnati Daily
Gazette cited Specific reasons for believing it an exceptionally fine
piece of rhetoric:

Mr. Clay's Speech was remarkable for its strength and

lucidness, though not bespangled with fancy perorations

and magic bursts of a school boy's Fourth of July

hifalutin Speech. For terseness, conclusive arguments

that drove to the inner brain of his hearers, it

equalled if not exceeded any egfort that I have ever had
the good fortune to listen to. .

 

1New YOrk Times, July 11, 1860.
2Ibid., July 13, 1860.

3Letter of July 8, 1860, published in the Cincinnati Daily
Gazette, date of publication unknown.

113

The Speech contained "a sea of sarcasm," and the Speaker did not handle
his adversaries with "dainty fingers." his remarks on slavery,
"though clothed with due respect to his audience of Southern pro-
slavery men, were conclusive and convincing to any unprejudiced mind."1
The Object Of Clay's speech on this occasion was to make some
observations on the building Of a Pacific railroad; and "he showed
himself to be a perfect master of the subject, and put forth many most
conclusive arguments, Showing the actual necessity for the completion
Of such a work."2

Immediately following the address in Louisville, Clay under-
tOOk an extensive canvass of Indiana. The Cincinnati Daily_Gazette

announced his Speaking appointments as follows:3

July 9 Jeffersonville

July 10 Salem

July 11 Paoli

July 12 Mitchell

July 13 Seymour and North Vernon
July 14 Columbus and Indianapolis
July 16 Greencastle

July 17 Terre Haute

July 19 Sullivan

July 21 Vincennes

July 23 Princeton

July 24 Evansville

July 25 Rockport

July 26 Cannelton

July 27 Leavenworth

July 28 New Albany

On this tour, Clay usually spoke at two O'clock in the after-

noon;“ and as a rule large crowds turned out to hear him,k In

 

1Ibid.
2Ibid.

30incinnati Daily Gazette, July 7, 18, 1860.
“Ibid.. July 17, 1860.

114

describing the audience at Paoli, a reporter wrote:

The farmer left his harvest field, the mechanic his shop,

the businessman his business, and without distinction of

the party, the peOple of the county, Old and young, men

and women, came to see and hear one whom every true

American esteems as a fearless, earnest, honest man.

The same reporter noted that an unfounded prejudice existed in the
minds of the audience against the Republican party, which they con-
sidered as revolutionary, disloyal to the Constitution, and Negro-
loving. Other Republican speakers had been distrusted by the

people of Paoli, but they looked upon Clay as a bold and candid man
and concluded that "he will tell us truly what Republicanism is. We
will hear him."

Clay's audience in Columbus found him hoarse and wearied from
having spoken in the Open air to immense crowds at both Seymour and
North Vernon on the previous day. (He had spoken two and a half hours
at Seymour and two hours at North Vernon.) In spite Of the the dif-
ficulty with his voice, Mr. Clay "held the large assembly enchained
by his convincing arguments and eloquent words."2

In Greencastle and Indianapolis the Clay receptions were excep-
tionally large, and it was believed that the 15,000 persons who heard
him speak at Terre Haute represented the largest meeting of any kind
by any party in the state during the year.3 Between six and ten

thousand persons heard the campaigner speak in Vincennes in a rally

that was termed "the largest political gathering ever held in that

 

1Ibid.
2lbid.. July 20, 1860.
31bid.. July 24, 1860.

115

section of the state."1 Sxtra trains were run, and great enthusiasm
was manifested by the various groups who were in attendance. One
delegation was headed by eight yoke of oxen, drawing a platform
upon which were a number of men Splitting rails.2

After concluding his tour of southern Indiana, Clay moved north
into Ohio, where a rally at Tiffin was particularly noteworthy. "Old
and young crowded about, vying with each other in an effort to do him
honor," while a streamer stretched across the main street proclaimed
the town's official greeting -- "Clay, the Champion Of Free Speech,
Welcome!"3

Clay's room at the hotel was filled by a steady stream Of men
and women who sought to shake hands with him and express their
admiration for his "manliness and ability." In describing the high
esteem that was felt for the visitor from Kentucky, one reporter
commented:

(I saw the eyes of hardhanded men -- men used to toil, and

knowing by experience the blessings of labor -- grow moist

as they rested upon him who had sacrificed so much for

freedom. It was 80 hollow compliment, but the expression

of real feeling.

This enthusiasm for Clay was further exemplified by the crowd's
attitude toward his speech. Although the speech took place in a grove

near the county fair grounds, the peOple were densely crowded together,

constituting an "impossible jam;" many had climbed trees to see the

 

1New YOrk Times, July 23, 1860.

2An interpretation of the significance of Clay's canvass in
Indiana is given in Chapter Two.

3Cincinnati Daily Gazette, August 3, 1860.

”Ibid.

116

speaker; and a large portion Of them were beyond the range Of his
voice. tevertheless, the mass swayed to and fro, "listening" for two
and a quarter hours. As one participant in the festivities later recalled,
"I have seldom seen SO great an anxiety manifested to see a speaker as
was Shown here."1

During the latter part of the summer, Clay turned his attention
to the state Of Illinois and filled numerous speaking engagements in
Lincoln's home state. The speech delivered in Ottawa, September 7, is
no doubt typical Of those delivered during this part of the canvass.
In concluding his lengthy discourse to the voters of Illinois, the
Speaker presented an eloquent tribute to Lincoln and closed with the
words, "Liberty and Union, now and forever, one and inseparable."2

Before returning home to await the final outcome of the election,
Cassius filled a number Of additional speaking engagements in
Indiana. One of these was at Lawrenceburg on September 19, where
he made a two-hour Speech that was "powerful and telling." Speaking
at the fair grounds, Clay was said to have "completely knocked the
pins from under the positions of the Douglas and Breckinridge
Democracy."3

Although Clay was absent from the public platform in the months
immediately following the election of 1860, early the following year

he filled a number of Speaking engagements in the East. One of the

 

1Ibid.
2Aurora Weekly Beacon, Extra.

3Cincinnat; Daily Gazette, September 24, 1860.

117

more widely publicized speeches was that given on Saturday evening,
January 26; On that occasion Cassius delivered an address before the
Republican Association and the citizens of flashington, at Odd Fellows
Hall. Long before the appointed hour, the hall, one Of the largest in
the city, was crowded to capacity; and numerous persons were turned
away because there was not room to accommodate them.1 Many senators
and members of the House of Representatives were present that evening,
and among the audience were also "a considerable number of ladies."

In this speech "Cash" attempted to set forth an image Of himself
as a humble man who Spoke for no clique or party and who was in a
position to express an impartial view-point. In the Opinion Of those
who heard him speak, "he made a bold, earnest, anti-Slavery extension
speech, which was vociferously cheered."2 Clay pledged his loyalty
to subsequent Congressional action and pointed out that if Civil Nar
came, the Republicans could not be held reSponsible, having attempted
all possible conciliatory measures.

In concluding his speech, the Kentuckian called upon every labor-

ing man to stand with the battle cry of the forefathers, "Liberty
or death," and demonstrate the possession of an indomitable will.3

Another speech of consequence was delivered by Clay on May 29,
1861, when he addressed some two hundred persons at a breakfast meet-

ing of American citizens in Paris. The meeting was held in the

 

1National Republican, date of publication unknown.

2New YOrk Times, January 28, 1861.

3National Republican, date of publication unknown.

118

Great Hall of the Grand Hotel du Louvre and was attended by "a great
number of young and elegantly dressed young women" as well as by such
dignitaries as: William L. Dayton, American.Minister at the Court of
the Tuileries; Anson Burlingame, American MiniSter at the Court of
Vienna; Colonel John C. Fremont; and the Honorable Mr. Haldmann,
American.Minister at the Court Of Stockholm.1

Clay's brief Speech on this occasion pointed up the need for
England, France, Russia, and other countries to join in the struggle
to preserve the union. Speaking particularly of the mutual benefits
that would accrue for France and the North from such cooperation, the
Minister said:

Especially does France find safety in our unity and pros-

perity -- for between us there is no antagonism whatever.

we want her Silks, her brandies, her wines, her porcelains,

her cloths, her finer cottons, her thousand articles of un-

equalled taste. She wants our tobacco, our meats, our grains,

and all that: while she will not envy us the prosperity of

our manufactures, which put money in ourzpurse, and make us

able to purchase all she has to sell us.

During the interim of his first ministry to Russia, "Cash" was
relatively quiet, delivering few if any major addresses. However,
following his return to the United States in August, 1862, the former
Minister once more became a popular spokesman for the Republican party.

On the evening of August 12, h' delivered an address before the
Union Literary Debating Society at Odd Fellows' Hall in Washington,3

where he covered such tOpicS as: the colonization of American Negroes,

 

1From "Galiganani's Messenger."
2lbid.

3New YOrk Herald, August 15, 1862.

119

Negro equality, the war power over slavery, the arming of Slaves, and
the Constitution and Slavery.

The speech was incorrectly reported in the gpy_gork Herald several
days later, and this coverage prompted Clay to break his habit of
ignoring incorrect reports of his utterances. Because this was the
Herald's first report Of a Clay speech, the Kentuckian restated
correctly his political views for the benefit of the paper's readers.
Regarding his attitude toward the coverage of his speeches by the
press, Clay had this to say:

Having always avowed my political views without fear or

concealment, for years 1 have ceased to correct improper

reports of my utterances, believing that the time had gone

by when the intelligent could be deceived in them by even

studied and malignant persuasion. . . . I admire the sub-

limity Of your audacity, which is made respectable along-

side the indirection, the mendacity, the meanness and the

cowardice of your rivals, the London Times duu one new

YOrk Times, its feeble follower.1

Shortly after the Speech in washington, Clay visited his home
state and there, on August 30, addressed the Kentucky legislature.
It has been suggested that "Cash" made this trip at the request of
the President, who was interested in Obtaining the consensus Of the
border state. Cla, urged the adoption Of the President's policy of
emancipation and compensation, and advocated that the people meet in
a convention to consider the subject.2

Clay returned to washington in September Of 1862, where he

participated in the celebration that followed the signing of the

 

1Letter of Cassius Clay to James Gordon Bennett, publisher Of the
New YOrk Herald, August 16, 1862.

2Cincinnati Daily Gazette, August 31, 1862.

120.

Emancipation Proclamation. Not long after his arrival in the city,
he was visited by a group of serenaders who solicited his comments
regarding the Proclamation. This request to speak was in reality a
compliment to the Kentuckian because others viSited by the serenaders
that evening were President Lincoln, Secretary Chase, and Attorney
General Bates. On this occasion Clay stated that he welcomed the
President's Proclamation "not for the four millions of blacks so much

1 This was in effect a restatement

as for the eight millions of white."
of his oft-repeated thesis that slavery should be eliminated because
it was detrimental to the majority of white citizens in the South.

The Kentuckian filled a number of speaking engagements in New
YOrk after his September 24 appearance in the capital city. The 213;;
of October 7, 1862, announced that the Banner Club Of Kings County
would, that evening, hold "one of the grandest demonstrations . . .
ever seen in the City of Brooklyn,"2 and urged its readers tO "go
early" if they wanted to find seats.

The demonstration, which began at 7:30jp.m., was held at the
Academy of Music and was attended by a capacity audience, including a
very large prOportion Of women."3 The reception of Major General
Clay, who had earlier been referred to by the Tippp as "an orator by

nature and culture and a lover Of truth and liberty by instinct," was

considered to have been "mostinspiring.fl The waving of hats and

 

1New York Times, September 25, 1862.
2Ibld., October 7, 1862.
3Unidentified newspaper clipping found in Scrap Book Number Three.

“New YOrk Times, October 7, 862.

121

handkerchiefs together with long, loud, and lusty cheering combined
to extend a most flattering welcome to the Kentuckian who had come to
discuss the President's Proclamation.

In describing the audience who participated in the meeting, the
next day's paper reported:

From pit to dome, in aisles, in lobbies, in private boxes,

on the stage, peering in at all the doors, standing in all

contiguous places where the proceedings could be heard, the

crowded and brilliant audience . . . last evening testified

to the thorough loyalty of our sister city as well as to its

appreciation of the necessity for sustaining the President

and the Government in its hour Of trial. The audience com-

prised representatives of the wealth, the intelligence, and

the beauty of the City of Churches, rarely gathered within

the walls of one building.1

Clay concluded his address on this occasion with his frequently
articulated plea for "liberty and union, now and forever, one and
inseparable," and retired to his seat amid "tumultuous applause."

Other aspects of the Banner Club meeting included: decorations
that utilized Old campaign banners, music by Dodworth's Band and the
Glee Club, and short speeches by H. B. Stanton and General H. B.
Duryea, who was the presiding officer.

Several days after the Brooklyn rally, Clay participated in a
meeting at Cooper Institute which was being held for the benefit of

the Ironsides Regiment.2 Addresses on this occasion were made by

"William Curtis Noyes, Professor Hitchcock, and Cassius Clay."

 

1Ibid.. October 8, 1862.

2Ibid.. October 11, 1862.

122

Clay's discourse on that evening, October 10, was quite brief.

In it he alluded to his Brooklyn address and likened the Secession-
Democratic party to the Trojan horse. He concluded with "an earnest
appeal for the Ironsides Regiment and a patriotic eulogium of the
cause."1

In response to a comment from a member of the audience, "Cash"
made a statement relative to a charge that had been voiced by Richard
O'Garman against the Republican party. O'Gorman was apparently dis-
tressed by Clay's statement and on October 13 let this fact be known
when he spoke at the Institute. The Kentuckian replied to O'Gorman in
a letter dated October 15, in which he took issue with the Irishman.
Of particular interest to the rhetorical critic is Clay's statement
in the letter that "my remarks at the Cooper Institute were altogether
extemporaneous and unpremeditated."2 This suggests that although Clay
usually made extensive preparations for his addresses, he did on
occasion speak "off the cuff,“ delivering what might more appropriately
be termed "an impromptu speech."

Clay again participated in a meeting at the Cooper Institute on
October 30, when an enormous group of people crowded into the hall for
"the great Union Ratification Meeting."3 Lavish decorations had been
provided for this meeting. The arches behind the speakers' platform

were richly draped with the American colors; and niches housed busts of

 

1Unidentified new3paper clipping, Clay Collection of the Filson
Club, Louisville, Kentucky.

2
Letter of Cassius Clay to Richard O'Gorman, October 15, 1862.

3New York Times, October 31, 1862.

123

washington, Jefferson, and Franklin. Three large mottoes graced the
walls -- quotations from Webster, Henry Clay, and Jefferson.

Cassius Clay was seated on the platform with the arrangements
committee and other invited guests and participants. He had not expected
to make a speech on this occasion; however, after repeated cries for
"Clay! Clay!" came from the audience, he did make a few remarks which
were received with "great applause."1

The major speeches of the evening were given by General James S.
'wadsworth, candidate for governor; Lyman Tremain, candidate for
lieutenant governor; w. D. Kelly of Pennsylvania; and Colonel Woodford.
The Union Glee Club presented several selections throughout the course
of the evening.

Continuing his active participation in New York meetings, Clay,
on the evening following the Cooper Institute rally, introduced
George Francis Train at the Academy of Music, where the latter delivered
a lecture on England, America, and Ireland.2 After Train had finished
his speech, the audience called upon Clay to make a few remarks.

The Kentuckian directed his comments, which were said to be "few,
bold, and noble," to a charge made by Train that "liberation of slaves
is a crime against God, and Mr. Clay's liberation of his own slaves is
a great crime."° "Cash” was constantly interrupted and insulted, but
"bore himself with entire calmness, though with spirit." Before the

meeting closed, a challenge for a free discussion on the slavery

 

11bid.

2New YOrk Herald, November 1, 1862.

3New'Y'ork Times, November 1, 1862.

12H

question was given and accepted between Train and Clay, and a debate
was scheduled for the next evening.

The "arena" for the Train-Clay debate was Cooper Institute, where
a large crowd assembled well in advance of the appointed hour. An ad-
mission fee of twenty-five cents was charged; and "the audience --
though its character was rendered, as a general thing, respectable -—
was mixed and incongruous, composed of both sexes, and of persons of

every political sentimen.."1

At eight-o’clock, the debaters appeared. On this occasion Clay did
not wear his proverbial blue suit with brass buttons; rather, he
dressed "plainly in black, with a simple gold chain running across
his vest as his only ornament."2 It was also reported that he "looked
solemn, serious, but composed, like one who knew the importance of the
gglg which he had to play."3

Train Opened the debate with a half-hour speech in which he set
forth the proposition that American slavery was the stepping-stone
from African slavery to Christian civilization. When Clay came forward
for his first presentation, the audience arose en masse, "and hats and
handkerchiefs were waved from all parts of the hall in the most tumul-
tuous and uproarious confusion intermingled with feeble hissing."4
hglso, "several small boys lurking behind the columns kicked up a fright-

ful shindy; yelling and hallooing in the most extraordinary fashion."5

 

1;§i§., November 2, 1862.

2New YOrk Herald, November 2, 1862.
3ggég,

“New York Times, November 2, 1862.

5New York Herald, November 2, 1862.

125

Clay began his initial statement by identifying himself as a rep-

resentative of the Republican party and maintained that "if I and the
IRepublican party are Abolitionists, so also is Abraham Lincoln." He
twent on to deny that the Republicans had trampled on the Constitution

sand that the slave system produced a more productive economy than

‘tHOUld a free one.

In Train's second speech, he charged that although Clay was an

"accomplished debater," he had omitted all the points made in the first

sspeech Of the debate. This remark was challenged by someone in the

eszudience who shouted, "He didn't. He smashed you!" Train continued

1:113 rebuttal by mentioning points which he felt were not covered by
(:31ay and repeated his charge that "Cash" was a "conscientious abolit-
fii.onist." Although it had been agreed in advance that each speech would
1:>e only thirty minutes long, Train exceeded the time limit at this point

fii.n the debate, many extraneous comments having been interjected by the

audience .
Clay reSponded with a similar speech of refutation, and then each

ESfipeaker had a final Opportunity for concluding his case. The conclud-

filgng speech of the debate was given by Clay, who said that the question
had been dispassionately discussed, and the time had come for the

people themselves to decide on a course Of action, the next Tuesday

being election day. The debate between Train and Clay was later

(jlcescribed as ”personal and discursive,"1 and the comment was made that

EELIlthough Train wore "lavender kids," Clay handled him without gloves.2

\

1New York Times, November 3, 1862.

2Ibid., November 2, 1862.

126

On February 3, 186?, Cassius Clay made a speech safore the Law

Department of the University in Albany, New York. In this discourse
.he proposed answers to such questions as: Who is responsible for the
1war? Is there legal right in the slave-holding rebellion? Nhat shall

Ise done with the freed Negroes? He also commented upon the right of

:zrevolution, the Emancipation Proclamation, slavery in the loyal states,

sand slavery and American foreign relations.

In commenting upon this speech and the motivation behind its

<:ielivery, Clay made the following explanation:

As Seward and Need were against the policy, my friends in

Albany, weed's residence, through the law class of the

university invited me to deliver my Frankfort speech there

also, avowedly to counteract their unpatriotic influence.2

Because the‘gggald, BREE; Tribune, and Timgg all refused to publish
<Z=lay's Albany speech, he had it printed by a job printer at his own
(Esxpense and distributed it to all the leading newspapers in the
1:rruted States.3 At least two editions of the speech were printed, and
liLgt was translated into at least one foreign language -- Russian.

The speech in Albany was Clay's final public utterance on the
Eaanti-slavery theme, and shortly thereafter he left the country, returning
‘t313 a diplomatic post in Russia. Although he was deeply interested in
‘tllae progress of the Civil war and frequently wrote letters to state

<5l<3partment officials in which he made recommendations concerning the

‘:=<Dnduct of the conflict, he chose not to utilize the public platform

for eaqaressing anti-slavery views after 1863.

\

1Address of C. M. Clay given at Albany (New York: wynkoop,
Hallenbeck, and Thomas, 1863).

2Clay, Autobiography, p. 325.

31bid., pp. 325-26.

127

Upon his return from Russia in 1359, Clay resumed his use of the
American platform and was regularly an oral advocate for particular
political candidates and for various foreign and domestic issues.

In the Opinion of at least one critic, "Oratory was his greatest

talent."2

 

1Clay's political speaking and that on ceremonial occasions during
‘tzlbie latter part of his lifetime are outlined in Chapter Two.

2Ritchie, p. 202.

CHAPTER V
CASSIUS CLAY'S THEORY OF RHETORIC

AND RHETORICAL CRITICISM

Although Cassius d. Clay never published a book or paper on
Jrhetoric nor delivered a lecture on the subject, it is possible to
cierive some understanding of his rhetorical theory by examining the
Irhetorical influences upon him and by reviewing the statements he
rnade about rhetoric and the criticisms he voiced regarding rhetorical
zaractice. Clay, as a practicioner of oral advocacy, was aware of the

prevailing rhetorical practices, and made both descriptive comments

and judgmental statements regarding them in letters, speeches, and

hi 3 autobio graphy .

A. Rhetorical Influences upon Clay
In chronicling the events of Clay's life in Chapter Two, it was
.;><3dLnted out that during his formative years "Cash" studied rhetoric
and participated in supervised extra-curricular speech activities
east; Transylvania University and at Yale College. Although it is dif-
ficult to determine to what extent his rhetorical theory and practice
were affected by the professors who taught him, the texts he studied,
and the kinds of Speech activities available to him, it is pertinent
to make note of these influences because they were part of the environ-
ment that gave rise to Cassius Clay , the oral advocate who was described
jLII’ 'tllie preceding chapter.
While a student at Transylvania, Clay studied rhetoric and spent
one afternoon a week in directed speaking. Later, as a student at

I
ala College, Clay was taught rhetoric by Chauncey Allen Goodrich

129

and studied Blair's Lectures on Rhetoric and Belles Lettres. At Yale

Clay participated in one of the college's debating societies and took

part in the regularly held exercises in declamation.1

Just as Clay's rhetorical theory may have been affected by his
rhetorical instruction in college, so may it also have been influenced
by the speech models which he had available to him. While at Yale and
at Transylvania, he had Opportunities to hear some of the leading
religious and political speakers of his day: Henry Clay, Robert J.
Breckinridge, Robert Wickliffe, Jesse Bledsoe, John Pope, William T.
Barry, Leonard Bacon, and William Lloyd Garrison.2 In later years,
Clay knew and had the Opportunity to hear and/ or read the orations of
such speakers as: John C. Calhoun, Thomas F. Marshall, Daniel Webster,
Thomas Corwin, Henry Ward Beecher, Edward Everett, Stephen A. Douglas,
Wendell Phillips, and Abraham Lincoln.

Moreover, he had the experience Of Observing and participating in
parliamentary debates during his years as a representative in the
Kentucky legislature and on the occasions of his attendance at state
andn national political conventions. He also had an Opportunity to

observe British debaters in action when he visited Parliament while

enroute to his assignment in Russia in 1861. Besides observing

1Clay's speech activities in Lexington and in New Haven are
described in more detail in Chapter Two.

M 2Cassius Marcellus Clay, The Life of Cassius Marcellus Cla :
er'1<>irs Writin s and S eeches ZCincinnati: J. Fletcher Brennan
:nd Company, 1885;, Vol. I, pp. 1+7, 55. Hereafter, this source will

e identified as Autobiography.

130

more-or-less formal speaking, "Cash" was provided with numerous

demonstrations of informal speaking at social gatherings in Kentucky

where "stump speaking" was a common practice.1

Clay's rhetorical theory may also have been influenced by the

books and speeches that he read and studied. He was an omniverous

reader, subscribed to a number of newspapers, and possessed "a very

respectable miscellaneous library for a private gentleman and an

occasional scholar. "2

While the exact contents of this library cannot be determined,

the report of the sale Of his property on October 8, 1903, does list

by title the many books which were sold at that time. Included among

the volumes that were disposed of in 1903 were a number of items that

could have influenced Clay's rhetorical theory and subsequent practice.

(Ssissius was a collector of biographies and certain of these, such as

The Life of Sheridan and The Life of Hem Clay undoubtedly discussed

speechmaking. "Cash" was also interested in reprints of speeches and
collections of Speeches. Publications of this sort which were sold in

1 903 included: Chatterburg Speech| Jefferson's Works, Bryan's Speeches,

Webster's Speeches, M, Address of A. Lincoln, Address of Thomas
Hendrix, Speech of Vorlies, Orations of Ashley, Oration and Speech

‘

my Debate Of Lincoln and Dou las.3 Other books in Clay's

 

1A general descrip
appears in Chapter One.

1 2Letter of "J. 5." (probably John Speed Smith), Clay's brother-
n~law, to Editor Herkimer Freeman, September 13, 1845.

3Administrator's Report, Inventory and Appraisement Book,
r Seven, Madison County, Kentucky.

tion of this type of speaking in Kentucky

N‘nnbe

131

library which could have exerted a rhetorical influence were: Irish
Eloguence, British Eloguence, Elements of Criticism, Blair's Lectures,

and Syptem of Logic.

Another source of influence upon Clay's rhetoric may have been
his informal conversations with persons interested or versed in
rhetoric. While very little information exists of this sort, it is
known that Clay and John Quincy Adams did on one occasion discuss
Ipublic speaking.1 After talking with Adams, Clay decided to follow
the older man's example regarding punctuality and thereafter never
missed a speaking appointment.

This brief encounter with the New Englander had an indirect
rhetorical influence on “Cash” because it inspired a practice that
came to be identified as a predictable positive facet of his person-
ality, an element of Clay's mg as a speaker. His reputation for

punctuality became so well known that on one occasion a friend bet

one hundred dollars on his arriving on time to give a speech, despite
substantial evidence to the contrary. This faith did not go unrewarded,
Clay having chartered a special railroad car in order to insure his
Ptznctual arrival.2

Cassius Clay had access to a variety of potential rhetorical

influences. Although it is not possible to order these influences in

tenns of the extent of impact, if any, that was made on his subsequent

*

1Clay, Autobiography, pp. 51-52.
2Ibid.

132

. .4. A .1 J— 1 '
cs ant. tccnnlques

-2 us. L)

rhetorical theory and practice, certain proce.
exemplified in his speeches appear to have been influenced by the-“-

persons, books, and experiences that were part of his life.

p

‘4.

The Rhetorical Dicta of Clay

Cassius Clay considered public speaking a useful tool in a
democratic society and was a recognized exponent of the oral medium.

He was convinced that the best way to "get at the ear of the peOple"

was to have men on the stump.1 Consequently, on one occasion he posed

the rhetorical question, "When was there an occasion in America where
a Speech was not in order?"2 He recognized that several kinds of
speaking existed, and he identified the purpose of each kind. "The

lecture and the oration," he wrote, "are presented to the mind for
contemplation, for instruction, and for pleasure."3 (A lecturer he
defined as ”an orator in a narrow sense.") It was, however, to the
fourth purpose -- gaining action - that Clay gave his personal
preference; and although he did not theorize on the best method for
achieving this end, his own rhetorical practice, as subsequent chapters

illustrate, was directed toward this goal.

In describing his own practice, Clay, in a speech delivered in

l

‘1‘535915 indicated this preference when he said, "It has been a habit of

mine not to make pOpular orations: my life is too busy for that; and

When I have had time to reach the public, I have illustrated great

1: 1Asa Earl Martin, The Anti-Slaver Movement in Kentuck Prior
“59 (Louisville: The Standard Printing Company, 19185, p. 35.
2Clay, Autobiography, p. 218.

31bid.. pp. 592-93.

133

truths which concern the human race." This comment tends to indicate

that Clay did not Often deliver ceremonial addresses but rather devoted

his rhetorical efforts to speaking on the issues of the day in hopes of

modifying or changing future actions. It also suggests that what had

been called the "truth method of speech criticism " —- that method which
rates as "good" any speech, the subject-matter of which is viewed as

"true" by the critic -- was a part of Clay's rationale of rhetoric.

Invention.-- Cassius Clay felt that the "content" of a speech was

very important, and in his own Speeches was careful to present "suffi-
cient" proof of a varied and valid nature.2 He found Sumner's "strength
of argument" and Webster's logic and powerful, exhaustive statement of
premises noteworthy; in critiquing Webster's 1850 speech on the
Compromise, he quickly dismissed what he called "the rhetorical effort"
( style and delivery) and moved on to an intensive discussion of

"sentiments and principles" (invention).3 Furthermore, he recognized

that "no man's opinion is authority;"u' and although he spoke often and
commendingly about Webster's brain being "perhaps the largest of his
contemporaries,"5 he nevertheless was prone to remark that "mere

intellect cannot of itself constitute greatness Lin a speaks? -- such

greatness, at all events, as men love to cherish."6

1Speech of Cassius Clay, given October 10, 1895 before the students
of Berea College.

2Chapter Seven discusses Clay's workmanship in this respect.
3Letter of Cassius Clay to Daniel Webster, March 23, 1850; published

in Clay, Autobiography, p. 191.

1 “Letter of Cassius Clay to faniel Webster, March 20, 1850; published
n Cla , Autobiograppy, pp. 188-89.

5;b d.
6Clay, Autobiography, p. 95.

134

Clay felt a strong sense of speaker reSponsibility, and he
expressed this belief in the introduction of a speech delivered before
the Kentucky Legislature. "I don't fail to feel the responsibility of
my utterance on these vital issues. Whatever else you may do, believe
me that you have my honest sentiments."1

Apparently this high regard for honesty and the responsibility to
deal fairly with the audience was a part of Clay's rationale from the
beginning of his career as a speaker. In his Yale College Address of
1832 he stated: "In any efforts which I might make to color his
[thhingtontp7 fame by indulging in panegyric would be trifling with
the feelings of this assembly. . . ."2

Clay's comments relative to the attempted refutation of William
Lloyd Garrison's speech at Yale also indicate his concern for reliable
evidence and sound reasoning.

As sophism after sophism, and false conclusion from more

false assumptions followed, in chain-like succession, they

were greeted with thundering applause. This aroused me from

my apathy. I felt the greatest indignation. I never, in all

my life, was so agitated in a public assemblage.3

Clay's insistence upon speaking the truth led, in some instances,
to his disregard for audience adaptation. On July h, 1854, he stated
his position in regard to adaptation and also indicated his opinion

concerning excessive emotional appeals:

 

1Speech of Cassius Clay, given January 26, 1878, before the state
legislature in Frankfort, Kentucky.

2Speech of Cassius Clay, given February 22, 1832, in New Haven,
Connecticut. ‘

301ay, Autobiogyappy, p. 56.

135

I shall not indulge in any adulation of the American Eagle

or the Star Spangled Banner. I feel that today is imposed

upon me one of the highest and most sacred obligations ever

laid upon a citizen of the republic. . . . I shall endeavor

to speak withopt regard to the clime from which men emanate,

the religion [regiop7 in which they reside. At the same time,

I hope to speak truly, and if any of those who hear me are

dissatisfied, I can only say, if they are not satisfied to

hear the truth, it is better that they should be dissatisfied.‘

There is reason to believe that Clay expected other speakers to
follow a similar practice and that he was critical of them when they
did not do so. In his opinion there was something unethical about
being "too anxious to please both sides." When William C. Marshall
wore "the primitive 'jeans' of the South and West" when going among the
poorer folks but attired himself in the finest broadcloth coat when he
Spoke elsewhere, Clay objected and questioned Marshall's ability to be
a faithful Whig.2 For "Cash" adaptation of dress as well as adaptation
of message was misrepresentation and contrary to his stated position
regarding truth -- "She [trthT is the high priestess of republican
liberty. Let me ever worship at her shrine; let my voice be lifted up
forever in her cause."3

Moreover, Clay felt that the purpose of a speaker should be moral

and uplifting for mankind. He wrote of this conviction to Daniel

Webster in the following manner:

 

1Speech of Cassius Clay, given July A, 1854 before the YOung Men's
Association of Chicago, Illinois.

ZCIay. Autobiogranhx. p. 496.

3Speech of Cassius Clay, given January, 1841 before the state
legislature in Frankfort, Kentucky.

136

Whatever utterance fails to strengthen good purposes, and

to widen the channels of human sympathy, and to increase

the prospects of the amelioration of the ills of humanity,

were well not uttered at all.1
Clay also dealt with the subject of purpose and motivation in a speech
given in 18k3. On that occasion he took the position that

He, who from good motives gives even bad advice, is entitled

at least, to just forebearance. Whilst the man who advances

the best counsel for selfish purposes, deserves no consider-

ation for his services.

Arrangement.-- Although Clay himself made effective use of
Arrangement, another of the constitutents of rhetoric, he did not make
many comments relative to this subject.3

In a letter to Charles Sumner following the New Engkander's "Crime
Against Kansas" speech in 1856, Clay did, however, raise a question
concerning the desirability of "studied arrangement" in a speech.
Although he recognized that Sumner's practice of using such guide-
lines as "first, secondly, thirdly" assisted "the memory in the public
mind," the Kentuckian concluded that this practice "savors too much
of the pulpit and smells too much of the lamp."1+

Style.-— Clay recognized that there were several levels or types
of style and the occasion, to a certain extent, dictated the appro-

priate one which a speaker should use. In his speech before the state

 

1Letter of Cassius Clay to Daniel Webster, March 20, 1850;
published in Clay, Autobiography, pp. 188-89.

2Speech of Cassius Clay given December 30, 1843 in White Sulphur
Springs, Kentucky.

3Clay's methodology concerning Arrangement is the subject of
Chapter Eight.

“The WOrks of Charles Sumner (Boston: Lew and Shepard, 1871),
‘ V01” IV, p. 133.

137

legislature on the subject of finance, "Cash" made note of this fact by
stating that: "Eloquence and oratory would be out of place here as much
perhaps as it would be in place on any other occasion."1 An examination
of the remainder of this speech indicates a usage of simple language,
little imagery, and few figures of Speech, suggesting that for Clay
"eloquence and oratory" were characterized by the addition of certain
stylistic devices, whereas deliberative speaking required a more simple,
direct mode of expression.2 Perhaps Clay also associated "eloquence

and oratory" with a particular type of delivery; this, of course, is

a matter of conjecture since he never commented on the point.

Cassius, for the most part, preferred the use of a simple, direct,
plain style of Speaking and indicated this preference in a speech
delivered in 1860.

YOu all know that I am a plain man, and when I get an audience

before me, I want to talk right to them, and they say that if

"Cash" Clay has anything to say, he will talk it out, and

sometimes too plainly for his own good.3

In discussing and evaluating the speeches and speaking of other
persons, Clay identified other elements of style that he favored.
Balance and unity were viewed as positive attributes, as were "force,

transparency, brevity, unfrequent but startling imagery, and . . .

sarcasm more cutting from its partial magnanimity."4

 

1Speech of Cassius Clay, given January 26, 1878 before the state
legislature in Frankfort, Kentucky.

2Clay's Style is discussed in Chapter Nine.
3Speech of Cassius Clay, given in 1860 in Covington, Kentucky.

1*Letter of Cassius Clay to Daniel Webster, March 23, 1850;
PUblished in Clay, Autobiography, p. 191.

138

In applauding Sumner's workmanship in "Crime Against Kansas," Clay
called attention to such stylistic practices as "apt classical allusion,"
"bitter irony," and "lofty patriotism." Likewise, he praised Wendell
Phillip's use of sarcasm, which he said was "as cutting as a Toledo
blade."1

Delivery.-- Cassius Clay also indicated his dicta concerning the
delivery of a speech. He was aware that a speaker employed both a
visible and an audible code and had some Opinions about what made for
effectiveness in each case. In regard to his own delivery, he wrote:

In my own speaking, I stand [fas_7near my audience as possible,

preferring to have the rostrum not higher than the heads of my

auditors. I make few gestures; never change from my place, and

use my VOlCe only to intenSlfy my highest thought.

Cassius recognized that delivery was sometimes dictated by the
occasion and that individuals varied in their interpretation of what
constituted "good" delivery. In describing the speaking of several

persons, he indicated a number of techniques that he considered

appropriate.

 

1Clay, Autobiograppy, pp. 592-93.

2Ibid., p. 88. Few perceptions concerning Clay's Delivery were
reported in the contemporary press. Some Negroes who witnessed the
speech of January 10, 1860, were quoted as observing, "Golly, don't
that little hoss snort and tare," (Letter of George C. Stedman to
William Torrey Harris, February 27, 1860.) However, according to one
acquaintance of Clay, who was interviewed by the writer in June, 1961,
"Mr. Clay did not use many gestures." (Interview with Mrs. Lula
Kanatzar, June, 1961, Richmond, Kentucky.) Mrs. Kanatzar described
Clay's voice as being " low, deep, and loud." She said, in addition,
"He had a voice like a great big bear." This impression seems to
substantiate an observation made by Clay's body-guard, who said that a
fear of Mr. Clay's loud voice prompted the departure of several young
women who had been hired to instruct the second Mrs. Clay. (John J.

James, "Diary,fi Richmond Daily Register, January 11, 1960.)

139

He [fHenry Clay;7generally stood [fas_7ncar his audience as

possible, especially when it was a jury. William T. Barry I

have seen move eight or ten feet in speaking -- rapidly ad-

vancing and then retreating -- when the climax of his

syllogistic argument was reached. I learn that Rufus Choate

followed a like course, at least in intensity of physical

motion.1

In discussing the Speaking of Mendel] Phillips, "the greatest man
I ever listened to," Clay pointed out a number of elements that con-
tributed to the abolitionist's effective delivery: his "expressive
features, musical and flexible voice, fine presence, tall body, and
well formed head."2

The Kentuckian did not favor speakers who imitated the better
known national spokesmen; and he found such habits as stepping to the
side, "a side vibration like a chained coon or bear," particularly
annoying. Nor did he think that a speaker should "come down from the
platform, like a Methodist preacher at a camp-meeting revival, among
the auditors."3 He reacted strongly against emotional delivery and
criticized Thomas Corwin for his "whining, chanting, and praying"
while on the public platform.“

Clay reasoned that some orators made concessions to "please the
ignorant," but he was of the Opinion that the resulting delivery made
"the judicious grieve" and was nonsense. In contrast, he found the

delivery of Henry Clay above reproach and spoke highly of the older

man's practice of standing still except for occasional advancing

 

1Clay, Autobiograppy, p. 88.

2Ibid., p. 593.
31bid., p. 88.

4A comparison of Clay's speaking and that of Corwin during the
Galapaign of 184C is made in Chapter Four.

140

steps to give force to his argument. Likewise, he praised his kinsman's
gesturing "with graceful movement of one or both hands."1

Although "Cash" did not state a direct preference for the
extempore mode Of delivery, by describing his own practice he did in
effect support this manner of Speaking. In his autobiography, reference
is made to the placement of prepared, but rarely used, notes on the
speaker's stand.2 Additional evidence regarding his mode of delivery
is found in a post script, added by Clay in 1885, to an incomplete
newspaper account of a Speech delivered in 1872. The orator's comment
relative to the incomplete text reads, "The first part is lost -- I
Spoke extemporaneously, as was my habit."3

Criticism.-- Cassius believed that "every orator would like to
hear a candid criticism of his Speaking," and consequently did not
hesitate to voice his evaluations in public and private communications.
In his criticism of different speeches and speakers, Clay indicated the
norms and standards that he employed.

He believed that there were four requisites for eloquence: "a
great brain, a great character, a great cause, and . . . immediate
action."4 Because in his Opinion these criteria were most perfectly
exemplified in the Speaking of Demosthenes, he ranked the Athenian

orator as having given the "most eloquent" and "the greatest Speeches

 

1Clay, AutobiOgraphy, p. 88.
2Ibid.. p. 182.

3Incomplete account of a Speech of Cassius Clay given in 1872
in Philharmonic Hall.

”Clay, Autobiography, pp. 592-93.

1’41

in history." Other Speakers were measured against this level of

achievement.
Clay considered Webster's defense of the Union in reply to Hayne

as the greatest Single Speech in the English language because it was
uttered on an occasion of tremendous importance, the like of which,

according to Clay, had not confronted a people since the time of

Demosthenes . 1
Another oratorical effort which he rated "high" was Charles

Sumner's "Crime Against Kansas" speech. In a letter to the senator,

the Kentuckian voiced his high regard and Said: "I think it will stand

alongside Webster's reply to Hayne on the Foot resolution, which was

his greatest effort in my judgment."2

In evaluating the "Crime Against Kansas" as a "great" speech, Clay

chose to emphasize the criterion of results. He told Sumner: "The

1 more effective on

n-

effect of your speech wil1 be tremendous, -- all

account of the sequel.‘3 (The allusion is to the caning of Sumner by

Brooks.)
Clay did not find Webster's speech on the Compromise of 1850 of

the same high calibre as the one given in response to Hayne. In

commenting upon the weakness of this Speech, as he saw it, the Kentucky
cBli‘itic suggested that the Speaker had either violated his usual
a-?l=“l:istic Skill or had taken a stand as "th. apologist of slavery."l+

¥

1Ibid., p. 95.

2Sumner, Vol. IV, p. 133.

3Ibid.

4Letter of Cassius Clay to Daniel Webster, March 23, 1850;
£>11ksiished in Clay, Autobiography, p. 191.

1&2

The latter possibility suggests a criterion used by Clay in evaluating
speeches and Speakers -- the "truth" or "correctness" of the subject-
matter of the Speech as Clay saw it. This "yardstick" was also used
by Clay to assess the speaking of Wendell Phillips. He held that
Phillips could not be the greatest and most eloquent Speaker because
he was wrong -- wrong in his conception, and his treatment
of the most eminent premise of the problem he set himself

to solve. For the slave he was willing to break up the Union

of these states. In that he was wrong.

While it is true that on occasion, Clay did use the "truth"
approach to criticism, he was not limited to it. A different -- and
broader -- approach is noted in his observation upon his ranking of a
number of foremost American speakers. Although Clay's main crusade in
life was in behalf of anti-slavery action, he did not rate the orator-
ical efforts of abolitionary spokesmen as high as he did those of some
other speakers. "I think," he wrote

that the speeches of John Adams and Patrick Henry, for

American Independence, and webster's Speech for the Union,

and above all, Lincoln's speech at Gettysburg, for the

liberty of all mankind are greater speeches, of more power-

ful eloquence, than any utterance of Phillips, or any other
Abolition orator.2

 

In so far as one is able to discern from his comments, Cassius
Clay seems to have possessed a rationale of rhetoric that encompassed
the constituents of invention, arrangement, style, and delivery. He

was aware of "feedback" from the audience, and on at least one occasion

 

1Clay, Autobiography, pp. 592-93.
2Ibid., p. 594.

1&3

was conscious of having "closely scrutinized the faces of the audience"1
to determine their attitude. However, his high regard for honesty and
Speaker responsibility, and the interpretation which he gave to these
two concepts, prevented his recognition of audience adaptation as an
ethical means of persuasion. In criticizing the Speaking of others,
he used several criteria: results, "truth," and workmanship.

The extent to which Clay put his own theory and criticism into
practice and applied the "accepted" rhetorical principles of his day
and those of the past is considered in subsequent chapters of this

study.

1Ibid., p. #9".

CHAPTER VI

CASSIUS CLAY'S LINES OF THOUGHT AND THE

STATUS OF EXISTING SPEECH TEXTS

During the ante-bellum period, the major goal of C. M. Clay was
the elimination of slavery. It was toward this end that he directed
most of his speeches between 1832 and 1863. Also of importance to
him at this time were two secondary but related goals -- freedom of
speech in Kentucky and the election of political candidates who gen-
erally espoused the anti-slavery cause.
In order to achieve his primary goal, Clay centered his anti-
slavery argument upon five different propositions, each of which was
pertinent at some point in his anti-slavery crusade. Because he Spoke
often on each proposition, sometimes daily, his Speeches on a given
'theme tended to advance the same set of arguments. By analyzing the
Inost reliable text available on a proposition, one can ascertain a
Jmeasonably accurate record of the lines of thought articulated on
that prOposition.
During the early years of his crusade to eliminate Slavery,
"Clash" supported the prOposition that the slave trade should not be
Jr‘eeopened in Kentucky. A few years later he supported the argument that
tITEBan should not be annexed. The third proposition to gain his support
‘T'1ELS of local rather than national concern -. that candidates upholding
TtLJEle emancipationist position should be elected to public office in
I{entuckm His advocacy of a particular political persuasion was seen

:i-JCI another of the propositions he supported -- the Republican party

Should be put into office in 1860. The last proposition -- it is

145

possible to formulate a fair and just plan of enantlpation -- was one
to which Clay gave attention throughout the ante-bellum period, but
his real defense of a single plan came in connection with the
Emancipation Proclamation and provided the framework for his anti-

slavery crusade in the latter part of the ante-bellum period.

A. Clay's Basic Lines of Thought
The Slave trade should not be re-opened in Kentucky.- In
January, 1841, Cassius Clay set forth his anti-Slavery thoughts in an
address before th House of Representatives of Kentucky.1 In order
to speak against the repeal of the Non-Importation Act of 1832-1833,
which was his primary purpose on this occasion, Clay discoursed on
three pertinent questions: (1) IS the institution of slavery a
"blessing?" (2) IS it constitutional to import slaves into Kentucky?
(3) Shall the law of 1832-1833 be repealed?
Clay's response to all three questions was "no.", Phrasing most
<>f his remarks as refutative statements to the points voiced by
those of the Opposition, he gave evidence of being conversant with
existing pro-slavery thought and of having evolved a comprehensive
‘Eiliti-slavery platform for himself.

It was his contention that slavery was no "blessing." Basing
his stand on the belief that the institution "steps the foundation of
‘Ellll.liberty" and ignores that "all men are created equal," he challenged
itilie proponents of slavery to show that the institution was a boon. He

éaL(:knowledged that slavery had existed from time immemorial, but

\

1Horace Greeley (ed.), The S eeches and writin s of Cassius
JEQEEchellus Clay (New York: Harper, 18585, pp. 58-73.

146

concluded that "in all that time I find nothing to commend it as a
source of wealth, of glory, or of humanity." He pointed out that
historians generally had little to say about slavery except "the
desolation that forever marks its progress;" this tendency he inter-
preted as a Sign that slavery was not a "blessing."

Clay also maintained that modern slavery was more marked and
distinctive in its character than ancient slavery and that it was more
terrible in its consequence. He drew this conclusion from the fact
that "the difference of color is an eternal badge of former servitude
and lasting infamy -— an impossible barrier between the two races."

As additional proof for his stand, he traced the progression of
pertinent legislative action in the United States which had tended to
restrict slavery from the time of the Revolution. He viewed this
action as a growing realization that Slavery was no "blessing."

In order to discuss the constitutionality of importing slaves into
Kentucky, Clay presented a detailed analysis and interpretation of what
was said on the subject in both the state and federal constitutions.
.As a corollary to the major line of thought on the issue, he set forth
Iris opinions concerning federal intervention in the Slavery question.

As "Cash" indicated, the Kentucky constitution was not clear on

'tflie subject of importing Slaves. Two passages of the document appeared
13c: be in contradiction. One section stated:

They shall have no power to prevent emigrants to this state

from bringing with them such persons as are deemed slaves by

the laws of any one of the United States, so long as any

person of the same age and description shall be continued in

slavery by the laws of this state.

‘9» .second passage, however, stated: "They shall have full power to prevent

8:Laves being brought into this state as merchandize. "

147

Clay gave his support to the latter statement and tried to Show
that slaves were "persons" and not "goods and chattels," a designation
claimed by his opponents. He cited three clauses in the Constitution
of the United States and said, "In these three clauses, the only ones
in the whole Constitution in which allusion to slaves is made at all,
they are called persons!" Therefore, he reasoned, "Slaves are not
mere things, but persons," and consequently may not be brought into
the state as merchandize.

In regard to state versus federal power in dealing with the slave
question, "Cash" took the position that although Congress had control
over the foreign slave trade, Slaves within the country were "exclusively
the subject of municipal regulation by the states." His view point was
given added clarity and emphasis by his declaration that "I stand
opposed to the power of Congress to interfere with the slaves at all."

Clay's rationale for wanting to see the 1832-1833 legislation con-
tinued was based on several lines of thought. In the first place, he
reasoned that a repeal of the law would result in a strange paradox.
"The laws of the Union," he said, "impose the penalty of death upon the
:foreign Slave-trader." Yet, if importation were reinstated in Kentucky,

tflhe domestic slave-traders would become, in the eyes of some, "very
ltfiespectable gentlemen." Clay did not find this inconsistency accept-
able.

It was also his contention that Fayette County, which he represented,
1hrzas impelled by self-interest to sustain the law. Moreover, he believed
'tllnat positive benefits would accrue for the entire state if the law
3C‘13mained in effect. He phrased his arguments in support of this point

ESLEB follows: "free importation from abroad reduces the value of her home

1h8

slave population:" and "in the increase of the unites over the blacks

JfifWill come47Security, wealth, and prOgressive greatness to the whole
state."

In this Speech, Clay gave voice to a point of view that was to
lsecome the main-stay of his anti-slavery argument -- the presence of
slavery jeopardizes the future of white non-slaveholders in the state.

On this occasion he commented:

. . . as it is admitted that nine-tenths of the free whites

of Kentucky are non-slaveholders and working men, will they,
ever be so blind and infatuated as to lower the price of

labor and their own families?

Clay reasoned that it would be advantageous to decrease the
,number of slaves in the state and to increase the number of white

:residents. He relied upon the Census of 1840, to illustrate that "in

'the free states the whites increase in a greater ratio upon a given
leasis than they do in the Slave states." He also contended that
sadded representation and increased prosperity could be expected in the
estate if the slave pOpulation were decreased. Since the law in
cruestion was designed to accomplish this end, he supported its contin-
‘uuation. .

In addition to presenting a detailed discussion of the three basic
cruestions, Clay said that slavery was and had been detrimental to the
Well-being of the state. He charged that the presence of slavery was
fart fault for the existence of many undesirable conditions, primary among
these being: a lack of manufacturing; a dearth of literary eminence; an
idleness of the educated minds; dep0pulation; barren lands and decaying
I51<3uses; masses of uneducated peOple; poor transportation facilities;

“'1)ite children crying for bread while Negro children were clothed, fed,

149

sand laughing. Although these charges were not fully developed in the
184i Speech, many of them reappeared in subsequent discourses as major
arguments .

Texas should not be annexed.-- In 1843 C. M. Clay became concerned
<3ver the prOposed annexation of Texas, an action he believed would lead
‘to disastrous consequences. On December 30 of that year, he defended
leis views on the Texas question in a Speech delivered at white
1Sulphur Springs.1 In this address, as in the 1841 speech before the
Ilegislature, he presented the major portion of his argument in the form
of answers to three questions; and, as in the earlier speech, he con-
cluded with comments that were somewhat tangential to his main line of
'thought.

The first question that "Cash" sought to answer at White Sulphur
Springs was: should the United States annex Texas without the consent
(if Mexico? His answer, as might be expected, was "no." In justifying
Iris position, he explained that the annexation would rupture American
relations with Mexico and precipitate war. He believed that

. . . the annexation of Texas to the American Union, without

the consent of Mexico, will be a breach of the Treaty of Amity

with that Nation, contrary to the Laws of Nations, and just

cause of war, on the part of Mexico against the United States.

In addition to his concern for Mexican reaction, Clay was uncertain

W"kiether Texas deserved to be annexed because

. . . they voluntarily banished themselves from their native

country, disavowed the glorious principles of the American

Declaration of the rights of man, renounced the inestimable
privileges of the Federal Constituion, which was their

1Greeley, pp. 77-96.

150

inheritance, and forgetful of all the ties of common blood,

language, and home, they became the fellow subjects with a

half-barbarian people, of a distant Spanish prince.

Moreover, he did not look with favor upon Texas' record regarding
slavery. He called attention to Texas' having been "the first to raise
the black flag of 'slavery and no emancipation' . . . and to brave the
indignation of mankind by resisting that liberty, which has made the
nineteenth century forever memorable in the annals of the world."

The second issue discussed by Clay on this occasion was: could
Texas be admitted to the Union as a Slave state? Again his answer was
phrased in the negative, and he was emphatic in the manner in which he
set it forth: "I care not for the precedents of the past; I declare that
there is no power in the Federal Constitution by which a slave state
can be admitted into this Union."

In acknowledging the presence of Slave states, Clay made exception
for those of the original thirteen in which slavery had existed. In
his opinion, these states originally were sovereign and at that time
had the power to institute slavery; waever, after their union and the
adoption of the Constitution, the Situation was altered. The Constitu-
tion, he believed, prohibited the institution by implication. "Nothing,"
he said, "but sovereign power can make a slave state." Thus he reasoned
that if an independent state united with the Union, it would cease to be
a sovereign state and could no longer ordain Slavery. Or, if the state
about to be admitted was originally a part of the territory of the
United States, it never had any Sovereignty and "could not have made a
slave." Based on this thinking, he concluded that "there is no power
under Heaven, whilst the Constitution remains inviolate, by which Texas

as a slave state, can be admitted into this Union."

151

The third question with which Clay dealt in this Speech was:
would the annexation of Texas result in the dissolution of the Union?
His answer on this question was "yes." He pointed out that "the men
of the North are serious about dissolution,".and called attention to
the growth of anti-slavery sentiment in the country. He noted that the
.abolitionists were for violence, if necessary, in the extermination of
slavery and warned of the increasing efforts of the Liberty party to
abolish slavery by law. In addition, he held the opinion that there
'were many other persons who Opposed the principle of slavery but who
hesitated to take an active part in its removal. Such persons, he felt,
'would support dissolution if Texas were annexed as a Slave state. If
dissolution occurred, he hoped that Kentucky would align herself with
the non-slaveholders. His own intention was clear: "If the worst comes
to the worst and the Union Shall be dissolved, I for one, will join my
destiny with the North."

"Cash" apparently felt compelled to clarify the tenets of his
anti-Slavery philosophy and to explain what kind of abolitionist he
'was, because he included in this speech a lengthy digression on these
'topics. After identifying the digression as such, he pointed out that
lie did not sanction insurrection and massacre and did not advocate
tasking slaves without "just" compensation. In his opinion, his was
£313 abolitionism Similar to that practiced by washington and Jefferson.

Clay supported the view that Kentucky should move "if and when she saw
11.1: advantageous? to do so," to free herself from Slavery; and he main-
1Lazined that if free labor were used instead of slave, Slavery would
Perish of itself.

152

Cassius discussed at some length the desirability of free labor,
and intimated that it would be to his pecuniary interest to give up
his slaves. The manumission Of his slaves the following month stands
to illustrate the depth Of his conviction on this point.

Clay briefly considered two other lines of thought in this Speech
which later became integral to his anti-Slavery argument. He denounced
the proposition that "it is better that the Blacks should be slaves
than the Whites" and advocated that "the sensitive and highly Organized,
the intellectual" Should rise from servitude to command "the solid, the
profligate, the insensible, and coarsely organized." He was of the
Opinion that the Negroes were currently inferior to the white citizens,
but he was convinced that in time the two races could meet on one
common level. At such a time, separation could be made on the basis of
fitness.

Of perhaps greater significance, was his enumeration of Specific
instances in which northern industry surpassed that of the South.
Clay's later concern for the economic plight Of the slave states seems

to have been but an expansion of this embryonic argument set forth in
1843.

Candidates upholding the emancipationist position should be

elected to public Office in Kentucky.-- In 1851, Clay was the guberna-
torial candidate Of the Emancipation party, and on August 1, concluded

his campaign with a major address in Lexington.1 He made a detailed

analysis of the problems existing in Kentucky, attributed them to the

 

1Speech of Cassius Clay, given August 1, 1851, in Lexington,
Kentucky (pamphlet published in 1851).

153

presence of slavery, and attempted to convince lis nearers that the
institution should be eliminated. Proceeding from the conclusion
that Kentucky Should be a free state, he sought to win support for
the emancipationist solution to the problem.~

Although he hoped to win votes for himself, he did not Offer a
rebuttal to the personal charges that had been made by his Opponents.
Early in the Speech he explained the reason for ignoring these personal
attacks: "I pass all personal misrepresentation in Silence; if I cannot
live them down, vain is the attempt to Speak them down."

In his analysis of the problem, Cassius did not ignore the argument
that slavery was morally wrong, the major theme Of the northern aboli-
tionists, but he dismissed it rather quickly in the following manner:

In this 19th century amidst a civilized and Christian

peOple, I Shall not discuss the pppgl relation of such an

institution as this! I appeal to reason; which is monstrous

jargon, if this be just.

The basic line of thought enunciated in this Speech, an elabora-
tion of a point made but not developed in 1841, was stated several
times in the course of the address: "Slavery wars upon the interests of
the non-slaveholders Of the state, the great majority Of the peOple; and
therefore ought to be over thrown!" In developing this theme, he sétu
forth and offered proof for eight contentions: (1) seven out Of every
eight white persons in the state have no interest in the ownership of
Slaves; (2) slavery dishonors labor and encourages idleness; (3) Slavery
has retarded or expelled the number of whites in the Slave states; (4)
Slavery has prevented the establishment Of a system of public schools

and has made the cost Of education three times as great in the free

states; (5) slavery has led to the depression Of cities and rural areas;

154

(6) slave labor is unfair competition for free white farmers, craftsmen,
and mechanics; (7) the slave system has led to one measure of justice
for the slaveholder and another for the non-slaveholder; (8) the Slave-
holders have usurped control of the government.

In summarizing the problem which he attributed to the presence of
Slavery, Clay said:

Slavery depresses us in the scale Of social rank, deprives

us Of education, machinery, manufactures, and commerce, --

impoverishes us by the competition of Slave labor, -- drives

us into the poor lands, . . . or else exiles us from the

home of our nativity.

Clay contended that the disadvantages Of slavery were common to
all the people of the state and maintained that what the non-slaveholders
lost was not gained by the masters. He suggested that if the whole
power of the state were directed to agriculture, a glut of the market
would be likely to occur, resulting in low profits or none at all.

By citing data from the previous census, he showed that although
the South had more and better lands, better climates, and a monopoly
on tropical products, these states produced thirty million dollars less
in agricultural products in 1839, than did the free states. This phe-
nomenon be viewed as particularly significant since the Slave states
had rejected industrial develOpment in favor Of a concentration upon
agriculture. He reminded his neighbors that

Whilst the South takes hold of three and one half millions

of men -- the North, far wiser, lays hold_on the winds, the

waters, and chemistry, and magnetism, and the powers of

Science and enslaves them.

Having indicated the nature and scope of the problem that con-
fronted Kentuckians, Clay proceeded to Offer what seemed to him to be

the "best" means of solving it. He stated and restated his thesis that

155

the emancipationist point Of view was moderate, constitutional, and
honorable. "we are no abolitionists," he said, "in the technical
sense Of the word . . . good conscience and Obedience to the 'higher
law' requires us only to use every honorable and constitutional means
for the overthrow Of an unjust and immoral statute." In an effort to
clarify the stand of his party on the matter of resistance to law,
"Cash" Offered this explanation:

Resistance to law is not sufferable in conscience except in

extreme cases; where the individual prefers to bear the

penalty Of resistance to the crime Of Obedience, or where there

is no hope Of better times, in Successful revolution against

wrong.1

Although Clay proposed a plan by which emancipation could take
place, he was not dogmatic in his advocacy Of it. "I propose if
anyone not like my plan to give in the constitution, the legislature
full power over the subject." He believed that it was necessary for
the party to put forth a Specific solution, but he was convinced that
the emancipationists' big concern Should be to persuade the people to
make the state free.

Clay's plan Of emancipation recognized the inadvisability of
immediate emancipation without reimbursement Of the slaveholders, and
took into account the impossibility Of buying and/or colonizing all
of the existing Slaves in the state. Its focus was on the unborn

Negroes and posited that all Slaves born after a designated date

 

1In 1856, the question Of resistance to law became the basis of
a disagreement between Clay and John Fee. Apparently Clay considered
the Fugitive Slave Law "an extreme case;" and therefore, felt justi-
fied in ignoring it. However, he could not condone Fee's disregard
for all laws pertaining to the Slave question. Additional discussion
of the ClayaFee controversy appears in Chapter Two.

156

should be declared free. Clay believed that the existing Slave pop-
ulation in the state would also be decreased by this plan since the
slaveholders who wished to keep their slaves would probably move else-
where in the interim period. Moreover, the increasing facilities for
colonization in Jamaica would encourage the Negroes to leave the state
if the Opportunity presented itself. He also felt that there was a
real possibility that some masters would voluntarily free their slaves
if it became evident that the will of the state was to eliminate the
institution within its borders.

An additional theme develOped in this speech was that "Kentucky
Should take her position at once where her destiny decrees, among the
free States of the Union." Instead of pointing toward the inevitability
of dissolution, as he had done in earlier Speeches, Clay chose on this
occasion to base his plea on the argument that unless Kentucky became
a free state, her white citizens would be enslaved. "The issue," he
said, "is whether we ourselves shall be freemen or Slaves." Therefore,
he repeatedly counselled "Liberty and Union."

Although "Cash" alluded to the problem of introducing slavery into
free territory, he did not make it an important tenet of his case in
1851. This was a subject he had considered briefly in connection with
the annexation Of Texas, and one which was to warrant more attention

before the end Of the decade.1

 

1In a speech given on October 24, 1856, before the YOung Men's
Republican Central Union of New York, Clay discussed the question of
extending slavery to the territories with particular reference to the
situation in Kansas. At that time he said: "It is a rule of law and
common senses, that power which is not possessed, cannot be delegated;
if Congress cannot make slaves, neither can the established territorial

157

governments do it -- if the territorial governments cannot do it, how
can the people, who are subjects and not the originators Of the terri-
torial government do it?" It was his contention that the Democratic
party and its backers were caught on the horns of a dilemma. He phrased
their plight as follows: "If slavery exists in Kansas by Congressional
action, it is unconstitutional; if it exists by pOpular sovereign
action, then is Congress maintaining an arbitrary military rule over
the conquered people Of Kansas, by backing up the territorial govern-
ment with the army-of the United States."

 

The Republican party should be put into office in 1860.-- On

January 10, 1860, Clay delivered one of his most widely publicized

addresses.1

Speaking from the steps Of the state house in Frankfort,
he attempted to refute the charges which had recently been made by
Governor Magoffin and Vice-President Breckinridge, and thus vindicate
the Republican party.

Before considering the allegations made by the Democrats, "Cash"
took time out to discourse briefly on the expulsion of John Fee from
the state. Fee and his Berean followers had been ejected forcibly the
previous month, following an unfounded report that they had purchased
several boxes of Sharpe's rifles. Although Clay believed that these
people had contributed to the advancement of educational Opportunities
in their part of Kentucky and that they had not "imported a new god,"
as the slaveholders claimed, he had ceased to endorse the activities
of Fee prior to 1859. He explained the withdrawal of his support in
the following manner:

Whenever a man, planting himself on the broad constitutional

ground of the fathers in 1776, follows me, I will stand by and

defend him to the best Of my ability, and give him such pro-

tection as I can when the laws of the country refuse him what
the Constitution guarantees him as his right.

 

1Gazette Cam ai n Document, Number One, published by th Cincippati
M Gazettp, 1820. "

158

Fee, however, did not acknowledge allegiance to the Constitution and
the laws that had been enacted on the subject of slavery. "He planted
himself on the higher law of the natural right," and thereby alienated
his former defender. I

The first major Objective that Clay sought to achieve in this
speech was to counter the allegations made against the Republican
party and Senator Seward by the governor of Kentucky. "Cash" took the
charges individually and tried to Show that they were inaccurate,
unfounded, inconsequential, or advantageous.

The question of "higher law" was one point of contention discussed.
Clay maintained that in a Christian nation most men acknowledge the
existence Of an "over-ruling Providence who governs the universe by
eternal and immutable laws." Seward had called upon this "higher law"
in supporting the idea that California ought to be not only a free
state but also a home for those driven from the slave states by the
competition Of unpaid labor. Clay pointed out that this position did
not indicate a lack of reSpect for existing law and order. He said
that the Republican party supported the view that persons Should not
cast ignominy and reproach upon existing laws but Should "acquiesce in
them," and obey them "until they are changed by an intelligent con-
stituency, acting through the legislative department of the Government."
In contrast, the slave interests supported slavery as a "higher law."

Another allegation which Clay discussed was the charge that
Republicans believed a conflict to exist between slave labor and free
lLabor. He readily admitted that the party held this belief and pointed
out that it was apparently a belief held by the Democrats as well, since
that.party"s Speakers and newspapers had been making the same declaration

for almost a decade.

159

Clay denied that the Republican party condoned and instigated
insurrection; and he maintained that contrary to Democratic claims,
his party was not responsible for John Brown's raid. Rather, he
placed the blame on the Democratic party and attributed Brown's action
to the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Act.

Clay argued that the Democrats were trying to play "a game of
grab" and were supporting an untenable position. He charged that they
were, and had been, inconsistent concerning the extension of slavery,
and pointed to the record of Democrats in Congress, the position of Mr.
Douglas, and the party platforms of 1852 and 1856 to substantiate his
allegation.

After considering the points raised by the governor, Clay turned
his refutation to the allegations of the vicempresident. He denied
that the Republicans were trying to introduce the doctrine of Negro
equality into American politics, and to make this doctrine the ground
of legislation hostile to the southern states. Concerning the Dred
Scott decision, he said: "The decision was gotten up entirely by the
Democratic party, and it was made in 1856, after the election of
President Buchanan, and intended to sustain the Kansas-Nebraska Bill."
He acknowledged the Supreme Court decision as the supreme law of the
land and denied any intention to "illegally and factiously" resist
the decision. Nevertheless, he supported the interpretations of the
two dissenting justices in the case who maintained that when the
Supreme Court decided that it had no jurisdiction, their power ceased.
In upholding this interpretation, the Republicans rejected the conclusion

that the Dred Scott decision was the law of the land.

160

Based on the admission of new evidence, a legal interpretation
by Justice Curtis, Clay revised his stand on the right of Congress to
establish slavery. In this speech he announced his adjusted point of
view which also was being advocated by the Republican party as a whole.
He now maintained that the Constitution gave Congress legislative
power regarding the territories and that this power could be used to
establish slavery as well as to prohibit it. The Democratic party, in
contrast, denied that the Constitution delegated any legislative
power to Congress in the handling of territorial affairs.

Clay said that his party was not attempting to prevent the
admission of additional slaveholding states, and pointed out that

. . . neither in the platform of 1856, nor in the Call of the

Convention for 1860 is there any such clause as the Vice-

President alleges, that no more slave states shall be admitted

into the Union -- there is nothing of it.

Similarly, he maintained that the party had no plan to repeal the
Fugitive Slave Law nor did it intend to make it a criminal offense to
obey the laws of the Union in so far as they protected prOperty in
slaves.

Citing the Republican platform of 1856 and the Call of 1860 as
evidence, Clay stated that three of the charges made by Breckinridge
were based on inaccurate information. The Republican stand, he said,
did not advocate abolishing slavery in the District of Columbia and
in forts, arsenals, dock-yards, and other places in the South where
Congress had exclusive jurisdiction. Nor did it seek to abolish the
internal and coast-wise trade.

Clay also denied that the party intended to ignore slaveholders

and exclude them from governmental participation. "we propose and

invite slaveholders to act in conjunction with us, and to assist us

161

in carrying out the Government."

Having dealt with the charges advanced by the opposition, "Cash"
accused Governor Magoffin, Vice-President Breckinridge, and the
Democratic party on seventeen counts; (1) of obtaining and using
power under false pretenses; (2) of falsely claiming to be the special
guardians and conservators of the liberty of the peOple; (3) of
falsely nullifying the laws of constitutional comity; (4) of violation
of the treaty with Mexico; (5) of the practice of the slave trade; (6)
of filibustering; (7) of establishing a censorship of the press; (8)
of violating the Constitution by denying privileges and immunities of
citizens; (9) of sympathizing with foreign despots; (10) of violating
the Compromise of 1820; (11) of violating the Compromise of 1850; (12)
of usurpation of political power by the Supreme Court in the Dred Scott
case; (13) of raising a civil war in Kansas; (1") of introducing a sham
"popular sovereignty;" (15) of attempting to legislate slavery into the
Territory of Kansas by the Lecompton movement; (16) of denying natural-
ized citizens equal protection with natives; (17) of attempting to
throw the Republic into a condition of colonial vassalage, under the
rule of EurOpean power.

In concluding his remarks on this occasion, Clay urged his listeners
to withdraw their support from the Democratic party and endorse the
Republican stand: "The Democratic party has brought you on the road to
the devil. Change your pilot -- your rulers. Turn them out and put
other men at the helm."

It is possible to formulate affair and just plan of emancipation.--
Speaking before the Law Department of the University in Albany, New

York, on February 3, 1863, Cassius Clay indicated his support for the

162

Emancipation Proclamation.1

Although his major purpose was to present
a persuasive speech in advocacy of this recent presidential action,

he took this occasion to also discuss several other questions which
were pertinent at the time: Who is reSponsible for the war? Is there
legal right in the slaveholders rebellion? What shall be done with
the freed Negroes?

Clay took issue with the Democratic claim that Republican viola-
tion of the Constitutional rights of the slave states gave them cause
for secession; nor did he agree that the refusal of the Republicans to
return fugitive slaves was a major factor in the dissolution of the
Union.

He called attention to the opposition party's violation of the
Constitution in regard to the denial of basic rights of citizens,
particularly freedom of utterance, and illustrated how the South had
usurped federal power in dealing with controversies between states.
"How dare . . . the enemies of the Republican party to plead our dis-
regard of the Constitution in vindication of the southern rebellion?"
he wanted to know.

The world knows that this charge of the slaveholders and their

allies is not only a calumny against us, but not at all the

cause of the rebellion. For the fact is notorious that the slave

interest held power over us, not only in the veto of a Democratic

President, but in a pro-slavery court of the United States, and

a senatorial and legislative majority in the Congress at the day
and hour when they entered into this crime against human nature.

 

1Speech of Cassius Clay, given February 3, 1863, before the Law
Department of the University in Albany, New York (New York: Press of
Wynkoop, Hallenbeck and Thomas, 1863), 2nd. ed.

163

In discussing the right of the slaveholders to secede, Clay
pointed out that there cannot be two sovereigns in one territory and
reminded his hearers that the Constitution declares that the National
Constitution is sovereign. The Constitution, in his opinion, was
established not by the states in their sovereign capacity, but by "the
people of the United States," as stated in the preamble. "Secession,"
he contended, "has no warrant in the Constitution, but is in violation
of its spirit and its language; is treason; and its authors, aiders,
and abettors deserve death."

Clay acknowledged that an inherent right of revolution was
indicated in the Declaration of Independence, but he made note of the
fact that this implied the right of the oppressed majority to revolt
against an oppressive minority. The present situation did not seem
to him to fall into this category since the slave power was, in
reality, the controlling majority. "If," said Clay, "there is a right
of revolution, there is a right of self-preservation." Consequently,
he believed that the action of the North in the conflict could be
viewed as self-protection.

As in the past, he unequivocally gave his support to the concept
of the Union and indicated a willingness to restore it at whatever
cost. In this regard he said:

The world knows who struck the first parricidal blow at its

[:Ehe Union'§:7life; and, as we did not first draw the sword,

so we will be the last to sheathe it. Till the Union be re-

stored, and the Constitution be vindicated, we "never will

lay down our arms -- never!"

Clay also supported the President's suspension of the privilege of

habeas corpus and viewed this action as both necessary and constitu-

tional.

16h

"Cash's" defense of the Emancipation Proclamation was based on his
conviction that it was legal, just, and expedient. He maintained that
since foreign nations acknowledged the de facto government of the
Confederate States and allowed them the rights of belligerents, the
North had the same rights of war against them as against any other
nation who declared war. He indicated that the persons and prOperty of
the enemy may be attacked, captured, or destroyed when necessary to
procure reparations or security. Therefore, he reasoned, "If the
slaves of the Confederate States are men, we have the right to capture
or destroy them; if they are property, we have the right to deprive
their claimants of its use, and thus compel them to submission." In
this way he justified the freeing of slaves in the Confederacy. More-
over, the proclamation proposed to restore liberty, not destroy it,
further justification for supporting it.

Clay held that what is right is expedient, and he applied this
maxim to the question of emancipation. Although prior to the secession
of the southern states he had articulated a doctrine of gradual eman—
cipation by citing the experiences of numerous European nations in this
matter and concluded that American society would gain much by raising
Negro men, women, and children from the condition of cattle to the rank
of "rational beings."

Cassius was not concerned about the equality or inequality of
races; his concern was for the equality of civil and political rights,
regarding which he said: "I am for extending them to all nations, without
regard to color, religion, or language, only as they shall prove worthy

of the boon." He considered the allegation that Deity has decreed

165

the eternal slavery of any race to be "a calumny against man, and a
blasphemy against God." For him the satisfactory solution of the dif-
ficulty lay in the recognition of slaves as men and in the treatment
of them according to their merit or demerit. In this way, labor would
become free and honorable and industry would be encouraged everywhere.

Clay outlined the president's position regarding slavery in the
loyal states and agreed that the party had no political power to abolish
the institution in those states. "we have claimed and exercised the
power to abolish it in the District of Columbia, in the Territories,
and in all places of exclusive national jurisdiction. This is glory
enough for the administration." He felt, however, that slaveholders
in these states should be encouraged to free their slaves; and he urged
adoption of the prOposition to compensate the slaveowners in the loyal
states who liberated their slaves, a procedure which he viewed as
'magnanimous and patriotic."

In concluding, Clay spoke of the desire of some to restore "the
Union as it was." He took the position that there never was, nor
could there be, any cordial union between liberty and slavery. Among
the reasons he presented were the following: liberty depends upon
equality of civil and political rights -— slavery is subversive of
both; liberty fosters education, religion, and virtue -- slavery
opposes them; liberty desires a fair distribution of lands and other
property among the whole population -- slavery tends to a monopoly of
both; liberty respects labor —- slavery despises it; liberty encourages
the arts, manufactures, and commerce -- slavery is incapable of them;
liberty appeals to justice and the nobler sentiments for its safety--

slavery to force and the animal instincts and fears.

166

For Clay, "The Union as it was" meant such conditions as: domina-
tion in the South -- subjection in the North; the overthrow of all
Constitutions, all law, and all liberty; corruption, robbery, inca—
pacity of government, and dissolution of the bonds of society; treason
and rebellion. Therefore, he urged: "If we are true to ourselves, we
will have no more of 'The Union as it was;' but the Constitution as it

is, and the union of freedom and free men, as our fathers designed it."

B. The Status of Existing Speech Texts

Although it is unlikely that any "exact" texts of the speeches
given by Cassius Clay during the ante-bellum period exist, it is
possible to study his public utterances during that time with some
degree of confidence. A search of Clay materials reveals texts of
thirty-three speeches given between 1832 and 1863 on the anti-slavery
theme. These form the basis of analysis in this study. In six instances,
two different texts are available for a particular speech, allowing the
Opportunity for textual comparison, contrast, and collation. Many of
the texts which Clay intended to incorporate in the second volume of
his autobiography are available and bear his editorial notations. In
several instances two different newspaper reports of afispeech are avail-
able. Moreover, Clay was inclined to make statements regarding his
speeches, some of which contribute information regarding the status of
texts.

It is regrettable that none of the materials prepared by Clay in
the preparation of his speeches (i.e. notes, outlines, rough drafts,

manuscript copies) are available. By his own admission, he prepared

16?

notes for at least some of his speeches.1 The content of the speeches
and the manner in which they are arranged suggests that, at leastsat
the time of their initial presentation, the addresses were carefully
prepared, perhaps with detailed outlines. Some may have gone through
several revisions since Clay was inclined to be exact and careful about
his work.

Perhaps some of the earlier materials of speech preparation were
destroyed when Clay's study burned in 1861. However, it should be
pointed out that similar materials for later speeches are also missing
or non-existent. The absence of these materials seems somewhat incon-
sistent since "Cash" was a methodical person and made neatness and
orderliness almost a fetish.2 His intention to publish his later
speeches, may suggest a further reason why their absence is unusual.
Although Clay saved many newspaper clippings and accounts of his
speeches and preserved them in scrap books, none of these volumes con-
tains original materials of speech preparation.3

In 1848 Horace Greeley, a good friend of Clay's edited a 353 page
volume of speeches and writings of the Kentuckian.4 Twelve of the

speeches considered in this study were published in the collection.

 

1Cassius Marcellus Clay, The Life of Cassius Marcellus Cla :
Mem irs writ s and S eeches (Cincinnati: J. Fletcher Brennan and
Company, 1886), Vol. I, p. 182.

2A. W. Campbell, "Cassius Marcellus Clay: A Visit to His Home in
Kentucky," Wheeling Intelligencer, July 26, 1888.

3Three of these scrapbooks are a part of the Clay Collection at
Eastern Kentucky State College, Richmond, Kentucky, and have been
used in this study.

4

Horace Greeley (ed.), The S eeches and writin s of Cassius
Marcellus Clay (New YOrk: Harper, 1858).

168

In the "Dedication" of the book, Cassius made several statements that
indicate his confidence in Greeley's ability to reproduce his lines of
thought correctly, and which suggest that no effort was made to modify
or embellish the original work. Clay wrote:

I entrust to you the writings of which is proposed to make

this work, both because you have displayed in your words and

acts a living aspiration for the civilization and happiness

of mankind, and because you have been from the beginning my

most trusting friend and ablest Vindicator. . . . The tone of

many of these articles I would gladly soften, but tnen I

should lose in truth and freshness what I should gain by more

gentle phraseology.1

Greeley likewise indicated that no attempt had been made to edit
or polish the materials being published. In the preface he stated:
"Of course the opinions expressed at one stage are not always consistent
with those arrived at another; and no attempt has been made to render
them so."2 He offered further discussion of the status of the
materials by pointing out:

Nor has the editor deemed it within his province to suppress

any sentiment of the author, because it differed from his

own convictions; and although he has in one or two places

given his own differing view in a footnote, he has more

commonly refrained even from this.3
The Greeley text was, no doubt, the source used by later collectors
who published Clay's 1832 Yale address as a representative speech of
the period. Nor do the Greeley texts vary from speech texts which

were published in pamphlet form immediately after their delivery.

 

1Ibid.
2Ibid., p. vii.

3Ibid., p. viii.

169

Several of the available texts were published as pamphlets shortly
after the Speech was given. It was not uncommon for Clay to finance
such publications himself and to supervise the preparation of the texts
for the printer. On several occasions at least two editions of a pam-
phlet were published. "Cash's" practice regarding the revision or
alteration of second editions does not appear to have been consistent.
One second edition carries a three paragraph "supplement;"1 others do
not add a supplement nor do they make mention of deviation from the
first edition. It is likely that Clay made some corrections, additions,
and revisions when he prepared his speeches for publication in order
to improve their readability, a fact that points up the difficulty of
obtaining an accurate report of what was actually said in a given speech.

Most of the available texts of Clay's anti-slavery speeches are
newSpaper reports. Some accounts are primarily paraphrases of what the
reporter thought he heard the speaker say; others purport to present
the Speaker's "exact" words and imply that a text had been given to
them by the Speaker. Even if such were the case, there is no way of
knowing the extent to which the speaker deviated from what he intended
to say. The possibility of error in reporting is apparent, a circum-
stance that was recognized by both the press and Clay. In the
"argumentum" to the text of a speech "reported exclusively for the
Cincinnati Daily Gazette" the editorial comment is made that: "The
difficulty of arranging his references makes the report of the Speech

lose much of its unity; but truth is considered of more importance

 

1Speech of Cassius Clay, given January 26, 1878, before the
legislature, Frankfort, Kentucky (Richmond: Riphmond Kentucky Register,
1878.

170

than rhetorical arrangement."1 Following the reporting of a speech of
his by the New York Herald, Clay wrote a letter to the paper in which
he corrected errors made in the reported account of what he had said.
At that time he also stated, "For years I have ceased to correct im-
proper reports of my utterances."2

However, in the collection of Speeches prepared by Clay for pub-
lication in what was to have been volume two of his Autobiograpgy,¢few
substantive changes or corrections are indicated on the newspaper
reports of Speeches. Most of the changes indicated are what might
be called minor stylistic refinements (i.e. deletion of unnecessary
or redundant phrases, substitution of "which" for "that" and the
reverse, grammatical corrections and improvements, changes in punc-
tuation and capitalization.) Since the out-of-state press often
referred to Clay as "Cass," he repeatedly substituted his preference,
"Cash," a change that was perhaps the most frequent one made.
Supplementary materials attached co these texts often deal with
tangential matters, rather than having a direct connection with the
speech itself.

Although the Speech critic desires to work with "exact" texts,
it is rarely possible to consult only materials of this high order.

Therefore, the critic must use existing Speech materials and seek to

 

1Gazette Campaign Document, Number One, 1860.
2Letter of Cassius Clay to James Gordon Bennett, August 16, 1862.

171

establish textual accuracy in so far as is possible, realizing that
certain limitations are imposed upon his analysis by the nature of
the materials available to him.1 The texts used in this study
represent the best speech materials available; Some texts are more
reliable than others, but even then, deviations seem to be in minor

stylistic matters.

 

1Lester Thonssen and A. Craig Baird, Speech Criticism (New York:
The Ronald Press Company, 19fl8), Chapter Nine, "Establishing the
Authenticity of Texts."

CHAPTER VII

CASSIUS CLAY'S RHETORICAL INVENTION

The anti-slavery speeches of C. M. Clay reveal him to have been
a spokesman much concerned about the substance of his discourses.
Consequently, it is appropriate that a chapter of this study be
devoted to his rhetorical invention, that constituent of rhetoric
which has traditionally been associated with the finding and analyzing
of materials.1 Moreover, in order adequately to evaluate the workman-
ship of Clay, or any speaker, this constituent of rhetoric must be

considered.2

 

1Previous chapters have discussed the historical setting of Clay's
speeches, his audiences, his methods of preparation, and the purposes
and kinds of speeches given.

2The discussion of Clay's rhetorical practice concerning invention,
arrangement, and style -- Chapters Seven, Eight, and Nine -- represents
generalizations based on the detailed analysis of thirty speeches.
Although more than thirty speeches were studied, it was felt that only
thirty of the texts were sufficiently reliable to warrant detailed
analysis. Speeches were analyzed in the following manner:

(1) An extensive list of Specific questions (96) concerning
Clay's workmanship pertaining to rhetorical invention,
arrangement, and style was develOped.

(2) A brief analysis sheet was prepared. In addition to providing
Space for noting date, place, occasion, and general comments
concerning the immediate response to the speech, the sheet
provided Space for analyzing the speech in terms of five
general topics: ideas, materials, introductions and conclusions,
sources, arrangement, and style. (A cepy of the analysis sheet
appears in the Appendix.)

(3) A detailed analysis was made of the thirty speeches. Some of
the materials recorded on the analysis Sheets were of a sub-
stantive nature; others represented descriptive, interpreta-
tive, or evaluative comments. Analyses varied in length from
one to five pages. Most were two or three pages long.

(4) Based on the content of the analysis sheets, a list of
rhetorical practices was derived. These were then separated
into the three general categories of invention, arrangement,
and style. Next a tabulation was made to determine the fre-
quency with which an item appeared. It was understood that

173

appearance on an analysis sheet indicated quantitative usage.
Qualitative usawe was indicated by plus and minus signs. In

the final tabulation Uhe analyst dealt with twelve kinds of
evidence, four kinds of reasoning, sixteen sources of materials,
seven kinds of introductions, seven kinds of conclusions, ten
patterns of organization, eleven stylistic practices, and the
use of ten quotations.

(5) A search was then made of the thirty Speeches to locate
specific examples of the practices. At least one work sheet
was prepared for each item tabulated.

(6) All introductions and conclusions were analyzed and placed in
what seemed to be the most accurate categories; interpretations
were made concerning the organization of each speech.

(7) Short analyses were also made of two stylistic practices: the
use of first person pronouns and the inclusion of words of
direct address.

(8) In addition to the detailed analyses that were made of the
thirty speeches, case studies were made of two of the speeches:
speech given in Lexington on August 1, 1851; speech given in
Frankfort on January 10, 1860 --which apparently were heard
and/or read by the largest number of people.

 

Rhetorical theory which is derived from classical interpretation
posits that the proofs used in developing a speech are of three general
types: ethical, those which are drawn from the speaker; emotional, those
which attempt to create a favorable psychological state; logical, those
which are concerned with evidence and reasoning. The anti-slavery
speeches of Cassius Clay illustrate the presence of all three of these

modes of persuasion.

A. Ethical Proof
Ethical proof, which is also referred to by such terms as personal
proof, ptppp, and credibility, is understood in this study to mean that
type of proof which arises from the character or nature of the speaker.
Commonly conceived of as that type of proof which stems from choices _-
those choices which the speaker has made, or is making, and which con-
stitute the bases of judgments which others make of him, the-components

of this type of proof can be identified in the following manner:

17L»

(1) competence or the lack of competence; (2) good character or the
lack of good character; (3) good will or the lack of good will.

Although there are some persons in the field of rhetoric who
contend that ethical proofs are to be found only inside of the speech
composition, others hold a broader interpretation of the concept. The
latter position is supported in this study, and it is held that the
components of ethical proof may appear outside as well as inside of
the speech composition. Chapters Two, Three, and Four of this study
discuss some of the places where evidences of these components (com-
petence, character, good will) appear outside of the Speech itself.
Clay's reputation, the advance notices given to his Speeches, the
introductions made by those who presented Clay to his audiences, and
the delivery of the speeches have been described, attention being
given to such details as the speaker's physical appearance, attitude,
posture, and dress.

Clay's ppppg, viewed in terms of factors outside of the speech
composition, was not clear-cut. His paradoxical nature, the unpOpu-
larity of the cause he represented, and the general lack of under-
standing on the part of many of those who heard him Speak made it
difficult for his contemporaries to perceive a unified impression.
This lack of certainty on the part of his immediate audience compli-
cates the job of the twentieth century critic and suggests that a
general assessment of this part of Clay's ethical proof is preferable
to one that attempts to evaluate in terms of Specifics.

It may be supposed that because of "Cash's" extensive education,
numerous travel experiences, distinguished family name, ready command

of specific information, and facility with Spoken and written language,

175

his hearers considered him to be competent. He seemed to be knowledge-
able in a great many areas: agriculture, marketing, education, law,
money and banking, commerce, foreign affairs, literature, and history;
moreover, he set forth an array of materials in his Speeches that was
remarkable for a time when research staffs were not available. The
outside evidence available to Clay's listeners suggested that he was an
able man.

There was probably less certainty in an audience's evaluation of
his character. Although Cassius was thought to be honest and forth-
right, fair, sincere, and uncompromising -- attributes suggesting good
character -- he was also reputed to be a dangerous ruffian, a bully with
a bowie knife, and one who sought to rob the slaveowners of their prep-
erty -- identifications suggesting a lack of good character. Thus it
would seem that Clay's ptppp with respect to character varied consider-
ably from time to time and from audience to audience.

Similarly, there were divergent opinions regarding his good will
or the lack of it. Clay freed his Slaves, an act which had positive
or negative connotations, depending upon the pointeof-view of the
listener._ Clay purported to be moderate, gradual, constitutional, and
southern in his orientation; yet many Saw his scheme of emancipation
and over-all stand on the question of slavery as anti-southern and
radical. He believed his position would, if accepted, help a majority
of the southern whites; this might be interpreted as a demonstration of
good will. However, to the large group of people who did not want his
kind of help, preferring to identify with a higher social stratum (the
slaveholders) regardless of economic penalties, Clay's proposals were

interpreted as undesirable interference rather than as good will.

176

Since Clay was well-known in Kentucky, received much publicity,
spoke frequently, and was often involved in colorful escapades, most
of his listeners brought with them impressions about him which affected
their reception of his message. Consequently, the speech critic cannot
over-look aspects of his personal proof derived from sources outside of
his speech compositions.

Likewise, the presence of personal proof inside of the speech
compositions cannot be ignored. For the most part, Clay's ethical
proof was concentrated in the introductions of speeches. At times he
also combined it with pathetic elements in the conclusions. Its inclu-
sion in the body of a Speech was rare, and on the few occasions when
it did appear in that part of the Speech, it was quite brief.

In his anti-slavery speeches, "Cash" made many direct statements
in reference to himself and others that had ethical ramifications.
Although he frequently claimed a reticence to talk about himself, most
of his speeches given between 1832 and 1863, contain numerous self-
references. It seems apparent that during this period, the Speaker
was trying to paint his portrait in the right colors and show himself
to be reasonable; courageous; honest; humble; a lover of freedom and
liberty; an advocate of constitutional action; an expert on the question
of slavery; and a maligned, misjudged, under-dog.

Clay did not speak of his competence in terms of intellectual
prowess or educational achievement. Rather, he chose to put forth the
impression that he was an "expert" on all things southern. Statements
pointing up the fact that he was a former slaveholder and those describ-
ing his experiences in behalf of a free platform no doubt suggested

that he was a man who knew what he was talking about.

177

Repeatedly during the ante-bellum years he described himself in
vivid terms to suggest that he was a man of good character and good
will. In 1846, he declared:

I love the South! It is my birthplace. I an not a Southern

man with Northern principles! I love my country, and I would

make her great and glorious. And it is because I would make

her great and glorious, that I thus talk of her faults.1
On another occasion he proclaimed:

Epithets strike no terror into my spirit; denunciation shall

not silence me. It has been said that money is power, that

knowledge is power; but more powerful than both these combined
is truth. She is the high priestess of republican liberty. Let
me ever worship at her shrine; let my voice be lifted up
forever in her cause.

The practice of identifying himself with "truth" and "an honest
interpretation" was an aspect of Clay's inventional workmanship that
regularly appeared in his anti-slavery speeches. In 1861, he said:
"I have honestly, as God is my judge, faithfully given you what I
thought best to be done to save the Republic. But I claim no immuta-
bility; I claim no infallibility in regard to judgment."3 Another
example of this practice can be seen in an excerpt taken from an 1860
campaign Speech.

Whatever may be my Short comings with regard to courage, I

believe my sincerity and love of truth have not been questioned,

and although I am here alone, one among a million differing

from me, I know you will credit that I believe what I say I
believe.

 

1Speech given January 14, 1846, in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.
2Speech given January, 1841, in Frankfort, Kentucky.
3Speech given January 26, 1861, in washington, D. C.

“Speech given January 10, 1860, in Frankfort, Kentucky.

178

Clay also identified himself with high ideals when he stated, "I love
glory much, but I love JUSTICE more."1 He saw himself as one dedicated
to a high calling and spoke of his devotion to a noble purpose.

I know I am not so able a man as was Henry Clay, but the

revilers of myself Shall at least say this of me, that --

with whatever talent I was gifted by the Deity ~- my energy

of will was spent with a firmness of purpoie -- over which

only man has power -- not inferior to his.

Addressing his fellow Kentuckians in Covington, Clay suggested
another favorable attribute when he reminded his listeners

Ybu all know that I am a plain man, and when I get an audience

before me, I want to talk right to them, and they say if "Cash"

Clay has anything to say, he will talk it out, and sometimes

too plainly for his own good.
Nor did he over-look the circulation of unfavorable reports concerning
him and his stand. He used such indictments as a spring-board for
introducing ethical statements about himself. Often his remarks were
prefaced with such words as: "I know that I stand before you, subjected
to much accumulated odium, but . . . ."4

Another approach that he employed to combat personal attacks was
to state the accusation and then attempt to refute it by describing his
previous actions or by stating his opinions concerning the charge. In
a speech delivered in 1854, he utilized this technique extensively. At
that time he tried to demonstrate verbally that Cassius Clay was not an

egotist, fond of Speaking; that he was not a deserter and calumniator

 

1Speech given in 1854, in Massachussetts.
2Ibid.
3Speech given in 1860, in Covington, Kentucky.

nSpeech given July 7, 1860, in Louisville, Kentucky.

179

of Henry Clay; that he was not a rash fanatic; that he was not an
infidel and opponent of the Christian religion; and that he was no
northern-type abolitionist.

Still another practice employed by Clay to establish high
credibility for himself was the enumeration of his past activities.
By pointing up incidents that had accrued in his struggle for a free
press and platform and by calling attention to his record in the
Mexican war, he set forth personal proof that was colorful and in
line with the impression of himself that he sought to advance.1

Clay's impression of himself as an under-dog, fighting against
tremendous odds, was outlined perhaps most effectively in 1851, when he
sought election as the governor of Kentucky. He told his listeners
that year

I come, not as my rivals, . . . backed by great political

parties. I stand against the ruling class in the State and

nation -- the wealth, -- the social ban, -- the press, -

and the pulpit. Yet, standing here on the bases of truth,

justice, and liberty, as humble in popularity and ability,

as the least appreciative of my friends would have me, I

do not shrink from the duties which every citizen of a

republic owes his country.2
His endeavor to point-up the steadfastness of his character and his
persistent devotion to the anti-slavery cause can be noted in nearly

every Speech on the anti-slavery theme. The following statements are

typical of those which he interjected to emphasize these traits.

 

1Speech given in April, 1860, at the Republican State Convention
of Kentucky; speech given April, 1856, in Richmond, Kentucky.

2Speech given August 1, 1851, in Lexington, Kentucky.

180

I have stood by you all the long days of my youth and manhood,
extinguished all the aspirations of ambition, suffered ignominy
and contempt, been denounced, Spurned, and voided by the men

whose interests I was arguing by the white man, and wronged by

the black man; but holding myself true to one purpose, I stand

there still.

Although the specific references and adjectives changed as "Cash"
matured from an inexperienced youthful legislator to a seasoned battle-
scarred anti-slavery advocate, the ethical proof injected in the form
of statements about himself remained basically the same during the
ante-bellum period. Listeners could, it would seem, predict the
nature of the personal statements that would be offered in a Clay
discourse.

There was less predictability, however, in the kinds of statements
that Clay was likely to make about others. Such statements indirectly
provide another index for analyzing the Speaker's ethical proof.
Although Clay was not above name calling and poking fun at his opponents,
he tended to avoid personal invective and sarcasm. He regularly
attempted to refute the views of such men as Governors McDuffie, Hammond,
and Wise; but he chose to attack the ideas supported by these men rather
than attacking the men personally. In his speech of January 10, 1860,
in which he attempted to counter the charges of Democrats Magoffin and
Breckinridge, "Cash" was eSpecially tactful in the manner in which he
identified the current heroes of Kentucky as the source of incorrect

statements and false conclusions. Later that year, however, he was

more pointed in his appraisal of Breckinridge.

 

1Speech given January 10, 1860, in Frankfort, Kentucky.

181

John is a good fellow; John is very sharp in seeing the

wind; John is very sharp at seeing which way the popular

sentiment goes; but we think he is badly mistaken. . . .

we think that his star has set -- that his destiny is

fixed.1 '

During the campaign of 1860, Cassius was somewhat out of character
when he quipped, "Douglas, you are a squeezed orange and we will throw

you away."2

Generally, he preferred to focus his attack upon party
action, inaction, and inconsistency rather than to shoot barbs at the
party candidates. This practice would tend to associate him with what
is today referred to as "following the high road."

Nevertheless, it should be noted that on occasion, particularly
in the earlier years of his anti-slavery crusade, Clay was capable of
vehement personal attack. An example of this technique is seen in a
speech delivered on May 13, 1844. At the time Clay was making reply
to a three hour speech by Thomas F. Marshall, who had advocated the
annexation of Texas. "Cash" repeatedly implied that his Opponent was
uninformed and the introductory words, "Does not the gentleman know
that . .‘ékel punctuated the discourse at regular intervals. At one
point he accused Marshall of'"gilding the pill that we may swallow
it -- disturbing the water that he may catch his prey;" and urged
"Let him render not to me, but to that God whose curse he has today
denounced in an opposite direction." Perhaps, the most biting criticism
of the older man came as Clay rejected the adequacy of his evidence:
"With all due respect for the gentleman's facts and logic, I must say,
that this splendid array of English policy is based upon his own vivid

imagination, and on that only."2

 

1Speech given in 1860, in Covington, Kentucky.

2Speech given May 13, 1844, in Lexington, Kentucky.

182

The use of invective in this speech stands out because this method of
refutation was seldom employed by Clay, who apparently came to feel
that making vitriolic statements about his opponents might mar the
kind of ptppp he was attempting to build.

In addition to the direct statements made by the speaker in
reference to himself and others, many of the choices he made concern-
ing subject, lines of thought, and evidence reflect an awareness of
the purpose and nature of ethical proof. Likewise, ethical implica-
tions may be drawn from his reasoning process, the manner in which he
arranged materials, and in terms of style. These implications are
discussed later in this chapter and in Chapters Eight and Nine, where
they relate more Closely to such topics as evidence and reasoning,

arrangement, and style.

B. Emotional Proof
Emotional proof, like ethical proof, can be interpreted in
several ways; likewise, it is sometimes identified by other terminology
-- pathetic proof or psychological proof. In this study, the concept
is viewed as including "all those materials and devices calculated
to put the audience in a frame of mind suitable for the reception of

the speaker's ideas."1

In other words, the pertinent question to be
answered is: how does Cassius Clay make necessary adjustments to his
hearers in order to diSpose them favorably toward his ideas and purposes?

Although Clay used emotional proofs throughout a speech, they were most

likely to appear in the conclusion.

 

1Lester Thonssen and A. Craig Baird, Speech Criticism (New York:
The Ronald Press Company, 1948), p. 358.

183

Clay's dicta regarding audience adaptation have been stated in
Chapter Five and need no reiteration here; however, some discussion of
his workmanship regarding this aspect of speech—making is in order.
Although the basic doctrine articulated by Clay -- the elimination of
slavery -- was viewed by his Kentucky hearers as inimical to their
basic motivations (i.e. to remain distinctive as white men and to retain
the institution of slavery), he made various attempts to adapt his
arguments so that certain wants and desires of his listeners could be
satisfied. By introducing Emotional appeals that were pleasing to his
audience, he no doubt hoped to lessen the negative impact of his basic
message.

One of the main emotional appeals that "Cash" capitalized upon was
southern pride. At times he made his appeal directly; at other times
he approached this desire in a back-handed fashion by making his
listeners angry, intending that local pride stir them to alter their
course of action. By citing facts and figures drawn from census reports,
he pointed up the southern lag in education, letters, agriculture,
commerce, and manufacturing. Knowing of the proud heritage of his
region, he may have believed that these North-South comparisons and his
vivid statements concerning southern deficiencies would stimulate
southern whites to throweoff the institution that was allegedly at
fault.

In speeches before both northern and southern audiences "Cash"
emphasized the loss of southern status. In each case this material
carried emotional over-tones, although not necessarily the same ones.
In the North his comments may have inspired pride and self-esteem; in

the South the response was more likely to have been anger, chagrin,

184

or concern for a loss of status. A particularly vivid example of
emotional appeal based on the dearth of southern industry was injected
into an 1856 speech in which Clay said:

The orator rises upon a Northern made carpet; clothed
cap-a-pie in Northern fabrics, and offers his resolutions
written upon Northern paper, with a Northern made pen, and
returns to his home upon a Northern car; or being killed is
put into a Northern shroud, and buried in a Northern coffin,
and has his funeral preached from a text in a Northern Bible,
and his manes propitiated by a psalm from a Northern hymn
book, set to Northern music.1

Clay also used image-provoking description to arouse feelings of
shame, pity, and fear. On several occasions he chose to describe the
desolation of southern farms, abandoned after the westward extension
of slavery. Quite possibly descriptions like the following produced
emotional reSponse.

There where once corn, wheat and tobacco rewarded luxuriantly

the culture of the primitive fields, are the mullen, the

brier, and the broom-sedge struggling into feeble existence.

The neglected furrow widens and deepens into impassible ravines.

~The fences are gone. There are the shattered cottage and the

broken hearthstone of the laboring whits, driven into exile by
the strong competition of unpaid labor.
Similar use of description was employed by Clay in 1863, to arouse a
sense of revulsion and fear. On this occasion he spoke of the
prejudice of color as having bound the non-slaveholdilg whites along
with the Negroes to the masters' chariot wheels, and urged his
listeners to:
See them now, like dumb cattle, driven to the slaughter;
they are thrown in heaps into their last resting places;

no stone marks their dishonored graves. See now "The
desolator desolate!" Within the shattered hovel, by the

 

1Speech given October 24, 1856, in New York City.

2Ibid.

185

broken hearth-stone, the wan, expectant wife gathers her

ragged, starving children. Alas! The husband, the father,

and the brother will return no more! . . . By the wasted

fields -- the blighted industries -- the exhausted treasures

-- the desolated hearthstones -- the tears of the widow and

orphan -- and the shedding of blood -- Deity-calls upon us

to execute justice.1

In 1851, Clay appealed to his listeners in a somewhat different
fashion when he directed the following challenge to them.

A great continent opens to us its virgin bosom -- the fate of

millions wait upon us -- the eyes of nations follow -- the

aspirations of mankind are for wisdom in our councils; the

hand of Destiny is upon us . . . .2

Another appeal that "Cash" incorporated into his methodology was
the motivation for economic gain. Although his underlying theme was
in reality an appeal to the acquisitive desire, this emphasis was not
understood by many Kentuckians. The translation of this theme into
Specific examples may have been a stronger motivating force. In 1844,
and again in 1851, Clay used hypothetical illustrations to show how; hy
changing marketing conditions, southerners could receive a higher
return for their labors.3 However, although the non-slaveholding whites
were no doubt interested in improving their economic status, this goal
was of less force than their desire to identify with the slaveholders.
Thus, this appeal was not too satisfactory for Clay.

In advocating a free press and platform, the Kentuckian attempted

to call into play his listeners'desire to see justice done and fair

play practiced. Over and over again he emphasized that his was a

 

1Speech given February 3, 1863, in Albany, New York.

2Speech given August 1, 1851, in Lexington, Kentucky.

3Ibid.; Speech given September, 1844, in Boston, Massachussets.

186

constitutional approach and that he had the right, as did a.v man, to
enjoy the privileges guaranteed by the laws of nature and the United
States. By describing occasions when his rights had been jeopardized,
he heped to solicit the positive reSponses of his hearers. He employed
the same techniques to evoke a favorable response for his indictment of
the treatment meted out to the Bereans.1
Clay's frequent mention of "the Spirit of '76:" his associating
of himself with the ideals and practices of such American heroes as
washington, Jefferson, Madison, Webster, and Henry; his repeated use of
words like liberty, justice, truth, and freedom had emotional implica-
tions Since they were apt to arouse feelings of patriotism and inspire
confidence through identification with high ideals. The following
example illustrates his use of this technique.
Although the millions may depart from me, there will be in
Kentucky one standing faithful to the last, whose aspirations
may be however visionary, true to the banner which I would
have float over us. The same old banner of 1789 -- each stripe
with the progress of the ages paling into a brighter galaxy of
stars! In the language of Webster, its motto no such miserable
interrogatory, as what is all this worth? Nor those other words
of delusion and folly, "Slavery and Union," -- far less "Slavery
first and Union afterwards," and yet more, "Slavery with or with-
out Union!" But his own glorious sentiments -- for which and
with which filial piety, I walk backward and cover his late
political nakedness! "LIBERTY AND UNION, NOW AND FOREVER, ONE
AND INSEPARABLE! "2
Still another emotional appeal utilized by Clay was the appeal
to self-preservation and the desire for security. In arguing against

the annexation of Texas, "Cash" pictured the plight of Americans if

war with Mexico became a reality. He spoke as follows:

 

1Speech given January 10, 1860, in Frankfort, Kentucky.
2Ibid.

187

When they'ZfAmerican soldiers47lie bleeding and dying on the
burning sands of a foreign country, or writhing in the deadly
grasp of the terrible epidemics of the swamps of Florida and
Louisiana, what maddening reflections will then await them --
the blood of our sires has been shed in vain, the Constitution
has been violated, the Union has been dissolved, our homes
have been desolated, our wives and children have become out-
casts and beggars; our country is lost; all nature fades from
our dim, reluctant eyes; we sink, unwept, into dishonored
graves, accursed of God and man: -- if our cause triumphs,,the
sighs and tears of millions enslaved will mar the fruits of
victory: but if it fail, as seemingly it must, then have the
chains which we have forged for others become the heritage of
our posterity for ever!1

In a somewhat similar vain he indicated the horrors of a Civil war.
A Civil war first must be maintained in a slave **"te, and the
border States must be the scene of war, and when there is a
battle-field, the cavalry are tied in the streets of Covington,
your fine houses are destroyed, your property is wasted, and as
to your slaves, they are all gone. Of course they must be given
up, your property runs down, your mules taken, and your horses
killed, and though you should be successful, you would be well
known as the "Flanders of America."2
Clay's arguments against the annexation of Texas and those set
forth in support of the Emancipation Proclamation possessed emotional
ramifications. In the earlier instance the appeal was to identification
with the principles of international law and order; in the latte:
instance, the appeal was to identification with the views of respected
legal authorities and constitutional law.3 These appeals might be
described as being ego inflating or status elevating.
In addition to using materials in his speeches that were likely

to inspire an emotional response, Clay made some effort to adapt his

methodology to the specific occasion and audience. At no time was this

 

1Speech given December 30, 1843, in White Sulphur Springs, Kentucky.
2Speech given in 1860, in Covington, Kentucky.

3Speech given December 30, 1843, in White Sulphur Springs, Kentucky;
speech given February 3, 1863, in Albany, New York.

188

more noticeable than in 1863, when he addressed the Law Department of
the University in Albany, New York. His choice of materials, arrange-
ment, and style all reflected an awareness of the intellectual calibre
of his audience, their vocational orientation, and the formality of
the Speaking situation.1 Likewise, when addressing Kentucky audiences,
Clay frequently chose examples drawn from the history of the state or
develOped hypothetical illustrations based on situations close to the
Bluegrass citizenry. For example in 1837, when the people were ex-
periencing financial difficulties, he spoke of the difficulties in-
volved in marketing cattle; in 1851, he discussed the educational
problems of the state and described the difficulties encountered by
non-slaveholders in trying to educate their children; in 1860, he warned
of the dangers of a civil war and showed how it might affect Kentuckians.
Audience adaptation, although viewed as an important aspect of
emotional proof. is also closely related to the constituents of arrange-
ment and style. For that reason discussion of adaptation in those
areas is made in Chapters Eight and Nine rather than in this chapter.
Just as the discussion of ethical proof could not be confined to
elements within the speech composition, so too the consideration of
emotional proof must be broadened to allow for those circumstances
and instances outside of the text itself which have emotional or
psychological implications. Many of Clay's speeches were given in the
face of threats, promises of overt physical combat, and elaborate
patriotic flourishes. It was not uncommon for Clay to surround him-

self with armed protectors or to display weapons himself. Nor was it

 

1This Speech is considered in greater detail in Part c of this
chapter and in Chapters Eight and Nine.

189

unusual for his opponents to threaten and even attempt to silence him
permanently when he spoke out. Such circumstances heightened the
emotional tension of the listeners as the unexpected and the violent
hovered in the offing. Likewise, the elaborate preparations and
celebrations that accompanied many of Clay's speeches, especially
those in connection with national political campaigns, contributed
elements to his pathetic mode of persuasion. The abundance of lavish
patriotic decorations and symbols, the colorfuf parades, the flowery
introductions, and the lively and sometimes military music that
preceded the appearance of the Kentucky orator undoubtedly did much to
"warm-up" the audience and put them in a favorable disposition.1 Such
external adjuncts were, therefore, part of Clay's emotional proof.

Although Cassius Clay was aware of the nature of his audiences and
did at times intentionally or unintentionally, as the case may be,
utilize devices of adaptation and motive appeals, he appears to have
been less concerned with emotional proof than with the other two modes
of persuasion. He used emotional proof less often than ethical or

logical proof and seems to have been less adept in his handling of it.

C. Logical Proof
Logical proof, the third mode of persuasion, constituted the
major portion of Cassius Clay's rhetorical invention. Logical proof,
which concerns itself with evidence and reasoning and appeals to the
intellect of the listeners rather than to their feelings, is derived
from facts and opinions and is developed through reasoning from signs,

examples, causes, and/or analogies.

 

1Attention is given in Chapter Four to these aspects of the
speaking situation.

190

Cassius Clay employed a great deal of evidence in his speeches and
employed all four patterns of reasoning. He drew his evidence from
many sources and chose to use facts and opinions of various types.

Both general and specific evidence appear in his speeches. An analysis
of thirty speeches reveals that personal opinions and explanation were
regularly used by Clay to develop his ideas, and that examples, facts
and figures, and comparisons were also used extensively. Quotations,
testimony, definition, and description were used less often.

Clay read extensively and was conversant with the problems of his
state and the nation. He was a well-educated man, and as a resident
of a slave state considered himself something of an expert on the
problems of slavery. Moreover, as a theorist on emancipation and as
a campaigning office-seeker, he was expected to have views on current
issues and to set them forth publicly. It is little wonder, therefore,
that personal opinions were an important part of his invention. Clay
voiced opinions on such topics as: the calling of a constitutional
convention. internal improvements, banking privileges, the importation
of slaves, the annexation of Texas, the American SySLem, the Dred Scott
case, the extension of slavery, freedom of speech and the press, the
progress of Mexico, the economic status of the South, the political
despotism of slavery, and the Emancipation Proclamation.1

Since many of the topics which Clay discussed were complex and at
times abstract, he made an effort to explain them thoroughly. His

explanations, even on more trivial subjects such as the making of

 

1Clay's major lines of thought have been discussed in Chapter Six
and are not, therefore, elaborated upon in this chapter.

191

pulque (a Mexican liquor), were detailed.1 He included both general
and specific material in his explanations, and seems to have developed
even subordinate points with considerable depth.

Clay's speeches abound with examples. He frequently devised
lengthy hypothetical illustrations to show how his proposals would
affect the members of the audience or to clarify what may have seemed
like a complex idea. On one occasion he presented a well worked-out
hypothetical illustration to show what would happen if a farmer on a
deserted isle grew more corn than he needed.2 The example was designed
to support his contention that "so long as we have more food than we
can use, there is room for more mechanics, manufacturers, and artists."
At another time he submitted a hypothetical projection of the marketing
problem that could be anticipated if a particular piece of legislation
were enacted.3 Extensive use of this kind of illustration was made in
a speech in 1851, when Clay depicted the progress of a hatter under
free and slave economies.“ He used this example to show how southern
markets and commerce would be affected by a continued loss of white
pepulation.

Because he was an avid reader of history, Clay was inclined to
draw examples from the past. He inserted numerous references to

classical history into his remarks and often cited specific instances

 

1Speech given March 6, 1848, in Baltimore, Maryland.

2Speech given May 13, 1844, in Lexington, Kentucky.

3Speech given during the 1837-1838 session of the legislature in
Frankfort, Kentucky.

”Speech given August 1, 1851, in Lexington, Kentucky.

192

in Greek and Roman affairs to substantiate his views. In Covington in
1860, he made use of the example of Lucullus, who ordered all messengers
who brought bad news to be beheaded, to give emphasis to his conviction
that "bad news although unwelcome, is nevertheless frequently true."1
This sentiment he later related to the unwillingness of the Democrats

to face the slavery question squarely.

Many of Clay's examples were drawn from European history. In 1851,
he spoke in detail concerning the condition of those in Russia who were
desirous of freedom and cited the example of Austria to illustrate what
has happened when a people are reduced to slavery.2 In 1860, he talked
about the struggle in Hungary for independence and discussed what
happened in England when a judicial decision decreed that slaves became
free when they touched British soil.3 That same year he also employed
examples drawn from French history.“L

.On one occasion Clay used the example of Peter the Great's becoming
a shipbuilder and carpenter in order to make labor honorable as proof
that it was not wrong for people to work.5 Also, he employed foreign
experiences extensively in attempting to win support for the Emancipa-
tion Proclamation. He cited instances of the workability of emancipa-

tion schemes in England, France, Denmark, and Holland; and devoted

 

1Speech given in 1860, in Covington, Kentucky.

2Speech given August 1, 1851, in Lexington, Kentucky.
3Speech given January 10, 1860, in Frankfort, Kentucky.
4Speech given in 1860, in Washington, Pennsylvania.

SSpeech given October 31, in New York City.

193

considerable time to a discussion of the effective emancipation pro-
cedures in the west Indies.1 Although his many examples based on
history were interesting and pertinent, at times they were probably
not altogether meaningful to his listeners, many of whom were lacking
in background information concerning foreign nations and past happen-
ings.

The Bible was also used by Clay as the source of examples. In one
Speech he used the story of David and Goliath to point up the conclu-
sion that although the opposition may appear great, the nature of the
conflict may be altered when the Almighty is party to the encounter.2
At another time he recalled the story of the devil offering to a
follower of God some land he did not own.3 A lengthy portion of a
speech delivered in 18h1, was based on Biblical examples. At that time
Clay was seeking to establish the point that slavery is not hallowed
or given the sanction of Deity. Among the instances incorporated into
his discussion were: Isaac's subjugation of Essau to Jacob, the
enslavement of the Jews by Pharaoh in Egypt, the Jews led captive by
Nebuchadnezzar and held in bondage in the Assyrian Empire, and the rise
of Daniel the slave.4 The book of Genesis was used extensively by him

in another Speech.5

 

1Speech given February 3, 1863, in Albany, New York.
2Speech given in 1860, in washington, Pennsylvania.
3Speech given October 8, 1862, in Brooklyn, New Ybrk.
“Speech given in January, 18b1, in Frankfort, Kentucky.

5Speech given January 1h, 1846, in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.

194

Clay also employed illustrations drawn from American history and
the contemporary scene. For example, he used Jefferson's arrest of
Burr and Jackson's suppression of the writ of habeas corpus at New
Orleans to justify Lincoln's Signing of the Emancipation Proclamation.1
The "miscarriage of justice in Kansas," as he called it, was another
example that "Cash" employed on numerous occasions. The extension of
Slavery following the Mexican annexation was another instance he used
widely.2 An example that should have been particularly meaningful to
Kentucky audiences was Clay's illustration of the dearth of public
education in the state.3 The listeners were familiar with the fact
that there were few educational opportunities available in Kentucky,
and many knew that funds had been designated for educational purposes
on several occasions.

"Cash" was able to draw upon his own observations and experiences
for examples, too. On numerous occasions he cited personal experiences
to Show that freedom of speech and the press were in jeopardy in the
South. In 1851, he made personal observation the basis of his belief
that slavery was dishonoring labor. At that time he pointed out:

When I edited the Eggs American in this city, I found the

wives and daughters of the small shopkeepers, mechanics and

others, who had no slaves up before the rising sun -- sweeping

out their entries -- the steps and pavements -- and bringing

water from the pumps, before the tide of Slaves was yet poured
into the streets to wound their sentiments of social equality.“

 

1Speech given February 3, 1863, in Albany, New York.
2Speech given in 1860, in washington, Pennsylvania.
3Speech given August 1, 1851, in Lexington, Kentucky.

“Ibid.

195

In similar fashion he utilized examples based on his experiences in
Mexico1 and on observations that he had made while in England, France,
and Russia.2

Clay did not confine himself to the use of a single kind of
example in a particular speech; rather, his usual practice was to in-
clude examples that varied in length, source, and dramatic impact. He
regularly employed several examples to support an idea; this detailed
development at times gave the impression of his unnecessarily belabor-
ing a point. His examples tended to be concrete and specific and were
a mainstay of his logical proof.

Another type of evidence that was at the core of Clay's invention
was numerical data. He regularly presented facts, figures, and arith-
metic computations to support his contentions. His extensive use of
statistical materials which were drawn from census reports is one of
the distinctive aSpects of his workmanship since few writers and speakers
of his time utilized information of this kind. Although Hintoan.
Helper is frequently given credit for being the first to rely on
statistical proof based on census reports,3 Clay was making use of such
materials long before the 1856 publication date of Helper's book. In
fact, Clay left Helper little room for the clever use of census figures;

he had exploited the possibilities for years.“

 

1Speech given January 26, 1861, in washington, D. C.
2Speech given August 12, 1862, in washington, D. C.

3Alan Pendleton Grimes, Amerigan Political Thought (rev.)
(New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc., 1960), p. Zho.

“David L. Smiley, "Cassius Clay and Southern Industrialism," Egg
Filson Club Historic Quarterly, XXVIII (October, 1954), pp. 315-27.

196

As early as 1837, Clay was including numerical data in his
speeches. In 18fl1, he made use of census figures to trace the increase
in Negro and white population in the state from 1790 to 1840. He also

compared the increases in the races in twelve states and the District

of Columbia.1

One of his most involved uses of numerical data occurred in a speech
delivered in 1846, at which time he used census figures to demonstrate
his thesis that free labor was more productive than slave labor. The
complexity of his argument, based on this type of evidence, can be seen
from the following excerpt.

The truth is, that free intelligent labor will effect twice

as much as labor driven with the whip or by compulsion. Have
you thought of that? In the South there are 3,000,000 of
blacks, and 5,000,000 of whites. Now, throw out of consider-
ation, if you please, the 3,000,000 of blacks, and take the
5,000,000 of whites, who not so accustomed to toil, we are
satisfied, perform at least not much more than one-third the
labor of those of the North; say one-half. Admit that the
laborer at the North produced $25 a month, that at the South
would be $12.50. The white laborer at the South would then
produce $150 a year, and the Northerner $300. Multiply this

by 5,000,000, it gives you $1,500,000.000 annually; which
would be produced by the whites at the South, if they worked

as those do at the North. But with only half of this labor,

it gives a result of $750,000,000, which might easily be
produced annually by free white labor at the South. Turn around
and put this $750,000,000 against the $60,000,000 cotton crop,
and they would have by this means $690,000,000 more to exchange
for the products of the North, than they now have by means of
slavery and the cotton crop.

The census also provided "Cash" with figures which showed that

relatively few Kentuckians were slaveholders and that the North was

 

1Speech given in January, 1841, in Frankfort, Kentucky.

2Speech given January 14, 18Q6, in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.

197

outstripping the South in agriculture, commerce, and manufacturing.
This evidence became a main support for Clay's economic attack against
slavery.1

Clay also used numerical material to support his opposition to the
granting of banking privileges upon the Charleston, Cincinnati, and
Louisville Railroad Company. In a speech given in the House of Represen-
tatives he discussed the value and depreciation of stocks and bonds,
computed interest gains and losses, and tabulated profits and losses
that might be anticipated if the railroad bill were passed.2 His use
of facts and figures on this occasion was no doubt difficult to follow
since the evidence dealt with the technical field of money and banking.

Another inventional practice which Clay employed extensively was
the use of comparison and contrast. In speaking of the lag in Southern
industry on one occasion he made this comparison:

Like the doomed Jew we wander on in darkness and sullen.

expectancy, clinging with desperate fondness to the cast-

off idols of days that are gone, unconscious of the heavenly

light which surrounds us, and the Deity that moves in our

midst!3
He also saw a comparison between those who wished to end slavery and
the ancients: ". . . like the Oriental prOphet of Medina, you are ready

to propagate your faith by fire and sword throughout the world; and

henceforth and forever your watchword shall be "slavery or death.“P

 

1Speech given August-1, 1851, in Lexington, Kentucky; speech
given in 1860, in Covington, Kentucky.

ZSpeech given during the 1837—1838 session of the legislature in
Frankfort, Kentucky.

3Speech given in January, 1841, in Frankfort, Kentucky.

”Speech given December 30, 18u3, in white Sulphur Springs.
Kentucky.

198

On several occasions he likened the Secession—Democratic party to the
famous Trojan horse and said that "should we admit it into our midst,
it would prove as disastrous to us as it was to the ancients."1

Clay used comparison and contrast in order to show that the
coming of the Bereans to Madison County had been beneficial to the
community. In this regard he made the following comparison:

Where before the inhabitants dwelt in huts without windows and

with mud floors, these men have introduced neat frame buildings.

The children before were indulging in idleness and dissipation,

now they have been reformed and are going to one of the best

schools in Madison County.2

Perhaps his most effective use of this form of support came in
connection with his attempt to show that slavery produced undesirable
effects. On one occasion he compared the treatment of a slave, a cow,
and a horse, and contrasted the ramifications of each as a piece of
property.3 Much of his campaign Speech in 1851 was based on comparison-
contrast information. He compared the attitude of women toward work in
the free and slave states, pointed up the differences in expenditures
for education in the two sections, outlined the cost of shipping a
pound of beef to market in both regions, and illustrated how the slave-
holder and the non-slaveholder were subjected to different interpre-

tations of justice. His comparison on the matter of justice was

stated in this way:

 

1speech given January 26, 1861, in Washington, D. c.
ZSpeech given October 8, 1863, in Brooklyn, New York.

3Speech given July 7, 1860, in Louisville, Kentucky.

200

Virginia.1 The Dred Scott decision was regularly cited not as an
example of "right" action but rather to illustrate his conviction
that even the courts had been tainted by the Democratic party.2

Clay based some of his arguments on the testimony of authorities.
Among his favorite sources of proof were: Chancellor Kent, Justices
McLean and Curtis, Judge Story, washington, Jefferson, Madison,
webster, Henry Clay, Vattel, Montesquieu, and Locke.3 A tabulation
of the frequency and extent of citation indicates that Jefferson,
Madison, webster, and washington (in that order) were his preferred
authorities.

In a speech given in 1846, "Cash" cast some light on his regard
for the use of testimony and authority when he stated:

I shall resort to no new methods of reason or of authority;

but planting myself upon History, the Bible, the laws of

Nations, the dicta of learned men, and right, reason, and

conscience, I shall stand, or fall.“
After stating this intention, Clay quoted from Paley, Blackstone,
Thomas Paine, Dymond, the French Constitution, the Declaration of
Independence, and the New Testament to substantiate his position con-

cerning man's natural rights. This speech contains his greatest de-

pendence upon authority as supporting material.

 

1Speech given February 3, 1863, in Albany, New York.

ZSpeech given January 10, 1860, in Frankfort, Kentucky; speech
given January 26, 1861, in washington, D. C.

3Speech given July 4, 185k, in Chicago, Illinois; speech given
October 8, 1862, in Brooklyn, New York; speech given February 3, 1863,
in Albany, New York.

“Speech given January 14, 1846, in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.

201

Another speech that utilized testimony as a major form of support
was the one which Clay delivered in Albany in 1863. This address before
the university Law Department was heavily documented with legal Opinions
and quotations from texts on legal matters. On this occasion the
speaker relied very little upon personal opinions and presented proof
derived from outside sources.

Clay regularly called upon God to vindicate his anti-slavery stand,
and in his debate with George Francis Train cast Deity in the role of
an authoritative source. He said:

If you want to make an infidel of me, convince me that

slavery is Divine, and I will believe that there is no

God. When I can believe that God can doom millions of his

creatures to the unutterable woes of such a terrifying

system -- contrary to the decalogue and to the whole morality

of the Christian faith -- I will be ready to praise the devil

as soon, for he could not be worse. But this is not, and

cannot be so. God has designed the happiness of all his

creation. He has fashioned man of every clime and color in

his own image.1

> Newspapers provided another source of Clay's invention. A
regular subscriber to numerous papers, he often quoted from published
letters and editorials. At times he utilized current articles, as he
did,{fomgaxample,;1n.gpr11w 1860, when he cited material found in the
Richmond Messenger, the Cincinnati werld, and the Chicago Press and
Tribune.2 The Niles Register and the wasniggton National Intelligencer

were also popular sources used by Clay. On one occasion he quoted

paragraphs published ten years previous in the Louisville Courier.3

 

1Speech given October 31 , 1862, in New York City.
2Speech given in April, 1860, in Kentucky.

3Speech given January 10, 1860, in Frankfort, Kentucky.

- ’ 202

Clay made some use of description as evidence. He described in
vivid terms the conditions of the non-slaveholding whites and depicted
southern scenes he thought would provide additional support for his
arguments. In one speech he described in a colorful manner the
peOple who had resided at Berea prior to the arrival of Fee and his
group. Later he compared this group with the more recent inhabitants,
who he felt were more desirable. He said, "They [the earlier Berean§7
were the most vicious peOple that I knew; a drunken, tobacco-chewing,
whiskey-drinking people; debauchery and fighting could there be seen
as plainly as the noonday sun."1

His speech before the Mercantile Library Association in March,
1848, was largely based on description. In the introduction he told
his listeners:

Mexico is the second power of the North American continent.

It is washed by the Gulf of Mexico on the east, and by the

Pacific ocean on the west: and extends from the republic of

Guatemala, in about latitude 16°, to the United States in

latitude 42°‘north. It is subdivided into twenty-four states

and provinces, . . . The great Rocky mountains run from north

to south. . . . The fruits, and melons, and vegetables of all

climes are found here. . . . The great articles of subsistence

are wheat, Indian corn, the potato, the banana, . . . onions?

and garlic; and barley, used exclusively for horses . . . .

Later in the speech he presented a detailed description of the people --
how they looked, what they were, what they ate, what they did, how
they lived.

Although Clay repeatedly tried to define his kind of abolitionism,

he seldom incorporated other definitions into his discourses. Notable

exceptions to this general practice occurred in his Speeches of

 

1Ibid.

2Speech given March 6, 1848, in Baltimore, Maryland.

203

January 10, 1860, and February 3, 1863. In the first instance he
offered a lengthy definition of "higher law" and attempted to define
"regulate" and "regulation.” In the latter Speech he posited a

1
definition of "Republican."

Cassius Clay used logical materials of speaking to reason from
example, analogy, sign, and causation. At no time did he confine
himself to a single reasoning pattern in a given speech; rather, he
chose to employ that logical scheme which seemed most appropriate to
his purpose. Because he used many examples, it may be concluded that
this type of reasoning was the basis of his thinking process. Never-
theless, he did use the other patterns extensively also. A bit of
reasoning from analogy used in one of his early Speeches demonstrates
his ability to employ this pattern of thought.

I sell you my watch for a fair equivalent; tomorrow I meet

you on the street and say to you, this watch was once mine,

it suits me to regain it -- peaceably if you will -- forcibly

if I must! Upon the same principle Spain may reclaim Florida;

France, Louisiana; England, the United Colonies; and we

should be surprised on waking up some morning to find ourselves

pushed into the ocean, with not a foot of land to stand upon.‘

Sign reasoning was frequently used in his speech on Mexico,3 and
the basic reasoning pattern of the 1851 campaign speech was causal.“
He phrased many of his conclusions as if-then and either-or propositions
and rarely referred to the terminology of formal logic (i.e. major

premise, antecedent, consequent, etc.). For the most part Clay's

 

1Speech given January 10, 1860, in Frankfort, Kentucky; speech
given February 3, 1863, in Albany, New York.

2Speech given May 13, 18M», in Lexington, Kentucky.
3Speech given March 6, 1848, in Baltimore, Maryland. e

2‘PSpeech given August 1, 1851, in Lexington, Kentucky.

204

reasoning, like his evidence, seems to have been valid. Perhaps his
biggest weakness lay in his conviction that the institution of slavery
was the single cause of the South's numerous economic ills, a conclusion
that led him to ignore other causal factors and over-simplify cause-
effect relationships.

Although Clay was aware of the need for ethical and emotional
proofs in a speech and made good use of them, particularly in the
introduction and conclusion, his major mode of proof was logical.

"He never left his intelligence or his brains at home!"1

 

1Letter of Mrs. Cassius M. Clay of Paris, Kentucky to the writer
of this study, October 19, 1961.

CHAPTER VIII

CASSIUS CLAY'S RHETORICAL ARRANGEMENT

Arrangement, that constituent of rhetoric which is concerned
with the arranging of the materials in a speech, was an important
aspect of Cassius Clay's workmanship as a speaker. Although he did
not consider arrangement as an end in itself, he made of it a useful
means for better achieving his desired purpose.

In ordering the materials of the speech composition in its larger
aspects, Clay chose a relatively simple three-fold division. In a
few instances he identified the introductory and concluding portions
of his discourse by the designations "introduction" and "peroration,"1
but his general practice was to move unobtrusively through the speech
from beginning to end without calling attention to the separate
divisions.

Clay employed both inductive and deductive methods of arrangement
in his anti-slavery speeches and was apparently adept in their usage,,
Although it was not uncommon for him to employ both patterns within a
single speech, at times he chose to limit himself to one or the other
as an over-all plan. On March 6, 1848, he presented a speech in
Baltimore that exemplifies extensive use of the inductive or implica-
tive scheme. The subject of his discourse was "Mexico;" and Clay.
used numerous examples, descriptions, and personal observations to
arrive at his conclusions concerning Mexico's physical, social, and

political development.2 The organization of this Speech appeared to

 

1Speech given February 3, 1863, in Albany, New York.

2Speech given March 6, 1848, in Baltimore, Maryland.

206

be quite loose, allowing the material to move the lines of thought to
the desired conclusions. Obvious structuring was also at a minimum in
several other of Clay's speeches.1

Clay's Speech of January 14, 1846, in contrast, was highly Structured
and exemplifies his use of deductive patterning.2 In this Speech "Cash"
stated his proposition at the outset and indicated the planks under-
lying it. Supporting evidence was set forth in one, two, three fashion,
while numerous procedural statements and internal summaries pointed up
the basic deductive scheme of organization.3 In many reSpects this
Speech was comparable to what is thought of as a typical constructive
speech in a formal debate.

Within the framework of both inductive and deductive plans, Clay
employed a variety of developmental schemes. His speeches on the anti-
slavery theme demonstrate the use of such organizational patterns as:
chronological, topical, refutative, question-answer, problem-solution,
causal, journalistic, and Spatial. An analysis of thirty texts indicates
Clay's preference for time and t0pic partitioning, at least one or the
other of these plans appearing in every Speech studied. Sometimes
"Cash" used one arrangement pattern for the major divisions of a speech

and several others in the management of subordinate materials.

 

1Speech given in 1851+, in Massachusetts; speech given in 1860, in
washington, Pennsylvania; Speech given May 29, 1861, in Paris, France;
'speech given September 23, 1862, in Washington, D. C.

2Speech given January 14, 1846, in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.

3Elements of Clay's style, such as his use of procedural sentences
and internal summaries, are discussed in Chapter Nine.

207

Clay used chronology to organize a major portion of his 1841:
Speech in the legislature. In it he discussed, systematically and
chronologically, American legislation that had curtailed the importa-
tion of slaves. He commented upon laws passed in 1753, 1778, 1785,
1794, 1798, 1815, and 1833, before concluding that non-importation
restrictions should be continued.1 A somewhat similar approach was
used by him in 1848, when he was describing the progress of political
reform in Mexico,2 and in 1860, when he employed the time pattern to
trace the development of the Republican party.3

The topical arrangement was the main method employed in Clay's
early speech against the annexation of Texas. In this address he
arranged his material on the basis of the six topics suggested by the
set of resolutions he was offering to the assembly.“ A topical plan
was also the basis for his organization of the Louisville speech of
1860.5 :The major topics discussed on that occasion included: political
divisions in the land, a Pacific Railroad, alien and native citizens,
preserving the Union, democracy as it is, Breckinridge and his party,
disunion, popular sovereignty, bribery and corruption, and Abraham
Lincoln.

Because much of his anti-slavery Speaking was done in connection
with political campaigns, Clay found it useful to employ a refutative

pattern of arrangement. Although the main partitioning of Clay's

 

1Speech given January, 1841, in Frankfort, Kentucky.
2Speech given March 6, 1848, in Baltimore, Maryland.
3Speech given July 7, 1860, in Louisville, Kentucky.
“Speech given December 30, 1843, in White Sulphur Springs, Kentucky.

SSpeech given July 7, 1860, in Louisville, Kentucky.

208

Frankfort Speech of 1860, was topical, the basic approach was refutative.
The speaker's purpose on this occasion was to counter charges which had
been made by two leading Democrats; consequently, he repeatedly stated
a charge and then attempted to refute it.1 On numerous other occasions,
he employed this pattern to a lesser degree, finding it a useful tech-
nique for reestablishing his gthg§,as a gradual emancipationist. The
refutative pattern was an especially important part of Clay's arrange-
ment in speeches given in Lexington in 1844, and in New York City in
153-62.2

Another plan that Clay put to use frequently was the question and
answer method of organization. In speeches given in Brooklyn, Chicago,

3

and washington he used this means of arrangement at subordinate levels.
It was, however: most evident in his 1841 legislative address and his
Albany discourse of 1863.4 In his Speech before the House of Representa-
tives, Clay dealt with such questions as: is slavery a "blessing?" Is

it constitutional to tranSport slaves into Kentucky? Does the Constitu-
tion of the United States give Congress the power to permit or to forbid
the importation of slaves from one state to another? Shall the law of
1832-1833 be repealed? In the later speech he discussed such questions

as: who is reSponsible for the war? IS there legal right in the slave-

holders' rebellion? Is the Emancipation Proclamation legal? Is it just,

 

1Speech given January 10, 1860, in Frankfort, Kentucky.

2Speech given May 13, 1844 in Lexington, Kentucky; Speech given
October 31, 1862, in New York City.

3Speech given October 7, 1862, in Brooklyn, New York; speech given
January 26, 1861, in Washington, D. C.; speech given July 4, 1854, in
Chicago, Illinois.

“Speech given in January, 1841, in Frankfort, Kentucky; Speech
given February 3, 1863, in Albany, New YOrk.

209

safe, and expedient? What shall be done with the freed blacks?

Although Clay's primary concern was for the problems relating to
the slave system and he often voiced his cpinion concerning desirable
attributes of a solution, the problem-solution plan of organization
was not too frequently incorporated into his methodology. It was,
however, used extensively in the campaign speech of 1851, a speech
which set forth a preponderance of evidence in order to Show that
Kentucky had a many dimensional problem which could be resolved, he
said, only by, the elimination of slavery.1 At that time Clay's develop-
ment of the solution of the problem was less comprehensive than his
detailed analysis of the problem. This Speech, taken as a whole, can
also be analyzed in terms of a pattern of organization which in contem-
porary literature is called the "motivated sequence."2 In it Clay
attracts attention, demonstrates a need, attempts to satisfy the need
as outlined, projects a visualization of what would/could result
without his plan, and seeks to motivate action. A

Clay's use of the journalistic (who, what, where, when, why, how)
plan, his division on the basis of space, and his dependence upon a
causal break-down were infrequent and usually were employed at subor-
dinate levels. The introduction of these developmental schemes seems
to have been indicated by the particular nature of evidence which Clay
wished to use, his desire to add variety to his arrangement methodology,
or his need to use arrangement for emphasis, adaptation, or psychological

purposes.

 

1Speech given August 1, 1851, in Lexington, Kentucky.

2Alan H. I nroe, Princi les and Types of Speech (New York: Scott,
Foresman and Company, 19355.

210

"Cash" was apparently alert to the possibility of utilizing
arrangement as an instrument of audience adaptation. An example of
this can be seen in the highly publicized speech of January 10, 1860.1
In dealing with his hostile audience, Clay chase to arrange the main
points of the speech climactically. He first acknowledged the existing
level of common ground and gave focus to it. Next he provided informa-
tion concerning his stand on an imminent local issue, clearing the way
for his consideration of the major arguments of the speech. He then
attempted to refute the charges advanced by the opposition before pro-
ceeding to the presentation of a set of counter charges. The audience
he faced on that occasion would probably not have been receptive to his
charges if the Democratic allegations had not been met previously. The
ordering of his refutation of Democratic charges also represents a
climactic pattern, the higher credibility source being refuted after
he had disposed of the lower credibility source.

The ordering of arguments in another speech is alSo of interest.
In his quest for the gubernatorial election in 1851, Clay attacked the
institution of slavery from three different points of view. He argued
that the institution was wrong for moral reasons, economic reasons, and
philosophical reasons. To the moral argument he devoted three paragraphs;
to the economic he gave twenty-five; and to the philos0phical he gave
nine. The extensive discussion of the second argument would tend to
suggest that he considered it of greatest importance. Yet, in the text
of the speech, prior to the consideration of the philosophical argument

he said: " . . . but there is one issue of more importance than any:

 

1Speech given January 10, 1860, in Frankfort, Kentucky.

211

than all considerations together, which I have suggested. It is whether
we ourselves shall be freemen or slaves."1 This suggests that he with-
held the most important argument until last, climactic ordering. It
must be remembered that in 1851, Clay was not much concerned about the
moral aspects of the slave question; his cursory treatment of it may
have been a kind of sop to those who had reservations regarding the
practice of slavery in a Christian country. It was the most widely
used argument against slavery at that time, and Clay may have felt a
compulsion at least to mention it. This would explain its appearance
as the initial argument. Although Clay's major attack on slavery was
his economic argument, he may have wanted to identify himself and his
candidacy with a higher goal than economic improvement -- hence his
focus on the philosophical argument. Since it was the out-growth of the
economic factor, its placement after the economic considerations was
inevitable.

Another situation which required a special care in the climactic
ordering of the material arose in his Speech of Janualy 14, 1846, when
he presented a series of quotations to support his contention that

Slavery denies men their basic human rights.2

Beginning with a general
statement by Paley, "Natural rights are a man's right to his life,
limbs, and liberty," Clay moved to a more specific application of the
principle and cited Blackstone's cpinion that Pthe principal aim of
society is to protect individuals in the enjoyment of those absolute

rights which were invested in them by the immortal laws of nature."

 

1Speech given August 1, 1851, in Lexington, Kentucky.

2Speech given January 14, 1846, in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.

212

Having sought to establish a foundation for human rights, he introduced
quotations by Thomas Paine and James Madison to Show that man cannot
have property in man. Following this, he reported Dymond's belief

that "the slave system is incompatible with Christianity." Next in

line came three excerpts from the French Constitution: (1) "Men are born
and always continue free and equal in respect to their rights. (2) The
end of all political associations is the preservation of the natural
rights of man; and these rights are liberty, property, security, and
resistance of Oppression. . . . (3) Political liberty consists of doing
whatever does not injure another." This source was followed by the well-
known quotation from the Declaration of Independence: "All men are
created equal -- are endowed with certain inalienable rights; among
these are life, liberty, and th’ pursuitvof happiness."

The wording of Clay's transition to the last two quotations
indicated that he considered them of greater impact than those he used
earlier. Before quoting from the Declaration he said, "But above these
and all, is the Declaration of 1776 . . . ." The New Testament verse,
"Love Thy Neighbor as Thyself," he viewed as the real climax.of the
series for he said, "And still higher is the New Testament . . . ."

Most of Clay's introductions contained a substantial percentage
of the ethical proof he used in a particular speech. Although the
nature of this type of proof has been discussed in Chapter Seven, it ‘
is appropriate to include an example here to illustrate more completely
the character of a Clay introduction.

The evil that a man in individual character may do perishes

with him; but when he infuses evil into a great principle he

perpetrates an error that mav be eternal. Therefore, on
entering upon the discussion of a subject of so much vital

213

importance I would lift my aspirations to the all-benevolent
God himself that I may utter no word which may bring a pang

to a single creature when I shall have passed off this stage
of action. . . . And I have also reason to be thankful to that
same over-ruling Providence that, in sustaining the cause that
I have come here to vindicate, I shall trample upon no one of
those great principles of liberty which have been infused into
our form of government by our fathers, and made eternal among
men.

Another ingredient that was frequently presented in Clay introduc-
tions was factual explanation or orientation. An example of this
practice can be selected from a speech given in the nation's capitol.

I intend tonight to Speak to you not in the Spirit of a partisan,
but as one standing in a peculiar relation to these contending
parties -- those who stand by the Union of the States, and those
who now attempt to dissolve it, as some of them conceive, by the
right of revolution, and as others hold, according to the Consti-
tutional right of secession. . . . I shall not g backefurther
tonight than to the great national action of 1850, which was
sanctioned by all of the then organized national parties of this
country, constituting what are called the compromises of 1850.
Nor will I fear to say, on this occasion, that the causes which
called for the forming of that compromise still exist, and have
been deepened and widened and intensified by the circumstances
which have subsequently occurred.2

Just as Clay combined various patterns of development in the body
of his addresses, so too did he combine factual and ethical materials
in his introductions. For instance:

I think it more than probable that I Shall disappoint the
largest portion of my audience in the address I shall deliver
today. I shall not indulge in any adulation of the American
Eagle or the Star Spangled Banner. I feel that today is imposed
upon me one of the highest and most sacred obligations ever
laid upon a citizen of the republic; . . . I shall endeavor to
Speak without regard to the clime from which men emanate, the
religion in which they trust, or the community in which they
reside. At the same time I hope to speak truly. . . ."3

 

1Speech given October 31, 1862, in New YOrk City.
2Speech given January 26, 1861, in washington, D. C.

3Speech given July 4, 1854, in Chicago, Illinois.

tained most of the pathetic proof of his discourses.

214

Clay's conclusions were predominantly emotional in tone and con-

1 Many times he

inserted ethical material as well. An ending, typical of those presented

by Clay during the ante-bellum period, was the one that he used in 185#

in Massachusetts and later adapted for use in 1861 in washington, D. 0.2

If, after fair consideration, these suggestions, which are not
all my own, but come from more distinguished sources, are
deemed valueless, I acquiesce. Believing that God has given

you the destiny of preserving the liberty of this country, I
will, as in the past, stand by you in the future, or after all
our attempts to conciliate our brothers, unfortunately, whether
by misguided sentiments or criminal ambition, if they wish with-
out cause or provocation, and against our solemn protest to pre-
cipitate this Union into a civil war -- the end of which no
imagination can conceive -- when the bloody specters of the
martyrs of freedom rise up from their graves, let us be able to
say, "Shake not thy gory locks at me: thou cans't not say I

did it." And if such result, after all other means are exhausted
—- shall be inflicted upon my poor country; when brother shall
rise in bloody strife against brother, feeling still that there
is a higher cause, a diviner power, a greater safety, a more
imperishable liberty than even the Union itself, all glorious
and great as it may be, I will sound to every laboring man, to
every man who loves liberty more than prOperty, whether South
or North of Mason and Dixon's line, once more with the battle
cry of our fathers -- "liberty or death!" Remember that, fall or
stand, obscured and feeble though you be, wherever there is an
indomitable will, there is a boon which tyranny itself cannot
wrest from us -- that whereas we were born free, it is the
possession of every man, if he cannot live, to die free! If we
shall be forced back and our banner dragged in the dust, we
will once more combat the foe, contest every inch of ground,
until at last, driven to the far lakes, we will still cry,
"Stand!" Till the red blade is broken in your hand, and there

is not an arrow in the quivert3

 

this

1Pathetic or emotional proof is described in Chapter Seven.
2A collation of these two endings is found in the Appendix of
study.

3Speech given in 1854, in Massachusetts.

215

Cassius Clay's arrangement is of significance because he employed
it in proportion to the other elements of rhetoric and made of it a
useful tool for facilitating oral communication. Like good art,
Clay's rhetorical arrangement concealed its methodology and assisted
him in the analysis and presentation of materials on an important

subject.

CHAPTER IX

CASSIUS CLAY'S RHETORICAL STYLE

Style, that constituent of rhetoric commonly associated with
word choice and composition, was an important element in the
rhetorical workmanship of Cassius Clay. "Cash," who apparently con-
sidered the use of language as something integral with the subject
matter of his discourses, seems to have preferred a style that was
appropriate, clear, varied, pleasing, and vivid.1 Sometimes he was
successful in his endeavor to demonstrate these attributes; at other
times he fell short of his goal.

In this study, style is viewed as being coordinate with the
other constituents of rhetoric. It is not regarded as something
added to subject-matter for the purpose of beautifying and/or ornament-
ing the verbal message. Rather, it provides a means by which a
speaker's ideas may more effectively be articulated to an audience.
It is concerned with the choice of words that a speaker uses and the
way in which he combines words in phrases, sentences, and thought
units.

Although some writers attempt to classify style in terms of such
categories as "plain," "moderate," and "grand," no such division is
attempted in this study. Nor is an effort made to analyze sentence
and paragraph length and structure. The status of the Clay texts

makes such an analysis suspect. Many of the available texts are

 

1Clay's rhetorical dicta and criticism concerning style are set
forth in Chapter Five.

21?

newspaper reports which, although they are reasonably accurate in
reporting lines of thought, are less authoritative in matters of
punctuation and paragraphing. There is strong possibility that in
many instances the punctuation and paragraph divisions are the work of
someone other than Clay. This interpretation is supported by an edi-
torial comment that prefaces the reporting of one of the Speeches:
"The difficulty of arranging his references makes the report of the
Speech lose much of its unity; but truth is considered of more impor-
tance than rhetorical arrangement."1 Moreover, the wide variation and
inconsistency in punctuation usage exemplified in the different texts
seem to be incongruous, out of keeping with the methodical procedures
followed by Clay.

Even if it were possible to make an accurate word count to
determine sentence length and to describe workmanship concerning
paragraph construction, the value of these analyses would be minimal
or even questionable Since in the delivery of a Speech these aspects
of written composition lose their significance. In the oral presenta-
tion of a speech such considerations as: pace, pause, inflection,
emphasis, gesture -- devices designed to enhance communicativeness --
change or modify structural aspects of the composition. At best, the
text of a Speech can only suggest what the speaker's original intention
or prior analysis regarding sentence length and paragraph construction;

it cannot record what he actually did in regard to them.

 

1Speech given January 10, 1860, in Frankfort, Kentucky; published
as Gazette Campaign Document, Number One.

218

A. Word Choice

For the most part, Cassius Clay seems to have used language well.
He used words and phrases that were common to his day and demonstrated
a preference for Specific, concrete words rather than more general
abstract terms. Often in the developmental portions of his Speeches
he was talking about such down-to-earth items as food, clothing, work,
acreage, agricultural yields, the price of beef, and schools. In the
beginnings and endings of his Speeches he was inclined to be less
concrete and employ more "picture" words, and these were at times
emotionally charged. In many cases these words called to mind stereo-
types which may have advanced Clay's ethical proof. Among the words
of this type which he regularly inserted were: truth, justice, liberty,
freedom, equality, loyal citizen of the Republic, patriot, advocate of
property, and despotism.

Clay had a Slight preference for the present tense. His verbs,
for the most part, were in the active rather than the passive voice,
and he repeatedly selected vivid action verbs such as: urge, expell,
divert, intrude, deny, struggle, defy, appeal, declare, accuse, charge,
clamor, submit, succumb. An example that illustrates this kind of
verb usage in connected discourse is found in his Frankfort Speech of
1860.

. . . you may tear me down from this stand; you may consecrate

the principles which I here tonight defend, with my blood, if

you please; but there will stand the truth, and that truth says
that your assertion is untrue, and that every Democrat knows it

to be untrue, that fhe compromise of 1820 was repealed by the
compromise of 1850.

 

1Ibid.

219

Descriptive adjectives were used extensively by Clay in his anti-
Slavery speeches. Examples taken from one of his legislative addresses
are typical of his practice in this matter.1 In that speech he Spoke of
”our sagacious countrymen," "suSpended Specie payments," "threatened
suits," fearful apprehension," "an arresponsible directory," "a large
moneyed corporation," "high.wrought commercial and social intercourse,"
"monstrous and dangerous powers," and "indiscriminate slaughter." The
inclusion of numerous descriptives would tend to give his message added
clarity, vividness, and interest.

Clay used a great many first person singular pronouns.. He tended
to employ these self-references most often in the introductory portions
of his talks; however, they also appear in other sections of his
discourses. Some of the speeches contain.more of these references than
do others. One of his most extensive uses of the first person singular
occurs in a Speech which he delivered during the 1835-1836 legislative
session in Frankfort. In this Speech of 18# lines, Clay used the
pronoun "I” fifty-nine times and the pronouns "me," "my,” and "myself"
twelve times.2 There were many first person plural references as well.
In 184 lines, randomly selcted from his April, 1860, Speech at the
Republican State Convention in Kentucky, he used the pronoun "I"
Sixtyasix times and other first person Singular pronouns twenty-four

times.3 In contrast, in 184 lines randomly selected from a speech

 

1Speech given in 1837, in Frankfort, Kentucky.
2Speech given during the 1835-1836 legislative session, in
Frankfort, Kentucky.

3Speech given in April, 1860, in Kentucky.

220

chosen arbitrarily, he used "I" only fourteen times and other first
person references only Six times.1 In a similar fashion he, on
occasion, utilized more than an average number of second person refer-
ences.2 It would seem that Clay's choice of first and second person
pronouns at certain times was an effort on his part to be particularly
forceful, to give emphasis and variety to a point he considered important,
or to abet his ethical proof. The use of the first person may also
represent an attempt to appear more conversational and informal.
Another aspect of Clay's methodology that may have aided communi-
cativeness and directness was his practice concerning the use of
direct address. All of the anti-slavery Speeches have numerous refer-
ences to the audience and include words of direct address. Usually these
words and phrases were general: "men of Kentucky," "gentlemen," "fellow
citizens,“ "Kentuckians." In speeches outside of the Bluegrass, Clay
sometimes adapted his direct addresses to the locale. ~For example in
Pennsylvania he addressed his listeners as "you, the peOple of the
North;" in Chicago he used "fellow citizens of Illinois;" in
Massachusetts, "ladies and gentlemen of Massachusetts;" in New YOrk,
"men of the North." A Speech containing more direct address references
than was his usual practice was given in washington, D. C. in 1861.3
In it he used direct address twenty-two times. In a Speech randomly

selected, he used it thirteen times,4 and in his Speech before the Law

 

1Speech given January 26, 1861, in washington, D. C.

2Speech given January, 1846, in New York City; speech given in
1860, in Washington, Pennsylvania.

3Speech given January 26, 1861, in washington, D. C.

4Speech given in 1860, in Covington, Kentucky.

221

Department in Albany, he used it only once.1 In the washington Speech,
Clay used rather repetitious wording to introduce his direct addresses:
"well, gentlemen;" "now, gentlemen;" "we then, gentlemen;" "then,
gentlemen;" “well now, gentlemen.“

Vividness was another attribute of Clay's style. He selected
words that were concrete and which might tap sensory response. He
chose words that suggested clear images and that added interestingness
to his composition. The available texts indicate that he almost never
used vulgarity or curses. Many of his vivid word choices were incor-
porated into the pathetic proof of the Speech; and consequently, many
of them appeared in the introduction or conclusion.

In.referring to the slave interests, Clay sometimes chose words
that were a bit different, haping no doubt, that the originality and
forcefulness of the term would make an.impression on his hearers.
Words that demonstrate this technique are "slaveocracy" and "cotton-
ocracy." Clay's method of achieving strong imagery is illustrated by
the following phrases taken from his anti-Slavery Speeches. In one
Speech he Spoke of "blighted industries;" exhausted treasures;"
"desolated hearthstones;" and the "voiceless woe of the four millions
of men, women, and children in Slavery."3 On another occasion he

referred to "the bleaching bones of men," "the silken locks of women,"

 

1Speech giver February 3, 1863, in Albany, New York.

2Speech given December 26, 1854, in New YOrk City; Speech given
September 23, 1862, in Washington, D. C.

33peech given February 3, 1863, in Albany, New York.

222

and "the Skeletons of babes."1 Other word choices that could have
had impact for his listeners were: "rickety vehicles," "dishonoring
shackles," "fiendish rancor," "well-drilled partizan," "dark cave of
slavery,“ "red crosses of the Union Jack," and the "piratical black
flag of the Confederacy." Two somewhat longer passages from Clay's
Baltimore speech on "Mexico” give additional insight into his ability
to paint vivid meaningful pictures with words. At that time he said:
"The gurgling brooks are here Silent in their parched channels;" he
also noted that "the birds -- nature's glad choristers of other lands
are mute in the drooping Shrubs."2

Clay sometimes injected a foreign term or phrase into his
discourse. Generally no more than two or three of these insertions
appeared in a speech. Sometimes these were legal expressions such as:
ex post facto, hgbggs‘gggpug, status guo, and de facto.3 At other times
they were expressions inserted to give emphasis or provide a Slight
flair: par excellence, suppressio veri, anathema Sit, ultima ratio
Egggm, foro conscientiae, foro humano. A I'pet" phrase that Clay used on
at least four occasions was participes criminis.

Two exceptions to Clay's workmanship concerning the use of foreign
terms can be noted. In his first anti-slavery Speech, given while he

was a student at Yale, he inserted a lengthy quotation in Latin:

 

1Speech given August 1, 1851, in Lexington, Kentucky.
2Speech given March 6, 1848, in Baltimore, Maryland.

BSpeech given February 3, 1863, in Albany, New York; Speech
given October 7, 1862, in Brooklyn, New York.

223

"non tumultusI non guies: guale magni metus, et magnae irae Silentium
est.” 1 Also, in his speech in Paris in 1861, he injected a greater

number of foreign words and phrases, perhaps to impress his hearers
with his adeptness as a foreign diplomat or to convey the impression
that he was an urbane cosmopolite. Among the phrases he included in
this address were: vive la France, vive la America, partant pour la
§zgig, est perpetgg, gglgnda est Carthage, perfide Albion.2

Because Clay was a well educated man who read a great deal, it is
not surprising that his vocabulary was extensive. In addition to the
foreign terms he employed from time to time, he used some words that
may not have been understood by his listeners. Since by his own
admission more than half of the laborers, black and white, in the Slave
states were unable to read and write, it is doubtful whether some of
his word choices had meaning for many of those who heard him Speak.
Clay did not often take the time to define words in his speeches, and
in some instances meanings could not be drawn from the context of their
usage. Among the words that may have given Clay's audiences difficulty
were these: nascent, rapine, obtruding, arrondissement, escutcheon,
palpably, incontrovertible, bane, comity, superrogation, stigmatize,
factions, credulity, insidiously, pristine, ignominious, untrammeled,
magnanimity, culminated, uneradicable, exectrated, violative, solicitude,

indomitable, inculcated, odious, ecstatic, ratiocination, immutability.

 

1Speech given February 22, 1831, in New Haven, Conneticut.

2Speech given May 29, 1861, in Paris, France.

22#

Although these words indicate that some of Clay's word choices
encouraged unintelligibility, it must be noted that such words repre-
sent a minimal percentage of the total words uttered. Many speeches
contain no words of this complexity; furthermore, at times contextual
clues suggest the meaning of difficult words. Moreover, Clay's
audiences were not all composed of illiterate individuals. Some of
those who heard him in Frankfort were members of the legislature;
some of those in washington were members of Congress; some of those who
heard him in Lexington had connections with Transylvania; and Slave-

holders, as a group, tended to have some schooling.

B. word Composition

In so far as it is possible to generalize concerning Clay's
sentence structure, the following tendencies seem to exist: Clay em-
ployed declarative, imperative, exclamatory, and interrogative sentence
forms; declarative and interrogative sentences appear most frequently
in his Speeches; both periodic and loose sentences occur; a majority
of the sentences appear to be long, usually compound or complex; Short,
often eliptical sentences are sometimes inserted, seemingly for variety
and/or emphasis.

The use of interrogatives seems to have been an important aspect
of Clay's style. He regularly inserted rhetorical questions and many
times arrayed them series-fashion. It was also quite common for him
to phrase his questions so that certain words were repeated for emphasis.
In more than half of the thirt; speeches analyzed, he made extensive
use of questions. A typical example of his practice is seen in the

following passage taken from his Lexington Speech of 18u43

225

Who Shall dare to counsel us to its dissolution? Have you
counted the cost? Have you looked the consequences in the
face? Have you numbered the whites and blacks of a southern
republic? Have you seen the indignant countenances of
Christendom turned towards you? Have you heard their voices?

1
A somewhat comparable selection exists in Clay's campaign Speech of
1851. In it he asked:

What have we gained, if we must still be the Slaves of a

negro aristocracy? Who are your presidents, your senators,

your congressmen, your speakers of the House of Representatives

from the south? Who are found living upon the treasury in the

land and sea service? Who are your foreign ambassadors? Who

live upon the public crib at home and abroad?2
In completing this sequence of rhetorical questions, as in many other
instances, Clay provided his own answer: "Slaveholders, or their
servile dependents north and south!"

At one point in this Speech, "Cash" put forth twenty questions in
a consecutive arrangement. These sentences vary in length and form and
begin with different words; also, numerous Shifts in tense occur. The
series of questions begins with a verb in the present perfect tense;
the Speaker then Shifts to the present for two questions, returns to the
present perfect for two more, inserts two in the present, uses the past
for one, phrases Six in the present, poses one in the past, returns to
the present for two, states another in the past, returns again to the
present for two, inserts one in the past, and concludes with two in

the present. The manner in which the sentences begin is also of interest.

Introductory words of the questions are: have not, is it not, is it not,

 

1Speech given May 13, 1844, in Lexington, Kentucky.

2Speech given August 1, 1851, in Lexington, Kentucky.

226

have not, have not, does not, how dare, where, who, who, who, who, who,
who, who, who, who, what, what, why. The series of nine "who questions"
represents a rather thorough dissection by Clay of the misdemeanors of
the slaveholders.

Clay frequently posed a question and then answered it, often the
response being a single word or a Short phrase. The following section
from an 1860 Speech illustrates this practice.

Don't you all begin to see the folly of this then? Don't you

all see, what all men of common sense must see, that outside

of the Union there lies less security for Slave prOperty?

Certainly you do! No body supposes that there would be any-

thing other than the way Mr. Caldwell said today, ”Do you

suppose you would have peace?" No, Sir, it would be war to

the knife -- and the knife to the hilt. Where is your secruity

for your slave prOperty then? Wbuld you eight millions of white

men enter a contest with twenty millions and hold your Slaves

at home? It is not heard of. More safety? No! The fact is that

you would have to sacrifice your negroes. . . . Then what would

you gain so far as you are slaveholders? What do you prOpose to

give us in lieu of this great Union as a protection? . . .

What does it mean? It means . . . .1

Clay's favoring of the series as a compositional technique was not
confined to an arraying of like sentences. It was also noticeable in
his frequent listing of nouns, adjectives, phrases, examples, and
quotations. A series that appeared in almost all of his anti-Slavery
speeches was a listing of the heroes of American history. Sometimes
the list was quite long and included washington, Jefferson, Madison,
Henry, Adams, Sherman, and Franklin. At other times it was shortened
to include only washington, Madison, and Jefferson. Sometimes webster
and Lee were a part of the series. Usually Clay presented the list

and then identified the men by such descriptions as "those patriots

 

1Speech given January 10, 1860, in Frankfort, Kentucky.

227

who risked life, property, and liberty that we might be free."1 It
appears that the use of series-technique was closely associated with
Clay's practice in regards to ethical proof. By citing the respected,
beloved heroes of the land and identifying them with the ideas and
principles which he was advocating, Clay's own person and stand pre-
sumably gained higher credibility. "Cash" did not have a regular
ordering of the names; however, the name of Washington appeared first
in most cases. Nor did he repeat an ordering when the series appeared
several times within the same speech.

On several occasions, Clay made use of a series of quotations.
This practice appeared in all three parts of a Speech,2 and was most
likely to occur when testimony evidence was at a maximum. Examples of
his inclusion of a series of quotes can be found in his speech of
January 14, 18#6, which was given in Philadelphia and in his February 3,
1863 Speech in Albany.

' It was not uncommon for Clay to combine the use of series-
technique and repetition. A quotation from one of his early legislative
Speeches serves as a case in point.

When I see a spirit of dictation and interference rising

in the North -- where we looked for amity and aid; when

I hear the genius of discord Speaking in threatening

accents in the federal legislature, to whose halls I looked
for concession, co-operation, and effective assistance;

when I behold the lame and feeble effort of the Colonization
Society striking off one hydra's head, whilst a thousand
1Speech given August 1, 1851, in Lexington, Kentucky.

2The ordering of one series of quotations is discussed in
Chapter Eight.

228

Spring up in its stead, I almost cease to hope -- I almost

give way to the belief that Slavery must continue to exist

till, like some uneradicable disease, it disappears with

the body that gave it being.1

An interesting use of series-technique and repetition appears
in Clay's attempt to refute a Democratic party charge. He acknowl-
edged that the Republicans did believe a conflict existed between
slave labor and free, and pointed out:

I understand that to be the declaration of our fathers in

1776. I understood that to be the openly avowed sentiment

of washington, Madison, and Jefferson. I understood that to

be the declaration of the resolution in Virginia for which

your candidate for Speaker of the Democratic party, Mr.

Babcock, voted some years ago. I understood, furthermore,

that was the declaration of the late South Carolina Legis-

lature, and above all, I have it here, taken from the

Louisville Courier, the leading organ 0% the Democracy in

Kentucky, made more than ten years ago.

This particular section of the Speech offers a number of Signifi-
cant considerations for the rhetorical critic. There is a kind of
rhythm in the repetition of "I understood;" also, emphasis is gained
through Spatial arrangement as the Speaker brings his proof nearer
and nearer to the audience in a climactic arrangement. In this
instance style and arrangement seem to have worked together in cre-
ating a special effect with the inventional materials. The choice of
the word "understood" rather than such words as "know" or "think,"
which might have been selected, seems to connote competence and

possibly sarcasm but does not imply dogmatic inflexibility or

hesitancy. The word itself seems to have force. In addition to these

 

1Speech given during the 1835-1836 legislative session, in
Frankfort, Kentucky.

2Speech given January 10, 1860, in Frankfort, Kentucky.

229

aSpectS of style, it should be pointed out that the passage contains
many Specific words which add clarity; then too, the indirect citation
of Washington, Madison, and Jefferson would seem to enhance the value
of the proof.

Another effective use of repetition, this time combined with
comparision-contrast, occurs in the latter portion of the body of
Clay's Albany Speech. Emphasis, clarity, emotional value, and logic
are advanced, largely because of the speaker's finesse in using this
stylistic technique at an appropriate time.

There never was, and never can be, any cordial union between
liberty and slavery. Liberty depends upon equality of civil

and political rights: Slavery iS subversive of both. Liberty
fosters education, and religion, and virtue: Slavery opposes
all. Liberty desires a fair distribution of lands, and other
property among the whole population: Slavery tends to a
monopoly of both. Liberty respects labor: Slavery despises it.
Liberty encourages the arts, manufactures, and commerce:
Slavery is incapable of them. Liberty makes and obeys law:
Slavery defies it. Liberty advances civilization: slavery
returns to barbarism. Liberty appeals to justice, and the
nobler sentiments, for its safety: Slavery to force, and the
animal instincts, and fears. Liberty is our ideal of the Divine
Beneficence: slavery the fullest manifestation of the evil,
which follows the ignoring of the laws of God. "The Union as it
was” was not even a truce between these conflicting powers:
from the beginning, before the Constitution and after it, there
was a secret war in the home and foreign policy of the country;
in the acquisition and control of territory; and in the forma—
tion of States. It grew into an avowed struggle for political
ascendancy in the whole Union, Free and Slave States. It
culminated in war in Kansas; and finally in rebellion and dis-
union. "The Union as it was" means the subjection of millions
of nominal freemen to a few hundred thousand Slave-holders.
"The Union as it was" means domination in the South, subjection
in the North. "The Union as it was" means the overthrow of all
Constitutions, all law, and all liberty. "The Union as it was"
means corruption, robbery, intapacity of government, and a
dissolution of the bonds of society. "The Union as it was" means
treason and rebellion, as they were. If we are true to ourselves,
we will have no more of "The Union as it was;" but the Constitu-
tion as it is, and the union of freedom and free men, as our
-fathers designed it.1

1Speech given February 3, 1863, in Albany, New York.

230

The practice of obtaining emphasis through repetition was almost
a "stock—in-trade" for Clay. Time after time he pounded home a point
by this means. Another example that clearly illustrates his practice
is found in a speech given before the legislature.

. . . how long Shall we wait till we Shall be able to supply
EurOpe and the world with such things of manufacture? How

long before Holland will send to Kentucky for grist mills? How
long before we Shall look upon such steam-cars, of home make,

as Philadelphia has lately had the honor of shipping for the
admiration of other lands? How long before we Shall here see
such a steam-Ship as lately floated in the harbor of New York,
for the emperor of Russia? . . . How many years more Shall our
hearts fail with the sickness of "hOpe deferred" before we
Shall share the triumphs of those creations of Yankee "genius?"1

A.method used by Clay to promote not only logical and emotional
materials but also his ethical proofs, repetition, was effectively
used in a Speech given in 1843.

Still, Sir, I am an abolitionist. Such an abolitionist as I

have been from my boyhood -- such an abolitionist as I was in

1835 when I . . . such an abolitionist as I have ever avowed

myself in public Speeches and writings. . . . Such an aboli-

tionist as were the band of immortal men who framed the Federal

Constitution. . . . Such an abolitionist as was thhington who

. . . . Such an abolitionist as was Jefferson, the great father

of democracy, . . . And being such, I take issue with the

opinion, which has been here today . . . .

Closely associated with Clay's use of repetition was his employ-
ment of alliteration as a stylistic tool. Although his Speeches do
not indicate an extensive use of this practice, there is evidence

which Shows Clay to have been adept in its usage when he chose to

include it. On one occasion he Spoke of the slaveholders as being

 

1Speech given in January, 1841, in Frankfort, Kentucky.

2Speech given December 30, 18fl3, in White Sulphur Springs,
Kentucky.

231

"foolish fools." At other times he alluded to the flag's "floating in
fraternal folds" and Spoke of the "desolator desolate," a "blood-bought
compact of the Constitution," and a "parchment of pompous restrictions
and dialectic distinctions."

Most of Clay's sentences were of a substantive nature; however, at
times he included procedural statements to assist his listeners in
following the progress of his ideas and to emphasize what had already
been said. In one Speech he included the following procedural material:

Now, gentlemen, I do not prOpose to consider the morality or

discuss the motives of these men who have precipitated this

issue upon the country. On the contrary, on this occasion, at

least, I am diSposed to regard Slavery as a political rather

than as a moral institution.1
Often his procedural statements were injected as transitional summaries
as the following passages indicate:

I have thus attempted an outline of the progress of Mexico in

physical, social, and political develOpment -- all which may

be summed up in the one word, civilization. I Shall now take a

pictorial view of some things difficult to group; and though

unimportant in themselves, yet, perhaps not uninteresting to a

portion of my audience.

Having gone through all the grounds of Slavery, and Shown their

utter falsity -- for it is not contended by anyone that Slavery

in the United States exists for crime, for debt, or by volun-

tary consent of the enslaved -- the whole fabric by which three

millions of men are held in absolute servitude in these states,

crumbles into dust.3

Only rarely did Clay insert what might be called forecast-summaries
in his speeches. Almost the only Speech in which such statements do

appear was the one given at a meeting of the Home Missions of the

 

1Speech given January 26, 1861, in Washington, D. C.
ZSpeech given March 6, 18h8, in Baltimore, Maryland.

3Speech given January 14, 1846, in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.

232

Methodist Episcopal Church. In this address, Clay stated his propo-
sitions and then briefly listed the pieces of evidence that supported
these conclusions. At one time he said, "There are four leading
theories regarding the use of land. They are. . . . "1 Subsequently,
in developing the four theories he restated the points and used the
identifying phrases, "The first, the second, etc." to mark his progress
through the argument. At another place in the Speech he said, "The
following are grounds of Slavery: . . .” This time he listed eight
items, and later guided his listeners with the words, "The first five
bases of Slavery . . . ." Although what Clay did in this Speech is
part of his rhetorical workmanship on the anti-slavery theme, it is an
exception to his usual stylistic methodology.

Another stylistic device that Clay sometimes employed to assist
his hearers was the practice of inserting documentation for quoted
materials. Frequently he indicated the title of the book from which
the quotation came or briefly identified the author of an opinion. In
identifying his quotations from the Constitution, he was careful to
cite article, section, and at times the clause from which the informa-
tion was taken.2 A similar procedure was followed at times in identify-
ing Biblical quotations by chapter and verse.3 Although Clay seldom
indicated the date of newSpaper quotations, he often indicated the

political orientation of the publication.

 

'Ibid.
2Speech given February 3, 1863, in Albany, Jew York.

3Speech given January 14, 1846, in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.

233

Clay occasionally included imaginary dialOgueS in his Speeches.
Although these insertions were a part of his proofs, they were also a
stylistic technique that added clarity, interest, variety, and some-
times humor. Two examples of this practice occur in Clay's 1856 speech
in New YOrk City which are typical. The first was used to point-up the
land problem that Clay said was caused by slavery.

"Well, whose farm is that?" Says A. to B. -- "That is mine,"

says B. And yet another, "Whose is that?" "Mine too," says B.

And yet another, "Whose is that?" "That is mine too," says B.

. . . "but look here, stranger, don't suppose I am so d--d

poor as to own all the land about here."

The second was inserted to illustrate the economic difficulties that
would be encountered by the South if the union were dissolved.

Suppose that Keitt and Brooks go to the Rothschilds, and

other EurOpean bankers to borrow money. They say, "Well

gentlemen, what's the matter now?" "Why we are going to

fight the d--d Yankees." -- "What for?" "Why it's a nigger

war, and we are going to fight about it." "Niggers!" "well

what are they?" "Have they legs, and can they run away?"

"Yes, sir, they are our main property, without which our

lands are worthless, and we are ned!" "Then not a dollar

can you get upon such security."

It Should be pointed out that the use of conversation-dialogue
appeared in relatively few of Clay's anti-slavery Speeches, but this
practice does represent another stylistic technique that "Cash" was
able to rely upon when he chose to do so.

There is a commonly held belief that southern oratory, particularly

that of the nineteenth century was "embroidered," "excessive in its

use of metaphors and figures of speech," "highly decorative and

 

1Speech given October 24, 1856, in New York City.
21bid.

234

 

artificial," and abounding in "purple passages."1 Clay's rhetorical
practice in his speeches on the anti-slavery theme does not tend to
support this interpretation. It is true that many of his perorations
were emotional and frequently employed a number of stylistic features
associated with a florid style of Speaking; but these do not represent
a consequential prOportion of his discourses; nor are passages taken
from the beginning and concluding portions of a speech necessarily
typical of that Speech. On the whole, the developmental portions of
Clay's speeches contain few "purple passages." Had he wanted to incor-
porate this type of material or employ this kind of style, he possessed
the Skill. That he did not do this is evident from an analysis of his
Speeches. Clay could have employed passages of this type as effectively
as others of his day, as the following excerpt illustrates.

Oh! ye laboring men, who think that you will have a holiday
of this thing; that it is a light thing to abandon the stars
and the stripes, the glorious cause of our fathers, which
they declared was to be kept as a palladium of safety to you
and to us, and our posterity forever: what have you, the
laboring men in the South to lose by a dissolution of this
Government? It is true you have no Slaves; but oh! you have
that which is infinitely greater; that which was far greater
in the estimation of our fathers of '76; that when they went
to war against Great Britain in its defence, that miserable
consideration of property was thrown entirely out, when they
declared that they made war in belief of "life, liberty, and
the pursuit of happiness." I now ask you, who hear me tonight,
what must you lose by a dissolution of the Union? Your liberty!
God forbid, then, that you Should ever be subject to that dire
and inconceivable calamity!

 

1Waldo W. Braden, "The Emergence of the Concept of Southern
Oratory," The Southern Speech Journal, XXXVI (Spring, 1961), pp.
1 73-83 0

2Speech given January 26, 1861, in Washington, D. C.

 

235 _J

Clay did not use many figures of Speech. Those which he did use,
however, were seemingly interesting and appropriate. In 1860, he
charged, "Slavery is the mother of mob rule;" earlier he claimed,

"the fugitive Slave law is a cloak wrought by men who have sold their
principles." Another example of his use of figurative language was his
statement that "the American eagle should Spread its Sheltering wings
forever over all, of whatever tongue, clime, or color." In Speaking
on the subject of Slave importation, he employed figurative language
in a somewhat different way. He said: "If you sanction it now, when
and to what shall you appeal when the Eggplg and the gaggd.are arrayed
against you?" One of his interesting uses of this facet of style
occurred in his 1856 speech in New York City. At that time he observed
in reference to the elevation of Slave interests that " . . . from
that day to this, it is said, the wooden sword of Quattlebum Sleeps
unavenged in its scabbard."1

Although Clay made some use of clicheg, Slogans, proverbs, and
poetry in almost every speech, he did not rely upon these interest-
arresting devices except in a minimal way. The four or five items of
this type which sometimes appeared in a Speech represent a minute
portion of an address which usually lasted for two or three hours.
Clay was fond of referring to himself as "a voice in the wilderness;"
and on several occasions repeated Henry's famous cry, "Give me liberty
or give me death!" He also quoted the "Golden Rule" on numerous
occasions and frequently maintained that his listeners would have to

choose between the ballot box and the cartridge.box. The "life,

 

1Speech given October 2h, 1856, in New York City.

Memoirs
and Company ,

 

236 :J

liberty, and the pursuit of happiness" quotation from the Declaration

of Independence was regularly introduced in his Speeches also.
Clay had a liking for several Biblical quotations and used certain

of them at least three or four times during the ante-bellum era. One

that he used extensively came from Genesis: "In the sweat of thy face

Another that he regularly used was from

shalt thou eat bread. . . ."
the book of Hosea: "For they sow the wind, and they Shall reap the

whirlwind." He also quoted the initial portion of a verse found in

Proverbs: "As a dog returneth to his vomit . . . ." Taking a kind of
" . . . he that killeth with

poetic license, "Cash" modified the verse,

the sword must be killed with the sword, " and told a number of audiences
It is not

that "they who live by the sword Shall perish by the sword."
surprising that Clay quoted extensively from the Bible since he con-

sidered it "superior as a work of poetry and art" to such works as

those by Pope, Milton, Bunyon, Tennyson, and Coleridge.1
2 and quoted

He also had a fondness for the poetry of Robert Burns,
his poems in several speeches. As one who had "read Shakespeare from
title page to the end,"3 he sometimes drew his sayings from this

source. One that he used several times was: "Shake not thy gory locks
at me; thou cans't not say I did it."

1Cassius Marcellus Clay, The Life of Cassius Marcellus Cla :
Writin S and S eeches ZCincinnati: J. Fletcher Bremen
188 , vol. I, p. 551.

2Ibid... p. 550.
31bid.

237

It is quite possible, however, that the quotation which he used

most frequently came from none of these sources.

 

In Speech after
speech he talked about "Liberty and Union" and quoted all or part of

Webster" 5 famous quotation: "Liberty and Union, now and forever, one
and. inseparable."

Among the cliches that he used were: "where there is a will there
is a way;" "it is human to err, but it is Godlike to forgive;" "it is

sweet to die for one's country;" "might gives right;", and "sink or
Swim." Most of these sayings were used only once or twice during the

ante—bellum period, and many of the Speeches contain no slogans of
this type.

Comments concerning several other stylistic procedures that Clay
employed on rare occasions can be mentioned. At times he injected
bits of humor or gave an anecdote a humorous twist; but for the most

part, he was apparently too serious about his cause to allow much

room for levity. At times he inserted off-hand comments in response
to renarks injected by members of the audience; some of these may have
had humorous overtones; however, humor was not a regular part of his

rhetoric.

likewise, sarcasm, negative statement, irony, and satire
were not frequently employed .

For Clay, style was meant to facilitate

communication not ornament or impede it; consequently, the "rhetorical

flourishes" were at a minimum, and his style was usually plain and
direct.

 

CHAPTER X
CONCLUSIONS

As noted in the Introduction, this study of the anti-slavery
speaking of Cassius Marcellus Clay of Kentucky has been undertaken and
developed within the framework of a phiIOSOphy of rhetorical criticism
which asserts that the prOper object of study is not solely the "results"
that may have accrued from his speaking, is not only the "truth" of the
message he articulated, is not exclusively the gigs of the Speaker.
Rather, the object of study is the aggregate of all the elements which
have entered into every Speaking situation -- the historical causes
behind the issues discussed; the existing climate of opinion concerning
these issues; the Speaker's relationship to the issues; the audience's
relationship to the issues; the nature and purpose of the immediate
Speaking Situation; the nature of the audience; the speaker's reputa-
tion and objectives; the Speaker's personality, mental habits, attain-
ments and Shortcomings; the Speaker's habits of preparation; the
speaker's effect on the audience; the choice of topics and the nature
of proofs; the Speaker's adaptation to the audience; the method of

arrangement he employed; his choice of words and their composition;

his oral and visible practices.
Cassius Clay believed that oral discourse was an important tool

Time after time he "took to the stump" in

in a democratic society.
He reSpected public speaking

order to "get the ear" of the people.
as an instrument, capable of bringing about social change; and his

speeches reflect an earnest effort to use this instrument effectively

and well .

 

239

Clay used the American platform in behalf of one of the great
causes of the century -- the abolition of slavery. In addition, his
insistance upon being heard when and where he chose, upon the subject
of his choosing, represents an important milestone in the battle to
maintain a free public platform.

It has been suggested by some that Clay chose to capitalize upon
the slavery question and employ it as a vehicle to further an alleged
insatiable personal ambition. It cannot be denied that Clay, like so
many of his contemporaries, had political aspirations and at times
tended to over-rate his potentialities. But his efforts in behalf of
the anti-Slavery cause and the struggle to retain a free press and
platform in the South were not devoid of altruistic concern for pre-
serving the rights of the majority and insuring that Constitutional
guarantees were enjoyed. Had he been concerned only for his political
ascendancy, it is doubtful that a man of Clay's ability and perceptive-
ness would have deliberately alienated those forces which could/would
have been of most help to him. _Clay's anti-Slavery stand demanded much
from him; he made the personal sacrifices that fell his lot and won
for himself a kind of political ignominy that has led one writer to
label his life the "biography of a political failure."1

Clay was not the misunderstood victim of circumstance that he
would have had his contemporaries believe. Although he had many desirable
traits, there was much in his personality that was in itself responsible

for his failure to achieve the governmental posts he sought. He was

 

1David L. Smiley, Lion of White Hall (Madison: University of
Wisconsin Press, 1962).

 

 

zuo is

argumentative, authoritative, tactless, convinced that others were
taking advantage of him, and at times combative and almost violent.
None of these traits was particularly beneficial in his quest for
high office.

Cassius Clay spoke out plainly and uncompromisingly on the
subject of Slavery; and although he chose to base his fight on the
economic argument instead of on moral grounds as did most northern
abolitionists, it is extremely doubtful whether a Speaker advocating
either position could have won much support for his views in the
South during the ante-bellum period.

Although the doctrine which he preached was moderate, reasonable,
Constitutional, and in the best interest of most southerners, it was
not acceptable to those who heard it. Clay made the mistake of con-
centrating on what he considered to be the positive attributes of his
proposals while ignoring the basic orientation of his listeners. The
non-slaveholding white population did not want to eliminate slavery.
In a kind of child-like, romantic, idealism they saw themselves as
linked with the slaveholders in color, ancestry, and interests; they
honestly believed, in many instances, that in time they or their
children would become slaveowners and join the ranks of the gentry.
As long as there were Negro Slaves, their own status as white persons
was more secure. Clay apparently did not fully understand this
motivation or perhaps did not realize the intensity with which_it was
entrenched in the minds of southern non-slaveholding whites. Con-

sequently, for the most part, his economic considerations fell on deaf

211,1

ears. Then too, the argument itself was fairly complex and required

a degree of educational sophistication beyond that of its potential

supporters.
"Cash" Spoke whenever and wherever the opportunity arose; many

times he created his om opportunity. Often he found his platform at

the scene of social gatherings which were a part of the times in
which he lived: picnics and barbecues, county-court days, army
musters, political meetings, informal get-togethers at the country

store at the crossroads. In elaborate formal settings, as well as in

impromptu crude environments , he made his anti—slavery appeal. Many
times he Spoke when his life was in jeOpardy. A few times he spoke
to empty halls, determined to fill every appointment scheduled. Most
of the times, however, he addressed sizable groups, listeners some-
times numbering in the thousands.

Most of "Cash's" Speaking occurred in his native Kentucky, where
his audiences consisted of slaveholders, non-slaveholders, and Slaves.
He addressed both men and women, and found among his listeners poor
illiterate mountaineers as well as urbane, educated scions of the
South. At times he faced audiences in other parts of the country,

appearing as a traveling campaigner or lecturer in Massachusetts, New

York, Connecticut, Pennsylvania, West Virginia, Maryland, Indiana, Ohio,

Illinois, Michigan, and the District of Columbia. On one occasion he

Spoke as a diplomat in a foreign country. Audiences outside of the

Bluegrass state were usually large, and included political antagonists,

abolitionists, curiosity seekers, as well as persons interested in

learning Clay's ideas.

 

 

 

 

242

Regardless of where he Spoke, Clay's message remained basically
the same -- the institution of Slavery wars on the rights and privi-
leges of a majority of white southerners. Perhaps it was because of
this repetitive theme, which was primarily seetional in its appeal,
that he failed to capture the major nominations of any national polit-
ical party and never was elevated to a position of national prominence.
Cassius Clay, for the most part, did not adapt his basic message to
the orientation of a particular audience. So convinced was he 0; the
soundness of his stand that he persisted in its articulation without
melioration even though he was aware of the resulting consequences of
such an advocacy.

Clay's anti-Slavery speeches demonstrate an emphasis of substance
over form, but also reveal an awareness of the need for a complete
rhetoric -- one which takes into account all the constituents of
rhetoric and while believing that invention is the most important,
does not otherwise emphasize one at the expense of any other.

Therefore, rhetorical invention played an important part in his
Speechmaking. Clay made use of logical, ethical, and emotional proofs
in his anti-slavery Speeches, and usually placed them in that part of
the Speech where he felt they would do the most good. Because his
credibility as a source was at times suspect or in any event uncertain,
he placed materials designed to enhance his gthgg in the introductory
portion of his Speeches. Similarily, in order to encourage the desired
response, he used emotional materials in the conclusions. Most of his
logical proofs were incorporated into the body of his Speeches and

were drawn from personal observations and experience, history,

 

2u3

 

respected documents, the contemporary press, current events, and

accepted authorities .

In an effort to provide adequate support for his contentions,
Clay sometimes "went over-board" and presented too much evidence, a
practice that no doubt cost him the attention of at least some of his

listeners who may have tired from the seemingly unnecessary inclusion

of subordinate detail. His insertion of numerical statistical proofs,

often derived from census reports, although good in principle, may
also have had negative value : t times Since this type of technical

material is difficult to understand when it is presented orally with-

out restatement and clarification.

The wealth of evidence that Clay laid before his listeners in
almost every Speech was remarkable. It not only represented an
industrious search for facts and figures, but also revealed the Speaker
as one well versed in the writings of his day and the past. The gamut
of the information used is somewhat amazing, considering that public

libraries were few, research staffs unheard of, and oral mass media a

thing of the future. Clay apparently had a good memory and retained

much of what he read. His own library was varied and extensive, and

he regularly familiarized himself with the newspapers of the day. Then
too, his extensive travels during the ante-bellum period provided him
with additional sources of materials, many of which were not available
to others of the period.

Examples, personal Opinions, numerical data, and comparisons were
the main kinds of evidence from which Clay built his Speeches. Al-
though one would expect much repetition from Speech to Speech, the

analysis of thirty speeches indicates that although ideas and personal

 

244 __J

opinions remained.much the same during the thirty year period, the
particular examples, numbers, and comparisons changed. Although he
might choose to use a hypothetical example in support of a point in
several Speeches, the particular hypothetical example was different
in each case. Although he might repeat figures from the same census
report, the use of the data and the particular set of figures varied
from Speech to speech. Although he often made Slave state-free state
comparisons, the kinds of comparisons made were different.

Clay's evidence meets the accepted tests. In most instances the
truth of his facts or statements can be ascertained. There is, for
the most part, internal consistency. If he changed his mind regard-
ing certain questions when new evidence was presented, Clay made clear
the nature of the change and the rationale for his changed cpinion.
Moreover, his evidence was consistent with other evidence and
logical argument.

He made some use of testimony as evidence. Although he occa-
sionally relied upon hear-say or second-hand information, his sources
were usually beyond reproach. Judges, political theorists, former
presidents and senators, current political leaders -- these were the
people he quoted. His own fetish for truth was reflected in the
accuracy of his citations; his precise documentation, in some instances,
indicated a willingness on his part to be checked by those who wished
further to examine his sources. His sources were competent, reliable,
and as a rule reasonably free from prejudice. Most of the testimony
quoted was definite, acceptable to the audience, and supported from
other sources and from logical argument. Clay did not, in as far as

it is possible to tell, quote out of context.

245

All four types of reasoning -- generalization (example), analogy,
cause, and sign -- appear in Clay's anti-Slavery Speeches. He employed
reasoning from example and Sign more frequently than reasoning from
analogy and cause. His generalizations were Well supported with an
adequate number of typical instances, and negative instances were
usually explained adequately. Similarly his understanding of substance
to attribute and attribute to substance reasoning was apparent. He was
perceptive in identifying the variable and did not imply absolute
association when only a probable one existed. His causal reasoning at
times, however, suggested a tendency to over-simplify, to look for a
Single cause when several causal factors may have been responsible for
producing an effect. Clay did not often reason from analogy; when he
did, the analogy was usually valid. At times, however, he based this
reasoning on situations with which his listeners may not have been
familiar. Since he rarely attempted to Show that two Situations were
analogous, he may have jeopardized his chance to obtain a favorable
response from this type of reasoning.

Arrangement was a tool that Clay employed effectively in his
anti-Slavery addresses. Believing that organization was a useful means
by which a Speaker communicated with his listeners, he fully explored
the possibilities of this constituent of rhetoric. Clay's organization
did not call attention to itself; yet, it was always present, particu-
larly in the body of his speeches, providing the necessary structure
to give the Speech unity and coherence. "Cash" used both inductive
and deductive plans of analysis and demonstrated competence in choosing
whichever method of arrangement that was best suited to his purpose,

material, and audience.

 

 

246

His practice of arranging ethical prrof in the introduction,
logical in the body, and emotional in the conclusion was not only
appropriate but necessary in view of his ethos as a speaker. He did
not over-power his listeners with ethical and emotional proofs, choosing
rather to utilize them in relatively small quantities, and thus insure
balance and proportion. In contrast, his use of logical proofs was sub-
stantial. This reliance upon the logical, a noticeable characteristic
in the speaking of Clay, may have made him an atypical southern Speaker
of his day. At least it sets him apart from the pOpular conception of
ante-bellum southern orators which posits that they were scant in their
use of logical materials and well-supplied with emotional materials.

Clay was skillful in his use of a variety of organizational
patterns. He recognized that the materials used, the purpose of the.
speaker, and the nature of the audience should dictate the arrangement
.Scheme selected; consequently, he seldom limited himself to one
arrangement pattern in a Speech, choosing instead to employ the
chronological, tOpical, problem-solution, cause-effect, question-
answer, journalistic, and spatial patterns of organization.

He was also adept in his use of the climactic method of arrange-
ment. He preferred to place the most important item last. This
practice can be seen in his numerous lists of examples, descriptions,
quotations, questions, and arguments. Clay used climactic ordering in
connection with his emotional proof. His methods of organization were
often subtle; he seldom called attention to the fact that his speeches
were well structured. There is every indication that he was a master

in the use of rhetorical arrangement.

 

 

21+? "

Clay's style was usually plain and straight-forward, free from

distracting embellishment and unnecessary flourishes. He sought to

communicate with his listeners on what he considered to be a sig-

nificant topic. 30 earnest was he in his desire to be heard and

understood that he at times missed the point that the inclusion of a

few more stylistic practices could have made his highly logical factual

proofs more acceptable to many of his auditors.

"Cash" was aware of the power of words, and used many in his

discourses which were vivid, concrete, familiar, and image-provoking.
Yet at times he forgot, or chose to ignore, the educational limitations

of many of his hearers and selected complex abstract words that hindered

the proper reception of his message. He employed a few foreign terms,

but their inclusion does not appear to have impeded communication since

he made an effort to restate or otherwise clarify their meaning. It

might have been advantageous for him to have attempted a similar kind

of clarification in connection with his usage of complex English words.

Although Clay was known to have frowned upon a speaker's adapting

his wearing apparel to the listeners, it is quite possible that he did

not reject the idea of adapting language to them. Because there are no

existing texts of the countless speeches that he gave at crossroads

and country stores during the years of his anti-slavery campaign, it is

impossible to determine his actual practice on these occasions. It is

difficult to believe that he addressed those who heard him in these
informal gatherings in the Kentucky mountains with the same degree of

sophistication that he exhibited when addressing the better educated

and more politically concerned citizens of Frankfort, Lexington,

Louisville, and New York City. It seems reasonable to conclude that

 

248

in his effort to "get the ear" of the peOple, he did make some

language adjustments. Nevertheless, "Cash" had a conception of him-

self as a well-educated competent statesman-like leader, which suggests

that he may have felt obliged to include some elevated and complex
vocabulary in his speeches.

Clay relied heavily upon questions, repetition, and series con-

structions. These aspects of style helped him to emphasize matters

he considered important; added interest, variety, and vividness; and

gave clarity to his message. These three practices are almost trade-

marks of his style, and represent some of his best uses of stylistic

principles to facilitate communication.

Although "Cash" incorporated slogans and quotations in his anti-

slavery speeches, many of which were drawn from the Bible or the

writings of Shakespeare, he did not choose to "pepper" his discourses

with these types of material. He used such phrases as were necessary,

but did not apparently believe that their extensive use was particularly

desirable. He used the turned phrase, figures of Speech, humor, satire,

irony, and alliteration in much the same manner -- Sparmglgp

He used several stylistic procedures to aid di'vrectness and to

increase communicativeness. He regularly used phrases of direct

address which in many instances were adapted to the particular audience.

He also made regular use of first and second person pronouns, a practice

which tended to increase informality. His extensive use of the first

person singular also gave emphasis to his personal proofs.

Clay's use of the elements of rhetorical style, like his method-

ology concerning rhetorical invention and arrangement, suggests his

conviction that public speaking was a means of social change and not

 

249

a form of art. His style was functional and for the most part appro-
jpriate for’him and his message. That at times it did not coincide with
the expectation.of his listeners seems to stem more from the speaker's
unwillingness to compromise than from any ineptitude on his part. Clay
set forth rhetorical dicta and he did his best to put them into practice.
Few of Clay's contemporaries found anything in the delivery of his
speeches to criticize. Nearly all reports Spoke highly of the effective-
ness of the oral aSpects of his presentation. His voice was low in
pitch and apparently had a full, resonant quality. He used some vocal
variety for emphasis and possessed sufficient projection to be heard
in large out-door meetings and in noisy, crowded, inpdoor halls. Many
found the force of his personality reflected in his voice and considered
it compelling and intense. According to his own statements he reacted
negatively to emotionalized delivery and was highly critical of those
who "ranted and raved," "chanted and whined" while on the public platform.
There is little in the contemporary press or in Clay's own statements
to support the interpretation of some twentieth century writers who
claim for him a highly dramatic, emotional type of delivery. Such
reports are mostly apocryphal; and thOugh interesting and what one might
have expected from a person of Clay's colorful disposition, they do not
represent an accurate description of Clay the public Speaker.
‘ There is no evidence to indicate whether "Cash" had any of the
phonetic characteristics which are frequently associated with southern
speech. He did say "you all" on numerous occasions. Nor is there

evidence to indicate the presence of any peculiarities of pronunciation

in his oral advocacy.

 

250

Clay said that he used few gestures and moved very little in the
course of giving an address. His comments regarding the bodily action
of other Speakers also indicates a preference for a few, simple, well
placed, emphatic gestures rather than, as he put it, "the vibrations
of a chained coon or bear." Clay's physical attributes -- he seems to
have been supple and well co-ordinated -- suggest that the gestures he
did employ were well executed and useful as a means of emphasis. His
physical appearance -- he was big, handsome, aggressive, virile-looking,
well-groomed, simply dressed, erect in posture -- also would have been
a positive aspect of his visible code as a speaker.

It would seem that both Clay's oral delivery and his use of the
visible code were important elements in his workmanship as a speaker.
His delivery, in so far as it is possible to tell, was in keeping with
his conception of gggd’rhetorical practice.

Cassius Clay prepared extensively for his public Speaking. Much
of this preparation was also preparation for public life. The extended
education, extensive library, and voracious reading were part of this
general preparation, which seems to have been thorough and beyond that
of many public speakers of his day. He said that he prepared notes for
his presentations. Although no such notes seem to exist and long-hand
manuscripts and/or outlines are also missing or never existed, the
nature of the speeches themselves indicates that at least prior to the
time of a speech's initial presentation, considerable thought, prepara-
tion, and practice were required. Not as muck Specific preparation
would, of course, have been required on subsequent presentations of the

speech.

251

Clay almost always spoke extemporaneously. It is quite possible,
however, that he committed certain portions, particularly the conclu-
sions, to memory. He was adept at responding to interjections from
the audience and demonstrated competence in weaving his replies into
the regular thread of his discourse. He was flexible in responding
to events and circumstances that intervened in the course of some of
his addresses (i.e. rain, riots, fires, bells) and in adapting to
comments made by Speakers who preceded him to the platform. It would
seem, therefore, that his manner of speaking was dynamic and of high
quality.

In the evaluation of Speaking that occurred over a century ago,
the rhetorical critic is desirous of hind-sight, but that being im-
possible, he can but rally the information and understanding avail-
able to him and pass judgment. In so far as it is possible to tell,
Cassius Marcellus Clay of Kentucky was during the ante-bellum period
a gggd speaker. His methodology, while not perfect, reflects a
seriousness of purpose, a respect for the oral medium, and an under-
standing and practice of a complete rhetoric. Through the practice of
good habits of rhetorical workmanship, Cassius Clay was able to make a
meaningful contribution to the anti-slavery cause in a crucial border
state. He had something worthwhile to say, knew how to say it in a
generally effective manner, and was willing to sacrifice all for the
right to say it. AS one of the few men who really enjoyed freedom of
speech in the South during the ante-bellum period, Cassius Clay stands

out as a distinctive oral advocate of the nineteenth century.

 

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Sasha

Abernethy, Thomas Perkins. Three Virginia Frontiers. Baton Rouge:
Louisiana State University Press, 1940.

Allen, James Lane. The Bluqurass Region of Kentucky and Other
Articles. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1892.

 

Barnes, Gilbert Hobbs. The Anti:Slavery Impulse 1830-18h4. New Ybrk:
D. Appleton-Century Company, 1933.

Barre, E. L. (ed.). Speeches and writings of Thomas Francis Marshall.
Cincinnati: Applegate, 1858.

Carpenter, Jesse T. The South as a Conscious MinorityL_1789-1861.
New YOrk: The New York University Press, 1930.

Cash, w; J. The Mind of the South. New York: Random House, Inc.,
19#1.

Clark, Thomas L. A Histogy of Kentucky. New York: Prentice-Hall, Inc.,
1937-

. Bluegrass Cavalcade. Lexington: The University of Kentucky
Press, 1956?

. The Rampaging Frontier. New York: The Bobbs-Merrill
Company. 1939.

 

Clay, Cassius Marcellus. The Life of Cassius Marcellus Clay: Memoirs,
writin s and S eeches. Vol. I. Cincinnati: J. Fletcher Brennan
and Company, 1883.

Coleman, J. Winston, Jr. Slavery Times in Kentucky. Chapel Hill:
The University of North Carolina Press, 19 0.

Collins, Richard H. Histogy of Kentucky. 2 vols. Covington: Collins
and Compan; , 1878.

Connelly, William Elsey, and Coulter, E. M. History of Kentucky.
5 vols. Chicago: The American Historical Society, 1922.

Couch, W. T. (ed.). leture in the South. Chapel Hill: The University
of North Ca‘olina Press, 1934.

 

253

 

Coulter, E. Merton. The Civil Mar and Readjustment in Kentucky.
Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1923.

Craven, Avery O. The Growth of Southern Nationalism 1848—1861.
Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1953.

DeBow, J. D. B. The Seventh Census of the Ugited States. flashington:
Robert Armstrong, Public Printer, 1853.

Dorris, Jonathan Truman, and Dorris, Maud Weaver. Glimpses of
Historic Madison County. Nashville: Williams Printing Company,
1955-

Dumond, Dwight L. (ed.). Letters of James Birney. 2 vols. New York:
D. Appleton-Century Company, 1938.

Eaton, Clement. Freedom of Thought in the Old South. Durham: Duke
University Press, 1940.

Fee, John G. Agtobiggraphy of John G. Fee. Chicago: National
Christian Association, 1891. '

Fladeland, Betty. James Gillespie Birney: Slaveholder to Abolitionist.
Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1955.

Goodman, Clavia. Bitter Harvest: Laura Clay's Suffrage work.
Lexington: Bur Press, 1945.

Greeley, Horace (ed.). The S eeches and writings of Cassius Marcellus
Clay. New York: Harper, 1838. ‘

Grimes, Alan Pendleton. American Political Thought. revised. New York:

Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc., 1930.

Jenkins, William Sumner. Pro-Slavery Thought in the Old South.
Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1935.

 

Kinkead, Elizabeth Shelby. A History of Kentucky. New York: American
Book Company, 1896.

Leech, Margaret. Reville in washington 1860-18é5. New York: Harper
and Brothers, 1941.

Lloyd, Arthur Young. The Slavery Controversy 1831-1860. Chapel Hill:
The University of North Carolina Press, 1939.

Luthin, Richard H. The First Lincoln Campaign. Cambridge: Harvard
University Press, 194&.

Martin, Asa Earl. The Anti-SlaveryAMovement in Kentucky Prior to
1850. Louisville: The Standard Printing Company of Louisville,
1918.

25L:

McDougle, Ivan E. Slavepy in Kentucky, 1792-1865. Lancaster: The
New Era Printing Company, 1918.

McMeekin, Clark. Old Kentucky Countpy. New York: Duell, Sloan, and
Pearce, 1957.

Moore, Arthur K. The Frontier Mind. Lexington: The University of
Kentucky Press, 1957.

Nye, Russel B. Fettered Freedom. East Lansing: Michigan State College
Press, 19h9.

Patterson, James K. "Biographical Memoir," The Speeches, Addresses and
writings of Cassips M. Clay, Jr. New York: The Winthrop Press,
191 .

Peck, Elisabeth S. Berea's First Centppy 1855-1255. Lexington: The

University of Kentucky Press, 1955.

 

Robertson, James R. A Kentuckian at the Court of the Tsars: The
“‘r-Ménistgy of Cassius Marcellus Clay to Russia, 18 1-18 2 and

‘ 3:1 2. Berea: Berea College Press, 1935.

Shaler, N. 8. Kentucky: A PionegpfiCommonwealpk. Cambridge: The
Riverside Press, 18 .

Simpson, Elizabeth M. Blpegrass Houses and Their Traditions. Lexington:
Transylvania Press, 1932.

 

Smiley, David L. Lion of White Hall. Madison: UniverSity of Wisconsin
Press, 1962.

Smith, Edward Conrad. The Borderland in the Civil War. New York: The
Macmillan Co., 1927.

\

‘.

Smith, Z. F. The Histopy of Kentucg. Louisville: Courier-Journal Job
Printing Co., 1892.

Sonne, Niels Henry. Liberal Kentucky, 1780-1828. New York: Columbia
University Press, 1939.

Stokes, Anson Phelps. Memorials of Eminent Yale Men. Vol. II. New Havcn:
Yale University Press, 191 .

Stone, Irving. Love Is Eternal. New York: Doubleday and Company, Inc.,

 

1954. .
Thompson, Lawrence 8. Kentucky Tradition. Hamden: The Shoe String Press,
1956.

Thonssen, Lester, and Baird, A. Craig. Speech Criticism. New YOrk:
The Ronald Press Company, 1948.

 

255 i
7'

Tower, Philo. Slavery Unmasked: Being7a Truthful Narrative of'a Three

Years Residence and Journeying in Eleven Southern States: to
which is added the Invasion of Kansas, includipgpthe Last Chapter

of Her Wrongs. Rochester: E. Darrow and Brother, 1856.

 

Townsend, William H. Lincoln and His Wife's Home Town. Indianapolis:
The Hobbs-Merrill Company, 1929.

. Lincoln and the Bluegrass. Lexington: The University of
Kentucky Press, 1955.

 

Van Nappen, Ina Wbestemeyer (ed.). The South: A DocumentaryiHistory.
Princeton: D. Van Nostrand and Company, Inc., 1958.

Whitley, Edna Talbott. Kentucky Ante-Bellum Portraiture. The National
Society of Colonial Dames in America in the Commonwealth of
Kentucky, 1956.

The WOrks of Charles Sumner. Vol. IV. Boston: Lew and Shepard, 1871.

Articles

Baird, A. Craig. "Opportunities for Research in State and Sectional

Public Speaking," ngpterlz Journal of Speeck, XXIX (October,
1943)! PP- 304‘308-

Braden, waldo W. "The Emergence of the Concept of Southern Oratory,"
The Southern Speech Journal, XXVI (Spring, 1961), pp. 173-83.

Campbell, A. W. "Cassius Marcellus Clay: A Visit to His Home in
Kentucky," Wheeling Intelligencer, July 26, 1888.

Clay, Cassius M. "The Life of Cassius M. Clay," The Filson Club
Histopy Qparterly, XII (July, 1938), pp. 163-

Clay, Cassius M. (ed.). "Selections from the Brutus J. Clay Papers,"

The Filson Club Histopy Quarterly, XXXII (January, 1958),
pp. 3-2 0

~. "Some Unpublished Letters of and About Cassius M. Clay,

'Lion' of White Hall, " The Filson Club History gparterly,
XXXI (January, 1957), pp. 3-22.

 

Clay, Francis warfield. "The Political Significance of the late C.

Clay:6 The Filson Club Histopy gparterly, XXXIII (January, 1959),
pp. -51.

Dickey, Dallas C. "Southern Oratory: A Field of Research," gparterly
Journal of Speech, XXXIII (December, 1947), pp. 458-63.

256v

 

. "wereklhey Ephemeral and Florid?" Qparterly Journal of
Speech, XXXII (February, 1946), pp. 16-20.

Hesseltine, W. B. "Some New Aspects of the Pro-Slavery Argument,"
The Journal of Negro History, XXI (January, 1936), pp. 1-14.

Hoshor, John P. (ed.). "Lectures on Rhetoric and Public Speaking by
Chauncey Allen Goodrich," Speech Monographs, XIV (February, 1947),
pp- 1-37-

James, John J. "Diary," Richmond Dailpregister, January 9, 11, 12,
1960.

"The Last of the Romans," The Literary Digest, August 8, 1903, p. 157.

Leidecker, Kurt F. "Beyond the Strife," The Register of the Kentucky
Historical Society, XLVII (April, 1949), pp. 125:4??-

Smiley, David L. "An Emissary from Cousin Henry," The Register of the
kentucky Historicgl Society, LIII (April, 1955), pp. 115-23.

. "A View of the Suppression of the True American," The Filson
Club History Quarterly. XXIX (October, 1955), p. 320.

. "Cassius M. Clay and Southern Industrialism," The Filson
Club Histoyy Quarterly, XXVIII (October, 1954), pp. 315-27.

. "The Slavery Issue Upset Kentucky's Election of 1851,"
Louisville Courier-Journal, August 4, 1951.

Stampp, Kenneth M. "The Fate of the Southern Anti-Slavery Movement,"
The Journal of Negro History, XXVIII (January, 1943), pp. 10-22.

Tapp, Hambleton. "Robert Breckinridge and the Year 1849," The Filson
Club History Quarterly, XII (July, 1938), pp. 125-50.

Thierman, Sue McClelland. ”Next Folk Hero?" Louisville Courier-
Journal, January 31, 1960.

Turner, wallace B. "Kentucky Slavery in the Last Ante-Bellum Decade,"
The Ré ister of the Kentucky Historical Society, LVIII
(October, 1960), pp. 291-307.

Wiley, Earl W. ”State History and Historical Research," Quarterly
Journal of Speech, XXXVI (December, 1950), pp. 514-19.

 

 

257

News a ers

Aurora Extra (Illinois), September 7, 1860.

Cincinnati Daily Gazette, August, 1843; September-October, 1844;
June-July, 1855; August-October, 1856; July-September, 1860;
August, 1862.

Lexington Observer and Reporter, June-August, 1845; October, 1847;
June-July, 1849.

New York Herald, August 15, 1862; November 1, 2, 1862.
New York Times, 1851-1863.
New York Tribune, 1841-1860.

The True American, June 3, 1845-May 13, 1846.

Other Sources

Correspondence:

Letter of Mrs. Cassius M. Clay of Paris, Kentucky, to the writer,
October 19, 1961.

Letters of Jane W. Hill, Librarian of Yale Memoriabilia Collection,
to the writer, September 28, 1960; October 13, 1961.

Interviews:

Personal interview with Esther Bennett, great-grand-daughter of
Cassius M. Clay. June 12, 1961. Richmond, Kentucky.

.Personal interview with James DeJarnette, contemporary of Cassius
M. Clay and relative of Squire Willis who was rescued from
drowning by Clay. June 12, 1961. Richmond, Kentucky.

LPersonal interview with Mrs. Lula Kanatzar, former Madison County
teacher who taught Dora Clay. June 12, 1961. Richmond, Kentucky.

Microcards :

"Address of Cassius Marcellus Clay, August 1, 1851," Nineteenth Century
American Literature on Microcards. Series A: The Ohio Valley.
Microprint COpy of a typescript.

"Address of Cassius Marcellus Clay, October 24, 1856," Nineteenth
Century American Literature on Microcards. Series A: The Ohio
Valley. MicrOprint c0py of a typescript.

_ ‘k‘UJ‘

 

,,258. g

"Address of Cassius Marcellus Clay, January 10, 1860," Nineteenth
Century American Literature on Microcards. Series A: The Ohio
Valley. MicrOprint copy of a typescript.

Miscellany:

Thierman, Sue McClelland. "A Mighty Lion Raged at White Hall,”
introduction to microfilm of the Cassius M. Clay Collection of
Lincoln Memorial University.

Townsend, William H. Recording of "Address Delivered October 17,
1952, before the Civil War Round Table of Chicago, Illinois."

Speech recorded by Ralph Newman, Abraham Lincoln Book ShOp,
Chicago, Illinois. Americana House.

Origina. Materials:

Cassius M. Clay Collection: Eastern Kentucky State College, Richmond,
Kentucky.

Cassius M. Clay Collection: The Filson Club, Louisville, Kentucky.

Cassius M. Clay Collection: Lincoln Memorial University, Harrogate,
Tennessee.

Cassius M. Clay Collection: Kentucky Historical Society, Frankfort,
Kentucky.

Cassius M. Clay Collection: The University of Kentucky, Lexington,
Kentucky. ‘

Cassius M. Clay Scrap Books: Eastern Kentucky State College, Richmond
Kentucky.

Pamphlets:

Clay, Cassius M. address of C. M. Clay delivered Februapy 3, 1863.

New York: Wyn Koop, Hallenbeck, and Thomas, 1863.

Clay, Cassius M. Address of C. M. Clay delivered January 26, 1878.
Richmond: Kentucky_Register, 1878.

Clay, Cassius M. History and Record of the Proceedings of the PeOple
of Lexington and Its Vicinityyin the Suppression of the True
American. Lexington, 1 5.

Gazette Campaign Document, Number One. Cincinnati, 1860.

 

Reports:

"Administrator's Report," Inventory_and Appraisement Book, No. 7,
Madison County, Kentucky.

Will Book D, Madison County, Kentucky.

259

Unpublished Materials:

Clay, Cassius M. "Speech before the Students of Berea College,"
October 16, 1895. Typewritten copy.

Clay, Cassius Marcellus. The Life of Cassius Marcellus Clay: Memoirs,
WritingsL_and Speeches. Vol. II. Typewritten copy.

Ritchie, William. "The Public Career of Cassius M. Clay." Unpublished
Ph.D. dissertation, George Peabody College for Teachers, 1934.

Smiley, David L. "Lion of White Hall: The Life of Cassius Marcellus
Clay of Kentucky." Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University
of Wisconsin, 1953.

"What They Say Who Traveled with Him," unpublished article. Eastern
Kentucky State College, Richmond, Kentucky.

APPENDIX

261

RESOLUTIONS LEADING TO THE SUPPRESSION

OF THE TRUE AMERICAN

At a meeting of the citizens of Fayette County, held at the

court house in Lexington on Augus‘ 18, 1845, Thomas F. Marshall

spoke against the continued publication of the True American and

offered a set of resolutions calling for its discontinuation. The

resolutions, which were unanimously adopted, follow:1

lst.

2nd.

6th.

That no Abolition Press ought to be tolerated in
Kentucky, and none shall be in this city or its
vicinity.

That if the office of the "True American" be surrendered
peaceably, no injury shall be done to the building, or
other property. The presses and printing apparatus shall
be carefully packed up, and sent out of the State, subject
then to Mr. C. M. Clay's order.

That if resistance be offered, we will force the office
at all hazards, and destroy the nuisance.

That if an attempt be made to revive the paper here, we
will again assemble.

That we hope C. M. Clay will be advised. For by our regard
to our wives, our children, our homes, our property, our
country, our honor, wear what name he may, be connected
with whom he may, whatever arm or party here or elsewhere
may sustain him, he shall not publish an abolition paper
here, and this we affirm at the risk, be it of his blood,
or our own, or both; or of all he may bring of bond or free
to aid his murderous hand.

That the Chairman be, and he is hereby, authorized to
appoint a committee of sixty of our body, who shall be .
authorized to repair to the office of the "True American,"
take possession of press and printing apparatus, pack up
the same, and place it at the railroad office for transpor-
tation to Cincinnati, and report forthwith to this body.

 

1W. L. Barre (ed.), The S eeches and writin s of Thomas Francis
Marshall (Cincinnati: Applegate, 1858), pp. 196-210. .

262

COMPARISON OF THE ENDINGS OF TWO SPEECHES1

pun“ {ACP

If, after fair consideration, these suggestions, which are

mine, (1)/1U. emana‘k Gag, and t and eXper/e/th 201:“-
not all my own, but come from more distinguished sources, are” aile 60

A .
o/ M m wAm‘e Me» one». and
Z221 as c’e/i: $22262; oer/g: Counsa you 34a“:

Mefho Kora/19mg acme reaa’y df'fmmme ape/yang! magma-(l,
deemed valueless, I Aacquiescey Apelieving that/{God has given you

the destiny of preserving the liberty of this country, I will, as in

. find 17;
the past, stand by you in the futurey_gy_after all our attempts to
{besc we, or defy
conciliate" our brothers “unfortunately, whether by misguided sentiments 4

I
zu/onaz‘ our C onscof and
or criminal ambition, if they wish without cause or provocation, and

I t y
every US ((06ch Coo/7:075! ) M
against our solemn protest to precipitate" this Union into a civil

war 2 the end of which no imagination can conceive -- when the bloody

{his 52.0%.. a.” flap: car/{emu Ilia/y A? O/eS/royeO/Jiefusj
s actors of the mart s of freedom rise u from their raves let us

fgéiow Papal/Ice“ a5
Abe able to say, "Shake not thy gory locks at pp: thou cans't not say

 

, jThe typed copy represents Clay's concluding remarks in 1854, in
Massachusetttzv On January 26, 1861, he used essentially the same
ending in washington, D. C. Words deleted in the washington ending
are underlined; other changes are printed above the typed copy.

d 1% t h
we saw as... were. regattas—“a, "

I did it." And if such,1 result, Aafter all other means are exhausted _-

cma/ anfmfunafiJ age/2152‘ broz‘Aer
shall be inflicted upon my poor/1country; when brother shall riseAin

bloody strife against brother, feeling still that there is a higher

’ o
more GOV/he.
cause, a diviner power, a greater safety, a more imperishable liberty

"- Auman

off/2e, Wags sacred g/or;o¢&$ 1"“ “'45"
than even the Union itself, all glorious and great as it may bewI

Sag 56m."
will sound to every laboring man, to every man 5112 loves liberty more
-' Sfanal/

than prOperty,4 whether South or North of Mason and Dixon's line, once

40/7“ [I . 5 u ramcm Aer/n3
more 4 the battle cry of our fathers -- liberty or death; Remember
and 00 Can-
1') 6 szHefafT/on (2ij £06! SAOKZC/
Oweveh 0 Scan: come possessea’
that, fall or stand, obscured and feebleA ”though you be,4 wherever there

of 7' the
i_§ an indomitable will; phere is _a_ boon which tyranny its__e___lf cannot

me/Iege

wrest from us -- that whereas we were born free, it is the possession

The» K god

of every man, if he cannot live, Ato die free!

[407/ 53”” dr‘hlcn 64mm: Skit/6e

4;: we Shalldbe forced back and our banner dragged in the dust,

26+

s/eaé meet _; and
we will once more combat the foe, contest every inch of groundI until
w/zn Once more. may Unf/Z.
at last, driven to the far lakesque will still cry "Standtt1till
is
evag Oar ever-g broke

the red blade is broken in your hand, and there is not an arrow1in the

quiver!

265

AVAILABLE SPEECH TEXTS ON THE ANTI-SLAVERY THEME

pggg
February 22, 1843
1835-1836
1837
January, 1841
December 30, 1843
May 13, 1844
September 19, 1844
October 1, 1844
January, 1846
January 14, 1846
May 20, 1846
February 7, 1848
March 6, 1848
August 1, 1851
1854
July 4, 1854
December, 1854
April, 1856
October 24, 1856
1860
January 10, 1860
April 28, 1860
June, 1860

July 7, 1860

PLACE

 

New Haven, Connecticut
Frankfort, Kentucky
Frankfort, Kentucky
Frankfort, Kentucky
White Sulphur Springs
Lexington, Kentucky
Boston, Massachusetts
Boston, Massachusetts
New York City
Philadelphia
Lexington, Kentucky
Richmond, Kentucky
Baltimore, Maryland
Lexington, Kentucky
Massachusetts
Chicago, Illinois
New York City
Richmond, Kentucky
New York City
Covington, Kentucky
Frankfort, Kentucky
Kentucky

Washington, Pennsylvania

Louisville, Kentucky

Greeley; collection
Greeley

Greeley; pamphlet
Greeley

Greeley

Greeley

Greeley
gigginnati Gazette
Greeley

Greeley

Greeley

Greeley

Greeley

Microcard; pamphlet
Newspaper
Newspaper

New Ybrk Tipgp
New York Times
Microcard; Igpgg
Newspaper
Microcard; Gazette
Newspaper
Newspaper

New York Times

mp
September 7, 1860
January 26, 1861
May 29, 1861
August 12, 1862
August 30, 1862
September 23, 1862
October 8, 1862
October 31, 1862

February 3, 1863

Bass
Ottawa, Illinois
Washington, D. C.
Paris, France
Washington, D. C.
Frankfort, Kentucky
washington, D. C.
Brooklyn, New York
New York City

Albany, New YOrk

266'

SOURCE

W

Newspaper
Pamphlet
New York Herald

NeWSpaper

New York Times
New York Times

Times; Tribune

Pamphlet

267

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